Proceedings of the . XL Ve Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale
PART I
Harvard University
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE CU...
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Proceedings of the . XL Ve Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale
PART I
Harvard University
HISTORIOGRAPHY IN THE CUNEIFORM WORLD edited by
Tzvi Abusch, Paul-Alain Beaulieu, John Huehnergard, Peter Machinist, Piotr Steinkeller with the assistance of
Carol Noyes
eDL Press Bethesda, Maryland
psc ::l . II ~ LtG. ).bO\'"
V. I LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION DATA
Rencontre assyriologique internationale (45th: Harvard and Yale Universities) Proceedings of the XLV Rencontre assyriologique internationale / edited by Tzvi Abusch ... let al.l· p. cm. "Part I, Harvard University - part TI, Yale University." Contents: v.I. Historiography in the cuneiform world / edited by Tzvi Abusch ... let al.l with the assistance of Carol Noyes. - v. 2. Seals and seal impressions / edited by William W. Hallo and Irene J. Winter. Includes bibliographical references. ISBN 1883053-676 1. Middle East-History-To 622-Historiogr~phy-Congresses. 2. Middle East-History-To 622-Sources-Congresses. 3. Seals (Nurnismatics)-Middle East-Congresses. I. Abusch, Tzvi. TI. Noyes, Carol. TIL Hallo, William W. IV. Winter, Irene. V. Title. DS62.23 .R46 2001 935'.007'2-dc21
2001035011
.
Table of Contents
c..oP'11N A-r,)
PREFACE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
ix
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1
Alfonso Archi HISTORY IN REVERSE ARCHAEOLOGICAL ILLUSTRATION AND THE INVENTION OF ASSYRIA .......
15
Zainab Bahrani THE ABDUCTION OF I~TAR FROM THE EANNA TEMPLE THE CHANGING MEMORIES OF AN EVENT. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29
Paul-Alain Beaulieu A MODEL CONTRACT OF AN EXCHANGE/SALE TRANSACTION ......... 41
Walter R. Bodine LA YARD AND BOTTA ARCHAEOLOGY, IMPERIALISM, AND AESTHETICS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Cover design by Duy-Khuong Van. The drawing of the seal of Itbi-teMup (Nuzi, ca. 1400 B.C.E.) on the cover, title page, and after several essays is by D.L. Stein.
55
Frederick N. Bohrer MNEMOHISTORY IN SYRO-HITTITE ICONOGRAPHY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
65
Domin'ik Bonatz MISINFORMATION ON MESOPOTAMIAN EXACT SCIENCES .............. 79
David Brown ISBN 1883053-676
HEROIC DIMENSION AND HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE . IN THE ANCIENT NEAR EAST . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 91
Copyright 2001. All rights reserved. This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, in any form (beyond that copying permitted in Sections 107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the public press), without written permission from the publisher, CDL Press, P.O. Box 34454, Bethesda, Md. 20827.
Anna Maria G. Capomacchia DEHISTORICIZING STRATEGIES IN THIRD-MILLENNIUM B.C.E. ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS AND RITuALS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 99
Andrew C. Cohen v
C-:·:-:·:-:':-:·:-:l
vi
CONTENTS
CONTENTS
THE IMAGE OF THE "OTHER" AND HrrrITE HISTORIOGRAPHY ......... 113
131
MAGAN AND MELutJl::JA A REAPPRAISAL THROUGH THE HISTORIOGRAPHY OF THALASSOCRATIC POWERS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
THE CONQUEST OF YADNANA ACCORDING TO THE INSCRIPTIONS OF SARGON
II . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. 357
Nadav Na'aman
163
WRITING ARCHAEOLOGY . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Veysel Donbaz LE DEVIN HlSTORIEN EN MEsOPOTAMIE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
365
Joan Oates
181
THE IMpORTANCE OF PLACE
Jean-Jacques Glassner
ESARHADDON'S STELAE AT TIL BARSIP AND SAM' AL . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. POLYMNIA AND CLIO . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
329
Daniele Michaux-Colombot
149
Stephanie Dalley SOME LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS GLEANED FROM THE ASSUR COLLECTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
313
Glenn Magid
Jerrold Cooper ASSYRIAN COURT NARRATIVES IN ARAMAIC AND EGYPTIAN HISTORICAL FICTION . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
vii
MICROMANAGEMENT IN THE E_Mt/DBA-D NOTES ON THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOR AT EARLY DYNASTIC LAGASH . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
Yoram Cohen LITERATURE AND HISTORY THE HISTORICAL AND POLfTICAL REFERENTS OF SUMERIAN LITERARY TEXTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
C-:·:-:·:-:·:-:·:-:l
195
373
Barbara Nevling Porter
William W. Hallo NOT OUT OF BABYLON? THE DEVELOPMENT OF ANCIENT NEAR EASTERN STUDIES IN GERMANY AND ITS CURRENT SIGNIFICANCE . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
READING THE SARGONIC 'HISTORICAL-LITERARY' TRADITION IS THERE A MIDDLE COURSE? (THOUGHTS ON THE GREAT REVOLT AGAINST NARAM-SIN) . .....•.......
211
391
Timothy Potts
Stefan R. Hauser THE G1SKAKKI ASSUR AND NEO-ASSYRIAN LOYALTY OATHS ..........
WHEN TABLETS TALK BUSINESS REFLECTIONS ON MESOPOTAMIAN ECONOMIC HISTORY AND ITS CONTRIBUTION TO A GENERAL HISTORY OF MESOPOTAMIA ..........
239
Steven W. Holloway
409
Johannes Renger THE FORMULA "To BECOME A GOD" IN HITTITE HISTORIOGRAPHICAL TEXTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
267
TEXT AND SUBTEXT
Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar
PRECIOUS METALS AND POLITICS IN OLD AKKADIAN MESOPOTAMIA ...... .' I
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN AND ITS HISTORICAL BACKGROUND . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
279
A HISTORIOGRAPHY OF DEMONS PRETERIT-THEMA, PARA-MYTH, AND HISTORIOLA IN THE MORPHOLOGY OF GENRES . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ..
Jacob Klein MESOPOTAMIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY AND THE AMARNA LETTERS .......
Mario Liverani
303
.
417
Jennifer C. Ross
429
Seth L. Sanders
.,:<,
ADMINISTRATIVE TEXTS AS A SOURCE FOR HISTORIOGRAPHY ..........
Leonhard Sassmannshatlsen
441
C-:·:-:·:-:·:-x-J
viii
CONTENTS
As YEARS WENT BY IN SIPPAR-AMNANUM........................... 455 M. Tanret THE JOURNEY OF THE SARGONIC KING TO ASSUR AND GASUR ......... 467
Giuseppe Visicato
Preface
MESOPOTAMIAN SOURCES AND NEO-ELAMITE HISTORY .............. 473 Matthew W. Waters
rL
,~ I
IN 1998--exactly one decade after the Philadelphia meeting-the Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale convened again on American soil. This time, however, the meeting was held at two separate locations-Cambridge, Massachusetts, and New Haven, Connecticut-in reflection of the joint sponsorship of the 45th RAI by Harvard University and Yale University. The principal part of the meeting took place in Cambridge Guly 5-8, 1998), its theme being "Historiography in the Cuneiform World." The New Haven segment Guly 9, 1998) was devoted to the theme "Seals and Seal Impressions." In addition, in recognition of Harvard's history with respect to Nuzi excavations, the Cambridge part of the meeting included a two-day panel session entitled "Nuzi and the Hurrians" (organized thanks to the efforts and kindness of Professor Gernot Wilhelm of UniversWit Wiirzburg). The present volume includes only the papers read at the principal part of the 45th RAI, which deal broadly with the theme of historiography. The papers presented in New Haven are published separately, in a companion volume edited by William W. Hallo and Irene J. Winter, Seals and Seal Impressions. The contributions to the session "Nuzi and the Hurrians" have already been published, in a volume edited by David I. Owen and Gernot Wilhelm, Nuzi at Seventy-Five (Studies on the Civilization and Culture of Nuzi and the Hurrians, Vol. 10; Bethesda, Md.: COL Press, 2000). The organizing committee of the Harvard portion of the RAI, which consisted ofT. Abusch,J.A. Armstrong, P.-A. Beaulieu,J. Greene,J. Huehnergard, c.c. Lamberg-Karlovsky, P. Machinist, W.L. Moran, B. Porter, L.E. Stager, P. Steinkeller, C. Watkins, and I.J. Winter, express their cordial thanks to the following individuals and institutions for their financial, material, and other support: Dean Jeremy R. Knowles and the Faculty of Arts and Sciences, Harvard University; The Joukovsky Family Foundation; The Florence Gould Foundation; Dr. Norman Solhkhah and Dr. Ramon Solhkhah; The Mesopotamian Museum, Chicago; Dean Robin Feuer Miller and the Faculty of
ix
x
Arts and Sciences, Brandeis University; Chair Anthony Polonsky and the Department of Near Eastern and Judaic Studies, Brandeis University; Dena Davis of the Semitic Museum of Harvard University; Brian Murphy, Maggie Stanley, and Luke Whitmore of the Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Harvard University; James Cuno, Director of the Harvard University Art Museums; Rubie S. Watson, Director of the Peabody Museum of Anthropology of Harvard University; Alan Lenzi, Glenn R. Magid, Jennie Myers, Carol Noyes, Tonia Sharlach, Benjamin J. Studevent-Hickman, Kristen Vagliardo, Christopher E. Woods, and many other Harvard and Brandeis graduate students. The publication of this volume has been made possible thanks to the generous financial assistance offered by Dr. Norman Solhkhah of the Mesopotamian Museum, Chicago, and by Mr. Leon Levy and Ms. Shelby White of the Jerome Levy Foundation, New York. The editors are profoundly grateful to these donors for their wonderful and timely support. The editing of the papers would not have been possible without the able and devoted help of Ms. Carol Noyes. Her great contribution to the successful outcome of this undertaking is warmly and gratefully recognized. We wish to dedicate this volume to the memory of our dear friend and colleague, William L. Moran, who passed away on December 19, 2000. Although Bill's ill health prevented him from attending the Rencontre, he took a keen interest in our preparations and the actual outcome of the meeting and related events. As he told us repeatedly, he derived great satisfaction and pride from the fact that, after the University of Chicago and the University of Pennsylvania, Harvard was the third American university along with Yale to have the honor of hosting a Rencontre. This would not have been possible without the decades of hard work Bill had invested in placing Harvard on the Assyriological map. Because of this, the present volume is rightly his.
The Editors Cambridge, April 2001
The King-Lists from Ebla Alfonso Archi Rome 6.-",.-0-....-0-•••-0-•••-0-•••-0-.,.-0- ,+'-o-.,+'-o-.,+'-o- I -0. '-0- I -0-'*'.-0-.'+'«>.'.-0-.' -0-·,"-0-"'+-0-",·-0-'+,+'-0-·.+'000'*'+-0-+.+'-0-+'·0'*,+'00'*,+'.0'*'·.0'*':-0-:.:-0-:,~.6.1
EBLA HAS BEQUEATHED TO US a unique document (composed in fact at Mari), which uses past events as a means of justifying a political action. The source in question is a letter of Enna-Dagan, king of Mari, which is addressed, most probably, to Irkab-Damu, the penultimate king of Ebla. In this letter Enna-Dagan enumerates the victorious deeds of his predecessors in order to intimidate Ebla and to force her to continue paying tribute to MarL The most glorious of those earlier kings was !blul-n, who raided the entire valley of the Middle Euphrates, subduing part of it. The phrase that occurs in this letter most frequently has a threatening tone: "!blul-n, the kinp of Mari, conquered the city X, and left (there) seven mounds of ruins." It was precisely during the reign of Enna-Dagan, however, that Ebla's tribute to Mari noticeably decreased, eventually ceasing altogether. Irkab-Damu succeeded in drawing Emar, which !blul-n had repeatedly destroyed, into his sphere of influence, turning it into Ebla's port on the Euphrates. To seal this new political relationship, a princess of Ebla was given in marriage to the king ofEmar. With Hlar-Damu, the last king of Ebla, Ebla's relations with Mari became those between equals. A similar use of historical events is found in the inscriptions of Eannatum ("Stela of the Vultures") and Enmetena (Ent. 28, 29), which appear to be a few decades earlier than the Mari letter, and in the historical introductions to Hittite treaties of roughly a millennium later.
For an interpretation of this letter, TM.75.C.2367, see D.O. Edzard, SEb 4 (1981), pp. 89-97. For the relations between Ebla and Mari, see Archi, SEb 4 (1981), pp. 129-66; idem, M.A.R.l. 4 (1985), pp. 63-83 (in these two articles the ministers Ibrium and Ibbi-Zikir are still considered to have been kings!). For an evaluation of the geographical data of this document, see M.e. Astour, Eblniticn 3 (1992), pp. 26-51; ].-W. Meyer, AoF 23 (1996): 155-70.
1
2
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA
There is still another type of document that preserves memories of the past, but without, however, making any historical inferences. These are the Eblaite dynastic lists. The first of them, ARET VII 150,2 records ten names, forming an introduction to a text concerned with cultic matters. That royal names are meant there is clearly stated in obv. III 6: en-en (Sumerian en = Eblaite mal(i)kulIl). Each name is preceded by a Sumerian word for "god," dingir, the latter always written in a separate case: "god of / PN." Therefore, these are deceased, hence deified, rulers. Of the rulers listed there, only the first two, Irkab-Damu and IgrisBalab, are also mentioned in administrative documents. 3 The fourth, KunDamu, appears only in two accounts summarizing the quantities of silver and gold deposited in the palace over three generations (Adub-Damu, the third person in the list, is ignored by economic documentation, since he clearly reigned only briefly).4 It is clear that the list follows a regressive chronological order. The first eight kings must belong to a period that predates the archives, that is, before 2400 B.C.E. The second section of the text is concerned with the offerings for three couples of gods: Idabal and his consort, "the Lady" (dBE.Ml = bacltulII); Rasap and Adamma; Agu and Gulatu; followed then by those for a deity of the town of Darib, who seems to be attested only here: [dx-r]a-ru12, and fot' ISbara, "beloved(?) of the king" (lu da-da en). Since each deity is presented a single sheep, it seemed reasonable, at the time of the original publication of this document, to restore in the first case of the tablet a total of [10 udu], "[10 sheep]." The small fragment filling the break has now been identified; it shows that the first case is actually blank (Fig. 1). However, the cultic nature of the document is evident. Its final section states that these are dingir-dingir-dingir en-en il1 Da-r(-{b ki "gods of the (deified) kings (resident) in Darib."s The second list, TM.74.G.120, belongs to a lot of thirty-two lenticular tablets that were excavated in a storeroom (L.2586) of the royal palace.
2 Archi, ZA 76 (1986): 213-17. 3 Archi, MARl 5 (1987): 37-43; idem, AI/ll//'1'lI I (1996), pp. 13-14 (in funerary contexts). 4 Archi, AI/IIII'm I (1996), pp. 15-16. The documents that mention Kun-Damu are TM.77.G.23+80.G.207 and TM.75.G.2286. S An alternative reading of this geographic name is Oa-rf-tlllllki. The writing Oa-r(-bii ki (see ARES II, p. 193) points, however, to the suggested reading, although it is not pOSSible, at the moment, to prove the identity of the two places.
«>X""~~:"":':-?J
Fig.l: ARETVII 150 (TM.75.G.2628)+new fragment, obverse.
T~1Cse texts appear to have been written by a single scribe, not noted for hiS style, who never worked for the Central Archive. The list, containing s.e~enty-two names, is composed of two parts. The first part begins with a hvmg ~erson, Bar-Damu, the last king of Ebla, son and successor of Irkab~amu. ) Listed next are the ten kings of the other list (ARET VII 150), also in mverted order, followed by fifteen personal names that, in turn, are followed by the toponym Ib-la (without the geographic determinative KI 0?v.IV,5), plus an ad~ition~l six ~lames. The second part of the text (begin~ ntn~ ';l.lh obv.IV 3) hsts tlmty-nme personal names, ordered according to the Intha! elem.ent: D~I-~(, DII-b~I-UU-, EI1-I1I1-, etc} which is apparently a mnemomc deVice, ThiS IS the only school text that does not come from the M.G. Biga and F. Pomponio, N.A.B.U. (1987): 106. 7
The second section of the text has been discussed by G. Pettinato, Or NS 44 (1975): 369-71. The whole text has been published by Al'chi ARES I pp 21214. ' ,.
3
4
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA
Central Archive. The reason it was included with some of the most mundane administrative texts cannot be explained. Possibly, we find here a test exercise, which was prepared by an apprentice scribe to impress the masters of Ebla's scribal school. The surviving examples of king-lists usually proceed from the earliestknown ruler to the most recent one.8 However, it is not surprising that a list of ancestors stemming from oral tradition should have a reverse chronological order. This is the order we ourselves follow, when we are unable to aid our memory with written information. The Assyrian King-List contains, in its second section, ten ancestors of Samsl-Addu listed in exactly the same manner, apparently because that genealogy had derived from a different tradition than that of the other two sections. 9 The Ugarit list of kings in the cultic text KTU 1.113 follows the same order. In chronological sources produced outside of scribal schools the subjective concept of time prevails. The past represents that portion of time that one has in front of him, before his eyes (igi, pana): pana "preceding," panatu "past." This concept is not an Akkadian (or, more generally, Semitic) Eigenbegrifflichkeit, for it is shared also by the Indo-Europeans. From I.E. per (Hittite peran, "in front"; Greek peran, "on the other side"), comes Latin prior, prImus, pristinus, Ahd.furi,furiro, "former, early." The future follows the individual and, in this way, lies behind him: Sumerian egir, Akkadian (w)arkltum, Latin posteritas. lO The twenty-six names of the second list constitute the dynasty of Ebla. Not only the first eleven (though the last chronologically), but also the other fifteen names are those of kings. This is proved by the fact that some of these persons (the ones who had left the greatest mark in memory) receive, on more than one occasion, various offerings. Several of these dead, deified kings (dingir PN) are invoked in the marriage ritual for the royal couple, together with the tutelary deities of the dynasty: Kura, the head of the Ebla pantheon, his consort Barama,lSbara, and (Nin.)tu, the inother-goddess. Two parallel versions of this ritual have been preserved, one for the wedding of Irkab-Damu and the other for that of his son,lSar-Damu (ARET XI 1 and 2 respectively). Right at the beginning of the ritual, before the wedding procession leaves the palace, a sheep is sacrificed to the sun-
goddess and to Ibbini-Lim (the 10th king; 1 [2)). At dawn on the fourth day, just before the procession reaches Irad, a sacrifice is made to Abur-Lim (the 16th king; 1 [37] / /2 [40)); at dawn on the following day, in the vicinity of Udubudu, sacrifices are offered to Amana (the 5th king; 1 [40] / /2 [43)). Near NEnas, the procession (which includes also the deities Kura and Barama) enters the mausoleum, E ma-tim/d(m (/bayt-i-mawt-im/),u There, during the various phases of the ritual and on different days, sacrifices are made and offerings presented to Ibbini-Lim, Sagisu, and ISrut-Damu (the 10th, 8th and 11th kings respectively; 1 [60] / /2 [63], 1 [86] / /2 [90], 1 [89] / /2 [93], 1 [92] / /2 [96)). At the conclusion of the ritual, and before leaving the mausoleum, sacrifices are once again made to Sagisu, Amana, and Igris-tJalab, Irkab-Damu's immediate predecessor (1 [97] / /2 [107] [108)),12 It was in NEnas, where a "house of the dead" (e ma-tim) is said to have been situated, that Sagisu, Ibbini-Lim, and ISrut-Damu must have been buried, since these three rulers were, according to other sources, more than once the object of worship at this particular location. However, this did not apply to Igris-tJalab, who is worshipped, at the end of the ritual, as the predecessor of Irkab-Damu. The same was true of Amana, the fifth king, who was associated with the small settlement Udubudu. This is confirmed by a list of sheep offerings dating to the last year of the archives, TM.75. G.I0147 rev. II 20-III 2: 2 udu dingir JEx(EN)-ma-nu in Cl-du-au-duki.13 Abur-GIM (= A-bur-li-im), the sixteenth king, was connected with Irad, a place that is otherwise unknown. We do not know whether the last ten kings were really buried in Darib, as is suggested b~ ARET VII 150 (section [3)): dingir-dingir-dingir en-en al6-tus in Da-rf-fb I, "the gods of the kings (Le., the deified kings) living in Darib.,,14 Darib is probably to be identified with Tti-ra-b of the geographic list of Thutmosis III, and with present-day Atareb, a village 30 km north of Ebla and 27 km NNW of Aleppo, from which came a nearly life-size stone
9 See B. Landsberger, /CS 8 (1954): 33ff. The list can now be consulted in M.T.
Larsen, The Old Assyrian City-State and its Colonies (Copenhagen: 1976), pp. 3440. 10
See Archi, N.A.B.U. (1998): 86.
5
11 P. Fronzaroli, ARET XI, p. 144. 12
13
8 For a survey of the king-lists of the Ancient Near East, see RIA 6, pp. 77-135.
(~;.:<>;.:.o-:.:~:.:~:J
The (former) kings, en-en, are mentioned in 1 (94), a fragmentary context. Also the god Kura receives an offering in Uduijudu, together with another deity whose name is not preserved (perhaps dingir EN-lila-nil again), according to another offering list, TM.75.G.2517 rev. IX 6ff.
14 The Hittites venerated the gods called Zawalli, a term that means "spirit of the deceased," dZawalli PN. It appears sometimes in place of akknnt- "dead, spirit (of a deceased person)," GIDIM. The Zawallis of the royal house were venerated in various towns where the court formerly resided, see Archi, AoF 6 (1979): 81-94.
6
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA
e:-~:-·Y.':;>~·~~
7
One would expect the kings to be buried near the palace, in accordance with the Syrian and Mesopotamian traditions. No epigraphic or archaeological data, however, suggest such a possibility. In the years 1993-96, while deepening the excavations under the part of the royal palace extending towards the acropolis, the excavators uncovered, ca. 5.9 m below the floor of royal palace G, two large, communicating rooms, each roughly 5.2 x 4 m in size, and built of well-cut blocks of calcareous stone (subsequently
Fig. 2: Head from Atareb (limestone). head, probably belonging to a royal statue (Fig. 2).15 A more likely possibility is that they were interned in Ebla itself. Thus, we have records of unnamed deceased rulers ("kings," logographically en-en, corresponding to malikam, as in Ugaritic) who received food offerings in the palace on the occasion of the king's meaL16 It is only in a document concerned with the "regular offerings for the dead" (iti ma-wa-timlu sa-dull-ga) that some of those deified kings are mentioned by name: Ba(ga)-Damu, Enar-Damu, and lSar-Malik (the 19th, 20th, and 21st kings respectively): ARET IX 17 (20)-(22), (25). Interestingly, Samiu (dingir Sa-mi-ll, the third king of the great list!) even appears among the gods of the Ebla pantheon, in section (13). These ancient rulers of Ebla also received sacrifices of sheep in the palace, but only occasionally.17 15 See already Archi, ZA 76 (1986): 217. The head of the statue has been published by P. Matthiae, SE/J 2 (1980): 41-47. 16 See en-en in the Glossary of AI~ET IX, p. 384. In the kisplllll-ritual from Mari,
the former kings are called slIrrallll; see the texts quoted by A. Tsukimoto, Untersllchungell zlIr TotellpJlege (kispum) illlilitell Mesopotlllllien (NeukirchenVluyn, 1985), p. 57 nn. 224-26.
17 dingir SII-IIIi-Ii: TM.75.G.2397 obv. IX 5-6; 2403 obv. XII 22-23. dingir EII-ar-dllTM.75.G.1764obv. X 20-21; 2075 obv. VI 3-4; 2238 rev. 18-9;2397 obv. VIII 22-23. dingir [-slIr-IIIII-Uk: TM.75.G.2598 obv. XII 3-4; see also TM.75.G.1318 rev. II 6-7. 11111:
Fig. 3: The hypogeum of the royal palace.
8
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:-:~)
ALFONSO ARCHI
sacked to a great extent), and with a fine lime floor (Fig. 3).18 Incidentally, this kind of very hard stone is otherwise never used in buildings of the Early Bronze Age, nor is it employed later, during the Middle Bronze Age. Given its position and refined construction techniques, this building complex is most probably to be related to palace G. The two rooms were found completely empty. Since it is unlikely that not even a single fragment of funerary furnishings should have survived the later sacking (had such in fact been deposited), we can safely conclude that this hypogeum was built -but never actually used-by the last king, lSar-Damu, who also restored and enlarged the royal palace. What emerges from all this evidence is that the cult of ancestors was practiced throughout the original core of the Ebla state: it was thanks to the continued "presence" of ancient rulers that their descendants could claim the throne of Ebla for themselves. This is typical of an archaic society. Since some of the ancestors bore names identical with toponyms, these individuals may have originated in the places in question. KUL-ba-nu, the na~e of the first king, is the same as that of a well-known village: KUL-ba-an kl ; for Zi-a-lu, the name of the fourth king, see Zi-a-LUM ki, Zi-Ja-ar/ru12ki. The list names Ib-la without the geographic determinative (obv. IV 5), preceded (in chronological order) by Birs-b£-la-nu, which is al~o a geographic name, and La-da-u, a personal name derived from La_da k1 . It is fairlls common for Eblaite personal names to correspond to geographic names, 9 in agreement with both ancient and modern name-derivation principles. As regards these particular royal names, we may rightly ask ourselves if "the lack of the determinative indicates that these names were perceived as relating not to the towns as such but to their eponyms that were used to lengthen the royal pedigree beyond the earliest remembered name of an authentic king. ,,20 However, the fact that the cult of these ancient kings manifested itself in several localities does not mean that the urban tradition of the state was a recent development. Rather, the beginnings went back at least to the middle of the third millennium B.e.E. Deeper excavations in the northern quarter of palace G revealed an intermediate phase between EB III and EB IVA, whose buildings are partly associated with the foundations of the
18 P. Matthiae, CRAIB 1995, pp. 655-57. [See also, idem, AoF 24 (1997): 268-76). 19 See the list in ARES II, pp. 26--;29. For Birrba-Ia/r~-nllki, see ibid., p. 396 sub
NAM-NE-Ia/rn-nu ki . KUL-ba-an kl is read Bal'-ba-an k1 by M. Bonechi, RGTC 12/ 1, p. 73. 20 M.e. Astour, Eblaitica 3 (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1992), p. 22.
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
9
palace itself. Perhaps also related to these structures is a large silo, 5.4843, 3 m in diameter and preserved to a height of 1.5 m, which was dug into the EB ill levels. All these data suggest the presence of a palatial building prior to palace G.21 Moreover, the excavations on the southern slope of the acropolis have brought to light numerous rooms of EB ill date (building G2), divided by thick walls and used as storerooms. 22 Without any doubt, this structure formed part of a palatial administrative center. Archaeological data show, therefore, that from at least the middle of the third millennium, Ebla was the seat of a major urban settlement. Although the royal list of Ebla is particularly long, it is not, by any means, unique in this respect. Oral~ preserved tribal genealogies usually comprise five to seven generations, 3 and rarely if ever extend beyond ten to fourteen generations. RR Wilson has noted that in those societies having a developed lineage system, the lineage is expressed in genealogical terms so that the genealogy is a mnemonic of the lineage. The genealogy thus has the same form as the lineage it represents .... Genealogies that exceed twelve generations in depth are frequently linear rather than segmented genealogies. They trace only one line of descent between a living person and a person in the past. Therefore, they are not mnemonics of the lineage and do not serve to relate living members of the tribe to each other. The most common examples of this type of genealogy are the king lists that are presented
21 On the most ancient urban phases of Ebla, see S. Mazzoni, La Parola del Passato
46 (1991): 163-94. For the excavation data, see P. Matthiae, CRAIB 1993, pp. 618-25 and fig. 8. The terrace wall M.3905, which divides in half the northern section of the so-called Central Unit, where food was processed, was probably built over an earlier wall: M. 4472 (M. 3905 runs lengthwise in the middle of fig. 8, cited above). These structures below this part of the Central Unit of palace G might belong to a palatial structure, and are dated by Mazzoni, op. cit., p. 175, to EB IV AI. For the silo, see the photo in Matthiae, op. cit., p. 620 fig. 5; P. Matthiae et al., Ebla. Alia origini della civiltillirbanan (Milano: 1995), p. 99. The terrace wall of unbaked bricks adjacent to the hypogeum cuts an earlier floor that belongs to phase EB IIIIEB IV (AI); see the photo in op. cit., Matthiae et al., p. 101 (this floor is the lower one in the upper part of the photo). 22 P. Matthiae, CRAIB 1987, pp. 136-38. 23 In reference to the tribes of the Zambia/Zaire territory, I. Cunni son, "History
and Genealogies in a Conquest State," Americal1 Al1thropologist 59 (1957): 22, notes as follows: "These lineages have genealogies up to seven generations in depth."
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~J
10
ALFONSO ARCHI
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA
in genealogical form, although any person who wishes to anchor in the past his claim to power, authority, or status may also preserve a long linear genealogy. Such specialized genealogies may stretch back as far as thirty or more generations and may exist even in tribes where genealogies normally do not exceed five generations in depth. 24
(~:.:~:.:~:':~:':~J
11
humanity, from the East to the West, who have no one to care for them or to call their names, come, eat this, drink this, (and) bless Ammi-~aduqa, son of Ammi-ditana, king of Babylon.,,28 No such desire to claim the inheritance of other dynasties is found in the royal lists of Ebla. These sources reveal an exclusively local horizon. The first list (ARET vn 150) is plainly related to a ritual. In the second list, the memory of ancient kings is preserved only because these were venerated in cult (at least some of them, according to our documentation). This reminds us of Ugarit, where the tradition of preserving the names of ancient kings (there are sixteen names preserved in the fra~mentary list KTU 1.113) was motivated by purely cultic reasons as well. 2 The remembrance of ancestors has its roots in man's yearning for divine protection, and, of all tutelary deities, ancestors were always closest to him and his fami~. This deep need of the human psyche is documented from earliest times. 0 We know that at Ebla the throne passed from father to son during the last three generations. It is unknown, however, if this rule held also for the former kings or if, as in certain dynasties, the crown passed instead from an elder brother to a younger brother, and only later to a younger generation. lSar-Damu, the last king, ruled for at least thirty-five years; his father, Irkab-Damu, ruled for five to seven years. We have no information on Igrisljalab, the third before the last king. It would seem reasonable to attribute to each of the twenty-six rulers of Ebla an average rule of fifteen years, if one bears in mind that initially Eblaite society seems to have lacked wellconsolidated institutions. If we date the fall of Ebla to roughly 2350 B.C.E.,
Many, if not all, of the king-lists stemming from the ancient Near East had a political or propagandistic intent. The Sumerian King-List, a learned document used by several dynasties, "asserts," in the words ofW.G. Lambert, "the notion of the legitimacy of a city to hold kingship at the will of the gods for a certain period, not the legitimacy of a particular family.,,25 Political ambitions are also reflected in various types of sources concerned with the cult of ancestors. The kispum-ritual of Mari lists, following the offerings for Samas, those for Sargon and Naram-Sin, as well as those for the Haneans yaradu and the Haneans Numha, from whom the family of SamsI-Addu had stemmed. 26 In this way, the SamsI-Addu dynasty presented itself as having descended from the great kings of Akkad, a tradition that was later adopted in some way also by the Hurrians. 27 As the kispumritual of Ammi-~aduqa makes clear, the kings of Babylon thought themselves to be heirs of all the great dynasties of the past: "the ancestors of ljammurabi, the dynasty of the Amorites, the dynasty of the Haneans, the dynasty of Gutium, (any) dynasty that is not recorded on this tablet, and (any) soldier who fell while on his lord's service, princes, princesses, all 24 RR Wilson, Genealogy and History in tile Biblical World (YNER 7; New Haven: 1977), pp. 18-26 (quotations are from pp. 19 and 25-26). 25 W.G. Lambert, inLe Palais et la royaute, ed. P. Garelli (Paris: 1974), p. 434. For this interpretation of the list, see further P. Michalowski, "liistory as Charter: Some Observations on the Sumerian King List," lAOS 103 (1983): 237-48; Cl. Wilcke, "Diesumerische Konigsliste und erzahlte Vergangenheit," in Vergangenheit im milndlic11er ilberlieferung, eds. J. von Ungern-Sternberg and H. Reinau (Colloquium Rauricum 1; Stuttgart: 1988), pp. 114-40; idem, "Genealogical and Geographical Thought in the Sumerian King List," in Studies A. W. Sjoberg, ed. H. Behrens, D. Loding, and M.T. Roth (Philadelphia: 1989), pp. 537-71. 26 M. Birot, in Death in Mesopotamia, ed. B. Alster (Copenhagen: 1980), p. 142, I
28 This translation follows W.G. Lambert,lCS 22 (1968): 1-2. For the complete text, see J.J. Finkelstein, ICS 20 (1966): 95-118. For a connection between the dynasty of Babylon and the Haneans, see D. Charpin and J.M. Durand, RA 80 (1986): 166-70. 29 For RS 25.257 =Ugaritica V 5 =KTU 1.113, see especially K.A. Kitchen, UF 9 (1977): 131-42; D. Pardee, Les textes para-mythologiques de la 24ecampagne (1961) (Paris: 1988), pp. 165-78; for further bibliography, see G. del Olmo Lete, La religi6n cananea (Barcelona: 1992), pp. 121-23. 30
15-20.
27 KUB XXVII 38 = V. Haas and I. Wegner, Die Rituale der Beschworerinnen SALS U.G1 (ChS I, 5; Rome: 1988), pp. 385-90, a ritual in which the images of ancient kings are made of wool: "and they are called (ancient) kings" (Hurrian: §arre-na). The kings of Akkad are Sargon, Mani1\tusu, ~arkali1\arri, and Naram-Sin; they are mentioned together with the kings of Elam and Lullubu, and with Ari1\en of Urki1\.
l
I I
See, e.g., the early neolithic statues from Ain Ghazal Gordan), discussed by G. O. Rollefson, MDOG 116 (1984): 185-92, which may represent the ancestors of that community. On this topic, see G. Jonker, The Topography of Remembrance: The Dead, Tradition and Collective Memory in Mesopotamia (Leiden-New YorkKoin: 1995). For the protective powers of ancestors for the following generations, see recently K. van derToorn, Family Religion in Babylonia, Syria and Israel (Leiden: 1996), pp. 62-65.
12
(~;.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:J
ALFONSO ARCHI
and assign a reign of fifteen years to each of the twenty-six kings, this takes us back to ca. 2750 B.C.E. Thus, the royal list of Ebla appears to preserve the tradition of a Syrian dynasty whose origins belonged to the time of Gilgamesh, the famous hero of Uruk. 31 ADDENDUM
Four tablets, which duplicate each other, contain, in syllabic script, the complete list of the kings of Ugarit found in the fragmentary KTU 1.113, which is in alphabetic script (see D. Arnaud, SMEA 41/2 [1999], pp. 15373). We know now that there were twenty-six kings, curiously the same number as in the major king-list from Ebla. The syllabic texts contain only the list of names, whereas in KTU 1.113 the names are embedded within a ritual. Each name is preceded by the dingir-sign (beginning with dingir IUga-ra-na), which corresponds to if in the alphabetic writing-therefore, the "god of PN," exactly as at Ebla, where dingir is written usually in the case preceding the PN. ARETVII 150 rev. 1-2 has (as mentioned above): dingirdingir-dingir enl-en l, which can be translated only as "the gods of the (former) kings." I still prefer to interpret this expression as "the deified spirit of the departed," instead of "the patron deity of PN," because I think that, in the Semitic world of that time, the tutelary action derived from the ancestors themselves and not from their tutelary gods (see above, note 31). 31
THE KING-LISTS FROM EBLA
13
THE RULERS OF EBLA TM.74.G.120
ARETVII150
(dingir in the preceding case) Bn-ar-da-IIIII [lr]-kab-[d]a-mll [I]g-rf-[i]Hb]a-labx [A-d]lIb-da-IIIII [KII II ]-da-III II Har-ma-lik Ell-ilr-da-IIIII Ba-ga-da-II'" I-bf-da-mll A-gllr-li-illl A-bllr-li-illl Tal-da-li-im Ig-slI-lId Btt-rII12-lId-ba-labx 'r-si-dll Btt-rll12-lId-da-IIIII l-bf-IIi-li-illl [O]a-NE-II[lIf Sa[-gi]-s[lI] Oa[-x]-'x' Na-ma-1II1 EII-ma-Il/I Zi-a-III [Sa]-IIIi-il
In July 1998, during the RAI at Harvard University, I had an opportunity to
A~-sa-III1
read the article by W.T. Pitard, "The Meaning of EN at Ebla," in Crossing Boundaries and Linking Horizons. Studies in Honor of M.e. Astour (Bethesda, Md.: 1997), pp. 399-416. His statement that "there can be little doubt that they [i.e., the en-en of ARET VII 150] were living people" (p. 406) is untenable today, after twenty years of classification and dating of the documents, not to mention prosopograhic studies. He also claims that dingir PN, "the god of PN" (with dingir and PN appearing in two separate cases), cannot mean, all things considered, "the deified spirit of the departed," but "the patron deity of PN." For the latter interpretation, d. "the god of Abraham, of Isaac, of Jacob," as I suggested in FUCUS. A Semitic!Afrasian Gathering in Remembrance of A. Ehrman, ed. Y.L. Arbeitman (Amsterdam-Philadelphia: 1988), pp. 103-12, and where I also quoted passages mentioning dingir a-mu, "the god of the father (of the king)," and dingir en, "the god of the king" (which could in fact favor my former interpretation). We face the same dilemma in the case of il PN in the Ugaritic document KTU 1.113. Notice that, in TM.7S.G.570 = ARET IX 17, dingir is found in the same case as the PN: dSa-mi-il, [dBa-da-]mu, [dEn-]ilr-
KUL-ba-III1 Ib-Ia Oil-lilli-dar Birs-bf-la-1/1/ A-bll-gilr La-da-II S[II?]-'X'-[ ... ] Sa-klil/-e
[da-]mu, dI-§ar-IIIa-lik.
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:J
Other Sources
(ARET IX: dingir in the preceding case)
(26) (25) lr-kab-da-mll (24) Ig-rf-i~-Iabx Ig-ri-i~-ba-Iabx (23) A-dllb-da-mll (22) Kiln-da-mll (21) Har-IIIa-lik d/-~ar-IIIa-lik (20) En-ilr-da-II'" [dEI1]-ilr-[da-]mll (19) Ba-da-IIIII [dBa-da ]-11111 (18) I-bf-da-IIIII (17) A-gllr-li-im (16) A-bllr-li-im A-bllr-GIM (15) (en-en; (14) dingir-dingir-dingir (13) en-en (12) aI6-tu§ (11) ill Oa-rf-fb ki ) B/ Btt-rII12-lId-da-IIIII (10) I-bf-I/i-li-im (9) (8) Sa-gi-i~/sll (7) (6) (5) }I.-ma-lla (4) (3) dSa-IIIi-11 (2) (1)
ARETXI2
ARET IX 17 (22)a ARET IX 17 (2I)b ARET IX 17 (20)
ARETXII
ARETXIl,2 ARETXIl,2 ARETXIl,2
ARET XI Ie ARET IX 17 (13)d
(a) dingir I-~ar-llta-lik is also attested in the offering list TM.75.G.2598 obv. XIV 3-4 and in TM.75.G.1318 rev. II 6-7.
(b) dingir EI/-ilr-da-II'" is also attested in the offering lists TM.75.G.1764 obv. X 20-21; 2075 obv. VI 3-4; 2238 rev. I 8-9, see OA 18 (1979): 136, 150, 169; 2397 obv. VIII 22-23. (c) dingil' EN-ilia-II II is also attested in the offering IistTM.75.G.10167 obv. II 21-III2; thecultic action takes place in U-dll-bll-d"ki, a place that is mentioned together with 'A-IIIa-IIa also in the ritual for the marriage of the royal couple, nos. 1 (40),2 (43). (d) dingir Sa-II/i-/I is also attested in the offering lists TM.75.G.2397 obv. IX 5-6; 2403 obv. XI 22-23.
/
History in Reverse: Archaeological III ustra tion and the Invention of Assyria Zainab Bahrani The State University of New York, Stony Brook
when the English adventurer and founder of Mesopotamian archaeology, Austen Henry Layard, revealed to British society and to the world the incredible remains of the Assyrian past, he did so by means of both word and image. In his best-selling publications extensive, colorful descriptions of his adventures and excavations were accompanied by numerous illustrations that added a great deal of appeal to the contemporary book-buying public. 1 While Layard's written descriptions have been analyzed historiographically as a source for the earliest days of archaeological interest in the area, the images he incorporated in the texts have rarely been considered in the same way. Often, archaeological illustrations from the nineteenth century appear in books published in our field today. We are well aware that such fantastic images have nothing to do with an historical reality of Assyria, but we continue to use them as amusing illustrations or reminders of the more romantic past of Assyriology without giving much thought to either the historical context of their creation or the relationship of that context to the diScipline of Mesopotamian archaeology. Nevertheless, as Frederick Bohrer has argued, it is IN THE NINETEENTH CENTURY,
I
Most important among the works of Layard are Nineveh and Its Remains: With an Account of a Visit to the Chaldaean Christians of Kurdistan, and the Yezidis, or Devil Worshippers; and an Enquiry into the Manners and Arts of the Ancient Assyrians (London: John Murray, 1849); The Monuments of Nineveh (London: John Murray, 1849-53); A Papillar Account of Discoveries at Nineveh (London: John Murray, 1852); Discoveries in the Ruins of Nineveh and Babylon; with Travels in Armenia, Kllrdistan and the Desert: Being the Result of a Second Expedition Undertaken for the Trustees of the British Musellm (London: John Murray, 1853).
15
I ",I
iL
HISTORY IN REVERSE
16 clear that images have an important place in the construction of Mesopotamia. 2 Certainly such images were used as illustrations for the written accounts of early travels and exploration in what was conceived of as a mysterious, exotic world. In addition, archaeological illustrations were presented as scientific documents in surveys of world history and world architecture popular in the nineteenth century. And the same illustrations were also relied upon as a basis for reconstructing the Assyrian setting in visual displays, such as that of the Great Exhibition at the Crystal Palace, which took place in England during Layard's lifetime. All of these visual representations of Assyria, whether book illustration or theatrical reconstruction, were accessible to, and viewed by, a broad sector of the public, along with the displays of the actual antiquities themselves that were exhibited in Paris, London, or (at a later date) in Berlin? While the museum displays were no less a construction of a historical past, even if they do consist of actual antiquities, it is useful to consider the visual domain of pictorial illustration and the specific part it played in the imaginative construction of Mesopotamia. In this essay I will focus on the particular example of British visual representation because of the significant place of Layard's publications at the origins of Assyriology, and because of the contemporaneous British geopolitical interests in Mesopotamia that (as I have argued elsewhere) should not be discounted from considerations of the constructedness of a Mesopotamian past. 4 At the same time, however, it should be pointed out that the role of visual reconstruction is just as important in other European centers, where Neal' Eastern antiquities became an area of great interest in the nineteenth century, and these are cultural spheres that also require serious attention. In other words, this investigation is qualitative rather than quantitative. I will not attempt to document all existing types of representation but will instead focus the 2
3
F.N. Bohrer, "The Printed Orient: The Production of AH. Layard's Earliest Works" in A. Gunter, ed., Tile COIIstf'llctioll Of tile Allcient Near East (Culture and History 11; Copenhagen: Academic Press, (992), pp. 85-105. The discovery of the Assyrian past had an even greater impact on the modern European imagination than the discovery of Pompeii a centUl'Y earlier. See H.F. Mallgravc, introduction to Gottfried Semper, Tile Four Elel/lellts of Arcilitecture alld Otiler Writillgs (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 20ff.
4
Z. Bahrani, "Conjuring Mesopotamia: Imaginative Geography and a World Past," in L. Meskell, ed., Arcilaeology ullder Fire (London: Routledge, 1998), pp. 159-74, and in Arabic, "alSharq al Khariji: bilad ma bainal nahrain fi al zaman wa al makan," in al Hayat (August, 1998).
•.•
(¢-:.:~ ~:.:;;.~.-~J
17
Fig. 1: James Fergusson, Nilllrlld. (From AH. Layard, MOllllments of Nineveil, London: John Murray, 1849)
study particularly on an image that is very familiar to Near Eastern scholars, a painted reconstruction of Nimrud by James Fergusson (fig. 1). As archaeologists, we have often lamented reconstructions of archaeological sites in the vein of Knossos or more recently, the city of Babylon, nO.t only because these reconstructions do not depend on any verifiable eVidence, but because they compromise the actual ancient site by transforming the historical locus into a fictitious domain. And we should not leave aside, either, reconstructions of ancient monuments and architectural structures within the walls of museums, like the displays at the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin. Such reconstructions are fantasies that tellu~ mO.re about the period of reconstruction than about the ancient past. As hlstoncal documents then, such on-site reconstructions and museum di~plays are perhaps better documents of the twentieth century rather than Mmoan Crete or ancient Babylon. This "constructed ness" seems perfectly clem: on the l~vel of ~ctual architectural structures, but when considering architecturalillustratton we do not bring the same keen critical faculties to bear on the material. The widespread uncritical use of early illustrations, stil~ current in introductor~ textbooks, and by all of us in lectures and publications, means that as an Image of the reality of the Mesopotamian past,
18
c<>:oz.::~-:·"<>-:·3
Z A I NAB BAH RAN I
such illustrations can be every bit as misleading as the fantastic architectural rebuilding of sites. Like these on-site reconstructions, it is often the case that the illustration is by far a more accurate historical document of the moment of its creation, the late nineteenth- or twentieth-century Europe or the United States. For example, Irene Winter has already pointed out that the watercolor image of Nimrud, by James Fergusson, in fact looks uncannily similar to a British palatial structure on the river Thames. S I would like to return to this illustration here, because this particular image is still a favorite in Near Eastern studies, and also because Fergusson was the architectural historian who worked closely with Layard in reconstructing the ground plans and elevations of Mesopotamian buildings. In other words, Fergusson was not an Orientalist painter. On the contrary, his work was considered to be scientifically grounded in the reality of the archaeological material remains. Many scholarly books on Mesopotamia continue to use Fergusson's watercolor of Nimrud, even if it is usually in a whimsical fashion, knowing full well that the image is a complete fiction (fig. 2).6 But images such as Fergusson's can be instructive rather than simply amusing. By submitting this image to the same kind of historiographic analysis as we might a text, something of the atmosphere in which Assyrian architectural remains first came to be academically reconstructed is revealed. In what follows, I hope to demonstrate the link between prevalent concepts regarding the Orient in nineteenth-century European discourse and the early reconstructions of Mesopotamian archaeological finds. In a series of articles, Frederick Bohrer has argued that the nineteenth-century reception of Assyrian finds in England and France was part and parcel of a prevalent discourse of exoticism? Here I would like to expand upon Bohrer's discussion by considering another facet of this exoticism: the effects it had on the scientific archaeological knowledge of the historical past. My aim is to demonstrate that exoticism was not limited to a process of viewing or categorizing a contained and separate set of artifacts. Rather, we might better think of the encounter as reciprocal. That is to say, the lines
5 I. Winter, paper delivered to the RAI, Venice, 1997. 6
Sec, for example, M. Trolle Larsen, Tile Conl/llest of Assyrill: Excavations il/llIl Antique Lllnd (London: Routledge, 1996), pI. VI. Larsen is aware that this is a fantasy reconstruction, since he refers to it as "Nimrud as Fergusson imagined it," p. ix.
19
Fig. 2: Cover of Assyria 1995, Helsinki 1997. of causality moved in both directions between ancient finds and nineteenth-century West European society. Until now, what little interest there has been in the rela tionship between the discovery of the Assyrian past and nineteenth-century European cultures has focussed on the influence it had on such things as visual and decorative arts. s Indeed this focus on artistic influence was already in place during the 1840s, since the eal'liest discussions of Assyrian and Babylonian finds among British intellectuals and academicians were concerned with their correct position within the "Great Chain of Art" and the progress of world civilization from the Orient to
7 See most recently, F.N. Bohrer, "Inventing Assyria: Exoticism and Reception
in Nineteenth-Century England and France," Tile Art BlIl/elil/ LXXX Oune 1998): 336-56.
8
Ibidelll.
20
~x';'~·~~:-·:<--J
ZAINAB BAHRANI
Greece and Rome. 9 Yet, what needs to be brought to light is the reciprocal relationship between this reception of antiquity and the ancient finds, and the extent to which archaeological data came to be influenced by nineteenth-century conceptions of the Orient. The image under discussion here, James Fergusson's watercolor of Nimrud, was first used by Layard as an illustration for his Monuments of Nineveh, in 1849. The painting depicts a ziggurat, followed by what appear to be palaces, along the banks of a river. A number of boats float peacefully along the river, and idyllic goatherds rest in the foreground on the opposite bank. Even in recent publications, the palatial buildings are described as being the Northwest palace and the palace of Esarhaddon. 10 Although scholars of Mesopotamian antiquity are no doubt well aware that Fergusson's imagination may have played a prominent role in the creation of this image, the desire to identify specific historical buildings in the painting remains strong. In the case of Fergusson's N illl /'lid such an identifica tion becomes a means of practicing what I am referring to as "history in reverse," in which a metaleptic reversal puts the nineteenth-century illustration in a position of greater historical authority than the archaeological remains. ll For in this case I can demonstrate that Fergusson's image, like so many works of art in both East and West, in antiquity and modernity, is neither based upon archaeological excavations nor dependent wholly on his own imagination of how Nimrud may have appeared, an imagination inspired by the astonishing finds of the nineteenth century. Instead the view by Fergusson can be shown to be highly influenced by his, and Layard's, contemporary, the (then renowned, if now somewhat forgotten) history painter, John Martin. Martin's work generally consisted of large-scale panoramic historical and biblical scenes that favored exaggerated movements, intense chiaroscuro and diagonal perspectives, in what might be referred to as a style of epic drama. His sources for these paintings were both classical and biblical literary descriptions, and the earlier visual tradition of Western painting and illustration. Martin made several paintings and mezzotints of ancient Near Eastern biblical subject matter, including
HISTORY IN REVERSE
(~_~~~
21
The Fall of Babylol1, The Feast of Belslzezzar, and The Fall of Nineveh.1 2 When Martin's and Fergusson's works are viewed alongside each other, several features that are similar to both Martin's Fall of Nineveh and his Fall of Babylon emerge in Fergusson's reconstruction of Nimrud. The Fall of Babylon (fig. 3) in particular seems to have influenced Fergusson's Niml'ud, in the form of the ziggurat, the terraced palaces, and architectural details. Therefore, Fergusson's Ni11ll'ud was apparently not inspired by newly uncovered archaeological remains. Other than the inclusion of some NeoAssyrian architectural sculpture, little of the new finds can be seen in Fergusson's reconstruction. Martin's paintings of ancient Near Eastern subjects were all executed between 1818 and 1830, some years before the Layard excavations in Mesopotamia, and exhibited in London to vast crowds of people. It is also recorded that hundreds of thousands of prints of these images were sold to the British public, and illustrated in Bibles and
Fig. 3: John Martin, Tile Flill of Babylon, after print engraving of 1819.
9 \0 II
Many of these arguments are discussed in some detail in I. Jenkins, Arc!weologists alld Aestlletes (London: British Museum Publications, 1992). Larsen, op. cit., caption to f ig. 6. For the rhetorical movement of metalepsis in art historical writing, see N. Bryson, "Art in Context" in Stlldies ill Historical Cllallge, Ralph Cohen, ed. (Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1992), pp. 18-42.
12
For illustrations of John Martin's work and a discussion of their reception at the time, see Christopher Johnstone, JolllI Martill (London: St. Martin's Press, 1974); William Feaver, Tile Art of JolllI Martill (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1975); Thomas Balston, JolllI Martill: His Life alld His Works (London: Duckworth, 1947). John Martin's popularity and interest in biblical scenes are also mentioned by Henrietta McCall, "Rediscovery and Aftermath" in S. Dalley et al., Tile Legacy (if'Mesopotalllia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998), pp. 183-213.
22
@:~:.~~.'<>:;:.<'J
ZAINAB BAHRANI
in popular journals of the time. 13 It is remarkable, therefore, that Fergusson's reconstruction bears such a resemblance to the work of John Martin. In sum, James Fergusson, an architectural historian working for the British Museum, and the illustrator responsible for numerous scholarly publications, restored a view of Nimrud according to the vision of early nineteenth-century Orienta list painting. The merging of Martin's and Fergusson's work is important for more reasons than the simple recording of artistic influence. It is a merging of Orientalist fantasy and scientific documentation, a merger that has more serious implications for the construction of knowledge and the discourse of Oriental antiquity. Fergusson's image of Nimrud, then, is another example of the exoticizing fantasy of an imaginary Orient. It is no different from Delacroix's Death of Sardanapalus-which is so often cited in ancient Near Eastern scholarship as a product of the European imagination regarding the Orient-nor from numerous other Orientalist paintings in the same vein. Fergusson's Nimrud clearly has nothing to do with the archaeological site of Nimrud nor any other Assyrian site ancient or modern. Later European Orientalist paintings, such as the fascinating example of The Babylonian Marriage Market by Edwin Long (1875), did incorporate what had become known of Mesopotamian antiquity by means of book illustrations and exhibits. In this painting motifs from Assyrian reliefs are represented as a glazed-brick wall in the background of the market in a completely imaginative scene and arrangement. But this type of painting was not meant as a scientific document, and while it is a rich source for the reception of Near Eastern antiquity in the West, it does not have the same direct influence on historical thinking that archaeological illustration had at the same time. Although James Fergusson has not figured prominently in the historiographic studies of the nineteenth-century background of our discipline, several of his illustrations were used by Layard throughout his texts. For example, his sketch of "the northeastern facade and grand entrance of Sennacherib's palace at Nineveh" formed the frontispiece for Layard's Nineveh and Babylon. It is perhaps also important to note that James Fergusson wrote an architectural study entitled The Palaces of Nineveh and Persepotis Restored in 1850, in which he reconstructed various aspects of Assyrian and Achaemenid architecture. He is best known, however, for his magnum opus, The History of Architecture in All Coul/tries, a multi-volume work published in 1865 and reprinted in several editions. Here, Fergusson sets au t to chart a specifically racialist history of architecture, which he terms "an
23 architectural ethnography.,,14 In this study, racial essence is considered to be manifest in architectural form, according to the division of Aryan, Semitic, Turanian, and so on. Styles of architecture as well as teclmique are determined by the unique spirit of race. Hybrid styles, like hybrid races, are degenerate. This theory was in keeping with the work of the racialist romantics, such as Gustave Ie Bon, whose writings were very influential on Adolf Hitler in the following century. Therefore, while Fergusson's dependence on the biblical paintings by Martin may at first seem amusing rather than significant, one might imagine that given his self-professed desire to chart an ethnological and racialist architectural history, the influence of these Orientalist paintings is perhaps not random. We can see that in his Oriental paintings Martin's subject matter always contained the biblical message of "decline and fall" associated with these wicked Eastern cities. Similarly, Fergusson was careful to outline the same decline and fall in architectural terms, pointing out that there was a decay that can be clearly charted from city to city, and architectural structure to architectural structure: The centuries that elapsed between the epoch of the building of the northwest palace of Nimrud and that of Khorsabad formed a period of decay in Assyrian art, but this is even more striking when we again pass over eight centuries of time and reach Persepolis, which is as much inferior to Khorsabad as that is from Nimrud. 15 Thus, the similarity between an artist's depiction of the fall of Nineveh, as a sign of God in the biblical sense of pointing to the destiny of pagan kingdoms, and an architectural historian's choice of such a scene as an accurate rendition of a city that he saw as being a part of a gradual decline, seems to be less of a coincidence than it did at first glance. Fergusson believed that all existing nations sprang from a proto-Aryan original race, gradually degenerating into other races. Fergusson saw the Semitic Assyrians in a natural process of degeneration because of the concept of the unilinear development of civilization. The biblical accounts of the decline and fall, which was God's destiny for the wicked cities, thus suited Fergusson's racial theories very well. At the same time, John Martin had, at least to some extent, intended the biblical theme of decline and fall to be a moral 14
15 13
Feaver (1975), p. 44.
J. Fergusson, A History of Architectllre ill All COli II tries (London: John Murray, 1874) (first published 1865), pp. 2, 52-58. Fergusson, The Pllillces of Nilleveh 1I11d Persepolis Restored: A1I EsslIY ill Allciellt Assyrill1l1llld Persiall Architectllre (Delhi: Goyal Offset Printers, 1850 [reprinted 1981)), pp. 363-64.
24
c;;:.:<>:·~<>·~.;.X?J
ZAINAB BAHRANI
lesson. Industrialized modern London, with its hubris and decadence, was a center of empire that Martin had likened to Babylon and Nineveh. 16In his study of Assyrian architecture, Fergusson put forth what he called "a proposition of decay," which he felt was proved by the materials in the museums in London and Paris. He concluded that: "the history of Assyria is written in decay, 01' in other words gradually deteriorates from the first period at which we meet it, till we lose sight of it at Persepolis.,,17 His was not such an uncommon attitude in the first part of the nineteenth century. Fergusson believed in a general law applicable to the processes of universal civilization, an idea already developed in Hegel's thought in whose Philosophy of History the notion of decay as characteristic of Eastern civilizations already appears.1S But Fergusson's interest in the processes of decay or degeneration is not the only preconception that appears in archaeological, or art historical, reconstructions of the period. I will briefly point to yet another prominent Orientalist motif here, a motif that deserves more serious consideration than can be given in this essay, and that ought to be analyzed in detail elsewhere. Besides the example I have pointed to here of the merging of John Martin and James Fergusson, numerous illustrations appeared at the time that purported to be sketches made" on the spot," and therefore historically accurate snapshot views of the sites. The work of Frederick Charles Cooper, the illustrator of much of Layard's work, is a good example. We take these illustrations to be historical fact, forgetting that as a historical source they must be put to the same kind of rigorous historiographic analysis that we expect when the source is textual. Perhaps even more so, one can argue, because images have a power to convince us of the reality of the event by the very fact of their visuality. They give a sense of "being there," of having direct access to the past, which lures us into believing their message. The l,lse of natives within these illustrations is an interesting case in point. The majority of the Cooper illustrations depict partially uncovered monuments, which immediately bring to mind the wonder of discovery. But Cooper also repeatedly makes use of the device of "the lazy native." Numerous Cooper illustrations of Assyrian monuments deftly position lounging natives in the foreground of the scene (fig. 4). In apprehending the view, we are meant to see it not as incorporating artistic license, but as
16
Feaver (1975).
17
Fergusson (1850), pp. 362-63. C.W.F. Hegel, Tile Philosophy of History, trans. J. Sibree (New York: Dover, 1956), pp. 20-21, 111-222.
18
25
Fig. 4: F.C. Cooper, "Entrance to Small Temple (Nimroud)." (from A.H. Layard, Discoveries ill the Ruills of Nil/eveh a/ld Babyloll [London: John Murray, 18531, p. 349)
Fig. 5: S.c. Malan, "Entrance Passage Kouyunjik." (from Layard [1853], p. 341)
26
~:'~_~~:B
ZAINAB BAH RANI
a sketch taken from life. A number of sketches by the Reverend S.c. Malan, included in Layard's publications, make use of the same "lazy native" device. At times, a sentence is added next to the image that declares "sketched on the spot by S.c. Malan" (fig. 5). In both the Cooper and the Malan cases the illustrator is depicted as faithfully recording what happens to be in front of him at the moment; he is presenting himself, thus, as a scientific illustrator of monuments. Then why is there the repeated appearance of the lounging locals? In this regard, the work of another artist, a bit far afield admittedly, but worth looking at, is David Roberts. Roberts also had a great interest in ancient monuments, although his focus was on Egypt rather than on Mesopotamia. Numerous paintings by Roberts make use of the same motif of the local in the scene. Although he did not claim to be a scientific illustrator, travel artists like Roberts were seen as authorities of sorts, precisely because they sketched on site. Nevertheless, today we do not categorize Roberts as an archaeological illustrator, in other words, in the same way that we would categorize Cooper. Cooper is similar to Roberts in his work but we accredit him with a truthful vision, or newsreeltype documentary matter of factness. This is why illustrations such as Cooper's scene of the discovery of a colossal winged bull, where locals are in awe of the find, are still used in recent scholarship as historical proof of the event (fig. 6). We forget that such an image is an image, and not a window onto a past reality. I do not mean to imply that the locals were not in awe of the finds, but simply that this particular scene, as we see it, is an artistic rendition with all the exaggerated dramatic gestures that are typical of biblical and history paintings of its time. In other words, it is a work of art consisting of representational devices that are typical of the Orientalist genre popular in the nineteenth century. By now, several studies have been written in the fields of European literature and in cultural studies on the myth of the lazy native in nineteenth-century colonial discourse, and our Cooper illustrations can be seen to fit within that genre. 19 In considering Cooper's illustrations, Fergusson's reconstructions, and other archaeological illustrations made at the time, we might keep in mind what Michel Foucault taught: that discourse is not limited to text. 20 The discursive is in the social domain, in communication in general, and the visual is as much part of it as the written text. This is
19
See, for example, Hussein Alatas, The My tit of tlte Lazy Native (London: F. Cass, 1977).
20
Michel Foucault, Power/Klima/edge: Selected /II/erviews and Other Writings 19721977 (New York: Pantheon, 1980), esp. pp. 51-52, 78-108.
HISTORY IN REVERSE
Fig. 6:
~"""~~-O:::~::;3
27
r.c. Cooper illustration.
something that we are well aware of when we look at Assyrian reliefs, and their political statements of power and authority, but it is also applicable to the images that had a part in the construction of Mesopotamia in the nineteenth century. And the visual is no less significant in our own time. Today we do not pl'Oduce the same type of book illustrations as our nine-
28
c-:·:-:·:...:·:-x-:J
ZAINAB BAHRANI
teenth-century predecessors. We depend on photography for the most part, but we should remember that even photography has its own strengths and weaknesses. It is not a simple unmediated representation of reality. Computer technology enables us to reconstruct buildings and entire sites in a much more sophisticated manner than earlier architectural sketches. The day of the simple ground plan is past. Computer graphics allow for reconstructions that are far more realistic than earlier sketches, but virtual archaeology, with all that it offers in accuracy of presentation and completeness of detail, also requires a preliminary interpretation. Besides such graphics, today we have our own particular type of visual displays in the context of museum exhibitions, television programs, or even on numerous web sites devoted to the continuing fascination with the ancient Orient. One wonders whether some future generation will not find much about us and our own time in these images, just as the time of our predecessors so dearly appears in theirs.
The Abduction of IStar from the Eanna Temple: The Changing Memories of an Event Paul-Alain Beaulieu Harvard University
FREDERICK WILLIAM MAITLAND, the great historian of English law, once said that "the essential matter of history is not what happened but what people thought or said about it.,,} In his view, then, the essential matter of history is really historiography, namely, how past events are selected for future recollection, and the opinions that successive generations hold about their significance. From this perspective, it may be worthwhile to take a look at the process by which the Babylonians constructed memories of their own past, and how these memories shifted with the passage of time. The historiographic process has been adequately studied for the Late Assyrian period, particularly in relation to the elaboration of royal annals. Similar studies for Babylonia are lacking, owing partly to the lack of a comparable historiographic tradition in the south. The purpose of my communication is to partly fill this gap by presenting an analysis of a tradition focusing on a dramatic event that took place at Uruk during the first half of the eighth century B.C.E. This event was the abduction of lStar, the patron deity of Uruk, from the Eanna temple. It is reflected in no less than six sources, each of which belongs to a distinct cuneiform genre: royal inscriptions, hymnic-epic literature, literary prophecy, polemical pamphlet, and archival texts. All these sources mirror the same event from different points of view, offering in some cases substantially different versions. In addition, they span a period of four hundred years, from the end of the eighth century until the beginning of the Seleucid period. This affords us a unique opportunity to study the formation and development of a historiographic tradition centered on the same event, and also to evaluate how each
1 Quoted according to W.H. Auden and L. Kronenberger, The Viking Book of Aphorisms (Dorset Press, 1981), p. 227.
29
I~T AR
(~:':~:':~:':~;':~J
30
THE ABDUCTION OF
source reflects that event in accordance with the shifting interests of those who produced those narratives. In other terms, we can witness Babylonian historiography in the making. We may begin with the earliest recorded account of lStar's abduction. This account is found in Tablet IV of Erra and gum, of which we have copies dated to about 700 B.C.E., roughly two generations after the incident allegedly took place. In the following passage the god gum addresses Erra, detailing the acts of destructions committed by the god against the cult centers of Babylonia, including Uruk 2 52. M UNUG ki ~u-bat da-num u diHar URU ke-ez-re-e-[ti] ~am-ba-a-tu u
that lStar left the city, one must bear in mind that, in the Mesopotamian mythopoetic and theological language, the sole expression of the gods' anger at their city and people was sufficient to signal their physical departure. In Mesopotamia, spoliation of the divine statue by the enemy was customarily explained as the result of divine displeasure. In consideration of this, I would tend to concur with von Soden that Erra and ISum alludes to gtar's abduction from the Eanna temple in the eighth century. Our next source in chronological order is I R 65-66, an inscription of Nebuchadnezzar II, the second monarch of the Neo-Babylonian dynasty. We are now in the first decades of the sixth century, about two hundred years after gtar's abduction, when Nebuchadnezzar lays the following claim: 4
ba-ri-ma-[ti] ... 54. su-ti-i su-ta-a-tu na-du-u ia-ru-ra-t[i] 55. de-ku-u E.AN.NA ... 59. G1R.NITA ek-$u la ba-bi/ pa-ni e-li-M-nu ta~-k[un] 60. u~-~is-si-na-ti-ma par-$i-~i-na i-te-t[i-iq] . 61. djHar i-gu-ug-ma is-sa-bu-us UGU UN[UG k1 ] 62. IUKOR id-kam-ma ki-i ~e-im ina IGI A.ME~ i-ma~-M-a' KUR As for Uruk, the dwelling of Anu and mar, a city of prostitutes, courtesans, and harlots ... (There) the Sutean men and women hurled abuse, overturned Eanna ... You appointed over them a harsh and merciless governor. He caused them distress and transgressed their rites. gtar was furious and she became angry at Ur[uk]. She aroused an enemy to plunder the land like grain (is carried off) by water. The date of Erra and ISum has long been, and still is, disputed. Seeing in this passage a clear allusion to the abduction of lStar, von Soden proposed to date the text very precisely to the years 765-763,3 as this is the date that he assigned to gtar's removal from Uruk on the basis of a source I will discuss below. While it is true that Erra and ISum does not specifically state
2
Following the composite text by L. Cagni, Das Errn-Epos Keilschrifttext (Rome: 1970); edition by the same author, L'Epopea di Erra (Rome: 1969), pp. 110-11; his English translation appeared in "The Poem of Erra," Sources from tile Ancient Near East 1/3 (Malibu: 1977), pp. 61-119. The designation 'gum and Erra' (or 'Erra and gum') was first proposed by D.O. Edzard, "Irra (Erra)Epos," RIA 5, pp. 166-70. Recent English translations are by S. Dalley, Mytlls from Mesopotamia (Oxford/New York: 1991), pp. 285-315, and B.R. Foster, Before the Muses, vol. II (Bethesda, Md.: 1993), pp. 771-805.
3
W. von Soden, "Etemenanki vor Asarbaddon - Nach der Erzahlung vom Turmbau zu Babel und dem Erra-Mythos," UF 3 (1971): 255-56.
31
Col. III
50. 51. 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.
sl-ma-a-ti re-e~-ta-a-ti pel-Iu-de-e qu-ud-mu-u-H ~a dINNIN UNUG ki be-e-Ie-et UNUG ki e-el-Ie-t/ u-te-er a~-ru-u~-~u-un a-na UNUG ki ~e-e-du-u-su a-na E.AN.NA la-ma-sa sa da-mi-iq-tt tHe-er te-me-en-na E.AN.NA la-b{-ri a-bi-it ab-re-e-ma e-li te-me-en-ni sa la-b{-ri u-ki-in uHu-sa
I reinstated the original cultic features and the former rites of gtar-ofUruk, the holy Lady of Uruk. I returned to Uruk her protective genius, and to Eanna its beneficent protective goddess. I excavated and inspected the old perimeter of Eanna and established its (new) foundations above the old perimeter. Nebuchadnezzar makes no allusion to gtar's abduction two centuries earlier. This conforms to other similar accounts where kings claim to have returned exiled gods to their legitimate places of worship, but without mentioning the circumstances of their abduction. However succinct and formulaic this account appears to be, it still provides a crucial piece of information. by giving two different names to lStar: "lStar:of-Uruk" (dINNIN UNUG k1 ), and the "holy lady of Uruk" (be-e-Ie-et UNUG kl e-el-Ie-ti). According to the administrative records of the Eanna temple, which are quite
4 Edition by S. Langdon, Die nellbabylonischen Konigsinscllriftel1 (V AB IV; Leipzig: 1912), Nbk. 9.
32
c~:·:~:':~:·:~:·:~:J
PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
abundant for the Neo-Babylonian period, there was a change during the first two decades of the reign of Nebuchadnezzar in the way the scribes referred to the goddess IStar. Whereas previously they would use the names Btar (dIS, dINNIN, di§-tar) and, more rarely, Beltiya (dGAi:iAN-ia/ iii), starting with the third year of Nebuchadnezzar the~ gradually replaced these appellations with IStar-of-Uruk (dINNIN UNUG ) and Lady-of-Uruk (dGAi:iAN M UNUG ki ), which are attested almost exclusively from his fifteenth year onwards. s These latter two designations correspond precisely to the two names given to IStar in Nebuchadnezzar's inscription. Archival texts, as a rule, yield only tidbits of historical information, but in many cases, as in this one, these tidbits are crucial. Here they confirm the reality of Nebuchadnezzar's claim, indicating that the form of IStar that was returned to Uruk was considered, at least in some official circles, to be the authentic manifestation of the patron goddess of Uruk, the numen loci. Our next source, the Istanbul stele of Nabonidus, was written about one generation later. It does not name Nebuchadnezzar as the king who returned IStar-of-Uruk to the Eanna, but this can easily be inferred from the context: 6
11. dINNIN UNUG ki 12. ru-ba-a-ti ~ir-ti 13. a-§i-bat at-ma-nu KU.SIG 17 14. §a ~a-an-da-ti 15. 71a-ab-bu 16. §a ina BALA-e 17. I eri4-ba- dAMARUD LUGAL 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. S 6
h.1UNUGki_a_a
§u-lulj-lji-§u u§-pe-el-Iu at-ma-an-§u id-ku-mn ip-ttl-ru ~i-mi-it-tu§ i-na uz-zi
This will be discussed in detail in my srudy of the pantheon ofUruk during the Neo-Babylonian period. Original edition by V. Scheil, "Inscription de Nabonide," RT 18 (1896): 15-29, with photograph, transliteration and French translation. A partly inaccurate copy was published by L. Messerschmidt, "Die Inschrift der Stele Nabunaid's, des Konigs von Babylon," MVAG I (1896): 73-83. Edition in Langdon, VAB IV, Nbn. 8. Translation by Oppenheim in ANET, pp. 308-11.
THE ABDUCTION OF
I~T AR
C~:·:~:':~:·:~;':~:J
33
24. i§-tu qe-reb E.AN.NA 25. tu-~u-ma 26. tu-§i-bu Ia §u-bat-su
Ia si-mat E.AN.NA tHe-§i-bu i-na si-ma-ak-ki-§u dIS tHai-lim at-man-M u-kin-§u 7 Ia-ab-ba si-mat i-Iu-ti-§u
27. dLAMA
28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38. 39.
i~-mi-id-su
dIS la si-ma-a-tu i§-tu qe-rcb E.AN.NA u-§e-~i-ma
d·/n-n/n-na .
u-ter a-na E.AN.NA ki-i~-~i-§u
(As for) IStar-of-Uruk, the lofty princess who dwells in a golden shrine, to whom are harnessed seven lions, whose cult the citizens of Uruk altered during the reign of Eriba-Marduk, removing her shrine and unharnessing her team, (who) left Eanna in anger to dwell in a place not her dwelling, (and) in whose cella they introduced a divine representation not belonging to Eanna, he (Nebuchadnezzar II) brought mar back safely, re-established her shrine for her (and) harnessed for her the seven lions befitting her godhead. The inappropriate goddess he removed from Eanna and returned Innin to Eanna, her sanctuary. Unlike the sources just discussed, Nabonidus' inscription contains information that is detailed and specific. This alone should arouse suspicion, especially in consideration of the time distance-two centuriesseparating him from the events in question. Why is Nabonidus reporting so meticulously on a matter that did not concern him directly? This inscription was composed towards the middle of his first regnal year, after he had returned from a trip to southern Babylonia during which he claims to have visited Ur, Larsa, and Uruk. Archival texts from Uruk inform us that he held court at Larsa while proceeding to reform some aspects of the Eanna temple administration? Is this indicative of tensions between Nabonidus 7 This royal visit is discussed by P.-A. Beaulieu, The Reign of Nnbonidus, King of
Babyloll (556-539 B.C) (YNER 10; New Haven and London: 1989) pp. 117-27;
(-:.:<>:.:-:.:-:.:<»
34
P A UL- A LAIN BEAULIEU
and the southern metropolis? This would explain the tone of the inscription, which very clearly puts the blame on the citizens ofUruk for expelling their own goddess. Be that as it may, Nabonidus' stele provides us with important information. Not only was IStar removed from her sanctuary, but apparently a goddess that did not belong there was installed in her place. As we have just seen, archival texts from Uruk written prior to Nebuchadnezzar's return of IStar-of-Uruk to the Eanna temple designate the goddess residing in Uruk by two names: IStar and Beltiya. One may therefore presume that this usage was intended to reflect the alien character of that goddess, as opposed to the names IStar-of-Uruk and Lady-of-Uruk, which denote the nurnen loci. Nabonidus' stele also tells us that the abduction of IMar occurred apparently during the reign of Eriba-Marduk, which began at the latest in 769 and ended in the year 760 B.C.E. 8 It is on the basis of this information that von Soden proposed to place the composition of Erra and gurn between the years 765 and 763. The last two sources to be considered stem from the libraries amassed by the priests and scholars of Uruk during the late Achaemenid and early Seleucid periods. This brings us more than two centuries after Nebuchadnezzar and Nabonidus, and four hundred years after the incident allegedly took place. The first source is the Uruk Prophecy, which puts the blame for the abduction of IStar on an unnamed king of the past. The passage reads as follows: 9
and by G. Frame, "Nabonidus, Naba-~arra-u~ur, and the Eanna temple," ZA 81 (1991): 37-86. 8
9
On the reign of Erlba-Marduk, see J.A. Brinkman, A Political History of PostKassite Babylonia, 1158-722 B.C. (AnOr 43; Rome: 1968), pp. 221-24; and G. Frame, Rulers of Babylonia. From tile Second Dynasty of Is in to tile End of Assyrian Domination (1157-612 BC) (RIMB, vol. 2; Toronto: 1995), p. 114. Editio princeps with transliteration, English translation and discussion by H. Hunger and S.A. Kaufman, "A New Akkadian Prophecy Text," lAOS 95 (1975): 371-75; a handcopy was subsequently published by H. Hunger as SpTU 1,3.
THE ABDUCTION OF 1ST AR
(-:.:-:.:-:.:-:.:<»
35
Excerpt no. 1 (The Malevolent King) rev. 3. [EGIR]-SU LUGAL Ell-rna di-i-ni KUR ul i-da-a-nu ES.BAR KUR ul
KUD-as
4. [dl LAMA UNUGki da-ri-tu'\~~-tu qe-reb TIR.AN.NAki ib-bak-rna ina qe-reb SU.AN.NA 1 lHe-e~-~ib 5. [I]a d LAMA UNUGki ina BARA-SU u-~e-e~-~ib la UN.MES-su ana NfG.BA i-qa-as-su [After] him a king will arise (who) will not provide justice for the land. He will not make the right decisions for the land. The old goddess of Uruk he will take away from Uruk and make her dwell in Babylon. He will make dwell in her sanctuary a divine representation not belonging to Uruk and dedicate to her people not belonging to her. After enumerating a succession of kings, some evil, some benevolent, the prophecy ends with a clear allusion to Nebuchadnezzar II and his son Amel-Marduk. The return of IStar to Uruk is described as follows: Excerpt no. 2 (The Benevolent King) rev. 11. EGIR-su LUGAL ina qe-reb TIR.AN.NA ki Ell-rna di-i-ni KUR i-da-anu ES.BAR KUR KUD-as 12. GARZA da-nu-u-tu ina qe-reb TIR.ANNAki u-ka-a-nu 13. d LAMA UNUG ki da-ri-ti iHu qe-reb SU.AN.NA ki ib-ba-karn-rna ina qe-reb TIR.AN.NAki ina BARA-su 14. u-~e-eHib UN.MES-SU a-na NfG.BA i-qa-as-su B.KUR.MES §Ii UNUGki DU-u~ B.MES DINGIR.MES ana KHi-na GUR-ar ki 15. UNUG ud-da-a~ KA.GAL.MES UNUG ki §Ii NA4 ZA.GiN DU-U~ After him a king will arise in Uruk (who) will provide justice for the land. He will make the right decisions for the land. He will establish the rites of the cult of Anu in Uruk. The old goddess of Uruk he will take away from Babylon and make her dwell in Uruk, in her sanctuary. He will dedicate to her people belonging to her. He will rebuild the temples of Uruk. He will restore the sanctuaries. He will renew Uruk. He will rebuild the gates of Uruk with lapis-lazuli. Since the Nabonidus stele claims that the removal of mar occurred during the reign of Eriba-Marduk, the original editors of the Uruk Prophecy readily identified him as the anonymous king who was, according to the Prophecy, responsible for the sacrilege. This interpretation, however, is now compromised by our last source, also from Hellenistic Uruk, which
C..,.:·:..,.;':..,.:·:..,.:·:..,.J
36
THE ABDUCTION OF
PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
I~TAR
c...:·:...;.:...;.:...;.:...J
37
I .
came to light only a few years ago. It details the crimes and profanations committed by king Nabu-suma-iskun, the successor of Erlba-Marduk, against various cult centers of Babylonia, mostly Babylon and Borsippa. One passage appears to concern cultic disruptions at Uruk: 10 Col. II 31. [00000000] ra'-si-bat GIS.GU.ZA 32. [0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0] 7 [a-ab-bi 33. [00000000] rip'-tur-ma 34. [00000000] rU'-sak-bi-is 35. [00000000 u]-sat!-mi-i&-si 36. rx X x' [00000 uPsa'-a$-mi-is-si 37. rx x' [000000] dlNNIN U[NUG?ki?] 38. [0] rx' [000000] rx' u-sap-tir 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36. 37. 38.
who sits on a throne, seven lions, [00000000] he released and [00000000] he allowed to enter (or: he trampled). [00000000] he made her grasp. [00000000] he harnessed to her. [00000000] IStar-[of?]-U[ruk?] [00000000] he loosened. [00000000]
[00000000]
Only disconnected words are preserved. Yet the allusion to IStar is clear, and the existence of verbatim correspondences with the Nabonidus stele removes any reasonable doubt that this text is reporting on the abduction of lStar and the introduction of another cultic image in her sanctuary. It seems to make it almost certain that Nabu-suma-gkun was the author of this sacrilege, and that therefore he, not Erlba-Marduk, should be identified as the evil king of the Uruk Prophecy. This allows us to reconstruct the official version of the event from the point of view of the Uruk priestly establishment. By the middle of the eighth century, Uruk was basking in happiness under the benevolent supervision of her patron goddess IStar, the Lady-of-Uruk. Then an evil king of Chaldean descent arose, seized the throne in Babylon, came to Uruk
and committed the ultimate sacrilege. He expelled IStar-of-Uruk from the Eanna temple, exiled her to Babylon, and forced the citizens of Uruk to worship, in her stead, a foreign goddess. Two centuries la ter the good king Nebuchadnezzar allowed IStar-of-Uruk to come back to her sanctuary and expelled the foreign goddess who had been residing there for two centuries. This version seems to be confirmed by the Neo-Babylonian archival evidence from Uruk discussed above. The use of the name Beltiya, a name of the goddess ZarpanItu, the wife of Marduk, to refer to the goddess of Uruk prior to Nebuchadnezzar's alleged return of the true goddess, might even indicate that the deity introduced by Nabu-suma-iskun was a form of ZarpanItu, and perhaps su~gests that Nabu-suma-iskun had tried to "Babylonize" the Uruk cult.l This official Uruk version of the events contains some suspicious elements, however. For one thing, why did the citizens of Uruk agree to worship that foreign deity for two hundred years, never trying to bring their old goddess back to Uruk? There would have been many occasions to do so. One must recall that during much of the intervening two centuries Babylonia was under the control of Assyria, whose rulers spared no effort to secure a power base in the south. To this effect, Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal rebuilt the temples of Uruk and re-established the cults of many important local gods. 12 Assurbanipal even claims, after his victorious campaign to Elam, to have returned to Uruk the original statue of the goddes~ Nanaya, which had allegedly been captive in Susa for 1635 years!13 If, as the Uruk Prophecy pretends,lStar-of-Uruk was residing in Babylon during that time, then, why did the authorities of Uruk not ask their Assyrian
11 The name Beltiya appears at Uruk as a designation of !§tar in eight texts ranging from the eighth year of Merodach-Baladan II until the seventh year of Nabopolassar. The texts are, by chronological order: YBC 7422: passim, dated to the eighth year of Merodach-Baladan II; BaghMitt 5 (1970): 277, no. 5:2, dated AssurbanipaI18/02/15 (year/month/day); NBC 4904:5, published in Bagl/Mitt 28 (1997): 394, dated to the era l1ukurtll inn IIInti 04/08/14, corresponding to the third year of Nabopolassar; BnghMitt 5 (1970): 286, no. 14:1, reign of Sin-§ar-i§kun, 10th month; NCBT 557:8, month 2, accession year of Naba-apla-[ u~ur?l; NCBT 589:2, Nabopolassar 02/13/03; GCCI 2,46:2, Nabopolassar 06/11/15; and NCBT 885:8, Nabopolassar 07/01/23.
10 Editio princeps with handcopy, transliteration and German translation by E. von Weiher as SpTU III 58. More recent editions by Frame, Rlliers of Babylonia,
12 For the Babylonian inscriptions of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal found in
pp. 117-22, and by S.W. Cole, "The Crimes and Sacrileges of Naba-§umai§kun," ZA 84 (1994): 220-52, with discussion. French translation in J.-J. Glassner, Chroniques Mesopotnmiel1nes (Paris: 1993), pp. 235-40.
13 The account is preserved in Assurbanipal's Prisms A, F, and T. See the recent edition of the relevant passage by R. Borger, Beitriige ZllIII Inschriftenwerk Assurbanipals (Wiesbaden: 1996), pp. 57-58 (transliteration) and 242 (translation).
Uruk, see Frame, Rlliers of Babylollia, pp. 181-93 and 224-27.
38
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PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
overlords also to return her to the Eanna temple? Another interesting aspect of the Uruk official account is the absence of any theological explanation for the departure of the goddess. No mention is made of her anger, reducing the fact of her abduction to a mere theft of sacred paraphernalia. All this suggests a more complex scenario than the Uruk sources would have us believe, as if the citizens of Uruk had borne some responsibility after all in the disruption of the legitimate cult of IStar, but then, in order to clear their conscience, attributed the entirety of the crime to Nabl1-sumaiskun. The theological explanation, on the other hand, is heavily emphasized in the Nabonidus stele. As we have seen, the stele lays the entire blame for Istar's departure on the citizens of Uruk, and does so in a language that appears to parallel the Nabl1-suma-iskun text so closely that one suspects that it is a hostile response, a counterclaim, as it were, to the official version that was circulating in Uruk during the Neo-Babylonian period. Nabonidus' version, however, is certainly not neutral. It seems indeed unlikely, and very un-Babylonian, that a community would, entirely of its own volition, collectively commit sacrileges against its own patron goddess, and much less replace that goddess with a foreign deity. Such actions, however, are perfectly conceivable in times of disruptions, especially under the stress of foreign, or hostile intervention. Now we come back full circle to our earliest source, Erra and Bum, which, like the Nabonidus stele, gives prominence to the theological explanation of lStar's departure, but within the context of a much more believable scenario. In the first half of the eighth century Babylonia was in turmoil, with bands of pillagers of various ethnic origins marauding throughout the country, while Aramean, Babylonian and Chaldean leaders vied with each other for the throne. To protect their communities, urban elites tried to maintain a fragile equilibrium between these various competing interests. This is precisely the situation described by Erra and Bum: marauders turning the Eanna temple upside down, a governor who may have been a native of Uruk and was bent on transgressing rites, an invader who plundered the city, and finally lStar going into exile. The picture seems much more balanced than those provided by any of the other sources, more particularly regarding who was responsible for the cultic disruptions and Istar's anger. No king seems to have intervened directly. Rather, it appears that local rituals were altered by the inhabitants themselves since IStar became angry at the city and aroused an enemy to plunder it, although it is conceded that these sacrilegious acts were probably committed at the instigation, or under the pressure of an oppressive governor. Thus the blame is shared by at least three parties, and possibly even four, since we may speculate that the enemy aroused by IStar to
THE ABDUCTION OF ISTAR
c...:.:...:.:...:.:-:.:-)
39
punish Uruk was ultimately responsible for taking the goddess away from her city. If we take Erra and Bum as the more faithful reflection of "what really happened," then the elaboration of the later historiography seems easier to understand. 14 At first the citizens of Uruk appear to have, in their majority, accepted the presence of the new goddess. Much later, however, during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar, and for reasons that are unclear, the matter resurfaced. The "true goddess" was reinstalled in the Eanna temple, and her official name, "lStar-of-Uruk," the "Lady-of-Uruk," regained almost exclusive currency in the official bureaucracy of the temple. It is at that time that the official version of the abduction, reflected in sources from the early Hellenistic period, was elaborated in its earliest form. It completely exonerated the local inhabitants, putting the sole blame on Nabl1-suma-iskun, a personage not even hinted at in Erra and Bum. It is important to note, in this connection, that the Uruk text relating the crimes and sacrileges of Nabl1suma-iSkun is the only source that depicts this ruler in an unfavorable light. An inscription of a governor of Borsippa who was a contemporary of that king relates disorders in his city very similar to those that took place in Uruk, but only says that those trouble happened during the reign of Nabl1suma-iskun. It puts the blame for the disorders solely on the citizens of Babylon and Borsippa and on the Chaldean and Aramean tribesmen of the area. 15 In the Uruk text, however, disorders and sacrileges in Borsippa are entirely attributed to the actions of Nabl1-suma-iskun. It seems in fact that Nabo.-Suma-iskun was a weak ruler, unable to maintain order in his realm, 14 After having long reflected on this question and edited the final version of this paper, I suddenly realized that my conclusions on the nature and reliability of the sources related to the abduction of Hltar converge with those already expressed by Olmstead in 1916 for the reliability of Assyrian Annals and by and large followed by Assyriologists ever since. In his Assyrian Historiography (University of Missouri Studies, Social Science Series, Volume III, Number 1; Columbia, Missouri: May 1916), p. 8, Olmstead issues his famous statement, italicized in the original, that any of these editions (of the Annals) is of value only when it is the most nearly contemporaneous of all those preserved. When it is no so contemporaneOIlS, it has absolutely no value when we do have the original from whic11 it was derived. I am not proposing of course that all our sources are later editions of the account found in Erra and I!JUIII, only making the observation that thoughtful criticism of the sources leads one to suspect that Erra and gum is the earliest, and possibly only contemporaneous account of the disorders that took place at Uruk, and that the other sources might be later fabrications, all carrying obvious or covert ideological agendas. 15 Edition in Frame, Rulers of Babylonia, pp. 123-26.
40
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PAUL-ALAIN BEAULIEU
and whom the later Uruk tradition held responsible for various disruptions that happened under his rule. Were it not for the Nabonidus stele, we probably would not hesitate to believe the official Uruk version. But Nabonidus, well aware that this version of the event was largely a fabrication, publicized a counter-version for posterity, being no doubt motivated by some personal grudge against the southern metropolis. By way of conclusion, there is no need to stress the speculative character of this reconstruction. One may still believe that the official Uruk version is closer to the historical facts, and that the account of the Nabonidus stele is an outrageous fabrication. Nevertheless, the possibility that a mythical composition like Erra and Hum might offer a more balanced and accurate version of a historical event than texts belonging to genres that are usually credited with greater reliability should provide us with much to reflect upon, and send us a warning signal that we still do not fully perceive the many pitfalls laid for us by the Babllonian historiographers in the elaboration of their historical constructs. 1
A Model Contract of an Exchange/Sale Transaction Walter R. Bodine Yale University
My WORK ON THE TABLET to be discussed here is part of a larger project of editing the Sumerian model contracts in the Yale Babylonian Collection. 1 Several factors, such as the absence of witnesses and date, indicate that YBC 8623 is a model contract. 2 ln place of the list of witnesses and the date, which appear in functional contracts, some model contracts include a notation such as U) KI-INIM-MA-BI m-B! MU-BI, "its witnesses, its month, its
1 I thank William Hallo for the opportunity to edit this group of texts and for his generous help in their interpretation and in the study of Sumerian. I am also grateful to Gary Beckman for his critique of my hand copy, to Marcel Sigrist for discussing the cuneiform text with me, and to Samuel Greengus and Martha Roth for reading drafts and making many valuable suggestions. An earlier version of the following was first presented at the forty-fifth meeting of the Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Cambridge, Mass., on July 7, 1998. Comments from several colleagues at that time and afterward have been helpful. Abbreviations follow those of the Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institl/te of the University of Chicago (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956-). 2
16 In this connection one may want to consider the hypothesis of P. Machinist, "Rest and Violence in the Poem of Erra," in Studies in Literaturefrom the Ancient Near East Dedicated to Samuel Noah Kramer (AOS 65; New Haven: 1984), p. 221, who quotes Erra and Bum Tablet IV,3. i-IU-I/t-ka tu-M-an-ni-ma tal/l-ta-~al a-meIi~ "You changed out of your divinity and made yourself like a man," and argues that the poem thus "appears to be a transparent mythologization of a specific historical event or period." It seems indeed to take the epic out of the mythological realm to frame it into historical time.
Stephen Lieberman was preparing an edition of the model contracts, model court cases, and canonical compendia of legal clauses in collaboration with William Hallo at the time of his untimely passing. Brief references to the model contracts are made in Stephen J. Lieberman, "Nippur: City of Decisions," in
Nippl/r at tile Centennial: Papers read at the 3Se Rencontre Assyriologiql/e Internationale, Pili/adelphia, 1988, ed. Maria de Jong Ellis (Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund, 14; Philadelphia: The University Museum, 1992), pp. 127-36. The most extensive discussion of model contracts known to me is found in Martha Tobi Roth, Sc//Olastic Tradition and Mesopotamian Law: A Stl/dyofFLP 1287, A Prism in ti,e Collection of the Free UhraryofPhi/adelphia (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1979), especially pp. 101-2 and 249-50.
41
j
42
(~:.:~:.:~;':'o-;':~)
WALTER R. BODINE
year,,3 or UJ KI-INIM-MA-KA MU-BI, "the names of the witnesses.,,4 Others simply omit these items, as do YBC 8623 and the other model contracts at Yale, including YBC 11121 and NBC 7800, two Sammelurkunden containing model contracts of various kinds. There are several other factors that suggest that YBC 8623 is a model contract. Part of the tablet is left uninscribed, in this case the entire reverse, in common with other canonical texts and in contrast to functional documents, in which both sides of the tablet are fully inscribed. That the tablet is unsealed increases the likelihood that it is a model contract, since functional sale documents from the Old Babylonian period are regularly sealed. 5 Other indications would be if the contract should be found in multiple copies,6 or if it should be included in a Sammelurkunde; but this last point must be qualified. While model contracts are sometimes found grouped together on the same tablet, this feature alone does not necessarily indicate that the contracts in question were model contracts. Contracts that include witnesses and dates, apparently not model contracts, were also grouped together at
3 Lieberman, "Nippur," p. 130, n. 18; William W. Hallo, "Toward a History of Sumerian Literature," in Sumerological Stlldies in Honor ofThorkiid Jacobsen, ed. Stephen J. Lieberman (AS 20; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), pp. 195-96. A formula of this sort is included in ana itti~u (B. Landsberger, Die Serie ana itti~u [MSL 1; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1937], 6, iii, 47-48). 4 Miguel Civil, "Appendix: Cuneiform Texts," in Excavations at Nippur: Eleventh Season, by McGuire Gibson (Oriental Institute Communications, 22; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1975), p. 130. 5 When an envelope was present, the seal was impressed on the envelope a. Renger, "Legal Aspects of Sealing in Ancient Mesopotamia," in Seals and Sealing in the Ancient Near East, ed. McGuire Gibson and Robert D. Biggs [BiMes 6; Malibu: Undena, 1977], pp. 76-77.). Of the sixty-six Old Babylonian sale documents published in UET 5 (nos. 131-97), only twelve are unsealed. Of these, eleven have no case preserved (nos. 148,154,158-59,167,187-89,19597; no. 169 has both tablet and case, but no seal), so that eleven well may have been sealed on the case. This is the same situation as that pointed out by Steinkeller for the Ur III sale documents (Piotr Steinkeller, Sale Documents of the Ur-Ill-Period [Freiburger Altorientalische Studien, 17; Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1989], pp. 112-15). 6 Of the 142 Ur III documents studied by Steinkeller, one (no. 88*) exists in duplicate, raising the question of the purpose of the second copy, which is not clear, but also confirming that functional sale documents were usually not produced in duplicate (Steinkeller, pp. 7, 147-48, n. 425).
A MODEL CONTRACT
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43
times. This raises the question of why such contracts would have been put into groups. Were they real contracts that were grouped together for some legal or administrative purpose, or were they model contracts that were copied from real contracts and in which, contrary to normal practice, the witnesses and dates were retained? It may be significant for the answer to this question that some Sammelurkunden of this sort record multiple purchases by the same buyer? Perhaps on some occasions buyers had several of their purchases recorded on the same tablet for ease of preservation, or such records were made to be preserved at a central clearinghouse. YBC 8623 is unlined. The tablet measures 4.5 x 7.5 cm. The writing inclines upward toward the right in lines 2 through 8 (especially in lines 4 and 5), suggesting that it was probably prepared by a student. All but two of the lines are partially damaged. Its point of origin is unknown. The script is Old Babylonian; the language is Sumerian. 1 1 (ese3) GANA2 gi~kiri6 2 'da1gHikiri6 i-din-dEN.'ZU' 3 U d[a gi§ki]ri6 x-ga-'mil?l 4 gi§'kiri61 nu-'ba-am1-t-lf 5 'kil nu-'ba1-am-t-lf 6 lugal gi~kiri6-ta 7 1DINGIR-x-x 8 in-sHam 9 sam-til-Ia-ni-se 10 1 sag-geme22 sag-arad2 11 in-na-an-sum 12 u4 kur-se 'W [x?]-'ra?l 13 nu-mu-un-gi4-gi4-'dam?1 14 mu lugal-bi in-pad 1 2 3 4 5 6
1 E~E of orchard, adjoining the orchard of Iddin-Sin and adjoining the orchard of x-gi:imil(?), the orchard of NUbam-ilr, from NUbam-ilI, owner of the orchard,
7 ARM 22, no. 328 (Warad-Sin); JCS 9 (1955): 101, no. 97 (lbbi-I1abrat).
c...:·:...:·:...:·:...:·:...:J
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YBC 8623 Obv.
WALTER R. BODINE
A MODEL CONTRACT
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45
7 did num-x-x 8 buy. 9 (As) his full sale price 10 one female slave (and) two male slaves 11 he gave. 12 That in the future one against the other 13 shall not contest 14 in the name of the king they swore. In line 1 there appears to be a Winkelhaken joining the initial horizontal wedge on its right side to form the BAD-sign, indicating one E~E of surface area (2.16 hectares). The Winkelhaken is partly lost in the pocket of damage at that point. 8 The first sign in the name in line 3 is only partly visible. Assuming that the word for "orchard" (8i §KIRI6) stands in the middle of the line, available space suggests that one sign followed that and stood before the last two, though two are possible. The strokes that are preserved could be the remains of an AM. 9 The sign following looks like a GA, and the final sign may be MIL. The name in lines 4 and 5 is clearly the same and appears to be Nu-aaam-l-lf. lO The nu is clear. Enough of the aa is preserved to make it likely. The
5
10
(reverse IlI1inscribed)
8 If the initial sign was, rather, a simple horizontal wedge, it would indicate an area of one IKU instead of one ESE, an unlikely possibility, since the land area in question was given in return for three slaves (see note 30). Given the understanding of the first sign as ESE3' the second sign in the line (GANA2) may be read as ASA x, or may be understood as a semantic indicator (Marvin A. Powell, Jr., "On the Reading and Meaning of GANA 2," JCS 25 [1973]: 178-84; "Sumerian Area Measures and the Alleged Decimal Substratum," ZA 62 [1972]: 201-7; M. Civil, "Notes on Sumerian Lexicography, II," JCS 25 [1973]: 171-72). The answer to this question may turn on the larger issue of whether Old Babylonian model contracts were created de novo or were fashioned on the basis of earlier exemplars. The usage of the GANA2 sign for the word ASAG, for example, is "almost entirely a third millennium phenomenon" (Powell, "On the Reading," p. 178). Its usage in the Old Babylonian period has not been traced by the studies of the sign of which I am aware, cited above in this note. 9 Although I have not yet found this element written logographically in Old Babylonian personal names, it does appear so in Nuzi (NPN 120a), NeoBabylonian (TCL 13, 131: 17), and Neo-Assyrian (Tallqvist APN 157b). If the sign was an AM and if the vertical and horizontal wedges before it represent the end of a K1RI6' the AM was crowded. 10 "Be calm toward me, 0 my god!" This name is cited from CT 6,4: iii, 12 in Alpin
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A MODEL CONTRACT
WALTER R. BODINE
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47
suffix, as Steinkeller has shown. 16 However, in the early Old Babylonian period in northern Babylonia in the sphere of influence of Babylon, and in Larsa to the south, Wilcke has traced a development in general usage from -ANI to -BI (while in Nippur and Isin the suffix is consistently -BI). He interprets this to mean that in the north in early Old Babylonian times the suffix came to refer to the purchaser, and approximately from the reign ofSabium on it referred to the act of sale. Such changes, if they can be adequately documented, are potentially significant, as Wilcke points out, for understanding economic and even political historyP The UJ that is partially visible in line 12 was probably followed by another LlJ. The last sign in this line was probably RA, or possibly ~E. The no-contest clause in lines 12 and 13, LV [LV?]-'RA?' NU-MU-UNGI4-GI4-DAM(?), is reciprocal, being sworn by both parties. 18 This is indicated by the phrase LV [LV?]-'RA?'. The no-contest clause in this text is reciprocal regardless of what is to be supplied, whether another LV, an U18,or nothing. It has been argued that when the phrase LV-UI8 is followed by the singular verb form IN-pAD, this proves that the LV-U I8 is singular. 19 It is more likely, however, that LV-UI8 and also simple LV are only shortened forms of the longer LV LV (Le., that they are all reciprocal). The first two of these, and possibly all three, appear in this same clause in Old Babylonian sale documents followed by the verb of the oath formula in plural form, showing that the oath is being taken in each case by both parties. 20
vertical to the right within the am is not a consistent feature of that sign, but it is not uncommon. The name in line 7 is uncertain. It begins with a DINGIR. The strokes of ll the next sign could be part of a na or a rna, and the final sign may be a da. The surface between the last two signs is undamaged; although there is room for another sign, none was there. The verb in the following line does not seem to have an IN representing the personal pronominal element N before the verbal root, although the abrading of the surface could have removed it from view. This element appears before the verbal root in line 11, but that does not necessarily mean that we should restore it here. 12 The verb and noun in lines 8 and 9 are both written with the full form NINDA2 x ~E.AM, the writing that became standard in classical Old Babylonian texts, in contrast to the earlier Old Babylonian form of the verb with only NINDA2 x ~E.13 The noun phrase for "full sale price" in line 9 has the personal suffix -ANI, instead of the impersonal-BI, although the object of sale, an orchard, is impersonal. It has been supposed that the use of -ANI in this phrase in Old Babylonian contracts dealing with impersonal objects of sale was erroneous,14 or that the scribes used -ANI/BI indiscriminately to translate Akkadian ~u.15 In sale documents of Vr III times from Nippur and south of Nippur the suffix in this phrase refers to the object of sale, and the personal! impersonal distinction is generally observed in the choice of the
16 Steinkeller does recognize instances in which -BI is used in reference to persons, and his text no. 107:6 uses the suffix -ANI in reference to an orchard, as does YBC 8623 (Steinkeller, pp. 13-14).
Wendell Bowes, A Theological Stlldy of Old-Babylonian Personal Names (Ann Arbor: University Microfilms, 1988), 2, 700. See CAD N / 1 s. v. nObu A, meaning 2a-1' (p. 145) for other uses of the same verbal root in personal names.
17 Claus Wilcke, "The Law of Sale and the History of Babylon'S Neighbours," SlIlIIer 41 (1985): 74-75. The suffix -BI does appear at Old Babylonian Ur, though only rarely (UET 5, 167:7; 176:10).
11 A possibility, suggested to me by Samuel Greengus, is to read DINGIR-na-da. Another, less likely, possibility would be DINGIR-ma-da, a name cited from
18 It represents formulation B in San Nicolo's classification, Marian San Nicolo, Die Sclllllsskialisein der altbabylonischen Kallf- lind Tallschvertriige: Ein Beitrag zlIr Gescllicllte des Barkallfes, ed. Herbert Petschow (Munich: C.H. Beck, 1974), pp.
UET 5, 813:4 in Bowes, 2, 327.
12 A similar pair of verbs, the first without and the second with the personal
46-52.
pronominal element N, appears in other sale documents such as UET 5, 147:8 ([I]N-~I-SA[M)) and 11 ([I]N-NA-AN-LAL); so in UET 5,176:8,11; 183:11, 14.
19 Rivka Harris, "The Archive of the Sin Temple in Khafajah (Tutub)," JCS 9 (1955): 92.
13 Steinkeller, p. 154, n. 431, references studies that document this history in
20 LO LO: PBS 8/1, 6:19-21; PBS 8/2, 132:10-12; LO-U 1s: PBS 8/2, 205:12-17
Nippur, Isin, Ur, Tutub (Khafajah), and ~aduppam (Tel Abu Harmal).
(following Chiera's restoration of an II at the close of the line indicating a plural verb, a likely restoration since the 11/11 is written in the middle of the line [ef. ibid., p. 139)); LO: Burkhart Kienast, Die altbabylonisc/len Briefe ails Kisllrra (Freiburger Altorientalische Studien, 2; Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1978), 1-2, no. 80A: 11-15 (if Kienast's transliteration is to be followed, although what can
14 Lubor Matoull, "Les contrats de vente d'immeubles provenant de Larsa," ArOr 18/4 (1950): 15,39. 15 Stephen D. Simmons, "Early Old Babylonian Tablets from l;Iarmal and Elsewhere," JCS 13 (1959): 89, n. 69.
l
WALTER R. BODINE
49
Wilcke has shown that the verb in the no-contest clause in our text, Gk GI4' was replaced by the verb cA-cA at approximately the same time as the change from -ANI to -BI in the payment clause. 21 Both of these features might point to a time prior to the reign of Sabium for YBC 8623. However, the position of the purchase clause before the payment clause points to the latter phase of the development traced by Wilcke,22 indicating a need for more data and a clearer picture of the historical development in order to locate this text more precisely within that process. Although the verb of oath-taking in line 14 is singular in form, it should be read as a plural in light of the two-sided nature of the no-contest clause, as indicated above. This verb occurs in the same singular form in other documents in several contexts in which it must be read as a plural. Especially clear are those in which a plurality of sellers are named as the oath takers and then followed by the verb pAD in singular form. 23 Another example is those documents in which a plurality of sellers take the oath, expressed by the same singular form of pAD, although they are not explicitly named in the no-contest clause. 24 Still another comes from those documents that record exchange transactions and that have the verb of oathtaking in singular form. In exchange documents the no-contest clause was sworn by both parties. 25 I am not yet sure whether to ascribe this use of the singular form in such contexts to inadequate scribal knowledge of Sumerian, or to some dynamic in the historical development of no-contest clauses from their use in exchange transactions to their use in sales. It is noteworthy that tJAR-ra = uubullu translates the Sumerian IN-pAD with the plural it11'lU-u. 26
In documents that record sale transactions, the oath renouncing the right to contest became unilateral, being taken only by the seller, in many cases with the seller being named as the one taking the oath. By the Old Babylonian period sale documents were written generally from the standpoint of the buyer (ex latere emptoris) and for the protection of the buyer, especially in cities from Nippur southward. 27 Reciprocal no-contest clauses, however, as just indicated, do appear not infrequently in these documents. ~s could be a carry-over from the historical development of the sale out of the exchange, in which a bilateral renunciation of the right to contest was the norm. Likely the process was gradual by which the oath in sale transactions came to be taken by the seller only. The fmal sign in line 13 was either DAM, DA, or DE. All three of these signs can occur in this position in this formula. The oath formula, as it stands in the final line, was expanded during the Old Babylonian period to include the names of deities, according to the city in which the contract was drawn up. Steinkeller has shown that this was a return to the Pre-Sargonic pattern in which the city god was invoked. 28 YBC 8623 represents the earlier phase of this development, which has not yet, to my knowledge, been more precisely located historically. The most interesting feature about YBC 8623 is that three slaves were given in return for an orchard, suggesting an exchange transaction; yet the terminology employed is what we understand to be that of a sale. This raises the question of how the transaction was viewed by the original participants. The main term for sale transactions, the verb ~AM, together with the noun of the same root, is used in lines 8 and 9 in what is the regular formula for sales. It might seem, therefore, that this was a sale transaction29 in which an equivalency payment was set in tangible assets instead of money.3D
48
c:-:·:-:·:-:·:-x-:l
be seen of the final sign in line 11 of the hand copy looks more like the beginning of an UI8)' 21 Wilcke, "The Law of Sale," pp. 74-75. 22 Ibid. 23 CT 2, 37:22-25; TCL 10, 50A:13-19/50B:11-18. 24 VET 5,149:4-8,17; 159:6-7, 14. 25 E.g., BE 6/2, 11:23; 39:19. The bilateral no-contest clause was, in Schorr's judgment, the essence of an exchange ("Zum Wesen des Tausches gehort die gegenseitige Zustimmung ... ," M. Schorr, Urkul1del1 des altbabyloniscilel1 Zivilund Prozessrechts [VAB 5; Leipzig: J.e. Hinrichs', 1913], p. 160). 26 B. Landsberger, The Series tJAR-ra = uubullu: Tablets I-IV (MSL 5; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1957), 1,312. Cf., on a similar issue with regard to another formula, Dietz Otto Edzard, "Die bukill1tl11l-Formel der altbabylonischen Kaufvertdige und ihre sumerische Entsprechtmg," ZA 60 (1970): 13.
27 San Nicolo, pp. 26-28; Yochanan Muffs, Studies in the Aramaic Legal Papyri fro 111 Eleplwntine (Studia et Documenta ad Iura Orientis Antiqui Pertinentia, 8; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1969), pp. 18-23,106-7; Meir Malul, "The bukanl1tllll ClauseRelinquishment of Rights by Previous Right Holder," ZA 75 (1985): 73-76. 28 Steinkeller, pp. 77-80. 29 This is Wilcke's judgment aboutCT 52, no. 86, a letter referring to a transaction in which twenty-nine sheep were given (nadn/1/1) as the sale price (SAM) for a female slave and her nursing female infant. He also cites other texts to this effect in Claus Wi1cke, "Zur Deutung del' SI.BI-Klausel in den spatbabylonischen Kaufvertragen aus Nordbabylonien," WO 9 (1977-78): 206-7, n. 2. 3D The exchange of one ESE of an orchard for two female slaves and one male slave would have been reasonable, though an exchange of one iku would not
50
c..:·:..:·:..:·:..:·:..) WALTER R. BODINE
Payment in tangible assets could have been called into play by the periodic limited availability of silver.31 Although the verb SUM, employed in this text for the handing over of slaves, may be characteristic of exchange contracts,32 its usage here does not necessarily indicate an exchange. Likely it was used simply because it was the suitable term. Just as SUM (or nadiinu) would ordinarily have been used for handing over chattels, so LAL (or saqiilu) would have been used for paying in silver, and AG (or madiidu) for delivering staples.33 Although the formulas of Old Babylonian sale documents did tend to become fixed, this does not mean that the words of the formulas came to be regarded as technical terms or, at least, to be used exclusively as such. The Mesopotamians, however, did have terms that meant "exchange" (primarily KI-BI-GAR-RA/KI-BA-GAR-RA [=pabu], and also ~E-BAL [=supeltu] and ~U-BAL [supeluD and did employ them appropriately in transactions that involved the reciprocal transfer of tangible assets. 34 Since the have been, given the price range of both orchards and slaves in the Old Babylonian period. For example, in Rim-Sin's twenty-eighth year one IKU (one-sixth of an ESE) of an orchard was sold for 13.5 shekels of silver; whereas other orchards of the same size were sold in his thirty-first and thirty-ninth years for 7.3 shekels and 26 shekels respectively (Matou~, p. 37). Prices of orchards apparently depended on the number of date-palms growing in each (Steinkeller, p.135). Slave prices also fluctuated, depending on the age and health of the slave(s), with males bringing more than females (Rivkah Harris,
Ancient Sippar: A Demographic Study ofan Old-Babylonian City (1894-1595 B.c.) [Publications of the Netherlands Historical and Archaeological Institute, 36; Istanbul: Netherlands Historical and Archaeological Institute, 1975], p. 341). The law collection of Hammurabi places the price of a slave at 20 shekels (Martha T. Roth, Law Collections of Mesopotamia and Asia Minor [Writings from the Ancient World,6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997], p. 103, no. 116; p. 123, no. 214; p. 128, no. 252). This is also the range of the price of slaves as reflected in Old Babylonian legal documents (Matou~, p. 59; Claus Wilcke, "Zu den spatbabylonischen Kaufvertragen aus Nordbabylonien," WO 8 [1976]: 280-81; Howard Farber, "A Price and Wage Study for Northern Babylonia during the Old Babylonian Period," IESHO 21 [1978]: 14; Marvin A. Powell, "Identification and Interpretation of Long-Term Price Fluctuations in Babylonia: More on the History of Money in Mesopotamia,' AoF 17 [1990]: 94-95, n. 80).
31 Farber, p. 25. 32 F.R. Kraus, "NIPPUR und ISIN nach altbabylonischen Rechtsurkunden," ICS 3 (1951): 111; San Nicolo, p. 18. 33 The same point is made in Steinkeller, p. 25, n. 33.
34
KI-BI-GAR-RA: UET 5,122: 7; 123: 5; 277: 4; BE 6/2,11: 7; KI-BA-GAR-RA: UET
A MODEL CONTRACT
c..;.:..;.:..;.:..;.:..)
51
transaction recorded in YBC 8623 involves the transfer of landed property from one party and that of slaves from the other in return, it could be said to be an exchange by definition, even though a term for an exchange does not appear. To the same effect, the verb and noun forms of ~AM are employed in other contracts and in letters that document transactions in which tangible assets are given and received. 35 Even more telling for understanding the transaction described in YBC 8623 as an exchange is the occurrence of the same formula with the verb and noun forms of ~AM (or their Akkadian equivalents samu and simu) in the same documents and with reference to the same transactions as precis~ terms for an exchange, KI-BI/BA-GAR-RA (or pabu).36 . All of these observations at least raise the possibility that our understanding of what the verb and noun forms of ~AM meant to the people of Old Babylonian times may be too much influenced by modern categories. Steinkeller points to the image depicted by the original pictographic form of the verb composed of NINDA2 x ~E as evidence of an underlying meaning of "the measuring out of grains and liquids as equivalents for other goods.,,37 The pictograph is suggestive of the eventual historical development of the sale out of the exchange. The proposal being made here is that this development may still have been in process in the Old Babylonian period. A context for this proposal is provided by several conclusions reached by scholars who have searched for evidence of the existence of what we would call "money" in Mesopotamia. One is that money did exist to the extent that silver, copper, barley, and other substances served the functions of money as an index of value, a unit of account, a means of reserve (stored value), and a medium of exchange. 38 It would be significant for the present discussion, however, if the suspicion should prove to be true that it was not 5,276: 16; BE 6/2, 37: 3; 39: 7 /6(case); ~ig-Kizilyay-Kraus Nippur 78: 6.
35 In addition to the texts cited by Wilcke in the discussion cited above in n. 29, d. PBS 8/2,159 and, among the Ur ill documents studied by Steinkeller, no. S5 (the last recording the handing over of silver together with a garment). 36
UET 5,155:4 and 9; Meissner BAP 46:5-6,12; 47:7,10,12-13,19,21.
.
37 Steinkeller, pp. 155-56. Cf. also Malul, pp. 74-75 and the further references cited by both.
38 John B. Curtis and William W. Hallo, "Money and Merchants in Ur III," HllCA 30 (1959): 105; William W. Hallo, Origins: Tile Ancient Near Eastern Background of Some Modern Western Institutions (Studies in the History and Culture of the Ancient Near East, 6; Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1996), pp. 18-25; M. Lambert, "L'usage de I'argent-metal a Lagash au temps de la 3e dynastie d'Ur," RA 57 (1963): 81;
52
c:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
W A LT ERR. BOD I N E
always the silver or other metal moneys that actually changed hands (even though prices were so often desiFnated by these), but commodities defined in terms of these metal moneys.3 Because products were valued in terms of silver (or other indices of value, such as copper or barley), Powell regards the Mesopotamian market as a "developed state of exchange," rather than a "primitive state of exchange,,40 and observes that: "Barter, which is by no means a primitive system of exchange-as sometimes assumed-and which presupposes some generally accepted index of value together with a certain amount of haggling over price, ,grobably constituted the most significant feature of market exchange .... " 1 Rudiments of a monetary system were present in Mesopotamia from early on, e.g., silver and copper served as indices of value in the Para period;42 and silver was exchanged in the form of pieces broken from coils in the Neo-Sumerian and Old Babylonian periods. 43 The potential of these activities, however, does not seem to have been fully grasped. The situation is similar in some sense to that of Egyptian writing, in which the principle
Marvin A. Powell, Jr., "Ancient Mesopotamian Weight Metrology: Methods, Problems and Perspectives," in Studies ill HOllor of Tom B. Jones, ed. M.A. Powell and R.H. Sack (AOAT 203; Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker; NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1979), pp. 83-89; "Identification and Interpretation," pp. 79,98-99; "Money in Mesopotamia," JESHO 39 (1966): 227-28; Daniel C. Snell, Ledgers and Prices: Early Mesopotamian Merchant Accounts (Yale Near Eastern Researches, 8; New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), pp. 59, 184-85; Life in ti,e Ancient Near East: 3100-332 B.C.E. (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997), pp. 24,41. 39 A. Leo Oppenheim, Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait ofa Dead Civilization (revised edition by Erica Reiner; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977), p. 87; Powell, "Ancient Mesopotamian Weight Metrology," pp. 83, 86-87; "Identification and Interpretation," p. 82; Snell, Ledgers, pp. 184-85, n. 12; "Methods of Exchange and Coinage in Ancient Western Asia," in Civilizations of tile Ancient Near East, ed. Jack M. Sasson et al. (New York: Simon & Schuster, 1995),3,1493.
40 "Identification and Interpretation," p. 82. 41
"Ancient Mesopotamian Weight Metrology," p. 89. 42 Powell, "Identification and Interpretation," pp. 79,82,88-91. 43 Piotr Michalowski, "The Neo-Sumerian Silver Ring Texts," Syro-Mesopotamian Studies 2 (1978): 43-58; M.A. Powell, Jr., "A Contribution to the History of Money in Mesopotamia prior to the Invention of Coinage," in Festscllrift Lubor Matou~, ed. B. Hru§ka and G. Komor6czy (Assyriologia, 54; Budapest, 1978),2, pp. 211-43; Hallo, Origins, pp. 18-24, with references.
A MODEL CONTRACT
c:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
53
of alphabetic writing was never grasped, though an a~habet was potentially present in the writing system from an early date. In Mesopotamia, even when, much later, coinage was introduced, it was probably not as revolutionary as is often thought, since coins apparently continued to be weighed instead of counted. 45 The simplicity of coinage was not fully embraced until long after its introduction. 46 In such a context one could visualize a society in which exchange and sale transactions were not yet so clearly distinguished as they are for us today47 and in which the transition from the former to the latter was not a quick and simple process. 48 Several further questions cluster around the writing of model contracts that I will only allude to here without any effort to cite relevant literature or to suggest answers. Are there other features than those mentioned above that distinguish model contracts from those that record actual business transactions? Were the model contracts based on functional documents, or created extemporaneously? If the former, were these exemplars contem-
44 Whatever awareness may have awakened in the Egyptian scribes who re-
corded foreign names in a nearly alphabetic manner during the Middle Kingdom was not extended to the rest of the writing system (Benjamin Sass, Studia Alphabetica: On the Origin and Early History of the Northwest Semitic, South Semitic and Greek Alphabets [Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis, 102; Freiburg, Schweiz: Universitatsverlag; G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991], pp. 4-27, with earlier references). 45 Powell," A Contribution," pp. 218-19; "Money in Mesopotamia," p. 226; Snell "Methods of Exchange," p. 1495. 46 Ibid., p. 1496; Life in the Ancient Near East, pp. 106-7, 129-30, 138. 47 In which case we should leave it as San Nicolo put it, that for the ancient Babylonians there was no great distinction between the two (Die Schlussklauseln, p. 109), and as Snell (Life in the Ancient Near East, p. 24) states, " ... it is wrong to draw an exact line between barter and money economies. Barter ... no doubt played a role throughout Ancient Near Eastern history." 48 "Perhaps that sums up best what is most striking about the Mesopotamian evidence concerning money. It defies classification under simple rubrics. Deposit, credit, joint ventures, orders to pay and many other aspects of 'modern' monetary economy can be glimpsed here and there rubbing elbows with 'primitive' or 'archaic' practices. Above all, the Mesopotamian evidence challenges the idea of some kind of ineluctable, inevitable evolution toward more 'rational' forms of money as well as the often alleged importance of coinage for the economy. They, obviously, were not impressed by it. Someday-though not soon-we may be able to say why." (Powell, "Money in Mesopotamia," pp. 238-39)
54
(_:.:_:.:_:.:_;':'0»
WALTER R. BODINE
porary, or from an earlier period?49 Was there any influence in the other direction, i.e., did the model contracts written in the schools have any influence on the formulation of functional contracts?50 Were functional legal documents produced on the occasion of every transaction, or only for those transactions that involved some unusual circumstance that could affect the future status and rights of the parties involved or that in some way diverged from normal procedures? Are there allusions to the writing of model contracts in other school texts? What was the place of model contracts in the school curriculum? Was there an order to the contracts included in collections used in the schools? What kinds of Sammelurkunden can be identified, and how can collections of functional documents be differentiated from school collections? Efforts to address such questions as these must await further study and other occasions.
Layard and Botta: Archaeology, Imperialism, and Aesthetics Frederick N. Bohrer Hood College
ARCHAEOLOGY AND IMPERIALISM are distinct enterprises, but not completely independent ones. The common motivations between the two become particularly evident when examined historically. In this paper, I want briefly to consider some of the complexities of one unique moment of overlap between archaeology and imperialism: that surrounding the excavations in the mid-nineteenth century made by Austen Henry Layard and Paul-Emile Botta. Given the direct governmental sponsorship and nationalist ideology that motivated these earliest excavations in Mesopotamia, it is hard to see them as anything except imperialist. Surely they fit the criteria of imperialist archaeology described by Bruce Trigger, in which the organization of an excavation itself reflects the power relations between cultures, and in which the resultant finds are summarily annexed by the stronger.1 Moreover, John MacKenzie, a leading historian of imperialism, refers to such acquisition itself as "that ultimate imperial act.,,2 Almost everything about the original excavations of Layard and Botta in Mesopotamia fits the imperialist model. They were both begun in secret, without permission from local authorities. It is quite clear from the narratives of the two archaeologists themselves that much machination went on by their official sponsors, Stratford Canning and Jules Mohl respec49 The answer to this question bears on the more precise relevance of a text like YBC 8623 to the understanding of barter and sale within Mesopotamian history, broached so briefly here. Cf. note 8 above for one particular issue within this larger question.
50 The answers to this question and the previous two will be expedited if model
Bruce G. Trigger, "Alternative Archaeologies: Nationalist, Colonialist, Imperialist," Man NS XIX (1984): 355-70.
contracts should be able to be identified with functional documents that served as their exemplars, an unlikely prospect, but one that can be hoped for.
2 John M. MacKenzie, Orientalism: History, T"eory and tile Arts (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995), p. 53.
55
FREDERICK N. BOHRER
57
tively, to wrest these permissions retroactively when it looked like there would be something worth taking. 3 No one seems to have doubted for a moment that as soon as significant Assyrian artifacts were discovered they would be taken off to France and England. But what is more important is that this annexation was staged specifically in the imbalance between the European imperial powers and the authorities of the locale of discovery. In this context, a rare and telling comment was made by Mohl, the driving force behind the French Asiatic Society. In 1847, just as the Assyrian discoveries were first being put on display in the Louvre, he wrote:
In this context, Mesopotamia is almost a blank backdrop, a stage on which France and England compete for prizes. It was perhaps Layard in particular, though, who offered the most remarkable performance, being closest to the indigenous peoples of Mesopotamia while also maintaining the conventional distance from them. At points in Layard's Nineveh and Its Remains, Western and indigenous concerns are even considered together, only to be functionally sundered. Most striking is an incident toward the end of the book, after Layard's major discoveries have been made. Here the very enterprise of archaeology intersects with beliefs attributed to the indigenous inhabitants. The speech of Abd-al-Rahmann to Layard is fulsome:
r..,.:·:..,.:.:..,.:·:..,.:,:",,)
56
The most favorable moment for the exploration of a country is that when it first becomes accessible, and it is thus today in a great part of the Orient, which is struck with an almost superstitious terror (line terrellr presqlle sllperstitiellse) after its contact with Europe. 4
For twelve hundred years have the true believers ... settled in this country, and none of them ever heard of a palace underground. Neither did they who went before them. But lo!, here comes a Frank from many days' journey off, and he walks up to the very place, and he takes a stick (illustrating the description at the same time with the point of his spear), and makes a line here, and makes a line there. Here, says he, is the palace; there, says he, is the gate; and he shows us what has been all our lives beneath our feet, without our having known anything about it. Wonderful! wonderful!6
It is just the clever exploitation of this "superstitious terror" that can be read in the accounts ofBotta and, at greater length, of Layard detailing their dealings and those of their higher-ups with local authorities. In other words, the designated discoverers shared much of the viewpoint and set of national interests represented by their patrons. On this point, a well-known statement of Layard's employer Canning, the British ambassador at Constantinople, complements that quoted before from Mohl. In his initial statement to the Foreign Office, alluding to his own independent and surreptitious support of Layard's excavations at Nimrud, Canning wrote breezily:
There is, of course, no way to know whether this encolmter or anything even like it ever occurred. H.W.F. Saggs has shown how similar incidents were considerably recast in some of Layard's other published works, much to the advantage of the author? There is similar evidence about Nineveh and Its ReI/wins itself. Thus, what is most striking is not the speech itself, but the kind of self-presentation by Layard that it triggers. Layard reports starting to respond by saying that the success of the excavation was "an acknowledgment of the debt that the West owes to the East."B This is a unique acknowledgment of inter-connection, quite unlike the imperialist, acquisitive frame of reference noted above. However, this moment of something like conscience passes, and Layard tells us he instead "seized this opportunity to give him [Abd-al-Rahmann] a short lecture upon the advantages of civilization and of knowledge.,,9 This entire incident, then, serves to
M. Botta's success at Nineveh [sic] has induced me to venture in the same lottery, and my ticket has turned up a prize ... there is much reason to believe that Montague House [the British Museum] will beat the Louvre hollow.5
3
Austen Henry Layard, Nineveh and Its Remains, 2 vols. (New York: Putnam, 1851 [first published: London, 1849]); Paul-Emile Botta, Lettres de M. Bolta sllr ses decouvertes iI KllOrsabad, pres de Ninive (Paris: Imprimerie royale, 1845).
6
4 Jules Mohl, Vingt-Sept Ans d'Histoire des Etudes Orientals, Rapports Faits ilia Societe Asiatique de Paris de 1840 il1867, 2 vols. (Paris: Reinwald, 1879), 1, pp. 252-53 (my translation).
Layard,op. cit., II, p. 71. H.W.F. Saggs, introduction to Ninevell and Its Remains by Austen Henry Layard (New York: Praeger, 1970), pp. 26-30. B Layard,op. cit. II, p. 72. 9 Ibid. 7
5 Quoted in Stanley Lane-Poole, Tile Life of tile Rigllt Honourable Stratford Canning ... , Reprint ed., 2 vols. (New York: AMS, 1976 [first published: London, 1888]), II, p. 149.
j
c...:·:...:.:...:·:...:·:...) FREDERICK N. BOHRER
59
have "inferior" peoples testify to their own ostensible status, while highlighting the centrality of archaeology as imperialist gesture. Moreover, this very incident was specifically praised in contemporary reviews of Layard's book, as by the Whig Examiner, for whom it exemplified what the journal fotmd most of all praiseworthy about Layard, who was said to excel " ... above all, in those personal qualities which win submission and exert . h out appearmg . t0 exac t el'ther. ,,10 controI Wit These examples could be multiplied further, but I think they are sufficient to establish the basic imperialist thrust, at both official and popular levels, of the archaeological activity of the two leading European powers in mid-nineteenth-century Mesopotamia. In Mohl's terms, the greatest imbalance of power between East and West is seen, explicitly, as most fruitful for archaeological exploration. Layard's anecdote attests to his own enforcement of the same imbalance, even while winkingly suggesting to the Western reader that he does not quite believe it. Finally, Canning's statement, about the British Museum beating the Louvre hollow, clearly ties both cotmtries into a common project of acquisition. But the acknowledgment that this activity is all imperialist (in more or less the textbook sense of the term) should not be the end of our analysis. England and France were different places, and differently imperialist. These differences, in turn, are important in their own right for understanding the different fortunes of ancient Assyrian art in France and England. The last decade or so of postcolonial theory has been involved in a questioning of the idea of the West as cultural monolith, a hallmark of the binary opposition of East vs. West (a conception to which Layard himself had recourse, as we have just seen).11 In the same spirit, I want to suggest how some of the differences and discontinuities within the very scope of the West may play out in the case of early Assyrian excavation. To do this we need to follow the artifacts beyond their initial discovery, into their circulation in Western Europe. The rivalry mentioned by Canning, uniting France and England in a competition for acquisition, is perhaps most evident in considering the assembly of antiquities in the Louvre and British Museum. Though there
certainly are differences between the two collections, they were amassed and installed in roughly comparable ways, and opened at almost the same time. This direct rivalry by state museums surely is part of the official contest for antiquities. But the different reactions to the discoveries in France and England tend to uncouple the two, marking a limit to the parallelism of national interests in the discoveries. That is, even though the Assyrian discoveries were produced in much the same manner, they had quite different receptions in the two countries. I have written elsewhere on the differences in visual representations of ancient Assyria in England and France after the discoveries,12 but there is as well an interlocking history of social and cultural divergence on the finds. This has in part to do with the different degrees of access the museums granted to different audiences in the mid-nineteenth century. The Louvre was considerably more forbidding to popular audiences, and information on the collections little obtainable by anyone but recognized experts. An exemplary visit is that described in Emile Zola's novel, L'Assommoir, a work set in mid-nineteenth-century France that chronicles the lives of a group of lower- to working-class Parisians. The characters come to visit the Louvre only through the extraordinary circumstance of taking a day off from work in order to attend a wedding and then being forced inside by constant rain. The first thing they go to see are the Assyrian collections, an experience that sets the tone for the entire visit:
58
The wedding party wandered into the Assyrian gallery, where they were somewhat taken aback. It was deucedly cold there: just the thing for a wine cellar. The couples advanced slowly, their chins in the air, blinking their lids between the stone colossi, the black marble gods, mute in their hieratic rigidity, the monstrous beasts, half-cat and halfwoman, with the faces of the dead, noses shrunken and lips swollen. They thought them very ugly. One knew a jolly lot better than that nowadays how to carve stone. An inscription in Phoenician characters stupefied them. It was not possible, no one could ever have read that scrawlP The basic tenor is one of radical disjuncture between the realms of artifact and audience. The gulf between these laundresses and occasional laborers
10 The Examiner, 6 Jan 1849, 3. The same paragraph ends: "Books such as this may
help to keep us proud of the name of Englishman." 11 E.g., Edward Said, Cultllre and Imperialism (New York: Knopf, 1993); Michael Taussig, Mimesis and A/terity: A Particular History of tile Senses (New York: Routledge, 1993); Homi Bhabha, Tile Location ofCulture (New York: Routledge, 1994); Nicholas Thomas, Colonialism's Culture: Anthropology, Travel, and Government (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994).
12 Frederick N. Bohrer, "Inventing Assyria: Exoticism and Reception in Nineteenth-Century England and France," Art Bulletin, v. 70 no. 2 Oune 1998): 33656.
13 Emile Zola, L'Assommoir, trans. Arthur Symons (New York: Boni & Liveright, 1924), p. 77.
60
LA YARD AND BOTTA
and those who saw fit to display the objects could hardly be greater. Even though the scripts had been essentially deciphered by this time, the circles where this had taken place did not overlap with those of these visitors. To Zola's disbelieving artisans in the Louvre, one might juxtapose Thomas Hardy's more well-to-do viewers in The Hand of Ethelberta, published just one year earlier than Zola's book. Christopher Julian meets his sister Faith at the British Museum in "a particular basement room .. .lined with bas-reliefs from Nineveh.,,14 In a way almost precisely opposite to Zola's characters, Faith finds the artifacts moving and revelatory:
like state: "I am the Bull of Nineveh ... my memory is as the figures in morning's mist."l7 The narrator tells of a vaguely recalled past of greatness, alternating with periods of sleep, as empires fell. The last awakening was recent:
Only just think that this is not imagined of Assyria, but done in Assyrian times by Assyrian hands. Don't you feel as if you were actually in Nineveh; that as we now walk between these slabs, so walked Ninevites between them once?15 This comparison between the scenes staged by Hardy and Zola orients the differences in the apprehension of Assyrian art in two ways. First, it clearly locates different reactions, essentially favorable vs. unfavorable, in England vs. France. But is also contains a further kind of differentiation, in which relative reactions are also related to differences of social class. The great European museums that housed the Assyrian remains were often intimidating and alienating to the popular viewer, in England as in France. 16 Yet the striking distinction in tone between the English and French receptions of Assyria does seem to be broadly applicable. It can be maintained also when considering audiences of comparable social class in the two countries. This is clearly demonstrated by a further piece of evidence, bringing the comparison back across the English Channel. A "dramatized autobiography" of the Nineveh Bull appeared in the magazine House/w/d Words (published by Charles Dickens) in 1851. This magazine clearly represents a popular English constituency socially comparable to that described by Zola. It was largely unillustrated and quite cheaply priced, designed for mass sales to the burgeoning working classes. But, again in contrast to Zola, the English reaction to Assyria here as well is not one of dismissal but fascination. The text is couched in a hazy, dream14 Thomas Hardy, TI/e Hand of Etl/elberta (London: Macmillan, 1970 [first published: London, 1876]), p. 189. 15 Ibid. 16 On Assyria's public at the British Museum, see Frederick N. Bohrer, "The Times and Spaces of History: Representation, Assyria, and the British Museum," in Museum Culture: Histories, Discollrses, Spectacles, D. Sherman and 1. Rogoff, eds. (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1994), pp. 197-222.
C-:·:-:·:-:':-:':-J
61
I was borne down my own ancient river, amidst strange voices and shouts-"Layard! Layard!" they seemed to cry. I saw my country desolate, my dwelling a prey to strangers ... Now I stand in a strange land, the wonder of earth's younger children. They say I am far from
my violated home, in a city prouder, greater, more glorious, than my native realm ... ,,18 This is a lengthy narrative of captivity, handily summoned from a dead civilization. The bull, and Assyria with him, are appropriated by a place that measures itself as "prouder, greater, more glorious." In it, he stands as a "wonder," a monument, but also a curiosity. England's awareness of its own power frames the discoveries, just as such power supported and informed its archaeology. The piece in Household Words thus makes explicit the very exercise of power over Assyria with which we have begun. The text is not precisely about imperialism as political process, but clearly promotes its cultural correlate: a way of seeing with what Mary Louise Pratt has called "imperial eyes.,,19 From the novel to the popular journal, then, we have a picture of a fascinated, sympathetic, and sometimes even breathless public reception of Assyrian antiquities in England. Imperialism fWlctioned as a basic engine of the situation, not only in connection with the initial acquisition of the objects but also their later popularity. So far as I know, there is nothing comparable to the "dramatized autobiography" anywhere in French popular literature. Instead, the very dearth of French popular promulgation of the discoveries in the midnineteenth century points to a broader, more systematic difference between the political and social structures of the two countries. The French excavation was, from the start, highly centralized. Unlike Layard, Botta was sent to Mesopotamia as official consular agent. He was answerable to 17 Anon., "The Nineveh Bull," HOllsehold Words, vol. 2 [February 8, 1851]: 468. The author was W.H. Stone: see Anne Lohrli, ed., HOllsel/old Words ... Table of COl/tel/ts, List of Contriblltors and Their Contriblltions (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1973), p. 441. 18 Ibid., p. 469. 19 Mary Louise Pratt, Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transclilturation (New York: Routledge, 1992).
c..:.:..:·:..:·:..:·:..)
62
FREDERICK N. BOHRER
a small circle of officials, and rewarded with their favor. His Monument de Ninive, the single major publication of Botta's discoveries, epitomizes the difference from English circulation. 20 A five-volume elephant folio, Monument de Ninive is a successor to the vast Napoleonic Description de I'Egypte, a vehicle for the government of Louis-Phillipe to rival the magisterial work of its forbear. Yet, the very pattern of centralization in which the project was formed led ultimately to its downfall. The government fell before the publication was finished. Its circulation, always intended for the few, was further constrained. This centralization of power could hardly have been more unlike that of England. An official in the British Museum's Department of Antiquities had told Layard that "En~lish authorities are influenced more from without than from within." 1 It was a piece of advice concordant with Canning's own mandate to Layard to" ... make the public understand that they have got a prize. ,,22 Following this advice, Layard addressed a much broader constituency than Botta. His own success must be seen within the social structure in which he functioned. The English incidents mentioned certainly indicate support in a variety of locations along the social spectrum. Indeed, perhaps the most striking evidence of all of the real political dimensions and cultural differences of early Assyrian archaeology lies in their effects on the later careers of the discoverers. Under the new French regimes that decisively put an end to the monarchy that had been his sponsor, Botta was sent off to a series of more distant and obscure assignments. He was posted to Jerusalem in 1848 during the brief Second Republic, while in the Second Empire he was sent even further from Mesopotamia, to Tripoli, where he remained until returning to France, unknown and virtually unheralded, two years before his death, in 1870. Mogens Larsen well notes that Botta "seems almost to have been erased from history.,,23 Whereas Botta's actions took him to the margins of power, Layard used his fame as discoverer as a springboard into the political prominence in which he spent the majority of his life as member of Parliament, vice-minis-
20 Paul-Emile Botta, Monument de Ninive .. .,5 vols. (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1849-50). 21
Quoted in Gordon Waterfield, Layard of Nineveh (New York: Praeger, 1963), p. 181.
22 Ibid., p. 180. 23 Mogens Trolle Larsen, The Conqllest of Assyria: Excavations in an Antiqlle Land, 1840-1860 (New York; Routledge, 1996), p. 14.
LA YARD AND BaTT A
c..:·:..:·:..:·:..:·:..)
63
ter for Foreign Affairs, and later ambassador to the Sublime Porte. Layard, that is, eventually took on the very ambassadorial position that had long been held by Canning. This is the ultimate index of continuity between archaeology and politics. In recognition of this relationship, then, one can speak of the political dimension to nineteenth-century archaeology in Western European countries or, perhaps just as easily, of an archaeological dimension to the imperialist project that pervaded nineteenth-century political thought.
Mnemohistory in Syro-Hittite Iconography Dominik Bonatz University of Freiburg / Germany
"HISTORIANS ARE CONCERNED, or at any rate need to be concerned, with memory from two different points of view. In the first place, they need to study memory as a historical source, to produce a critique of the reliability of reminiscence on the lines of the traditional critique of historical documents. [... ) In the second place, historians are concerned, or should be concerned with memory as a historical phenomenon," what has been called by the cultural historian Peter Burke the social history of remembering. 1 I would like to take up this second aspect of historiography, to ask, what are the modes of transmission of public memories and have these modes changed over time? The process might be called mnemollistory, which, in my example, has been embodied in visible language: the iconography of the Syro-Hittite art. In recent years, new discoveries and new interpretations of longknown material have substantially broadened our knowledge of the history of North Syria and Southeast Anatolia in the early Iron Age. A continuation of the period following the fall of the Hittite Empire is now firmly documented by the existence of the surviving dynasty at Karkami~ and its descending line at Malatya. The inscriptions and sculptures that belong to these dynasties can be dated back to the twelfth and eleventh centuries B.C.E,z Thus, in recognition of the literal and visual documents, more light has been thrown on the so-called Dark Age. I would like to argue that this
P. Burke, "History as Social Memory," in Th. Butler, ed., Memory: History, Culture alld tile Milld (Oxford: 1989), pp. 99-100. 2 J.D. Hawkins, "'Great Kings' and 'Country Lords' at Malatya and Karkami~,"
in Th.P.J. von den Hout/J. de Ros, eds., Studio Historiae Ardells. Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to Pllilo H.I. Houwillk ten Cate (Istanbul: 1995), pp. 7476.
65
66
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DOMINIK BONATZ
period was in fact still very much embedded in the Late Bronze Age traditions, which could be considered as an attempt to maintain political order and collective identity during a critical phase of transition. But step by step, as new socio-economic systems were developed, rules over new territories were claimed, and new political entities formed ideologies to meet their own needs, the older traditions must have been opened up to create new forms of belonging and identity. In this process visual concepts played an important role as a mnemonic aid to develop collective memory. The way in which visual art dealt with the past is illuminating, as it did not function to maintain conservative traditions, but rather to create meaningful traditions. The early, late twelfth- or eleventh-century sculptures from the Lion Gate in Malatya demonstrate the continuity in the traditional depiction of libation in the presence of the gods, performed here several times by the king of Melid, PUGNUS-mili (probably II).3 The same theme is depicted on the stele from Darende (fig. I), which according to its inscription is assigned
MNEMOHISTORY
c;,.::;::~::o&~
67
to Arnuwanti II, the grandson of Arnuwanti I and son of PUGNUS-mili II, who called himself "Country-Lord" of Melid and who, it is suggested, ruled in the eleventh century B.C.E. 4 Arnuwanti stands on a lion and pours water in the presence of the seated goddess Jjepat and the god Sarruma, who also is standing on a lion. The stele from Ispek~ir (fig. 2) is the work of the same Arnuwanti who again mentions in his inscription his father and grandfather, PUGNUS-mili II and Arnuwanti I respectively. But the theme of the depiction differs from that on the Darende stele in so far as the libation of the king, standing on a bull, here takes place in front of the homonymous grandfather, standing on
PIG. 1: Stele from Darende. (H.v.d. Osten, orc 14, 1933, fig. 133)
FIG.
2: Stele from
Ispek~ir.
(R. Naumann, in Fcstscllrift H. Otten, 1973, fig. 1)
L. Delaporte, Malatya, Arslrllltepe I, La Porte des Liolls (Paris: 1940), pis. 19, 1, 2; 20, I, 2; 22, 1; 23, 1; 24.
4 Hawkins, '''Great Kings' and 'Country Lords'," p. 74.
68
(~~~·-<'-·Z-:::<>::l
a mountain, and his wife, logically the grandmother of Arnuwanti II, standing on a city-wall. The thematic change is revealing. It points to a newly visualized concept of identity and legitimacy. On the stele from Darende, Arnuwanti II first made a dedication to the gods. In the inscription he claims the building of a new city (X-tUlIlI1/1i), which he dedicated to the goddess, that is, to ljepat. Later, on the stele of Ispek~ir, he replaced the gods by his ancestors, who functioned as tutelary gods: the grandmother (on a citywall) for the city,S the grandfather (on a mountain) for the country. The iconography of the Ispek~ir stele is a clear reflection of the transformational process during the first two centuries after the fall of the Hittite Empire. As important historical events, which henceforth would substantially characterize the urban activities in the Syro-Hittite territories, the building of new cities and re-founding of pre-existing cities had to be celebrated and commemorated. For that reason the supremacy of the gods in visual propaganda was reduced, and preference was given to human characters, who served to improve their own historical identity. From now on the cult of ancestors and the dead increased noticeably. The first step was the erection of statues for the deceased and, to a certain degree, deified royals, which took place toward the end of the tenth century B.C.E. Evidence of this is provided by two colossal statues, one from Zincirli (fig. 3), the other from Karkamis. 6 Both are mounted on a doublelion podium, where hollows and cup-marks have been cut, originally to receive offerings? The statue from Karkamis, the base of which was found in situ in the "Kings Gate," is thought to represent an early ruler of the house of Suhi. 8 Because of its stylistic resemblance to the statue from Zincirli, the latter must represent an almost contemporary ruler of Sam'al, probably the founder of the city, GabbaI' or his successor 13MH. It means that in Sam'al as well as in Karkamis colossal statues had been erected for
S
Stephanie Dalley comments on the queen-grandmother's crown, which in Naumann's drawing (sec fig. 2) is interpreted as a battlement crown. Dalley refers to a drawing made by David Hawkins, where the vertical lines in the crown arc not reproduced. Thus, she hesitates in interpreting it as a battlement crown (personal communication of Stephanie Dalley).
6 CL. Woolley, Carcliell/isli, Ill: Tlie Excavatiolls ill tlie IlIlIer TowII (London: 1978 2), pis. 13.53, a, b; 13.54, a. 7
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DOMINIK BONATZ
D. Ussishkin, "Hollows, 'Cup-Marks' and Hittite Stone Monuments,"
FIG. 3: Statue from Zincirli, building J. (W. Orthmann, Propyliiell KlInstgeschiclite 14, 1975, fig. 342, a)
the founders of the local dynasties, who became deified ancestors acting as protectors for the prosperity of city and state. I would like to suggest that they are posthumously erected images, which were dedicated by the royal successors to their fatherly predecessors. But this is not the crucial point. More important is the fact that such statues were kept for generations in the focus of public attention. The statue from Zincirli is a good example of this. It is possible that it was first erected in a central room ofbuildingJ in the late tenth century B.CK, and afterwards, in the ninth centmy B.CE., moved to the front of the wall of the same buildingY There it stood until the seventh century B.CE., when it was knocked over by the Assyrian conquerors, probably under Asarhaddon, and thereafter buried carefully by the locals near its base, which remained in its place. Thus, during a period of about
Alla/oliall Studies 25 (1975), pp. 95, 99-103, figs. 14,15,17-19. 8
J.D.
Hawkins, "The Syro-Hittite States," in J. Boardman, cd., Tlie Call/bridge
Allcicllt History, plates to Vol. III (Cambridge: (984), p. 75.
') Ii.v. Luschan/G. Jacoby, AlIsgm/l/ll1gell ill Selldscliirli TV (Bedin: (911), pI. L.
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MNEMOHISTORY
300 years, the statue acted as a clearly visible image from the past. The
a necromancy; in the third (fig. 6), the family, represented by the husband and the son, carries out the offering in front of the deceased mother. Her protective power over the heir is symbolized by the gesture of embrace. The care of the heirs entailed remembering those who had lived before them in their society. The stele acted as a mnemonic aid in doing this. It marked also a mnenlotop, a place where communicative memory was carried out and where a person or a group improved the consciousness of their own history. I would like to emphasize that this is a very special aspect of Syro-Hittite mnemotechnique. It is also a social phenomenon in so far as it was not restricted only to the royal families, and a particular phenomenon in the ancient Near East that is unparalleled in Assyria and Babylonia. The last point of this paper considers the performance of mnemohis-
perception of past images is also stressed in the Kilamuwa inscription from the entrance of the building 1,10 which invokes the protective power of the gods Ba'al $emed and Ba'al !;lammon, who are synonymous with the dynastic ancestors GabbaI' and BMH.ll The invocation of the head of a dynasty or family formed the basis of that dynasty's or family'S prestige and self-image. In the context of the Luwian and Aramaean urbanization process, the social classes, which supported this process, started to transfer their identity in visual propagan12 da. This was true not only for the dynasties but also for some non-royals and mainly for family groups. In a later stage of this development, the picture of the family as a basic unit of the community's moral values and order was emphasized on the reliefs from the "Royal Buttress" in KarkamiS, where the family of the ruler Yariris is depicted.13 But previously, in the early ninth century B.CE., it was communication with the dead that transferred and established the memory within the context of the family. The funerary repast, depicted on several stelae from that time, is the most striking visible expression for that. The feeding of the dead constitutes an act of remembering and perceiving identity. The act is well known to us from the second millennium B.CE. kispu-ritual. But, at the beginning of the first millennium B.CE., it was embodied in monumental art for the very first time. 14 Different configurations on the funerary stelae demonstrate the range of social interaction with the dead. In the first example (fig. 4), the deceased woman receives offerings from an apparently young man, considered to be her son rather than an anonymous servant; in the second (fig. 5), the deceased woman, holding a spindle, receives a scribe at the offering table. The person should not be considered a real scribe but instead the son, or perhaps a priest, leading and recording the ritual, which probably includes
~~z?:03
Llischan, Selldscltirli IV, pp. 374-77, fig. 273. 11
12
13 14
H. Niehr, "Zlim Totenkult del' KCinige von Sam' al im 9. und 8. Jh.v .Chr.," Stw/i Epigmfici e Lillgllistici II (1994), p. 58. Cf. S. Mazzoni, "Aramaean and Luwian New Foundations," in S. Mazzoni, ed., Nuove fOlldaziolli Ilel Vicillo Oriellte all fica: realitil e ideologia (Pisa: 1993), pp. 331-33. D.G. Hogarth, Carcltemislt, I: Illtrodllctory (Oxford: 1915), pI. B.7, a, b. Cf. J.D. Hawkins, "Late Hittite Funerary Monuments/' in B. Alster, cd., Death ill Mesopotamia (Mesopotamia 8; Copenhagen: 1980), pp. 213-25; D. Bonatz, Das syro-Itetltitische Gmbdellkmal (Mainz: 2000).
PIG. 4: Stele from Zincirli. (courtesy of the Vorderasiatisches Museum Berlin, VA 2995)
73
72
FIG. 6: Stele from
Mara~.
(colll'tesy of the Museum of Mara§/Turkey, Inv. no. 214)
FIG. 5: Stele from
Mara~.
(courtesy of the Museum of Adana/Turkey, Inv.no. 1756)
tory at the height of Syro-Hittite urban ideology and its visual propaganda through the reliefs from the city-walls, gates, and public buildings. At Tell Halaf, ancient Guzana, most of the carved blocks embedded in the walls of the temple-palace were reused by King Kapma from an older building, the temple of the storm-god, during the second half of the ninth century B.C.E. In their primary as well as secondary context the sculptures had served to constitute the picture of an economically, politically, and religiously idealized landscape. To give some historical background for this ideal, we may note that some depictions refer to the situation before the building of the new city and the establishment of the Aramaean dynasty at
Guzana, the time when chaos ruled the land. Two wat'l'iors killing each other with their knives is a distinct and almost unparalleled visual expression of this (fig. 7). Only after the conquest of the territory, represented by the usual picture of victory over the enemy,15 did the ideal of the new landscape emerge. In this context it is important to note that for most of the popUlation, which originated from the Aramaean tribes, the natural and political surroundings of life were new indeed. The cultivation of the land by planting palm trees and picking their fruits,16 and the flourishing of traffic and trade, in which the camel played an important role,I7 point to a tribal heritage, and are a good means of connecting it with the new urban identity. Consequently the visual language also incorporated certain subjects that refer more directly to the local environment, such as crossing
15 A. Moortgat, Tell Halaflll, Oil' Bildwerkc (Berlin: 1955), pI. 35, a. 16 Moortgat, Tcll Halaf lll, pI. 33. 17 Moortgat, Tell Halarlll, pI. 27, a.
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DO MIN I K BON A T Z
FIG. 7: Carved block from Tell Halaf. (A. Moortgat, Tell Halaf 1Il, pI. 35) the river tJabur by boat. 18 In this process, the identification of the people with the surrounding land was very important. The landscape functioned as a IIIllemotop, a place to improve the collective memory. On sixty-two carved blocks at Tell Halaf an encyclopedia of more than twenty different animals is exposed,19 including lions and panthers, horses and donkeys, bulls and cattle, wild goats, gazelles, stags, bears, wild boars, hares, ducks, turkeys, ostriches and othet' birds, fishes, and a beaver, all which lived in the territory of BIt Bakbani, providing its population with food and invoking the picture of a rich and peaceful country. For example, the depiction of a duck being siaughtered 20 describes an everyday occurrence and not an
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exceptional heroic act, like the lion hunt. Likewise fishing can be recognized as a timeless picture of peacefulness. 21 All these are concrete locations of memory. But in order to be confirmed they were put together with abstract locations of history and mythology, in which gods, heroes, and ancestors acted as tutelary figures for the self-image of society. This may be considered the dynamic component in the iconography of Syro-Hittite mnemohistory, in which past items were reproduced and traditions were invented. Gods who had been worshipped for a long time were adopted in the Aramaic ~antheon, like the storm-god Tesup or, in West-Semitic language, Hadad. 2 Motifs referrin§ to legendary myths were reproduced, like the two heroes killing a demon? And their own dynastic tradition was invoked by the figuration of ancestors, like the sitting man smelling a flower, accompanied by two bull-men supporting a winged sun-disc, the symbol of 5amas and of the vertical axis between sky, earth, and underworld. 24 All together the reliefs from Tell Halaf create a visible language of phatic and static, dynamic and narrative components, the aim of which was to impress the collective remembrance on the community of Guzana. I have cited only the example of Tell Halaf but the same is true also of Karkamis, Sam'al and Karatepe, where similar locations of memory are embodied in the visual propaganda of the extensive wall decorations. The sculptures are accompanied by royal inscriptions in which we often find the following distinct and polemical phrase, as in the inscription of KiJamuwa from the porch of the building J in Zincirli: I am Kilamuwa, son of Hayya. GabbaI' became king over Ja'udi, but accomplished nothing, there was BMH, but he accomplished nothing, then there was my father Hayya, but he accomplished nothing, then there was my brother 5'1, but he accomplished nothing. But I, Kilamuwa, son of Hayxa, what I accomplished not even (their) predecessors accomplished. 25
21 Moortgat, Tell Nalaf 1Il, pI. 29. 22
Moortgat, Tell HalafIll, pI. 108, b.
23 Moortgat, Tell Nalaf lIl, pI. 102, a.
18 Moortgat, Tell Halaf W, pI. 43, a. 19 See plates in Moortgat, Tell HalaflIl. 20 Moortgat, Tl'!l Ha14 1II, pI. 40, a.
Moortgat, Tell Halt~l [[[, pI. 98. 25 After J.CL. Gibson, Text/lOok (~l Syrian Selllitic lnscriptiolls II: Aramaic lnHcriptiollS, illcluding lnscriptiolls ill tlie Dialect (if Z/,Iljirli (Oxford: 1975), p. 34.
24
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DOMINIK BON ATZ
The same is repeated in similar phrases of Katuwas at Karkamis, of Halparuntiyas from Gurgum, and of Kapara at Guzana. These kings also report that they found the cities and the land devastated and abandoned and they claim to have rebuilt the cities and cultivated the land. To a certain degree these statements may reflect the anarchistic situation in many parts of the Syro-Hittite territories after the fall of the Hittite Empire. But, taking into consideration that most of these inscriptions were written in the ninth century B.C.E., when the first step of re-urbanization and renewal of the political systems had been realized,26 it becomes clear that the negative historical discourse served mainly to create the basis for their own glorious past. 27 It should be stressed that this ideology of historical perception clearly replaced the older concept of the Hittite Empire period, when the ideal of historiography was described by the formula text: "nothing to take away, nothin~ to add," which is repeated in many state contracts of the Hittite kings. But in the period of the Luwian and Aramaean states the new idea was to accomplish what no one had done before. To achieve this principle, a collective amnesia had first to be established, a forgetting that allows the creation of a new historical reality in the interests of social cohesion. As it has been demonstrated by the example of Tell Halaf, this process was sophisticatedly embodied in the visible language of the relief programs. I would like to end this paper by quoting one last example from Tell Halaf that documents the dynamic interaction of retainment and rejection for the choice of social memory. During the so-called old building period at Tell Halaf two seated figures of female ancestors had been erected over their tombs in a surface chamber. But later they were embedded in the large brickwork-foundation for the temple-palace of King Kapara. 29 They were neither removed nor damaged, and thus to a certain degree they were treated with respect. But they ceased to function as visible images of the past because they had to make way for the invention of a new collective picture of the past that was directed by King Kapara's ideological point of view. 26 Mazzoni, "Aramaean and Luwian New Foundations," pp. 333-34. 27 In this context, it is illustrating to remember Kapara, who must have been conscious of the achievements of his predecessors when reusing their sculptures. But he negated this by engraving his inscription on their works. 28 H. Cancik, Myt"isc/Ie lind "istorisc/Ie WalIYlleit. Interpretation ZII Texte" der "ethitisc"el1, biblischel1l1l1d griec/lisc"el1 Historiogrnphie (Stuttgart: 1970), pp. 85-96. 29 R. Naumann, Tell Halafll, Die Bauwerke (Berlin: 1950), pp. 159-68, figs. 80; 81; pIs. 29, 1,2; 30, 1.
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77
It has been the aim of this paper to explain how the application and exclusion of historical displays worked to impress a collective memory on Syro-Hittite society. I think that Syro-Hittite iconography, from its very beginning in the twelfth century to its end in the eighth century B.C.E., carries out a mnemohistorical discourse in which both remembering and forgetting play essential parts. In addition to the written sources iconography can be used as a legible source to help us understand the meaning of history during this period.
Misinformation on Mesopotamian Exact Sciences David Brown Oxford University
LADIES AND GENTLEMEN, I have an announcement to make. For reasons too complicated to go into now the author of the story you are about to hear has been unable to attend the Rencontre and has asked me to deliver it to you instead. I was under strict instructions to turn the story into a proper Assyriologicallecture-a proper history paper-but I have been unable to do this. Thus, I give you Misinformation on the Mesopotamian Exact Sciences in its unadulterated form: In a scoffing tone the student read an extract from the extremely popular book Isaac Newton, The Last Sorcerer, by Michael White in which it was written (p. 66) that "the true origins of mathematics and astronomy are certainly ancient. The earliest form of mathematics is credited to the Babylonians of around 4000 B.C.E. who recorded star patterns and named constellations." The old professor leaned forward gesturing for the book and replied: "Aah, I know, dreadful, but did you hear what was said about cuneiform astronomy in the first of this year's1 Children's Chrishnas Lectures? That was broadcast on TV to hundreds of thousands of sensitive minds." After a moment he read out from the book (pp. 66-67): 'lilt was not until Greek times that mathematics and, to a lesser extent, astronomy were separated from religion and considered worthy of academic attention ... becoming subjects for pure analysis and reasoning.' Many still assume no serious science was done before the Greeks! 112 he said bitterly.
1997.
A.c. Crombie in Critical Problems in the History of Science (1959), p. 81. Quoted in F. Rochberg, "Introduction" to Isis 83 (1992), p. 552.
2 " .. .it was the Greeks who invented science ... ,"
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The student was a little surprised by the professor's tone, but after a small sip of his sherry while the professor pulled deeply at his pipe he added: "So why do we think people write such rubbish about the Mesopotamian exact sciences?" "Orientalism, dear boy, orientalism, the other, the exotic, the romantic, an outlet for our inner sexual fantasies,,,3 he answered with relish; and so it began. The professor talked and puffed away. The student listened, trying to look interested, desperate to repress an inexplicable urge to down his glass in one and then swig directly from the bottle standing on the floor between them. Occasionally a peal of bells could be heard from one of the nearby spires. The pipe smoke formed into a cloud in the middle of the oakpanelled room, as the student found it increasingly difficult to penetrate the professor's meaning. A few wall lamps illuminated small areas of the chamber in shafts of brilliance4 in which millions of particles, like facts, were suddenly highlighted and then obliterated from view. The professor argued that for a long time the West had viewed the orient as possessing a "'wisdom' that stands in opposition to the defining feature of 'modern' thought: rationality"s and that with this prejudice and a belief in the exotic nature of the East popularizers embellished their works. "You will find the Mesopotamian sections dismissed in a first chapter or in footnotes before the proper subject of study-the Greeks," he complained, and not content simply with lambasting popular science books, he poured scorn on the general histories written by professional historians of science. "Most generalists, at best, might read how the mathematics and the astronomy work, as deciphered for them by Neugebauer and Co., but few will have read about the social, political, philosophical, or scribal background to either. Even the best amongst them still write of Babylonian astronomy, say, in terms of modern or Greek categories, evaluating it on the basis of its effectiveness in predicting phenomena, say.6 An understanding of the discipline in its own
terms, its indebtedness to divination, or to the changing role of the diviners, is very rarely found." There was something about "in its own terms" that concerned the student. His mind wandered, but the professor continued: "All we find in these general histories is 'they were the first to achieve x or y,' as if the only parts of the discipline that mattered were those that we might use in modern times? Explanations are only ever in terms of intellectual interest or foreign influence. 8 They do not think of the exact sciences as being byproducts of history." He paused. The student, realizing he was expected to say something, mumbled "Why?" "Aaah, thematic histories" responded the professor instantly, the wheels of his discourse now well oiled. "As far as the ancient Greeks were concerned, the agenda of their historians was to emphasize the differences between Greeks and the peoples of the Near East, in part creating by opposition the idea of the Greek citizen. Xenophanes asked on exposure to the Persian threat 'who and whence are you when the Mede came?,9 The success or otherwise of the histories of Herodotus and Ctesias, say, was determined not by their accuracy but by the agendas lying behind them and how well they satisfied the Greek appetite for the exotic. lO And as we know, the only history that counts is the history that is remembered. ll By
3
4 S 6
Exemplified by Delacroix's 1826-27 painting Deatll of Sardanapulus, in which the Orient is portrayed as "lush, sensuous, indolent...," J.M. Lundquist, "Babylon in European Thought," in J. M. Sasson, ed., Civilizations oftile Ancient Near East (1995), p. 77. An allusion to A.L. Oppenheim's metaphor in Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization (University of Chicago Press, 1977), p. 11. J. Maier, "The Ancient Near East in Modern Thought," in J.M. Sasson, ed., op. cit., p. 107. E.g., J.D. North in Tile Fontana History of Astronomy and Cosmology (1994) refers to the astronomy as "naive" (p. 40), "contrary to the spirit of empirical science" (p. 46) and judges its effectiveness at prediction. He chronicles the various
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developments, but does not place the discipline in an historical context, except in so far as to mention (after van der Waerden) that some Zoroastrian beliefs may have had an influence. B.L. van der Waerden's 1974 book Science Awakening 2, Tile Birtll of Astronomy has been and continues to be the most influential of all publications on cuneiform astronomy so far as the secondary literature is concerned. 7 E.g., "The origins of rigorous, technical science were not Greek but Babylonian,
not Indo-European but Semitic ... ," N. Swerdlow The Babylonian Tlleory of tile Planets (1998), p. 182, though this comment was probably meant to be deliberately provocative to those who know little about cuneiform astronomy. G.E.R. Lloyd is critical of identifying origins of science in Demystifijing Mentalities (1990), pp. 15-16. 8 Van der Waerden, op. cit., stressed the influence of the Persians, Neugebauer that of intellectual interest (see references quoted in Swerdlow, op. cit., p. 181). 9 A. Kuhrt, "Ancient Mesopotamia in Classical Greek and Hellenistic Thought,"
in J.M. Sasson, ed., op. cit. See p. 57, where earlier references are also cited. 10
Ibid., pp. 58-61.
11 W.e. Sellar and R.J. Yeatman, Compulsory Preface (This Means You) to 1066
and All Tllat (1930): "History is not what you thought. It is what YO/l can remember. All other history defeats itself. This is the only Memorable History
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the first century B.C.E., Greeks who wrote about Mesopotamian astrology and astronomy were confusing Chaldaeans with both Magi (Persians) and Egyptians, and despite the long history of transmission of astronomical parameters and astrological lore from Mesopotamia to Greece, little that was truthful about the Mesopotamian exact sciences was written. Very few Greeks learned a foreign language, but even when the Babylonian Berossus wrote of Mesopotamian culture in Greek, his work was largely ignored and, worse still, his name was later associated with Greek fabrications about Mesopotamian astronomy.12 Combine this misinformation with the few loaded references in the Bible to Babylonian divination, and the predecipherment attitudes in Europe to the Mesopotamian exact sciences become clear. They were understood to represent something ancient, different and inferior-tied to a misguided religion, but also containing wisdom lost to the West. Some of these views can still be found in the popular histories of Mesopotamia. Yet it is not as if things suddenly improved with the decipherment of the cuneiform texts." The professor paused once more, trying to assess the correct avenue of approach. He was enjoying talking in this manner, but did not want to lecture. "Did you read H0Yrup's essay on the history of the history of cuneiform mathematics?,,13 he asked. "Yes-very entertaining-the 'Heroic Period' stuff." "Mrnm-borrowed from Oppenheim,,,14-now he was stuck. Nothing was said. The student had long since learned to avoid breaking such silences for fear of saying something stupid. He listened to the sounds of the professor sucking on his pipe, and tried to unravel that strange objection he had to history for its own sake. H0yrup's essay, by the way, proposes a tripartite division of the history of the study of Mesopotamian maths, explained only by the internal logic of the field itself and the personalities of its major figures. He identifies an "heroic period" (1930-40) of decipherment brought about by the specialization of Neugebauer's mathematics and Thureau-Dangin's philology, in which Babylonian mathematics were related to modern or pre-modern (Arabic) categories, and treated as evolving toward modern systems.
of England ... results of years of research in golf-clubs, gun-rooms, greenrooms etc."
12 Kuhrt,op. cit., p. 63. 13
J. H0Yrup, "Changing Trends in the Historiography of Mesopotamian Mathematics: An Insider's View," History of Science 34 (1966): 1-32.
14 Ancient Mesopotamia, p. 9.
Babylonian math was then immature modern algebra and was thought to be unchanging from Sumerian down to Seleucid times. Sources were read exclusively for their mathematical content; they were "something for Neugebauer." The second stage (1940-1975) H0Yrup calls the "triumph of translations," in which cuneiform mathematics was reduced still further to modern symbolic representation. Plimpton 322 (on Pythagorean triples), for example, was understood as a text of "deep mathematical significance in the theory of numbers," or as Neugebauer and Sachs themselves wrote, "a text of purely number theoretical character" and "an investigation into the fundamental laws of numbers themselves" (op. cit., pp. 12-13). The final, utopic (my italic) stage, dating from 1970 on, involves the gradual reintegration of mathematics into the general study of Mesopotamian culture. This stage is characterized by Marvin Powell's study of third-millennium mathematics, revealing an historical development and connecting the appearance of place-value notation with the needs of the Ur III bureaucracies. The question of the appearance of mathematics is approached in the works ofSchmandt-Besserat, Friberg, Englund, Damerow, and Nissen, who relate it to the emergence of writing and to cognitive categories. H0Yrup himself has concentrated on the broader issues of the social and institutional context of mathematical thought, how Ur III and OB maths reflect their eras, and so forth. "Any history of the history of Mesopotamian sciences must revolve around the intentions of Neugebauer, I suppose," said the student at last. "Mmm," replied the professor "but he is so hard to categorize. In 1945 he wrote that there was not 'any single approach to the history of science.",lS "No article there!" he thought to himself, and paused. "Perhaps we could propose a history of the study of cuneiform astronomy, somewhat after H0Yrup's model?" suggested the student hopefully. "With Strassmaier, Epping, and Kugler in the Heroic Age?" "Yes, yes-the Jesuits are expelled from Germany in the 'Kulturkampf,' which was a precursor to the Babel-Bible controversy, and this led them to a close study of the texts-so Father Strassmaier copies lots of texts, gives them to Father Epping, who, by 1881, finds the key to understanding the mathematical-astronomical texts (MATs). This work is then greatly expanded by Father Kugler16-heroic age influenced by Bible politics." "Then what?" 15 "The History of Ancient Astronomy: Problems and Methods," TNES 4: 2.
16 0. Neugebauer, A History ofAncient Mathematical Astronomy (1975), pp. 34~9 and idem, "Problems and Methods in Babylonian Mathematical Astronomy," Astronomical TOl/maln No.8 (1967 Oct) No. 1353, p. 964.
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"Errr, say a 'rational period.' Kugler counters the excesses of the panBabylonismus. Neugebauer demonstrates that there was in fact no evidence that the Babylonians had understood precession of the equinoxes. 17 Then perhaps a period of consolidation involving the establishment of text editions of the Hellenistic period mathematical astronomical texts (MATs) by Neugebauer and Sachs and im.erovements in their interpretation by van der Waerden, Huber, and Aaboe. 18 Their analyses use modern categories and little regard is made to the social context or to the development of astronomy from earlier periods. These texts are held in particularly high esteem, but are understood by very few Assyriologists. Finally we have the modern contextual approach. Development in the methods underlying the MATs is now known, what with the publication of some fourth- and fifthcenturyexamples.,,19 "Yes, yes," agreed the professor, not wishing to be outdone, "but most important has been the publication of the so-called Non-MATs, such as the Diaries by Sachs and Hunger,2o which has allowed Brack-Bernsen, Aaboe, and Swerdlow to propose mechanisms by which the parameters that underlie the MATs could have been gleaned from the observational materia1. 21 Also, recent studies have made clearer the connections between the Diaries, the almanacs, the Goal Year Texts (GYTs), the horoscopes,
zodiacal-astrology, and omen-based divination. 22 We now know that the units uS and tithis (or 1;30 of a month) were being used to indicate celestial distances and times as early as the seventh century.23 We also know that many of the periods underlying the GYTs and ultimately the MATs were known in the NA period. 24 The NA and NB Letters and Reports tell us that the science of predicting the time and location of celestial phenomena was in its infancy at that time-all of which evidence suggests that the period after the mid-eighth century witnessed the development of a predictive astronom~ whose purpose was to provide data on future ominous celestial scenarios. 5 The MATs of the late period are no longer understood as isolated examples of scientific endeavour on the part of a few sophisticated scribes, or the result of Persian or Greek influence. They are now believed to have emerged from the divinatory and scholarly background of the seventh or eighth centuries B.CE. This cuneiform astronomy did not evolve towards our kind of astronomy. It should not be judged by our criteria or reduced to our categories, but be understood in its own terms .... " etc. and etc. Finally the professor ran out of steam. He had banged on about Assyriology's right to "Eigenbegrifflichkeit," conceptual autonomy,26 many times in his career and had never wavered from that belief. Yet again silence descended upon the room. The professor refilled his pipe and the student leaned back to empty his glass.
17 Idelll, "The Alleged Babylonian Discovery of the Precession of the Equinoxes," AOS 70 (1950): 1-8. 18 Previously published texts and those unpublished examples gathered
22 In particular, F. Rochberg, "Elements of the Babylonian Contribution to Hellenistic Astrology," lAOS 108 (1988): 51-62; idem, "Babylonian Horoscopes and Their Sources," OrNS 58: 102-23; and the author's Ph.D. dissertation,
together largely by A. Sachs for LBAT (1955) were (re-)edited in Neugebauer ACT (1955). The subsequent major studies include A. Aaboe, "On Babylonian Planetary Theory," Centil I/rlIS 5 (1958): 209-77; P. Huber, "Zur Uiglichen Bewegung des Jupiter nach babylonischen Texten," ZA 52 (1957): 265-303; and B.L. van der Waerden, "Babylonische Planetrechnung," Vierteljllltrscrift d. Nllt. Ges. ZUrich 102 (1957): 39-60.
19 For references to the publication of these texts, see J. Britton, "Scientific Astronomy in Pre-Seleucid Babylon," in H.D. GaIter, ed., Die Rolle der Astronomie in den Kllitl/rell Mesopotllllliells (1993), pp. 61-76. 20 H. Hunger and A. Sachs, Astronollliclil Dillries lind Reilited Texts frOIll Bllbylollill, 3 Vols. (1988,1989,1996).
21 A. Aaboe, "On Period Relations in Babylonian Astronomy," Celltlil/rlIS 10 (1964): 213-31 and L. Brack-Bernsen, "Observation and Theory in Babylonian Astronomy," Centlil/rllS 24 (1980): 14-35. References to her articles, most of which are in CenflillYUs, can now be found in her summary book ZI/r ElltstellUngder bllbylonischen MOlldtl,eorie (1998). See Swerdlow, op. cit., n. 8, above.
"Neo-Assyrian and Neo-Babylonian Planetary Astronomy-Astrology (747612 BC)," (Cambridge: 1996) now Mesopotllmilln Pilinetliry Astronomy-Astrology (Styx, 2000) Ch. 2.2.
23 See now the author's article, "The Cuneiform Conception of Celestial Space and Time," Clllllbridge Archlleoiogiclil 10 II rIllil 10:1 (2000). 24 The planetary sidereal periods 71, 60, 59, 8, IS, and 12 years appear in the cryptic text DT 72 + DT 78 + 81-6-25, 136, which contains a colophon of Assurbanipal. These periods pertain to Jupiter (71 and 12), Venus (8), Saturn (59), Mars (IS), Mercury (60). For details see the author's MPAA ChA.2.2, pp. 193-95 (op. cit., n. 2, above). 25 The weighing of the evidence for this assertion formed the basis of ChA of the author's Ph.D. dissertation and of MPAA ChA.2 (op. cit., n. 2, above). It cannot be repeated here.
26 A concept introduced into Assyriology by B. Landsberger in his inaugural address at Leipzig in 1926, reprinted in English as "The Conceptual Autonomy of the Babylonian World," MANE 1 (1964): 64-71.
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"Have some more," said the professor, but the student refrained from so doing. After a moment he suddenly asked, "Do you think we can really understand texts written in the past-divine their meanings?" The professor was slightly taken aback, and he framed his reply carefully. "All my life I have been committed to open and undistorted communication, believing that vigilant criticism of untruth offers the only route to an intellectually open and politically unrepressive society," he began. He described how he thought that truth measured itself as a form of consensus achieved in unlimited (and unforced) communications. He said that he imagined a dialogue in which the understanding of what is said occurs not because the interlocutors share the same experience, but because it is possible to grasp the point of what is being said despite any expressive idiosyncrasies. "There are meanings that transcend any particular interlocutor," he said. "Whosoever speaks a language both belongs to and assists the widening of a community grounded upon the openness and free consensus of communication. 27 Such a dialogue can occur between a modern scholar and an ancient text, even though our exposure to its language is of necessity limited. Without believing meaning to be essentially stable or unambiguous, I do maintain that some meaning can be communicated simply through my being a participant, however small in the community of the people I study by reading their texts. The meaning of their texts can be transmitted to us, and the society, culture and history reconstructed even if only in portraiture. 28 The more one is a member of their community through prolonged exposure to their texts and to the academic world that engages with them, the better, the more meaningful will be that communication." But while the student did not disagree, there was something theoretically static, almost complacent about the professor's position, which made 27
28
Up to this point the professor's words are essentially those of J. Habermas in The Theory ofCollllllrll1icative Action and tire Rationalisation of Science (1984) and his essay "The Hermeneutic Claim to Universality" (1980) in which the "ideal speech act" (dialogue) is first formulated. Habermas is one of the foremost defenders of modernity against the post-modernist critique, in particular by warning of the potential abuses to which relativism in "truth and knowledge" could be put by political tyrannies. In the following lines, it was the author's idea to extend Habermas's "ideal speech act" to the dialogue between historians and between historians and an ancient text, and thereby equate the professor's defense of "lower-case history" (see below) with the defense of liberal freedoms. As acknowledged by the subtitle to Oppenheim's Ancient Mesopotamia: Portrait of a Dead Civilization, a history that, unlike most, was fully aware that it was only one of many possible portraits of Mesopotamia (pp. 1-3).
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him uneasy. The history of the history of Mesopotamian exact sciences had virtually come to an end, as far as the professor was concerned. 29 "Ownsakism" was now dominant. Future studies would amount to little more than subtle refinements of the orthodoxy, with little or no impact on today. Was this to be the destiny of his Ph. D.? Ideological histories were dead. No more could one write a history of the exact sciences trying to prove, say, the inferiority or superiority of one people over another, or in order to demonstrate that science emerges as a function of human cognitive development. Histories with a capital H, were dead, sure, but was there not something very ideological about the ostensibly a-theoretical viewpoint of his professor? At last understanding his concerns about "history for its own sake" the student released that he would not be satisfied with picking through the residues of old "certaintist" modernisms ("objectivity," "disinterestedness," "the facts") in the face of the rhetorical formulations of post-modernity ("readings," "positionings"). History (even with a small h), this supposed partial-conversation with a dead community, was still a problematic expression of interests without any non-historicized access to the past. It was a foundationless, positioned evocation in a world of foundationless, positioned evocations. "The 'own-sakism' of the professor is in fact Liberal Bourgeois ideology writ large," he thought. "It purports to have no agenda in the present, but in not attempting to do anything about the present, it accepts the present, the liberal, bourgeois, market-capitalist present with the result that the past is neutralized by being studied for its own sake-so neutralized that two historians can hold mutually opposing and irresolvable views on a matter to which they devote their entire academic careers without this affecting their status in any way.,,30 It seemed an all too cozy situation. A question came to him:
Perhaps not quite in the sense that we find in 1066 and All That, p. 123, "America was thus clearly top nation, and History came to a.," but rather that in op. cit., Compulsory Preface (This Means You), "this History is therefore fina!." 30 The thoughts of the student in this and the previous paragraph are clearly those brought about by the condition of postrnodernity. For a convenient account of the impact of postrnodern thinking on the study of history, see The Post modern History Reader (1997), K. Jenkins, ed., in particular the editor's introduction, which is quoted freely above. Jenkins, (p. 5), identifies "History" (upper-case history) as"a way of looking at the past in terms which assigned to contingent events and situations an objective significance by identifying their place and function within a general schema of historical development usually construed as appropriately progressive (Marxist, Evolutionist etc.)" 29
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"Larsen writes in his article on the Babel-Bible controversr1 that Emperor Wilhelm advised Delitzsch to refrain from drawing 'purely religious conclusions' and not to broadcast his opinions in public lectures or popular books, and then Larsen comments 'the discipline of Assyriology as a whole has listened and taken the emperor's admonishments to heart.' Why is Assyriology not studied for the sake of the present?" But to the professor this sounded like a question posed by the funding bodies, and his reply was evasive.32 The student did not wish to study the past as a "Marxist," a "Structuralist," or any other "ist," but neither did he want his work to be so neutralized by liberal, academic orthodoxy that it was incapable of challenging some of the precepts of contemporary western society. He had a momen-
Many histories of science that see in the achievements of the past an inexorable development towards the science of today fall into this category, as do those histories that seek only to highlight those of the past's achievements that conform to the scientific aims of today, accurate prediction of phenomena, etc. The professor is critical of these "Histories." Jenkins identifies (p. 6) "(lowercase) history" as the "proper," "academic" study of the past "for its own sake," apparently the result of disinterested scholarship, impartial, objective, balanced, but in reality loaded with ideology. He argues that this ideology is precisely the "ostensible non-present-centredness" (p. 15) of lower-case history. By arguing, as practitioners of lower-case history do, "that the study of the past should not have anything to do with being present/future orientated" (p. 16), they are stating something that "is exactly as present and future oriented as the argument that it should be. Upper case historiography is generally quite explicit that it is using the past for, say, a trajectory into a different future." Jenkins continues with the assertion that the beneficiaries of the assumption that the past cannot and should not be used to change the present or the future are precisely those who have arrived at their preferred historical destination-those who have succeeded in the liberal, bourgeois, market capitalistic world. Thus, it is they who wish to neutralize the study of history and ensure that it is studied not for our various purposes but for its own. This is the student's position. The comment about the two historians holding antagonistic, but irresolvable views was inspired by the discussion on the opening day of the Rencontre of the value-historical or otherwise-of literary texts.
31 "The 'Babel/Bible' Controversy and Its Aftermath," op. cit., J. Sasson, ed., p. 102. 32 But herein lies the point of the story; for this is the author's call-to-arms concerning the survival of the subject-one of the present-centered purposes of this paper; another was to ensure that the delegates did not fall asleep after lunch.
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tary vision of the PhD. students' predicament-a 'write' of passage involving the annihilation of "isms" and the acquiring of certain rules concerning "objectivity," "honesty," "scrutiny" and "primary source study" coupled with a few years of relative poverty. From this predicament only some of his breed escaped, depending on how fully they swallowed liberal bourgeois ideology. The student wished to write a history of the Mesopotamian exact sciences that would make uncomfortable reading for the contemporary scientist, which fulfilled the criteria of liberal openness but did not assume them. In the months that followed he strove to write a history not for its own sake, but for the sake of today, while making clear this agenda. He did enough to pass and tried to place the circumstances of Mesopotamian astronomy into the mainstream of the history and philosophy of science debate. He treated its development as being the result of the "wills to power" of all the participating peoples and circumstances. He stressed how the great changes in predictive abilities had taken place in the non-liberal environments of the royal courts and temples, driven by the requirements of the divination industry. Liberal notions of scientific development for humanistic reasons of self-improvement were shown to be of little or no significance. He stressed how dependent on astrology the development of astronomy was. Both conclusions challenged prevailing conceptions of modernist progress. 33 Finally he managed to publicize his results widely and ultimately was taken up by a respectable academic institution. Despite his explicit skepticism of their liberal neutralization of history, he became comfortable, old and a professor himself. But then that was HIS story.34
33 The author's Assyriologicallife so far. The rest is mere fantasy. 34 Closing remarks: The aim of inventing another author of the paper, the student, was to make clear to the listeners how their reception of the talk depended a great deal on how well they knew the speaker. It would be apparent to some that, despite appearances, I did write the story and that the student is indeed me since my Ph.D. covered precisely the issues just noted. I hasten to add, however, that the professor is a fictitious character and that I am not yet old. The story form was chosen in order to emphasize, naively, the literary character of any history. The dialogue was designed to ape in miniature the master-slave dialectic, the student through dint of his lowly position being best able to see the whole and move towards a postmodern synthesis. In the delivery of this talk, three voices were used. Aside comments were in my voice, the professor's voice was Oxbridge posh and the student's newuniversity vernacular.
Heroic Dimension and Historical Perspective in the Ancient Near East Anna Maria G. Capomacchia University of Rome "La Sapienza" ~f..................
I . . . . . . . . ., . . . I . . , . . . , . . . .
,.'0'., ........,...,.....,..................,.....,...........,.................,................., ...
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to write history. But there is a great difference if the writer is a stranger to the reality he is describing, or if he speaks of events concerning his own human group. It is clear that historical events are not necessarily objective reality, and just because of that their description is a true mirror of the cultural reality. We must not imagine any intentional misrepresentation of events. We have to reflect that, as we study ancient civilizations, the concept of historiography is very different from ours. To reconstruct the historical perspective of a civilization we have to bear in mind several factors and many points of view, through which to analyze events. Particularly, we have to study thoroughly the cultural mechanisms through which every human group defines and establishes its own identity and history. Within this framework myth plays an important role. Through myth every civilization founds its own historical dimension, connecting it with the events of mythical time, which give it a permanent sacred guarantee. 1 All the elements connected, in myth, with historical events, and thus giving reality a certain order in its historical dimension, must be examined carefully; as carefully must be examined mythical geography, a cultural characterization of true geography. There is a "different" geographical dimension, in mythical time, that, just because of its being "different," reaches the aim of culturally defining the otherwise purely geographical reality.2 In the same way, also, historical reality is defined through the THERE ARE MANY DIFFERENT WAYS
1 See A. Brelich, Introdllzione alia storia delle religioni (Rome: 1966), pp. 9-12. 2
Ibid., pp. 9-10.
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mythical dimension, where cultural characters, institutions, and historical events are sacrally established, as are the relationships, peaceful and not, with neighboring countries, which likewise receive in the myth a specific characterization. This mechanism of sacral establishment of the historical reality guarantees it permanently, through its sacral connection with the time of mythical origins. On the other hand, the same mechanism offers the opportunity to give sacral stability to each event or historical situation, by connecting it with the mythical dimension of its origins. So it has all the guarantees of stability on a sacred basis. Under this perspective, the protagonists of myths, thanks to their actions in the time of origins, give a specific order to the historical conditions that, through them, receive their establishment. Who are the protagonists? Of course, in a polytheistic civilization gods, first of all, guarantee permanent stability to reality, in historical time, thanks to their cults.3 But other figures, likewise essential in the mythical perspective, take a part more strictly connected with all the human situations and activities. In the very complex polytheistic structure of Greek religion there is a figure who takes a leading part in founding all aspects of the reality strictly connected with the human sphere: the hero. In Greek culture, the heroic dimension is the basis for shaping historical reality. The heroes, in fact, are connected with the establishment, on a sacral basis, of all the elements characterizing the human condition, as well as institutions, customs, rules of life, economic activities, the peculiar habitat of a certain civilization. 4 So, heroes take an essential part in defining geographical order, founding towns, introducing the elements that are important economically for a specific civilization, as well as establishing the institutions and social rules that characterize it. Heroes settle the factors defining the relationships with other human groups. They often found, at last, many cultural elements. s
3 A. Brelich, II Politeis11lo (Rome: 1958); id., "Der Polytheismus," Nllmen7 (1960): 123-36. 4 A. Brelich, Gli eroi greci. Un problemn storico-religioso (Rome: 1958); id., "La metodologia della Scuola di Roma," in B. Gentili - G. Paioni (a cura di), 1/mito greco. AUi del Convegno Internnzionnle di Urbino (7-12 mnggio 1973) (Rome: 1977), pp. 20-26. S On the various aspects of the heroic character, see A. Brelich, Gli eroi greci, pp. 79-185.
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The hero, with his various actions in the mythical dimension, and his specific cult,6 is generally considered a peculiar product of Greek religion. No doubt, in this religion there is the most well-defined form of this character. But we may ask ourselves if the heroic dimension, and its function in shaping historical perspective, is really an exclusive expression of Greek religion. Every civilization uses its own mechanisms to settle the sacred aspects that are the basis of its identity and stability. So, it is impossible and it would not be correct, of course, to ascribe to a certain civilization something that is a peculiar expression of another culture. But we must note that the sacral needs that drove the Greeks to elaborate the heroic typology can be similar to the needs of other civilizations. The solutions can be different, partially or as a whole. We can notice that, in the Near Eastern tradition, gods are the protagonists of the myths, of course; but they are not the only ones acting in mythical time. The function of myths is the foundation of reality. Thus every element of the mythical tale takes a specific part-it is clear-in shaping the historical perspective. Hence, we have to analyze many tales in which, in this tradition, several characters take a leading part together with gods, and cooperate to create the Near Eastern order. We have to notice, first of all, that, in the mythical tales, these figures have a generally well-defined qualification and function. Their mythical actions are strictly connected with the most important activities of humankind? These figures are generally connected with the temple or the royal palace, the centers of authority in the ancient Near East. But they are represented as fighters, hunters, fishermen, shepherds, farmers and, especially, as respectful guardians of the honors due to gods, kings, or pretenders to the throne. In the mythical dimension all the elements of historical reality are totally represented, and so sacrally established and guaranteed. Those figures strictly connected with human activities are characterized as protagonists of a mythical dimension because their behavior would never be possible, or will never be possible again, in historical time. The situations and behaviors characterizing them as excessive put them in the dimension of the impossible and unrepeatable. 6 Ibid., pp. 8-9.
7 On these problems, see P. Xella, "«Mito» e «storia» nella cultl.1ra mesopotamica: un problema di metodologia," in Problemi delmito nel Vicino Oriente nntico (AION Supp\. 7; Naples: 1976), pp. 5-46.
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Therefore it is impossible, and of no use, too, to connect the figures and events of the myth with specific historical personages or situations. The events of the mythical time cannot return, and all things represented in the myth in the historical time will be different or reversed with respect to the mythical dimension, but so established forever. So, in the historical dimension there are fishermen, but nobody will be a fisherman like the "wise" Adapa. B And hunters, however capable they are, will never be equal to the too skillful Aqhat, so good that he aroused the envy of gods. 9 And all the worshippers of a god who, in mythical time, cooperate in the foundation of the historical dimension and of the human conditions (as Ada~a does) or in the safety of humankind (as does the other "sage" Atrabasls)l will not live in historical time. But their excessive devotion to their god will found the proper relationship with the gods of the pantheon, through their cult. In the historical perspective all the gods of a pantheon must receive a regular cult from men, and this correct ritual relationship will give a sacral guarantee to the historical orderP Kingship in mythical time has a characterization very different from kingship in historical time, but it gives a sacral guarantee to the royal authority in historical time. The pretender to the throne will not have to submit himself, of course, to the same iter of initiation along which the young Lugalbanda ran, to overcome the trial of meeting the Anzu-bird, during the journey to the oriental land of Aratta-an interesting land in the mythical geography.12 No city, in historical time, will have a king like
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Ziusudra,B devoted to his god and confined, after the flood, in the liminal dimension of Dilmun, a peculiar land in the mythical geography of the ancient Near East. 14 And the city of Uruk will not see a king like Gilgamesh. In historical time his presence would give to the city the wellknown condition of instability so clearly described in the first tablet of the poem 15-a condition not to be hoped for. All these figures-and many others we could mention-with their companions in adventures and their generalll monstrous antagonists, crowd the chaotic world of the mythical time} thanks to their excessive actions and their extraordinary deeds, their feverish search for impossible goals. Yet they cooperate together with gods to found historical reality in its various forms. The "heroic dimension" is just what has a conclusive influence on the definition of the historical characters of the Near Eastern world. This dimension has an influence not on historical events, but on the way of representing, interpreting, and describing them, when people write their own history. The heroic dimension, which has established this reality, is also the constant point of reference for it.
Der Mytllenadler AnzlI in Litemtllr lind Vorstellllng des alten Mesopotamien (Budapest: 1975). On the aspects of the journey of Lugalbanda, see also AM.G. Capomacchia, "Lugalbanda sulla montagna Sabum," in V. Lanternari - M. Massenzio - D. Sabbatucci (a cura di), Religioni e Civiltil. Scritti in memoria di A.
Brelicll promossi dall'Istituto di Stlldi Storico-Religiosi dell'Universitil di Roma B On Adapa as a "fisherman" and a "sage," see P. Xella, "Adapa e il vento: un
tema mitico," in Problemi del mito nel Vicino Oriente antico, pp. 47-59; see also id., "L'«inganno» di Ea nelmitodiAdapa," OA 12(1973): 257-65. For the myth of Adapa, see Ph. Talon, "Le my the d' Adapa," SEL 7 (1990): 43-57. 9
P. Xella, "Una «rilettura» del poem a di Aqhat," in Problemi del III ito nel Vicino Oriente antico, pp. 61-91; on the myth of Aqhat, see also id., Gli antenati di Dio. Divinitil e miti della tmdizione di Canaan (Verona: 1982), pp. 183-227.
(Bari: 1982), pp. 87-98. 13 On Ziusudra as flood hero and king, see J.R. Davila, "The Flood Hero as King
and Priest," ]NES 54 (1995): 199-214. For the Sumerian flood myth, see M. Civil, "The Sumerian Flood Story," in W.G. Lambert - AR. Millard, Atm-basTs. Tile Babylonian Story of tile Flood (Oxford: 1964), pp. 140-45.
14 On Dilmun as real and mythical land, see B. Alster, "Dilmun, Bahrain, and the Alleged Paradise in Sumerian Myth and Literature," in D.T. Potts, ed., Dilmlln. New Studies in tile Arclweology and Early History of Bah min (Berlin: 1983), pp. 39-
10 On the "wise" hero of the flood, see P. Xella, "L'analisi strutturale e Ie mitologie del Vicino Oriente antico. Prospettive e limiti di un metodo," in Atti del 1° Convegno Italiano sui Vicino Oriente Antico (Rollla, 22-24 Aprile 1976) (Rome: 1978), pp. 59-65; see also AM.G. Capomacchia, "L"'eroe del diluvio» nella tradizione mesopotamica. Contributo ad uno studio storico di un personaggio mitico," SSR 1 (1977): 5-16.
15 See the first tablet of the Gilgamesh epic, II. 1-76. On the characterization of Gilgamesh at the beginning of the poem, see N. Vulpe, "Irony and the Unity of the Gilgamesll Epic," ]NES 53 (1994): 279ff.
11
16
On the cult of the gods in polytheistic religion, see A Brelich, II Politeislllo, pp.128ff.
12 See C. Wilcke, Das L/lgalbandaepos (Wiesbaden: 1969) and on Anzu, B. Hru1lka,
74; see also T. Howard-Carter, "Dilmun: At Sea or Not at Sea? A Review Article," ]CS 39 (1987): 54--117.
This aspect characterizes also the Greek hero, the great fighter against the mythical monstrous entities of the chaotic dimension of the origins; see A. Brelich, Gli eroi greci, pp. 90ff.
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It is not mere chance that in the description of the deeds of the oriental kings we can acknowledge all those "heroic motifs" and those characterizations of the land of the enemies, which have so many references in the descriptions of the mythical geography.17 The constant references to a heroic dimension, now over, show the necessity of confirming the sacral value of a certain cultural perspective. In these descriptions there are not the real historical events, or not only them. These descriptions show clearly how the ancients wished to represent themselves. It is as if they described the historical events, casting a glance at the heroic dimension, to found permanently a historical characterization, well defined culturally and guaranteed from the sacral point of view. In this perspective, what is the meaning of asking ourselves about the possible historical existence of certain protagonists of this mythical dimension? This is a question that, probably, was of no interest to the ancients. They had no doubt, of course, about the authenticity of a hero like Gilgamesh, as a protagonist of the myth, but they ascribed to this concept a value completely different from our historical idea. 18 The importance of the heroic dimension is that it can guarantee the development of historical events. In this perspective, the need felt by some kings (as the kings of Ur III) to find a relationship of descent and friendshij with some kinds of heroes, such as Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh, is clear. 1 They looked not only for an acknowledgment of their authority. They also wanted to establish the source of their power in the heroic dimension, connecting the prospect of their reign to the line of historical development, which had its origin in the mythical dimension. Connecting themselves to the heroic dimension, these kings state clearly what they want to be.
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So, a representation of a king such as in The Sargon Legend, following all the peculiar elements of the heroic tradition,2° places the king by right in historical perspective, which from that heroic dimension received its cultural elements.
17 On these problems, see M. Liverani, Prestige and Interest. International Relations in tile Near East ca. 1600-1100 B.c. (Padua: 1990), pp. 33-65. 18 On these problems, see P. Xella, ""Mito» e "storia» nella cultura mesopotamica," in Problemi del milo nel Vicino Oriente antico, pp. 27-34. On the characters of Gilgamesh in the myth and cult, see also A. Brelich, "Un mito "prometeico»," SMSR 29 (1958): 25-26. 19 SeeG.R. Castellino, TwoSulgi Hymns (Rome: 1972);J. Klein, Tllree Sulgi Hymlls. Sumerian Royal Hymns Glorifijing King Sulgi ofUr (Ramat-Gan: 1981); on these
20 See B. Lewis, Tile Sargoll Legend: A Study of tile Akkadiall Text and the Tale of tile Hero Wllo Was Exposed at Birtll (Cambridge, Mass.: 1980). For the legends of the
motifs, see G. Komor6czy, "Die Konigshymnen der III. Dynastie von Ur," AOASH 32 (1978): 33-66; M. Liverani, Antico Oriente. Storia societil economia
kings of Akkad, see J. Goodnick Westenholz, Legends of tile Killgs of Akkade: Tile Texts (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1997). On these motifs, see also M. Liverani, Antico Oriente, pp. 256-60.
(Bari: 1991), pp. 285-87.
Dehistoricizing Strategies in Third-Millennium B.C.E. Royal Inscriptions and Rituals * Andrew C. Cohen Bryn Mawr College 6.4.••••, ."'.-0-
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of the ancient Near East, as much recent scholarship and many of the contributions to this Rencontre have shown, contains written and visual representations that evoke the past. I would term such evocations of the past "historicizing strategies."l It is clear that the political potential of historicizing strategies stems from their ability to manipulate our perceptions of the past, for when we encounter representations that employ historicizing strategies, we judge whether the past as represented is logically consistent with the past as we have perceived it. A judgment for consistency between representation and perception disposes us to readily accept the political views that are conveyed in the representations. Historicizing strategies can thus account for-or even masksociopolitical change by providing an ideological basis for authority. The present article considers a complementary strategy, "dehistoricization," that also can provide an ideological basis for authority. Unlike historicizing strategies, dehistoricizing strategies remove the subject from past and present, and situate him or her outside of everyday perception, e.g., either in the divine realm, where the passage of time intersects with but flows independently of human experience, or in nature, where there are THE CULTURAL PRODUCTION
The present article expands on a topic I first discussed at the 96th annual meeting of the American Anthropological Society, Washington D.C., 1997 (Cohen 1997). Since then, the visual material was presented as a poster at the 45th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Cambridge, Mass., 1998. I This term, admittedly clumsy, avoids the problems of using the word "his-
tory."
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processes that repeat at fixed intervals. Representations employing such strategies do not necessarily require a judgment of consistency between representation and perception; often they simply ask for a leap of faith. Dehistoricizing strategies serve authority by denying that social change has occurred or could possibly ever occur (Eagleton 1991: 59). In the examples that follow, which relate to the institution of kingship in thirdmillennium B.C.E. Southern Mesopotamia, I seek to explicate the concept of dehistoricization and to suggest its importance for understanding the cultural production of the ancient Near East. The institution of kingship in Southern Mesopotamia had its beginnings in the Late Uruk to Jemdet Nasr periods. At that time, the city-states of Southern Mesopotamia were governed by temple institutions, the head of which, possibly called en, played both religious and political roles. By (or during) the Early Dynastic IlIa period, the secular duties of the ens were commandeered by individuals who called themselves ensi(k) (generally translated as "governor" or "city ru,ler") and lugal (lit. "great man"). It is likely that the first ensi(k)s and lugals gained power during the Early Dynastic I period, when they served as leaders in times of military conflict Gacobsen 1957, Steinkeller 1999). While their authority may have been temporary at first, presumably the most successful and charismatic ensi(k)s and lugals were able to maintain their authority between conflicts. However, in order to establish a permanent basis for rule, Le., in order to institutionalize the nam-Iugal, "office of kingship," I theorize that the early charismatic "great men" would have had to shift a certain amolmt of their authority from themselves as individuals to their office. It is axiomatic that when authority is vested too closely in the person of the ruler it is susceptible to challenge. To withstand such challenges, authority must be ideologically constructed as external to the person of the ruler. One avenue for externalizing authority is through representations that employ dehistoricizing strategies. In the representations associated with the institution of kingship in third-millennium B.C.E. Southern Mesopotamia, I have identified two linked dehistoricizing strategies; examples of both may be found in the Ur III period composition Sulgi F (c. 2100 B.C.E.). One dehistoricizing strategy situates the subject in the divine realm. This particular hymn of Sulgi attributes divine origins to the king when it states that the goddess Ninsun gave birth to him (Sulgi F 4-5,18-19,28-29).2 Since his birth took place in a
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realm to which most humans (other than ritual specialists) have only limited access, Sulgi is set apart from the rest of humanity. The first strategy of locating the subject in the divine realm justifies and rationalizes a second, linked strategy: the situating of the subject within nature. Lines 1-29 of Sulgi F form a unit, which relates that Ninsun bore Sulgi for three purposes: (a) to bring prosperity to the realm in the form of food and treasures; (b) to deliver each year's first and best produce to Enlil's Ekur temple in Nippur; and (c) to dispense judgments and make decisions. I see those purposes as forming a causal chain, with prosperity on earth establishing universal prosperity (Le., what benefits Enlil as the head of the pantheon probably benefits the rest of the gods as well), and with universal prosperity being a rationale for Sulgi's regulation of human affairs. This theme is amplified in the sections of the composition that immediately follow, lines 30-58, where the gods An and Utu are said to bless the earth and prepare it for humanity. The lines concerning An's actions are wlfortunately lost but we read that Utu causes water to fill the rivers, plants to grow in the steppes, and bulls and sheep to inllabit the mountains. The focus then shifts to Sulgi: U4 nam-lugaHe3 Hz-la-rna' gg-mes-zi-gin7 dalla mu-e3 a-i3-li mu-dull KI.EN.DU-ku3-ga pa-mul mu-su3-e pa-mul-mul-Ia-na dutu-u3 nam biz-in-rtar'-ar gi~-mes-zi-dam kurun3-ku3 mu-e-ili2 ~ul-gi sipa-zi ki-en-gi-ra-ke4 bez-gal2 na-su3-e On the day when he (Le., ~ulgi) was elevated to the office of kingship, He was resplendent like a noble mes-tree watered by fresh water. Over the pure watercourse he spread (his) shining branches, (And) over his shining branches Vtu decreed a fate for him: "Being a noble mes-tree he bears pure fruit. ~ulgi, the noble shepherd, he will truly spread abundance in Sumer!" (Sulgi F 59-64, after Klein3) The quotation describes Sulgi as a fruit bearing mes-tree that stands beneath the gods,4 who are represented by Vtu, and that stands above the 3 I am grateful to J. Klein for making a manuscript edition of 5111gi F available
to me prior to publication. 2 ~ulgi's father was the hero Lugalbanda, as is attested in 5111gi D and in the other references collected by Klein (Klein 1981).
4 The mes-tree has been identified as Celtis nllstralis by Powell (1987). In choosing the mes-tree for a metaphor, the poet may have been making a subtle play on
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water courses, representing the primary human modification of the physical world that enables settlement in Southern Mesopotamia. This complex imagery delineates a world-view in which An, Enlil, and Utu, then Sulgi, and then Sumer stand in a hierarchical relationship. An and Utu create for Sulgi the necessary conditions for earthly prosperity. Sulgi then transfers the best part of each year's abundance to Enlil and from him to the other gods. Accordingly, the spreading branches and the fruit of the mes-tree symbolize, respectively, Sulgi's far-reaching influence on nature and the results of his influence-beTgal2 "abundance." This conception is dehistoricizing in that it separates Sulgi from humanity and situates him in a pivotal role in the processes of nature. The political implications of the dehistoricizing strategies found in Sulgi F are weighty. The strategies elevate Sulgi to a superhuman level and give him a cosmic purpose. Hence, any challenge to Sulgi, whether internal or external, could be understood not just as threatening the person of the king, but as threatening the very order of the universe. Within this ideological framework, social change cannot occur, for it would invite disaster by interfering with that element of nature that links gods and humans. The same dehistoricizing strategies exemplified in Sulgi F are found in the ED IIIb period, a period closer in time to the initial formation of the institution of kingship. While no ED IIIb-period rulers claimed divinity outright, they did claim divine association in several ways. One way was to assert that they had had a supernatural birth and childhood. For example, the victory stele of Eanatum of Laga~ (c. 2400 B.C.E.) known as the "Stele of the Vultures" states that Eanatum was a-~a3-ga-~u-dull dnin-gir2-su2-kada "the semen placed in the womb by the god Ningirsu" (Eanatum 1 v 13) and that, when he was born, dinanna-ke4 da mu-ni-dib eTan-na dinannaib-gal-ka-ka a-tum2 mu mu-ni-sa4 dnin-bur-sag-ra dUlO-zi-da-na mu-ni-tu~ dnin-bur-sag-ke4 ubur-zi-da-ne2 m[u-na-Ia2] "The goddess Inanna accompanied him, named him 'The One Worthy in the Eanna of Inanna 'of the Ibgal', and set him on the special lap of the goddess Ninbursag. Ninbursag [offered him] her special breast" (Eanatum 1 vi 18-29, trans. after Cooper [Cooper 1986]). Another divine association was to profess rulership by divine right. Once again, the text included on the Stele of the Vu~tures declares that dnin-girTsu2-ke4 nam-gal-buITda [nam-Iug]al-[laga~kl muna-sum] "The god Ningirsu with great joy [gave him] the kin[gship of Laga~]" (Eanatum 1 v 13-17). Eanatum, like Sulgi, took on divine attributes by claiming both a supernatural birth and a divine mandate to rule. the use of mes-wood to make statues of gods, a practice attested to in both ancient Mesopotamian and Classical sources (Powell 1987).
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While the connection between rulers and the divine realm is overt in ED IIIb-period royal inscriptions like that of the Stele of the Vultures, a connection between rulers and nature is largely absent from that genre. However, within the city-state of Laga~, another kind of documentation does reveal a connection between rulers and nature. The texts in question form a subset of the e2-mi2/ eTdba-u2 archive; they record the ritual offerings made by the seated rulers of Laga~ to their dead predecessors. Administrative texts serve purposes very different from royal inscriptions, yet the two are complementary. That is because the administrative texts to be considered are the records of royal ritual practices. As such, they bear witness to the same ideological discourse as royal inscriptions. Numerous studies indicate that ritual practices give material form to ideology in a clear and powerful way (e.g., Bell 1992, DeMarrais 1996, Winter 1992). Bell writes, for example, that kneeling, a culturally specific gesture of obeisance, "does not merely communicate subordination to the kneeler. For all intents and purposes, kneeling produces a subordinated kneeler" (Bell 1992: 100). As Bell's example shows, ritual practices such as kneeling can configure the participants' consciousness of the social milieu in which they are engaged. Ritual practices are thus similar to written and visual representations in so far as they may provide a medium for inculcating ideology.S The ritual practices to be considered employ a strategy similar to the one found in Sulgi F, namely, connecting rulers with nature by making them instrumental to the agricultural cycle. The texts in question derive from the eT mi 2 "household of the woman (who is the wife of the ruler)" and list the wife's offerings in the course of five annual agricultural festivals, the approximate dates of which appear in figure 1.6 The festivals are the ezem-~e-ku2-dnan~e "Festival of the Barley Consumption of the goddess Nan~e," the ezem-munu4-ku2-~an~e "FestiS
Cf. Winter's conclusion that the visual representations of Mesopotamian ritual practices often employ compositional devices that render their subject distinct from "historical times"; i.e., certain compositional devices constitute dehistoricizing strategies (Winter 1996: 332).
6 This institution is called the e2-dba-u2 "household of the goddess Ba'u" during the reign of UruKAgina. The approximate dates for the festivals of Laga~ have been determined by a number of studies (M. Cohen 1993, Landsberger 1915, Maeda 1994, Rosengarten 1960). Such determinations are possible because festivals sometimes lent their names to the months in which they occurred, and certain classes of administrative documents were labelled with both a month name and a numeric month notation. By assembling the numeric month notations and correlating them with the month names, the sequence of months at Laga~ has been established for nearly every year covered by the
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ANDREW C. COHEN
val of the (Barley-)~alt Consumption of the goddess Nanse," the ezemdlugal-URUxKAR/ki) "Festival of the god Lugal-URUxKAR," the ezemdlugal-uru-bar-ra "Festival of the god Lugalurubara," and the ezem-dba- u 2 "Festival of the goddess Ba'u.,,7 Presumably, the ruler himself was also present at these ceremonies and made his own contribution. What sets these five festivals apart from other annual festivals is that offerings were given not just to deities, as one might expect, but also to dead rulers, their relatives, and other dead administrative officials. These recipients were physically represented by statues placed either in temple cellas or in specialized loci called ki-a-nag "water-drinking place" (Bauer 1969, BraunHolzinger 1977, Jonker 1995, Kobayashi 1984, Kobayashi 1985, Selz 1992, Winter 1992). The offerings included sheep, goats, lambs, flour, strong beer, dark beer, breads, roasted barley, and garlic. The veneration given the statues extended to providing them with garments and even, rarely, jewelry. A close look at the five annual festivals that included offerings to dead rulers shows that they constitute more than simply an "ancestor cult," as initially envisioned by Deimel (1920). During the reign of Lugalanda, the honorees included Lugalanda's immediate predecessor, Enentarzi, and a more remote predecessor, Ur-Nanse, neither of whom were related to each other or to Lugalanda. Moreover, other people received offerings including Gu-NI.DU, who was the father of Ur-Nanse, and DU.DU, who was the administrator of Ningirsu's temple under Enrnetena. Connecting these
archive. I follow the sequence outlined by Maeda (1994). It is not yet known precisely when in the course of the month given festivals occurred, but that degree of precision is not necessary for the purposes of this article. 7 See M. Cohen (1993) and Selz (1995) for comprehensive lists of texts pertaining to each festival. The most important ones are:
Month ezem-1\e-kurdnan1\e
Texts RTC 47 (1...3), a Nik 23 (L6?), DP 45 (U4), b HSS 3 41
(U4) ezem-munu4-ku2-dnan1\e ezem-dlugal-URUxKAR2(kl)
TSA 1 (Ll), DP 53 (1...3), VAS 14,34 (U1) MAH 15998 (1...3), Nik 25 (U1), V AT 4875 (U3)
ezem-dlugal-uru-bar-ra ezem- dba-u2
V AT 4875 (U3) RTC 46 (L2), RTC 58 (1...3), Nik. 28 (LS), V AS 14, 74 (Ul), DP 54 (U3)
a L(ugalanda) 3(rd b
year) U(ruKAgina) 4(th year)
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people is their relationship to the office of the ensi(k) and lugal. The recipients of the offerings were either holders, close relatives, or allies of the office of the ensi(k) and lugal. When Lugalanda was succeeded by UruKAgina, the wife of UruKAgina expanded the roster of those receiving offerings to include, possibly, her parents, her predecessor, i.e., the wife of Lugalanda, Lugalanda himself, and her husband UruKAgina's sister. Neither UruKAgina nor his wife were related to Lugalanda or his wife, yet they made offerings to them and they continued to honor the people that Lugalanda had honored. The mix of new and traditional recipients of offerings in UruKAgina's reign indicates that we are dealing with a cult that honors more than simply ancestors. Rather, these ritual offerings constitute a cult of the dead predecessors of those governing the city-state of Lagas. A close parallel to UruKAgina's continued worship of those predecessors honored by Lugalanda is to be found slightly later in the history of Lagas. The ruler Gudea (c. 2150) and other members of his dynasty were worshipped by later rulers, even after Lagas had been incorporated into the Ur III empire (Winter 1992). The continuation of the cult suggests that, for those who ruled Lagas, the cult of dead predecessors was an important part of maintaining authority. The purpose of this cult of dead predecessors may be seen to lie in the timing of the festivals of which it was a part: the ezem-se-ku2-dnanse, the ezem-munu4-kuz-dnanse, the ezem-dlugal-URUxKAR2(ki), the ezem-dlugaluru-bar-ra, and the ezem-dba-u2 all fall within a specific segment of the agricultural cycle (see Figure 1). The agricultural cycle of Southern Mesopotamia was centered on the cultivation of cereals, especially barley (Powell 1984). Cereal cultivation entails fixed activities, activities that are detailed in the Farmer's Instructions, a literary composition that dates to the Old Babylonian period (Civil 1994). In this text, the farmer is instructed to flood and leach a fallow field, then to plow and harrow it, and finally to seed and irrigate it. Water is to be applied four times while the plants are growing. When the plants mature, the grain is harvested, threshed, and winnowed. Virtually the same regimen was followed in the city-state of Lagas in the ED IIIb period, as analyses of the e2-mi2/ez-dha-u2 archive make clear (Yamamoto 1979, LaPlaca and Powell 1990). If we correlate the dates for the ezem-se-kuz-dnanse, the ezem-munu4-kuz-dnanse, the ezemdlugal-URUxKAR2(ki), the ezem-dlugal-uru-bar-ra, and the ezem-dha-u2 with the activities of the agricultural regimen, a pattern emerges: these festivals, rather than being evenly dispersed throughout the year, are clustered in the growing season. The ezem-munu4-ku2-dNanse and the ezem-se-kuz-dNanse bracket that season, with the malt festival being celebrated at about the time of sowing and the barley festival being celebrated
DEHISTORICIZING STRATEGIES
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at the time of harvest. When the grain was maturinij' there were three festivals in as manl months: ezem-dlugal-URUxKAR2(ki , ezem-dlugal-uru-barra, and ezem- ba-u2' The timing of these five annual agricultural festivals is intimately related to the ecology of Southern Mesopotamia. In the course of the growing season, there were many potential threats to the agricultural-hence the city-state's---economy. One was seasonal fluctuation in the flows of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. In late fall and early winter, the looming threat to sprouting seeds was low water, a circumstance usually coupled with minimal early rainfall. Conversely, in spring when the rivers flooded, high water could simply wash away the growing plants (Adams 1981). Other less predictable threats to the plants were rainstorms, pests, diseases, and malicious humans. Besides those, there was an additional significant cause for concern. Just as the young grain was growing in the fields, grain from the previous season was rapidly dwindling in the storehouses. It should be plain, then, that the most critical time of year was the growing season. How should we explain the coincidence of lavish offerings to dead predecessors with the time of dwindling resources? Perhaps, as Maeda has proposed, these agricultural festivals of the growing season had a function similar to the siskur-rituals, which are attested to in later periods (Maeda 1979). The Farmer's Instructions says that siskur-rituals should be carried out four times in the agricultural year: at sowing and at harvest, and before and after threshing. I follow Maeda and Limet in seeing the siskur, at least those connected with agriculture, as rituals concerned with increasing the productive potential of the crops (Maeda 1979, Limet 1993). If the agricultural festivals of ED IIIb-period Laga~ were indeed functionally similar to the later siskur-rituals, then the inclusion of offerings to dead predecessors during the Laga~ festivals should imply that the dead predecessors were collectively capable of increasing the harvest, and hence capable of bringing about be2-gal2 "abundance." The offerings given to the dead predecessors, by attributing to the dead predecessors the ability to confer abundance in the world of the living, established the predecessors as beings beneficent to the processes of the natural world. The question remains whether the seated rulers-as opposed to their dead predecessors-were similarly associated with nature in this period. An affirmative answer is suggested by the observation that dead rulers played a role in the agricultural economy that was but an extension of the duties they had performed in life. The rulers of Laga§ were clearly important in organizir,lg and overseeing the agricultural economy as documented in the e2-mi2/ e2-dba-u2 archive and in royal inscriptions such as those commemorating the construction of a water channel (Enmetena 41)
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and a reservoir (Enmetena 35). Given the seated ruler's role in the agricultural economy, it would have been but a short conceptual leap from being responsible for the harvest to taking responsibility for the harvest, but this is a leap that the ED IIIb rulers do not appear to have made explicit to their followers. At the most, one may say that the cult of dead predecessors, with its symbolic interaction between the seated and dead rulers, would have joined the dead rulers-who were explicitly shown to influence the harvest by the timing of the festivals-with the seated rulers who mayor may not have already been considered responsible for bringing about abundance. Where participants and spectators witnessed such cult practices, they would surely have understood that the seated ruler, who interacted with the dead rulers and who would eventually take his or her place among them, was to be associated with nature. In summary, the association of the S ruler with nature is but indirect in the ED IIIb period. The ED 11Th-period association thus differs from the overt association found in the Vr III period and exemplified in Sulgi F. The political implications of the dehistoricizing strategies identified in ED IIIb representations are twofold. 9 First, in their claims of a supernatur~l birth, childhood, and divine right to rule, the ensi(k)s and lugals appropnated the ideology of the temple institutions. This ideology, as it has been reconstructed, was at once religious and political; it projected a hierarchical view of the universe with the gods at the top, the ens serving the gods, and then humanity, animals, and plants beneath the ens. By associating themselves with the divine realm, the ensi(k)s and lugals interposed themselves between the gods and the ens. Social change, here most likely in the form of a challenge by the ens, could be seen as a challenge to the gods and hence the entire institution of which the ens were a part. Thus, the association of individual rulers with the divine realm directly benefitted the nascent institution of kingship by shielding it from internal confrontations. Second, while it is not immediately clear whether the indirect association with nature gave the ED 11Th-period rulers the same pivotal function in the cosmos that kings had in the Vr III period (as exemplified in Sulgi F), we
8 An additional, but highly speculative for the ED period, association of the ruler with fertility and with the divine realm in general was made in the course of the sacred marriage ceremony (see, e.g., Steinkeller 1999 with references to earlier studies). 9 The work of Maurice Bloch on the sociopolitical changes in contemporary Madagascar has provided the theoretical framework for my understanding of the relationship between fertility, death rituals, and politics (Bloch 1982, Bloch 1987).
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can nonetheless attribute a political implication to the evidence that the ED lIIb-period rulers associated themselves with nature in the form of the agricultural cycle. The cult of dead predecessors sanctified the predecessors and made them collectively capable of influencing the harvest. Moreover, participation in the cult established a link between the dead predecessors and the seated rulers, showing the latter to be the direct inheritors of the authority and capabilities of the former. Interaction between the seated rulers and the dead predecessors symbolically joined the two through the medium of the office they held. This union made the seated rulers, perhaps to a lesser degree than their Vr III period counterparts, instrumental in maintaining the prosperity of their domains. A challenge to the ruler could be portrayed as a threat to the economic security of the city-state. Again, the office of kingship benefited by being shielded from confrontations. In sum, through the use of dehistoricizing strategies, the ED IIIb-period kings were moderately successful in externalizing their authority. As individuals, they were able, in a limited way, to perpetuate their authority beyond their lifetimes, i.e., to establish short-lived dynasties. More important, as a group, the ED 11Th-period kings were able to perpetuate the office of kingship as a social institution. As noted earlier, the formative phase for the institution of kingship lies between the ED I and the ED lIla periods. It should therefore come as no surprise that, in the ED 11Th period, the ideology of kingship was still closely bound with that of the temple institution. But it is interesting to note that even after the office of kingship had become institutionalized, its ideology continued to be elaborated in religious terms, even in the Akkadian and Vr III periods. This suggests that, although the palace became the preeminent social institution in the course of the third millennium, kings continually had to struggle for power with the representatives of the temples, just as they had in the ED period. The examples adumbrating the relationship between dehistoricizing strategies and the institution of kingship in third-millennium B.C.E. Southern Mesopotamia support the assertion that dehistoricizing strategies provide an ideological basis for authority. Dehistoricizing strategies thus function in much the same way as historicizing strategies, which have been the primary topic of discussion at this Rencontre. Examining one of these types of ideological strategy in relation to the other has the potential to deepen our understanding of both. This article has focused upon the dehistoricizing strategies of third-millennium royal ideology in the hopes that attention to those strategies will shed additional light on the historicizing strategies that occur in the cultural production of the same period.
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REFERENCES Adams, R.M. (1981) Heartland ofCities. Chicago. Bauer, J. (1969) "Zum Totenkult im altsumerischen Lagasch." Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenliindischen Gesellschaft Supplement 1(1): 107-14. Bell, C. (1992) Ritual Theory, Ritual Practice. Oxford. Bloch, M. (1982) "Death, Women and Power." In Death and the Regeneration of Life, M. Bloch and J. Parry, eds. Cambridge. Pp. 1-44. (1987) "The Ritual of the Royal Bath in Madagascar: The Dissolution of Death, Birth and Fertility into Authority." In Rituals of Royalty: Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societi~s, D. Cannadine an~ S. Price, eds. Cambridge. Pp. 271-97. Bourdieu, P. (1977) Outlmeofa TheonjofPractlce. Translated by R. Nice. Cambridge. Braun-Holzinger, E.A. (1977) FrUhdynastische Beterstatuetten. Abhandlungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 19. Berlin. Civil, M. (1994) The Farmer's Instructions: A Sumerian Agricultural Manual. Aula Orientalis. Supplementa 5. Barcelona. Cohen, A.C. (1997) Death Rituals and Social Change: A Case Study from Early Dynastic III Southern Mesopotamia. Paper presented at the American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, Washington, D.C. (forthcoming) "Death Rituals and the Development of Kingship in Early Dynastic III Period Southern Mesopotamia." Ph.D. diss. Bryn Mawr College. Cohen, M.E. (1993) The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East. Bethesda, Md. Cooper, J.s. (1986) Presargonic Inscriptions. Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions. New Haven. Deimel, A. (1920) "Die Listen liber den Ahnenkult aus der Zeit Lugalandas und Urukaginas." Orientalia 2:32-51. DeMarrais, E., L.J. Castillo and T. Earle (1996) "Ideology, Materialization, and Power Strategies." Current AnthropologJj 37(1):1531. Eagleton, T. (1991) IdeologJj: An Introduction. London. Jacobsen, T. (1957) "Early Political Development in Mesopotamia." Zeitschrift fUr Assyriologie lind vorderasiatische Arclliiologie 52:91-140. (1991) "The Term ensl." Aula Orientalis 9: 113-21. Jonker, G. (1995) The TopograpllY of Remembrance: The Dead, Tradition and Collective Memory in Mesopotamia. Studies in the History of Religions 58. Leiden. Klein, J. (1981) The Royal Hymns of SllIIlgi King of Ur. Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 71, Pt. 7. Philadelphia. Kobayashi, T. (1984) "On the Meaning of the Offerings for the Statue of Entemena. Orient. Bulletin ofthe Societyfor Near Eastern Studies in Japan 20: 43-65. (1985) "The ki-a-nag of EnentarzL" Orient. Blllletin o! the Societyfor Near Eastern Stlldies in Japan 21: 10-30. Landsberger, B. (1915) Der kl/ltlsche Kalender der Babylonier und Assyrer. Leipziger semitische Studien 6. Leipzig. LaPlaca, P.J. and M.A. Powell (1990) "The Agricultural Cycle and the Calendar at PreSargonic Girsu." Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 5: 75-104. Limet, H. (1993) "Le sacrifice siskur." In Ritual and Sacrifice in tile Ancient Near East, J. Quaegebeur, ed. Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta. vol. 55. Leuven. Pp. 243-56. Maeda, T. (1979) "On the Agricultural Festivals in Sumer." Acta Sumerologica 1: 19-34. (1994) "On the Calendar of Pre-Sargonic Lagash." Acta SlImerologica 15: 298-306. Michalowski, P. (1983) "History as Charter: Some Observations on the Sumerian King List." Journal of the American Oriental Society 103: 237-48. Powell, M.A. (1984) "Sumerian Cereal Crops." Bulletin on Sumerian Agriculture 1: 48-72. (1987) "The Tree Section of urs (=tJAR)-ra=Uubullu." Bulletin on SI/merian Agricl/ltl/re 3: 145-51. Rosengarten, Y. (1960) Le concept Sum~rien de consommation dans la vie ~conomiql/e et religiel/se. Paris.
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Selz, G.J. (1992) "Eine Kultstatue der Herrshergemahlin ~asa: Ein Beitrag zum Problem der Vergottlichung." Acta Sumerologica 14: 245-68. (1995) Untersuchungen zur Gotterwelt des altsumerischen Stadtstaates von Laga~. Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 13. Philadelphia. Steinkeller, P. (1999) "On Rulers, Priests and Sacred Marriage: Tracing the Evolution ofEarly Sumerian Kingship." In Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East, K. Watanabe, ed. Heidelberg. Pp. 10336. Winter, I.J. (1992) '''Idols of the King': Royal Images as Recipients of Ritual Action in Ancient Mesopotamia." Journal of Ritual Studies 6(1): 13-42. (1996) "Fixed, Transcended and Recurrent Time in the Art of Ancient Mesopotamia." In Concepts of Time: Ancient and Modern, K. Vatsyayan, ed. New Delhi. Pp. 325-38. Yamamoto, S. (1979) "The Agricultural Year in Pre-Sargonic Girsu-Lagash." Acta Sumerologica 1: 85-98.
The Image of the" Other" and Hittite Historiography* Yoram Cohen Cambridge, Mass. / Tel Aviv
DEVELOPING A REFLEXIVE SENSE of collective consciousness is a necessary prerequisite for the writing of history. But there can be hardly any comprehension of a collective "we" consciousness without a regard for or definition of other cultural groups and settings. 1 Thus, groups or individuals are stationed as "they," as opposed to the collective "we," while a reflexive sense of geography comes to delineate a notion of space of "here" and "there." Cultural and natural envirorunents alike outside a given group come to be regarded as elements of counter-identity. These elements of counter-identity constitute a polar image of the self by which the self measures and gauges itself on an imaginary relative scale. This polar image, the image of the "other" projected against the ideal self or wished-for self, is essentially the backbone of historiography, which gives support to the myth of collective identity. In historical narrative, constructing the image of
Abbreviations are according to the Chicago Hittite Dictionary, Volume P, pp. vii-xxix, eds. H.A. Hoffner and H.G. Gilterbock (1997). The present article is based on my Masters thesis ("Taboos and Prohibitions in Hittite Society," Tel Aviv: 1997; forthcoming in the THeth series) written under the supervision of Hamar Singer. I am most grateful to Prof. Singer for his guidance and support. I also sincerely thank Profs. Harry Hoffner, John Huehnergard, Peter Machinist, Piotr Stein keller, and Calvert Watkins for their comments and suggestions. I have also benefited from the kind assistance of Prof. Harry Hoffner and Dr. Richard Heal of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, who have sent me valuable information from the files of the Chicago Hittite Dictionary Project. For discussion of "Otherness" or "Alterity" (alttfrite) in ancient history, see, e.g., Assmann 1992; Hartog 1988; Liverani 1990; Vernant 1998; and VidalNaquet 1981. Further studies are cited throughout this article.
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the "other" involves a process of inversion or defarniliarization, which usually results in a negative depiction of the image of the "other.,,2 To illuminate this process in ancient historiography, we will focus on the construction and employment of the image of the "other" in Hittite historiography. Methodologically, this will be done by examining the Hittites' concept of "otherness," as defined by the Hittite expression natta ara, which means, "not correct," or "not right." An assessment of this expression will help us comprehend what the Hittites accepted as normal and what they rejected as "other." This will lead to the understanding of how the formulated image of the "other" came to be employed in Hittite historiography. Succinctly, our purpose is to examine the Hittite expression natta ara as a certain model against which one can define the criteria by which the image of the "other" was chosen and employed in Hittite historiography. As several studies have demonstrated, the Hittites viewed the peoples surrounding them without any racial prejudice or preconditioned apprehension. 3 Even the pestering tribal Kaska, who refused to come to terms with the Hittite presence in Northern Anatolia, were not demonized or depicted in a highly charged and negative way.4 Indeed, as is widely recognized, Hittite culture was highly receptive to the cultures of the surrounding peoples. However, the image of the "other" is not at all absent from Hittite historiography, but rather features in some of the major early historical texts. We will see, however, that it did not arise from experience and contact with the neighbors of the Hittites, but rather from different attitudes and practices. In the following sections, we will define what this image of the "other" consisted of and how it was constructed. In Hatti, the expression natta llra is used to define the borders of approved behavior in society. Although its attestations are few, it appears in a wide variety of genres, including diplomatic correspondence and treaties, rituals and cultic texts, oracles, instructions for the various offi-
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cials, and historiography. In these diverse texts it comes to prohibit over twenty different social actions. It touches upon matters of sexual behavior, cultic and religious observances, social injunctions, and ethical dilemmas. Almost every aspect of Hittite society is included within the restrictions imposed by the expression natta ara. The meaning of the expression natta ara is basically "not right," "not acceptable," "not permitted," as opposed to ara, which means "correct," "right," or "permitted."s Although the general sense of this expression is clear, it is hard to define its semantic field, because of its divergent uses. First, we turn to the Indo-European cognates that illuminate the deep meaning of Hittite ara. Vedic art, tirya, and Avestan airyo are terms denoting righteousness, devoutness, loyalty, and nobility. These are epitomized in the male deity Aryaman, who represents the standards of dignified living and marriage contracts. 6 The Hittite ara shares with its Indo-European cognates the concept of accepted conduct in the communal and social sense. In this regard, it is among the fundamental terms for the group in relation to its surrounding world. Eventually these cognates evolved to designate the collective self of whole peoples and territories (as" Aryan" and "Iran")? Second, we turn to the Hittite cognates. Communality and reciprocity embodied in the abstract ara might be expressed also by th~ Hittite idiom ara~ ari-meaning "one friend to the other." A friend, a LUIMUNUSara~, is cognate with the abstract llra and shares with it some semantic categories. 8 This substantive is used to denote reciprocity among friends or among colleagues of a religious order. Indeed it may be seen as the apex of social relations in the group. In a foundation ritual for a new palace, an unspecified Hittite king issues a personal request for friendship. He demands from the deified throne goddess tJalmasuit that their relationship shall be one of llra, characterized and substantivizied as ara~.9 S
2 Usually the image of the "other" will be negative, although it is not altogether impossible to find positive images of the "other" as well. When the process of inversion or defamiIiarizing is itself inverted, the resulting product will be a positive image of the "other," representative of "they," while "we" will turn into the tainted negative image. The classic example for this double inversion is Tacitus' Germnnin. 3 See studies by Klinger 1992; Singer 1981, 1994; von Schuler 1965: 1-18. 4 Notably von Schuler 1965, but see the interpretation offered in Liverani 1990: 37,161-62.
The primary meaning of the Hittite word lira has been understood since the initial days of Hittitology, beginning with Hrozny 1915: 28. See also Friedrich 1924:52; AU: 97; Forsch.: 147. The seminal study of this term is Laroche 1960. A comprehensive semantic and comparative study is Cohen 1997. 6 Benveniste 1962: 109; 1969: 367-73; Puhve11978: 336; HED/1: 120. 7 Gamkrelidze and Ivanov 1995: 657-58. 8
9
Laroche 1960; Benveniste 1962: 110; HED/1: 116-21. But see for a contrary opinion, Kammenhuber in HW2: 223-24 and Szemerenyi 1977: 140-45. KUB 29.1 i 34-36 (CTH 414=Goetze 1969: 357-58): nil G1SOAG-nn n-ra-nlll-mn-nn unl-zi-nU-UII[-III1J ll-UL-wn LUGAL-wn-n§ n-ra-n§-mi-i§ zi-ik ... "I called tJalma-
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We also briefly note the existence of a deity named d Ara~.l0 In a foundation ritual for a new city, for example, dAra~ is situated alongside other deified abstract qualities, all positive, like "Wellbeing" (dKelti), "Divine 11 Justice" (bantantatar), "Opulence" (dHinkallu~), etc. These ~eified abstract nouns constitute the desired conditions of the land; that dAra~ was one of them, permits us to attribute to this deity the characteristics of lira. The wide semantic range of the expression can be understood by an examination of the contexts of its employment. We begin by examining the religious texts in which lira and natta lira define the basic operational concepts of the sacred and profane in the cult. In religious texts, the expression is used commonly to prohibit undesirable cultic actions. It may, for example, prohibit the eating of offerings that are reserved exclusively for the gods. 12 It may also exclude and demarcate undesired persons from participating in the cult. In a ritual for lStar, for example, different categories of participants are established with the use of the expression. )( k'an-zl. nu U)a-ra-a-a~)( LOa-rt. [ 7. [na]m-ma GA.KIN.AG da-a~MES 8. [~i-y]a-i-i~-ki-iz-zi lUI GA.KIN.AG EM-~U ~u-up-pa-e-e~ [LU SANG A??]
9. [az-]zi-kan-zi ~a-ak-nu-wa-an-te-e~-ma 10. [U- ]UL a-da-an-zi U-UL a-a-ra 13 They take the cheese and one colleague (ara~) [hu]rls (it) at the other colleague, and the consecrated [priests?] eat the cheese ~and) the 1 rennet, but the impure ones do not eat (it). This is not ilra.
The group participating in this ritual is the ~uppae~-the sacred ones, the appropriate cultic personnel who may carry out the ritual acts. In contrast
~uit, my friend: 'Are you not a friend of mine, the king?'" Cf. i 11-13. See the
~o the~ stands
a particular group of people who are forbidden to take part the n~al. Th~y are ~he sak~u~antes-the defiled. For them, partaking of the cultic meal IS forbIdden; It IS natta lira. In the broad sense, as we learn f~o~ another Hittite ritu~l, it is seen that the entire ritual process of propitiating the gods was carned out by meticulously observed ceremonies that had to be lira, that is, correct or appropriate. The participants declare: "Wh~tever ~e ~h.all per~orm for him-may [th]at be lira for him."lS "Doing the nght thing ill culhc performances creates beneficial reciprocal rela~ion~ between the god and its human worshipper. The natta lira expression ill this respect seeks to eliminate the potential disruption of the ritual procedures by prohibiting specific actions. At times, adjacent to the natta lira expression, in the same paragraph or text, occurs the term lira, creating the necessary contrast for comparison between the sacred and the profane similar to the LatinJas and neJas. 16 ' Having established the deep and semantic meaning of the term lira, we can turn to the employment of the natta lira expression in Hittite historiography and see how it defines the image of the "other." We will consider first one of the oldest preserved Hittite texts, The Tale oJZalpa. While its historical validity as a source may be disputed,17 there is no reason to deny the Hittites the right to reAard this semi-mythical story as part of their recollection of their own past. Therefore, it may be considered as one of the earliest attempts by the Hittites at historiography. The story can be briefly paraphrased. 19 The queen of Kani~ gives birth to thirty sons. Not content with her offspring, she places the thirty sons in caskets and sends them down the river. Having reached the sea, at the land of Zalpa, the sons are found and re?re~ by the gods. Time goes by and the queen of Kani~ gives birth again, this hme to thirty daughters. Presumably some more years pass and the sons begin their way back to Kang. Before they arrive to Kani~, however, the gods change their appearance, so that their mother will not recognize them. And then: ill
important discussion in Starke 1979: 74,80,83-85. 10 For attestations, see van Gessel 1998: 45. 11 KUB 17.20 ii (CTH 492=Bossert 1956: 202). See also Haas 1994: 257-58.
15
12 The most notable example is found in the "Prayer of the Prince Kantuzili" (KUB 30.10 obv. 13' = CTH 373): ~i-,i-ni-l/Ii-/IIa-mll hi-it ~1I-IIP-p( a-da-an-na naa/-/a a-ra na-at U-UL kll-II~-~a-an-ka e-dll-lln "I never ate what was sacred for my god but for me not ilra to eat." See Gi.iterbock 1974: 325 and Watkins 1994.
16 As, e.g., in KUB 5.1 obv. i 38-39, rev. iv 57-58 (CTH 561=THef" 4: 38-39,86-87); tJuqq. § 33 (iii 59-66) (CTH 42=SV 2: 128-29; DiplTexts: 28); IBoT 1.36 iii 37-48 (CTH 262=AS 24 §§ 37-39); KUB 13.7 (CTH 258=von Schuler 1959: 458-59).
13 KUB 45.49 rev. iv, 7-10 (dupl. 611/f)(CTH 790=StBot 15: 29). See Collins 1995: 88-89. 14 Translation follows Hoffner 1994: 225.
KUB 30.27 rev. 1-2: (1) [ku-it-w]a-aHi hi-it e-eHII-II-e-l1i (2) [l1u-wa-ra-a]/-~i aa-ra e-d-dll (CTH 451=HTR: 98).
17 Hoffner 1980: 290-91 and Singer 1981: 132. 18 Gi.iterbock 1983: 27-28.
19 Based on translation by Hoffner 1998: 81-82; Text edition in StBoT 17.
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17. ., .nu-uz-za DUMU.MUNUSMES-SA A-NA DUMU.NITAMES-SA pa-is 18. [va-an-te -e]z-zi-as DUMUMES ni-ku-us-mu-us na-at'-ta ga-'ni-es-sir
ap-p{-iz-zi-ya-sa-as-sa-an ne-e-ku-sum-mu-us da-as-ke-e-u-e-n[i n]u le-e sa-li-iktu-ma-ri 20. [na-at-ta] 'a_a_ra,20 nu 'kat-ti-is-'mi s[e-
19.
[0000- ]x-us-za
When she gave (in marriage) her daughters to her sons, the [old]er sons did not recognize their sisters. However, the youngest [objected]: "Should we take (in marriage) our own sisters? Do not approach (them)! [It is not] right." But (the brothers) sl[ept] with them.21 At this ciimactic point the text breaks off and we are left to speculate about the fate of the thirty brothers and their thirty sisters, until a betterpreserved tablet shows up. Although we cannot know whether the incestuous deed was committed or about to be performed, we can say that all participants of the story (except the youngest son) were in complete igno22 rance of it, thus not explicitly held responsible for their deed. As far as we can judge from the surviving text, the author did not seek to blame any particular ethnic or geographically located group. Furthermore, there is nothing, I believe, in this story to show that the author's intentions were directed, implicitly or explicitly, to condemn a surviving practice in Anatolia. 23 Rather, with the use of the natta ilra expression, one witnesses the recognition of a sexual prohibition that leads to group distinction. The intent here, therefore, is not to contrast sexual behavior pertinent to the city of Kanis (one of the first cities inhabited by the Hittitesy4 with that of
20 The ra-sign is just visible, the a-signs are almost completely obliterated. However, there is no reason to doubt Otten's reading, since this sign combination is highly distinctive: two a-signs preceding a ra-sign can therefore only be nra. 21 Hardly anything is visible of this last sign: ~[e. Otten's translation (StBoT 17: 7) for the very last surviving line ("Und mit ihnen schl[ief(en)") implies that the youngest brother ended his admonition and that the brothers had indeed committed the incestuous deed. Hoffner 1998: 82 interprets the final line somewhat differently and ends the story thus: "[It is surely not] right that [we should] sleep with them." 22 See '11191 of the Hittite Law Code, in which forbidden sexual pairing is considered an offense, presumably only if committed knowingly. 23 Cf. Bin-nun in THetIlS: 146. 24 Singer 1981: 129.
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anoth~r group,
since no other group is introduced to the story. Rather, it is to remmd the reader of a behavior that is considered desirable to the society of ~umans and gods. This is implied at the beginning of the story, in an oblIque wa~, when we are told that the sons were brought up and reared by the gods. It IS therefore no surprise that the terminology chosen to highlight the prohi.bi.ted act is ~he same one that demarcates the sacred from the profane, defmrng what IS appropriate for human behavior in worship of the gods, as was discussed above. P: few hundred ~e~rs later the same expression is again used to prohibit forbIdden .sex~al pa~rmg, brother-sister incest among others. It appears no less than fIve hmes m a treaty between ~uPEiluliuma I and his Anatolian ~assal: tJuqqan~ of the country of tJayasa. Since this was probably the fust hme that mter-dynastic marriages were conducted by Suppiluliuma,26 not ~nly ~ce~t prohi~itions were formulated, but also a complete set of m~tnmoru.al mstructlons were forwarded in order to regulate tJuqqana s behavlOr, as a result of the different sexual customs of the land of tJayasa. The entire rhetoric in the treaty thus strives to achieve a sense of sexual moderation and restraint befitting a newcomer into the Hittite system of vassalage and the Hittite royal family.27It is clear that it was not the ~im of t~e Hittite kin~ ~o impose his will or customs on an entire group; the ~structlons are specIfic to the ruler of the vassal kingdom of ljayasa. UnlIke t~e Zalpa tale, a sense of social and geographical consciousness is pre~ent ~ the treaty. This plays a part in juxtaposing the land of Hatti with the infenor country of ljayasa and its alleged sexual norms. 28 But concern over sexual norms was not the result of ethnic or racial attitudes. It is important to note that it is a socio-geographic unit, the land afHatti, and not
25 Text edition in SV 2: 103-63; Translation in DiplTexts: 22-30. 26 See Pintore 1978: 72. 27 Otten 197~. See. als.o Liver~ni 1990: 42-43. In future treaties of ~uppiluliuma such matrImonial mstruchons were less specific although still present, as in the Treaty of ~uppiluliuma with ~attiwaza of Mittanni, § 7 (DipITexts: 40). See also the Treaty of tJattu~ili with BeI1te~ina of Amurru, § 8 (DipITexts: 97). 28 This depends on our understanding of the phrase in tJuqq. § 29: 32 (Otten 1971: 163): ~II-Ille-in-za-an KUR-edalll-pll-II-pfkl/-it an-da-at za-alJ-lJa-an"Because your country is uncivilized, it is disrupted(?)." I owe this translation to Prof. Hoffner (personal communication), who compared the use of zalJlJ- in this text to its usage in KUB 13.4 iii 38 (see CHD/L-N: 441). See also Beckman's translation here (DiplTexts: 27). For dampnpi, see Collins 1990: 225, 1995: 87; and for a different opinion Klinger 1992: 191-94.
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the Hittites, as a distinct ethnic group, which is contrasted with the land of ljayasa. I suggest that the reason the Hittite royal house or the formulators of its ideology were worried about sexual misconduct or incestuous acts was their defiling and contaminating character. The person of the king by its very character was to be kept sacred and pure, and forbidden sexual 29 pairings were one of the possible contaminators of its sacredness. The use of the expression in The Tale of Zalpa was intended to highlight the foundations of social demarcation, of distinctiveness, with the possible implication that the decrees to establish social norms were given by the gods. In the treaty ofSuppiluliuma with ljuqqana, this expression is picked up again, evidence as it were of the force of this prohibition through the ages in shaping the collective notion of that which was allowed and that which was abhorred in the land of Hatti. In one of the major texts of Hittite historiography, The Proclamation of Telepinu, natta lira defines normative or ethical behavior in Hatti. This text, once thought to be a succession reform initiated by King Telepinu, is now considered to belong to a genre of apologetic and selflegitimizing texts, sharing general traits with the well-known Apology of Hattu~ili.30 Basically the function of this proclamation was to justify Tele31 pinu's present rule in Hatti. Commencing with days gone by, Telepinu recounts how the harmonious reign of ljattusili I, a time of peace and of successful military operations, fell into ruin as a result of murderous deeds.ljattusili's son, Mursili, was murdered, as were the subsequent kings of Hatti. The end of bloodshed and the revival of the illustrious past are all the achievements of the present king, Telepinu. Following this biased historical account, there comes the "reform" of succession in Hatti, which is only meant to legitimize Telepinu's own illegal grasp of power. In this respect, Telepinu in fact did not deviate from the norm of succession, and he did not intend to change it, but rather emphasized that he was entitled to rule. The rest of his "reform" portrays Telepinu as a just and wise monarch, the very opposite of former usurper kings, fulfilling the model role of the ancient Near Eastern king. 29 The Hittite Laws ('Il'll187,188) forbid anyone who committed an act of forbidden sexual pairing (lJurkel) to approach the royal person. The same injunction is found in a ritual confirming that the king's person be kept from lJurkel among other impurities. See Hoffner 1973: 84 and CHD/L-N: 327. 30 Hoffner 1975, 1980: 306-7, 332; Liverani 1977. 31 The interpretation of this text here is based on Hoffner 1975; Liverani 1977; and Beckman 1983: 21-22. For other views, see von Schuler 1959: 442-43; Cancik 1976: 64-65. A recent translation is van den Hout 1997: 194-98.
HITTITE HISTORIOGRAPHY
(..x ..:.:-:·:-:·:-)
121
Liverani (1977) has argued that the decrees and instructions in this text relate more to past and present events than to the prospective future. Indeed it can be demonstrated that all the decrees laid down in the proclamation have a parallel episode in the "historical" section of the edict; they are posited as counter-measures to the bloody past. Therefore, their function is not only legalistic but also comparative, serving to juxtapose Telepinu's just cond uct and rule with that of his predecessors. Such is the function of the decree (§ 32) in whichnatta lira appears. In that decree, Telepinu wishes to insure that any potential offender who is a member of the royal family will himself pay for the crime. His household or his sons shall come to no harm, contrary to what happened in the past when entire families were massacred. The safety of the offender's entire household, along with his property, is insured. The house, fields, vineyards, slaves and cattle are not to be confiscated. 59.
ki-nu-na ma-a-an DUMU.LUGAL ku-i~-ki wa-a~-ta-i nu SAG.DU-az-pat ~ar-ni-ik-[d]u
60. E-Sl1-ma-a~-~i
DUMU-SU-ya i-da-a-lu /e-e SA DUMUMES.LUGAL 61. iz-za-an GI~-ru l1-UL a-a-ra ... 32
Mg-ga-a~-te-ni
pf-ya-ni-ma
Now, if any prince commits a crime, he shall pay with his head. You (pI.) shall not intend to harm his household or his son. To give away (from) the chaff (to) the (entire) log33 of the princes is not right." The potential aggressors who might covet the property of the princes after their death are mentioned in the following lines. These were high ranking officials like those who in the past acted against the ruling king. They had supposedly designs in procuring for themselves the confiscated property that included entire towns, thus committing evil deeds. 34 This decree in fact parallels Telepinu's just and benevolent ways. In the past, he had indeed granted his former enemies households and made them into farmers, without inflicting any harm upon their bodies or estates. 35 He did what was t7ra, what was just and moral as befits a true 32 Tel.pr§32 (KB03.1 ii59-61 and KUB 11,6 ii5-12 [conflated] =THetlI11: 36-37). 33 That is, "to give anything"; lit: "chaff (and) wood." H.A. Hoffner (personal communication) offered me the translation of this Hittite merism. Cf. von Schuler 1983; HED /2: 323. 34 Tel.pr § 32 (KBo 3.1 ii 61-65=THefIl11: 36-38). 35 Tel.pr § 26 (KBo 3.1 ii 29-30=THetlI11: 30-31). See also CHD/L-N: 331,467.
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HITTITE HISTORIOGRAPHY
king. Contrariwise, former opponents and murderous claimants to the throne had no scruples about committing deeds that were not ara. They were unworthy because their acts were natta ara. This opposition between right and wrong, eventually justifying Telepinu's seizure of power, was achieved with the deployment of the expression natta ara.1t has articulated abstract moral qualities: the positive figure of Telepinu the just king36 as opposed to the negative images of former factions that aimed to destroy the core of the Hittite royal families. In The Proclamation ofTelepinu, justification of rule did not depend on the introduction of evil enemies (as the image of the "other") striking at the heart of the kingdom or threatening its stability from without. Internal forces, such as treacherous servants (§ 7) and top commanders (§§ 21-22), were chosen as images of the "other." As seen so far, ara was the concept that determined the standard of required conduct that was accepted and correct. In the Hittite international correspondence, the Hittite kings demanded that all parties who maintained a relationship with each other, regardless of their national or ethnic origin, behave according to the standard of llra. 37 This standard was at times determined by the gods, however, not by humans. Humans had to maintain that cult be ara; the role of the gods was to bestow lira. In the Hittite treaties it is apparently the Hittite gods of the oath who give ara to humans, and in doing so ensure a successful relationship. Any relation lacking lira is doomed to fail, as Suppiluliuma warns tJuqqana. Should tJuqqana align himself with an enemy,
by the gods, to be differentiated from the ius, the earthly customs and laws. 39 This detailed examination of the expression has shown that the image of the "other" in Hittite texts was fundamentally constructed from figures or forces internal to society that threatened the divinely ordained form of both human interrelations and human and divine relations. This concept of the "other" in Hatti, defined by the expression natta ara, will now serve as the backdrop against which we will briefly survey the employment of the image of the "other" in additional Old Hittite historiographic texts that do not include the studied expression. Our objective is to demonstrate that the image of the" other" found in these texts follows the outline of "otherness" as defined by the expression we have studied. As we stated above, natta ara will serve as a model against which we can assess the function and articulation of the image of the" other" in Hittite historiography. The texts to be surveyed are the "Edict" and "Testament" of tJattu~ili I, The Siege of Ur§u, The Palace Chronicles, and finally The Proclamation of Anitta. All are texts from the early formative period of the Old Hittite kingdom. In the "Testament" and "Edict" of tJattu~ili I, the image of the "other" was employed to form internal cohesion and allegiance around a newly appointed heir. Positive images of unity and fidelity, both conditions essential for the success of the Hittite monarchy, are concretized by means of similes: the collective unit (pankur) must be united like the wetna§ animal or the wolf. 40 Factionalism and deceit are concretized a negative image, that of a snake, to which one Hittite queen is likened. 4 Another figure of evil is the king's own daughter, who has been ostracized from her family, never to be called daughter by her own father. 42 This powerful act of expulsion from the family stands in opposition to the idea of the unity of the clan. Although, no doubt, the two Tawannanas were real historic figures, it is the manipulation of their characters that creates the sharp image of disruptive forces erupting from within and threatening the unity of the community. The image of the" other," like those studied above, is one of an insider who defies the group.
nu-u§-ma-da>-at-
(<>:.:<>:.:..:.:..:.:<»
123
bi
38 {juqq. § 10, 8 (CTH 42=SV 2: 114). Translation follows DiplTexts: 25. For the scribal error, see SV 2: 114. See also the Hittite-Egyptian Treaty, obv. 24 (EdeI1997: 7): ptfr-:m §a da-ari-ti §a d UTU II dIM i-PII-§II, "The par$1I for eternity that the sun-god and the storm-god made." For the equation of par$lI=lIra, see Del Monte, Mur~ili Niqmepa: 97. In vassal treaties it was also within the power of the Hittite king to decree what is lira, that is, permissible to his subordinates. See the Bronze Tablet Treaty, ii 18ff. (Bo 86/299 ii 18-20=StBot Beih.1: 16) and also KBo 4.10 obv. 37 (CTH 106=StBoT 38: 32-33).
39 The connection between Hittite lira / / natta lira and Latin/as / / ne/as goes beyond semantic similarities, and both share a morpho-syntactic construction. See Benveniste 1969: 133-36. 40 Testament of {jatt. I, KUB 1.16 ii 46 (CTH 6=HAB § 8) and Edict of {jatt. I, KBo 3.27 obv. 15-16 (CTH 5=de Martino 1991). See also CHD/P: 93. 41 Test. of {jatt. I, KUB 1.16 ii 10,20 (HAB §§ 2, 4). See Hoffner 1980: 300-1. 42 Test. of {jatt. I, KUB 1.16 iii 23-25 (HAB § 18).
HITTITE HISTORIOGRAPHY
124
The Siege of Ur~u adds yet another dimension to the figure of the "other. ,,43 At the onslaught of ba ttle, the commanding officers of the Hittite army are belittled by their own king, who judges them incompetent. Effective graphic language likens the officers to cowardly dogs and puppies. In a following passage, the figure of warrior in battle is inverted by attributing to it feminine implements, such as the spindle, instead of the usual battle gear, thus robbing it of its effective prowess. 44 Images of the enemy are totally missing in this narrative and it is the images of Hittite commanders 45 that serve as a negative model to highlight the Hittite king's behavior. The next text to consider is The Palace Chronicles, in which internal figures, namely high officials of the realm, are described as having strayed from the straight path. 46 Several loosely related anecdotes construct the image of the" other" out of specific individuals who had committed crimes against the king for which they were severely punished. Criminals, such as the royal baker who has mistakenly dropped a stone in the king's bread, were not entitled to mercy. The gruesome punishments inflicted on the culprits are described in some detail, leaving a strong impression on the reader's heart, as the Hittites would have put it. To conclude this survey of how the Hittites constructed the "other" in historiography, The Proclamation of Anitta will serve to demonstrate that even in circumstances in which the image of the "other" was constructed from figures external to the group (contrary to examples discussed above), it was not necessarily a negative image, inferior to the image of the "self" portrayed by the composers of the text. The formulation of communal identi~ is evident in the early historical text known as The Proclamation of Anittn.4 The narrative in the first person recounts the campaigns of King Anitta against rival kings in central Anatolia. In this series of conflicts, local deities were also involved; they were evoked by their affiliation to one or another of the groups in conflict. The god of Ne§a, taken once to Zalpa, and now restored by Anitta to his abode, is called Siu~ul1l1ni~, literally "our god." Conversely, as Singer (1995) has shown, the defied throne-goddess of Hattu§a, tJalma§uit, who agreed to cede the city of Hattu§a to the victorious Anitta, is dubbed in the text "their 43 Edited by Beckman 1995b whose interpretation is followed here.
44 See Hoffner 1966. 45 Beckman 1995b: 31-33; Hoffner 1980: 299-300. 46 Edited by Dardano 1997. See also Pecchioli Daddi 1995 for literary analysis and historical implications. 47 Text edition in StBot 18; a recent translation is Hoffner 1997: 182-84.
C-:':-:·:-:·:-:·:-:J
125
goddess," that is, the enemy's deity. These religious disparities incorporated into the narrative no doubt reflect the nature of the regional conflict between the dynasty of Anitta and the Hattian dynasties. The presence of the distinction is no accident at this formative period. The categories of "we" and "they," the enemies, pertained not only to humans but also to the gods, for they too were part of the conflict. But the point of the distinction drawn was not one of superiority of one ethnic group against another. Nor was it centered on religious beliefs pertinent to one group. Rather the image of the "other" was a power belonging to an outside group, which could be won over. Eventually, in the Proclamation, the enemy goddess was won over: she was entreated to come over to Anitta's side by evocations, a strategy by which the Hittites throu~hout their conquests added local gods to their ever-expanding pantheon. 4 In this survey of Old Hittite historical texts, we have tried to establish a clearer definition of the destabilizing image of the "other." The analysis of the natta ara expression provided beforehand has helped us to understand what the conceptual frameworks were by which the Hittites devised and operated the image of the "other" in these texts. 49 If we look at the annals of ljattu§i1i I, ~uppiluliuma I ("as told by his son"), or Mur§ili II, we will hardly find any detailed description of the adversaries facing the Hittite kings. Apart from the common and colorless designation "enemy" and the mention of private names, these adversaries remain almost characterless. We note that in Hittite historiography, one cannot find the typical Mesopotamian discourse of negative characterization of fierce enemies living on the fringes of civilization. The dialectics that form the image of the" other" in Mesopotamia are indeed different from those at Hatti. In Mesopotamia, the pivotal point of reference is the city, the very manifestation of culture, around which revolve the non-urban areas and their inhabitants. Those dwellin~ on the outskirts of civilization, that is, the city, are regarded as "other." 0 A highly accentuated form of this view is found in Assyrian historiography: we find an opposition between the center, which comes to denote all the manifestations of Assyrian power and civilization, and the peripheral zones, which are described negatively 48 Singer 1994: 85-90. 49 One should note that the fragmentary "Cannibal Story" (CTH 17.1=Giiterbock
1938: 104-13), in which presumably the enemy forces are described atypically as cannibals, obviously does not fit the model described above. For the possibility that the text is not an original Hittite composition but rather resembles the nnrt1literahtre, see Soysa11988. 50 Machinist 1986: 184-91.
126
..:.:..)
t:~:.:~:.:~:.:
YORAM COHEN
in terms of their geographical space and native inhabitants.51 "Otherness," however, in the Hittite sources was conceived in a different manner. We find that counter-identity, the image of the "other," was constructed as the image of disruption, at times acting internally from within the boundaries of the group. It was the image of disruption that could have interfered with the orderings of ritual and procedures of cult. The disruption of order also could have taken place by sexual acts considered deviant from the norm, risking at times the integrity of the group or the sacredness of the king and the royal family. Counter-image could also have been formed by individuals who destabilized the concept of just kingship, proceeding to act contrary to the notion of justice or the council of the king. This image of internal disruption stood in contrast to the ideal of just monarchy, the purity of kingship, and the bond between the ruler (or priest) and the gods, who are the ones who give ara to humans and demand it back from them in acts of devotion and sacrifice. We have tried to demonstrate that it was the Hittite expression natta lira that, in a number of instances, provided the definition of what was the border line, demarcating the difference between right and wrong. Why this specific image of the "other" was developed in Hatti is a difficult question to answer and needs further study. One might speculate that since Hittite society consisted of multifarious ethnic elements, it could hardly afford to ostracize the stranger. With probably no ethnic majority within the kingdom, self-identity was formed by the central authorities who propagated several common denominators. Literary and historic genres spread the court ideology of just kingship, while ritual texts dictated that cult manifest the appropriate religious sentiment. Other texts regulated matters of purity and sexual behavior, contributing to the coherence and stability of a divergent Hittite society. The expression natta lira had its role in Hittite historiography and other texts by forming the image of the "other," playing a part in the cultural repertories that attempted to define the collective sense in regard to the surrounding world. 52 51 Liverani 1979. See also studies by Machinist 1993; Fales 1991; and Zaccagnini 1982. 52 We have dealt with the image of the "other" in Hatti as constructed from various figures within a given society. To provide contrast to this construction, we may mention that different historical writings employed other methods, e.g., the employment of non-Greek barbarians in Herodotus' Histories in the role of the image of the "other," as described by Hartog 1988, or the establishment of the negative image of the Canaanites, juxtaposed to the Israelites in the
HITTITE HISTORIOGRAPHY
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127
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35. Haas, V. (1994) Geschichte del' hethitischen Religion. E.J. Brill: Leiden. Hartog, F.
"Mitra as an Indo-European Divinity." Acta Iranica 17: 335-43. Singer, I. (1981) "Hittites and Hattians in Anatolia at the Beginning of the Second Millennium B.C." JIES 9: 119-34. (1994) '''The Thousand Gods of Hatti': The Limits of an Expanding Pantheon." In Concepts of the Other in Near Eastern Religions, Part 1 (lOS 14), ed. I Singer. Pp. 81-102. (1995) "'Our God' and 'Their God' in the Anitta Text." In Atti del II congresso internazionale di hittitologia (Studia mediterranea 9), ed. O. Carruba et al. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano. Pp. 344-49. Soysal, 0. (1988) "Einige Uberlegungen zu KBo III 60." VO 7: 107-28. Starke, F. (1979) "tJalma~uit irn Anitta-Text und die hethitische Ideologie vom K6nigtum." ZA 69: 47-120. Szemermyi, O. (1977) "IndoEuropean Kinship." Acta Iranica 7: 1-240. van den Hout, T.P.J. (1994) "Der Falke und das K(icken: Der neue Pharao und der hethitische Prinz?" ZA 84: 60-88. (1997) "The Proclamation of Telepinu (English Translation)." In TI,e Context of Scripture, ed. W.W. Hallo. Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill. Pp.194-98. van Gessel,H.L. (1998) The Onomasticon of the Hittite Pantheon. Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill. Vernant,J.P. (1998) La 1Il0rt dans les yeux. Figures de l'autre en Grece ancienne. Paris: Hachette. Vidal-Naquet. P. (1981) "Slavery and the Rule of Women in Tradition, Myth and Utopia." In My til, Religion and Society, ed. R.L. Gordon. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp. 187-200; 262-65. von Schuler, E. (1959) "Hethitische K6nigserUisse als Quellen der Rechtsfindung und ihr Verhaltnis zum kodifizierten Recht." In Festschrift Johannes Friedrich zum 65. Geburtstag am 27. August 1958 gewidmet, ed. R. von Kienle et al. Heidelberg: C. Winter. Pp. 435-72. (1965) Die Ka§kiier. Berlin: M. de Gruyter. (1983) "Eine Kleinigkeit." Or. 52: 161-63. Watkins,C. (1994) "La designation indo-europeenne du tabou." In Selected Writings: Calvert Watkins. Vol. II, ed. L. Oliver. Innsbruck: Institut fUr Sprachwissenschaft der Universitat Innsbruck. Pp. 511-17. Weinfeld, M. (1993) "The Ban on the Canaanites in the Biblical Codes and Its Historical Development." In History and Traditions of Early Israel, eds. A. Lemaire and B. Otzen. Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill. Pp. 142-60. Zaccagnini, C. (1982) "The Enemy in the Neo-Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: The Ethnographic Description." In Mesopotalllien lind seine Nachbarn: politische find kulturelle Wecllselbezielull1gen illl alten Vorderasien VOIll 4. bis 1. Jahrtaflsend v. Chr. (XXV. Rencontre assyriologique internationale, Berlin, 3. bis 7. Juli 1978), eds. H.J. Nissen and J. Renger. Berlin: D. Reimer. Pp. 409-24.
(1988) The Mirror of Herodotus: The Representation of the Other in the Writing of History (Le Miroir d'Herodote) (translated by J. Lloyd). Berkeley: University of California Press. Hoffner, H.A., Jr. (1966) "Symbols for Masculinity and Femininity: Their Use in Ancient Near Eastern Sympathetic Magic Rituals." JBL 85: 326-34. (1973) "Incest, Sodomy and Bestiality in the Ancient Near East." In Orient and Occident. Essays Presented to Cyrus H. Gordon on the Occasion of his Sixty-Fifth Birthday (AOAT 22), ed. H.A. Hoffner. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag. Pp. 81-90. (1975) "Propaganda and Political Justification in Hittite Historiography." In Unity and Diversity: Essays in History, Literature, and Religion of the Ancient Near East, eds. H. Goedicke and J.J.M. Roberts. Baltimore and London: Johns Hopkins University Press. Pp. 4962. (1980) "Histories and Historians of the Ancient Near East: The Hittites." Or. 49: 283-332. (1994) ''The Hittite Word for 'Oil' and Its Derivatives." HS 107: 222-30. (1997) "The Proclamation of Anitta of KuMar (English Translation)." In The Context of Scripture, ed. W.w. Hallo. Leiden and New York: E.J. Brill. Pp. 182-84. (1998) Hittite Myths (2nd ed.). Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press. Hrozny, F. (1915) "Die L6sung des hethitischen Problems." MOOG 56: 17-50. Klinger,J. (1992) "Fremde und AuBenseiter in tJatti." In Auf1enseiter ul/d Randgruppen (Xenia 32), ed. V. Haas. Konstanz: UniversWitsverlag Konstanz. Pp. 187-212. Laroche, E. (1960) "Hittite arawa- 'libre.'" In HOl1lmages il Georges Dumezil (Collection Latomus, vol. 45). Bruxelles: Bruxelles (Berchem): Revue d'etudes latines. Pp. 124-28. Uverani, M. (1977) "Telepinu, ovvero: della solidarieta." OA 16: 105-31. (1979) "The Ideology of the Assyrian Empire." In Power and Propaganda. A Symposillm on Ancient Empires (Mesopotamia 7), ed. M.T. Larsen. Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag. Pp. 297-317. (1990) "Prestige and Interest. International Relations in the Near East ca. 1600-1100 B.C." Padova: Sargon srI. Machinist, P. (1986) "On Self-Consciousness in Mesopotamia." In The Origins and Diversity of Axial Age Civilizations, ed. S.N. Eisenstadt. Albany: State University of New York Press. Pp. 183-202,511-18. (1991) "The Question of Distinctiveness in Ancient Israel: An Essay." In Ah, Assyria: Stlldies in Assyrian History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor, eds. M. Cogan and 1. Ephal. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, Hebrew University. Pp. 196-212. (1993) "Assyrians on Assyria in the First Millennium B.C." In Anfiinge politischen Denkens in del' Antike: Die nahostlischen Kllltllren und die Griechen, ed. K. Raaflaub. Munich: R. Oldenbourg. Pp. 77-104. (1994) "Outsiders or Insiders: The Biblical View of Emergent Israel and Its Contexts." In TIle Other in Jewish ThougM and History. Constl'llctions oflewish Cllltllreand Identity, eds. L.S. Silberstein and R.L. Colm. New York and London: New York University Press. Pp. 35-60. Mullen, E.T., Jr. (1993) Narrative
History and Ethnic Boundaries. The Dellteronomistic Historian and the Creation of Israelite National Identity. Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press. (1997) Ethl/ic Mytlls and Pel/tateuchal Foundations. A New Approach to the Formation of the Pel/tateucll. Atlanta, Ga.: Scholars Press. Otten, H. (1970) "Sororat im alten Kleinasien?" Saeclllllm 21: 162-65. Pecchioll Daddi, F. (1995) "Le cosl dette 'cronache di palazzo.'" In Afti del II congresso internazionale di hitfitologia (Studia mediterranea 9), ed. O. Carruba et al. Pavia: Gianni Iuculano. Pp. 321-32. Pintore, F. (1978) l/matrimonio interdinastico nel vicino oriente dllrante i secoli XV-XIII. Rome: Istituto per rOriente. Puhvel, J. (1978)
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Literature and History: The Historical and Political Referents of Sumerian Literary Texts Jerrold Cooper Johns Hopkins University ~4.'''.'',.-o
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ALMOST A HALF CENTURY AGO, at the second meeting of the Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in 1951, Adam Falkenstein presented a brilliant paper on the chronology of Sumerian literature. 1 Despite the enormous increase in our understanding of the Sumerian texts known to Falkenstein at that time, and the revolutionary impact of the subsequent discovery of an entire corpus ofEarly Dynastic Sumerian literature, Falkenstein's conclusions hold true today, even if they must be corrected in some details. He approached the dating of the texts of the scribal curriculum known from the eighteenth century B.CE., that is, about the middle of the Old Babylonian period, from two directions? On the one hand, he looked for indications of a terminus post quem, the most telling being the presence in the OB Sumerian texts of Akkadian loanwords ending in -um, that is, belonging to the latest stratum of Akkadian loanwords in Sumerian, which first appears in Gudea and Ur 1lI texts. On the other hand, realizing that later linguistic features could creep into earlier texts in the redaction and transmission process, he compared the very few Early Dynastic literary texts then known (mainly a few incantations and the Barton Cylinder) with the later texts of the scribal curriculum and deduced that the latter could only have come into existence after a major transformation of Sumerian
Falkenstein 1951. 2 Of course, Falkenstein excluded from consideration texts whose date or, at least, terminlls post qllem, was obvious, like hymns to the Ur III and Isin kings, or lamentations over the destruction of Sumerian cities at the end of the Ur III period.
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literature, so great were the differences between the two corpora. Thus, Falkenstein concluded, the Sumerian literary texts studied in Old Babylonian schools were the product of a major redactional enterprise undertaken in the Vr III period, adding a literary dimension to the political and artistic components of the so-called Sumerian Renaissance, a term that has since been discreditedp perhaps "Vr III florescence" would be more apt. Falkenstein was careful to distinguish between the most recent redactions of Sumerian literary compositions as represented in the OB scribal curriculum, and the origin of those compositions. Some myths and hymns could go back to very early times, whereas other compositions betray a specific historical moment of origin. Thus, the epics of the early kings of Vruk must date from early in the Early Dynastic period when a wall went up around Uruk and the cities of the south would have come into conflict with the Semitic kingdom of Kish, as portrayed in Gilgameslt and Agga. 4 But in the form in which we have them, he thought the tales of the journeys of Lugalbanda and Gilgamesh to the mountains reflect the almost yearly campaigns of the Vr III kings to the northeast. At another Rencontre five years later, Falkenstein reported on the composition Ninmeshara,5 attributed to Enheduana, and correctly perceived that it was about a revolt against Sargonic rule. 6 In 1965 he published his study of the Curse of Akkade,7 which he characterized as a product of Vr III resentment against the eclipse of Sumer during Sargonic rule, because, as he recognized, the composition's tale of Naramsin's attack on Nippur and the subsequent cursing of Akkade and devastation of the land by the barbarian Guti cannot be harmonized with our knowledge of Naramsin's reign from historical inscriptions and archival texts, and thus must be the product of a later period. 8 In 1969, Van Dijk brought out a highly imaginative and insufficiently documented study that deployed both the Curse ofAkkade and the oeuvre of Enheduana to reconstruct a program of religious syncretism ina~urated by Sargon, which reached a disastrous climax under Naramsin. Basing
himself on the theories of Thorkild Jacobsen,lO Van Dijk imagined a Presargonic Sumerian assembly of independent city rulers that met at Nippur, the city of the god Enlil, chief of the Babylonian pantheon. This assembly, which was the earthly counterpart of the well-attested assembly of the gods led by An and Enlil, selected, under the tutelage of the Nippur priesthood, a king with limited powers. Sargon and his successors destroyed this arrangement by making the city rulers royal appointees, establishing a strong hereditary kingship, and marginalizing Nippur and Enlil in favor of the new capital Akkade and its goddess Ishtar. As part of a Sargonic program to syncretize the Sumerian and Semitic relipious systems, exemplified by Enheduana's collection of temple hymns,} the Sumerian goddess of love, Inana, was exalted and given the attributes of Ishtar, the Akkadian warrior goddess; in Van Dijk's words, the Inana hymns of Enheduana promoted the goddess from "prostitute" to "queen." These tendencies reached their climax under Naramsin, according to Van Dijk, basing himself on the following interpretation of the Curse of Akkade: Inana, meaning the priestess of Inana, abandons Akkade on orders of the Nippur clergy, orders that she obeys because she herself was from Sumer, and thus sympathetic to the old regime. The Nippur clergy was angry with Naramsin because he had replaced Enlil with Ishtar and diverted to Akkade offerings that rightly belonged to Nippur. When Naramsin retaliated by attacking Nippur, the clergy there allied itself with the Guti, who were joined by the cities of the south in the destruction of Akkade (that is, the gods who in the composition curse Akkade stand for their respective cities, and the curse and its realization are a metaphor for an attack and destruction). Van Dijk wrote as if the Curse of Akkade were a historical narrative in thin disguise; to recover what actually happened, one only has to replace the divine actors with their clerical representatives or cities. Much of Van Dijk's theory (without the benefit of clergy), together with Jacobsen's political reconstruction was taken over by Wilcke in a 1974 article, and applied in a systematic way to a broad range of Sumerian literature. A number of Inana myths, for example, were divided into proAkkade and anti-Akkade compositions, and Enki was made into a symbol of a pro-Akkadian faction in the Sumerian deep south. 12 These ideas were revised and expanded in a long 1993 essay, which, with Falkenstein, cor-
3 Becker 1985. 4 Katz 1993. 5 Now Zgo1l1997. 6 Falkenstein 1958. 7 Now Cooper1983a.
}O Jacobsen 1970: chaps. 8 (1957) and 9 (1943).
8 Falkenstein 1965.
11 Sjoberg and Bergmann 1969.
9 Van Dijk 1969; cf. Hallo and Van Dijk 1968.
12 Wilcke 1974a.
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rectly sees most Sumerian literary compositions as having reached their present form in Ur ill, but then seeks to understand.these compositions as being used by the Ur ill scribes as part of an ongoing argument against the political and religious goals of the Akkad period, or as an allegory of subsequent political developments. 13 The texts become romans aclef, in which each ~od stands for a city or region. For example, in Enki and the World Order, 4 Enki's scolding of a power-hungry Inana for causing chaos is interpreted as follows: the chaos wrought by Inana is Akkade's destruction of the Sumerian religious system (that is, Inana = Ishtar of Akkade), and Enki's scolding of her represents the restoration of the old order by Lagash under Gudea (because Enki is the father of Nanshe, and Nanshe has a high position in the Lagash pantheon). Inana and Enki,15 in which Inana famously manipulates Enki into giving her control over the norms of civilized life, is about Utuhegal's Uruk (Inana here is Inana of Uruk) and its successor Ur taking political power away from Gudea's Lagash, represented a1ain, by Enki of Eridu. But, according to Wilcke, in Lugale16 and Angim,l Lagash is represented by Ninurta, seen as a stand-in for his local manifestation at Lagash, Ningirsu. He understands both myths as attempts to insinuate Ningirsu=Ninurta into the Nippur pantheon in order to legitimate Gudea or one of his predecessors. However, since Ninurta is already portrayed as the savior of Nippur in the Presargonic Barton Cylinder, this can hardly be correct. The problems with these interpretations, however, are less problems of fact than problems of method. The only reason to imagine that Enki stands for Gudea's Lagash is that we know that Enki's city Eridu was never a political power, and if we want the myths of Enki to be political allegories, we have to assign Enki to a city that did exercise power. Again, assigning lnana in a particular composition variously to Akkade or Uruk is demanded only if we insist that a myth or hymn have a specific political interpretation. But why would we? The wheedling lnana of Inana and Enki, and the whining lnana of Enki and the World Order are one and the same character, not far removed from the cajoling Inana of Gilgamesh and the Bull of Heaven 18 and
13 Wilcke 1993. 14 Falkenstein 1964; Bottero and Kramer 1989. 15 Farber-Fliigge 1973. 16 Van Dijk 1983. 17 Cooper 1978. 18 Cavigneaux and Al-Rawi 1993.
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the impetuous lnana of Inana and Ebih. 19 Yet these last two, for Wilcke, are only Inana of Akkade, in Gilgamesh and the Bull of Heaven the victim of a successful liberation struggle of the Sumerians, embodied by Gilgamesh (but why is Inana of Akkade at home there in the Eana of Uruk?), and in Inana and Ebih she is the vehicle for a critique of Akkade's expansionist policy.20 A strong argument against these historicizing interpretations of Sumerian literature is that compositions exist that are explicitly about historical events, and do not hide real rulers and places in divine garb. If we have Sumerian literary texts that are explicitly about the rise and fall of Akkade or the fall of Ur, why should we assume that purely mythological texts are meant to be allegories of political events? If there is no reluctance in some texts of our corpus to name Sargon, Naramsin, Lugalzagesi, Urnammu, or Ibbisin, why should we assume that other texts disguise individual rulers or dynasties as lnana, Enki, or Gilgamesh? Since the cults
19 Attinger 1998.
20 The interpretation of lnana and Ebih has an interesting history. Falkenstein
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1951: 15f. insisted that there was "nur ein fundamentales Ereignis, auf das das Lied passt: Die Beseitigung der gUHlischen Fremdherrschaft durch Utu*egal von Uruk .... Was dem Konig von Uruk gelungen ist, wird im Mythos der kriegerischen Gottin seiner Residenzstadt zugesprochen." But because lninsIIagllra, attributed to Enheduana, mentions Inana's conflict with Ebih, Hallo and Van Dijk 1968: 3 claimed lnana and Ebih for Enheduana's oeuvre, reinterpreting it as referring to a revolt of lands to the northeast against Naramsin, and thus, Inana is Inana of Akkade. This view was slightly modified by Wilcke 1974a: 56f.: lnmw and Ebih is the story of a successful Akkadian campaign to the northeast, and An's reluctance to help Inana, who attacks nonetheless, possibly represents a conflict between royal authority (Inana) and the will of the assembly (An). For Zgoll1997: 91f., An counsels Inana against undertaking the expedition because of the danger to Sumer posed by Akkadian foreign expeditions, which strengthened central rule and led to troop levies in Sumer. Again, An =Sumer and Inana =Akkade, but in Zgoll's interpretation of NinlileS/lara, it is this very An who is instrumental in securing Akkade's victory over Sumerian rebels! Yet is a historicizing interpretation necessary? Just because an Enheduana hymn mentions Inana's battle with Ebih does not compel us to assume that lnana and Ebih should be ascribed to Enheduana. Nowhere do the Sargonic kings mention the name Ebih, and conflicts with the mountainous regions to the northeast were a staple of Babylonian politics from earliest times. Surely the myth expresses this continuous reality rather than a specific campaign, whether of a Sargonic king, Utuhegal, or an Ur III monarch.
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of Babylonian gods are associated with particular cities, it is always possible to impose a political interpretation on any myth. But should we feel compelled to do so? The mythological texts present a fairly consistent image of the gods' relationship among themselves, based on function, kinship, and personality traits, and a good argument could be made that these relationships are in large part independent of the actual historical relationships of these gods' cities. Before offering alternative interpretations of two texts that have been prominent in the discussions cited above as well as in subsequent studies, I would like to question some of the basic assumptions of these studies, assumptions that seem to have won broad acceptance among Assyriologists: (1) The Assembly. There is no evidence that the concept of a divine assembly presided over by Enlil and An translates into a Presargonic assembly of city-state rulers meeting at Nippur. In his most detailed presentation of the evidence for a Sumerian assembly, Wilcke cites two references, both from royal hymns, to Urnammu as "ornament of the assembly" and Inana as speaking for Shulgi in the assembly, as well as a difficult line from the Royal Correspondence of Ur, but none of these has anything to do with Presargonic political structure; for this, Wilcke can only refer to the Nippur inscription of Lugalzagesi, which tells us simply that "all the rulers of Sumer and all the ensis of the foreign lands" recognized Lugalzagesi's sovereignty in Uruk. 21 (2) Early Dynastic kingship. The only basis for assuming that the king of Kish or any other ED king whose rule extended beyond his home "citystate" was only primus inter pares with limited powers is that we are told by later sources that ca. 2600 B.C.E. Mesalim, king of Kish, mediated a bOlmd-
ary dispute between Lagash and Umma. 22 We are never told that his powers were limited to mediation, nor would we assume just because Utuhegal and Urnammu, a half millennium later, claim to have readjusted boundaries within Babylonia, that their powers were necessarily limited, either. 23 (3) The exaltation of Inana. In the Early Dynastic period, Inana is "queen of heaven" and "queen of all the lands,,?4 she bestows sovereignty25 and is known as a warrior goddess. 26 In the major god list from Fara she is listed third, followin~ An and Enlil,27 and in a literary text from Ebla she is" queen of the land.,,2 Claims that Inana's exalted position is the result of theological innovations of the Akkade period are simply not true, nor would we expect the god of Uruk as well as of Kish to be less than a major deity in the Early Dynastic pantheon. Nor was Inana/Ishtar, city god of Akkade, promoted ahead of Enlil by Naramsin, as is often claimed. To be sure, Inana appears with greater frequency in his inscriptions than in those of other Akkadian kings, and is granted greater importance, but Enlil's sovereignty is never denied. 29 The dedications and building projects of Naramsin at Enlil's sanctuary in Nippur, the Ekur, are eloquent testimony to the continued centrality of Enlil in the Sargonic pantheon. 30 Of the two great Inana hymns of Enheduana, Sargon's daughter and high priestess of the moon-god at Ur lmtil well into the reign of Naramsin,
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22 Cooper 1983b: 22. 23 RIM E2.13.6.1-3 (Frayne 1993) and E3/2.1.1.21 and 28 (Frayne 1997). 24 Selz 1995: 147. 25
Cooper 1986: La 3.5, Uk 1.2.
26 See Di Vito 1993: 29 for the PN dinana-ur-sag at Lagash and Nippur. 27 Mander 1986: 40.
21 Wilcke 1974b: 228f. Selz 1992 also offers no evidence for an assembly at Nippur, despite the subheading "Enlilleitet die 'Ratsversammlung'; Nippur als Zentrum einer Amphiktyonie." See now Sallaberger 1997: 149 n. 8, who states that a claim that a certain Early Dynastic ruler's dedication in Nippur means that he was legitimized by Enlil "verkehrt m. E. Ursache und Wirkung." Further on, Sallaberger concludes as follows: "Trotz der zentralen Bedeutung des HauptheiIigtum Ekur bleibt die Rolle der Stadt in der aktuellen Politik sehr blass: weder lassen sich Entscheidlmgen der Stadt oder bestimmter Kollegien, etwa der Priesterschaft Enlils, zugunsten von Herrschern oder zu deren Nachteil nachweisen, noch wilsste ich von Quellen, die erschliessen lassen, dass allein der Besitz der Stadt Nippur dem jeweiligen Herrscher besondere Vorteile oder eine Legitimationsgrundlage verschafft hatte." (p. 164). I would agree.
28 Krebernik 1992: 88. It could be argued that this hymn is written in Semitic and represents a conception of Ishtar that was foreign to the Sumerian Inana, but the Sumerian epithet of Inana, nin kur-kur-ra, just cited, shows that Ishtar and Inana were very close or identical already in the Presargonic period.
29 See the evidence in Zgoll 1997: 43, and Franke 1995: 194f. Both authors' conclusions go beyond what their own evidence would support. That Naramsin would attribute his power to his city god Inana/lshtar-Anunitum alongside or even instead of Enlil in some inscriptions fits the pattern of the Early Dynastic king Lugalkiginedudu of Uruk, who attributed his sovereignty over both Uruk and Ur to Enlil in one inscription, and to his city god Inana in another (Cooper 1986: Uk 1.1-2).
30 For Enlil as Reicllsgott in the Sargonic period, see Sallaberger 1997: 162.
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one praises the goddess and supplicates her, successfully, to intercede with An on Enheduana's behalf.31 Were Inana exalted above An and Enlil, she would have been asked to act directly, not as an intercessor. The other Inana hymn, possibly a paean of gratitude for the successful intercession, seems to place Inana on a level with An and Enlil, reminding us of the order AnEnlil-Inana of the Fara god list, but at its end the hymn is careful to characterize all of Inana's powers as gifts of An and Enli1.32 The last of the three compositions explicitly attributed to Enheduana is the compilation of Sumerian temple hymns. 33 It begins with a hymn to Enki's temple at Eridu, probably in recognition of Eridu's hoary antiquity,34 followed by Enlil's temple at Nippur and other Nippur temples. Inana of Uruk is celebrated only in the sixteenth hymn, quite a demotion from her third place in the series of short temple "hymns" from Early Dynastic Abu Salabikh,35 and Inana of Akkade is number forty, third from last. The conclusion that must be drawn is clear: when pleading to the goddess of her home city for help, or thanking her for that help, Enheduana glorifies Inana, but when compiling her collection of hymns to the temples of Babylonia, Inana is not promoted in the least, and even seems to lose stature compared to the earlier Abu Salabikh collection. Enlil remains chief of the pantheon; there is no new Sargonic theology replacing him with Inana. (4) Resentment of Akkade in Ur III. Falkenstein had talked about a resentment of Akkade in the Ur III period in his discussion of the Curse of Akkade, and Wilcke, in 1974, had seen an anti-Akkadian bias as the inspiration for a number of Sumerian literary compositions (see above). In Wilcke's most recent discussion, he recognizes that up through the Great Rebellion against Naramsin, which was led by Uruk in the Sumerian south and Kish in the Semitic north, anti-Akkade sentiment was neither regional nor ethno-linguistic. However, he contends that eventually sentiment against the Sargonic kings resulted in a polarization that bound political identity with language, that is, Sumerians vs. Akkadians. But the only evidence he offers for this conclusion is that in late Sargonic texts from Umma, "Sumerian" measures are mentioned in contrast to "Akkadian"
measures, and in the Ur ill period there are sheep varieties known as "Sumerian" sheep.36It is far from obvious, however, that the recognition of regional differences in measures or livestock translates into ethno-linguistic polarization. As further support of an anti-Akkade bias in the Ur ill recensions of Sumerian literary compositions, Wilcke asserts that there is nothing in those compositions that can be seen as glorifring the Akkade dynasty, except, perhaps, the Sumerian Sargon Legend. 3 He ignores the first fifty lines of the Curse ofAkkade, which describe Sargonic rule before Naramsin's sin in quite favorable terms, and manages to exclude from consideration the oeuvre of Enheduana, a Sargonic priestess and the only named author to whom Sumerian literary texts are ascribed. He also dismisses as not relevant the scribal copies of Sargonic inscriptions that certainly glorify the Akkadian kings; Wilcke claims they were copied perhaps more for their quaintly archaic language and paleography than for their content. 38 But as Falkenstein has pointed out, the glorification of the king known from Ur III royal hymns is a direct continuation of the tradition of earlier Sargonic royal inscriptions.39 There is no way that the Sargonic kings could have been glorified in Sumerian literature like Urnammu or Shulgi were, because royal hymns didn't exist in Sargonic times. Nevertheless, the glory of the kings of Akkade found a firm place in the scribal curriculum through the preservation of their inscriptions. Although the kings of Ur III never mention the kings of Akkade in their inscriptions or hymns 40 they flatter them through imitation of their imperial administration and the form of their monarchy, in the divinization of the king, and in the continuation of the Akkadian program of inscribed monuments. 41 Offerings were made to statues of the Akkadian kings in Or III Nippur, and the cult of Inana/lshtar of Akkade was of some
31 Zgoll1997. 32 Sjoberg 1975. 33 Sjoberg and Bergman 1969.
34 And not, as Wilcke suggests, because Eridu was the center of a pro-Akkade southern faction, and was therefore rewarded by Enheduana with the placement of the Eridu temple before Enlil's temple (Wilcke 1974a: 64).
35 Biggs 1974: 45ff.
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36 Wilcke 1993: 30f. 37 Wilcke 1993: 67ff.; for the text, see Cooper and Heimpel1983.
38 Wilcke 1993: 68. 39 Falkenstein 1966: 175. 40 Early Mesopotamian kings almost never mention predecessors or previous dynasties; the inscriptions reporting the Lagash-Umma boundary dispute (Cooper 1983b) are an anomaly in this respect. The Ur III kings only mention the legendary early kings of Uruk, back beyond the "floating gap" (Wilcke 1988: 115f.; Vansina 1985: 23f., 68f.), more as protectors and inspiration than as real historical figures.
41 Becker 1985; Cooper 1993: 14ff.
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importance in Ur III.42 Furthermore, the very presence of Sargonic monuments at Nippur, Ur, and elsewhere in the Ur III period was testimony to the attention of the Akkade dynasty to the traditional gods and temples of the land. There is no reason to think that anti-Akkade feelings were strong or even present in Ur III times, nor are there grounds for believing that the Sumerian literary texts redacted in that period had "an important function" in an "argument against the thought and political-religious goals of the Akkad period.,,43 Having shown that (1) there is no evidence for an Early Dynastic assembly of Sumerian rulers who elected a king with limited powers, that is, that there was no established Sumerian system of kingship that the kings of Akkade violated and (2) those kings did not violate the Sumerian religious system by elevating Inana or Ishtar of Akkade above An and Enlil, so that there were no grounds for a lingering resentment of the kings of Akkade in the Ur III period, but rather there were many positive images of the Sargonic period current under the kings of Ur, it should be clear that using such purported resentment as a key to reading Sumerian literary texts can only lead to misunderstanding. In fact, I would go further and say that all of the proposed readings that claim to find recent political figures or entities in the mythological texts-whether Enki or Ninurta as Gudea, 44 Inana as Utu-hegal, or Gilgamesh as Sumer-are highly implausible. Turning first to a Sumerian composition that takes a specific historical event as its subject, the Curse ofAkkade, I would assert that most of the interpretations that have been offered have tried too hard to reconcile the historical events that we can reconstruct from primary sources with the version
42 Sallaberger 1993: I 100, 198. 43 Wilcke 1993: 58. 44 An exception is the interpretation of Enlil and Ninlil offered by J. Klein in this volume (also Wilcke 1993: 37). By casting Enlil as a very young man, and Ninlil as a young, barely nubile virgin, the composition seeks to establish that Nanna-Suen, patron deity of Ur, who is engendered when Enlil rapes NinIil, is without any doubt the couple's firstborn (as opposed, say, to Ninurta/ Ningirsu). By interpreting the composition as an Ur III work designed to ermance the position of the god of Ur, Klein's theory accounts for the existence of two tales of the courtship of EnIil and Ninlil (the other is more conventional and not concerned with their eventual offspring), as well as the transfer of the mythologem of "rape of a virgin goddess by a senior god" from Enki (d. Enki and Ninlwrsag), whom it seems to fit so well, to EnIil, regarding whom it has always seemed intrusive. But d. now the critique of Westenholz 1999: 77 n. 368.
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of Naramsin's reign and Akkade's fall related in the composition. Falkenstein recognized that the text was counterfactual, and so had to conjure up the Ur III resentment of Akkade to account for it. A. Westenholz, who published archival texts recording Naramsin's reconstruction of Enlil's temple Ekur in Nippur, thought Naramsin's destruction of that same temple in the Curse of Akkade reflected a misunderstanding of the initial demolition that had to be done before the reconstruction could begin,45 as if the experience of several millennia of mud brick construction had not made the reconstruction process obvious. Liverani sees the composition as a critique of Naramsin's restoration for being too Akkadian in its style, a critique emanating from traditionalist circles at the time of Ishme-Dagan's rebuilding of the Ekur. 46 But other objections aside, the Ur III manuscripts of the composition preclude dating it to the Isin period.47 Edzard 48 and Wilcke49 view the decision to revoke Akkade's sovereignty and Inana's subsequent abandonment of the city as punishment for Naramsin's hubris, including his self-divinization, but what is counted as a recitation of hubris is really just a description of a blessed and prosperous reign, and the composition nowhere mentions the divinization. More importantly, such interpretations ignore the pattern seen in the Sumerian King List as well as the city laments, in which sovereignty passes from a particular city because no dynasty was destined to rule forever; no blame is ever ascribed to the unlucky ruler who presided over the dynasty's demise. 50 Similarly, Yolk's assertion that Inana's abandonment of Akkade in the Curse of Akkade marks the religious-political and military failure of Naramsin and of Ishtar-Anunitum, enabling the eventual restoration of the traditional Inana order based on Uruk and Kish, and thus reflecting, from an Ur III perspective, the rebellion of Uruk and Kish against Naramsin, 45 Westenholz 1987: 28. 46 Liverani 1993: 58f. 47 Liverani 1993: 56 suggests that what seem to be Ur III manuscripts are really early Isin. According to R. Zettler, the Curse of Akknde manuscripts and other Sumerian literary texts were found in fill in the Inana temple at Nippur together with dated Ur III archival texts. There are no dated early Isin archival texts among the tablets found in the fill, and thus no reason to think that the literary texts are later than the paleographically similar Ur III archival texts with which they were found.
48 Edzard 1989. 49 Wilcke 1993: 34f. 50 Cooper 1983a: 2lf. and 29f.
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avoids the much simpler understanding of Inana's departure as one manifestation of a pattern, known from the city-laments, in which a city-god must abandon a city that has been deprived of sovereignty.51 But there is no denying that the Curse ofAkkade is about politics; it is just not about history. Naramsin's hubris was not in the successes of his reign or even in his divinization, but in his refusal to acquiesce in and his attempt to challenge the immutable judgment of the great gods, which culminated in his attack on Nippur, and resulted in the Guti invasions and the cursing of Akkade. The composition was written to show that although sovereignty may not be eternal, its loss need not be as devastating for the land and for the capital as it was in the case of Akkade. Ur, whose empire was modeled in so many ways on Akkade's, need not share Akkade's particularly grim . fate, so long as its rulers do not defy divine will.52 The second composition I will discuss is one that mentions no historical figures or invasions. [nana and Shukaletuda tells of the rape of the great goddess by a mortal, and the disastrous consequences that ensued for Sumer until Enki handed over the hiding malefactor to Inana for execution. The text begins similarly to [nana's Descent, with Inana leaving her sanctuaries in Uruk and Zabalam to head for the kur. Wilcke interprets this as Inana leaving Sumer for Akkade, and when she later is said to pass through Elam and Subartu, he interprets the text as referring to the campaigns of the Sargonic kings. Shukaletuda's rape of Inana represents, according to Wi1cke, the Sumerian revolts against Akkade, while the plagues Inana brings against Sumer are Akkade's numerous attempts to suppress the south. When, at the end, Inana promises to return to Uruk, the text is said to mean to evoke the advent of Utuhegal.53 In his otherwise fine edition of [nana and Shukaletuda, Volk takes over and elaborates Wi1cke's interpretation, understanding the text as an Ur III composition that combined earlier mythological elements to express-not overtly as in historical inscriptions-political ideas. 54 In this interpretation, even the smallest aspects of the story can be given a specific political reading. For example, the rape occurs when Inana, returning from the kur, stops to sleep under a tree; her resting under the tree, Volk suggests, is perhaps a metaphor for a moment of military weakness of a Sargonic ruler
51 Ibid.
52 See Cooper 1993: 16f. 53 Wilcke 1993: 56f. 54 Volk 1995: chap. 5.
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after an expedition in the mountain lands!55 The difficulty with the whole approach becomes clear when Volk tries to clarify what seems to him as a contradiction: the composition portrays Inana as the subject of a humiliating rape, but then concludes by praising her. He explains that this is explicable only "if the subject of the humiliation by Shukaletuda is the IshtarAnunitum who had settled in Akkade-Ulmash, but the subject of the praise in the concluding doxology is ... the Inana who has come home to UrukEana.,,56 Because Inana is clearly depicted leaving Uruk and Zabalam at the text's beginning, that is, she is Inana of Uruk and Zabalam, and there is no mention of Akkade anywhere, it is inconceivable to me that the composition could have anything whatsoever to do with Akkade on any level. And it won't do, as Volk does, to respond that to lodge such an objection is to "misapprehend the intent of the work, which in no way wants to be explicit.,,57 The composition is about many things, including, as Volk also recognizes, the movements of the planet Venus. Inana leaves her sanctuaries and returns to them because Venus disappears and reappears. I would add that her movement from south to north, from Elam to Subartu, probably represents her following the sun northward on the eastern horizon, as Venus would in her appearance as the morning star during the first half of the year. The samE! path is mentioned in [nana and Ebih, and that text, too, is probably about the phases of Venus, as is surely [nana's Descent. In all three texts, as Bendt Alster already recognized a quarter century ago, Inana-Venus leaves the homeland for the kur, but with quite different outcomes in each text. 58 Our task is to understand the astral context and content of these compositions, and how and why other mythological themes and etiologies are incorporated into them.
55 Volk 1995: 31. 56 Ibid. 37. 57 Ibid. 38. 58
Alster 1974: 30. Volk 1995: 21, understands only Inana's Descent as referring to the invisibility of Venus, because Inana descends to the kllr, whereas in Inana and SllIIkalefllda Inana goes up to the kllr, and so must be visible. I would insist that no matter how the problem of kllr as both mountain and netherworld is resolved (see Heimpel1996 for a step toward resolution; cf. also Bruschweiler 1987: part I and Chiodi 1994: III/III), when Inana is in the kllr, she is invisible, no matter how she got there. The various journeys of Inana to or from the kllr may well be related to the five distinct paths Venus traces as evening star and morning star in each eight-year Venus cycle (Grinspoon 1997: 10-16).
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The rape of Inana by a mortal and the mortal's punishment recall similar themes in other mythologies. Could the theme be used here to account for retrograde motion of the planet or, rather, could Inana's rest and ra~e refer to the morning stationary point when retrogression ceases? 9 Could Inana's victorious return from the kur in Inana and Ebih and her more problematic stay there in Inana's Descent reflect the short period of invisibility during inferior conjunction in contrast to the longer period of invisibility during superior conjunction?60 Are we not guilty of gross anthropocentrism if we insist on interpreting Inana's humiliation in the netherworld or her rape by Shukaletuda as subtle expressions of antiAkkade sentiment? Let me close with a final question. If the political interpretation of Sumerian literature is as wrong-headed as I claim, why has it been championed by outstanding Sumerologists such as Van Dijk, Wilcke, and Volk? I believe that the notion of a Sargonic theology promoting Inana-Ishtar of Akkade above Enlil, and the interpretation of the fortunes of gods in Sumerian literary texts as allegories for the fortunes of the gods' cities, is based on a subconscious analogy with Enuma Elish, a text that figured prominently, if anachronistically, in Jacobsen's original stud y of "Primitive Democracy in Ancient Mesopotamia. ,,61 Because the exaltation of Marduk in that composition represents the triumph of BaJ:>ylon and the promotion of Marduk, the god of Babylon, to the head of the pantheon, replacing 59 Cf. Van der Waerden 1974: 51.
60 Heimpel 1982: 10, interprets Inana's Descent as referring to inferior conjunction, because Inana identifies herself there as "Inana toward the place of the sunrise." For Heimpel, this means she is on her way from being the evening star in the western sky to becoming the morning star in the eastern sky. But it could as easily mean that she was already the morning star, Inana who is in the direction of sunrise, or that she is Inana going to the place from which the sun rises, that is, Venus as morning star about to disappear before superior conjunction. In line 173 (Sladek 1974: 124) we are told that Ninshubur goes to get help for Inana after she has been in the netherworld for (1) 3 days, (2) seven months, or (3) seven years, seven months and seven days, depending on the manuscript variant followed. Although there is no indication how long it takes from the moment Ninshubur begins her mission to the moment when Inana is released, variants (2) and (3) would have Inana in the netherworld longer than the time Venus is invisible around either inferior or superior conjunction. Variant (1) corresponds to the shortest period of invisibility at inferior conjunction; variant (2) is a bit more than a month short of a period of visibility; variant (3) is five months short of a complete eight-year Venus cycle.
61 Jacobsen 1970: chap. 9 [1943].
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Enlil,62 so, too, the exaltation of Inana in Enheduana's hymns should represent the triumph of Akkade and the promotion of Akkade's god, InanaIshtar, above Enlil. The political interpretation of Sumerian literary texts as a reaction against this theological innovation then follows. However, Enuma Elish, at least a millennium younger than the Sumerian texts we have been discussing, is crystal clear about the promotion of Marduk and the role of Babylon, whereas the Sumerian texts are nowhere explicit about the alleged replacement of Enlil and Nippur with Inana-Ishtar and Akkade. I submit that the analogy with Enuma Elish is false, and that Sumerian literary texts, by and large, were not an arena for debating the hegemony of Akkade and its aftermath.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Abbreviations follow the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary and the Pennsylvania Sumerian
Dictionary. Alster, B. (1975) "On the Interpretation of the Sumerian Myth 'Inanna and EnkL"' ZA 64: 20-34. Attinger, P. (1998) "Inana et Ebib." ZA 88: 164-95. Becker, A. (1985) "Neusumerische Renaissance?" BaM 16: 229-316. Biggs, R. (1975) Inscriptions from Tell Abu $ali7blkll. OIP 99. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Bottero, J. and S. Kramer (1989) Lorsqlle les diellx fa isaient ['!tom me. Myt!tologie I/II?sopotamienne. Paris: Gallimard. Bruschweiler, F. (1987) Inanna. La deesse triomplwnte et vaincue dans la cosmologie SlImer;enne. Cahiers du CEPOA 4. Leuven: Peeters. Cavigneaux, A. and F. AI-Rawi (1993) "Gilgame~ et Taureau de Ciel (~ul-me-kam)." RA 87: 97-129. Chiodi, S. (1994) Le concezioni dell'oltretomba presso i Sumeri. Atti della Accademia Nazionale dei LinceL Cl. di scienze morali '" Memorie IX/IV /5. Rome: Accad. Naz. dei Lincei. Cooper, J. (1978) The Return ofNinurta to Nippur. an-gim dfm-ma. AnOr 52. Rome: Biblical Institute Press. (1983a) The Curse ofAgade. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. (1983b) Reconstructing History from Ancient Inscriptions: The Lagash-llmma Border Conflict. SANE 2/1. Malibu, Calif.: Undena. (1986) Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions. New Haven: The American Oriental Society. (1993) "Paradigm and Propaganda. The Dynasty of Akkade in the 21st Century." In Akkad. The First World Empire, ed. M. Liverani. Pp. 11-23. Padua: Sargon srI. Cooper, J. and W. Heimpel (1983) "The Sumerian Sargon Legend." lAOS 103: 67-82. Di Vito, R. (1993) Stlldies in Third Millennium Sumerian and Akkadian Personal Names. Studia Pohl SM 16. Rome: Biblical Institute Press. Edzard, D. (1989) "Das 'Wort im Ekur' oder die Peripetie in 'Fluch tiber Akkade. /II In Dumu-e2-dub-ba-a. Studies in HOllOI' of A. Sjoberg, ed. I-I. Behrens et al. OPSNKF 11. Pp. 99-105. Philadelphia: The Samuel
62
See most recently George 1997, Maul 1997, and Sallaberger 1997.
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Noah Kramer Fund. Falkenstein, A. (1951) "Zur Chronologie der surnerischen Literatur." CRRA 2: 13-30. (1958) "Enbedu'arma, die Tochter Sargons von Akkade. RA 52: 129-31. (1964) "Surnerische religiose Texte." ZA 56: 44-132. (1965) "Fluch liber Akkade." ZA 57: 43-124. (1966) Die Inschriften Gudeas von liIga~. AnOr 30. Rome: Biblical Institute Press. Farber-Fliigge, G. (1973) Der Mythos "Inanna lind Enki" unter besonderer Beracksichtigung der Listeder me. Studia Pohl10. Rome: Biblical Institute Press. Franke, S. (1995) Konigsinschriften lind Konigsideologie: Die Konige von Akkade zwischen Tradition lind Nellerllng. Miinster: Lit. Frayne, D. (1993) Sa rgon ic and Gutian Periods. RIM E2. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. (1997) Ur III Period. RIM E3/2. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. George, A. (1997) '''Bond of the Lands': Babylon, the Cosmic Capital." In Die orientalische Stadt, ed. G. Wilhelm. Pp. 125-45. Saarbrlicken: SDV. Grinspoon, D. (1997)Venus Revealed. A New Look Below the Clollds of Ollr Mysteriolls Twin Planet. Reading: Addison-Wesley. Heimpel, W. (1982) "A Catalog of Near Eastern Venus Deities." SMS 4/3: 11-22. (1996) "The Mountain Within." NABU (1996) No. 28. Jacobsen, T. (1970) Toward tile Image of Tammllz. Ed. W. Moran. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. Katz, D. (1993) Gilgamesh and Akka. Library of Oriental Texts 1. Groningen: Styx. Krebernik, M. (1992) "Mesopotamian Myths at Ebla: ARET 5,6 and ARET 5,7." In Literatllre and Literary liIngllage at Ebla, ed. P. Fronzaroli. Pp. 63-149. Quaderni di Semitistica 18. Florence: Dipartmento di Linguistica. Liverani, M. (1993) "Model and Actualization. The Kings of Akkad in the Historical Tradition." In Akkad. The First World Empire, ed. M. Liverani. Pp. 41-67. Padua: Sargon srl. Mander, P. (1986) II Pantheon di Abll-~alilblkh. Naples: Istituto Universitario Orientale. Maul, S. (1997) "Die altorientalische Hauptstadt: Nabel und Abbild der Welt." In Die orientalische Stadt, ed. G. Wilhelm. Pp. 109-24. Saarbriicken: SDV. Sallaberger, W. (1997) "Nippur als religioses Zentrurn Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel." In Die orientalische Stadt, ed. G. Wilhelm. Pp. 147-68. Saarbrlicken: SDV. Selz, G. (1992) "Enlil und Nippur nach prasargonischen QueUen." CRRA 35: 189-225. (1995) Untgersllc/lllngen zlir Gotterwelt des altsllmerischen Stadstaates von liIga~. OPSNKF 13. Philadelphia: The Samuel Noah Kramer Fund. Sjoberg, A. (1975) "in-nin M-gur4-ra. A Hymn to the Goddess Inarma by the en-Priestess Enbeduarma." ZA 65: 161-253. Sjoberg, A. and E. Bergmann (1969) Tile Collection of tile Slimerian Temple Hymns. TCS 3. Locust Valley: ]. ]. Augustin. Sladek, W. (1974) Inana's Descent to the Net/lerworld. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms. Van der Waerden, B. (1974) Science Awakening. II. Tile Birth of Astronomy. Leiden: Noordhoff International Van Dijk, J. (1969) "Les contacts ethniques dans la Mesopotamie et les syncretismes de la religion sumerienne." In Syncretism, ed. S. Hartman. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell. (1983) Lligal U
lid me-Mm-bi nir-gal. Le recit epique et didactiqlle des Travaux de Ninllrta, dll Deilige et de la Nouvelle Creation. 2 vols. Leiden: Brill. Van Dijk,J. and W. Hallo (1968) TIle Exaltation of In anna. YNER 3. New Haven: Yale University Press. Vansina,]. (1985) Oral Tradition as History. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press. Volk, K. (1995) Inanna lind Sukaletllda. Zlir IIistoriscil-politiscilen Delltung eines slllllerisc/len Literatllnuerkes. SANTAG 3. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Westenholz, A. (1987) Old Sumerian and Old Akkadian Texts in Philadelphia. Part Two. CNI Publications 3. Copenhagen: Museum Tusculanum Press. (1999) "The Old Akkadian Period: History and Culture." In W.
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SaUaberger and A. Westenholz, Mesopotamien. Akkade-Zeit und Ur III-Zeit (OBO 160/3). Pp. 17-117. Wilcke, C. (1974a) "Politische OppOSition nach surnerischen QueUen: der Konflikt zwischen Konigtum und Ratsversammlung. Literaturwerke als politische Tendenzschriften." Pp. 37-65 in liI voix de ['oppostion en Mesopotamie, ed. A. Finet. Brussells: Instiut des Hautes Etudes de Belgique. (1974b) "Zurn Konigtum in der Ur III-Zeit." CRRA 19: 177-232. (1988) "Die Surnerische Konigsliste und erzahlte Vergangenheit." In Vergangenheit in milndlicher Ilberlieferung, ed. ]. von Ungern-Sternberg and H. Reinau. Pp. 113-40. Stuttgart: Teubner. (1993) "Politik im Spiegel der Literatur, Literatur als Mittel der Politik im alteren Babylonien." In Anflinge politischen Denkens in der Antike, ed. K. Raaflaub. Schriften des Historischen Kollegs. Kolloquien 24. Pp. 29-75. Munich: Oldenbourg. Zgoll, A. (1997) Der Rechtsfall der En-bedll-Ana im Lied nin-me-~ara. AOAT 246. Miinster: Ugarit-Verlag.
Assyrian Court Narratives in Aramaic and Egyptian: Historical Fiction* Stephanie Dalley University of Oxford
for many decades that Aramaic was used as a written language during the Late Assyrian empire. Not only do pictures from the time of Tiglath-pileser III onwards show scribes writing Aramaic on scrolls, but there are also Aramaic texts ranging from letters on ostraca and grain dockets on clay, to royal inscriptions and legal documents on stone, including treaties with imaginative curses. Legal terms, derived from specifically Assyrian practice, are found in Aramaic legal records of post-Assyrian date. Aramaic words have been recognized in Assyrian cuneiform texts of the eighth and seventh centuries. Despite all this interaction, high literature in Aramaic is usually supposed to have arisen no earlier than the Persian period. 1 Piece by piece, evidence is coming to light to show that high and semipopular literature, composed in Aramaic, arose long before the Assyrian empire came to an end c. 612 B.C.E. Drawing from a variety of sourcesSyrian, Akkadian, and Egyptian-new forms of composition came to life. Some of the patronage by which it was inspired came from the Assyrian viceroys of northeastern Syria, for they governed a largely Aramaic-speaking population. In the seventh century, when they took a leading role in organizing the invasion and administration of Egypt, they created an environment in which Syrian, Assyrian, and Egyptian elements were ASSYRIOLOGISTS HAVE KNOWN
• I dedicate this paper to the memory ofJonas Greenfield, whose lively discussion of such a topic is sorely missed. P.E. Dion, "Aramaean Tribes and Nations of First-Millennium Western Asia," in J. Sasson, ed., Civilizafionsojtlle Ancient Near East (New York: 1995), voL II, pp. 128194.
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blended. Therefore, the early evidence, from before the conquest of Egypt, comes from Syria, whereas the later evidence comes from Egypt. The historical setting for most of the Aramaic stories is the Late Assyrian court at Nineveh. At the same time, semi-popular stories arose in Egyptian, inspired by events in the Delta when Assyrians helped to rid the land of Nubian overlords, and when Egyptian princes enjoyed a close relationship with Late Assyrian kings. Elements in early Aramaic inscriptions show that written Aramaic was capable of imaginative literary phrases that were independent of equivalent formulation in cuneiform Akkadian. This spirit of literary independence can be seen easily from the two versions of the Fekheriye inscription, and by a general comparison of the Akkadian treaty of Mati-el with the Aramaic loyalty oaths of Mati-el. Inscriptions on the lions found at Tell Ahrnar and Arslan Tash were written in both alphabetic Aramaic and cuneiform Akkadian in the time of Shamshi-ilu, early in the eighth century.2 We now know from a variety of particular evidence that Shamshi-ilu belongs within a tradition of viceroys that dates back to the Middle Assyrian period.3 According to this tradition, the Assyrian king appointed his highest official, the sukkallu raba great vizier, ,,4 as liking of Hanigalbat" to act as ruler of regions in the western empire and to conduct and record his own military campaigns as a semi-independent ruler. In the case of Sin-abu-u~ur, the sukkal.mab of Sargon II, he was the 5 king's brother, who had his own palace at Khorsabad and played an acknowledged role in Sargon's eighth campaign.6 Cancik-Kirschbaum at II
2 I am grateful to David Hawkins for sharing information provided by H. Gaiter.
E.g., the stelae from Assur (st;e R. Borger, Einleitrll1g in die assyrisdren Konigsinsc/rriften I [Leiden: 1964], p. 21f.), and the Pazarcik stela (see A.K. Grayson, Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotalllia, Assyrian Periods 3, Assyrian Rlliers of the Early First MillenniulII II [Toronto: 1994], p. 247). This theme is explored in greater detail in "Shamshi-ilu, Language and Power in the Western Assyrian Empire," Essays on Syria in the Iron Age, G. Bunnens, ed. (ANESS 7; Louvain: 2000), pp. 79-88. 4 Iba~~i-i1u in the reign of Eriba-Adad I; Qibi-A~~udar IIIIIt Hanigalbat in the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta I, I1i-hadda c. 1200, Eru-apla-u~ur ca. 1150. See Borger, Einieilllng I,
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this conference has shown that there were two branches of the royal family in the Middle Assyrian period; this explains why the Babylonian king Adad-suma-u~ur wrote to Ili-padda and Assur-nirari III as joint kings of Assyria, Ili-padda being the sukkal.gal and father of Ninurta-apil-ekur? This arrangement belongs to a more general pattern of imperial organization, first attested during the Ur III period. The Elamites had kings who were officially installed both at Anshan and at Susa, and from a very early period the regent in Sus a was the sukkal.mab great vizier, usually a close relative of the king who ruled in Anshan. A variety of evidence: from Syria, texts such as the Fekheriye stela and the stela of Bel-Harran-belu-u~ur; from the Hebrew Bible, references such as Isaiah 10:8 (" Are not Assyria's officers all kings?") and Amos 1:5 (liThe sceptered one of Beth Eden"); and from Assyrian cuneiform texts such as the coronation ritual in which the great sukkallu laid his scepter before the king, but continued to hold office, show that such men were viceroys appointed with the full support of the Assyrian king, holding office through changes of rule in Assyria. These top men wrote their own inscriptions, recording their campaigns and building works, because they were kings in their own right, though affiliated to Assyria. The example of Shamshi-ilu shows that some at least of their inscriptions were available also in Aramaic. Shamshi-ilu's inscriptions from Til Barsip and elsewhere show clearly that he wrote "royal inscriptions" of great merit that were not in the least provincial or second-rate in literary quality.8 In his official capacity as King-in-the-West, Shamshi-ilu marched to Damascus9 on behalf of Adadnirari III and Shalmaneser IV,lO where he received rich tribute. It was probablr he who took to wife the daughter of King Hadianu (BenHadad? 1) together with a significant dowry (nudunni~a ma'di). This was a dynastic alliance at a very high level. By that time the kings of Damascus II
II
3
21. 5 In ABL 568 = no. 34 in S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargon II, Part 1 (SSA I; Helsinki: 1987), the sllkkallll dallllll comes immediately after the crown prince and receives an amount like the queen, but less than the tllrlnnll who follows him. 6 Probably he is the recipient ofa letter to thesllkkallll about Urartu, ABL 1081
=no. 168
in G.B. Lanfranchi and S. Parpola, The Correspondence of Sargol1 II, Part II (SAA Helsinki: 1990).
v;
7 E. Cancik-Kirschbaum, "Historiographic Patterns in the Assyrian King List: The Case of Ninurta-apil-ekur." 8 Pace Grayson, op. cil. (1994), p. 240 n. 9, "it is hard to believe that this provincial text
has such a rare word ... " 9 Probably twice, in 796 and 773. 10 Grayson, op. cit., p. 240 and J.D. Hawkins, "The Syro-Hittite States," in Cambridge Ancient History III/I (1982), pp. 400-1. 11
Hawkins, CAH III/I, p. 405.
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were writing accounts of their royal exploits in Aramaic, in well-written, well-styled inscriptions on stone. This we now know from the new inscription found at Tell Dan.1 2 When Thureau-Dangin published the Akkadian inscription of Shamshiilu from Til Barsip, he recognized its high literary quality, manifested in similes, rare words, and mythological allusions. In describing how the Viceroy defeated his enemy "like Anzu," the text implies that Shamshi-ilu played a mythological role in gaining control over destinies by subduing cosmic chaos and primeval wickedness. This raises the possibility that such a man would participate in the local akitu-festival, taking the part of the hero-godP The text reads: At that time Argishti the Urartian, whose name is as terrifying as a thick fog, whose force is formidable, who had not extended his hand against any previous king, rebelled and collected people to the Gutians' .land. He directed the war-force; his whole army came to the mountam for the clash. On the order of my father, the great lord Assur, and highest of mothers of Esharra, leaderene of the gods Mullissu, I Shamshi-ilu the general, the great herald, steward of temples, commander-in-chief of the broad army, massed the officers at that mountain. With a great din he unsheathed 14 the massed weapons, which resounded fearfully, and he blew over like an evil wind. Then I (he) directed my (his) proud yoke-harnessed steeds against him like Anzu and achieved his defeat. He deserted his own army; and his scattered assembly, fearing further fight, went out like thieves. I took away his camp, his royal secrets; my hand achieved his ruin. Then I set up two great lions at the gate of KarShalmaneser, city of my dominion, to the right and left.
These extracts show that Shamshi-ilu wrote accounts of his heroism equal to those of the main Assyrian king. His Akkadian inscriptions may have had a larger number of Aramaic words and usages than royal inscriptions from the kings on the Tigris. Thus, some distinct Aramaisms have been detected in the Pazarcik inscription: tabumu varying with mi$ru "boundary," ana as nota accusativi. 15 Are we to suppose, then, that Aramaic literature in its highest forms simply aped the genres of Akkadian literature? Or were any new types invented or adopted from elsewhere by Aramaic writers? To try and answer these questions, we shall look at several different compositions. In particular we shall note connections with Egypt, where cuneiform does not seem to have been used and where Aramaic was called "Assyrian writing.,,16 We have known since 1962 that Al:tiqar was one name for the historical sage of Esarhaddon, and since 1911 that his story was told in Aramaic. 17 Discredited as a result of a court intrigue, Al:tiqar the sage fled to Egypt, wrote wise words while in exile, and was eventually restored to favor. Some features in the story, such as the title "seal-bearer" given to Al:tiqar, have been recognized as essentially Egyptian. 18 Recently it has emerged that the man named in the tale as Nebosumiskun can be equated with Nabu-sumi-Hjkun, a Bablslonian mentioned in a letter concerning the plot to murder Sennacherib. 9 More than this, it is probable that he was the same Babylonian Nabu-sumi-iskun son of Merodach-Baladan II, whose life was spared after the Battle of Halule in 691, and perhaps became the rein-holder, mukll appt2ti, of Sennacherib. 2o This would have put him in a good position, at the center of the court and its intrigues.
The Dohuk stela inscription of Shamshi-ilu is likewise rich in epic vocabulary and imagery, bestowing on him the heroic epithet "fearless hero" (etlu III lIdiru) and describing his exploits with the words "the turmoil thickened" (itkupat sabma~tul1lma) and "like a tornado (klma a~qullllimma) he attacked."
15 V. Donbaz, ARRIM 8 (1990): 5-24. 16 A. Lemaire, "Cheikh Fadl," in Stt/dia Aramaica, M.J. Geller et aI., eds., OSS Supplement 4; Oxford: 1995), p. 111. 17 For details, see E. Schurer, History of the lewish People IIII1 (Edinburgh: 1986), pp. 232-39. Ai}iqar is called an AblamCl in the Uruk text. This appellation does not fit the
12 A. Biran and J. Naveh, "An Aramaic Stela Fragment from Tell Dan," Israel Exploration IOllrnal43 (1993): 81-98; W.M. Schniedewind, "Tell Dan Stela," BASOR 302 (1996): 75-90, with subsequent fragments and bibliography. 13 I do not follow B. Pongratz-Leisten, "The Interplay of Military Strategy and Cultic Practice in Assyrian Politics," in Assyria 1995, S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, cds. (Helsinki: 1997), p. 245, who says that the akltll-festival was not introduced into Assyria until after Sennacherib had sacked Babylon. Inter alia, she has neglected information from Mari texts.
14 Reading M-Iip-ma, and eliminate the drums!
current interpretation of that term as a troublesome and barbarian nomad, and it may be worth considering whether the word AblamCl is related to balman/balam/balab, Aleppo. The importance of Aleppo at this time is evident from the Sefire stele, which invokes Hadad of Aleppo mLB), and the new Luwian inscription from Til Barsip according to which Hamiyatas puts granaries under the protection of that god.
18 J.C. Greenfield, "Studies in Aramaic lexicography," lAOS 82 (1962): 292-93. 19 A. Salvesen, "The Legacy of Babylon and Nineveh in Aramaic Sources," in Tile Legacy of Mesopotamia, S. Dalley, ed. (Oxford: 1998), p. 147. 20 M. KUchler, FrU"jUdische Weisheitstraditionen (OBO 26; Freiburg and Gllttingen: 1979), p. 327.
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These identifications imply that the story of Al:tiqar was not a purely fictional romance concocted in later times, but rather a non-royal biography set in the specific milieu of the Late Assyrian court. Whether the factual events have been romanticized, we cannot tell, but the tale has developed out of a thoroughly Mesopotamian genre of wisdom literature, comparable with Ludlul bel nemeqi, in which a discredited courtier, Subsi-mesre-sakkan (floruit 1290 B.C.E.), is eventually restored to favour after much suffering. But, as we shall see below, it has been influenced by Egyptian material as well. Al:tiqar later came to be regarded as a Hebrew deportee, although the early story seems to have no Hebrew component. At some later stage the story was transferred to the Babylonian court of "Lycurgos/Lykeros" and 21 its hero renamed Aesop, who is often regarded as a Greek. An Ethiopic 22 version of the tale of Al:tiqar sets the action at the Achaemenid court. The Book of Tobit in the Apocrypha tells the story of an Israelite deportee, an uncle of Al:tiqar, at the court of successive Assyrian kings in Nineveh. 23 There is no involvement of Egypt, nor is there any anachronism that might point to a post-Assyrian date of composition, although interpolations in the last chapter (14:4) in the Septuagint include a reference to Jonah and the historical conquest of Nineveh. 24 An Aramaic fragment of the story from Qumran uses the Akkadian loanword niptllnayya', showing that a version of the story was current while Akkadian was still widely spoken or written and that the story ofTobit was written in Aramaic, probably before , 25 a Greek version was composed. Next we may look at the Aramaic inscription written on a tomb found in Upper Egypt, at Sheikh Fadl, near Behnasa (Oxyrhynchus), which Lemaire has recently studied. Fragmentary though it is, it records events during the lifetime of the tomb's occupant, whose name remains unknown. Those events took place during the reigns of Taharqa, Necho, and Psammetichus I, in other words, during the time when the Assyrians were masters of Egypt. Such an inscription implies that the deceased was not a
21
But his name looks like a form of Akkadian iasllplI, "jasper."
22 R. Schneider, "L'Histoire d' Al)iqar en ethiopien," Annales d'Etlliopie 11 (1978): 14152. I am very grateful to F.M. Fales, who gave me this information at the conference. 23 Evidence that both Estller and Tobit are tales that arose in Aramaic during the Late Assyrian period will be described in a forthcoming work by the present writer. 24 P. Machinist, "The Fall of Assyria in Comparative Ancient Perspective," in Assyria 1995, S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, eds. (Helsinki: 1997), pp. 185-86. 25 J.A. Fitzmyer, "The Aramaic and Hebrew Fragments of Tobit from Qumran Cave 4," CBQ 57 (1995): 655ff.
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native Egyptian, and that he served as a very high-ranking officer under Assurbanipal and, perhaps, also Esarhaddon. Lemaire has suggested that the composition dates before 660 B.C.E., basing his suggestion upon precise allusions to historical events, including the names Taharqa and Psammetichus. As with A/:ziqar, we have a personal biography in Aramaic from the Late Assyrian empire, and Egypt plays a part in the events. As far as we know, Assyrian and Babylonian officials did not write their own biographies as such in Akkadian. It was not a part of their tradition, except within the wisdom tradition represented by Ludlul, in which all explicit historical details are absent. Only gods and kings are found as the supposed authors of this genre. In Egypt, on the other hand, the autobiographies of high officials were an established part of the literary repertoire from the Old Kingdom onwards, and were usually inscribed in tombs. By the New Kingdom the autobiography of Wen-amun already contained dialogue and metaphorical phrases, and had become a literary work known beyond the confines of a tomb. The tale of Al:tiqar, therefore, is a mixture of Akkadian and Egyptian genres. What circumstances brought such high-ranking Assyrian officers who wrote in Aramaic to Egypt? The Aramaic inscriptions of Barrakib from Sam'al (modern Sincirli) date from the reign of Tiglath-pileser III. The longest one records the life of his father Panammu in a more elaborate and personal biographical form than any Assyrian cuneiform inscription of the eighth century, and shows some development from the accounts of his predecessors. It is no accident that these texts come from Sam'al. Only one eponym officeholder is known from Sam'al: Nabu-ab.lJ.e-eris in 681 under Esarhaddon; and Esarhaddon recorded the successes of his Egyptian campaign of 671, ten years later, on two enormous stelae there. This suggests that Sam'al contributed troops and officers for that campaign, some of whom may have stayed in Egypt for the rest of their lives, speaking and writing in Aramaic. At that time Sam'al had achieved a brief importance to the Assyrians, which suggests that it may have been a royal city for the current regent of Hanigalbat, the Assyrian viceroy. Probably the various Assyrian kings of Hanigalba t chose different cities for their royal residence: Shamshi-ilu at Til Barsip, but others elsewhere, just as various neo-Assyrian kings on the Tigris selected Nimrud, Khorsabad, and Nineveh at various times. A quite different line of transmission may be suggested from dynastic marriages. Although evidence is scant for the foreign wives of Assyrian princes, we know from ADD 324 that a daughter of Sennacherib married one Sheshonq, who is referred to in that legal text as "son-in-law of the king," batna §arri. He must have been a Delta prince, perhaps Susinqu of
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Busiris, rather than the earlier Pharaoh of that name. 26 The record is dated 692 B.C.E., and relates that an Egyptian scribe with the Assyrian name SilliAMur bought a house in Nineveh. Relevant to the pmsuit of Aramaic literatme in the Late Assyrian period is a work known only from a later copy, written in Egyptian demotic script modified alphabetically for the Aramaic language: The Tale of Assurbanipal and Shamash-shum-ukin, written on Papyrus Amherst 63, a copy that is dated to the fomth century B.c.E. 27 It tells of negotiations between the two royal brothers for the pmpose of forestalling the fated outcome in which Assurbanipal sacked Babylon after a long siege and caused his own brother to die ignominiously. Their sister Sheritrah (Sherua-eterat, known to have been Esarhaddon's eldest daughter) plays a key role in the negotiations, travelling between Nineveh and Babylon, and the dialogue is extensive. The characters are all correctly named, which implies that the story was first told soon after the events that it pmports to record; there are no hybrids of the "Sardanapalos" type, nor totally unidentifiable names. The 28 tenor of the tale is pro-Assyrian, and there is no Egyptian involvement. This tale probably lies at the root of the tradition concerning Sardanapalos, related in Greek by Ktesias, in which some of the events have been trans29 ferred from Babylon to Nineveh, ostensibly some fifty years later. The symbiosis of Egyptian and early Aramaic literatme is demonstrated in the group of texts written in demotic Egyptian, sometimes referred to as the Pedubastis cycle. These texts all have a historical background in the Assyrian invasion and occupation of Egypt. The Battle of [naros Against the Assyrians is not yet published, but The Contest for the Breastplate of [naros is an epic tale of Delta princes in which the name of Esarhaddon has been recognized. 30 This papyrus is now dated to the 22nd
26 H-U. Onasch, Die assyriscl/en Eroberungen Agyptens (Wiesbaden: 1994), p. 15. 27 S.P. Vleemingand J.W. Wesseiius,Studies in Papyrus AmIJerst 63, vol. I (Amsterdam: 1985). 28 Note that turtllnu, the Assyrian word for "general," not used subsequently by NeoBabylonians or Persians, occurs in the pagan hymn on Pap. Amherst 63. 29 J.D.A. Macginnis, "Ctesias and the Fall of Nineveh," Illinois Classical Studies XIII (1988): 37-42. For the identification of Belesys as Bel~unu, see M. Stolper, "Bel-~unu the Satrap," in Language, Literatllre and History, Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, F. Rochberg-Halton, ed. (New Haven: 1987), pp. 389-402. 30 F. Hoffmann, Der Ka1/lpJ1I1/I den Panzer des Inaros (Vienna: 1996). I am very grateful to Mark Smith for help with bibliography.
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year of Hadrian,31 but there are no definite signs of Greek influence upon the language, and the Homeric influence that was once claimed has proved illusory. The names of two Delta princes attested in Assmbanipal's prism inscriptions are recognized: Paklul/Pakrm of Pisopde and Pedubastis of Tanis, who play the main parts in the story. The Assyrians are represented as invaders of Egypt, but they are not the main focus of the tale. The enemy is Kush. 32 Eventually pro-Assyrian is The Tale of Egyptians and Amazons,33 in which the pharaoh marches to Nineveh, battles against its queen, Sarpot, his "sister," then falls in love with her and becomes her ally against an invasion of Indians. This is a different kettle of fish. The name Sarpot is not identifiable in Akkadian, but is the Egyptian word for "lotus," and has magical undertones. No pharaoh ever marched on Nineveh, no Indians ever invaded Assyria, and the Assyrians did not have all-woman armies. Sarpot the sorceress queen is like a goddess of love and war. However, one can explain some of the legendary elements from the standpoint of a later period, by attributing them to misunderstandings of Assyrian artistic conventions. When Ktesias described the palace decoration in "Babylon" with Semiramis shown in the act of spearing a lion,34 he evidently had at his disposal eyewitness accounts of the sculptures in the palaces at Nineveh and elsewhere, in which the beardless, so-called eW1Uchs were mistaken for women. 35 Konig suggested lon~ ago that "Indians" in Ktesias' account of Semiramis referred to Elamites, 6 and if we compare the Elamites shown on the Assyrian palace reliefs37 with Indians at Persepolis, we see that the Assyrian Elamites, who are often barefoot, wear a sweatband around short
31 F. Hoffmann, "Neue Fragmente zu den drei grossen Inaros-Petubaslis-Texten," Enchoria 22 (1995): 27-39. 32 A. Spalinger, "Psammelichus, King of Egypl," fARCE 13 (1976): 133-47. 33 F. Hoffmann, Aeg1jpter IlI1d Amazonen (Vienna: 1995). 34 As reported by Diodorus Siculus 11.8. 35 C. Schmidt-Collinet has recently done Ihe reverse: claimed Ihal the Assyrian queens shown on the sculptures are eunuchs, u'Ashurbanipal Banqueting with His Queen'? Wer throhnt bei Assurbanipal in der Weinlaube?" Mesopotamia 32 (1997): 289-308. She discounts a sculpture showing Naqia with her name inscribed in cuneiform.
36 F.W. Ktlnig, Die Persika des Ktesias von Knidos (AfO Beiheft 18; Graz: 1972), p. 38. 37 Sculptures conveniently collected in J.E. Reade, uElam and Ihe Elamites in Assyrian Sculpture," Arclraeologische Mitteilllngen ails Iran 9 (1976): 97-105.
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hair, and have a plain tunic with a plain belt, resemble not the Achaemenid Elamites, who by now are dressed in more-or-Iess Persian Achaemenid style, but the Indians as shown at Persepolis, who are barefoot, wear a sweatband around short hair, and have a plain tunic with a plain belt. Thus a man who was familiar with Persepolis would naturally have interpreted the Assyrian reliefs as showing Indians amid scenes of battle in which beardless "women" were the warriors. Other characteristics common to Elamites at Nineveh and Indians at Persepolis are: the headband is tied at the back, and there is usually a short beard. Another cause for confusion would have been the crenellated crown (a.k.a. mural or battlement crown) worn by Assyrian queens but by goddesses on Hittite, Seleucid, and later monuments and coins.38 A Luwian sculpture from Ispekcilr helps to show how the transition from mortal woman to goddess was made. The Ispekcilr stela, from near Malatya, dated to the eleventh century B.C.E., shows the ruler's grandmother standing on the city wall, presented as deified. Thus, in a western part of the Assyrian empire, at least, it was part of a long-standing tradition to equate a great queen with the divine Fortune of the city.39 The mural crown on Seleucid and later monuments is usually worn by the goddess as Fortune of the City. By that later time the crenellated crown, still visible on Assyrian palace walls, would have allowed the queen to be interpreted as a goddess and the vague knowledge that Psammetichus stayed in Assyria before he became pharaoh could have been transformed into a legendary campaign by a ruler. This story, or a version of it, would have been available to Ktesias as a source for his account of Semiramis and the Indians. There is another possibility of connecting Sarpot to later traditions concerning Assyrian history. "Sarpot" meaning "lotus" may be translated into Hebrew as ~o~ana, "Susannah/' if the recent challenge to a strict meaning "li~" and the suggestion that the word may (also?) mean "lotus" is accepted. 0 Sosane is the name of the beautiful daughter of Ninos in Diodorus Siculus' account of Assyrian history,41 whom Ninos offered to Onnes, the husband of Semiramis, whom he desired to seduce. It is possible that the name at some time was applied to Semiramis herself. A parallel for 38 B. Hrouda, "Zur Darstellung der Mauerkrone im Alten Orient," Istanbuler Mitteilungen 46 (J 996). 39 J.D. Hawkins, Corpus of Hieroglyphic Luwian Inscriptions (Berlin: 2000) 1/1, pp. 301-4 and 1/3, plate 144. 40 O. Keel, The Song of Songs (Minneapolis: 1994), pp. 79-80. 41 D. Siculus, 1I.6.9.
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such a change of person attached to a name is found in a retelling of the Al:tiqar story in the Decameron, where the wicked nephew Nadan has become the name of the virtuous Al:tiqar-character. 42 The Tale of Djoser and Imouthes 43 is likewise centered upon a visit of the Pharaoh to Nineveh and Arbela, and his eventual settling in Assyria-a story that may have had as its aim the invention of a precedent that made it acceptable for a later king, presumably Psammetichus I, to reside for a while among Assyrians. The stories that have a genuine knowledge of historical characters probably arose soon after the events that they describe, when Psammetichus I, having returned from a stay in Assyria and supported by the Assyrians, with his Assyrian name Nabu-~ezibanni, came to the throne. That Psammetichus remained a loyal vassal of Assyrian right to the bitter end is likely according to the interpretation of new evidence found by Mark Smith, a papyrus fragment that seems to show that Psammetichus died defending the Assyrians at Harran. 44 Almost certainly his chief wife would have been Assyrian, and his daughter "Nitocris" therefore half Assyrian, although she is only known by her Egyptian name, Neith-akerlj, of which Nitocris is a Greek corruption. 45 This Assyrian origin, and a conflation of Psammetichus I and II in later times, may help explain why there are two royal women of this name according to Herodotus. The oldest known use of Egyptian demotic dates to the reign of Psammetichus 1. 46 The demotic Aramaic compositions, using the language of Assyrian administration in Egypt, would have been promoted by Psammetichus I and his Assyrian backers to foster a sense of Egyptian nationhood, to isolate the Nubians as the hated foe, and to encourage a favorable view of the Assyrians as the liberators of Egypt. I would like to suggest that a pair of ivories found in a well at Nimrud commemorates the liberation by Assyria of Egypt from Kushite rule, for the symbolism of a
42 F.M. Fales, "Miqar e Boccaccio," in Aile soglie della c1assicitil if Mediterraneo tra tradizione e innovazione. Studi in onore di Sabatino Moscati (Pisa-Rome: 1996). I am grateful to P.M. Fales for bringing this to my attention together with the Ethiopic version of the A~iqar story. 43 J.W.B. Barns, "Egypt and the Greek Romance," in Akten des VIII International Kongresses filr Papyrologie (Vienna: 1955), pp. 33ff. 44 M. Smith, "Did Psammetichus I Die Abroad?," OLP 22 (1991): 101-9. 45 Herodotus I 185-87. 46 M. Depauw, A COlllpanion to Demotic Literature (Brussels: 1997).
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lioness, presumably representing Egyptian rule with Assyrian approval, delivering the coup de grace to a fallen Nubian, is not relevant to the ninth and eighth centuries. This would give a date to those ivories of between 671 and some time in the reign of Psammetichus I, before the Assyrian court transferred to Harran from Nineveh and Nimrud. The ivories would be part of an extensive artistic and literary campaign emanating from Egypt to show the Assyrians in the best possible light. In Assyria the lion (never the lioness) symbolized untamed violence that the king alone could subdue, as well as majes~. In Egypt both the lion and the lioness symbolized the sun and majesty.4 These ivories demonstrate the use of Egyptian iconography to show how the Egyptian power of majesty (supported by Assyria) defeated the power of Nubia. The interpretation is based on the view that ivories represent the official art of the area as "a valid symbol of particular royalty.,,48 In the past, ivory carving was supposed to have ended in the eighth century, but this poses difficulties for the recently discovered ivories at Til Barsip.49 The supposition rested on the assumption that prosperity declined in lands conquered by Assyria, but this cannot now be main-tained.so A date within the mid-seventh century would fit the archaeological context there better than an eighth-century date, and would make the newly discovered ivories perhaps contemporary with the stelae of Esar-haddon at Til Barsip and Sam'al that record his campaigns to Arabia and Egypt. In conclusion, it is becoming clear that high literature based on contemporary events emerged in Aramaic during the Late Assyrian empire period. Some impetus came from the Assyrian viceroys in the West who wrote one version of their official inscriptions in Aramaic. When Assyrian officers from the West resided in Egypt, they used Aramaic extensively, creating new works that used Egyptian elements to blend them into a nilotic landscape and to promote pro-Assyrian loyalty. The stories that do not name historical characters from Late Assyrian events contain extraordinary features that can he understood in part from the way post-Assyrian visitors to Sennacherih's palace at Nineveh, and other Assyrian cities that were not totally demolished in 612, interpreted the sculptured and painted
47 C. De Wit, Le rOle et Ie seils dll fioll dans l'£gypte al/cienne (Leiden: 1951). 48 G. Herrmann, "The Nimrud Ivories, 2. A Survey of Tradilions," in VOIl llruk 'Wel, TuttI/I. Festschrift E. Strom menger, B. Hrouda, ed. (1992), pp. 65-79. 49 G. Bunnens, "Carved Ivories from Til Barsip," AlA IaI (1997): 435-50. 50 Herrmann,op. cit., pp. 74-75.
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scenes there. After the end of the Assyrian empire legendary tales continued to develop, inspired not only by semi-historical writings in Aramaic, but also in part by the great sculptures of Sennacherib's palace, and in part by wallpaintings that could still be viewed in the western palaces of Assyrian viceroys.
Some Late Babylonian Texts Gleaned from the Assur Collection Veysel Donbaz Istanbul
THE ASSUR COLLECTION in Istanbul, besides its main category of Middle Assyrian tablets and a small but diverse group of Neo-Assyrian tablets, also includes a number of texts that seem not to have originated at Assur. These texts appear to have been arbitrarily assigned to the collection-at times even given an Assur excavation number-without reference to the documents' original contexts. We have already discussed several of these tablets, 1 most recently a late Babylonian tablet bearing an Assur excavation number that had been discovered within the Assur collection quite by accident. 2 Additional Babylonian texts have now been identified in the Assur collection and will be discussed below. To assess the period to which a document belongs, one may compare certain characteristics of the document with those criteria well established for any given epoch. While a tablet's excavation number can be essential to its classification,3 these numbers are often missing, either due to an over-
v. Donbaz, "Four Old Assyrian Tablets from the City of Assur," ICS 26 (1974): 81-87; Donbaz and J.A. Brinkman, "A Cylinder Fragment of Adad-aplaiddina," ICS 26 (1974): 157; Donbaz, "Another Old Assyrian Tablet from the City of Assur," FlorilegiulII Al1atolilltll (1979): 1O~; idem, "A Middle Babylonian Legal Document Raising Problems in Kassite Chronology," INES 41 (1982): 207-12; idem, "More Old Assyrian Tablets from Assur," Akkadica 42 (1985): 1-23. 2 A.1907/ Ass.18676, a small tablet written in Babylonian script and with Babylonian personal names, is treated in my recent article, "A Late-Babylonian Text from Assur," N.A.B.U. (1998): 1-9. 3 O. Pedersen, Katalog der beschriftetel1 Objects ails Assllr (ADOG 23, 1997);
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sight in the field, or to the tablet's subsequent deterioration. Even when present, however, an excavation number does not guarantee a tablet's correct classification, as is evidenced by some twenty-three documents that originated at Assur, bear an Assur excavation number, yet have been given Babylonian sigla. Nor can an excavation number be taken as proof of a tablet's provenance, as shown by a group of tablets that are clearly Babylonian, although they were assigned to the Assur collection and even, in some instances, given an Assur excavation number. While the assignment of the Assur tablets to the Babylonian collection can be attributed to their subject matter-they consist mainly of historical texts and Neo-Assyrian contracts -such an explanation inadequately accounts for the inclusion of the Babylonian tablets in the Assur collection. It is the aim of this study to present these (mostly) late Babylonian documents gleaned from the Assur collection. In a few cases, they bear Assur excavation numbers even though the script is Babylonian and the year dates are those of Babylonian kings. Although these texts warrant a fuller treatment than that which can be offered here, the present study nevertheless testifies to the diversity of the Assur collection.
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
A.643 / Ass.31114 Obv.
5
10
A.643/ Ass.31114 The tablet measures 7.7 x 8 x 3 cm. The upper portion of the reverse is blank. Rev.
Obverse 2)
mdNa-bi-um[ -ku-du- ]ur-u-ri-~u-ur4 LUGAL dan-nu LUGAL [GAL-Iu LUGAL KA.DINGIRRA.KI
3) 4)
AM mdAG-A-URU DINGIRMES ba-nu-rl ana-hi E.GAL si-ka-ru-ti DUMU mdEN-j-~ir-M-KAM
5)
GD fD.UD.KIB.NUN.KI ZAG
1)
ina '/ib-bjl
u ~u-Ine-lu
6) ina ktHlp-ur u a-gu-tir UGU 7)
8)
KA.DINGIRRA.KI KASKAL 10 5/6 A.SA (g-ku ina E.GAL.KI ka-a-ri fD.UD.KIB.NUN.KI
si-i
Johannes Renger, "Ein Bericht tiber das Assur Project der Deutschen OrientGesellschaft und des Vorderasiatischen Museums zu Berlin" in S. Parpola and RM. Whiting, eds., Assyrin 1995 (Helsinki: 1997), pp. 261-79. 4 The name is written with the signs ri and II reversed (obv. 1; rev. 3').
(0-;':0-:':0-:':0-:':0-;)
165
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
166
9)
bu-u-ur ab-re-e bu-a [ x'-qar M ak-su-di 'X'[
10) 'x x 11) [
]'x'-su 5 KO~ (ammatu) ana 'X'[ tu-[
12) [ ]x.ME~
]'P'U.ME~
13)
(bottom of tablet not preserved) Reverse 1')
mdEN.KAT E.MA~ A
M mdEN-A-SU-i7 A-su <m>d~E~-SUM-nu
2') 3') 4')
ITI.NE UD.30.KAM MU.36 mdNa-bi-um-ku-du-ur-u-ri-~u-ur LUGAL KA.DINGIR.RAKI TRANS LATION
(1) Nebu[chadne]zzar (II), (2) the mighty king, the [gre]at king, king of Babylon, (3) son of Nabopolasar, created by the gods, I am. In the inner part (4) of the damned up palace,S son of Bel-i~irsu-ere~, (5-6) I established the on the bank of the Euphrates right and left with bitumen6 and fired bricks. Over (7) Babylon a road of 10 5/6 cubits I. .. (8) At the embankment of the Euphrates (9) I opened ditches (10) and ... I reached (11) its ... 5 ammatu for ... (12) .... (13) wells ... (rev. 1') Bel-ka~ir, the priest, son of NJu-ittannunu. (2') Month of Abu (V), day 30, year 36 (3') of Nebuchadnezzar (II), (4') king of Babylon.
S Si-ka-ru-ti calls for zikarmt/l/zikrat/l, which is defined as "manliness, heroism" (CAD Z, 116). In this context the meaning could be "inside the heroic palace." However, the personal name following this has no relation to it. Therefore, we have emended the word tosi!kiratu, a derivation of the verb sakllru/seki!m, with the meaning "damming up (of a watercourse)" (CAD S, 214). 6 VAB IV, 162, passim.
167
24000.7 The high number (Ass.31114) of our text, therefore, suggests that it was not given a number in the field, but rather at some later time and with seeming disregard for the text's content and appearance.8 While further examples of incorrectly classified tablets bearing suspiciously high excavation numbers will be discussed below, it must be noted that not every text in the Assur collection that can be identified as Babylonian has such a high excavation number. One text (Ass.17676) is numbered well within the expected range. It is, however, a Neo-Babylonian prism fragment mentioning a king of Egypt (PN broken) and his palace and citywalls. The Egyptian king mentioned in this text may be the one against whom Nebuchadnezzar IT is said to have marched? Apart from these two texts, which entered the Assur collection despite their likely origin in Babylon during the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II (604562 B.C.E.), we have come across six more Babylonian tablets in the Assur collection bearing successive museum numbers (A.2540-A.2545). Of these, one appears to be Middle Babylonian and five appear to be late Babylonian. As will be discussed below, it is likely that the late Babylonian tablets in this group are part of the Kasr archive from Babylon, an archive that has been thoroughly investigated by M.W. Stolper. lO 7
According to Pedersen, Archives and Libraries in the City of Assur, Part II (ALA IIi Uppsala: 1986), p. 153, the highest number is Ass.23128i in his Katalog, p. 242, the highest number is Ass.23131.
8 One of the highest numbers to be found in the Istanbul Assur collection is
Ass.53053/ A305, which is a Neo-Assyrian text. Such high numbers, those exceeding 24000, have been corrected by Pedersen, e.g., Ass.30676 emended to Ass.3067ai Ass.46045 emended to Ass.4604c (see ALA II, 153).
NOTES
This incomplete inscription leaves unclear the function of the persons mentioned (obv. 4; rev. 1') in connection with the building and repair activities of the Babylonian king, Nebuchadnezzar II. According to the date, the text was written in 568 B.C.E., no doubt at Babylon and not at Assur. There is good reason to doubt an Assur provenance for this text given that in the field at Assur no object was assigned an excavation number higher than
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
9
A628/ Ass.17676 is a tiny fragment that does not deserve special treabnenti its importance lies in the fact that it is a Neo-Babylonian text that bears an Assur excavation number. Though very poorly preserved, it yields the following words: (1') ... (2') ... LUGALMi-~[irl (3') ... a-na E.GAL-oM BAD-oM ... (4') ... ri-igmll-l/m .. (5') ... x-na-a-oM a-pa-ti ... (6') a-na a-mar-ti .... Although the text is too fragmentary for translation, the toponym following LUGAL could very well be Mi~[irl, "Egypt," and E.GAL-.M perhaps indicates his royal residence. This interpretation is quite possible given the statement in one of Nebuchadnezzar II's inscriptions that he initiated a war against Egypt (V AB IV no. 48, lines 14ff.): .. .~atti 37-kam mdNaba-kudllrm-II~lIr ~ar Bflbilif
10 M.W. Stolper, "The Kasr Archive," AlA 92 (1988): 587-88i idem, "Bel§unu the Satrap" in F. Rochberg-Halton, ed., Lang/lage, Literat/lre and History: Philological Studies Presented to Erica Reiner (AOS 67, 1987), pp. 389-402i idem, "The
168
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VEYSEL DONBAZ
Due to the tablets' fragmentary condition, only the following limited information can be provided: A.2540 / AssA2558 is the only one in this group to have an Assur excavation number. A preliminary transcription is provided in the Appendix.11 A.2541, which records the dispersal of items, is a fragment from the middle portion of a tablet and measures 5 x 9.3 x 1.5 cm. The tablet is probably Middle Babylonian and, therefore, it cannot belong to the Kasr archive. A.2542 warrants a fuller discussion and will be presented momentarily. A.2543 contains fifteen faintly preserved lines of text listing various measurements, including sutu "seah-measure," ma-na, and GtN. This fragment measures 4.5 x 5 x 2.2 cm and is from the left side of the tablet. Perhaps from this same tablet is the fragment A.2544. It is similar to A.2543 in color and script, although the two fragments do not join. The final text in this group, A.2545, preserves the top portion of a tablet, possibly a letter. The opening lines may be read as follows: (1) [um-ma mx-]ku-da-a~-du-ba/GIN-a LUGAL UNUG.'KP x (2) [a-]na Ku-ra-a~.12 L[Vl. Lines 3-6 enumerate items distributed to individuals. It should be noted that in this text Ku-ra-a~ is written with -a~, not with the expected -a~. Of this group of six consecutively numbered tablets, only A.2542 preserves a date and a regnal year, but not a royal name. As it also contains personal names that may indicate the tablet's origin, a fuller discussion of this text seems in order. Kasr Archive" in H. Sancisi-Weerdenburg and A. Kuhrt, eds., Achael/lenid History IV: Centre and Periphery (1970), pp. 196-205; idel/l, "The Babylonian Enterprise of Belesys" in P. Briant, ed., Dans les pas des dix-I/lille: pel/pies et pays dl/ Proc/le-Orient, (Toulouse: 1995), pp. 217-38. 11 While the existence of an Ass. number casts doubt on the tablet's Babylonian origin, note the above discussions of tablets A.628 and A.643, both of which are written in Neo-Babylonian, as shown by their mention of specific toponyms and terminology. To give an idea of the content of A.2540/ Ass.42558, see the Appendix. 12 The name KII-ra-n§ follows what appears to be the LUGAL-sign, which could
suggest that here we have a reference to the Persian king Cyrus II (538-530 B.C.E.). However, we will refrain from making such a conclusion given the small size of this fragment and the irregular writing of the name KII-ra-a§. A study of more than one hundred Neo-Babylonian texts from Borsippa, now in Istanbul's Lagash collection, shows that the name KII-ra-a§ is always written with -n§ when accompanied by the epithets LUGAL TIN.TIRKI II KURKURMES /LUGAL E.Ki/LUGAL KURKURMES/LUGAL KURKUR (L.1633, 15-16; L.1656, 17-18; L.1668, 17-18; L.4716,15-17; L.4719, 21-22; L.4775, 11-13). It is noteworthy that this late Babylonian text somehow entered the Assur collection.
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
c:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
169
A. 2542 The tablet measures 5.2 x 3.5 x 2 cm; its left edge is not preserved. Obverse G]V ina ~U.2 LV KUR tam-tim-u-a ]-u ITI.APIN UDA.KAM MU.10.KAM
1) 2)
m]dKURGAL-ba-sa-ni M mIs-ka4-1a-ri-im ~a ~U.2 mdUTU-NUMUN-
3)
011 ]mdKURGAL-re-man-ni M KI.MIN ]rmlA_a ~a mTas-gi-bi KI.MIN
4) 5)
]-GIN-A mARAD_dBE mdAG-GIN-NUMUN LV ma-nu-§U
6) 7)
mMan-nu-ki-i-4-il.KI LV man-di-di E]N-a-ni M mIs-ka4-1a-ri-im
8)
M]E~
9)
.. ..
] x mITI.KIN-a-a LV man-di-di
10)
(break) Reverse 1') 2')
]KI.MIN
]-NUMUN-01J mdAG-iHe-e-a
r]i-ba sa KI.MIN
3') 4') 5') 6') 7') 8') 9') 10') 11')
]mDlN mARAD_dDU-tu [ [ [ [ [ [ [
12') [ Edge 13') [ 14') [
mdKURGAlL-DU sa mSul-lu-mu mdKURlGAL-lu-u-da-ri .. mdAlG-NUMUN-GIN ~]a Re-~u
..
..
~]a mARAD_dBE mdEN.PAP mDa-lil-e~-~u
m]dAG-[u-ti-e-du .. m]dKURGAL-ya-a-ma-ru-J .. x]mKAL-a mINIM-sa-kip m~E~-i-badjdal
mL]V_dAG x] GV sa ~E.BAR ina r~U.2' LV KUR tam-tim
c-:·:-:·:-:':-:·:-:J
170
VEYSEL DONBAZ
TRANSLAnON (Obv. 1) [ ... ] talent(s) under the control of the employee of the land of sea(s). (2) Month of Ar$amna (VITI), day 4, year 10. (3) [... ]Amurru-basanu, offspring of Iska-Iarim, the agent of Sama~-zer-ibni, (4) [... ] Amurruremanni, the same, (5) [... ]Apla, offspring ofTagrbi, the same. (6) [... ]-ukmapli, Arad-Ea, Nabu-ukm-zeri, his employee, in charge of deliveries. Mannu-ki-ArbaJil, the inspector of deliveries. (8) [... B]el-anni, offspring of Iska-Iarim ditto. (9) [... ] ditto (10) [... ] Uliilayu, the inspector (mandidi). (Rev. 1') [ ... ] the same. (2') [ ... ]-zer-ibni Nabo.-g~eJya. (3') [... ]-ri-ba, the same. (4') [... ]Balatu, Arad-barutu, (5') [... Amur]ru-bani, offspring of Sullumu. (6') [... Amur]ru-lii-dari ditto. (7') [... Na]bu-zeri-ukm ditto. (8') [PN 0 ]ffspring of Re~u ditto. (9') [PN] offspring of Arad-Ea, Bel-na:;;ir, Dalil-
A.2542
5
171
eMu. (10') [... ] Nabu-lii-tPedu ditto. (II') [... ] Amurru-yamaruJ ditto. (12') [... ] Aqara, PHakip, Abi-badrda1 • (13') [... ] Amel-Nabu. (14') x talent(s) of barley under the control of the employee of the land of sea(s). NOTES
This partially preserved text does not seem to contain the name of a ruler, although it does contain the regnal year "ten" (obv. 2). We are informed that a quantity of barl~ is under the control of an anonymous person from "the land of sea(s)."1 The individuals next mentioned seem to receive allotments, although a few of these names are qualified as amel manu-su (obv. 6) or mandidi (obv. 7 and 10), terms usually indicating those responsible for distribution activities. In addition, a certain Iska-Iarim is specified as M ~U .Ua Sama~-zer-ibni (obv. 3); his name appears again (obv. 8) followed by ditto. Here the phrase M ~U.2 we understand to mean "the agent," rather than "the guarantor" or "the one in control/possession of." As the beginning of each line is not preserved, we do not know of what the allotment consisted. We have only the names of persons, sometimes defined PN 1 PN2, "employee or offspring of so-and-so." Following the names we have three uses of KI.MIN (obv. 4, 5; rev. 1') and seven of ditto (obv. 8,9; rev. 6-8, 10, 11), both terms serving as an abbreviated repetition of the supposed dispersals. This text is extremely important because the personal names it contains are attested-sometimes with the same professional titles-in both the Neo-Assyrian and the Neo-Babylonian onomasticon. 14 In our text a few names are construed with the theophoric element mdKURGAL (Amurru), e.g., Amurru-basanu (obv. 3); Amurru-remanni (obv. 4), [Amurru]-ibni (rev. 5'), Amurru-lii-dari (rev. 6'), and Amurru-yamaruJ (rev. 11,).15 Iska-
13
14
Edge
c-:·:-:·:-:.:-:.:-:J
sa
Obv.
Rev.
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
KUR tamtllm, "the land of sea(s)," in: LO KUR tam-tim-u-a / LO KUR tam-tim (obv. 1; rev. 14') must refer to southern Mesopotamia. Although the person identified with this area is anonymous in our text, a text from the Mura~a archive mentions a judge, Bl!I-ab-iddin, from this area (see Stolper, Entrepreneurs and Empire, no. 52, lower edge: [NA4.KISIB mdEN-SESj-MU LO.DI.KUD M KUR tam-tim). E.g., Mannu-ki-ArbaJiJ LO ml1ndidi (obv. 7); Ulaya, with the same professional name (obv. 10); and Naba-ukln-z~ri LO ma-nu-~II (obv. 6).
15 See Stolper, "Yahwistic Personal Names in the Mura~a Texts," BASOR 222 (1976): 25-28; idem, Entrepreneurs and Empire, no. 111 and no. 113 for names with the theophoric elements ylllJa and yllma. The other attestations of Amurru (KUR.GAL) appear in the names Amurru-~ar-u:;;ur, Iddin-Amurru, AmurruIddin, and Amurru-~uma-u:;;ur, and are well known from the Uruk, Babylon,
172 larIm (obv. 3, 8), the aflent of Samas-zer-ibni and [ ]-Bel-anni, has a name unattested elsewhere. 6 The names Arad-Ea (obv. 6; rev. 9') and Samas-zeribni (obv. 3; perhaps rev. 2') occur twice, although we cannot be sure that each occurrence refers to the same individual. The names Dalil-essu (rev. 9,)17 and Nabu-Io.-tPedu (rev. 10,)18 are without parallels. A few names are construed with the theophoric element mdAG (Nabu), e.g., Nabfi-ukin-zeri (obv. 6), Nabu-isseya (rev. 2'), [Na]bu-zer-ukin (rev. 7'), and [Am]el-Nabu (rev. 13'); except for Nabfi-isseJya, all are well attested. Tagibi (obv. 5),19 ApIa (obv. 5), Abu-itad'da1 (rev. 12'),20 Balatu (rev. 4'), Arad-banitu (rev. 4'),21 Sullumu (rev. 5'),22 Resu (rev. 8'), Aqara (rev. 12'),23 and INIM-M-kip (rev. 12')24 are names attested in other published sources. The partially preserved name [ ]-GIN-A (obv. 6) may begin with either Bel, Nabu, or
and Mura~D. archive texts; on this, see F. Joannes, Textes Economiques de la Babylonie Recente (Paris: 1982), p. 247; K. Kessler, Uruk, Urkunden aus privathauserll I, no. 441,11; K. Tallqvist, Assyrian Personal Names (=APN), pp. 22-23; J.J. Stamm, Die akkadische Namellgebung (=ANG) (Leipzig: 1939), p. 268; see ibid., p. 68 for a chart in which the deity Amurru is attested thirty-nine times in various sources. The PN Amurru-yamaruJ (rev. 11'), with the non-initial ytimaru (without the DINGIR determinative) should be considered a complex name formed with ytima- (Stolper, "Yahwistic Personal Names," p. 20) or, perhaps, with -meri, as in Baga-meri, for which see Donbaz and Stolper, Istanbul Mura§a Texts (=IMT) (Leiden: 1997), no. 41, 2.5. 16 The name Is-ka(/)-Iu-u occurs in Tallqvist, APN, 104b, which proves that the reading ka(/) is incorrect. 17 See the PN Da-/i-/i-eHII in Tallqvist, Neubabylollisclles Namenbucll (=NN), (Leipzig: 1905), 52b and Da-lil-War in idem, APN, 68b. 18 Stolper reads a name as mDu-ru(?)-x-ti-i-di in his "Late Achaemenid, Early Macedonian and Early Seleucid Records of Deposit and Related Texts" (Supple men to n. 77 agH ANNALI, vol. 53, fasc. 4, 1993), 82 (A2-7, 8M 79001), 7. Perhaps the latter part of our name, -Wedll, is cOimected to the latter part of this name. Alternatively, we could read NabD.-Iuballit-edu (cf. E-dll-§al-/im and -U$ur in Tallqvist, APN, 73a). Also note Naba-e-dll-l/$ur / Sama§-we-dalllIIrllr in ibid. 19 See Tagibi-ilI in F. Joannes, Textes Economiques, no. 44, 5. 20 Tallqvist, APN, 16. 21 Tallqvist, APN, 25. 22 See Sul-Ium-a in F. Joannes, Textes Economiqlles, no. 44,3. 23 Well documented in the MuraM texts (Donbaz and Stolper, IMT, index, 158a-b).
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
c:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
173
Samas. 25 Although the final sign, A (apluJ, may not be part of the name,26 the construction PN1 aplu PN2 does not occur elsewhere in the text; therefore, we propose the reading [Nabu]-(u)kin-aplu.27 Turning now to the question of provenance,28 it is unlikely that these eight texts originated at Assur-despite several of them bearing Assur excavation numbers. Instead, their points of origin probably lie elsewhere, perhaps at Babylon.29 It is not inconceivable that such incorrect assignment occurred when one considers the damage suffered by many Assur artifacts during and after World War 1.30 Here I would suggest Babylon as the likely provenance of the eight texts under discussion. One text (A.643/ Ass.31114) certainly belongs to the reign of Nebuchadnezzar II, as does presumably another text (A.628/ Ass.l7676).31 One text (A.2541) is Middle Babylonian. The remaining five texts, A.2540, A.2542, A.2543, A.2544, and A.2545, which may mention Cyrus II (538-530 B.C.E.), are late Babylonian and almost certainly should be considered part of the Kasr archive. This modern name is taken from the Kasr mound at Babylon,located in the eastern Hauptbourg. The Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft, excavating in 1913 and in 1915, recovered several hundred Babylonian business records dating to the fifth century B.C.E. The texts were subsequently scattered among collections in Berlin, London, Paris, Oxford, Philadelphia, and
24 Probably as PBakip or Awat-~akip (see J.J. Stamm, ANG, 305 n. 1). 25 Cf. Tallqvist, NN, 195. 26 In which case the name would be NabD.-ukm, an abbreviated form of md pA / AG-EN-GIN (NabD.-b~l-ukin), as in Tallqvist, APN, 147, 162. 27 Tallqvist, NN, 195. 28 A.1907/ Ass.l8676, published in my recent article, "A Late-Babylonian Text from Assur," op. cit. (n. 2), no doubt came from Assur. 29 Toward the end of the Assur excavation, a short survey was carried out at Tutal al-Jagar (Kar-Tukulti-Ninurta) and objects were given Assur excavation numbers. These can now be checked in the Assur photos (see Pedersen, Katalog, xix; Renger, "Ein Bericht tiber das Assur Project," op. cit. [no 3], 278ff.). 30 A.K. Grayson, "Antiquities from Ashur: A Brief Description ofTheir Fate with Special Reference to the Royal Inscriptions" in ARRIM I (1983): 15-17; idem, "The Resurrection of Ashur: A History of Assyrian Studies" in Assyria 1995, pp. 105-14. Fortunately, the Turkish share escaped damage, as it was shipped to Istanbul before the outbreak of the war. 31 See above, n. 9.
174
c:..:.:..:.:..:.:..:.:..,
VEYSEL DONBAZ
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSVR
Cannes. 32 The studies made by M.W. Stolper33 inform us that the Kasr tablets were written at Babylon itself, and at Kutha, Dilbat,34 and nine additional centers. 35 Of the 113 texts, seventy-four have been identified, most of which concern the activities of a certain Belsunu, son of Bel-u:;;ursu. It should be noted that twenty-six texts from this archive are in the Vorderasiatisches Museum, which,like the Istanbul Museum, received a share of the Assur yield. Given the similarities between certain tablets presented here and those in the Kasr archive, it is very likely that Istanbul's Assur collection contains a number of tablets belonging to this archive. 36 At present, this suggestion must remain tentative. More certain is the existence of texts in the Assur collection-even among those assigned an Assur excavation number, such as A.2540/ Ass.42558-that surely must have been excavated at Babylon.37
A.628
A.1907/ Ass.18676 Obv.
V.E.
32 Stolper, "The Babylonian Enterprise of Belesys," op. cit. (n. 10),220-23; idem, "The Kasr Archive" in Ad/.H. IV, op. cit. (n. 10), 196. 33 See above, n. 10. 34 Stolper, "Late Achaemenid Texts from Dilbat," Iraq 54 (1992): 119-39. 35 Stolper, "The Babylonian Enterprise of Belesys," 223. 36 Stolper, "B!!l1lunu the Satrap," op. cit. (n. 10),389-402; idem, "The Governor of Babylon and Across-the-River," ]NES 48 (1989): 283ff.
37 After this paper had been read at Harvard, O. Pedersen informed me by letter (dated September 2, 1998) that two Assur numbers given herein should be replaced by Babylonian ones, thus: A.643/Bab 31114; A.2540/Bab 42558. A.1907 is not, however, Bab 18676; Pedersen suggests that this number may be read in another way.
L.E.
c..;.:..;.:..;.:..;.:..,
175
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
176
A.2540/ Ass.42558
A.2541
Obv.
5
10
15
Rev.
A. 2544
5'
10'
15'
r::~:':~:':~:':~:':~J
177
178
c...:·:...:·:...;.:...;.:...) VEYSEL DONBAZ
LATE BABYLONIAN TEXTS FROM ASSUR
A. 2543
c...:.:...:·:-:·:-:.:-)
ApPENDIX
Preliminary transliteration of A.2540j Ass.42558 Obverse 1')
[]md
2') 3') 4') 5') 6') 7')
[ P ta-ad-te-d[in ] ] M LlJ.ka.nik KA a-ki-i UDU.NITA 2 sa x x x ] mLUGAL-TUR-ka-a su-mu mu-kar-'ar'
]-su-kum za x ] Eku-tu4 kab-tu-ka U~12 si-te-er ] ZI ina IGI-ya su-mu sat-ra
8') ]x-su DIM-sa u-za-'zu' 9') ]x-Mffi-su-si LUGAL kap-pi-su-nu li-x-ti- ... 10') ] E dGA~AN a-qar-a 11') 1 UDU .. . 12') ]-nu UJ AG.GI~-u-a mdAMARUTU-sal- ... x x x 13') ] sa GV.DUs.A.KI ki-id sa m ... 14') ] KO.BABBAR M Be-If-sa il-te-qe 15') ]x A-sa sa md AMAR-DUB-NUMUN a-ki-li-su x x 16') ]x -u a-na dINNIN-UNUG.KI Reverse 1') 2') 3') 4')
A. 2545
5') 6') 7')
]xAN~E[ ... ] ] AN~[E ... ] ] a-na UGU-bi a ... ] a-ki-i ]-bal-lik 2 dim-tum ina URU Bar-sip.KI ina ]-su 12 LV.ER1N.ME~ a-na UGU-b[i ... ] ]x-ki-lu LV GARU~4
u...
[... ]
sa
8') ]-ku sa mN1GDU LV za-zak-ku TUR mSal-[ ... ] 9') 10')
11')
sa
]-x LV qal-lu mdAG-bi-li-DINGIRME~ A-sa ] LUGAL a-ki-i sar-tu4 sa mdA_KA[T ... (x x)] s]u-nu PAP-ma 14 ERlN.ME~ ina IGI m[ ... ]
12') ]-kab? A-sa sa mMar-duk-a LV.TUG 'x x' 13') ]-nab A E mBe-U-su na-d[in] 14') ] PAD mdTUR E.SAG.GIL lu-x-x 15') ] x-ktl-a E ana LV.GAL .. . 16') LUGAL a-k]i-i sar-tu4 .. . 17') ]-ma n[a]
sa m ...
179
Le devin historien en Mesopotamie Jean-Jacques Glassner CNRS, Paris
«Tout naturellement vient a l'esprit la supposition bien superficielle que nos vagues de liberalisme dependent des eruptions ou des taches solaires, que d'infimes modifications des courants energetiques influent sur l'etat des esprits, et par consequent sur la situation politique.» Vassili Axionov, Un~ saga moscovite (tr. fr.; Pans: f995, p. 752) «Les historiens imaginent Ie passe et se rappellent Ie futur.» LB. Namier, Conflicts (Londres: 1942, p. 70) «Est historique Ie fait que l'historien juge digne d'etre retenu comme tel.» H.-I. Marcou dans C. Samaran, ed.
L'histoire et ses tmWlOdes, Encycl. de la Pleiade (Paris: 1961, p. 1496)
LES DEVINS TlENNENT, parmi les historiens,la premiere place. II est au moins trois raisons pour cela; en premier lieu, to us les actes de la vie publique font l'objet de consultations divinatoires, rien n'etant entrepris sans cette precaution prealable; en second lieu, un evenement du passe, parce qu'il suggere des ressemblances avec un evenement contemporain, est potentiellement l'occasion de mobiliser un precedent historique eleve au rang d'exemple; en troisieme lieu, devins et historiens concentrent la quasitotalite de leur effort sur l'etude de la meme matiere: Ie temps. Deux conceptions du temps historique se deploient en Mesopotamie. L'tme met au premier plan un temps qui est per<;u comme une relation struc181
182
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JEAN-JACQUES GLASSNER
turelle entre deux points, un «champ d'incertitude entre deux reperes» (P. Bourdieu), et priviIegie la scansion de la duree; elle est exprimee par Ie sumerien bala. L'autre mise davantage sur la duree elle-meme; elle est exprimee par l'akkadien daru. nest generalement admis que bala fait allusion a une circularite du temps; on rapproche Ie terme d'un mot homonyme qui designe Ie 'fuseau', l'outil qui sert a tordre et a eruouler un flliorsqu'on file a la quenouille. Certes, bala contient, premierement, l'idee de tour, de rang successif ou alternatif; il dit, tres communement, l'exercice alternatif de fonctions; bref, il signale une scansion du temps. Mais il indique aussi une duree, la periode de travail qu'effectuent des employes requisitionnes ou celIe de l'exercice de certaines charges ou fonctions. CeUe duree est variable, elle peut aller d'une simple journee annuelle a un nombre plus ou moins eleve d'annees. Le mot designe donc un segment temporel, un espace clos de temps, une part decoupee dans Ie continuum du temps social. Ce segment est caracterise par un debut qui correspond a l'entree en fonction, une duree, Ie temps que dure l'activite, et une fin dis ant l'arret de ceUe activite. On retient que ceUe portion de temps n'est pas lineaire puisqu'au coeur du champ semantique defini par Ie terme se trouvent les idees de rotation et de periodicite qui renvoient a l'image d'un temps circulaire et repetitif. Toutefois, l'image de la circularite n'implique pas necessairement la symetrie. On releve que la duree d'un bala portant Ie meme nom n'est pas forcement la meme. Ceci sous-entend qu'une certaine idee de changement est egalement presente dans bala, Ie terme ne faisant pas exclusivement reference aces univers qui vivent, meurent et renaissent depuis Ie fond des ages, identiques a eux-memes1. En akkadien, dllru ou daru s'entendent du passe comme de l'avenir. Deux textes permeUent de mieux cerner Ie concept de temps qu'ils expriment. Une inscription de Naram-Sin d' Akkade (vers 2200-2150) associe i~tum dllr, une expression qui evoque Ie passe, a ~ikitti ni~~, «Ia creation de l'homme», Ie temps ainsi designe remontant aux origines de l'humanite; ailleurs, l'epopee de Gilgame~ rapproche ana dar dllr, une allusion a l'avenir, de~lmat la iqatta, «un destin qui n'aura pas de fin»; Ie verbe qata signifie «mettre un terme, une fin», mais compris negativement il dit, au contra ire, l'absence de limite. Dam et dllru disent donc un temps qui procede d'un point de depart dans Ie passe, toute date de quelque nature pouvant convenir, mais un temps qui, par contre, ne connalt pas de limite dans Ie futur2. Sur bala: J.-J. Glassner, Les temps de l'histoire en Mesopotamie, dans A. de Pury et al., eds., Israel constrllit son /,istoire (Geneve: 1996), pp. 170ss. 2 Pour toutes references textuelles ici et ilia suite: J.-J. Glassner, ibid., pp. 175ss.
LE DEVIN HISTORIEN
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183
Loin du sumerien bala, dam ou daru et leurs derives disent la continuite, la duree ou la permanence; ils indiquent un temps qui s'ecoule, selon un flux continu, depuis un passe revolu, parfois lointain, jusqu'a un avenir indetermine. Tout porte a croire qu'lls disent Ia linearite du temps et c'est ainsi qu'ils sont compris. Cette interpretation se heurte, cependant, a deux obstacles majeurs. Un temps lineaire peut etre represente au moyen d'un vecteur, d'un segment oriente de ligne droite; c'est un temps dote d'une origine et qui s'oriente dans une perspective de progreso Or, la categorie du progres est tres absente, en Mesopotamie, si l' on excepte les pretentions des rois a avoir realise des exploits qu'aucun de leurs predecesseurs n'avait accomplis 3 avant eux OU I' on decouvre, au mieux, une pensee du pouvoir-faire, difficilement l'equivalent antique d'une pensee du progreso Le second obstacle est d'ordre etymologique. On a pris l'habitude, depuis A. Poebel, de dissocier l'akkadien DWR de Ia racine homophone ouest-semitique, considerant que Ie mot akkadien ignore l'idee de cycle. En d'autres termes, il existerait une racine DWR disant, en akkadien, l'idee de continuite et traduisant celIe de temps linea ire, et une autre, egalement DWR, mais ouest-semitique, disant I'idee de «cercle», de «tour» ou de «generation». 11 apparaft que rien ne permet de Ies dissocier, que l'on est, tout au contraire, en presence d'une seule racine semitique DWR qui rend, precisement, l'idee de rond ou de se mouvoir en cercle. Dans Ies inscriptions semitiques du Nord-Ouest, par exemple,le meme lexeme, so us l'aspect biconsonnantique dr, se rencontre avec deux sens, celui de groupe de personnes formant un ensemble, une famille ou une assemblee, OU l'on trouve l'idee de cercle, au sens premier ou metaphorique, et celui de periode de temps, par exemple dans l'exercice d'une fonc4 tion alternative . En ugaritique, dr signifie «maison, dynastie, generation», drdr «generation des generation, eternite»5. En sud-arabique, dr ou dwr,les deux graphies existent, designent un moment particulier ou une periode de temps qui a la capacite d'etre recurrente, comme dans drmdrm, «a tour de role»6.
3 SUI' Ie conservatisme des traditions: B. Lion, L'idee de bonheur dans la litterature sumero-akkadienne (These inedite; Paris: 1988), pp. 73ss. 4
5 6
J. Hoftijzer et K. Jongeling, Dictionary of the North-West Semitic Inscriptions (Leyde: 1995), t. I, pp. 258-59. J. Aistleitner, Worterbllc/' der IIgaritiscilen Sprache (Berlin: 1963), p. 82. J.e. Biella, Dictionary of Old SOlltl, Arabic. Sabaean Dialect (HSS 25; Harvard University, 1982), p. 81; etc.
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185
184
LE DEVIN HISTORIEN
Or, dans des textes notaries paleo-babyloniens de Suse,l' expression ana dur u paia, «pour la continuite et Ie changement» ou «pour toujours», est parfois explicitee par la formule jointe ana ~er ~erri, «pour les generations
En akkadien, mais non exclusivement, les verbes a consonne mediane faible se comportent comme des lexemes biconsonnantiques; lorsque la 3e consonne est dupliquee, une voyelle separant les deux jumelles, Ie verbe prend, certes, l'allure d'un terme a trois consonnes mais il persiste a se comporter, notamment au permansif, comme s'il etait biconsonnantique 11 . Historiens et devins mesopotamiens ignorent donc l'existence d'un temps lineaire. Faute d'interroger toutes les occurrences, excluant toute reference a l'emploi et aux conditions d'emploi des reperes temporels, les assyriologues ont substitue tacitement a des reperes discontinus utilises a des fins pratiques dans certaines inscriptions royales, un calendrier lineaire en tant qU'objet predispose a etre deroule comme une totalite existant en soL On a construit ainsi, sans Ie savoir, un objet qui n'a d'existence que par cette construction inconsciente d'elle-meme. II se pose, au sujet du temps exprime au moyen de bala, la question de sa representation. Un verbe bal/bala, qui n'a peut-etre, mis a part son homophonie, que peu de rapport avec Ie substantif bala, s'entend, entre autre, de la gesticulation d'une chevre qui, poursuivie par des loups, finit par s'emmeler les pattes et trebucher, ou, par metaphore, de la contorsion d'un corps humain qui se meut a la fac;on d'un reptile. On emprunte a cette derniere metaphore une representation sinusoidale de ce temps, une metaphore qui nous est, par ailleurs, suggeree par G. Bachelard, avec son ebauche de la theorie des 'ondulations temporelles', et par P. Bourdieu12 . II est aise de representer un cycle temporel par un cercle qui se ferme sur lui-meme. Mais la question, anodine en apparence, qui se pose rapidement est: 'et apres', question par laquelle on est invite a situer deux 'periodes' l'une par rapport a l'autre dans une duree continue, les cycles des jours dans leur propre succession, leur relation avec les cycles mensuels et annuels, etc. Mieux encore, au sein de la chronique de la monarchie une (conventionnel, la liste royale sumerienne), comment representer la succession des cycles royaux, ou celle, plus complexe encore, des cycles locaux qui se chevauchent partiellement? Un schema sinusoidal nous semble devoir s'imposer. II permet de mettre en evidence les points de retournement ou seuils tout en presentant les successions ala fois comme les points ordonnes d'une sequence lineaire
des generations», «pour toutes les generations (a venir)>>. Dans l'une de ses inscriptions, SamsI-Addu d' Assyrie use egalement du mot diir, «generation»: i~tu ~uium Akkade adi ~arrutiya adi $abat Nurrugi 7 diiru Uiquma, «depuis l'apogee d' Akkade jusqu'a mon regne, jusqu'a la conquete de Nurrugurn, sept generations se sont ecouIees». II s'agit donc bien, en akkadien, de la meme racine que dans les autres langues semitiques. De fait, diiru et duru signalent un temps rendu pensable et maniable grace au calendrier, scande par des unites de temps egales et mesurables, les annees, les mois et les jours, comme Ie souligne l'auteur d'une lettre neo-babylonienne qui prend soin d' expliciter I' expression ana diiri~, «pour toujours», en ces termes: umtt ana umtt arbtt ana arbu ~attu ana ~attu, «jour apres jour, mois apres mois, annee apres annee»; chacune de ces unites est caracterisee par son aspect cyclique: la journee avec l'alternance du jour et de la nuit, Ie mois et son cycle lunaire,l'annee et Ie cycle des saisons. II a eM montre recemment7 que Ie terme akkadien dirru(m) pour designer un «mois intercalaire» dans Ie calendrier, derivait d'une racine DRR, «tourner sur soi-meme», qui vehicule notamment l'image d'un ver s'enroulant sur lui-meme en tissant son co con, et dont il est fait un verbe denominatif forge sur Ie substantif andurarum, «retour au statut d'origine»8, qui derive lui-me me de di7ru, «tourner en cercle». Di7ru serait donc l'lme de ces racines semitiques a seconde consonne faible et qui connaissent un mode de derivation au moyen du redoublement de la troisieme consonne, les unes et les autres ayant une grande proximite semantique9, comme l'atteste, par exemple, en tigre,la presence d'une forme diiwriirii, «tourner, errer, s'evanouir, tomber en defaillance»lO. 7 D. Charpin, Les Decrets Royaux iI l'Epoque Paleo-Babylonielme, iI Propos
d'un Ouvrage Recent, AfO 34 (1987): 40; dirrrt(m) «(mois) bis», NABU 1990/2, nO 64. 8 Sur andurllrrtm: tm terme Jndrr est documente en sud-arabique, dans une inscription d'as-SawdaJ (A. Avanzini, Invelltario delle iscrizioni slldarabiclle, t. 4, as-Sawda J (Rome-Paris:1995), nO 37: 3; un verbe n-dwrr, «se tourner (7)>>, est atteste en suqutri (D. Cohen et al., ibid.). 9 W. von Soden, GAG, §§ 101, 104; suppl. p. 21 **, § 100b; mais il s'agit du redoublement de la 3c consonne et non de la seconde; S. Moscati, ed., All Introdllction to the Comparative Gramlllar of tile Semitic wllgllages (Wiesbaden: 1969), pp. 166ss; B. Margalit, A Note on the Semitic Root drr, NABU 1990/4, nO 116. 10 D. Cohen, avec la coIl. de F. Bran et A. Lonnet, Dictiol1lwire des racines semi-
tiqlles, fasc. 4 (Louvain: 1993), pp. 239s, 339s, s.v. DWR et ORR. 11
Corriger dans ce sens J.-J. Glassner, Les temps de l'histoire en Mesopotamie, pp.175ss.
12 G. Bachelard, La dialectiqlle de la dllde (Paris: 1963), pp. 92ss; P. Bourdieu, Le sens pratiqlle (Editions de Minuit; Paris: 1980), pp. 333ss.
186
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JEAN-JACQUES GLASSNER
ou comme les points d'un cercle qu'on peut se donner en repliant la figure selon un axe vertical. TI n'est qu'un artefact theorique, un schema qui rassemble sous une forme resserree l'information accumuIee par la collection des donnees13 . Dans Ie terme daru, l'insistence est mise sur la duree. C'est bien ainsi qu'il convient d' entendre, par exemple, les indications chronologiques que contiennent les inscriptions royales assyriennes et babyloniennes. Avec elles, il importe de mettre Ie passe en perspective et, par la grande anciennete des exemples enonces, d'assurer une Iegitimite aux actes des souverains regnants. Partant, il n'est pas surprenant de voir Ie mot traduire l'idee d'eternite; ainsi, dans les inscriptions royales de toutes epoques, les multiples allusions aux regnes «eternels», dara, des rois. CeUe eternite dure ce que durent les dieux et leur oeuvre; Samsu-ilfma proclame que les dieux decreterent pour lui «un destin de vie eternelle comme (celle) des dieux Sin et Utu», balatam ~a klma Sfn u Sama~ darlum; «qu'ils gouvernent aussi longtemps que durent Ie ciel et la terre», adi ~ame ir~itim darani ~unu la muma:J:Jirute ~a kal matati, tel est Ie voeu formuIe pour la posterite du roi par un exorciste du palais dans une lettre d'epoque neo-assyrienne. Elle s'oppose a ce qui est perissable, a l'inanite, comme il ressort des propos tenus par Gilgame~, dans un passage d'une version paIeo-babylonienne de l'epopee: mannu ibrl ela ~a[ma] iluma itti Sama~ darf§ u~[bu] aWllatumma mana ama~a mimma ~a lteneppu~u §aruma, «mon ami, qui donc peut monter au ciel? Ce sont les dieux qui y logent pour toujours, avec Ie soleil. Quant a l'humanite, ses jours sont comptes: tout ce qU'elle fait et refait, c'est du vent!». Ce temps admet a son tour une representation selon un mouvement oscillatoire ·ou pendulaire, presentant des periodes alternees de prosperite ou de depression. II est dit, dans la Theodicee babylonienne, faisant appel ala notion de temps pour apporter une solution au delicat probleme de la recompense des merites personnels, qu'un malheur immerite ou un bonheur illegitime ne sont que transitoires; dans la fuite du temps, au plan de la vie individuelle, une alternance est admise entre des phases ascendantes et descendantes: «c'est la regIe depuis touj[ou]rs qu'(alternance de) richesse et pauvrete», ~u-um-mu ul-ttl u[l?-li?]-im? me~-r[u]-u u la-pa-nu. A la difference de notre conception classique de l'histoire OU Ie temps se presente comme un axe lineaire sur lequel viennent se ranger, chronologiquement, des faits dt1ment etiquetes, Ie temps historique, en Mesopot-
LE DEVIN HISTORIEN
J-J. Glassner, Cl1roniques mesopotamiennes (Paris: 1993), pp. 83ss; Les temps de I'histoire en Mesopotamie, pp. 173s.
187
amie, n'est donc pas homogene; il adopte volontiers un mouvement oscillatoire ou pendulaire. TI est une autre raison qui explique l'interet des devins pour l'histoire. Les Mesopotamiens croient au destin, nam.tar/~lmtu; mais ces termes ne designent nullement, a leurs yeux, l'ensemble des evenements d'une vie comme fixes d'une maniere irrevocable par une puissance superieure. TIs disent avant tout une 'part'; «assigner un destin», ~lmta ~amu, revient, premierement, a «allouer une part». En d'autres termes, il est admis que chaque homme, qu'il soit roi ou simple particulier, ne dispose pas d'un temps sans limite mais seulement d'une 'part' de temps, la mort etant Ie seul evenement de la vie individuelle auquel nul n'echappe: na-a[d]-nu-ma ab-bu-nu il-la-ku u-ru-uu mu-u-t[u] na-a-ri uu-bur ib-bi-ri qa-bu-u ul-tu ul-la, «il a ete donne anos peres de suivre Ie chemin de la mort; de tout temps illeur a ete ordonne de franchir Ie Fleuve Infernal». Or, les puissances invisibles n'ont pas pris soin d'en preciser Ie terme al'avance: i~-tak-nu mu-ta u ba-lata M mu-ti ul ud-du-u U4 .MES-§U, «ils disposent de la mort et de la vie, mais les jours de la mort, ils ne les revelent pas»! L'homme ne connait donc pas la date de sa mort14! Hormis ce terme fatal, l'homme dispose, durant sa vie entiere, d'une certaine liberte et les Mesopotamiens ont developpe, a leur fac;on, une theorie de l'action intentionnelle: la liberte requiert que ce qui, du fait d'un choix, deviendra impossible, ait ete prealablement possible avant que la decision ne soit prise; I'action de Nara.m-Sin d' Akkade en est un exemple eloquent. Dans la Mesopotamie du Ier millenaire, ceUe question prend un relief tout particulier. Le sentiment se fait jour d'une maniere toujours plus aigue qu'il existe une discordance entre les merites personnels des vivants et Ie traitement que les dieux leur font subir. Pour l'expliquer, il est fait appel a l'incapacite des hommes a comprendre les plan divins; la Theodicee pose la meme question en des termes plus extremes. Ailleurs, une autre reponse est esquissee, selon laquelle toute situation serait imputable a une puissance superieure et anonyme, comme une loi universelle qui, tout en ayant ete posee par les dieux createurs, echapperait aux dieux euxmemes; ainsi peut-on interpreter, parmi bien d'autres sources, une variante d'un passage de l'epopee de Gilgame~ selon laqueUe les dieux n'ont pas fixe les dates du deces de chaque mortel et ou l'on peut lire que 14
13
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Pour toutes references, voir J.-J. Glassner, compte-rendu de J,N. Lawson, The Concept of Fate in Ancient Mesopotamia of the First Millennium (Wiesbaden: 1994), WZKM 87 (1997): 289-92.
188 les jours de la mort «ne sont pas reveles», ul-te-du-u, Ie choix de la formule impersonnelle etant destine a montrer que c' est une loi naturelle et non les dieux qui, en ultime analyse, sont responsables de la mort. Mais la question centrale demeure cene de l'avenir non determine a l'avance et que l'on cherche a connaitre. Elle presuppose une tension du temps historique. Pour tenir sur l' avenir un discours dont la pretention ala veracite puisse paraitre justifiee ou du moins plausible, les Mesopotamiens mettent en oeuvre une technique supposee leur rendre l'avenir accessible, en faire un objet de connaissance. Cette methode prospective, c'est la divination. Or, les oeuvres des devins offrent les nomenclatures des menaces de changement ou de subversion qui pesent sur l'ordre d u monde; elles totalisent les innombrables raretes qui signa lent ces menaces afin de leur donner une signification et de mettre en garde contre elles. De la naissance ou de la mort d'un individu, de la genese ou de la chute d'un royaurne, c'est evidemment la seconde qui les preoccupe Ie plus. Et puisque les devins se livrent aux etudes historiques, il faut admettre qu'au sein de l'histoire et des conceptions de la causalite et du temps, les manifestations du monde de la nature et du cosmos tiennent egalement une place. L'astrologie en est un bel exemple: identifiee a une suite d'evenements situes sur terre, et en etroite relation avec Ie cosmos represente par Ie ciel etoile, l'histoire est dotee d'un temps compose de cycles qui correspondent a l'alternance de la generation et de la corruption et au retour des memes phenomenes meteorologiques et astronomiques. Partant, il ne suffit plus, pour l'interpreter correctement, de savoir si un evenement est anterieur ou posterieur aun autre, il s'agit aussi de reperer tous les indices permettant de Ie situer dans une phase d'expansion ou de recession ou, puisque tout depend de la conduite humaine et de l' attitude du roi al' egard des dieux, so us un bon ou un mauvais regne, ou encore, adefaut, de reperer un precedent historique. A ce stade de l'enquete, il se pose la question de la transmission des connaissances. Considerons la fin de l'Empire d'Ur dont Ie fil des evenements est relativement bien connu. La revolte d'gbi-Erra, un haut dignitaire de l'Empire qui gagne asa cause une partie des provinces et va jusqu'afonder une monarchie independante aIsin, est etablie par les pieces d'une correspondance royale de caractere litteraire. S'agissant, plus particulierement, de la ville d'Ur, des sources historiques incontestables indiquent qu' elle est conquise et occupee pendant plusieurs annees par une troupe elamite. La tradition historiographique mesopotamienne prend donc appui sur un fond de realite historique. Deux discours sont donc tenus, simultanement, sur l'evenement. Le
189 premier, celui des devins, est typique d'une demarche historienne; il privilegie la recherche des causes immediates, cherchant l' explication dans un soulevement ou dans une invasion etrangere a laquelle les noms de l'Elam et d' Ansan sont etroitement associes. Mais la mention d' Ansan dans les sources astrologiques dul er millenaire est-elle un emprunt ala 'Lamentation sur la destruction de Sumer et d'Ur' ou s'inspire-t-elle d'informations a caractere historique contenues dans des noms d'annees ou des inscriptions royales? On ne saurait Ie dire. Pour l'heure, to us ces textes ne sont conn us que par des documents d' epoque paleo-babylonienne, mais ils sont tous susceptibles d'avoir ete trans mis, au moyen de copies, tout au long des siecles, pendant plus d'un rnillenaire. Le second discours, que reflNent les ecrits lith~raires, est plus ideologique et privilegie Ie role de Simaski au detriment de celui d' Ansan. Avec lui, un modele historiographique se profile selon lequel seuls des etres non socialises et non humains, instruments de la justice divine pour punir un mauvais roi, peuvent mettre un terme aun Etat. En effet, si, pour les Mesopotamiens, les gens d' Ansan sont de ceux avec lesquels on etablit les relations que l'on entretient communement avec une societe humaine (sous l'Empire d'Ur, par deux fois, des princesses royales vont epouser des sou vera ins locaux), les Simaskeens, par contre, a l'image des Amorrites et des Guti, sont comptes au rang des etres non socialises qui vivent hors des espaces domestiques, ignorant les regles et les lois de la civilisation: une lettre-priere du roi de Larsa Sin-iddinam au dieu ~amas les presente comme gens qui ne designent pas de pretresses pour leurs dieux, vivent so us la tente et non dans des maisons, ignorent les lieux de culte, s'accouplent comme les animaux, ne presentent pas d' offrandes aux dieux, violent les interditsl5 . Pour les astrologues du 1er millenaire, cependant, Ie roi d'Ur, Ibbi-Sin, ne meurt pas mais est envoye en exil a Ansan, sur Ie plateau iranien. Cet epilogue n'offre peut-etre pas autre chose qu'un precedent, reel ou imagi-
15 W.W. Hallo, The Royal Correspondance of Larsa: II. The Appeal to Utu, dans G. van Oriel et al., eds., Zikir 511mim (Leyde: 1982), pp. 98-100: 21-28; texte collationne pal' P. Michalowski dans H. Weiss, ed., The Origins of Cities in DryFarming Syria and Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium (Guilford: 1986), p. 132. Pour la 'Lamentation sur Eridu' (M.W. Green, The Eridu Lament, ICS 30 (1978): 136, kirugll4: 10) les Sima!\keens et les Elamites sont les responsables de la destruction de la ville, un r61e qui revient aux Guti s'agissant de la ville d'Uruk, selon la 'Lamentation sur Uruk' (M.W. Green, The Uruk Lament, lAOS 104 (1984): 272: 4, 11,20 et passim).
191
190
naire, ala fin malheureuse de Nabonide auquel son vainqueur,le roi Cyrus, aurait offert la vie sauve en Ie nommant gouverneur de Carmaniel6 . L'etude de la chute de l'Empire d'Ur souleve donc, sans qu'il soit soluble, ce difficile probleme de l'emploi des sources et de la transmission du savoir. Le traitement d'un episode du regne de Naram-Sin d' Akkade par les historiens et les memorialistes anciens permet d'apporter un element de reponse plus positif a la question posee. Ce regne debute par une revolte generalisee des provinces dont plusieurs inscriptions originaies conservent Ie souvenir. Coalisees en trois ensembles dis tincts mais solidaires, avec trois rois aleur tete, elles affrontent Ie souverain qui sauve sa capita Ie, Akkade, avant de triompher a la suite d'une brillante campagne au cours de laquelle il remporte «neuf vic to ires en une seule annee». Quelques siecles plus tard, a I' epoque paleobabylonienne, des copies des inscriptions de Naram-Sin sont effectuees qui permettent que soit transmise la memo ire des evenements. Par leur entremise,les anciens ont conscience d' avoir acces a des evenements passes dont ils ne mettent pas en doute la realite. Les copies tiennent, parmi les sources, une place toute particuliere. La comparaison avec les originaux,lorsqu' elle est possible, met en evidence la remarquable fidelite des premieres qui reproduisent les secondes avec un grand souci du detail, Ie scribe respectant la paleographie, la grammaire et jusqu'a I' ordonnancement des lignes de I' original. II est donc manifeste que les copies peuvent etre utilisees comme des sources primaires. Une cop ie, cependant, n'est pas l'original; par definition, elle en est Ia reproduction; elle n' en a ni I' apparence, ni Ia fonction, et son rapport avec les evenements et les institutions est autre. Or, faute de disposer d'originaux, c'est par ces copies que nous sont rapportees les victoires remportees par Naram-Sin sur deux de ses adversa ires, Ipbur-Ki~i, acclame par ses troupes comme roi de Ki~, et AmarGirid, acclame comme roi d'Uruk (Ie nom du troisieme rebelle, Lugal-ane, roi d'Ur, n'est connu que par un fragment de tablette scolaire paleoakkadien). Face a Ipbur-Ki~i, qui commande a des troupes venant de Kg, Kutha, TiWA, Sippar, Kazallu, Apiak, Ere~, Borsippa, Kazallu, Kiritab et Dilbat, une premiere bataille est remportee, «entre les villes de TiWA et d'Urum, sur une terre vouee au dieu Sin», il1 ba-rf-ti AtJAKI it URxU.KI il1 SIG/ dEN.ZU; plus tard, une seconde victoire est remportee «a proximi~e de la ville de Ki~, pres de la porte de la deesse Nin-karak», alle-ti Ki~ikl KA dNin.kar. Parmi les prisonniers, sont mentionnes Puzur-NingaI, gouver16 Pour toutes references:
NABll1996/1, nO 34.
J.-J.
Glassner, Les dynasties d' Awan et de Sima1\ki,
neur de TiWA, IIum-dan, gouverneur de Borsippa, Dada, gouverneur d' Apiak, Puzur-Numu~da, gouverneur de KazalIu, Iddin-ilum, gouverneur de Kutha, IlI~-takal, gouverneur de Sippar, Salim-bell, gouverneur de Kiritab, QiSum, gouverneur d'Ere~, Ita-Dum, gouverneur de Dilbat; l'inscription de preciser, enfin, que les cadavres de 1.000 officiers et de 2.015 hommes captures sont jetes au fleuve, alors que 2525 hommes sont massacres dans Ki~17. S'inspirant a l'evidence de ces copies, des inscriptions fictives sont composees, toujours aI' epoque galeo-babylonienne. L'une d' elIes, dont un exemplaire a ete retrouve aMari 8, decrit la coalition que dirige Ipbur-Ki~i, laquelle est forte, desormais, des villes de Ki~, Kutha, TiWA, Urum, KazalIu, Kiritab, Apiak, Thrat, Dilbat, Uruk et Sippar; Ia liste s' est amplifiee, Uruk, avec son roi Amar-gin, rejoignant Ie camp d'Ipbur-Ki~i! En outre,les deux batailles evoquees par les inscriptions originales ou leurs copies, sont ramenees a une seule, qui se deroule toujours sur une terre vouee au dieu Sin, entre les villes de TiWA et Urum, mais elle appartient desormais au domaine de la deesse Nin-karak: «[entr]e TiWA et Urum, dans Ie champ Ugar-Sin, (dans] Ie dom~ine de l'Esabad,le temple de Nin-karak», [bi-ri-i~t Ti-WAki il Wu-ru-mu ki i-na ASA AGA[R-dEN.ZU [bi-ri-i-i]t E-sa-ba-ad E Nin-kar-ra-a[k]; les deux batailles, celIe d'Ugar-Sin et celle de la Porte de Nin-karak, ne font donc plus qU'une,laquelle se deroule desormais sur une terre sacree appartenant a un temple. En outre, ala liste des villes mesopotamiennes coalisees, la source ajoute celIe de souverains etrangers qui participent au conflit, ceux de Marba~i et de Lullubu. Une seconde inscription fictive, toujours d'epoque paleo-babylonienne, et dont un exemplaire est conserve au Musee de Geneve 19, decrit Ie lieu de la bataille dans les memes termes,le nom de Nin-karak etant cependant remplace par celui de son avatar Gula. Semblablement, la liste des souverains etrangers qui participent au conflit s'amplifie et se modifie: il 17 Pour toutes references: I.J. Gelb et B. Kienast, Die altakkadiscllen Konigsinscllriften des dritten lalIYtalisends v.Cllr. (Stuttgart: 1990), Nar~msin, passim; D.R. Frayne, Sargonic and Glltian Periods, Tile Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, 2 (Toronto, Buffalo, Londres: 1993), Narfim-Sin, passim. 18 J. Goodnick Westenholz, Legends of tile Kings of Akkade (Winona Lake: 1997), pp. 230ss; D. Charpin, La version mariote de I'«insurrection genera Ie contre Narfim-Sin», dans D. Charpin et J.-M. Durand, eds., Florilegillllllllarianll1l1 III,
Reclleil d'etl/des ilia lIIellloire de
Marie-Ther~se
Barrelet, Memoires de N.A.B.ll. 4
(Paris: 1997), pp. 9-18; S. Tinney, A New Look at Naram-Sin and the 'Great Rebellion',lCS 47 (1997): 1-14.
19 J. Goodnick Westenholz, ibid., pp. 238ss.
192
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JEAN-JACQUES GLASSNER
s' agit Puttim-atal de Sirnurrum, Ingi de Nawar, RIs-Adad d' ApiSal, MigirDagan de Mari, tJupsum-kipi de Marbasi, Dubsusu de Mardaman et Manum de Magan, autant de royaumes de Syrie, d'Iran, du Zagros et jusqu' au lointain Oman; a leurs cotes,les gouverneurs des villes de Nippur et d'Umma sont desormais credites du titre royal; enfin, figure au nombre des coalises un certain Lugal.ana, roi d'Uruk, dont Ie nom rappelle etrangement cet autre Lugal.ane, roi d'Ur,le troisieme roi rebelle qui s'etait dresse contre Naram-Sin, aux cotes d'Ipbur-Kisi et d' Amar-girid. On decouvre donc qu'un travail reel de conservation de la memoire est effectue, des copies d'inscriptions royales sont realisees. Mais elles ne font l'objet d'aucune approche critique; en outre, elles se pre tent aux manipulations les plus diverses. II arrive meme, on en connait au moins un exemple, qu'un scribe ne copie pas, bout a bout, sur une tablette, plusieurs inscriptions a la suite l'une de l'autre, mais qu'il selectionne des extraits de chacune d'elles, fabriquant de la sorte, a partir de fragments conjoints de plusieurs inscriptions, une inscription desormais fictive et qui reunit dans un meme enchainement des episodes jusque-Ia independants les uns des autres 20 . Parallelement, un glissement se produit; tout en respectant Ie mot a mot des inscriptions originales, Ie ton change. On passe de la demarche historienne a la demarche commemorative; la bataille decisive se deroule sur une terre sacree, la superiorite de l'ennemi s'exagere considerablement jusqu'a couvrir la terre entiere et a se muer, de trois rois, en une multitude de souverains. Une ultime etape est encore franchie par tm autre texte ou Naram-Sin entre carrement dans Ie my the, continuant a guerroyer, toujours plus grand, rna is desormais aux cotes des dieux. Mais Ie travail de memo ire ne s'arrete pas la et Ie discours s'inverse. D'autres lettres presentent, en effet, Ie roi comme un sou vera in impie, irrespectueux des decisions des dieux. NaramSin combat a present Ie monde en tier, ses ennemis n'etant plus des etres humains rna is des hybrides envoyes par les dieux, et c' est lui qui connait la defaite 21 . La figure de Naram-Sin, apres avoir incarne une fonction royale grandie et se reconnaissant dans une soteriologie victorieuse de dimension oecumenique, devient alors l'image du mauvais roi qui provoque la perte de ses Etats. L'etude de l'evenement a cede la place a celIe de la royaute. 20 B.R. Foster, Naram-Sin in Martu and Magan, RIMA 8 (1990): 25-44; C. Wilcke, Amar-girids Revolte gegen Narllm-Su'en, ZA 87 (1997): 11-32.
21 Pour toutes references: J.-J. Glassner, La chllfe d'Akkade, revenemenf ef sa memoire (BBVO 6; Berlin: 1986), passim.
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L'evenement n'est donc pas fourni par Ie document, meme si celui-ci est ecrit en cuneiforme; il n'a rien d'une donnee en quelque sorte immediate, mais il resulte de I' effort, souvent delicat, d' elaboration. D'un mot, il est Ie fruit d'une selection et d'une construction. Pour qu'il soit promu comme digne de memoire, encore faut-il que l'historien etablisse un lien entre lui et l'un ou l'autre des problemes qu'il se pose et sur lesquels porte son enquete. Car les historiens et les devins mesopotamiens s'interessent a lui en tant que l'element d'une serie, en tant qu'il devoile une variation conjoncturelle; ils sont preoccupes aussi d'en trouver la cause, ce qui revient a Ie rapporter au jeu des forces qui agissent. A defaut de tout cela, Ie fait n'est 9,.u'une anecdote sans portee et sera neglige comme tel. Avec un autre recitLZ, celui de la mort d'Erra-imitti, une mort apparemment tout a fait naturelle qui laisse un substitut royal legitimement installe sur Ie trone, contrairement aux apparences, no us sommes eloignes du magasin des anecdotes pittoresques, divertissantes et denuees d'interet; tout au contra ire, no us avons a faire a un evenement parfaitement situe dans Ie temps et dans l'espace, et les details apparemment occasionnels qui Ie caracterisent ne font qu'aider a l'individualiser; qu'il s'agisse ou non d'un fait reel, il fonde la critique d'une institution et, en ce sens, il est tout a fait exemplaire: ne s'offre-t-il pas, en effet, aux yeux des Babyloniens, comme un contre exemple face a l'institution assyrienne du substitut royal? Ala maniere de Voltaire, l'historien mesopotamien est conscient de la difference essentielle qui separe II/anecdote' de la 'vraie histoire': l'une n'a qu'un interet limite et evanescent, l'autre est celIe des grands evenements «qui ont fixe la destinee des empires». Mais illui manque la vertu premiere de l'historien moderne, la critique des sources; cette lacune Ie conduit a confondre l'histoire comme construction du passe et l'histoire comme celebration de ce me me passe.
22 J.-J. Glassner, Histoire babylonienne et sa reflex ion dans les chroniques de l'epoque babylonienne recente, dans J. Renger, ed., Baby/on (CDOG 2; Berlin: 1999), pp. 157-66.
Polymnia and Clio William W. Hallo Yale Universityl
FOR ME PERSONALLY, this is an anniversary, even a jubilee of sorts. Fifty years ago, in 1948, I was a junior at Harvard University, wrestling with the question of choosing a major. Torn between history and literature, I went so far as to consult the good doctor at the University Health Clinic about my dilemma. He listened patiently for one or two minutes and then said with some exasperation: "Get out of here! I've got students with real problems waiting to see me!" And so I settled for history-Roman history in fact-but my problem persisted. I had not lost my interest in literature. As a doctoral student at the Oriental Institute in Chicago, I subtitled my 1955 dissertation: a philological and historical analysis. Apparently I was still serving two masters or, more precisely, two mistresses or, to be more politically correct, two muses. I identified them as Clio, the muse of history, and Polyhymnia or Polymnia, the muse of sacred poetry. Ten years later ~1965), I returned to Chicago to lecture on the topic "Polymnia or Clio." But by then I had resolved my personal quandary. With the riches of the Yale Babylonian Collection at my disposal, I decided to dedicate most of my efforts to those Sumerian literary texts that threw light on historical questions on the one hand, and to the reconstruction of Mesopotamian history with their help on the other. After all, I argued (or could have argued) the muses were sisters, all alike, virginal daughters of Zeus and Mnemosine (Memory). Two or more of them could well be the inspiration of a single devotee. And I could have comforted myself with the The substance of this paper was delivered to the XLVe Rencontre Assyriologique, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass., July 5, 1998. 2 The same lecture was delivered to the Oriental Club of New Haven in April 1965; see Welles and Beckman 1988: 61.
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thought that the best historians of the Western tradition, from Thucydides and Livy to Gibbon and Churchill, wove literary evidence searnlessly into their magna opera, which in their own right rank as works of literature as well as of history. My Chicago paper never appeared in print, but some of its themes echoed in my presidential address to the American Oriental Society, published twenty-five years later. 3 At that time I was concerned, i.a., with the emerging debate on biblical historiography. At one extreme, the operative principle there seemed to be that the biblical data "can only be considered as untrustworthy when they can be falsified by contemporaneous evidence," to cite one particularly candid formulation. 4 This is a sort of "innocent until proven guilty" principle, against which the other extreme has set up the "guilty until proven innocent" principle, according to which nothing in the biblical record is to be considered historical until and unless confirmed by extra-biblical evidence. For a long time I have been referring to these positions as "maxima list" and "minimalist" respectively,S a terminology that now dominates the debate, for better or worse. 6 In my AOS paper, I still thought that Assyriology was happily free of such extreme positions, and held it up as a model of moderation to biblical historiography. But the sequel has proved me overly optimistic. While we have no maximalists in our ranks, none who would defend the cWleiform canon as revealed truth, we have our own minimalists, those who now hold that no later,literary source can be used for the reconstruction of Mesopotamian history unless verified by contemporaneous, non-literary evidence. At best, they say, it can throw light on the history and concerns of its own time of composition, whatever that time may be thought to be-and often enough deduced from its putative concerns in truly circular fashion. The champion of this new view is Mario Liverani, and he has set it forth with admirable clarity in Akkad: The First Empire? I have dealt with this book, and a number of others on the Sargonic Dynasty, in an article that has just appeared in a volume in honor of W.J.Ph. Romer. So I will not repeat 3 Hallo 1990. 4 Becking 1992: 52; previously idem 1985, esp. pp. 22-34. Becking was specifically referring to "The Dates in the Book of Kings," but was only stating with greater candor what others have implied or assumed in their work. Cf. in general Millard, Hoffmeier and Baker 1994. S
Hallo 1980: 5.
197 here what I have written there. 8 Suffice it to say that I find all parts of the view questionable: the notion that we can privilege contemporaneous royal monuments, although they are notoriously tendentious; that we can rely on archival records, although they may be hopelessly laconic; that we can reconstruct ancient history without benefit of the overall structure provided by native historiography; that we can dispense with the significant details incorporated in literary reminiscences; or that we can hope to date these canonical texts with sufficient certainty to use them as evidence for the concerns of their own times. The Sargonic Period remains a parade example, a test case par excellence, for the methodological issues involved in the debate over Mesopotamian historiography. The rise of Sargon so captured the imagination of later ages that it spawned much of the literature at the heart of that debate. The literary oeuvre of his daughter Enheduanna is still growing,9 as is her attestation on contemporaneous seals inscriptions lO and other monumentsP at present she even has her own website!12 The reign of NaramSin, her nephew, and more particularly his deification represent in some ways the "classical moment" of Mesopotamian history and is treated as such in another recent article of mine that need not be repeated here. 13 The fall of Akkad left such a deep impression on later generations that they not only composed lengthy disquisitions on it as represented by the "Curse of Agade" but, in the case of Shamshi-Ad ad 1,14 even enshrined the concept of the "end of Akkad" (§ulum Agade) as a chronological fixed point on a par with "before the flood" and "after the flood" (117m ababi, arki ababi).1 S Not wishing to repeat Jean-Jacques Glassner's monographic treatment}6 however, I would rather try to set the subject in a kind of compar-
8 Hallo 1998. 9 Westenholz 1989. 10 To the three seals inscribed by her retainers we may now add a fourth in the collection of Jonathan Rosen, which formed part of the exhibition at the Morgan Library in 1998. 11 On her famous disc, see lastly Winter 1987.
12 . Information courtesy Michelle Hart (Los Angeles).
13 See now Hallo 1999. 14 Grayson 1987: 53.
6 Cf., e.g., Shanks 1997, 1997a. See also Addendum.
IS See for these most recently Hallo 1991.
7 Liverani 1993.
16 Glassner 1986; cf. my comments in Hallo 1998.
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ative perspective, concentrating instead on the Ur ill dynasty as another example of the end of empire in order to draw a lesson for historiography based on the fall of the great empires of the ancient Near East in general. If one major problem of all ancient historiography is the scarcity of contemporaneous sources and the need (as I would say) or the temptation (as others might see it) to fill in the lacunae with evidence of later, in large part literary sources, then this problem is compounded where the fall of a dynasty is concerned, for that is rarely recorded by contemporaries, least of all by the scribes of the failing and falling dynasty. There are shining exceptions to this rule, and two of them may be recalled here in tribute to the scholars who have identified them. The first is the "Fall of Lagash," which is chronicled not only in the clay tablet that usually goes by this nameP but also-less dramatically and quite inadvertently-by the scribes of the last ruler of the "first dynasty of Lagash," Uru-inimgina. This was recognized by Maurice Lambert, who showed how the royal scribes worked down to the last days of the threatened city, patiently continuing in their set ways to catalogue the ever diminishing deliveries to and disbursements from the state storehouses. 18 As I put it only a little later, "The numerous archival records from Lagash dating to Urukagina and his immediate predecessors give us a vivid picture of the declining fortunes of the city in these difficult years, and we must marvel at the almost blind dedication with which the scribes continued to record the day-to-day minutiae of a contracting economy.,,19 The pattern was repeated, more or less, during the reign of Ibbi-Sin, as analyzed in the brief but classic study by Thorkild Jacobsen, and more recently by Tohru Gomi and Bertrand Lafont. 20 Again quoting my history, "In short order, dated texts ceased at the major archives .... Only those of Ur itself continued in abundance, faithfully dating by the king's formulas to the end of his long reign of twenty-four years. But Ur could not sustain its own population, let alone all those loyal to the king who now sought refuge behinds its walls, without the continued tribute of its provinces. As this was more and more withheld, commodity prices soared, sometimes to sixty times their normal level, and the capital was confronted by the twin crises of inflation and famine.,,2} In some ways the most telling evidence to this 17 18 19 20 21
See the latest translation by Cooper 1986: 78. Lambert 1966. Hallo and Simpson 1971: 53f.; 1998: 51. Jacobsen 1953, Gomi 1984, Lafont 1995. Hallo and Simpson 1971: 86; 1998: 81.
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effect is that of the bala: that venerable institution continued, but in name only, as the governors of now-defunct provinces retreated to the capital and continued to be credited with (ever more?) pitifully reduced contributions as "ensi's of the bala.,,22 What else do the contemporaneous sources tell us about the fall of Ur? If we look at the date-formulas of Ibbi-Sin, conveniently collected by Edmond Sollberger,23 we find most of them blithely oblivious of or indifferent to the impending catastrophe. They involve the usual references to accession (year 1), the selection and installation of high priests and priestesses (years 2, 4, 10, 11), the building of temples (18f.), the dedication of precious votives (12f., 16, 21), and dynastic marriages (5). Only rarely are there tell-tale references to battles against Amorites (17), to war on the Hurrian frontier (3) or on the Elamite front (9,14), or to the fortification of cities in the interior (6ff.). There are two obscure references to divine beneficences to the king (15, 20). We have to wait till the 22nd year-name of IbbiSin's 24-year reign before the royal scribes will admit to a hint of troubleand even then they put the best possible spin on matters. In Sollberger's translation, it was the year that ''lbbi-Sin, the king of Ur, (when) a flood decreed by the gods had blurred the boundaries of heaven and earth, caused Ur to weather out the storm.,,24 Flood and storm are well-attested metaphors for foreign invaders in Sumerian literature,25 but whether we are dealing with a metaphor here or with a natural catastrophe remains a question. For Miguel Civil, on the basis of a new text, translates "the year that Ibbi-Suen, king of Ur, secured Ur and URUxUD stricken by a hurricane, ordered by the gods, which shook the whole world.,,26 Suffice it to say that the next year name is back to normal, so to speak, if, according to Sollberger, it recorded the gift of a huge ape to the king! Ake Sjoberg, on the other hand, translates "the year when the heavy ape (from) the/its mountain struck Ibbisin, the King of Ur.,,27 Again, we may be dealing with a metaphor, for Ibbi-Sin's enemies are so designated also in his correspondence. 28 The difference here is not one of reading but of the interpretation 22 Hallo 1960: 96. For the last-known bala of the old sort (Ibbi-Sin 3/II/27), see Guichard 1996 (ref. courtesy T. Sharlach).
23 24 25 26 27 28
Sollberger 1976-80: 4-7; d. Sykes 1973; Frayne 1997: 361-66. Sollberger 1976-80: 7. Hallo 1990: 195-97. Civil 1987. Sjoberg 1993: 211, n. 2. See below, note 55.
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of the verbal chain: mu-na-e-ra-a could be regarded as a plural form (ere-a) of Du/clN, "to go, cause to go, bring" (so apparently Sollberger)}9 or as the dative with "to strike" (so Sjoberg). The last year-name is attested only in fragmentary form. Another contemporaneous source is represented by royal inscriptions. In the case of Ibbi-Sin these are even less revealing than his date formulas. The few discrete examples that have survived speak once of the fortification ofUr30 and in passing of victories on the eastern frontier (and then only in the context of a late copy),31 and for the rest only of the usual pious dedications. The best we can say about them is that their very paucity bespeaks the ill health of the kingdom-especially when set against the relatively large number of seal inscriptions dedicated to the king by his officials, which suggests a bloated bureaucracy.32 A similar conclusion is drawn, albeit from different evidence, for a later period by Norman Yoffee, who has made a special study of imperial decline: "as the political strength and territory of the First Dynasty of Babylon waned," he writes, "the number of titled officials in the service of the crown expanded and their offices became more highly articulated.,,33 The royal hymns are a later source. Though hardly likely to have been invented out of whole cloth in the scribal schools of the time of Hammurabi or Samsu-iluna, neither are they entirely free of some modernizing and other editorial tendencies as can be detected in some examples of the genre. 34 In the case of Ibbi-Sin, a respectable number of royal hymns have been recovered, thanks to the efforts of Sjoberg.35 But they have little to offer by way of historiographical data. Such data can better be extracted from the "Royal Correspondence of Ur." We still await its full edition by Piotr Michalowski, but can already
29 Krecher 1967, to which add Hallo 1978: 72, n.16; YBC 13286 (unpub!', dated Ibbi-Sin 3): U4 kaskal mar-tu-M i-ri-sa-a; Fish, CST 252: uku-u~ uris-rna u4 didlu-ru-gu-~e l-ri-~a mc\-a ba-na-a-gub; Michalowski, OA 16 (1977) 288f.; Lugalbanda I 127.
30 31 32 33
Frayne 1997: 368f. Frayne 1997: 370-73. So already Hallo 1962: 8, n. 58; Hallo and Simpson 1971: 86.
Yoffee 1977: 145; a similar formulation appears in Yoffee 1979: 12. Cf. also below, note 63. 34 Cf., e.g., "The Coronation of Ur-Nammu," for which see Hallo 1966.
35 Sjoberg 1970-71.
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read off much of it in his survey in RIA, as well as in Claus Wilcke's earlier studies.36 It is a precious clue to the gradual deterioration of the empire as exemplified among other things by: the progressive diminution of central power in its attempt to control the governors of outlying provinces; the preoccupation with the building of a defensive wall at the narrow waist of the valley where Tigris and Euphrates come closest together; the machinations of Ishbi-Irra, posing as defender of the kingdom against the threat of Elamites and Shimashkians from the East while at the same time preparing to start his own ("Isin") dynasty in the ruins of the empire; and so forth. The texts of this correspondence are all up to three hundred years later than the events they describe, but their historicity can be affirmed over and over by numerous details, such as personal names of minor actors in the drama that tally with those known from documents of actual Ur III date. Michalowski has illustrated that himself with the case of Kunshimatum, "the bride of Simanum.,,37 In a brief communication, he showed that "The utilization of a combination of monumental, archival and canonical sources casts new light on the affairs surrounding ... the betrothal of a daughter of the Neo-Sumerian ruler Su-Sin to the royal house of Simanum.,,38 He was able to recover the fact of the dynastic marriage from an Old Babylonian copy of the royal inscriptions of Shu-Sin, to correct the misunderstanding of the daughter'S name in the royal correspondence, and then to identify it in a number of archival Ur III texts. 39 His exercise provides a model for the judicious combination of contemporaneous and later evidence in the reconstruction of historical events. The same purpose has been pursued by myself and others, i.a., in connection with "The House of Ur-Meme,,40 and with the Royal Correspondence of Isin and, more particularly, of Larsa. 41 In fact, it can be argued that the royal correspondence of all three dynasties represents copies of actual letters originally deposited in the royal archives and selected by later generations of scribes for their bearing on matters of particular interest to them. In the case of the Royal Correspondence of Ur, that was evidently the role of the" Amorites," presumably their own ancestors, in the great events of history, including parti36 37 38 39 40 41
Michalowski 1976, 1984; Wilcke 1969, 1970. Michalowski 1975. Michalowski 1975: 716. To these we may now add Sigrist 1983: 480: 16. Hallo 1972; d. also Zettler 1984. See the references in Hallo 1983.
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cularly the unraveling of the powerful Ur ill empire.42 A novel thesis has even proposed to see the Amorites as mercenaries rather than nomads, based largely on the Royal Correspondence.43 Are we then to accept only those portions that have an actual overlap with contemporaneous evidence? Or can we not reasonably extend a measure of cautious confidence also to those portions of the correspondence that have not or not yet been so confirmed? When we turn to the actual end of the Ur ill empire, we find that our best sources are the lamentations composed under the early kings of Isin, especially Ishme-Dagan. Ishme-Dagan was an intriguing figure in the twentieth-century history of Mesopotamia. He commissioned more royal hymns than any other Mesopotamian ruler except Shulgi, as now conveniently documented by Marie-Christine Ludwig.44 In these hymns, he modelled himself on that Ur ill king to an extraordinary degree, as shown by Jacob Klein. 45 It is to this Ishme-Dagan that we can attribute the lamentations over the destruction of Nippur and Uruk, for his name appears in both of these compositions. And it is possible that the lament over Eridu also was commissioned by this king, though no royal name appears in its preserved portions. 46 The lamentation over the destruction of Sumer and Ur may be earlier. 47 But what all of these compositions, as well as the laments over Ur and Ekimar, have in common is that they were composed, not at the time of the destruction of the cities of the Ur ill empire, but considerably later, presumably on the occasion of their rebuilding, more particularly the rededication of their temples. Apparently the kings of Isin were at pains to absolve themselves of the potential sacrilege involved in the razing of the remains of the destroyed temples, which was an inevitable prerequisite to reconstructing them on their old sacred sites, and therefore made every effort to pin the blame for their destruction on those who had initiated it. That is why the pictures of these destructions are so graphic and their perpetrators so carefully identified. Once we recognize this barely hidden agenda of the genre, we can make allowance for its exaggerations and distortions, and extract a valid "historical kernel" from it, though both their 42 43 44 45 46 47
Hallo 1983: 12. Weeks 1985, esp. pp. 53f. Ludwig 1990. Cf. the review article by Romer 1993.
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48 status as a genre and the concept of the historical kernel have been chal49 lenged. _ (Even later than the lamentations are certain litanies in which Ibbi-Sin fi!5ure.s in long lists of deceased kings,50 and the semi-legendary versions of . his exile to Elam and death and burial there. 51 ) A key concept of the lamentations is again the bala-an office rotated among the members of a Sumero-Akkadian polity-not, as in the case of the provinces of the Ur ill empire, on a monthly basis,52 but rather on a long~term. basis among the independent cities, dynasties and kingdoms that inherIted the Ur III legacy. The concept is stated most memorably in the fourth stanza of the "Lamentation over the Destruction of Ur and Sumer" (11. 365-69). In Kramer's translation, it reads: "The verdict of the assembly cannot be turned back, / The word commanded by Enlil knows no overturning, / Ur was granted kingship, it was not granted an eternal reign (ba/a), / Since days of yore when the land was founded to (now) when people have multiplied, / Who has (ever) seen a reign of kingship that is everlasting!,,53 In other words, no city or dynasty rules forever. The same concept is implicit in a later source that is the best known of all-the Sumerian King List. Here we have ancient histOriography in its most schematic form. It insists that, in Sumer and Akkad, royal hegemony was always the prerogative of only one city or dynasty at a time and divinely fated to devolve in turn on different cities, dynasties, or kingdoms. Jerrold Cooper has noted that it shared this ideology with the lamentations, whereas royal inscriptions and royal hymns, both being products of the royal chanceries, promoted the opposite ideology, namely that kingship was divinely ordained to stay with the present ruler for length of days and with his dynasty forever. 54 This dichotomy is certainly to be preferred to a simple dichotomy between contemporary and later formulations. In fact, it i~ not for the modern historian of antiquity to prejudge the value of any given source or genre, but to subject each to scrutiny and to 48 49 50 51 52
Michalowski 1989: Sf. Liverani 1993: 51. Jacobsen 1970: 346, n. 50. Jacobsen 1970: 346, n. 50. Above, note 22.
Michalowski 1989: 6.
53 Kramernplld ANET(3rd ed. 1969) 617. Cf. also PSD B: 69f.: "who has ever seen a reign of kingship take the lead" (bala-nam-lugal-la sag-bi-M-e-a); Michalowski 1989: 59.
Michalowski 1989: 6.
54 Cooper 1990: 39f.
Klein 1985.
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make allowances for its particular agenda and prejudices. If we apply that rule of thumb to the fall of UrI we will soon enough realize that lamentations and the King List both overemphasize the extent of the break with the succeeding age that the disaster represented, and each for its own ideological reasons, as already suggested. Even the royal correspondence weighs in on this side of things with its unflattering characterization oflshbi-Irra as a non-Sumerian and an ape from the mountain. 55 And a proper reading of the Larsa King List leaves no room for the widespread misconception that he, or his first three successors, had to compete with Naplanum and his first three successors in the rule of the land. Other evidence, both contemporaneous and retrospective, suggests major aspects of continuity between the Third Dynasty of Ur and the First Dynasty of Isin in matters of economy, cult, literary convention, and even political organization. Suffice it to emphasize, in connection with the last factor, that Ishbi-Irra and Shu-ilishu, the first two so-called kings of Isin, actually ruled under the title "kin~ of Ur" or its poetic equivalent "king/ lord/ deity of his nation/ country." 6 It is only under Iddin-Dagan that an 57 inscriptional use of the title "king of Isin" is attested, and then only once. And his successor Ishme-Dagan, though using the new title more liberally, still allowed the older one to be em~loyed once on a fragmentary votive bowl, at least as generally restored. The same observation applies to the evidence of the "Isin" year names, conveniently assembled by Marcel Sigrist. They exhibit an almost studied avoidance of the royal title "king of Isin," indeed any royal title, even after the royal inscriptions have begun to use it. 59 The contemporary seal inscriptions are more creative in their use of a variety of royal titles and epithets. Here, "king of Ur" appears as late as Lipit-Ishtar60 and "king of Isin" not until Bur-Sin. 61 The fall of Ur was thus not as cataclysmic an event as the lamentations, for their own reasons, made it out to be, and certainly not a watershed event
55 Sjoberg 1993. Previously Franke and Wilhelm 1985: 26, n. 53. 56 lugal-ma-da-na, bl!ll/1l1ti~lI, dingir-kalam-ma-na; d. Hallo 1957: 16-20. 57 Haldar 1977, republished by Frayne 1990: 22. 58 Frayne 1990: 46. 59 The sole exception noted by Sigrist 1988: 14 is a text from the twelfth year of Ishbi-Irra that calls him "king of his land" (BIN 9: 52).
60 Frayne 1990: 6lf. 61 Frayne 1990: 72.
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on a par with the fall of Akkad earlier or the fall of Babylon at the end of its First Dynasty. But neither was the transition to Ishbi-Irra and his successors quite as smooth as their royal titles and epithets might suggest. For the full story of the fall of Ur, as of other kingdoms both before and after, we are inevitably dependent on the recollection of later ages, often enough on the hostile or self-serving point of view of those who toppled and/or succeeded the fallen dynasty. The fall of empires has been a focus of much recent discussion. Paul Kennedy even wrote a best-seller on the subject, though he took matters back only as far as Philip II of Spain.62 The lacuna has been partly filled by Norman Yoffee and George Cowgill's Collapse of Ancient States and Civilizations,63 with contributions on Mesopotamia by Robert Adams and Yoffee himself. 64 Harvey Weiss has taken up the issue of the collapse of Akkad from a North Mesopotamian perspective. As in the case of Ibbi-Sin's date formula, I choose to leave open the question whether human or natural agency can best ex~lain the archeological hiatus he has identified in the late third millennium. 5 More recently, an entire issue of RA was devoted to the end of archives as a symptom-and concomitant-of political collapse. 66 In conclusion: it is widely acknowledged that the ancient Mesopotamians had a vivid sense of their own long history, as shown among others by Krecher, Hru~ka, Wilcke, and Cooper.67 Many of their literary compositions had a historiographic character, although Cooper has pointedly abstained from "any attempt ... to discover which ancient texts may be 'historically accurate,' whatever that might mean," citing my own study of Sumerian historiography in that connection. 68 I have never actually used the phrase "historically accurate"-though in other connections I have referred to "the essential historicity" of certain (biblical) narratives-and been taken to task for it. 69 . So perhaps I can sum up my position thus: the function of the historian of antiquity, like that of the chronicler of more recent periods, is not to 62 Kennedy 1987. 63 Yoffee and Cowgill 1988.
64 Ibid., 20-48. 65 Weiss and Courty 1993. 66 Joannes 1995.
67 Krecher and MOller 1975, Hru~ka 1979, Wilcke 1988, Cooper 1990. 68 Cooper 1990: 39 citing Hallo 1983. 69 Hallo 1980: 16; Cooper and Goldstein 1992: 2lf.
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Franke, S. and Gemot Wilhelm (1985) "Eine mittelassyrische fiktive Urkunde ... ,"
prejudge the value of any given source or genre, but to subj~ct ~ach to scrutiny and, after allowing for its particular agenda ~d preJudI~es, to extract what value is left. It is time to restore the responsIble use of li.terary sources to their traditional and rightful place in the reconstruction of ancient Near Eastern history. That place is the history of the times about which they report, and emphatically not the history of their p.r~sumed time of composition. Those skeptics who accep~ the latter proposIhO~ cour! the danger of committing the very error of which they accuse the anCIent hist~ riographers and chronographers, namely .of ~jecting the concerns of theIr own time into the recital of past events. It IS lIttle short of presumptuous to suppose that we can escape that charge ourselves if we impute it to t~e ancient authors who, after all, were so much closer than us to the events m question. Epimenides the Cretan (sixth century) is said to have pronounced all Cretans liars, thereby casting doubt on his own prono~cement, for all that it is echoed in Paul's Epistle to Titus (1:12f.). This sophism has generated a substantial literature under the general heading of "the liar paradox" or "the Epimenides paradox.,,70 Let it no~ be said that w.e reject ~ll historiography that is not contemporaneous with the events It chrorucles, or confirmed by contemporaneous sources, lest we commit our own sophism and lest our own attempts to reconstruct ancient Near Eastern history' stand · d' thereby condemned even more than the sources we d IS am t0 use. 71
lahrbuch des Museums /iir Kunst und Gewerbe, Hamburg 4: 19-26. Frayne, Douglas R. (1990) Old Babylonian Period (2003-1595 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Early Periods 4; Toronto: University of Toronto Press). (1997) Ur III Period (2112-2004 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Early Periods 3/2; Toronto: University of Toronto Press). Glassner, J.-J. (1986) La chute d'Akkade: L'evenement et sa memo ire (Berlin: D. Reimer). Gomi, Tohru (1984) "On the Critical Economic Si tua tion at U r Early in the Reign of Ibbisin," ICS 36: 211-42. Grayson, A. Kirk (1987) Assyrian Rulers of the Third and Second Millennia (to 1115 BC) (The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia: Assyrian Periods 1; Toronto: University of Toronto Press). Guichard, M. (1996) "Le dernier BAL du gouverneur d'Umma," N.A.B.U. 1996/4: 113-15. No. 131. Gunter, Ann c., ed. (1990) Investigating Artistic Environment in the Ancient Near East (Washington: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery, Smithsonian Institution). Haldar, Alfred (1977) "A Votive Inscription from the Reign of IddinDagan," in Museum of Mediterranean and Near Eastern Antiquities (Stockholm), Medellwvsmuseet 12: 3-6. Hallo, William W. (1957) Early Mesopotamian Royal Titles: A Philologic and Historical Analysis (American Oriental Series 43; New Haven: American Oriental Society). (1960) "A Sumerian Amphictyony," ICS 14: 88-114. (1962) "The Royal Inscriptions ofUr: A Bibliography," HUCA 33: 1-43. (1966) "The Coronation ofUr-Nammu," ICS 20: 133-41. (1972) "The House ofUr-Meme," INES 31: 87-95. (1978) "Simurrum and the Hurrian Frontier," RHA 36: 71-83. (1980) "Biblical History in Its Near Eastern Setting," in Scripture in Context: Essays on the Comparative Met"od, ed. Carl D. Evans et al. (Pittsburgh Theological Series XX; Pittsburgh: Pickwick) 1-26. (1983) "Sumerian Historiography," in History, Historiography and Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literature, ed. H. Tadmor and M. Weinfeld Gersualem: Magnes) 9-20. (1990) "The Limits of Skepticism," lAOS 110: 187-99. (1991) "Information from Before the Flood: Antediluvian Notes from Babylonia and Israel," Maarav 7: 173-81. (1998) "New Directions in Historiography (Mesopotamia and Israel)," in dubsar anta-men: Studien '" fur Willem H. Ph. Romer, ed. M. Dietrich and O. Loretz (AOAT 253; Miinster: Ugarit-Verlag) 109-28. (1999) "'They Requested Him as God of Their City': A Classical Moment in the Mesopotamian Experience," in Tile Classical Moment: Views from Seven Literatures, ed. G. Holst-Warhaft and D.R. McCann (Lanham etc.: Rowman and Littlefield) 22-35. Hallo, William W. and William K. Simpson (1971) The Ancient Near East: A History (New York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich); 2nd ed. 1998. HruAka, B. (1979) "Das VerhMltnis zur Vergangenheit im alten Mesopotamien," Arch(v OrienftfIn( 47: 4-14. Jacobsen, Thorkild (1953) "The Reign of Ibbi-Suen," ICS 7: 36-47, repro Jacobsen (1970) 173-86. (1970) Toward the Image of Tammuz and Other Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture (Harvard Semitic Series 21; Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press). Joann~s, Francis, ed. (1995) Les Pllenomenes de fin d'arc"ives en Mesopotamie (RA 89/1). Kennedy, Paul M. (1987) T"e Rise and Fall of t"e Great Powers: Economic C"ange and Military Conflict fro", 1500-2000 (New York: Random House). Klein, Jacob (1985) "~ulgi and gme-Dagan. Runners in the Service of the Gods," Beer Sheva 2: 7*-38*. Krecher, Joachim (1967) "Die pluralischen Verba fUr 'gehen' und 'stehen' im Sumerischen," WO 4: 1-11. Krecher, Joachim and H.P.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
Anderson, Alan Ross (1970) "St. Paul's Epistle to Titus," in Martin 1970: 1-11. Becking, Bob (1985) De Ondergang van Samaria (Th.D. Thesis; Utrecht:. Meppel, Krips Repro). (1992) The Fall of Samaria: An Historica~ and A~c/weo~o~/cal ~tudy (Studies in the History of the Ancient Near East 2; Lelden: Bnll). Civil, Miguel (1987) "Ibbi-Suen Year 22," N.A.B.ll. 1987/2: 27f. No. 49. Cooper, Alan and Bernard R. Golds;ein (1993) "Exodus and Ma~~ot in History and Tradition," Ma~rav 8: 15-37. Cooper, Jerrold S. (1986) Presargonic Inscriptions (New Haven: Amencan Oriental Society). (1990) "Mesopotamian Historical Consciousness and the Production of Monumental Art in the Third Millennium B.C.," in Gunter 1990: 39-51.
70 Of the considerable literature on the subject, I content myself here with citing Anderson 1970 (reference courtesy Jeffrey Larson of the Yale University Library). 71 For a thoughtful review of some of the topics touched on here, see now Renger 1996.
l
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Miiller (1975) "Vergangenheitsinteresse in Mesopotamien und Israel," Saeculum 26: 13-44. Lafont, Bertrand (1995) "La chute des rois d'Ur et la fin des archives dans les grands centres administratifs de leur empire," RA 89: 3-13. Lambert, Maurice (1966) liLa Guerre entre Urukagina et Lugalzaggesi," RSO 41: 29-66. Liverani, Mario, ed. (1993) Akkad the First World Empire: Structure,ldeologtj, Traditions (History of the Ancient Near East / Studies 5; Padua: Sargon sri). Ludwig, Marie-Christine (1990) Untersuchungen zu den Hymnen des gme-Dagan von lsin (San tag 2; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz). Martin, Robert L., ed. (1970) The Paradox of the Liar (New Haven/ London: Yale University Press). Michalowski, Piotr (1975) "The Bride ofSirnanum," lAOS 95: 716-19. (1976) The Royal Correspondence ofUr (PhD. Thesis; Yale University). (1984) "Konigsbriefe," RIA 6: 51-59. (1989) The Lamentation over the Destruction of Sumer and Ur (Mesopotamian Civilizations 1; Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns). Millard, A.R., J.K. Hoffmeier and D.W. Baker, eds. (1994) Faith, Tradition, and History: Old Testament Historiography in Its Near Eastern Context (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns). Renger, Johannes (1986) "Vergangenes Geschehen in der Textiiberlieferung des alten Mesopotamien," in Vergangenheit und Lebenswelt, ed. H.-J. Gehrke and A. Moller (Tiibingen: GOOter Marr) 9-69. Romer, W.H.Ph. (1993) "Die Hymnen des gme-Dagan von Isin," OrNS 62: 90-98. Shanks, Hershel (1997) "The Biblical Minimalists: Expunging Ancient Israel's Past," Bible Review 13/3: 32-39,5052. (1997a) "Face to Face: Biblical Minimalists Meet Their Challengers," Biblical Arclweologtj Review 23/4: 26-42, 66. Sigrist, Marcel (1983) Textes Economiques NeoSumeriennes de I'Universite de Syracuse (Etudes Assyriologiques Memoire 29; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations). (1988) lsin Year Names (Andrew University Assyriological Series 2). Sjoberg, Ake (1970-71) "Hymns to Meslamtaea, Lugalgirra and Nanna-Suen in Honour of King Ibblsuen (lbblsm) of Ur," Or. Suec. 19-20: 140-78. (1993) "The Ape from the Mountain who Became King ofIsin," in The Tablet and tI,e Scroll: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William W. Hallo, ed. M.E. Cohen et al. (Bethesda, Md.: COL Press) 211-20. Sjoberg, Ake, ed. (1984) TIle Sumerian Dictionary Vol. 2:B (Philadelphia: The University Museum). Sollberger, Edmond (1976) "lbbi-Suen," RIA 5 (1976-80) 1-8. Sykes, Kevin L. The Year Names of the Urlll Period (MA thesis, University of Chicago (1973, MS). Weeks, Noel (1985) "The Old Babylonian Amorites: Nomads or Mercenaries?" OLP 16: 49-57. Weiss, Harvey and Marie-Agnes Courty (1993) "The Genesis and Collapse of the Akkadian Empire: The Accidental Refraction of Historical Law," in Liverani 1993: 131-55. Welles, C. Bradford and Gary Beckman (1988) The Oriental Cl ub of New Haven 1913-1988 (New Haven: mimeograph). Westenholz, Joan Goodnick (1989) "Enheduanna, EnPriestess, Hen of Nanna, Spouse of Nanna," in Behrens, Hermann et al., eds. (1989) Dumu-eTdtlb-ba-a. Studies in Honor of A. Sjoberg (Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund, 11; Philadelphia) 539-56. Wilcke, Claus (1969) "Zur Geschichte der Amurriter in der Ur-I1I- Zeit," WO 5: 1-31. (1970) "Drei Phasen des Niedergangs des Reiches von Ur III," ZA 60: 54-69. (1982) "Archaologie und Geschichtsbewusstsein," Kolloquien zur allgemeillen lind vergleicllenden Arcl1iiologie 3: 31-52. (1988) "Die sumerische Konigsliste und erzahlte Vergangenheit," Colloqllillm Rauriclllll1: 113-40. Winter, Irene (1987) "Women in Public: The Disc of Enheduanna, the Beginning of the qffice of en-Priestess, and the Weight of Visual
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~vidence," RAl3~: 189-~01. ~of~ee, Norman (1977) The Economic Role of the Crown 111
the Old Babyloman Penod (Blbliotheca Mesopotamica 5; Malibu, Calif.: Undena).
~1979) "The I?ecline and Rise ~f Mesopotamian Civilization: An Ethnoarchaeolog-
Ical Perspective on the Evolution of Social Complexity," American Antiquity 44: 535. Y~f~e.e, ~orman and George L. Cowgill, eds. (1988) The Collapse ofAncient States and ClvlilzatlOns (Tucson: University of Arizona Press). Zettler, Richard (1984) "The Genealogy of the House of Ur-Me-me: a Second Look," AfO 31: 1-9.
POSTSCRIPT
?f the many relevant studies and remarks that have come to my attention the last three years, the following are particularly worth quoting here:
ill
Ther~ is one school which I would define as 'maximalist-optimist', ~onvillced that analysis can and must be pushed as far as possible ... ill such a way as to draw the greatest possible significance from the m~t~rial available .. There is, on the other hand, a 'minimalist-pessimIst school ... wluch holds that ... this use of evidence in a 'forceful' way, is not justified given the quality, quantity and distribution of the finds .... As for myself, I clearly belong to the 'minimalist-pessimist' school of thought and hold that the more material we have available the more we will realize how difficult it is to reach precise, unequiv~ ocal conclusions.
Mario Liverani in Archives Before Writing, Piera Ferioli et al., eds. (Turin: Scriptorium, 1994), pp. 414f.
Not Out of Babylon? The Development of Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Germany and Its Current Significance Stefan R. Hauser Freie Universitiit Berlin / Columbia University
1926 vs. 1931: What is the Status of Near Eastern Studies?1 "WHAT GIVES PERSIAN ARCHAEOLOGY a high significance, even compared to Babylon, is that Persia is the nodal point of the threads that connect the cultural evolution of Europe with the one of south and east Asia. Thus the archaeological research of Persia will open wide horizons and will give insights into questions that today require throughout a far higher interest than special studies in the classical countries and even in Egypt and Babylon." The passage quoted is part of a memorandum on the establishment of a German archaeological institute in Tehran, written in 1926 by Ernst Herzfeld. In this memorandum, the first in a series distributed to some of the
In the following I will concentrate on the development of Near Eastern Archaeology and the place of ancient Near Eastern history in Germany. For the development of Assyriology, see Renger 1979. It should be kept in mind that the incredible amount of sources on intellectual and social history on the relatively recent periods dealt with here shows a number of controversial or parallel developments. I have attempted to single out only the most important for our question. It is certainly not possible to do justice to all the different influences of relevance, especially in the Weimar Republic, and certain aspects, e.g., the fascination with Asiatic religions, travel abroad, and literature on the Orient, will not be dealt with. My sincere thanks go to Peter Machinist for his valuable advice on rendering the text and his improvements to its English.
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most influential policy-makers in the archaeological field,2 Herzfeld developed a complete plan for an institute, the publication of what later became the Archaologische Mitteilungen aus Iran, and proposed a number of excavations, including Persepolis and Pasargadae. Herzfeld's memorandum came at a time of consolidation in international affairs and in German foreign policy after World War I, following the treaty of Locarno in 1925 and the Treaty of Berlin between Russia and Germany. This consolidation and loosening of international tensions was at the core of what looks like an expansion for German Near Eastern archaeology, not foreseeable a short while before (d. Meyer 1923: 19). In 1926/27 the finds from Assur and Babylon, locked in Porto and Babylon, respectively, during World War I, finally arrived in Berlin (Andrae 1927a, 1927b). At the same time, the historian Eduard Meyer started to organize money for new excavations in Uruk and Seleucia/Ktesiphon. 3 Both were begun in
1928. In 1929 the president of the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut, Gerhard Rodenwaldt, inaugurated a station in Istanbul. And in celebration of the centennial of this institute in the same year, for the first time, after an interruption of fifteen years since the outbreak of World War I, Germany could house an international conference. Germany was back on the international scene, and the academic diScipline of Near Eastern archaeology seemed to blossom again. But this first impression is misleading. Only five years later, in 1931, Uruk-Warka was the only German excavation in the Near East. Only four German Near Eastern archaeologists were then employed in public institutions. Of those, Walter Andrae, as director of the Vorderasiatisches Museum in Berlin, was the only one in Germany itself. Eckhard Unger served as Director of the museum in Istanbul. Julius Jordan had become successor to Gertrude Bell as head of the Iraqi Antiquity Department in Baghdad. Ernst Herzfeld, finally, was permanently on leave from the professorial chair for historical geography, which he had held in Berlin since 1918. He worked as adviser on cultural heritage to the government of Persia. Even though the publication of the excavations in Assur and Babylon was still nurtured by grants (awarded to Friedrich Wetzel and the new appointee, Heinz Lenzen) provided by the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft and especially the Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft (Unte
2 The copy I use had been in the possession of Friedrich Sarre, long-standing
friend of Herzfeld and director of the Islamic Museum in Berlin. The memorandum is stored in the Samarra-Archiv at the Museum fUr Islamische Kunst, SMPK Berlin. The translation is by the present author. I am very grateful to Jens Kroger, who brought this document to my attention and allowed me its use, and also for his kind and helpful suggestions. As of now the identities of the other addressees of this memorandum are not all certain. To judge from slightly later documents and references to meetings on the establishment of a German archaeological institute in Tehran, which are stored in the Herzfeld archives in the Freer Gallery, Washington, D.C. and at the Near Eastern department of the Metropolitan Museum New York, it seems likely that the memorandum was sent at least to the President of the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut (in the following: DAI), Gerhard Rodenwaldt, to the Prussian Minister for Culture, Carl Heinrich Becker, and to Friedrich Schmidt-Ott, the President of the Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft. The latter two were also members of the board of the Deutsche Orient-Gesellschaft (DOG). The Notgemeinschaft, founded in 1920 as a self-governing body to distribute state money within the sciences, is the forerunner of the Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft, to which I would like to express my sincere thanks for supporting my participation in the 45e RAI with a grant. Special thanks go to Colleen Hennessy for her amiable help at the Freer Gallery archives, and to Oscar White Muscarella, who kindly introduced me to the Herzfeld archive at the Near Eastern Department of the Metropolitan Museum, New York.
institutions, I believe he should be seen as the central figure in German Near Eastern archaeology until his death in 1930 (see Hauser forthcoming). For Meyer in general, see Hoffmann 1990, and esp. Calder and Demandt 1990. For Meyer's role as head of the section for Classical and Oriental languages in the Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft, see Unte 1990. Meyer's activities within the DOG are nicely depicted by Matthes 1996. His imprint on the politics of the Preussische Akademie del' Wissenschaften, where he was elected member as exponent for Oriental studies in 1903 (Kirsten 1985: 126), is still to be explored (but see Hauser forthcoming). 4
3 The role of Meyer (1855-1930) in Near Eastern archaeology is, in my view, still grossly underestimated. Judging from his personal influence and connections, as well as the many posts he held in different academic and related
L
Permission by Iraqi authorities and the money from the Notgemeinschaft and the DOG were granted for work in Ktesiphon and Seleucia-on-the-Tigl'is. Having arrived in Iraq, Reuther and his team quickly realized that Seleucia, contrary to the commonly held belief, was not found immediately west of the present course of the river Tigris, but further west, at Tell'Umar. Older localizations were based on Herzfeld, who was never able to cross the swamps to Tell'Umar (Meyer 1929: 8). There Waterman had, coincidentally, just started his search for Opis (Meyer 1929: 10). Thus the identification with Seleucia, first put forward by Bachmann, for different reasons, pleased neither the German nor the American team in the first instance. For the German excavations, see Reuther 1930; Kroger 1982; Hauser 1993.
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1990: 516,523, 526), Near Eastern archaeology and history were at a low ebb again. . . This contradictory impression is not easily explamed. The fate of Near Eastern archaeology in Germany is only to be understood as part of the general debate on national culture and cultural policy during the W~imar Republic. But any attempt to describe these phenomena has to start wIth an evaluation of the material and ideological background of the development of interest in the ancient Near East during the Wilhelmine Empire, a period characterized by enormous changes caused by large-scale industrialization and the search for a new role on the world market and in world politics for newly united Germany. Thus, the beginnings of German interest in Near Eastern archaeology at the end of the nineteenth century were no isolated event, but formed part of greater changes in the canon of knowledge and the standard code of German world-views.
The Rise of Near Eastern Archaeology and the Crisis of the Greek Ideal: Imperial Germany While the proclamation of the "Deutsches Reich" in 1871 can be seen as a logical step in economic development and Prussian i~perialism, t~e new role as major power in the middle of Europe had to be fIlled and the Ide~ of a German nation was still not very widespread. It was common behef, anyway, that Germany's new position a.s a continen~al power .was to last only if Germany was active also outSIde Europe m executmg worldpower policy ("Weltmachtpolitik") (d. Schollgen 1991: 170; Geiss 1991 passim). This was less a question of prestige, which played a role n~verthe less than of economic rationale (Wilhelm II 1922: 151; Pommerm 1991; Gei~s 1991). While national industries were increasingly competing on the world market, fixed shares of foreign markets were found in colonies. Being late on the scene of imperial powers,S Germany developed a strong interest in the weakened Ottoman Empire. There, a growing market for industrial products was expected, while at the same time the Ottoman Empire was rich in all kinds of raw materials. Some expe~ts eve~ saw chances to retrieve agricultural products from MesopotamIa (Schollgen 1984: 433), after a restructuring of the mode of production and in the wake of the new railway system, which was expected to open a new, fast trade
S It is often forgotten that not only France and Britain, but also Russia, Spain, Portugal, Belgium, and the Netherlands were active as colonial powers. Grossly underestimated are usually the scale and success of imperialistic activities by Japan and the United States at the turn of the century.
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route to India via Basra. There was even a debate on sending German colonists to Mesopotamia and especially to the region between Aleppo and Homs (Richter 1997: 195-98). This idea, however,lost attraction early in the twentieth century, giving way to the more encompassing idea of strengthening German cultural influence in the Orient (SchOllgen 1981: 139). Strengthening such influence, in turn, became intermingled with a widespread and important general debate on culture, and the role the German nation should play in it. Education and other areas of cultural politics had remained in the hands of the different states (Becker 1919a: 2426). Kaiser Wilhelm II was only the most prominent of many who lamented the absence of national feelings, and wanted to see them spurred on by changes in school curricula (Wilhelm II 1922: 152). Meanwhile, intensified industrialization and the excessive building of new railways and canals should strengthen the economic development and help to unify the nation. But industrialization and technology needed engineers instead of classically learned philologists favored by the education in the Prussian elite school, the Humanistisches Gymnasium, which was established at the beginning of the nineteenth century by Wilhelm von Humboldt. In it the close relation between ancient Greece and Germany was still augmented, but increasingly the education based on Greek timeless values came under attack as irrelevant to the demands of the day. A reform of secondary schools was forced through with the help of Kaiser Wilhelm II (Wilhelm II 1922: 154) to elevate technical schools and lessen the amount of Greek and Latin in the Gymnasium. Whereas in the early nineteenth century, ancient Greece served as ideal, at the end of the century the romantic notion of the classical world diminished in the light of urbanization and industrialization with its division of labor, and in the face of national industries increasingly going international. Germany's industrial age needed a new ideology. Idealizing Greek timeless art seemed no longer suitable for the utilitarian age of world-wide operating industries promoting hard working engineers and traders. Against this tide it did not help the Classics that the Greeks were now honored as an enterprising seafaring nation with an ability to found colonies.6 Even though Classics still held sway in the intellectual life of the upper class, its hegemony was cracking. Three main reasons should be named. First: with modernization, the distance between ancient Greeks and modern Germans was increasingly felt. This met, second, with a rising interest in local history as witnessed in the growing number of societies for 6 See, e.g., Ernst Curtius' lecture, "Die Griechen als Meister der Colonisation" held in honor of the Kaiser's birthday on March 22, 1883; d. Borbein 1979: 140.
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Third, this elevation of the importance of material remains within Classics coincided with the excavation or acquisition of a wealth of objects from cultures unaccounted for in biblical or Greek and Latin texts. Thus, contrary to the traditional approach, where descriptions of culture and history were based on texts, in the later nineteenth century, artifacts were increasingly used to define and describe non-classical cultures, opening new inroads into the past. This was not only true for German prehistory as the archaeological leg of Heimatkunde, which boomed at the end of nineteenth century. It also was applied much more broadly, for in accord with the fascination for the exotic, German ethnological and archaeological expeditions at that time explored regions all over the world. In the same venue, the Berlin Museums created within a few years of each other at the turn of the century, departments for ancient Oriental, but also for Islamic, Byzantine, African and Oceanic, Indian and Far Eastern art. In these developments a new interest in and a different approach to world or universal history emerged, which was still based on classical education and ideals, but gave way increasingly to the admission of diverse other cultures. The foundation of all kinds of archaeological! ethnological museums at about the same time should caution us against singling out archaeological work in the Ottoman empire to the exclusion of other regions. Nevertheless, studies in the ancient Near East were especially promoted for several reasons. Nowhere else but in the Ottoman Empire, the modern home of the ancient Near East, did intense economic interest (for the financial interests of Germany in the Ottoman Empire, see Grunwald 1975) and the search for colonies meet with favorable terms that allowed the German excavators to take home half of the finds. At the same time, research there was fostered, as Anton Moortgat still asserted in 1971, by its importance in providing the background for the Bible, which together with the Greek intellectual world was regarded as the cornerstones for occidental culture. 8 In fact, around 1900 explanations concerning the Bible were of major interest as witnessed by the Babel-Bible controversy, in which even Kaiser Wilhelm II was
local history in the late nineteenth century. Both, the alienation from Greece and the rising local patriotism, fostered a new German nationalism independent from classical Greece. And third, in th~ years ~ound 1?,00, a stron? fascination with the exotic or just unknown m the Blldungsburgertum dIverted interests into (other) foreign cultures. All these developments had their counterparts in the German scholarly world from where developments radiated to the wider public. One probl~m for all scholarship was the exploding knowledge combined wi~h growing in-depth specialization, which ran parallel to the developments m the industrial sector. Prone to changes were traditional scholarly fields, especially the Classics, where again three importan~ changes can be o~ served: (1) a distanced, scientific approach to the anCIents; (2) the emanCIpation of archaeology from philology; and (3) the exploration of non-classical cultures. First, the critical and distanced approach of positivistic historicism dismantled the ideal of the ancient Greeks. Under the critical, pure scholarly view of scholars like Ulrich Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, which opened all spheres of human activity to historical study, the ancient Greeks were changed into men of flesh and blood with all kinds of human strains and burdens. They became historicized and alienated, which in turn led to more relativism in comparing Greek and (other) foreign cultures. Second, at the end of the nineteenth century, Classics witnessed the basic emancipation of archaeology. In response to the distanced philological approach and using technological developments in photography, at the end of nineteenth century, Classical archaeology was increasingly used, even in schools, to appeal to lay persons and students and to convey the classical ideal more easil y than by literature alone (Marchand 1996: 14547). Excavation methods became more scientific, excavations being conducted like experiments in the natural sciences (Borbein 1979: 138). increasingly, all kinds of finds and even natural settings were taken into account. Whereas before attention had focused on pieces of art, now meaning was ascribed to all kinds of objects. Furthermore, even in classical sites, such as Miletus or Olympia, archaeologists in large-scale excavations not only exposed decisively non-classical levels, but also attempted to reconstruct daily life beyond the level known from texts (Marchand 1996: 97).1 T~us archaeology became increasingly independent from philology, crossmg the limitations imposed by textual evidence for cultures. 7
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Marchand gives some nice examples of the new self-confidence of archaeologists and their lack of respect for philologists in the later nineteenth century (1996, p. 93 on Humann; p. 144 on Brunn).
"
The full qllote reads: "Die Klassisclle Arcl1iiologie bemuht sieh, zlIsammen mit der Klassisc/lell Pllilologie, der Wissenschaft von Sprache lind Literatur der Griechen und Romer, urn das materielle Erbe des einen Tragers unserer abendlandischen KlIltllr, lim das Ideal einer klassischen Geisteswelt namlich, deren Wesen in den beiden Begriffen 'edle Einfalt' lind 'stille GroBe' von J. J. WINCKELMANN fur aile Zeiten treffend gekennzeichnet wurde. Die Vordemsiafisclle Arcl1iiologie dagegen laBt vielmehr das andere Grllndelement abendlandischer KlIltur, den Geist des Alten lind Neuen Testaments mit
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heavily engaged (d. Lehmann 1994). But even without this special patronage, the constant flow of newly discovered cultures, each of them opening a window on the forgotten parts of universal history, roused great interest in the German, especially Prussian public (on Babylon see Lehmann 2000). At the same time, excavations, most of them carried out under the auspices of the DOG,9 also served nationalist ambitions in providing objects for a national museum comparable to the British Museum and the Louvre. Thus Near Eastern, especially Mesopotamian, studies, patronized as they were by Kaiser Wilhelm II,10 became the perfect field for non-classical, in the sense of open-minded, modern investment in culture, by the state as by private philanthropists. The wider German public took readily to Near Eastern studies attracted by the steady stream of new discoveries that directly touched their fascination for adventure and exotic foreign cultures as well as their interest in the origins of the Bible. "If the rise of Orientforschung and excavation in Asia Minor and Mesopotamia did not completely divert scholarly attention from the Mediterranean world, [oo.] it did indicate the extent to which the "tyranny of Greece" no longer held the German intelligentsia in its thrall" (Marchand 1996: 220). Nevertheless, difficulties were caused by the accumulation of new knowledge in the academia. Traditionally, the history of seinem gesamten religi6sen und allgemeinmenschlichen Erbe wieder aufleben" (Moortgat 1971: 7-8; all emphases in the original). 9 Excavations in Abu Hatab, Abusir, Amarna, Assur, Babylon, Boghazk6i, Borsippa, Fara, Jericho, Kar Tukulti-Ninurta, Megiddo, Uruk-Warka, as well as research in Hatra, Maltai, Bavian, and on Galilaeen synagogues were carried out by the DOG between 1901 and 1914. Unfortunately, structure, financing, and the role of the DOG are misconceived in the otherwise intriguing study by Marchand (1996). For the DOG was neither a subsidiary of the Berlin museums nor did their finds become automatically state property (Marchand 1996: 196). On the contrary, the DOG as "Verein," completely independent not only as juridical person, remained the owner of the excavated material, which according to an agreement, was handed over to and displayed in the Pruss ian museums in Berlin (d., e.g., Meyer 1923: 5). 10 It is well known today that Kaiser Wilhelm II, despite his Graecophile education and his own excavation in Korfu in 1914 (Wilhelm II 1922: 169-71), was very much concerned with Near Eastern archaeology. He was easily won as patron for the DOG in 1901 ("Mit Freuden nahm ich ... an," Wilhelm II 1922: 168). He sponsored the society's excavations with large sums and, according to his memoirs, never missed any of its public lectures (Wilhelm II 1922: 168). It is not well known, however, that in his later years in exile Wilhelm even wrote two books on the ancient Near East himself (Wilhelm 111936; 1938).
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the Near East was subsumed by the academic field of Ancient History, which had emancipated itself from philology in the nineteenth century, but which was still largely concerned with the cultures of Greece and Rome. But when the conventional picture of the ancient Orient, based on biblical and Greek textual sources, became more and more untenable, only a few scholars reacted. As early as 1908 the aforementioned Eduard Meyer noted critically tha t over the last thirty years most of his fellow scholars lacked the "intellectual elasticity" to come to grips with the changes in historical reconstruction necessitated by the discovery of Assyrian texts (Renger 1979: 155). But Meyer's own efforts to do justice to the Near East in his monumental Geschichte des Altertums, the relevant volumes of which were published between 1879 and 1902, clearly demonstrate the problemY Besides the usual Latin and Greek, he had learned Arabic, Persian, Turkish, Sanskrit, Egyptian, and Akkadian. In addition, he had also closely followed all relevant developments in Oriental archaeology. This enabled him to treat Near Eastern as comprehensively as Greek history. And contrary to the then (and even now prevailing) more common approaches, he did not simply subordinate Near Eastern history to Western civilization as an earlier stage in evolution. Nevertheless, Meyer emphasized that "Near Eastern history will never rouse the same interest as Greek history," since "in the foreground of historical interest lies the question about the historical formation of the present." This implies that interest centers on cultural creations that are still valid, "thus our interest in Greeks and Romans, medieval culture and the Renaissance" (Meyer 1907: 189-91). For most of his colleagues this meant they could stick to the traditional superior respectability and importance of Greek and Roman versus universal history, and texts versus archaeology. Assyriologists, on the other hand, were slow to advance their position as historians. Akkadian and Sumerian were still solely taught as languages and within the departments of oriental languages. Theil' practitioners, as Suzanne Marchand put it, "retreated from the difficulttask of developing new ideas [on history, S.H.] into the safer realm of nitpicking linguistic debate." Near Eastern archaeology, meanwhile, had not found its place in the academic world, yet.1 2 To sum up, before World War I Near Eastern archaeology and history became a major playground in Germany for popular entranced, scholarly scientific, and national bragging interest in world civilization, all this in the 11 For literature on Meyer, d. n. 3. 12 It should be noted, however, that the Prussian Academy of Science had
planned to add a Near Eastern archaeology section to its Oriental Commission. The plan was halted by the outbreak of World War I and never resumed.
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context of Germany's booming industrialization and economic expansion in an attempt to match other major imperialist countries. While Greek cultural hegemony as well as faith in Christian religion and especially the Old Testament cracked, interest in foreign cultures and religions flourished. The modern Near East was seen as an area for favorable economic prospects. The archaeology and history of this region found, thus, a niche in the new canon of knowledge, suited for expansionist politics in a global market.
Specialization and Exclusion: From Weimar to the Third Reich After four years of World War the situation was different. Germany's ambitions to playa leading role in the concert of imperial powers were destroyed. German scholars, who had stressed Germany's role as the "nation of culture," in view of the invasion into neutral Belgium and the bombardment of Leuven, were barred from international contact. 13 Depression and inflation made a resumption of work in the new countries created on the territory of the defeated Ottoman Empire highly improbable (Meyer 1923: 19). The members of the earlier German expeditions to Babylon, Assur, or Uruk still tried to publish their results from excavations as from their travels through the Ottoman Empire and India. But most of them, except for Herzfeld, Koldewey, who died in 1925, and Andrae, were forced either to leave the field to make a living or to rely on grants. Fortunately, all of the excavators in Mesopotamia were trained as architects. Jordan, for example, started to work in an architectural office and was only later reactivated along with Wetzel, Buddensieg, and Preusser (Andrae 1928: 24-26). Bachmann and Wachtsmuth even finished their Habilitation to become professors for Near Eastern cultures, before they followed the examples of Reuther and NOldecke and retreated into the safer realm of the history of architecture or cultural heritage management. While a number of people attempted qualification for the new academic discipline of Near Eastern archaeology, prospects were bad. Accordingly, in 1927, when Meyer was planning new excavations in Uruk and Ktesiphon and so looking for Near Eastern archaeologists, there was no new generation. For Meyer this presented a large problem, because he wanted scholars who understood the concept of context and the value of 13 Especially, the famous "Manifesto of the 93" titled (and sent):" An die Kulturwelt" proved to be lethal for further contact. In this manifesto, signed by many of the most renowned German scholars of all fields, among these E. Meyer, U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Th. Wiegand, and W. Dorpfeld, full identity
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pottery chronology,14 too often neglected by the architectural Koldewey school, as Meyer had repeatedly stressed for many years (Matthes 1996: 193-94). Therefore, Meyer proposed to give generous grants to rouse interest in younger students (Unte 1990: 523 n. 70). But the lack of a younger generation was only one proof of the diminished importance of the field within and outside the academic world. Within academia, the accumulation of material had led to enhanced specialization and an ever-widening gap between Near Eastern studies and history departments. This development had started before World War I, as Meyer, quoted above, complained already in 1908. But the trend was strengthened by the fact that the wealth of new information led to a new definition of core areas within established academic disciplines, often accompanied by a reduction of their scope. Increasing specialization replaced wider approaches in Altertumswissenschaften. Areas of interest outside the main avenues fell victim to the process as entire fields of research, e.g., late antiquity or Islamic art history, were chipped off, while academic positions for sometimes extremely stimulating proponents of these fields were not necessarily created (for examples see: Marchand 1994; Leppin 1998; Rebenich 1998). Institutes for Ancient History increasingly turned into seminars on Greek and Roman history again. At the peak of interest in
between German scholars and the German army was invoked; both groups, it was asserted, were to defend the European heritage against the hoards of Blacks and Asians that Britain had set upon it by its war with Germany. Wilamowitz is often thought to have been the author of the manifesto" An die Kulturwelt," but this is not correct: see vom Brocke 1985. In this context the tone of Wilamowitz's speech on the occasion of his investiture as Rektor (president) of the Friedrich-Wilhelms UniversiUit Berlin, on October 15, 1915, is surprisingly moderate and open. In it Wilamowitz (1915) encourages his audience and readers of the printed version repeatedly to learn more modern languages and to cultivate international contacts. 14 "Dringendstes Erfordernis sei eine sauber durchgefiihrte Schichtengrabung, bei der ein Einblick in die Abfolge der keramischen Stilverhaltnisse anzustreben [sei]" quoted after Unte 1990: 552. Meyer ended up convincing the most experienced excavator of Babylon and Samos, Oscar Reuther, who had become professor for the history of architecture, to direct the work in Ktesiphon. For Uruk Meyer grudgingly had to agree to Julius Jordan, whose work in the first campaign there in 1912/13 he had harshly criticized (Matthes 1996: 196-98). Meyer's animosity toward Jordan, who in his eyes had failed to excavate the important levels of the fourth millennium B.C., did not stop even on the occasion of his lecture for the twenty-fifth anniversary of the foundation of the DOG (Meyer 1923: 11).
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the ancient Near East, we find three scholars offering courses on its history at Berlin University in 1906; these were, besides Eduard Meyer, Hugo Winckler and Carl Lehmann-Haupt lecturing on Near Eastern history. During the entire 1920s and 1930s, on the contrary, there was only one single attempt to revive this tradition in Berlin by Meyer's former student Hans Stier (Renger 1979: 183). Outside of Berlin the situation was also grim; an exception was Josef Vogt, who included in his personal curriculum as professor a lecture series (with slides), "Kulturgeschichte des alten Orients," in 1927 in Tiibingen and in 1931 in Wiirzburg (Konigs 1995: 3078). In addition, his use of slides was a rarity among historians. It might have been partly inspired by Mikhail Rostovtzeff's Social and Economic History of the Roman Empire, published in 1926 with its splendid use of illustrations. But Rostovtzeff was one among few historians attributing to archaeological remains the value of independent sources-"no less valuable and important, sometimes more important, than written sources" (Rostovtzeff 1922: viii).15 In Germany it was Ernst Herzfeld who in his work transcended the invisible borders between history and archaeology, but without any lasting impact on students in his institute for historical topography, which he barely visited during the years he spent in Iran. In general, archaeology and material culture for the most part remained apart from history-a development not the least caused by the narrow approaches of the practitioners as well as by a traditional view of the archaeologist's role. Archaeology served the historians and philologists mainly as a source of illustrations of texts and was largely restricted to art historical treatment in the newly emerging genre of richly illustrated books modeled on the example of the Propyliien Kunstgeschichte (Andrae 1925). The archaeologist remained either the excavator or the art historian. History, even more than today, was in the hands of those reading texts. And neither archaeologists nor Assyriologists managed to fill the gap, when historians left the ancient Orient to itself. Even more, outside the academic world, the time when new discoveries in the East could excite was over. Though Near Eastern studies-thanks to Meyer-was among the fields most intensely sponsored by the Notgemeinschaft der deutschen Wissenschaft (U nte 1990: 523; Matthes 1996: 21012), the painstakingly produced publications of the excavations in Babylon and Assur could not stir up the wider audience that had earlier followed the Babel-Bible controversy and the emergence of "new" old cultures. Besides, these cultures had become normal, established, and therefore less 15 Marchand (1994: 109) quotes Arnaldo Momigliano concerning the immense impression the lavish illustrations and detailed discussions of artifacts in Rostovtzeff's work of 1926 made on contemporary readers.
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thrilling. Excavations and philological research, to be sure, had proven that neither the biblical nor the helleno-centric world-views were self-evidently the superior form of truth. But what else could be learned from these Oriental cultures? Neither historians nor the wider public seems to have been enthusiastic about the East. What remained despite expanded knowledge and advances in many respects was, with some exceptions like Andrae's contribution for the Propyliien Kunstgeschichte,16 specialized scholarship on the ancient Near East without further consequences. Meyer's and Herzfeld's appeals for research on neglected periods and regions mentioned above (see Hauser forthcoming) fell victim to lack of interest in universalism. The ancient Near East was eliminated from the canon of knowledge again. In the 1920s the audience that had followed Near Eastern excavations eagerly early in the century was demoralized by the loss of World War I and economic hardships. It looked for relevance and meaning for life, something few could see in the ancient Near East. The many different strands in the intellectual life of the Weimar Republic demonstrate that it was not a single idea that could fill the vacuum of meaning for an audience frustrated by Germany's loss of status and resources in the World WarP Many despaired in the years of hyperinflation or felt uprooted by the new era, even if they had welcomed the new political situation after the war. As one reason for Germany's "failure" the educational system was repeatedly stressed. A school-reform and a reform of the university system were envisaged immediately after the war. The old system was criticized as too intellectual, too specialized, and too backward. New, more holistic approaches were held to be the answer to modernizing Germany. The Orientalist Carl H. Becker, who had entered the Prussian ministry of culture in 191618 and became minister in 1921, and again from February 1925 until January 1930, saw "a basic evil" in the "over-estimation of the pure intellect in our cultural activity, the exclusive predominance of ratio16 Schafer and Andrae's volume on Egypt and Mesopotamia shows the preeminence of interest in Egyptian art, since the latter, as written by Schafer, took up more than three quarters of the space and plates in the volume. The 1925 and 1934 editions sold 10,000 copies. Two thousand copies of the slightly enlarged and revised edition were printed in 1942. 17 It should be kept in mind that the 1920s was also the decade of the breakthrough of what we still call "the [classic] modernity" in art, architecture and design. Although we see despair, we witness the air of departure, modernization, a fascination with technology and the new mass media.
18 On Becker, see the biography by his friend Erich Wende 1959 and Wittwer 1987.
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Like Jaeger a growing number of Classicists and educated lay persons, partly influenced by Nietzsche, believed that classical ideals should have relevance and substance in real life (Henrichs 1995: 454-55). This fit a more general trend in the 1920s back to individual "Wertung," value judgments. The latter were not the last caused by the increasingly felt need to define priorities in response to and in order to cope with the exploding wealth of information assailing everybody via the new mass media. In response to conflicting and overwhelming impulses, value judgments and personal approaches gained in significance, not only in the wider public, but also in Altertul11swissenschaften. They became increasingly powerful in Classical archaeology, which also praised the individual artist. This trend was in accord with the stress on individuality and the appreciation of "Great Men" as emphasized, e.g., in the Stefan George Kreis. It served as "an escape from the bourgeois ideas of modern nineteenth-century society, i.e., progress, the new technology of the machine. Figures such as Carlyle, Nietzsche, and George recoiled in horror from these and sought refuge in the old ideas of heroes and hero worship" (Tritle 1995: 114). At the same time, as Borbein (1995: 244) points out, Classical archaeology during the 1920s, because of its wider and topical perspective, became a more eminent factor in German cultural life than ever before or later. With the re-invention of classical Greece as ideal and model for a new Humanism, the fascination for older cultures came full circle. And even though research on Near Eastern cultures was fostered by the Notgemeinschaft del' deutschen Wissenschaft and also by the DAI, it was not valued as before and its role diminished. How deeply rooted the preeminence of the ancient Greeks was can be illustrated by the example of the DAI's president of that time, Gerhard Rodenwaldt. Rodenwaldt not only was instrumental in defining and valuing Roman art as more than a copy of Greek originals. He also nourished research on the Orient. During his presidency the institute in Cairo became fully integrated into the DAI; in Istanbul he opened a new institute in 1928; he supported Herzfeld in Iran and attempted the foundation of a Baghdad branch for the DAI.21 Nevertheless, he stressed that classical Greece remains unrivaled in its supreme culture and lasting legacy. Rodenwaldt allowed without hesitation for the fact that this judgment was based on previous value judgments beyond purely scientific explanation. For him this judgment could solely be borne in subjective
nal thinking." Instead" ethical thought" should be nurtured (Becker 1919b: ix).19 In 1926 he again contrasted the principle of the "pure intellectual ideal of the university traditionally handed down, which produces specialists" and the new ideal that should produce the "new, real Humanism in educating, on the example of the antique Vollmensch (whole person), the new German Vollmenschen" (Becker 1926: 52-53). In his call for completeness in men, the reconciliation of spirit and body, art, religion and engineering in a holistic approach, now christened" real Humanism" by Becker (1926: 5455), he struck a popular chord. Nevertheless, for many this completeness was more easily found in the distant past than accomplished in the present, whose incompleteness was strongly felt. Intense concern for completeness, and even more for the loss of ideals, haunted the Classical philologist and student of WilamowitzMoellendorff, Werner Jaeger. In contrast to his teacher, whose historicism had promoted a purely academic, lifeless picture of the ancient world, Jaeger's "Third Humanism" attempted to bring the Greek ideals back to life as a model for contemporary culture and character. While today Classic is seen as a phenomenon of reception, indicating that a certain period is seen as climax and model only in retrospect (Borbein 1993: 281-82),20 Jaeger reinstated the Greek Classic as the paradigmatic ideal. He emphasized its continued efficacy (Landfester 1995: 21) and the deep, inner relationship "with the timeless values of humankind," i.e., the intellectual creations of classical times, which should again become normative Oaeger 1925: 1).
19 Becker 1919b: ix: "Das Grundilbel ist die tJbersclliifzllng des reill Intellektllellen in Wlserer Kuiturbetatigung, die ausschlieBliche Vorherrschaft der rationalistischen Denkweise, die zum Egoismus und Materialismus in krassester Form Whren muBte und geWhrt hat ... So liegt die I-Iauptaufgabe bei dem Neubau unserer El'ziehung in del' Pflege des eflliscllen Gednllkells. Er muB wurzeln in der Volksgemeinschaft, und von dort aus sollte der Begriff des allgemeinen Menschtums erwachsen." (Under linings in the original text). A contrasting view was defended by the more conservative Meyer (1918), who stressed the importance of classical education. 20 ">Klassik< bezeichnet vor allem ein Rezeptionsphanomen. Die mit dem Begriff verbundenen Vorstellungen von >Norm<, >I-Iohepunkt<, >bleibender Besitz< etc. entwickeln sich erst im ProzeB der Rezeption [... ] Die Definition [des Klassischen] kann sich aber auf jene allgemeinsten Charakteristika beschranken, die wohl allen Bestimmungen des Klassischen gemeinsam sind, und das waren auBer der erfolgreichen Rezeption: der normative Anspruch, die Vorbildfunktion und die Bezeichnung des I-Iohepunktes," Borbein 1993:
21 Later, as professor at the University of Berlin, Rodenwaldt urged his students to attend seminars on Near Eastern art with Moortgat following the latter's appointment as lecturer in 1941 (though without much success). I am grateful to Ursula Moortgat-Correns for this information.
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ideology, which for the archaeologist was given by the conviction of the power of the classical as expression of humanism (Rodenwaldt 1927: 163).22 This conviction was in accord with Jaeger's "Third Humanism." But while Rodenwaldt open-mindedly nurtured "non-classical" studies as well, Jaeger, who later became professor at Harvard,23 neglected the Orient and concentrated on the Greek ideal. For others, indeed, the Orient became once more the negative counterpart of the Western classical tradition, just as in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, when the Western creation of "Orientalism" served to project internal Western differences in ideology on the Eastern "other" (Young 1990,:139), and thus helped to build up a new image of the West (Hauser 1999). Even in the first number of Jaeger's popular journal Die Antike, founded in 1925, Wilhelm Weber felt obliged to ask, whether the ever renewed fight between Europe and the Orient could be won by one of the parties (Weber 1925: 145). From there the avenue to a largely racist and anti-Semitic ancient history was open.24 The Classic was reinstated as norm and its heritage was used as synonym for the "West," contrasted to the non-classic, barbarian "East." Thus, in 1935 the historian Helmut Berve summarized: "Universal history has to step back, it has to be the background, the foil for valuecentered National history." "The science of the ancient Near East is, as long as it is dealing with alien, and therefore not comprehensible races, condeIlUled to a status of resignation. Therefore it fails when confronted with the new demand for values and loses its right to exist" (Berve 1935: 229-
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30).25 In the very same year Herzfeld was expelled from Berlin University as Jewish and never returned to Germany. In accord with Berve's dictum the style and the aim of the remaining work on the ancient Near East changed. In 1935, Joseph Vogt's aforementioned lecture series, the content of which we are not informed about, changed (at least) its title into "Die Anfange der Weltgeschichte, die Reiche des alten Orients und die Indogermanen.,,26 The pressure put on everybody interested in the Orient is reflected in the title of a lecture series obviously designed to promote Oriental studies, "Die deutsche Orientforschung, ihre Gegenwartsbedeutung und ihre Gegenwartsaufgaben," which took place in Berlin University in the winter 1934/35, organized jointly by the Deutsche Orient-Verein and all other Oriental societies of Berlin. Eckhard Unger, appointed the first full professor for Near Eastern archaeology in Germany in 1935,27 now tried to show the values of Near Eastern archaeology by stressing presumed Indogermanic traits in the Orient and establishing the Sumerians as Aryans because of their presumed use of swastikas (Unger 1935; 1936).28 Friedrich Wachsmuth (1938) came up with 25 Translation by the present author. Later Berve became Kriegsbeauftragter del'
deutschen Altertumswissenschaft. Having been banned after the war, he was allowed to resume his teaching in the winter 1949/50 and became chairman and representative of the Kommission fill' Alte Geschichte und Epigraphik of the Deutsches Archaologisches Institut between 1960 and 1967; on Berve see Christ 1990: 125-87.
26 Summer semester 1935 in Wi.lrzburg (Konigs 1995: 309). Vogt was a member 22 The original text (Rodenwaldt 1927: 163) reads: "Die Entscheidung kann
23 On Jaeger, see Calder 1990: 211-26, and Calder 1992. Calder (1990: 217-18)
of the SA in 1933 and became a member of the NSDAP in 1937; the delay may have been caused by the fact that the party was closed to new membership between 1933 and May 1937 (Konigs 1995: 18). Between 1926, when he started teaching in Ti.lbingen, and 1944, when he was appointed professor in Freiburg, Vogt repeatedly took on new posts. In winter 1938/39 in Breslau and in summer 1941 in Ti.lbingen he offered the course again, this time called "Die Reiche des alten Orient und die Indogermanen." In addition, in 1941 he offered a seminar on "Das erste Auftreten del' Indogermanen in Vorderasien" (Konigs 1995: 310-11).
states that Jaeger was entirely apolitical and left Germany because his wife was Jewish, despite a very positive response by the Nazis to his ideas.
27 According to Weidner 1968/69 the appointment was made that early. Renger (1979: 187) gives 1938 as the date for the full professorship.
24 Leading older ancient historians, such as E. Meyer or U. von Wilamowitz-
28 More articles by Unger on the same topics can be found in the footnotes of the
daher nul' subjektiv aus del' Weltanschauung kommen, die sich in del' Person des Forschers nicht von del' Wissenschaft trennen laBt. Fi.lr den Archaologen ist die Stellungnahme gegeben durch die Oberzeugung von del' Macht des Klassischen als Ausdruck des Humanismus." Borbein (1995: 230) points out that in 1916 Rodenwaldt believed that an objective measure for the valuation could be found (d. Borbein 1995: 213-17). Borbein also demonstrates the influence of Wolfflin and the debate on the Classic in Classical archaeology.
Moellendorff, had been "deutsclmational" and anti-democratic (see Nat 1995). Of the younger generation, even in the early years of the Third Reich, W. Weber (Berlin), F. Schachermeyr Gena), E. Ziebarth (Hamburg), H. Berve (Leipzig), and A. v. Premerstein (Marburg) were among those who were active supporters of National Socialism (d. Losemann 1977 and Maier 1981; Nat 1986).
articles cited. It is difficult to determine how many seminars Unger offered. According to Ursula Moortgat-Correns, for whose information I am very grateful, Unger's seminars were not well attended. The only student who finished his Ph.D. with Unger, as far as I know, was Mohammed el-Amin in 1943.
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an ethnic explanation for different building forms. And Julius Jordan, who had remained in Iraq until 1939 (Lenzen 1974), felt obliged after his return to Germany to devote the last paragraph of a summary article on Hatra to the statement that her ruins mirror a spirit "artverwandt" (kindred) to "ours," i.e., the German, because they are the expression of Hellenic and Iranian, thus Aryan "Kulturwillen" (cultural volition) Gordan 1942: 24). Walter Andrae, on the contrary, managed to refrain from gross allusions to the current political situation or the "Zeitgeist.,,29 His Das wiedererstandene Assur, published in 1938, is the best example of a masterly attempt to draw interest from the public to Near Eastern studies without sacrificing scholarly work on the altars of oversimplification, any political claims of the regime, or neighboring disciplines like anti-Semitism or pan-Germanism. But this is already a different story. What is important is that in Germany during the period of late imperialism before World War I, Near Eastern studies coincided with economic and cultural interests in foreign countries, allowing Oriental archaeology and history to penetrate the general canon of knowledge. But in the 1920s, the paradoxical situation occurred that Near Eastern archaeology became in fact a separate academic discipline, though still unacknowledged as such professionally, and yet at the same time it suffered a loss in the attention and the significance it had before World War I. In addition, Near Eastern history was now left to specialists, who roused only very limited interest in the broader public. Neither modernization nor the mood of introspection that characterized Weimar Germany after World War I prepared the grOlmd for a wider acceptance of the fields. On the contrary, in the wliversity as well as in the canon of historical knowledge, the ancient Near East lost its connection to the academic discipline of ancient history. The widely acclaimed accentuation of the Greek heritage, combined with pronounced value judgments, led to a new devaluation of the East and its exclusion from canonical wisdom.
studies, caused by increased specialization and the development of independent scholarly discourses, not only on cultures, but even on methods and theories (d. Hauser 1999b). For example, as questionable as it is, it does not surprise that even in a (very stimulating) conference on" Altertumswissenschaft in den 20er Jahren" (Flashar 1995) Classicists remained among themselves. Thus, in the very moment when the wlity of disciplines is stressed by the unusual use of the singular "Altertumswissenschaft" instead of the plural form, integral parts of what belonged to "Altertumswissenschaft," as long as the singular was in use, are excluded. That the gap has widened has also to do with the internal development of Near Eastern studies, which worked out a clear conception about its own core areas. So, when Moortgat took over the chair of "Vorderasiatische Altertumsktmde" in Berlin in 1948, the field was largely defined in correspondence with the use of cuneiform. 3o Several areas and periods that had earlier been covered by German work in the Near East were split off, accordingly. This is especially important for the later periods of ancient Near Eastern history, contemporary to the Greeks and Romans. These had been by and large excluded from the curricula of ancient history along with the more ancient East. With the new, more limited definition of Near Eastern archaeology research in these periods came to a distinct halt. Another result of the ouster of Near Eastern history and archaeology from ancient history's curriculum can still be seen in modern history books. Two aspects should be mentioned: space reserved for the ancient Orient and the picture presented. German history books for secondary schools usually include two pages, or sometimes four heavily illustrated pages on the ancient Near East featuring the development of writing, the Zikkurat of Ur, and the Codex Hammurapi. On the contrary, four to six pages are devoted to the Graeco-Persian wars alone. Furthermore, while the texts on the Near East are often absurd in their statements, the descriptions of the Graeco-Persian wars uniformly stress the stereotypes of freedom-loving Greeks fighting against oriental despotism (Hauser 1999: 330-31).31 That
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On Writing History: (D) Evaluating the Other The fate of Near Eastern history and archaeology during the 1920s and 1930s is of interest not only in itself, not simply l'art pour ['art. It is also of immediate relevance for today's practice on several levels. One level is the still existing and even consolidated gap between Classics and Near Eastern
29 Cf. his obvious difficulties in defining "race" along the "correct" ideological lines and his insistence on a linear development of Mesopotamian art despite etlmic/racial changes (Andrae 1925: 130; 1942: 136-37).
30 It is fitting that when Moortgat's famous study on Mesopotamian art appeared in 1967, it was named: Die Kllnsf des Alten Mesopofnmien: Die Klnssisclle [sic!) Kllnsf Vordernsiens, attributing a certain value to this art.
31 The schoolbook texts are clearly based on Bengtson's Griee/lise/Ie Gese/lie/lfe von den Anftingen bis in die romise/le Kniserzeit (Bengtson 1977), first published in 1950, but still a reference work for ancient historians. Fortunately, the schoolbooks do not repeat Bengtson's explanation, as to why the Aryan Greeks were superior to the Aryan Persians. Bengtson praises the Persians (mostly paraphrasing Herodotus) for their loyalty, their advocating of justice and truth,
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Thus this cornerstone of Western culture was originally black.33 On another level of argumentation, the primacy of Egyptian (and to a lesser degree Phoenician) culture over adapting Greeks is forcefully put forward by Martin Bernal in his widely discussed Black Athena (vol.L: 1987; vol. II. 1991; for critiques d. Lefkowitz and Rogers 1996 with further literature). This is not the place to discuss the problems the debate has generated by connecting human capacities, techniques, or knowledge with races (see Hauser 1999: 318).34 But it should be pointed out that these works revive a racist approach, being based on the idea that knowledge belongs to races, and is a kind of ethnic possession one could even sue for after several thousand years. In this approach the authors fall back to the worst political approaches in writing history during the 1930s in Germany. But as with the rise of Near Eastern archaeology in the context of imperial interests of the German Reich and the diminished importance of the discipline in the Weimar republic, the aforementioned approaches are easily understood as politically situated, as ways to foster self-esteem in the age of post-colonialism. This would have been easily recognized by German historians around 1930, who were well aware of the limitations to objectivity in writing history, as already indicated by Rodenwaldt's above-mentioned reasoning on the absolute value of classical Greece. In more general terms this is formulated by Carl Heinrich Becker, whose term as Prussian minister for culture had ended at the beginning of 1930. He used the newly won time for an essay on the crisis of "Bildung," in which he describes the pace and scale of (scientific) progress, meditates about the problem of objectivity and subjectivity, and decries the loss of standards against which subjective values could be judged. Becker argues that the then current speed of progress on all levels cannot be coped with in a salutary fashion, because "materielle Entwicklung und weltanschauliches Gegengewicht [haben] jedes Verhaltnis zueinander verloren" (Becker 1930: 8). That is, because the general conditions become unintelligibly complex, while even the pure existence of Weltanschauung, contrary to older times, has in general become problematic (Becker 1930: 9). But as there are no truths any longer, there is no objectivity any more. In the very moment when we leave the sphere of purely factual data in trying to sort them, or even ask for their meaning, we enter
this simplistic negative image could prevail can partly be ascribed to the missing interest in these later periods by Near Eastern scholars and the public lack of appreciation of Near Eastern studies. An issue of more general impact is the resemblance of current and Weimarian debates on truth in history and the devaluation of others, which I described above. As might have been noticed, the title of the present article alludes to the book Not Out of Africa! by Mary Lefkowitz (1996). There, Lefkowitz engages in a confrontation with African and AfricanAmerican authors on their claims that Greek culture was ultimately stolen from Egypt, which, being part of Africa, was the home of black culture.32 unconditional devotion to the ruling family and their pride in their Aryan kind, but "das enge Zusammenleben mit den alten Kulturnationen des Vorderen Orients, vor allem mit den Babyloniern, ... [war] nicht spurlos an den Persern vortibergegangen. Religion und Sitte, Denken und Fiihlen hatten sich unter vorderasiatischem EinfluB binnen eines halben Jahrhunderts entscheidend gewandelt" (Bengtson 1977: 180). In asserting that the Persians had lived too long in contact with other Near Eastern nations, especially Babylonians, Bengtson implies degeneration on the side of the Persians and evokes the picture of the [Semitic] whore Babylon. This is only a slight revision of 5chachermeyr's view (1944: 171), who ascribed the victory of the Greeks to the fact that the likewise Aryan Persians had not remained pureblooded: "So war es ein Sieg des reineren nordischen BIutes tiber das bereits sHirker durch~ setzte." On the depiction of the Graeco-Persian wars in German history writing, see: Wiesehofer 1992; Hauser 1999: 330-31; on ideology and prejudices in writing histories of the ancient Near East in general, see van de Mieroop 1997; Hauser 1999. Hauser (in press) shows in a number of examples how traditional prejudices influencing the use of different sources that favor written against archaeological and Western against Eastern material still distort archaeological and historical interpretations.
32 Most noticeable are the works of Diop (1975; 1991). For an overview on Afrocentrist historical works until 1987, see Drake 1987. The debate about AfroAsiatic roots is nearly a purely American one; thus its importance in scope and influence in the United States has to be stressed. A completely different view of world history has developed parallel to the traditional one. The latter is criticized as mirroring exclusively the white, imperialist (male) view of the world, thus devaluating differently colored people and depriving them of their history. While definitely not all of these allegations can easily be negated, for large parts the debate has degenerated by its constant recourse on a vulgar form of deconstructivist theory. In this vulgar form every argument or evidence can be pushed aside as being constructed and of value only in its specifically constructed environment. This prevents any further fruitful discourse.
33 Still it is surprising in this debate that classical Greek culture, whether stolen or not, is seen as the unchallenged peak of civilization by all participants.
34 For important reviews of the entire Black Atllena discussion, see Berlinerblau 1999 and Schmitz 1999. -~
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the realm of subjectivity (Becker 1930: 17-18). Even if there is logic in happenings, this logic will never be identical to the logic of the persons who act or take account of them. Thus, for Becker, as there is no o~ectivity, the historian is bound to himself and his time (Becker 1930: 19). And like a warning, Becker describes the phenomenon that "the conception of history slowly moves from the area of reality to the area of values; historical pragmatism turns into ethical and aesthetical" (Becker 1930: 19). The credo of postprocessual archaeology, "Archaeology is a rhetorical practice, historically situated, part of contemporary society and inherently political" (Shanks and Tilley 1987: 66-67) was already acknowledged by Becker and his contemporaries. This could have led to relativism, instead it helped to re-establish the classical ideal. As described in the preceding paragraphs, in the 1920s and 1930s political interest as well as the need for cornerstones for a new ideology and anchor points in the overpowering amount of new material on old cultures led to specialization, fragmentation, the definition of priorities and ultimately to the devaluation of others under the banner of Western heritage inherited from classical times. Today, the approach to Classics is entirely different. 36 Most classicists would underscore what Stephen Dyson wrote in 1993: "Classical archaeology (and Classics in general) is no longer a discipline that can claim a special position because of its concern with the origins and basic truths of Western civilization" (Dyson 1993: 205). This approach sets a new agenda for coming to grips with universal history and opens the door to a renewed effort to leave the trenches of the different disciplines (d. Hauser in press). 35 Except for the phrasing, the text sounds very familiar in the 1990s. While today it is often seen as modern, recent reasoning based on the work of Foucault and Barthes during the 1960s and 1970s (Shanks and Tilley 1987: 66-71) and on the emancipation of readers as well as people, the debate on the limitation and personal time-and context-bounded ness of writing history was fully developed among German historians around 1930. This might be seen as a rather typical example of lost knowledge. In his reasoning Becker is by no means an exception; compare, e.g., Wilckens 1930: 22 or the debate between Kantarowicz and Brackmann in the Historische Zeitschrijt 140, 1929: 534-49 and 141, 1930: 457-78, stirred up by Kantarowicz's Kaiser Friedrie/I der Zweite published in 1927. On the influence of Stefan George on Kantarowicz, see Tritle 1995: 117-21. 36 See, e.g., the contributions in Morris 1994 and Small 1995. For (differing) current German scholars' views on Classics in general and Classical archaeology in particular, see Schwinge 1995; Borbein et al. 2000 and the forthcoming proceedings of the conference "Posthumanistische Klassische Archaologie," ed. Altekamp et al. (in which see Hauser in press).
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It also undermines the effort of those Afro-centrists who claim Africa as the source of the revered achievements of classical Greece, and so preserve, even if in reverse, the old Western ideal, instead of pointing out the growing evidence for indigenous achievements in Africa itself. But in a world interconnected as never before and at the same time increasingly becoming uniform in bio-diversity as in human culture, it seems important to emphasize the multitude of possible answers to the world, all right in their way. The value of diversity in cultures and people should be stressed. This is where Near Eastern studies could and should enter the stage, since as historians we are specialists in translating other cultural experiences. As such we describe the interconnectedness of cultures and could stress the importance of a multitude of human approaches to the world. As in the 1920s and 1930s in Germany, scholars, who work on the ancient Near East are asked to enter the debate on writing history.
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History of the Ancient Near East," BiOr 54: 285-305. vom Brocke, Bernhard (1985) "'Wissenschaft und Militarismus': Der Aufruf der 93 >An die Kulturweltk und der Zusammenbruch der internationalen Gelehrtenrepublik im Ersten Weltkrieg." In William M. Calder III, Hellmut Flashar and Theodor Lindken, eds., Wilamowitz nach 50 Jahren. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft. Pp. 649-719. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Ulrich (1915) In den zweiten Kriegswinter: Rede zum
Antritt des Rektorats del' Kiiniglichen Friedric1I-Wilhelm-Universitiit in Berlin, gehalten in der Aliia alii 15. Oktober 1915. Berlin: Norddeutsche Buchdruckerei und Verlagsanstalt. Wachtsmuth, Friedrich (1938) "Vorgeschichtliche Kultbauten im siidlichen Zweistromland." Forsc1l11ngen 1ll1d Fortschritte 14: no. 1,1-2. Weber, Wilhelm (1925) "Der Siegeszug des Griechentums im Orient." Die Antike 1: 101--45. Weidner, Ernst (1968/69) "Nachruf Eckhard Unger (11.4.1885-24.7.1966)." AJO 22: 210-11. Wende, Erich (1959) Carl Heinrich Becker, Mensch lind Politiker: Ein biographisc1rer Beitrag zlir KlIlturgeschichte del' Weimarer Repllblik. Stuttgart: Deutsche Verlags Anstalt. Wiesehofer, Josef (1992) '''Denn es sind welthistorische Siege' ... Nineteenth and Twentieth-Century German Views of the Persian Wars." In Aru1 C. Gunter, ed., The Constrllction of the Ancient Near East. Culture and History 11. Pp. 61-83. Wilcken, Ulrich (1931) "Rede vom 7.12.1930." In Edllard Meyer zlIm Gediic1ltnis: Zwei Reden von LlIrich Wilckens und Werner Jaeger. Stuttgart/Berlin: J.G. Cotta'sche Buchhandlung Nachfolger. Wilhelm II. (1922) Ereignisse lind Geslalten ails den Jahren 1878-1918. Leipzig/Berlin: K.F. Koehler. (1936) Vergleic!rende Zeittafel der Vor- lind Frilhgesc!,ic!lte Vorderasiens, Agyptens lind der Mittelllleerliinder. Unter Mitwirkung der "Doorner Arbeitsgemeinschaft." Leipzig: K.F. Koehler. (1938) Das Kiinigtlllll ill/ allen Mesopotalllien. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Wittwer, Wolfgang W. (1987) "Carl Heinrich Becker." In Wolfgang Treue and Karlfried Griinder, eds., Berlinisc!,e Lebensbilder: Wissellsc!tnftspolilik in Berlin, Minister, Beall/te, Ralgeber. Berlin: Colloquium Verlag. Pp. 251-67. Young, Robert (1990) White MytllOlogies: Writillg History and the West. London/New York: Routledge.
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APPARENTLY THE FIRST contextually accurate translation of the logogram GIS.TUKUL as "weapon" was that of W.H. Fox Talbot, who correctly rendered the word in the inscription of Tiglath-pileser I in his contribution to the 1857 contest designed to convince a skeptical world that Assyriology was not a hoax. 1 Rawlinson and Oppert inaccurately if colorfully translated the word as "servants,,,2 and apparently no one took Talbot's interpretation seriously, as demonstrated by confusion over the meaning of the term for the next fifteen years. 3 In 1879 Edouard de Chossat correctly interpreted both the Akkadian term and its logogram in his glossary.4 GIS.TUKUL and
Henry C. Rawlinson et al., Inscription of Tiglatll Pi/eser I., King of Assyria, B.c. 1150 (London: J. W. Parker and Son, 1857) 54 section 34 =RIMA 1 A.O.87.1 vi 58. In 1863 Oppert and Menant failed to translate correctly the "weapon of A1I1Iur"
in the Khorsablld description of the sack of {jarbllri Jules Oppert and J. Menant, Grande Inscription du Palais de K//Orsabad (Paris: Imprimerie Imperiale, 1863) line 63. 2 Rawlinson et al., Inscription ofTiglatll Pi/eser 1. Hincks was a little closer with "arrows." 3 The first nineteenth-century Akkadian dictionary, Edwin Norris, Assyrian
Dictionary: Intended to Furtller tile Study of tile Cuneiform Inscriptions of Assyria and Babylonia (London: Williams and Norgate, 1870) 2: 552 S.v. KK fails to include the lexeme. George Smith, Assyrian Discoveries: An Account of Explorations and Discoveries on tile Site of Nineveh, During 1873 and 1874 (New York: Scribner, Armstrong & Co., 1875) translated the relevant passage in BM 18934 as "soldiers of Assur." 4 Edouard de Chossat, Repertoire Assyrien (traduction et lecture) (Lyon: Alf. Louis
239
241
240 Akkadian kakku would give little trouble to subsequent translators.s Interpretation was another matter. Although Henry Rawlinson could not translate the expression, his striking tendency to read into the MA and NA royal narratives instances of heresy, its punishment and examples of forcible proselytization prepared the ground for the scholarly construction of Assr.rian religious imperialism along the lines of European Church history6 or European conceptions of Islamic religious intolerance in the la te Ottoman Empire. Henry's brother and intellectual confidante, the Church of England Canon George Rawlinson, would loyally disseminate these views in his oft-reprinted syntheses of ancient history, The Five (or Seven) Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World. 7 Following the lead of George Rawlinson, A.T.E. Olmstead vigorously argued that the imperial cult of Assur was routinely and uncompromisingly forced upon the victims of Assyrian military aggression. The empire was a theocracy organized under a deified ruler: each newly minted province was given images of the Great King and Assur to worship, as demonstrated by the imposition of the kakki A~~ur.8
In the last fifty years, most of the scholarship regarding the NA "symbol of Assur" (kakki A~~ur) has elaborated on Unger's observations in his 1965 study Die Symbole des Gottes Assur, chiefly, that Assyrian military standards and the "symbol of Assur" attested in the royal annals were identical, and
Perrin et Marinet, 1879), p. 81 accurately translates kaku-kakku (IZ-KU) as "arme, instrument, soldat, bouclier, defense." S See, e.g., W. Muss-Arnoldt, A Concise Dictionary of the Assyrian ulI1gllage (Berlin: Reuther & Reichard, 1905) 1: 377. 6 On this issue see the insightful remarks in R. J. van del' Spek, "Assyriology and History: A Comparative Study of War and Empire in Assyria, Athens, and Rome," in Mark E. Cohen, Daniel C. Snell, and David B. Weisberg, eds., TIle Tablet and the Scroll: Near Eastern Stlldies in Honor of William W. Hallo (Bethesda, Md.: COL Press, 1993), pp. 263-64. 7 George Rawlinson, The Five Great Monarcllies of ti,e Ancient Eastern World; or,
the History, Geography, and Antiqllities ofChaldaea, Assyria, Babylonia, Media, and Persia, Collected and Illustrated from Ancient and Modem Sources, 3 vols. (London: John Murray, 1862-67); 1871 (revised ed.), 1873, 1879, 1881. Incorporated into the TIle Seven Great Monarchies of the Ancient Eastern World, 1876, 1884, 1885, 1890. 8 AT.E. Olmstead, Western Asia in the Days of Sargon of Assyria, 722-705 B.C. (New York: Henry Holt and Company, 1908), p. 171; idem, History of Palestine and Syria (New York and London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1931), p. 452.
that the NA "symbol of Assur" had its origins in the OA and OB cultic and juridical traditions. 9 To canvass the evidence: the establishment of the kakki A~~ur occurs seven times in published Assyrian royal inscriptions, all instances limited to a fifty-year span (745-696).10 In six of the seven examples the introduc-
Belleten 29 (1965): 423-83. See Mordechai [Morton] Cogan, Imperialism and Religion: Assyria, Judah and Israel in ti,e Eigllth and Seventh Centuries B.C.E. (SBLMS 19; Missoula, Mt.: Society of Biblical Literature and Scholars Press, 1974), pp. 53-55; Hermann SpieckermmID, Jllda 1m tel' Assllr in del' Sargonidenzeit (FRLANT 129; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1982), pp. 322-23. Cogan's major points-that Assyrian military standards and the "weapon of AMur" attested in the annals of Tiglath-pileser III, Sargon II, and Sennacherib were identical, and that the NA "weapon of AMur" had its origins in the OA and OB cultic and juridical traditions-were both made by Unger in his flawed but encyclopedic study. In their comprehensive essays on NA battle standards, Karlheinz Deller, "Gotterstreitwagen und Gotterstandarten: Gotter auf dem Feldzug und ihr Kult im Feldlage. Einleitung," Bagh. Mitt. 23 (1992): 291-98, Beate PongratzLeisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten in literarischen Zeugnissen," Bagh. Mitt. 23 (1992): 299-340, and Erika Bleibtreu, "Standarten auf neuassyrischen Reliefs und Bronzetreibarbeiten," Bagh. Mitt. 23 (1992): 347-56, pis. 50-66 do not explicitly associate these objects with the kakki A~~lIr of the royal inscriptions.
9 Eckhard Unger, "Die Symbole des Gottes Assur,"
10 To the best of my knowledge, no one treating this political phenomenon has ever seriously entertained the possibility that the imposition of the kakki A~~lIr was inaugurated by Tiglath-pileser III and abruptly discontinued early in the reign of Sennacherib. That is to say, the uniform tendency of Assyriologists when confronted by an enigmatic religio-political symbol spanning three reigns is to read into it an act of policy that is more routine than the surviving textual attestation suggests. My analysis is no different. However, in an essay delivered at a conference devoted to the theme of historiography, it would be cavalier to pass over this theoretical presupposition in silence. Aside from the metaphoric usage of the GIS.TUKUL A~~ur in his royal inscriptions to connote successful battle, e.g., GIS.TUKUL.MES A~~lIr bi!liya ina Iibbi~lInli IItarrifji dabdll~lIIlll a~klln, RIMA 3 A0.102.2 ii 72-73 (BM 118884), Shalmaneser III varies the tropic expression GIS.TUKUL.MES-ia ina tIImti/Idiqlat /Pllrattllllllil with GIS.TUKUL(.MES) A~~lIr: RIMA 3 A0.102.2 ii 59, GIS.TUKUL. MESA~~lIrezzate, versus "weapons" RIMA 3 A0.102.5 ii 4 (BM 124667+ 128156, 124665,124666, action taken at the Nai'ri Sea ca. 856), once using the singular GIS.TUKUL A~~lIr as the object of purification in the head waters of the Tigris, RIMA 3 AO.1D2.14 28-29 (BM 118885). Noteworthy is the expression in RIMA 3 A0.102.2 ii 96-97, ina emnqi! fjlrllte ~a A~~lIr bi!ll iddina ina kakki! dannate ~a
STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
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tion of this object or institution follows the violent inauguration of a provincial city. Five of the seven examples are from the inscriptions of Tiglathpileser ill. In his first Babylonian campaign, this king boasts of having erected the "symbol of AMur" in Humut, renamed Kar-AMur,11 and, judging from the traces of the lacunae, another city that he renamed DurmTukulti-apal-Esarra,12 As two synoptic passages exist for the former action and the emplacement of this object does not appear in them, it is evident that the victorious conquest of the city per se was deemed more newsworthy than this action of unknown political nature. In 739 Tiglathpileser ill established the "s~mbol of AMur" in a conquered city in the region ofUlluba and tJabbu,l territories on the northern Assyrian frontier.
Two years later Tiglath-pileser ill erected a mulmullu parzilli zaqtu, a pointed iron arrow inscribed with the "might of AMur" in a provincial center named Bit-IStar located in the central Zagros. 14 The terminology used here is unique in the annalistic literature, and we should entertain the
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urigallu alik paniya i~ruka itti~unu amdabbi:., "with the pre-eminent forces that AMur, my lord, has given (me and) the strong weapons that the (divine) standard that goes before me has granted (me) I fought with them," in which there is a balanced parallelism between emaqa and kakka, on the one hand, and the god AMur and the URI.GAL, on the other.
11 Hayim Tadmor, The Inscriptions of Tiglath-Pileser III, King of Assyria: Critical Edition, with Introdllctions, Translations, and Commentary Uerusalem: Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities, 1994) Annal Unit 91-3 (BM 18934 and Layard, MS A, foll. 113-14). Tadmor, Tigl., Summary Inscription 16-7 speaks of the settling of deportees and installation of a Mt-ri!~i-official, but does not refer to the "symbol of A1j1jur"; Summary Inscription 7 obv. 10-11 omits both the Mt-ri!M-official and the "symbol of A1j1jur." The newly founded Assyrian provincial capital, complete with royal palace, was settled with Aramaean tribes in the course of Tiglath-pileser Ill's first Babylonian campaign in 745; Brinkman PKB 230,276. A letter written from Knr-AMur in the time ofSargon II describes Assyrian troop movements and stockpiling of rations for a coming battle, SAA 5 no. 250 (CT 53 47+ABL 1290 = K 1424+K 4282). 12 Tadmor, Tigl., Annal Unit 10 1-5 (BM 18934 and Layard, MS A, fol. 114). Emil
Porrer, Die Provinzeinteillmg des assyrischen Reiches (Leipzig: J.e. Hinrichs, 1921), p. 88 places Dar- mTukultI-apal-E1jarra in northern Babylonia; A.T.E. Olmstead, History of Assyria (New York and London: Charles Scribner's Sons, 1923), p. 177; Brinkman, PKB 230 is justifiably skeptical of earlier hypotheses concerning this city's location. 13 Tadmor, Tigl., Summary Inscription 7 obv. 43-44 (K 3751). Additional information on the Ulluba expedition without, however, mention of the "symbol of AMur" in the preserved text occurs in the Mila Mergi relief; Tadmor, Tigl., Mila Mergi Rock Relief, 16-22, 33-45; IN. Postgate, "The Inscription of Tiglath-pileser III at Mila Mergi," SlImer 29 (1973): 47-59. The Mila Mergi inscription, created during the seventh pain (739) following the conquest of Ulluba, due to its damaged condition, cannot corroborate whether the scribes
of Tiglath-plleser III were here inconsistent in their citations of the "symbol of AMur." The border region of Ulluba saw numerous conflicts in the eighth century and appears as a conquered territory in the inscriptions of the Urartian king Menua; Mirjo Salvini, "Some Historic-Geographical Problems Concerning Assyria and Urartu," in Mario Liverani, ed., Neo-Assyrian Geography (Quaderni di Geografia Storica 5; Rome: Universita di Roma "La Sapienza," 1995), p. 51. On the history and geography of the region, see Porrer, Provinzeinteilung, p. 89; Olmstead, Histon) of Assyria, pp. 118, 188-89; R.D. Barnett,"Urartu," in CAH3/1324-25 (map 13); Na'll Hannoon, "Studies in the Historical Geography of Northern Iraq during the Middle and Neo-Assyrian Periods" (Ph.D. diss., University of Toronto, 1986), pp. 245-47; A.K. Grayson, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III to Sargon II (744-705 B.C)," in CAH 3/275; IN. Postgate, "Assyria: The Home Provinces," in Neo-Assyrian Geography 7. 14 mill-mill-rill' [AN.BAR zaq-tu
nU-II~ /i-ta-at a~+~ur EN-ia] ina mub-bi a~-Iur,
Tadmor Tigl., Annal Unit 14* 8b-9a (BM 124961, Layard, MS A, foIl. 111 + 6667); Tadmor Tigl., Summary Inscription 7 obv. 34-36 (K 3751). Olmstead, History of Assyria, p. 178, incorrectly interprets BIt-Hi tar as a temple of mar located in Babianu; the inclusion of BIt-mar in three groups of Zagros toponyms in the annals of Tiglath-pileser III clearly indicates that it was indeed a city. On the history and geography of this region, see Porrer, Provinzeinteilllng, pp. 91-92, Louis D. Levine, Geograpllical Stlldies in the Neo-Assyrian Zagros (Toronto and London: Royal Ontario Museum and the British Institute of Persian Studies, 1974), pp. 117-19. The reading in Tadmor Tigl., Annal Unit 14* 8 of AN.BAR =parzillll is preferable to CAD and AHw DINGIR.MAS =Ninurta. The syntax of Tadmor Tigl., Summary Inscription 7 obv. 34-36 suggests that the "symbol of AMur" was erected in newly created provincial centers throughout the territory formerly held by Media. Tadmor Tigl., Summary Inscription 7 obv. 37-38 supplements the annal text, erroneously or not, with the information that a "royal image" (~a-Iam LUGAL-ti-ia) was erected in the cities of Bit-mar and Sibur, and in the neighboring lands of Tikrakki, Ariarmi, "Rooster-Land" (KUR-DAR.LUGAL.MES.MU$EN), and Silbazi. A Khorsabad palace relief of a besieged Median town, probably Tikrakki/Sikris, depicts an Assyrian stele seemingly built into the walls of the city itself; Paul-Emile Botta and Eugene Plandin, Monl/ment de Ninive decol/vert et decrit (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1849-50), p. I, pl. 64 =Pauline Albenda, The Palace ofSargon King of
Assyria: Monllmental Wall Reliefs at Dllr-Slwrrukin,jrom Original Drawings Made at tIre Time of tJreir Original Discovery in 1843-1844 by Botta and Flandin (trans. Annie Caubet; "Synthese," 22; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1986), pl. 120, Room 2, slab 17 (lower half); SAA 4, fig. 22.
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possibility that, here at least, a physical object in the form of a weapon was involved. 1S In 735 he erected the "symbol of Assur" in conquered cities north of Subria,16 cities annexed to the Assyrian province of Nai'ri/ Amedi. A plausible restoration indicates that this same king erected the ["symbol of As]sur" in southern Philistia or Arab territory on or near the border of Egypt in an area under the "wardenship" of Idibi'ilu, 17 which was never at IS Numerous examples of inscribed Bronze Age metal arrow-heads, lance
points, axes, daggers, and swords have been published from Western Asia. For examples see Benjamin Sass, The Genesis of tile Alphabet and Its Development in the Second Millennium B.C. (AAT 13; Wiesbaden: Otto Harrassowitz, 1988), pp. 72-88 (arrowheads with Proto-Canaanite/Phoenician inscriptions); P. Calmeyer, Datierbare Bronzen aus Luristan und Kirmanslwl, (Untersuchungen zur Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archaologie 5; Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1969); ide"" "Luristan Bronzen" in RIA 7: 174b-79a; O.W. Muscarella and E. Williams-Forte, "Surkh Dum at the Metropolitan Museum of Art: A Mini-Report," Journal of Field Arc/weologJj 8 (1981): 327-59 (various bronze weapons with cuneiform inscriptions). The provenance of the inscribed "Luristan bronzes" is unknown. Some may have been created in Babylonia and later smuggled into Iran; some may be ancient copies that reproduce Ule royal inscriptions of earlier kings. The relevant issue here is that these objects represent a venerable and popular convention worthy of a master-craftsman's industry. For the texts, see RIMB 2 B.2.3-6.1.2005 (Ninurta-nadin-sumi through Nabfi-mukin-apli). All of these inscriptions deal with human owners; for an example of an OA inscription on a votive sword dedicated to a god, see Hans G. Gilterbock, "A Votive Sword with Old Assyrian Inscription," in Hans G. Gilterbock and Thorkild Jacobsen, eds., Stlldies in Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965 (AS 16; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1965), pp. 197-98, pis. 13-15.
16 Tadmor, Tigl., Annal Unit 5 1-4 (BM 118908); the synoptic sections Summary Inscription 9 obv. 17'-19' (ND 4301+ND 4305+ND 5422), Annal Unit 20 4'-8' (Layard MS A), and Summary Inscription 1 34-36 (BM 118936) make no mention of the "symbol of AMur." Tadmor dates this campaign to Tiglathpileser Ill's eleventh pain (735); see his remarks in Supplementary Study E, 269-71. On the geography of this region, see Karlheinz Kessler, Untersucll-
ungen zur historischen Topographie Nord",esopota",iens nacll keilschriftlicllen Qllellen des 1. Jahrtallsends v. Chr. (Beihefte zum Tlibinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B 26; Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1980), pp. 163-68, and idem, "Sub ria, Urarh.t and A~~ur: Topographical Questions around the Tigris Sources," in Neo-Assyrian Geograpl,y, pp. 59-62, who situates the action in the Murad-Su valley near the northern border of Subria.
17 Tadmor Tigl., Summary Inscription 434'-35' (Smith, Notebook 5, foil. 62v-63r, 63v-64r = Tadmor Tigl., pI. 51). Luckenbill's restoration, ARAB I 293,
giSKAKKI ASSUR
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any time a provincial region. During his sixth pala in Media, Sargon IT rebuilt city temples and returned gods of tJarbar; the "symbol of Assur" was erected18 and, in one variant, appointed to be the god of tJarbar and other Median cities. 19 tJarbar was a rebellious client city, which suffered
acknowledged by Tadmor, [kakki ~a DINGIR.a~+]~ur ina /ib-bi a~-kun of Summary Inscription 4 35', is plausible. If it is correct, then iliis is the only passage in the inscriptions of Tiglath-pileser III that situates the erection of the "symbol of A~~ur" outside a formal provincial territory. On the administrative and political role played by the Arabs in the reign of Tiglath-pileser III, see Israel Eph'al, The Ancient Arabs (Leiden: E J. Brill/Jerusalem: Magnes Press, The Hebrew University, 1982), pp. 93-100. Whether this action can be associated with the erect~on of a royal stele in the city of the "Brook of Egypt," Tadmor, Tigl., Summary Inscription 8 18', is far from clear. On the locations proposed for the "Brook of Egypt," see Nadav Na'aman, "The Brook of Egypt and Assyrian Policy on the Border of Egypt," Tel Aviv 6 (1979): 68-90; Anson F. Rainey, "Toponymic Problems (cont): The Brook of Egypt," Tel Aviv 9 (1982): 131-32; Manfred Gorg, "Egypt, Brook of," inABD 2: 321; Paul K. Hooker, "The Location of the Brook of Egypt," in M. Patrick Graham, William P. Brown, and Jeffrey K. Kuan, eds., History and Interpretation: Essays in Honour of John H. Hayes OSOTSup 173; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1993), pp. 203-14. "It should be noted that the area of souiliern Philistia was not annexed by Assyria and that neverilieless Assyria operated there intensively regardless of its legal status," Nadav Na'aman, "Province System and Settlement Pattern in Southern Syria and Palestine in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian Geograplly, p. 112.
18 GIS.TUKUL DINGIR.aHllr EN-ia' a-na DINGIR-ti-M-III1 (M-k[ul1], Andreas Fuchs, Die 1I1scllriftel1 Sargons II. nils Kllorsnbnd (Gottingen: Cuvillier Verlag, 1994) Ann 99 (Room II:9,8), versus GIS.TUKUL DINGIR'[nHllr EN-in] 'i'-[~e-pi~-11In qe-re]b~II, ibid. (Room V:17,7/8). Of the seven examples of the imposition of the knkki AMllr, Khorsabad Room II: 9,8 alone adds the specification iliat this object will "be their god." I question whether we are justified in extrapolating an imperial policy that mandated a provincial cult of A~~ur on the basis of an isolated prepositional clause.
19 Fuchs, Inscllriften Snrgons II Ann 96-100 (Rooms II:9,5-9; V:17,3-10; XIV:I0,1215); E.KUR.MES-sII' e-pll-II[~] DINGIR.MES-M n-l1n (M-ri-M-11I1 ,i-ti-ir M AN.SAR DINGIR.30 DINGIR.UTU DINGIR.lM DINGIR.iHnr [x x x], "his temples I (re)built (and) I returned his gods to their places; regarding A~~ur, Sin, Sama~, Adad, [x x x]," Louis D. Levine, Two Neo-Assyrinn Steins fro", Iran (Royal Ontario Museum Art and Archaeology Occasional Paper 23; Ontario: Royal Ontario Museum, 1972), p. 40: ii 44. Nadav Na'aman and Ran Zadok, "Sargon II's Deportations to Israel and Philistia," JCS 40 (1988): 39 mistakenly ascribe this passage to the annexation of Kgesim. Unhappily, the referent to the "his" in I~tar
STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
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transformation into the provincial capital Kar-~arrukIn; a royal stele was erected in the city. In 696 the forces of the absentee Sennacherib erected the "symbol of AMur" in the city of Illubru of tlilakku,20 another rebellious
client city. The offending leader was flayed and people deported; a royal stele was erected. 21 Sargon II's account of the conquest of Median Kisesim and its conversion into the provincial capital Kar-Nergal showcases the scribal latitude
246
(<>:':<>:':<>:':<>:':<>J
"his temples and gods" is lost; in the inscriptions of Sargon, the collective gods of a city or region normally have a possessive plural bound morpheme. The annals relate that the bel ali of l::Jarbar, Kibaba, was driven out by the inhabitants, who sought the protection of nearby Ellipi; after putting down the rebellion, Sargon claims to have installed his ~ut re~i-official there as governor (LV.EN.NAM) (Fuchs, Inschriften Sargons II Ann, p. 98 [Rooms 11:9,7; XIV: 10,14; V:17,~]). Grayson, "Assyria: Tiglath-Pileser III," p. 94 apparently follows this text in his reconstruction of the events at l::Jarbar. The display inscription contradicts this by declaring that Kibaba was captured and, together with the inhabitants of the land, "counted as spoil"; Fuchs, Inschriften Sargons II Prunk 61 (Rooms X:6,1; IV:D4,9-1O; VII:4,20). The Levine text stresses the loyalty of the inhabitants; if Kibaba was mentioned, the name is lost in a lacuna. Which inscription (if any) is telling the truth? The Levine inscription, a stele found in Iran, which was perhaps erected within a matter of weeks after the capture of l::Jarbar, emphasizes the solicitude of the Great King for the Assyrian loyalists who suffered for their allegiance; all of the texts agree that Sargon installed an official of his at the renamed city-Kibaba is not heard from again. Perhaps, despite the singular pronoun, the gods of the Assyrian loyalists were restored to l::Jarbar. Cogan observes that the gods could have been removed by either Sargon himself or the rebellious citizens; Imperialism and Religion, p. 38 n. 101. Among other benefits, restoration of the city temples would have been instrumental in the administration of Assyrian loyalty oaths, in which the local gods served as witnesses and guarantors of good conduct. For an overview of the lengthy NA political investment in l::Jarbllr, see Louis D. Levine, "l::Jarbar," in RIA 4: 120b-21a. For the geographical location of the province, see the discussions in Levine, Geographical Studies, pp. 116-17; Julian E. Reade, "Kassites and Assyrians in Iran," Iran 16 (1978): 137-43; and idem, "Iran in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian Geograp"y, pp. 31-42. Diakonoff believes that l::Jarbllr and its neighboring townships were the "cities of the Medes" where the Israelites were deported after the fall of Samaria; I.M. Diakonoff, "'10 ".I): The Cities of the Medes," in Mordechai Cogan and Israel Eph'al, eds., A/I, Assyria ... Studies in Assyrian
Assyrian control of l::Jilakku was intermittent and weak throughout its history of contact; J.D. Hawkins, "tJilakku," in RIA 4:403a. Sennacherib's annals here describe procedures commonly followed when creating a province from a restive client polity; the reality was probably a nominal measure of Assyrian authority at best. See Paolo Desideri and Anna Margherita Jasink, Cilicia dall'etil di KizZl/watna alia conquista macedone (Universitil degli Studi di Torino, Fondo di Studi Parini-Chirio 1; Turin: Cas a Editrice Le Lettere, 1990), pp. 12627. Berossus' account of Sennacherib's Cilician campaign (apud Polyhistor, extant only in the Armenian version of Eusebius' Chronicle), conjecturally based on cuneiform sources, relates that Sennacherib, with heavy losses, regained the territory after a Greek invasion; he then erects "als Denkmal des Sieges liess er sein auf der sUitte errichtetes Bildnis zuruck, und befahl in chaldaeischer Schrift seine Tapferkeit und Heldentat einzugraben zum Gedachtnis fUr die kiinftigen Zeiten"; and that he rebuilt Tarsus in the likeness of Babylon. Abydenos' version adds, improbably, that he sank a Grecian fleet and "built an Athenian temple and erected bronze statues, upon which he engraved his own deeds." Translations of the Armenian texts in Felix Jacoby, Die Fragmel1te der Griec"isc"en Historiker (Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1958), III C, no. 685 (Abydenos) F 5; no. 680 (Berossos) F 7. On the history of the transmission of the text and persistent textual problems that scholars mining the Chronicle of Eusebills have been forced to come to terms with, see the excellent discussions in Alden A. Mosshammer, T"e Chronicle of Eusebius and Greek Chronographic Tradition (Cranbury, New Jersey and London: Associated University Presses, 1979), pp. 37-83, and William Adler, Time Immemorial: Archaic History and Its
SOllrces ill C"ristian Chronograp"y fro", Jlllius Africanus to George SYl1cellus (Dumbarton Oaks Studies 26; Washington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, 1989), pp. 72-73. See the judicious treatment of the Berossian account in Peyton R. Helm, '"Greeks' in the Neo-Assyrian Levant and' Assyria' in early Greek Writers" (Ph.D. diss., University ofPelU1sylvania, 1980), pp. 191-95, 319-26. Helm bravely suggests that the erection of an Athenian temple was an attempt by Berossus to make the establishment of an Assyrian provincial cult more "palatable" to a Greek audience (321). In view of the improbable statement that Sennacherib rebuilt Tarsus in the likeness of Babylon, we are at liberty to question whether Berossus was privy to autonomous historical records of Assyrian temple-building in Cilicia.
History and Ancient Near Eastern Historiograp/lY Presented to Hayi", Tadmor (Scripta Hierosolymitana 33; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1991), p. 18. 20 OIP 2 (1924) 62: iv 89 = CT 2615 (1909-3-13,1 = BM 103000); duplicate text in Alexander Heidel, "The Octagonal Sennacherib Prism in the Iraq Museum," Sumer 9 (1953): 148-50 v 24-28 (1M 56578). See the remarks on this text in Eckart Frahm, Einleitllng ill die Sal1/lerib-Inschrijten (AfO Beiheft 26; Vienna: Instituts fur Orientalistik der UniversWlt Wien, 1997), pp. 87-89 (T 12). The title of Kirua was not lJazal1llll, as in Luckenbill, but LV.EN URU, bell/Ii (line 62).
21
An alabaster stele was erected: ",alJar~1I II/ziz. The referent of the pronominal suffix is unclear-the "symbol of A1i1iur"? the city of Illubru? Text in Heidel, "Octagonal Sennacherib Prism," 150 v. 28.
(0-:':0-:.:0-:.:0-:.:0-)
248
STEVEN W. HOLLOWAY
possible and our interpretative dilemma, when dealing with this action. A synoptic treatment of this passage is instructive: A: B:
C: D: A:
22
Nineveh Prism (K 1669)23 Najafehabad Stele 24 Khorsabad Palace, Room rr 25 Khorsabad Palace, Room Xrv26 [x x x DINGIR]EN.ZU DINGIR~a-nllg DINGIRIM DINGIR.[x x ll-~e-p]i~ ma i-na lib-bi rll'-~[ar-l11e x]27
22 Nineveh Prism (K 1669), Winckler sar. pI. 45; Manfred Weippert, "Edom: Studien und Materialien zur Geschichte der Edomiter auf Grund schriftlicher und archaologischer Quellen" (Habilitationsschrift, Eberhard-Karls-Universitat zu Tiibingen, 1971), p. 88, III B; Andreas Fuchs, Die Annalen des lahres 711 v. Chr. (SAAS 8; Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1998), p. 25: 6')
URU.kar DINGIRMAS.MAS MU-M [x xl
7') [x DINGIRIEN.ZU DINGIR~il-lIl1g DINGIRIM DINGlR.[x xl 8') [/i-~e-lpi~-l1Ia i-na IIb-bi r'He'[-~ib X xl 9') [~a-Ialll LUGAIL-ti-ia i-na IIb-bi Ii-[~ar-me xl
Restorations after Fuchs. Regarding the same events, the Sargon stele from Iran relates that [x x xl DINGIRiHar EN.MES-ia a-ii-kilt pa-ni-ia Ii [x x xl ina qerbi-~u li-~ar-me, "[x x xl gtar, my lords who go before me [x x xl in its midst I set up"; Levine, Two Neo-Assyrian stelas from Iran, p. 38 ii 39. The damaged annal texts diverge significantly: DINGIRMES a-ii-kilt mab-ri-ia i-na qer-bi-M li-~e ~i[bl-mal, "the gods who go before me I placed in its midst," and indicate that a royal stele was also erected in the city; Fuchs, Insc1rriftell sargolls II Ann 9495 (Room 11:9, 3-4), as opposed to GIS.TUKUL DINGIRMES a-li-kll[t mab)-ri-[ia) r/i'-~e-pm-ma qe-[reb-M li)-~ar-mi, "the symbol of the gods who go before me I had made and set it up in its midst," Fuchs, Inschriftell sargons II Ann 94a (Room XIV:lO,lO; Room V:17,1-2 is too fragmentary to help here). On the geography of Ki~esim, see Forrer, Provinzeinteiltmg, pp. 91-92; Levine, Geographical Studies, p. 110. Reade's attempt to locate Ki~esim at or near modern Najafehllbad, the site of a Sargon II stele that concludes with the 716 campaign to Media, and to equate Ki~esim with tJundur, mentioned in the "Letter to AMur" as a city in the Urartian district of ArmarialI on the basis of a broken reading in the Najafehllbad stele, is highly speculative; Julian E. Reade, "Iran in the Neo-Assyrian Period," in Neo-Assyrian Geography, p. 39. 23 Fuchs, Annalen des lahres, p. 25. 24 Levine, Two Neo-Assyrian stelas frOIll Iran, pp. 38 ii 39. 25 Fuchs, Inschriften sargons II Ann 94-95 (Room 11:9,3-4). 26 Fuchs, Inschriften sargons II Ann 94a (Room XIV:10,1O). 27 Fuchs, Annalen des la/Ires, p. 25 plausibly restores the leading break as [ab-bi
249 B:
[x xx] DINGIR.iHar EN.ME-ia a-ii-kilt pa-n i-ia lH~e-pi~-ma] ina qer-bi-~u u-~ar-11le
C: [no break] DINGIRMES a-li-kut mab-ri-ia i-na qer-bi-~u u-~e-Mb-ma! D: GIS.TUKUL DINGIR.MES a-li-ku[t mab]-ri-[ia] rll'-~e-pi~-ma qe-[reb-~u u]~ar-11li
A: B: C: D:
"Sin, Sama~, Adad x x [I caused to ma]ke and erec[ted] in its midst." "x x x gtar, my lords who go before me [I caused to make and] set up in its midst." "the gods who go before me 1 established in its midst." "the symbol of the gods who go before me 1caused to make and set up in its midst."
Thus, you must take your pick: in Ki1jesim Sargon II established one or the other subset of the Assyrian state pantheon, the bald totality of the gods who go before him, or the kakke of the gods. On the basis of the equivalency between i1i1ni and kakki i1i1ni in the contemporary relief inscriptions from the palace of Sargon at Dur-SarrukIn, we may suppose that textual references to the "symbol of AMur" and the other gods were, in some cases, either formulae for representational $alma or, as seems more likely, synonymous expressions for the divine standards that accompanied the Assyrians into battle. To summarize the data: the geography of the imposition of the "symbol of A1j1jur" in most cases marked the extreme limits of effective Assyrian political control: Babylonia and Urartu or bordering regions, Median territories, CHicia, and southern PhHistia. "Reminders" of god and king were incorporated into many of these cities with a mailed fist: two were renamed after Assyrian deities; two were renamed after their conquerors?8 in two Median cities Assyrian gods were explicitly installed; and royal steles or other images of the king were set up in Media and CHicia. In six of the seven instances of this "imposition," foreign population groups were resettled in the city or provincial environs. 29 From a purely rhetorical perspective, all GIS.TUKUL.MES ~a DINGIR.a-~lIr DINGIR). 28 On the ideological significance of the NA custom of renaming conquered cities using KlIr- or DOr- forms, see Beate Pongratz-Leisten, "Toponyme als Ausdruck assyrischen Herrschaftsanspruchs," in Beate Pongratz-Leisten, Hartmut Kiihne, and Paolo Xella, eds., Ana ~adf Labnllni In allik: 8eitriige Zll a/t-
orientalischell lind lIIittelmeerischen Kulturen. Festsc1rrift fllr Wolfgang Rollig (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker/ Nellkirchen-VIlIyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997), pp. 325-43. 29 The exception being Tiglath-pileser III's action in the southern Levant, for which see n. 17 above.
250
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STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
of these proceedings are embedded in narratives of (re)conquest and reprisal, thus casting the dramaturgy of the "symbol of Assur" as another act in the inimitable Assyrian theater of cruelty. From an historical perspective, it is necessary to ask whether the "symbol of Assur" became a functional member of the client state or provincial pantheon, routinely rec.eiv.ing offerin~S and other div~e ri.tes w~th in the city temples of the provrnctal centers. If the answer IS affumative, neither the action nor the object is stipulated by name in the hundreds of surviving letters from provincial governors, scholars, and military officials that constitute the state archives of the Assyrian capital cities. The minutiae into which the authors of this correspondence were capable of plunging is legendary. Aside from reports on rituals performed in the temples of tJardin, Babylonia, and the Assyrian heartland, and religious events that were perceived as directly impacting Assyrian Realpolitik, such as royal visitation of the Urartian state temple in Mu~a~ir, the day-to-day functioning of temples outside of the ancient cult cities of Mesopotamia appears to have been of no concern to the Great Kings and their magnates. It behooves us to weigh this argument from silence with care. Capture and deportation of foreign divine images was celebrated in inscription and palace relief, and 31 the movements of these political hostages do appear in the state archives. If the Great Kings did indeed commission outposts of the state pantheon in provincial capitals, it is decidedly curious that the Assyrian governors and other officials in authority ignored their ritual calendars, never commented on the "care and feeding" of these Assyrian gods, and never expressed apprehension that these valuable imperial symbols located in volatile border regions might themselves fall into hostile hands and thus advertise Assyrian political weakness. Most of the cities that played host to the "symbol of Assur" cannot be located with any precision, and rarely occur in later inscriptions or documents. Median tJarb~r is an exception. Levine locates tJarb~r along the Great KhorasID Road bordering the Qara Su river, contiguous with Ellipi to 30 An inference made by Cogan, II/Iperialism and Religion, pp. 54-55, and others. 31 Sama!H\umu-lMir "reminds" Assurbanipal that Sennacherib deported six god-images of Akkad to the central Zagros city IsslHe/tu, where they are stored in a temple in the province of the rab Mqe; ABL 659+474 obv. 6-rev. 8 (81-2-4,67 + Bu 89-4-26,17); transliteration and translation of restored text in Karlheinz Deller, "Die Briefe des Adad-~umu-u:;;ur," in W. Rollig, ed., LiMn
mitburti: Festschrift Wolfram Freiherr von Soden zum 19. Vl.1968 gewidl/let von Schiilem und Mitarbeitem (AOAT 1; Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker / NeukirchenVIuyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969), p. 60; SAA 13, no. 190.
the south and Parsua to the north or northwest. 32 Scenes of the capture of ~s~s~, tJarbar,. and other cities in Sargon'~ campaign to the ZaN0s area rn his SIxth paW figure among the palace rehefs of Diir-Sarrukin. Disturbances by the Medes and the Cirnmerians in the region of tJarbar in the seventh century prompted a kaleidoscope of diplomatic efforts and repeated military interventions, indicative of the strategic importance of the area. 34 ABL 126 (K 609), 127 (K 616), 128 (K 650), 129 (K 5458), 556 (K 683), and, judging by ductus, orthography and content, 1008 (K 4271),1046 (Sm 343),1454 (K4688) and 645+1471 (Rm 2,464+K 15074) were written to Sargon by Mannu-kI-Ninu~, the governor of Kar-Sarrukm who replaced the ineffective or traitorous Kibaba; Mannu-kI-Ninua was presumably the sat-resi-official spoken of in the royal inscriptions. 35 tJarbar clearly serves 32 Levine, Geographical Studies, pp. 116-17. 33 Botta and Flandin, Monument I, pIs. 51-77 (Room II); Julian E. Reade, "Sargon's Campaigns of 720, 716, and 715 B.C.: Evidence from the Sculptures," INES 35 (1976): 102-4. 34 See the detailed study by Giovanni B. Lanfranchi, I Cimmeri: emergenza delle elites militari iraniclle nel Vicil10 Oriente (VIll-VII sec. a.c.) (History of the Ancient Near East/Studies 2 bis; Padova: Sargon sri, 1990), pp. 84-108. Esarhaddon anxiously commissioned oracles to Sama~ seeking confirmation whether military and tribute campaigns to the provincial environs of tJarbar would prove successful; SAA 4, nos. 51 (K 11505+83-1-18,551+Sm 1158), 65 (K 11498 +81-2-4,190+81-2-4,290),66 (K 11517+Bu 91-5-9,170), 77 (83-1-18,697), 78 (BM 98988 [Ki 1904-1O-9,17]+BM 99040 [Ki 1904-10-9,69]), all of which Lanfranchi tentatively dates to 670. The "T" manuscript of the so-called VassalTreaties of Esarhaddon, written in Iyyar 672, was concluded with Hatarna, the city ruler of Sikri§, a city known to be part of the province of tJarbar. Parpola observes that all the rulers who are named in these texts governed territories in Mannean or Media that were no more closely bound to Assyria than clientstatus. "In sum, it can be stated that at least four, and possibly as many as seven, of the eight 'city-rulers' figuring in these treaties had become Assyrian vassals within a period of three years before the treaties were concluded. This being so, it seems quite possible that these texts really were meant to function as 'vassal-treaties', instruments relegating the oath-taking rulers to a status of permanent vassalage"; SAA 2, p. xxxi. 35 Presumably due to geographical considerations, these letters were omitted from SAA 5. Only ABL 645+1471 has appeared in a critical edition since Harper's work; see Frederick Mario Fales, Cel1to lettere l1eo-assire: traslilferaziol1e e traduzione, commel1to e l1ote, I: 1111. 1-45 (Quaderni del Semina rio di Iranistica, Uralo-Altaistica e Caucasologia dell'Universitil degli Studi di Venezia 17; Venice: n.p., 1983), pp. 104-7,140-42, who, however, attributes the
252
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STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
as the command center for mounting Assyrian offensives into Media (ABL 556) as well as the gathering of espionage reports (ABL 129, 1046, 1454) and tribute (ABL 1046); repeated descriptions of crop conditions are indicative of Sargon's determination to hold this remote outpost by making it selfsufficient in the production of grain and straw necessary for the maintenance of garrison troops (ABL 126, 128). Mannu-kI-Ninua informed the king of the administration of loyalty oaths (ade) to "dissonant elements" including the Kulumanu, and the subsequent pacification of their cities (ABL 129, 1008).36 In ABL 126 obv. 10-12, probably written immediately after Sargon II's sack of rebellious ljarbar in 716, Mannu-ki-Ninua describes the demolition work he will undo and the repairs he will effect on the "strong house" (bit dannu) in Kar-Sarrukin, followed by the promise that "we shall plant seeds." Was this structure one of the city temples that Sargon claims to have rebuilt in the Najafehabad stele?37 To decipher the cryptic narration of the provincialization of ljarbar in Sargon's annalistic texts, I wish to refocus the discussion around the political expedient of administering loyalty oaths to subject populations, and the linkage between the phrase "ON, the gods who go before me" and Assyrian battle standards. From other sources we know that the administration of Assyrian ade-oaths required the physical presence of Assyrian divine images and, ideally, those of the subordinate party as well. The "symbol of Assur" authorship to the sllkkallll NabG-beII-ka"in. Simo Parpola, "Assyrian Royal Inscriptions and Neo-Assyrian Letters," in Frederick Mario Fales, ed., Assyrian Royal Inscriptions: New Horizons ill Literary, Ideological, and Historical Analysis (Orientis Antiqui Collectio 17; Rome: Istituto per l'Oriente, 1981), pp. 117-42,137 on the basis of subject matter plausibly attributes ABL 645+ 1471, 1008, 1046 and 1454 to Mannu-kI-Ninua. He also believes the following correspondence was addressed from tJarbar /Kar-SarrukIn: ABL 168 (K 63b), 169 (K 997),170 (K 1013),171 (K 1047), 172 (K 1052), 712 (Sm 1223),713 (Rm59), 810 (K 1961), (1044 [Sm 11711, 1191 (Rm 970),1312 (K 5083), 1453 (K 4294). CT 53 892 (79-7-8,272), NL 142?I, NL 63 Parpola attributes to NabG-beII-ka"in. 36 On the salient lines in ABL 129 and 1008, see the collations in Kazuko Watanabe, Die ade-Vereidigung anliifl/ic!l del' TIlronfolgeregelung Asarllnddolls (Bagh. Mitt. Beiheft 3; Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1987), p. IS, and those of Karlheinz Deller cited in CAD 15 s.v. Saln/llll 90. 37 In the corresponding passage of K 1669, a $alam ~arratiya inscribed with the heroic deeds of AMur is erected in a temple (E DING IR [x x x]) for all time. Fuchs cannot read the damaged signs following E but suggests restoring the god name as" AMur"; Annalen des Jallres 26, 11.17-21. This is a bold restoration, for there is no other evidence for the existence of a temple dedicated to AMur outside the Assyrian heartland during the NA period.
giSKAKKI ASSUR
(<>X<>X<>X<>X<>J
253
and other Assyrian divine images installed in ljarbar enabled the legitimation of Assyrian claims to fealty through the orderly administration of loyalty oaths to restive elements of the ljarbar province and its environs. If the Najafehabad stele reflects historical events, the city temples restored and the divine images returned to ljarbar were probably those of the local ruling elites. As participants in the ade-ceremonies and co-guarantors with their Assyrian counterparts of the vassals' fidelity, the deities worshipped in the city temples were an additional means of ensuring "fear of god and king" by reminding the local inhabitants that their own gods were committed to fostering Assyrian hegemony. In the eyes of the Assyrians, breaches of imperial fidelity would bring down upon the malefactors' heads the wrath of the gods, Assyrian and local, in the guise of the grisly punishments elaborated in the treaty curse clauses. To complement their royal ~atrons, gods of the city temples mentioned in the third-millennium Ebla 8 texts and in Early Dynastic texts and glyptics39 possessed a variety of weapons, and such divine weapons are described in many genres of texts throughout Western Asia during the second and first millennia. In addition to their residence in temples as components of the cult and habiliments of the gods, divine weapons enjoyed a long history of usage in promissory oaths. OA texts from Killtepe speak of a patrum ~a A~~ur (sword of Assur),40 a kakki ~a A~~ur (weapon of
38 Hartmut Waetzoldt, "Zur Bewaffmmg des Heeres von Ebla," Oriens Antiqtllls 29 (1990): 5-6 (spears and lances), 8,11 (GIR-Mar-tll, "Martu-swords"), 21-22, esp. n. 122 (maces). On the lexica of the weapons associated with the various Mesopotamian pantheons, see E. Salonen Waffen, pp. 63-66, and 155-57 (knkkll); ]. Krecher, "Gottersymbole B. nach sumerischen und akkadischen Texten," in RIA 3: 497b-98a. References to divine weapons in the cults and mythology of the Hittites and Ugarit, in light of the OA and OB texts described below, bespeak a religious valorization of warfare common across Bronze Age Western Asia; see the texts cited in Wilfred Watson and Nicolas Wyatt, "De nouveau sur les armes ceremonielles," N.A.B.U. (1997/29): 27-28. 39 Tawfiq Sulayman, Die Entstelltll1g und Entwicklung del' Gotterwaffen im alten Mesopotamien lind illre Bedeutung (Beirut/Bonn: Henri Abdelnour /Rudolf Habelt, 1968) covers maces, axes, swords, lances, spears, nets, bows and arrows, boomerangs, and hammers from the Chalcolithic through the OB periods. 40 In addition to the citations in Hirsch, Untersuc!ul11gen, pp. 64-67, see L. Matou~, "Der AMur-Tempel nach altassyrischen Urkunden aus Kultepe," in M.S.H.G. Heerma van Voss, Ph.H.]. Howink ten Cate, and N.A. van Uchelen, eds., Travels in tile World of tile Old Testament: Studies Presented to Professor M. A.
STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
255
Assur)41 and asugariae sa Assur (a sugariau-tool or symbol of Assur).42 In the presence of the patrum sa Assur oaths were administered, legal testimony given and documents drawn up and sealed. 43 The patrum sa Assur, kakki sa Assur and sugariae sa Assur were all involved in deciding the outcome of ordeals. In addition to the patrum sa Assur used for administering oaths in OA texts, a sugariae sa Assur was apparently used in the same fashion; the latter functioned as a household utensil of some kind, thus suggesting that the class of sacred objects utilized in oaths was more inclusive than that of "weapon.,,44 OB texts reveal that a variety of sacred objects normally resident in temples, especially the kakki sa ON, witnessed oaths and various legal proceedings, and even in certain cases could be rented for the purpose of establishing ownership or otherwise settling disputes through a "jour-
ney" to the contested property or object. 45 tJammurabi ordered that property disputes be settled through sending the "weapon of the god," presumably that of Marduk, to Larsa, where in the presence of the weapons oaths would be taken. 46 Second millennium usage of surinnum, "divine emblem, standard," parallels that of the patrum/kakki/sappum (sa) ON in terms of juridical oaths, notably with respect to the phrase surinnam nasabum. 47 SU.NlR/ surinnu is
254
(9:.:9:.:9:.:9:':9)
Beek on tile Occasion ofhis 65th Birthday (Studia Semitica Neerlandica 16; Assen: Van Gorcurn & Co., 1974), pp. 181-82; Veysel Donbaz, "Some Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kuitepe Tablets," in Machteld J. Mellink, et al., eds., Anatolia and the Ancient Near East: Stlldies in Honor of Tal/sin Ozgil( (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Baslmevl, 1989), pp. 76, 92: rev. 31-32 (Kt n/k 32); Cecile Michel and Paul Garelli, "Heurts avec une principaute anatolienne," WZKM 86 (1996): 278: 20-21 (Kt 93/k, 145). Veysel Donbaz, "Some Remarkable Contracts of 1-B Period Kultepe Tablets II," in Machteld J. Mellink, Edith Porada, and Tahsin 6zgu~, eds., Aspects ofArt and Iconography: Anatolia and Its Neighbors. Stlldies in Honor of Nilllet Ozg(l( (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Baslmevl, 1993), pp. 139-40 (Kt89/k 371 obv. 4, Kt 89/k 370 obv. 1-2) supply examples of a PN sa GfR, presumably the patrllm sa Assur. Hirsch, UnterslIc1l1mgen, p. 14 cites a text (Bab 6, p. 191 no. 7:7-11) that describes the theft from the A1I1Iur temple of a golden sun disk from the breast of A1I1Iur and the sword of A1I1Iur (salllsam sa burllsim sa irti d AMur II patralll sa dAMur), defending the "reality" of a physical sword qua sword, rather than an "emblem." That there was a multiplicity of the juridically indispensable "swords of A1I1Iur" may be seen in a text that describes the adornment of one in Apum; Khaled Nashef, Rekonstmktion der Reiserollten zlIr Zeit der a/tassyrischen Handelsniederlassllngen (Beihefte zum Tubinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B 83; Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1987), pp. 47-48 (TC 3,163: 27-28). 41 TC 3, 93:5-6; Hirsch, Unfersllc1l11ngen, pp. 15,67. 42 Hirsch, Untersuchllngen, p. 66; Matou1l, Assllr-Telllpel, pp. 181-82. Walter Mayer, "Das 1Iugarrifi'um-Emblem des AMur," UF 9 (1977): 364-65 concludes that the object was a sickle-sword by not dealing with the contrary evidence amassed by CAD 17/3 *sugariIlIl197. 43 Hirsch, Untersuchllngen, pp. 64-69; Menzel, Telllpel, p. 38. 44
CAD 17/3 *sugarillu197.
45 Rivkah Harris, "The Journey of the Divine Weapon," in Hans G. Guterbock and Thorkild Jacobsen, eds., In Honor of Benno Landsberger on his Seventy-Fifth Birthday, April 21, 1965, pp. 217-24. See also Karin Reiter, "kikkillll/kilkillll, 'Raum zur Aufbewahrung des Eidleistungssymbols (SUNIR =sllrinnlll1l) des Sama1l'," N.A.B.U. (1989/107): 79-80. For examples of OB GIS.TUKUL (sa) DN not treated by Harris or earlier studies, see Karel van Lerberghe, "L'arrachement de I'embh~mesllrinnllm," in Kraus AV 254 n. 14; van Lerberghe OB Texts no. 1 (CBS 24 obv. I), no. 6 (CBS 80 obv. 1), no. 62 (CBS 1356 obv. 1); Johanna Spaey, "Emblems in Rituals in the Old Babylonian Period," in J. Quaegebeur, ed., Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East (OLA 55; Leuven: Peeters, 1993), pp. 411-20 (CBS 24, 80, 1356; Di [Tell ed-Der] 2122, CBS 1513). Amalia Catagnoti, "Le royaurne de Tuba et ses cuites," in Jean-Marie Durand, ed., FlorilegiuIII marianlllll: Reclleil d'etudes en I'honnellr de Michel Fleury (Memoires de N.A.B.U. 1; Paris: SEPOA, 1992), pp. 25-27 lists three Mari texts that make reference to sacrifices performed for the "lance" (sapplllll) of E1Itar of Tuba and possibly one other deity (M. 15077, M. 15109, A. 3140 = ARMT 25,697); CAD 15 sappll B 166-67. A. 1858 describes the arrival of the weapons (GIS.TUKUL. tJA) of Addu of tJalab at the temple of Dagan of Terqa; text in Jean-Marie Durand, "Le mythologeme du combat entre Ie Dieu de I'orage et Ie Mer en Mesopotamie," M.A.R.I. 7 (1993): 53. 46 Text cited in Harris, "Journey," 219. An OB tablet from Nibria (located in northern Mesopotamia) describes the judicial custom of "swearing by the sword of AMur," an interesting religious survival that outlived the demise of the Assyrian trading colonies in Cappadocia; Akio Tsukimoto, "From Lulla to Ebla: An Old Babylonian document Concerning a Shipment of Horses," in Beate Pongratz-Leisten, Hartmut KUhne, and Paolo Xella, eds., Ana sadf Labnllni In allik: Beitriige zu altorientalischen und mittelllleerischen Kllituren. Festsc1lrift f(lr Wolfgang Rollig (AOAT 247; Kevelaer: Verlag Butzon & Bercker / Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1997), p. 408 obv. 12-13 (Hirayama Collection). 47 Van Lerberghe, "L'arrachement de I'embleme sllrinnlllll," 253-56; CAD 17/3 sllril1ll1/ 344-46, usage 1 a-d. On the logogram SU.NIR, see Ake W. Sjoberg, "Zu einigen Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen im Sumerischen," in Dietz Otto Edzard, ed., Heidelberger Studien ZIIIII Alten Orient: Adam Falkenstein ZIIIII 17 Septelllber 1966 (Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient 1; Wiesbaden: Otto
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equated with GI~.TUKUL/kakku in several lexical texts,48 and the terms frequently appear jointly and as a para tactic compound in OB texts. 49 Texts from the archives of Zimri-Lim describe materials for the ritual involvement or adornment of divine weapons belonging to named deities;50 GI~. TUKUL/kakku and ~U.NIR/surinnu were used interchangeably in this context. The lexical equivalence between kakku and surinnu continued into the NA period, although there are clear examples of kakke used as divine weapons in the AMur cult. 51
Regarding the iconography of the "symbol of AMur," Cogan's visual example of a "weapon of AMur," a military standard from a palace relief, with its menacing archer-god standing atop adorsed bulls, fits the iconography of other Assyrian deities as well or better than that of the derivative Assur. 52 Three groupings of paired chariot-mounted standards in the
256
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Harrassowitz, 1967), pp. 201-31 and Pongratz-Leisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten," 302-6. More specialized vocabulary for divine emblems existed, for instance, the ~am~atll(III), sun disk, and i~karu(m), lunar crescent. 48 tJb VIla 6-11, MSL VI, pp. 84-85; tJb VIla 40, MSL VI, p. 87; Emar VI 4, no. 545 317; malku = ~arm III: LTBA II 1 X 69; SpTU III 12030; An-ta-gi:U 0 164, MSL XVII, p. 206; Aa V /3 =28: 51, MSL XIV, 423; citations in Sjoberg, "Verwandtschaftsbezeichnungen," 205-7 n. 9; CAD 17 /3 ~urillllu 344-45; PongratzLeisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten," 309-12. 49 Citations in Salonen, Waffel1, p. 155. 50 ARMT 23, 213: 1-10 describes quantities of ~il1lll1tllm (leather?) for the GIS. TUKUL belonging to the Dagans of Terqa, $ubatim, and Urab. ARMT 22,247: 7-8 records gold for the GIS.TUKUL belonging to Dagan of Urab, and ARMT 22,246: 7-9 describes a ~lIrilll1U of the same deity. ARMT 22,238: 5 mentions a gold-plated stone GIS.TUKUL of ~ama~. ARMT 18, 54: 14-15 and its variant 69: 14-15 date an action by the performance of the pIt pI-ceremony for a SU.NIR/ ~1I-ri-l1i and footstool of ~ama~. ARMT 23, 446 55' and 57' record the pTt P'ceremony for the GIS.TUKUL of $ubatim and Urab, respectively, while ARMT 23, 213: 5-6, 8-9 describe copper for these objects, again, probably the same emblems or representations of Dagan. 51 As Cogan correctly observed, there exist NA cultic texts that describe rites involving a divine weapon in the AMur temple; Erich Ebeling, "Kultische Text aus Assur," Or 21 (1952): 139 rev. 24, a divinized weapon that, together with other gods, accompanies AMur to the temple of Dagan (Ass Ph 4123a; collation in Menzel, Tempel, T 43), cited in Cogan, Imperialism, p. 54. Other examples include Frankena T1ikultu 7 vi 14,8 ix 29, a divinized knkkll in the company of a divine bow (filplll1l1) (K 252), 9 ii 15, a variant or related text: dkakki A~~ur (K 9925); Menzel, Tempel, T 147 i 10, D1NGIR.GIS.TUKUL and a D1NGIR.ka-la-pll (Gotteraddressbuch, a description of the "inhabitants" of the AMur temple); Beate Pongratz-Leisten, lila ~lIlmi 1mb: Die kulttopogrnpllische I1l1d ideologische Progrnmmntik der akTtIl-Prozessioll ill Babylonien lind Assyriell im I. lallrfausend v. CI,r. (Bagh. Forsch. 16; Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern,
1994), p. 207: 32, Sennacherib's description of the aWu-house at Assur: "the conquering divine weapon is placed on the chariot of A~~ur" (K 1356), and see
the remarks in Frahm, Einleitung in die SaI111erib-Inscllrijten, p. 224 (Fralun's T 184). Nevertheless, other texts cited by Cogan himself and CAD under lemmn kakku indicate that the "weapon of DN," etymology aside, in context might denote nothing more definite than a symbol or emblem: CAD 8 knkkll 50-57. W.G. Lambert, in his review of Cogan's book, OLZ 74 (1979): 128-29, pointed out this shortcoming in Cogan's analysis, though he concurs that the kakki ~n A~~ur was indeed a weapon. It is worth noting that Kakku functioned as a theophoric element in several NA PNs: mdKakku-aplu-w;lUr (TUKUL-A-PAP) CTN 3, 99 iv 13 (NO 1002, 1M 64210); mdKakku-ere~ (TUKUL-APIN-e~, TUKULere~) CTN 3, 102 iii 25', 28' (NO 10019, 1M 64222), 103 rev. i 16 (NO 10001); mdKakku-~arru-w;lUr (TUKUL-MAN-PAP) CTN 3 99 ii 11; 108 iii 24 (NO 9910+9911[ +]9915); and the hypocoristica fKakkOa[x x] (kn-ku-ri-a) CTN 3 52 4 (NO 7021 =1M 74496), and mKakki (kn-ki-i) CTN 3 99 iv 19. K. Deller believes that the theophore dKU should be read as "Kakku" and not as "Marduk"; CTN 3, p. 272 n. 43. For parallels, OB names such as Warad-d~urirulUm are attested; CAD 17 /3 ~uri/1/1u 347. Pongratz-Leisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten," 334 reads the theophore in mduRl.GAL-IGI.LA (CTN 3 99 iv 8) as "Urigallu" and not "Nergal," apparently because Nergal appears in other places in this corpus as dU.GUR or dMAS.MAS. 52 Iconography of AMur: the establishment of a one-to-one correspondence between deities and divine symbols on NA steles is a time-honored endeavor in Assyriology. Major stumbling blocks have been the identity of the god or gods behind the symbol of the winged disk (with or without anthropomorphic additions), and the symbol or symbols which stand for the chief deity, AMur. Historically, several deities have had multiple symbols, e.g., the ~a~~arrd/ll), ~am~u(m), and pll~tu(m) of~ama~, further complicating matters. See the discussions of theories regarding the identity of the god(s) in the winged disk in E. Douglas Van Buren, Symbols of tile Gods ill Mesopotamian Art (AnOr 23; Rome: Pontificium 1nstitutum Biblicum, 1945), pp. 94-104; Ruth MayerOpificius, "Die gefliigelte Sonne. Himmels- und Regendal'stellungen im alten Vorderasien," UF 16 (1984): 189-236; Stephanie Dalley, "The God $almu and the Winged Disk," Irnq 48 (1986): 85-101. Unger, "Symbole des Gottes Assur," 463-71 had already rejected the equation of winged solar disk =AMur for that of ~ama~. Reade provides cogent reasoning for the notion that, on NA royal steles, the winged disk symbolized the god ~ama~ while the horned crown symbolized AMur, Julian E. Reade, "Shikaft-i Gulgul: Its Date and Symbolism," Irnl1icn Anfiqlln 12 (1977): 38; Ursula Seidl, "GOttersymbole und -attribute, I. Mesopotamien," in RIA 3: 485b-86a concurs.
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Northwest Palace reliefs of Nimrud should probably be identified with Adad and Nergal. Each pair depicts (a) a striding archer god atop a rampant bull (Adad), and (b) a lance- or sword-like blade centered over the standard pole itself, mounted atop adorsed bulls, with two or four streams of water radiating from the base (Nergal).53 Although there was a "weapon
of tJaldi" in the Urarpan state cult that figures in the royal inscriptions as a recipient of sacrifice, Calmeyer demonstrated that there are no convincing representations of this object in Urarpan art. 54
c~;.:~;.:~:·:~:·:~)
On the Maltai relief ofSennacherib, the god AMur leads a procession of the state gods; he is bearded like all male deities, stands atop the snake-dragon borrowed from the conventions of Marduk's iconography, and wears the tiara with two pendant tassels symbolizing kingship. In fact, there is nothing to distinguish the image from that ofSennacherib save for the latter's submissive posture and the horned crown of the former; illustrations in WVDOG 52 (1927): pis. 26-31. Little need be added to the discussion of the derivative iconography of AMur in Jeremy Black and Anthony Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols ofAncient Mesopotamia: An Illustrated Dictionary (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1992), p. 38. On the iconography of Assyrian military standards mounted in chariots, see the exhaustive illustrations and comments in Bleibtreu, "Standarten," 347-56, pis. 50-66. Cogan, Imperialislll, p. 63 (= Bleibtreu, "Standarten," pI. 63b, a Flandin drawing from Khorsabad) reproduces the most detailed surviving representation of a military standard and adduces it as an example of the "weapon of AMur." Black and Green, Gods, Demons and Symbols, p. 169, on the contrary, find the complex iconography of this object in keeping with Adad, the storm-god, whereas Dalley and Postgate supply evidence that the iconography of adorsed bulls could be associated with the god Nergal, and suggest that this standard was meant to represent Nergal; CTN 3, p. 41. Reference in the NA royal inscriptions to Adad and Nergal as the gods who proceed the king into battle, together with the writing of Nergal as dURi.GAL, are important considerations in the discussion of battlestandard iconography; for the texts, see Pongratz-Leisten, "Mesopotamische Standarten," 330-37.
53 Bleibtreu, "Standarten," pis. 51-53, BM WA 124553, 124550, 124542, (Peter Calmeyer, "Zur Genese altiranischer Motive II: Der leere Wagen," AMI 7 [1974]: 49-77, pI. 13:2-3, and Austen Henry Layard, Tile Monulllents of Nine veil. From Drawings Made on tile Spot [vol. 1; London: John Murray, 1849] pis. 22,27); Ursula Seidl, "Zur zweiten Feldzugstandarte Assurna~irpals II," N.A.B.U. (1993/77): 61. In addition to the arguments for associating the iconography of the adorsed bulls with Nergal noted in CTN 3, there exists a votive sword (GfR) with an OA dedicatory inscription to the "bi!11I1II ~a tll/Malilll," almost certainly the Nergal of tJubMlum who received a bronze votive sword (nntll$arum) in the Mari texts; Gilterbock, "Votive Sword," 197-98, pis. 13-15; Dominique Charpin, "L'epee offerte au dieu Nergal de Hub~alum," N.A.B. U. (1987/76): 41 (ARMT 26/1,194: 24-31 [A. 4260]). The votive object itself, said to have been found near Diyarbekir, measures over a meter in length, but is
missing its blade tip. Gilterbock concludes that the sword was too thin to have functioned as an actual weapon, observing that a deep hole in the hilt probably enabled it to be mounted upright on a dowel. The archaic inscription would then have read correctly, running from the top (blade tip) down to the hilt; ibid. 197. Nergal represented as an upright blade in the NA standards could thus be an ancient iconographic convention, particularly apt since U.GUR = nall1$arll in one lexical list (Sb II 208 = MSL III, 143,208). In this connection a sword-like object depicted in relief on a socle of Tukulti-Ninurta I, receiving adoration from the king, has been interpreted as a sacred weapon comparable to the "weapon of AMur"; WVDOG 58 (1935): 57-76 (Ass 19869); the socle, dedicated to the god Nusku, was recovered from the mar temple at Assur. Ursula Seidl, Die babylol1ischen Kudurrtt-RelieJs: Symbole mesopotalllisc/Ier Gottlleiten (OBO 87; Fribourg: Universitatsverlag Freiburg Schweiz/ Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989), p. 122 convincingly explains the symbol as a stylus and tablet befitting Nabfi.
54 It is not surprising that the Urartian state cult, massively indebted to Assyria for royal and religious iconography, should also have a "weapon" (BE-LI.MES) of tJaldi, the patron god of the state, to which sacrifices were made; Friedrich Wilhelm Konig, Handbllch der chaldiscllen Inscllriften (AfO Beiheft 8; Osnabrilck: Biblio-Verlag,1967), no. 8 III,no.l0 II 7, X41 (I~puini and Menua). 2114 BE-LI.MES modified by "lance" (gul1llu~iniei), in no. 103 III occur as offerings in a list including livestock, weapons, and other goods; see also Margarete Reimschneider, "Die urartaischen Gottheiten," Or 32 (1963): 155-56; Margarete Reimschneider, "U rartaische Bauten in den Konigschriften," Or 34 (1965): 325-28. In his "Letter to A~~ur" describing the sack of Mu~a~ir, Sargon II exults over his seizure of the large golden sword (GfR,nam$artt) that tJaldi wore at his side; reportedly it weighed 26V, minas; TCL 3 377. Pace Reimschneider, there is as yet no clearly reCOgnizable image or iconography of tJaldi in the reliefs of Adilcevaz, Mehr Kaplsl, or numerous bronzes published to date; see Charles Burney, "The God Haldi and the Urartian State," in Machteld J. Mellink, Edith Porada, and Tahsin Czgil~, eds., Aspects of Art and Iconography: Anatolia and Its Neighbors. Stl/dies in Honor of Nimet (jzgil~ (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu BaslmevI, 1993), pp. 107-10 and Ralf-Bernhard Wartke, Urartll, das Reic/I alii Ararat (Kulturgeschichte der Antiken Welt 59; Mainz am Rhein: Philipp von Zabern, 1993), pp. 123-46. In addition, the objects identified as "lances" by Reimschneider in Urartian religious art and Assyrian representations of the temple of Mu~a~ir are better described as variations on the theme of the sacred tree; see Peter Calmeyer, "Zu den Eisen-Lanzenspitzen und der 'Lanze des tJaldi'," in Wolfram Kleiss, ed., Bastam I: Ausgrabllngen in den llrartiiisc/len
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While the current stage of research cannot enable us to recover the iconography of the "symbol of Assur" with confidence, if indeed the "symbol of Assur" of the royal annal texts corresponded to a single cultic object, more can be asserted about its function. The Balawat Gates of Shalmaneser ill and palace reliefs from the reigns of Assur-na~ir-apli II, Sargon II, and Sennacherib indicate that standards, mounted on chariots, accompanied the Assyrian army on campaigns and received divine rites within the camp.55 A trope in the royal inscriptions, "DNs, the gods who go before me (in battle)" probably had concrete expression in the tasseled standards mounted on chariots that rode into battle with the king and his troops: "With the support of Assur my great lord, and the divine standard (durigallu) that goes before me, and with the fierce weapons (kakki! ezzate) that the god Assur (my) lord gave me I assembled (my) weapons ... with the supreme might of the divine standard (durigaUu) that goes before me I fought with them.,,56 As noted earlier, royal Assyrian correspondence
Anlagen 1972-1975 (Teheraner Forsch. 4; Berlin: Gebr. Mann Verlag, 1979), pp. 183-93; idem, "Some Remarks on Iconography," in Rivka Merhav, ed., Urartu: A Metalworking Center in tile First Millennillm B.CE. (Israel Museum Catalogue 324; Jerusalem: Israel Museum, 1991), p. 315. Hence, Urartian iconography cmmot assist us in determining the appearance of the "symbol of AMur." 55 See the perceptive and nuanced discussion in Deller, "GOtterstreitwagen und Gotterstandarten," 291-98. Deller justifiably observes that the portable battle standards receive the same cultic attention and regard as their stationary counterparts housed in the Assyrian city-temples. With regard to the sacrifices and other divine rites paid to the weapons/symbols of the gods in the guise of NA battle standards, numerous history-of-religion parallels offer themselves. For example, several ancient Indo-European traditions celebrated a cult of a divine sword, notably the Scythians, who performed human sacrifice before a naked iron sword identified with" Ares" (Herodotus 4.62) and the Alano/Sarmatian practice of thrusting swords in the ground and worshiping them as "Mars" (Ammianus Marcellinus). The Scythian sword, an ancient cult object, was said to have been the god's image or representation (CiYUAIlU); c. Scott Littleton, "From Swords in the Earth to the Sword in the Stone: A Possible Reflection of an Alano-Sarmatian Rite of Passage in the Arthurian Tradition," in Edgar C. Polome, ed., Homage to Georges Dllmhil Oournal of Indo-European Studies Monograph 3; Washington, D.C.: Journal of Indo-European Studies, 1982), pp. 53-67; Bruce Lincoln, Deat/I, War, and Sacrifice: Studies in Ideology alld Practice (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 1991), pp. 201-8. 56 AMur-na$ir-apli II; RIMA 2, AO.lOLl ii 25-28. In addition to numerous references to the gods who go before him, Sargon II speaks of "Nergal and
gi~KAKKI A~~UR
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never uses the expression "kakki A~~ur," but infrequent reference is made to the movements of the" gods of the king" in foreign contexts associated with the administration of oaths (ad€): [They are bringing] these go[ ds of the king from] Sarragitu [and carrying (them) into our] jurisdiction .... We will tak[e] the loy[alty oath as soon as the]y co[me] to Nippur. (However) the gods of the king have not yet been car[ried] into our territory and jurisdiction. 57 The ancient practice of assembling the gods of the two ruling parties enga~ing in a treaty ceremony is well attested in the archives of ZimriLim; whether this involved statues in the round or more portable divine symbols cannot be determined from the expressions used. In at least one case, the terms used are reminiscent of the formula employed by the NA kin§s for describing the erection of the symbol of Assur: DINGIR M[E~ ~la ISme- Da-gan it-ti Za-zi-ia [x xl a-na ni-i~ DINGIR-lim za-ka-ri-im wa-a~-bu, "the gods of ISme-Dagan were installed with Zaziya [x xl for the oath of the gods
Adad, whose standards (urigalli!) go before me"; TCL 3 4. ~am~I-Adad V boasted of capturing the divine standard (dllrigal/i) of the Babylonian king Baba-aba-iddina "which goes before him" (illik pilngll); RIMA 3 AO.103.2.17'. In Assyrian texts this trope dates back to the inscriptions of A~~ur-dan II, RIMA 2 AO.98.1.48, and AMur-bel-kala, RIMA 2 AO.89.2 9'; AO.89.5 3'(?), though the expression SU.NIR illik malJri is attested in OB sources; Cii1;Kizilyay-Kraus, Nippur, 174 rev. 1. 57 ABL 699+617 rev. 7'-15' (81-2-4,468+K 1167) (writer: Bel-iqi~a, AMur-bel~akin, LUmu-x x). Restoration and translation by Steven W. Cole, Nippllr in Late Assyrian Times c. 755-612 Be (SAAS 4; Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1996), p. 77, n. 55. It is a reasonable surmise that the "gods of the king" mentioned here were pole-mounted standards suitable for travel over difficult terrain and fashioned in the recognizable iconography of the gods they symbolized. 58 Dominique Charpin, "Une alliance contre l'Elam et Ie rituel de Iipit napiMim," in Fran~ois Vallat, ed., Contriblltion ill'Ilistoire de /'Iran: melanges offerts iI Jean Perrot (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1990), pp. 115-16, n. 30; idem, "Un traite entre Zimri-Lim de Mari et Ibal-pi-EI II d'Bnunna," in Dominique Charpin and Francis Joannes, eds., Marc/wnds, diplomates et emperellrs: etlldes la civilisation mesopotamienlle offerts iI Palll Garelli (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1991), pp. 163-64 and see the overview in Paul Hoskisson, "The Ngum 'Oath' in Mari," in Gordon D. Young, ed., Mari in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Mari and Mari Stlldies (Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1992), pp. 203-10. ARMT 13, 147 describes the dispatch of the gods for the lipit lIapiMim-ritual; other Mari texts speak of their presence at the ni~ ill.
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ceremony.,,59 In the context of transporting divine images for an oath ceremony, Habdu-Malik uses the expression ilum ~a beliya [Zimri-Lim] ina paniya illik.60 Exceptionally, in a letter from ISbi-Dagan to Zimri-Lim, the writer describes the presence of his [Zimri-Lim's] gods, the great weapons/ symbols (GI~.TUKUL.~ rabatim), and his servants at a lipit napi~tim (oath) ceremony.61 Although the Aramaic loan-word ade first appears in Akkadian sources of the eighth century, the institution of creating written treaties guaranteeing the loyalty of subordinate polities appears to have been common practice during the NA era. 62 Foreign gods were invoked in preserved NA
treaties concluded with peoples throughout the ancient Near East, whether of client or provincial status. 63 It is evident that symbols or images of both Assyrian and foreign gods were physically present during the ceremonies. In the course of the eighth campaign of Sargon II, the loyal client king
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Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1987), pp. 353-64; Dietz Otto Edzard, "Der Vertrag von Ebla rni t A-bar-QA," in Pelio Fronzaroli, ed., Litern t ure and Liternry Language at Ebla (Quaderni di Sernitistica 18; Florence: Dipartimento di Linguistica, Universita di Firenze, 1992), pp. 187-217 (TM 75.G.2420). On the history of treaty and oath conventions in Western Asia and the terminology involved, see the studies in Moshe Weinfeld, "The Loyalty Oath in the Ancient Near East," UF 8 (1976): 379-414; Dennis J. McCarthy, Treaty and Covenant. A Study in the Ancient Oriental DOCllments and in the Old Testament (2nd ed.; AnBi 21a; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1978); Hayim Tadmor, "Treaty and Oath in the Ancient Near East: A Historian's Approach," in Gene M. Tucker and Douglas A Knight, eds., Humanizing America's Iconic Book: Society of Biblical Liternture Centennial Addresses 1980 (Society of Biblical Literature: Biblical Scholarship in North America 6; Chico, Calif.: Scholars Press, 1982), pp. 12752; Paul KaUuveettil, Declarntion and Covenant: A Comprellensive Review of Covenant Formulae from the Old Testament and the Ancient Near East (AnBi 88; Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1982); Brinkman, "Political Covenants, Treaties, and Loyalty Oaths," 81-112; Moshe Weinfeld, "The Common Heritage of Covenantal Traditions in the Ancient World," in I trnttati nelmondo antico, pp. 175-91; Pierre Arniet," Alliance des hommes, Alliance des dieux dans l'iconographie orientale," in Hermann Gasche and Barthel Hrouda, eds., Col/ectanea
59 ARMT 26/2, 526: 8-9 (A 333+A 2388), in a letter describing a treaty between the Turukkean king Zaziya and gme-Dagan of EkaUatum. If the restoration proposed in ARMT 26/1,32: 26-27 is sound, the verb used for "instaUing" the gods is ~akilIHl. 60 ARMT 26/2, 389: 27-29 (A 2125). The gods are those of Atamrum en
route to
Kurda.
61 A 3354+ cited in Charpin, "Un traite entre Zimri-Lim," 163 n. 60. 62 AK. Grayson," Akkadian Treaties of the Seventh Century B.C.," ICS 39 (1987): 128-29; Simo Parpola, "Neo-Assyrian Treaties from the Royal Archives of Nineveh," ICS 39 (1987): 180-83; SAA 2 xv-xxv; Mario Liverani, "Terminologia e ideologia del patto neUe iscrizioni reali assire," in Luciano Canfora, Mario Liverani, and Carlo Zaccagnini, eds., I trnttati nel mondo antico. Forma, ideologia,fl/nziolle (Saggi di storia antica 2; Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1990), pp. 113-47. The tradition of the Babylonian ade-agreement may be slightly older than its Assyrian counterpart; John A Brinkman, "Political Covenants, Treaties, and Loyalty Oaths in Babylonia and between Assyria and Babylonia," in I trnttati nel mondo antico, p. 99. Parpola's caveats regarding the semantic breadth of Assyrian ade, extending weU beyond "loyalty oath," are weU taken. The frequency with which the violation of oaths occurs in Assyrian annals and epistolary documents attests to the routine nature of the institution as a political expedient; for examples, see Bustenay Oded, War, Peace and Empire: Justifications for War in Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (Wiesbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1992), pp. 83-94; Liverani, "Terminologia e ideologia del patto," 124-47. The NA diplomatic procedure of concluding binding agreements or treaties with foreign partners was a legacy of the MA and earlier states. In the eleventh century, Tiglath-pileser I released the captured king and army of Nai'ri in the presence of ~ama1§, after causing them to swear an oath by the great gods (mll1l1U i1l1niya rnbnti); RIMA 2 AO.87.1 v 12-16. Cuneiform treaties are attested as early as third-millennium Ebla; see W.G. Lambert, "The Treaty of Ebla," in Luigi Cagni, ed., Ebla 1975-1985: dieci allni di studi Iinguistici efilologici (Istituto Universitario Orientale, Series Minor 27; Naples:
Orientale: Ilistoire, arts de /'espace et indllstrie de la terre; etudes offerts en 110m mage iI Agn~s Spycket (Civilisations de Proche-Orient, Serie I: archeologie et environnement 3; NeucMtel and Paris: Recherches et Publications, 1991), pp. 1-6; Jean-Georges Heintz, "Alliance humaine-aUiance divine: documents d'epoque babylonienne ancienne & Bible hebrai"que-une esquisse," BN 86 (1997): 66-76. Jean-Marie Durand, "Precurseurs Syriens aux protocoles neoAssyriens - considerations sur la vie politique aux Bords-de-I'Euphrate," in Dominique Charpin and Francis Joannes, eds., Marc/wnds, diplomates et empereurs: etl/des la civilisation mesopotall/ielllle offerts iI Paul Carelli (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1991), pp. 16-56 instructively compares the administration of oaths in the Zimri-Lim archives with NA practices.
63 SAA 2 nos. 1 obv. 16-rev. 16 (Babylonian deities); 2 vi 6-24 (Assyrian and West Semitic deities), 3 obv. 7'-11', rev. 2'-5' (Assyrian deities), 4 rev. 16'-27' (Assyrian deities), 5 iv 1'-19' (Assyrian and West Semitic deities), 6 13-40 (astral gods, Assyro-Babylonian pantheon, "aU the gods of one's land and district"), 8 25-27 (Assyrian and astral deities), 9 obv. 1'-2', rev. 5'-25' (AssyroBabylonian pantheon), 10 obv. 2'-3', rev. 8'-10' (Assyrian and Qedarite deities), 11 obv. 6 (astral deities?) rev. 1'-14' (Assyrian deities). On the cultic implications of the ade-treaty, see Watanabe, Die ade-Vereidigl/ng, p. 26 .
1
j
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1 .
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(..x ..:·:..:·:..:·:..) STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
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Ullusunu and his people were feted at a banquet where, in a setting reminiscent of a loyalty oath ceremony, "in the ~esence of Assur and the gods of their country thV blessed my kingship." "Temples of the king,,65 and "gods of the king,,6 appear in correspondence addressed to Assurbanipal from Nippur, a key Assyrian bastion of loyalty during the Sama~ ~um-ukIn rebellion and in the following decades. Assyrian divine images at one point were used during a loyalty oath ceremony: "in Nippur as well as in Uruk in the midst of (the images of) your gods I took the loyalty oath to the king, my lord.,,67 ABL 699+617 reveals that these images traveled from Sarragltu to Nippur expressly for that rurpose. The" gods of the king" are distinguished from those of Nippur. 6 ABL 202 rev. 10-13 adds the valuable information that soldiers, their sons and wives "together with their gods" should take loyalty oaths to Assurbanipal, probably in Nippur and Uruk; these are presumably images of non-Assyrian divinities. Assurbanipal informs the loyal governor of Uruk that he is dispatching his eunuch, "third man" official, and Akkullanu, the well-known astrologer and erib-bUi priest of A~~ur, with the king's treaty tablet (fu~pi ade) to be 6 subscribed to by the governor himself and his countrymen. In conclusion, it is suggested that the kakki A~~ur functioned as a shorthand convention in the royal inscriptions of the second half of the eighth century for military standards of the Assyrian state pantheon used in the administration of loyalty oaths. In the annalistic accounts of the expedition to Media in his sixth paW, Sargon II's scribes utilize expressions that link the kakke ililni with battle standards, and in one variant use identical terms for the establishment of the kakki A~~ur at ljarbar. (Contemporary correspondence from the Assyrian governor of ljarbar mentions the conclusion of ade-agreements with various Median polities.) Such a convention could have developed out of the venerable association of Assur with a ceremonial
weapon normally housed in the Assur temple, and the numerous annalistic metaphors created to describe the warlike puissance of the emperor as one in whose hands were placed "his (Assur's) fierce weapons (kakkesu ezziite~ that in their progress from rising to setting sun crush the insubmissive," 0 or who is himself the weapon of the wrathful gods waging irresistible warfare against the enemies of the state: "you (the king of Subria) stirred up the fierce weapons of Assur from their rest.,,71 Provincial governors like Mannu-kI-Ninua of ljarbar IKar-SarrukIn were responsible for supplying gint1-offerings for the cult of Assur in the Assyrian heartland, and were actively involved in the administration of ade-oaths to their subjects. Based on the limited number of references to the "symbol of Assur" in the royal inscriptions, the absolute dearth of epistolary allusions to this "cult," and zero evidence for the existence of Assur temples outside the Neo-Assyrian heartland, I am inclined to believe that these images were used in the administration of oaths to peoples of both client and provincial status-and little else. The limited evidence does make clear, in any event, that these sacred objects were not intended to replace native gods or cults. If this interpretation is substantially correct, then the short-lived narrative trope of the emplacement of the symbol of Assur-the administration of ade-oaths-represents an activity performed many dozens if not many hundreds of times by Assyrian provincial rulers seeking diplomatic means to guarantee loyalty and a cessation of hostilities. Yet again, the Assyrian annals tease us with the mirage of historical self-disclosure that proves woefully thin on the information required to reconstruct Assyrian political policy. A review of 140 years of scholarship regarding the kakki A~~ur and related religio-political measures suggests that we remain locked in the same world view shared by Henry Rawlinson, insofar as the language of this institution-even in translation-continues to raise in our minds a beguiling host of Church-and-State expectations that bear greater resemblance to the world of the European past than the NA present. 72
264
64 TCL 3 63-64.
65 ABL 1074 obv. (Rrn 60). 66 ABL 699+617 rev. 4'-13' (81-2-4,468+K 1167). 67 inn NIBRU kl II inn UNUG ki inn libbi ifllnikn rev. 4-7 (K 83).
II
nde ~n ~n,.ri bi!liyn n$$nbnt; ABL 202
68 ABL 797 obv. 14-15 (K 672). 69 ABL539 rev. 12b-16 (K 17) (writer: Assurbanipal). Akkullanu's career is known from over thirty letters and astrological reports dealing primarily with astrological matters, the Assyrian temple cultus, and the substitute-king ritual; see LAS nos. 298,300-4,306-9,311-16. Comparable OB terminology, in context, includes fllpplllll $eumlll, fllpplllll rnbr1m, fllppi ng ifilll/i1l, fllppi lipit nnpiMilll.
70 Sargon II; TCL 3126. 71 Borger Asarh. §68 Cbr. II 104 i 32. 72 If, for
instance, Mannu-kI-Ninua's administration of nde-oaths in the environs of tJarbar constituted the historical gist of the imposition of the knkki A~SIl", then we are obliged to deconstruct the annalistic rhetoric as a routine piece of border diplomacy. Obligatory worship of the warlike captain of the conqueror's pantheon by trembling deportees and "pacified" locals makes for a gripping image, is fully consonant with the other sadistic narrative images
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STEVEN W. HOLLOW A Y
The Formula "to Become a God" in Hittite Historiographical Texts Sylvia Hutter-Braunsar Graz
SOME PUBLICATIONS OF RECENT YEARS concerning the possible deification of Hittite kings show a revival of the discussion about this theme.} About forty years ago Oliver Gurney stated that the Hittite king could not be a god during his lifetime because he became a god when he died. 2 Especially rock carvings and seals showing the Hittite kings with the horned crown were taken as portraits of deceased kings.3 But the seal impression on the tablet RS 17.159 (CTH 107)4 showing Tudbaliya IV with the horned crown proves that at least this king was depicted with this divine emblem during his lifetime, because the tablet contains Tudbaliya's regulation on the divorce of Ammgtamru of Ugarit. Whether this is a special case concerning only Tudbaliya IV or not we have to leave undecided here. s The formula "to become a god" is well known from the Hittite Funerary Ritual (ex. 1):6 ma-a-an URUtJa-at-tu-~i ~al-li-i~ wa-aHa-a-i~ ki-~a-ri na-a~-~u-za LUGAL-u~ na-a~-ma MUNUS.LUGAL-a~ DINGIRLlM_i~ ki-~a-ri
If in tJattu~a a great calamity happens, (namely) either the king or the queen becomes a god. surrounding the creation or re-establishment of these six provincial centers, and resonates deeply with the medieval Christian and modern colonial intellectual baggage that most of us carry into the library or study. But if the imposition of the kakki AM"r was fundamentally a jejune diplomatic procedure rather than an innovative psychological terror tactic, then it is little wonder that the royal scribes found for it a menacing turn of phrase suited to conceal rather than reveal the actual intent of the measure, while at the same time further inflating the portrait of the victorious king meting out condign vengeance upon the insubmissive.
Compare, for example, Haas 1994: 189f. + n. 40. 2 Gurney 1958: 119f.
3 For literature, see van den Hout 1995b: esp. 546f. 4 For the text, see Nougayrol1956: 126f.; for a picture, Schaeffer 1956: 19.
S Van den Hout 1995b: esp. 571-73. 6 For the passages in question, see the Appendix.
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SYLVIA HUTTER-BRAUNSAR
Besides this occurrence in a religious text, we find the formula in historiographical texts (such as annals) and historiographical passages (such as the so-called historical preambles of the treaties). This formula is the only reference in Hittite texts to the belief that dead Hittite kings turned into gods. We find texts concerning dead kings (and other members of the royal family) that are testimonies to the king's ancestor cult: the so-called king-lists (CTH 660, 661), where the offerings for deceased members of the royal dynasty are listed? In them the names are written with the "Personendeterminativ" (the cuneiform sign preceding a male personal name), not with the "Gottesdeterminativ" (the cuneiform sign preceding a god's name). Such "lists" are parts of festivals, where offerings to statues of deceased persons are mentioned besides those to gods and deified objects; see for example the passage of the sixteenth day of the AN.TA{j.SUM-festival (ex. 12):
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riographic passages and texts shows that they all belong to the time of the Hittite Empire: we find it in texts of Mursili IT (ex. 4-6), ljattusili ill (ex. 79), and Tudbaliya IV (ex. 10-11). There seem to be two exceptions: The Annals of Tudbaliya (CTH 142, ex. 3) are Middle Hittite, and Telipinu's Proclamation (CTH 19, ex. 2) is said to go back even further. But only one fragment of CTH 142 is actually Middle Hittite, as Erich Neu has pointed out, and it is not the one with our formula.1° The events told in the decree of Telipinu relate to the Old Hittite Period, but the preserved texts date from the Empire period. 11 It is the same with the Hittite Funerary Ritualsthe concept may be Middle Hittite,12 but we have no text or fragment written before the New Empire that contains DINGIRLIM ki§-.13 On the other hand, we do not find the formula in texts dating from the Old Hittite Kingdom where we would e~ect it, particularly in ljattusili I's so-called Political Testament (CTH 6).1 This means that there are no testimonies to this formula older than the Empire period-or, in other words, the expression seems to be an innovation. In opposition to this the offering-lists for kings (and other members of the royal family) mention names of kings from the Old Kingdom, and end with Muwatalli. 15 So one could assume that there was a change in the belief concerning the afterlife or the cult for the dead. But offerings to statues of deceased kings are well attested also in the Empire Period (compare the passage in the AN.TA.{j.SUM-festival, ex. 12). So we cannot take the formula DINGIRLIM ki§- as an indication of a change of religious belief concerning the afterlife (at least the king's afterlife) during the New Empire. At the end of this chronological excursus we know no more than before. Let us turn to the context of the formula in historiographical texts. In most of its occurrences the formula is connected with the reference to the successor's accession to the throne. Literally we can find this combination in the examples 4.1, 4.3, 4.4 (Annals of Mursili II), 5 (Kupanta DKurunta-
U A-NA ALAM mt/A-AT-TU-SI-DINGIRLIM l-SU ~i-pa-an-ti And once he makes a libation to the statue of .{jattu~ili. Even in the preserved parts of the Hittite Funerary Rituals the dead king-his ZI (soul) or his ALAM (image, statue)-is never called "god" or "deified," but simply akkanta§ ("dead"). As H. Otten has pointed out, there is also no expression comparable to Latin divus in genealogies of Hittite kings a t the beginnings of their decrees, treaties, or annals. 8 This led Volkert Haas to conclude that the dead king was not deified but that the soul of the king and the god Siu fused together? How can we bring these conflicting facts into line? The king became a god during the process of dying, but obviously he was not considered a god after death. If the Hittites believed that their dying king became a god, why did they not call him "god"? What god of their "thousand gods" were they thinking of? Why did they not mention the god's name (or the goddess's name in the case of a queen or princess)? Perhaps we must seek the answer in chronological considerations. A preliminary look at the occurrences of the formula DINGIRLIM ki§- in his to-
10
Neu 1986: 183f. (5.1), 187. 11 Hoffmann 1984: 4. 12 Van den Hout, 1994: 57; Melchert 1991: 185; Haas 1994: 219. 13 Van den Hout 1994: 57 n. 82. 14 Sommer and Fa lkenstein 1938. In this text .{jattu§ili is speaking abou this dea th and may be giving orders for his funeral; for the discussion of the passage in question, see de Kuyper 1987; de Martino 1989; Melchert 1991: 184f.; and Haas 1994: 217. 15 Haas 1994: 247. But notice that, for example, CTH 661.1 is broken just after
Otten 1951. 8 Otten 1989: 22. 9 Haas 1994: 243 argues that DINGIR is the logogram for ~ildll)-("god"), which he identifies with the Indo-European sun-god in the Anitta-Text (CTH 1). One can neither prove nor disprove this thesis. Beckman 1995: 531f. thinks that the royal ancestor cult was so extensive because the dead king was much more dangerous to all the land of Hatti than a "normal" dead man to his family. 7
Muwatalli's name. , i
SYL VIA HUTTER-BRA UNSAR
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Treaty), 7 (Apology of tJattu1Hli ill), 8 (Indictment against Arma-Tarbunta), 11.1,11.2 (Treaty with Sausgamuwa of Amurru). Did kings like Mursill il, tJattusill ill, and Tudbaliya IV want to legitimate themselves by emphasizing their descent from a deified predecessor?16 But what use could this bring to the successor, since the deification took place only after dying? So no Hittite king could claim to be a god's descendant (again we can ask: which god's descendant?). This seems to be a dead end, too. And if we draw our attention to the Telipinu Proclamation (ex. 4), it seems odd that just tJantili and Arnmuna, both murderers and "Unglticksherrscher," became gods, and the others-among them successful kings like Labarna, tJattusill I, and Mursill I-did not, although, on the other hand, the text does not use the phrase "he died (akta)" for them. For a better understanding let us draw our attention to the context of the formula in the Funerary Ritual (ex. 1). There we read: "If in tJattusa a great calamity happens, (namely) either the king or the queen becomes a god." The meaning of wa~tai- has been discussed repeatedlyP Literally it means "sin, sacrilege or crime, offense," but it has been interpreted as "defect/lack" or "disaster," too. But no matter how we finally translate it, in all cases it has a negative connotation. This connection of ~alli~ wa~tai~ and DINGIRLlM ki~- may help us arrive at a better understanding of the passages mentioned in the historical texts: only if we bear in mind this negative component will we obtain the key to its meaning in historiographical sections. The euphemism DINGIRLlM kg-and I want to interpret it in this way because of the lack of other evidence for the king's deification after dying-evokes the connection with ~alli~ waMai~, which is an expression for the chaos that has been caused by the emperor's death. By saying "When my father/brother died and I ascended the throne ... " the successor introduces himself as the very one who brings this cosmic disorder to its end. This explanation is especially fittina in example 2 (Telipinu-Proclamation), in which the occurrence of DINGIR 1M ki~- is hard to understand otherwise. Here "becoming a god" of the reigning king is like a starting signal for bloodshed. Also the examples 3 (Annals of a Tudbaliya), 4.2, and 4.3 (Annals of Mursili II) fit this interpretation. In these texts it is said explicitly that the subdued countries tried to get rid of Hittite rule in the precarious situation during a change of emperor, and the author describes how the king was able to master this dangerous situation. In text 10 (Bronze Tablet) Tudbaliya says that Kurunta did not take advantage of the situation when tJattusili died.
Let us conclude. We actually do not know exactly what happened to the Hittite king when "becoming a god." He surell did not become a deity like the sun-deity or the storm-god; but DINGIRLl ki~- made a distinction between certain members of the royal family and ordinary men. P. Neve thinks that the deification, which is expressed for example also through the representation of the Hittite kings in the Empire period, is influenced by Egyptian thought;18 but as far as the formula treated here is concerned, we must bear in mind that from the Middle Egyptian Period onwards every dead Egyptian could become the God Osiris, if the relevant rituals were carried out correctly.19 However, it is not necessary to look for influences as far as Egypt. In texts from Nuzi and Emar we find iliini combined with ancestor cult and inheritance. 20 From these texts one could get the impression that every dead man was worshipped as a god, which is clearly not intended in Hittite texts. In my opinion we can find better correspondences with Ugaritic texts,21 especially KTU 1.161,22 which probably is a coronation ritual for King Arnmurapi of Ugarit. During this ritual the deified ancestors are invoked to give their blessing to the new king (and the city). This connection between ancestor cult and inheritance of the throne, or good luck for the new king-and also the whole land-we can find, for example, in a passage of the Hittite Funerary Ritual (CTH 450, KUB 30,19 rev. iv 1-6: Otten 1958: 44f.), where the dead king is invoked to bless his children, so that his kingdom would last for generations and he could be worshipped in his temple. It can also be found in the Treaty between Tudbaliya IV and Kurunta (CTH 106.A.1 §1O; Otten 1988: 14), where we hear that Kurunta was not allowed to go to his father's mausoleum, because he could have tried to legitimate himself to ascend the throne through his carrying out the ancestor cult for his father, King Muwattalli. The formula DINGIRLlM ki~- was a euphemism for "to die" (akk-) and was-with its negative component-adapted for historiographic texts to remind the reader-or, better, listener-of the ~alli~ waMai~ that is caused
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16 Gesche 1978 tries to explain the divination of Roman emperors this way. 17 Van den Hout 1994: 56f. + n. 80 with literature.
18 Neve 1993: 6. 19 Assmann 1986: esp. 663-67. 20 Van der Toorn 1994; Pitard 1996: 126-29 argues that the expression ililni il efellllll11 /IIITta in the Emar texts is not hendiadys, but wants to distinguish between gods and ancestors. Nevertheless the texts show that these dead men were worshipped together with and in the same manner as gods. 21 Compare, for example, Hallo 1992: 384; Aboud 1994 passim. 22 For the text, see Aboud 1994: 157-60 and Levine, de Tarragon, and Robertson 1997: 357f.
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SYLVIA HUTTER-BRA UNSAR
by an emperor's death, so he could better appreciate the king's results in over-coming this chaotic situation.
APPENDIX (1) KUB 30,16 + KUB 39,1 i 1f (CTH 450: Otten 1958: 18; Gurney 1977: 59): ma-a-an uRutJa-at-tu-~i ~al-li-g wa-a~-ta-a-g kHa-ri na-a~-~u-za LUGAL-u~ na-a~-ma MUNUS.LUGAL-a~ DlNGIRLlM_g ki-~a-ri
If in tJattu~a a great calamity happens, (namely) either the king or the queen becomes a god. (2) Telipinu Proclamation (CTH 19) §18 obv. i 63-65 (Hoffmann 1984: 24f.; van den Hout 1997a: 195): ma-a-an mtJa-an-ti-i-li-i~-~a LllSU.GI ki-~a-at na-a~ DINGIRLlM_g ki-ik-kig-~u-u-wa-an da-a-i~ nu-kan mZi-dan-ta-a~ mPi-~e-ni-in DUMU mHa-an-tii-li QA-DU DUMUMES_SU ku-en-ta ba-an-te-iz-zi-uHa ARADM~-SU kuen-ta And when tJantili grew old and began to become a god, Zidanta killed pgeni, tJantili's son together with his sons; and his chief servants he killed. §21 obv. ii 4-7 (Hoffmann 1984: 26f.; van den Hout 1997a: 196): ma-a-an mAm-mu-na-a~-~a DlNGIRLlM_i~ ki-~a-at mZu-ru-u-u~-~a GAL UJ MES ME-SE-OI du-ud-du-mi-li a-pi-e-da-a~-pat UD.KAMI:JI.A-a~ ba-a~ ~a-an-na-a~-~a-a~ DUMU-SU mTa-bur-wa-i-li-in LlJ GISSUKURGUSKIN pii-e-it nu-za-kan mTi-it-ti-ya-a~ ba-a~-~a-tar QA-DU DUMUMES_SU ku-en-ta When Arnrnuna, too, became a god, Zuru, the Chief of the Royal Bodyguards, in those days secretly sent, of his own offspring, his son Taburwaili, a Man of the Gold Spear, and he killed Tittiya's family together with his sons. (3) Annals of a Tudbaliya (CTH 142.1 = KUB 23, 27 i 1-3: Carruba 1977: 156f.): UMMA Tabarna mTuthaliya LUGAL.GAL man ABUYA DINGIRLTM_i~ kgat Ogaz TUR-a~ e~un nu LUGAL KUR URU Arzauwa
Thus (speaks) Tabarna Tudbaliya, Great King: When my father became a god I was small, and the King of Arzawa ... (began to wage war).
"TO BECOME A GOD"
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(4) Annals of Mur~ili II (CTH 61) (4.1) KBo 3, 4 i 4f (G6tze 1933: 14f.): nu-za A-BU-YA ku-wa-pi DINGIRLlM_g DU-at mAr-nu-an-da-a~-ma-za-kan SES- YA A-NA GlSGU.ZA A-BI-SU e-~a-at And as soon as my father became a god my brother Arnuwanda sat upon his father's throne. (4.2) KBo 3, 4 i 8 (G6tze 1933: 16f.; Bryce 1998: 208): ma-ab-ba-an-ma-za mAr-nu-an-da-a~ SES-YA DlNGIRLlM_g ki-~a-at When my brother Arnuwanda became a god (the enemy lands who had not yet made war, those enemy lands also made war). (4.3) KBo 3, 4 i 10-13 (G6tze 1933: 16-20; Bryce 1998: 208): A-BU-SU-wa-a~-~i ku-g LUGAL KUR tJat-ti e-eHa nu-wa-ra-a~ URSAG-g LUGAL-u~ e-eHa nu-wa-za KURKURMES Ll1KUR tar-ab-ba-an bar-ta nu-wa-ra-a~-za DlNGIRLlM_g DU-at DUMU-SU-ma-wa-a~-~i-za-kan ku-i~ A-NA GlSGU.ZA A-BI-SU e-~a-at nu-wa a-pa-a-a~-~a ka-ru-u Ll1GURUS-an-za e-eHa nu-wa-ra-an ir-ma-li-at-ta-at nu-wa-za a-pa-a-a~-~a DlNGIRLlM_g ki-~a-at ki-nu-un-ma-wa-za-kan ku-gA-NA GlSGU.ZAA-BI-SU e-~a-at nu-wa-ra-a~
TUR-Ia-a~
nu-wa KURtJat-ti ZAGI:JI.A KURtJa-at-ti-ya-wa ll-UL TI-nu-zi His father, who was king of the land of Hatti and a Hero-King, held sway over the enemy lands. And he became a god. But his son who sat upon his father's throne and was previously a great warrior fell iII, and he also became a god. Yet he who has recently sat upon his father's throne is a child. He wiII not preserve the land of Hatti and the territory of the Hatti lands. (4.4) KBo 4, 4 iv 65f. (G6tze 1933: 142f.): A-BU-YA-ma-za DlNGIRLlM_i~ ki-~a-at / GIM-an-ma-za-kan am-mu-uk A-NA Gl~GU.ZA A-BI-YA e-e~-ba-at
But my father became a god. / And when I sat down on my father's throne ... (I took care of Masbuiluwa).
274
(<>X<>:':<>:':<>:':<»
SYLVIA HUTTER-BRAUNSAR
(5) Treaty with Kupanta DJ<:urunta §3 (CTH 68: Friedrich 1926: 108f.; Beckman 1996: 69):
ma-~-ba-an-ma-za A-BU-YA DINGIRLlM_EI ki-1\a-at Duru~I-ma-za-kan ANA GI GU.zA A-BI- YA e-e1\-ba-ba-at But when my father became god, and I, My Majesty, had seated myself upon the throne of my father. (6) Mursili II on the Tawananna Affair (CTH 70, KUB 14,4: Laroche 1956: 102; Bin-Nun 1975: 177) i Sf. 9: GIM-an-ma-za A-BU- YA DIN1GIRLlM_i1\ ki-1\a-at fTa-wa-an-na-an-na-anrna m Ar-nu-wa-an-da-a1\ ~E~- YA am-mu-uk-qa l1-UL ku-it-ki i-da-Ia-u-wa-ab-bu-u-en te-ep-nu-mina-an l1-UL ku-it-ki ... ma-ab-ba-an-ma-za SES- YA-ya DINGIRLlM_i1\ kHa-at fTa-wa-an-na-an-naan-rna am-mu-uk-qa l1-UL ku-it-ki i-da-Ia-u-wa-ab-bu-un te-epnu-nu-na-an l1-UL ku-it-ki When my father became a god my brother Arnuwanda and I did not in any way wrong Tawananna or humiliate her in any way ... and when my brother became a god I did not in any way wrong Tawananna or humiliate her in any way. (7) Apology of tJattu1\ili III (CTH 81: Otten 1981: 6f. 20f.; van den Hout 1997b: 199) i 22f. [iii 36]: ma-ab-ba-an-ma-za A-BU- YA ffiMur-1\i-li-is DINGIRLlM_i1\ ki-1\a-at ~E~- YA-ma-za-kan ffiNIR.GAL A-NA G1SGU.ZA A-BI-SU e-1\a-at When my father Mursili became a god, my brother Muwatalli seated himself on the throne of his father. (8) Indictment against Arma-Tarbunta (CTH 86.1.A = KUB 21,17: Dna11974: 1.2, 22f.) ii 15-17: ma-ab-ba-an-ma-za ~E~- YA ffiNIRGAL-i1\ DINGIRLlM-i1\ ki-1\a-at nu ffiUr-bi Du-up-an A-NA G1SGU.ZA A-BI-SU ti-it-ta-nu-nu-un
"TO BECOME A GOD"
(<>X<>:.:-X<>X<»
(10) Bronze Tablet (CTH 106.A.1 23 = Bo 86/299: Otten 1988: 18; Beckman 1996: 112) ii 53-57: ma-ab-ba-an-ma-za A-BU- YA ku-wa-pi DINGIRLlM_is ki-sa-at nu KUR.KURI::J1A ku-it a-ar-1\a ti-ya-at ffiDr.AMMA-a1\-ma-mu a-pe-e-da-ni-ya me-e-bu-ni 1\e-er ak-ta nu-mu pa-ab-ba-aHa nuMA-ME-TE MES ku-e le-en-qa-anbar-ta nu-kan l1-UL ku-it-ki wa-ab-nu-ut / ma-ab-ba-an-ma-mu DINGIRLUM da-a-a1\ nu LUGAL-iz-zi-ab-ba-at And when my father became a god, because lands entered into secessionat that time Kurunta would have died for me. He protected me and in no way broke the oaths that he had sworn. / When the god took me and I became king ... " (I made the following treaty with Kurunta). (11) Treaty with ~au1\gamuwa of Amurru (CTH 105): (11.1) : i 40-42 (KUhne / Otten 1971: 8; Beckman 1996: 100): GIM-an-ma-za ffiNIRGAL-is ~ffi A-BI DUTU~I DINGIRLlM_i1\ ki-sa-at nu A-BI DUTU51 ffitJa-at-tu-si-li-is LUGAL-iz-zi-at But when Muwattalli, the Uncle of My Majesty, became a god, the father of My Majesty, tJattusili, became king." (Here Tudbaliya omits Urbi-Tesup.) (11.2) : ii 20f. (KUhne / Otten 1971: 10; Beckman 1996: 100): GIM-an-ma-za ffiNIRGAL-is DINGIRLlM_is ki-1\a-at nu ffiUr-bi-Du-up-as DUMU ffiNIRGAL LUGAL-iz-zi-at But when Muwatalli became a god, then Urbi-Tesup, son of Muwattalli, became king. (12) AN.TAtJ.~UM-festival, 16th day (CTH 612: Badali and Zinko 1989: 19.49), §34:
U A-NA ALAM ffitlA-AT-TU-SI-DINGIR LlM l-SU si-pa-an-ti And once he makes a libation to the statue of tJattusili.
When my brother Muwatalli became a god I put Urbi-Te1\up on his father's throne. (9) Fragment of a letter (CTH 209.15
275
=KUB 23,45: Dnal1974: 1.2, 132), 24:
LUIGAL-wa-za ku-wa-pi DINGIRLlM_is ki-1\[a-at When the king be[came] a god 23 According to van den Hout 1995a: 11.
r 276
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SYLVIA HUTTER-BRAUNSAR
BIBLIOGRAPHY Aboud, Jehad (1994) Die Rolle des Konigs und seiner Familie nach den Texten von Ugarit. Miinster (= Forschungen zur Anthropologie und Religio~.sgeschichte, 27). Assmann, Jan (1986) "Totenkult, Totenglauben." In Lexikon der AgIJPtologie 6. Pp. 659-76. BadaH, Enrico and Christian Zinko (1989) Der 16. Tag des AN.TAIj.5UMFestes. Text, Ilbersetzlmg, Kommentar, Glossar. Innsbruck (= Scientia, 20). Beckman, Gary M. (1995) "Royal Ideology and State Administration in Hittite Anatolia." In J.M. Sasson et al., eds., Civilizations of the Ancient Near East 1. New York. Pp. 529-43. (1996) Hittite Diplomatic Texts. Atlanta (= SBL Writings from the Ancient World, 7). Bin-Nun, S.R. (1975) Tfle Tawananna in tfle Hittite Kingdom (= THeth. 5). Bryce, Trevor R. (1998) Tfle Kingdolll of tlte Hittites. Oxford. Carruba, Onofrio (1977) "Beitrage zur rnittelhethitischen Geschichte 1. Die Tuthalijas und die Arnuwandas." SMEA 18: 137-95. de Kuyper, Jozef (1987) "Les obligations funeraires d'une reine hittite." SEL 4: 93-99. de Martino, Stefano (1989) "Hattu~ili 1. e Ha~tayar: un problema aperto." OA 28: 1-24. Friedrich, Johannes (1926) Staatsvertriige des HattiReicfles in Itetllitisclter Sprache I (= MVAeG 31,1). Gesche, Helga (1978) "Die Divinisierung der rornischen Kaiser in ihrer Funktion als Herrschaftslegitimation." Cltiron 8: 377-90. G6tze, Albrecht (1933) Die Annalen des Mur§ili§ (= MVAeG 28 = Hethitische Texte, 6). Gurney, Oliver R. (1958) "Hittite Kingship." In S.H. Hooke, ed., My til, Ritllal, and Kingship. Essays on tile Theory and Practice of Kingsllip in tlte Ancient Near East and in Israel. Oxford. Pp. 105-21. (1977) Some Aspects of Hittite Religion (The Schweich Lectures 1976). Oxford. Haas, Volkert (1994) Gescllicllte del' hethitisclten Religion. Leiden / New York / KoIn (= Handbuch der Orientalistik, I 15). Hallo, William W. (1992) "Royal Ancestor Worship in the Biblical World." In M. Fishbane and E. Tov, eds., Simcarei Tallllon. Stlldies in the Bible, Qlllllran, and tile Ancient Near East Presented to Sltelllaryal1ll Talmon. Winona Lake, Ind. Pp. 381-401. Hoffmann, Inge (1984) Der Erlaj1 Telipinlls. Wiesbaden (= THeth. 11). van den Hout, Theo P.J. (1994) "Death as a Privilege. The Hittite Royal Funerary Ritual." In J.M. Bremmer, Th. van den Hout, and R. Peters, eds., Hidden Flltllres. Deatlt and lI"IIIortality in Ancient Egypt, Anatolia, tlte Classical, Biblical and Arabic-Islalllic World. Amsterdam. Pp. 37-75. (1995a) Del' llI111ite§lIb-Vert rag. Eine prosopograplliscl/e Ulltersue/1Ilng. Wiesbaden (= StBoT 38). (1995b) "Tudbaliya IV. und die Ikonographie der hethitischen GroBkonige des 13. Jhs." BiOr 52: 545-73. (1997a) "The Proclamation of Telipinu." In W.W. Hallo, ed., Tile Context of Script lire. Vol.1: Callonical Compositiolls frolll tlte Biblical World. Leiden / New York / KOln. Pp. 194-98. (1997b)" Apology of Hattu~ili IlL" In W.W. Hallo, ed., Tlte Context of Script lire. Vol.1: Canollical Compos itionsfrom the Biblical World. Leiden / New York / KOln. Pp. 199-204. Kiihne, Cord and Heinrich Otten (1971) Del' 5all§galllllwa-Vertrag (= StBoT 16). Laroche, Emmanuel (1956) "Documents hil~roglyphiques hittites provenant du Palais d'Ugarit." In Claude F.-A. Schaeffer, Ugaritica 3. Sceallx et cylindres Itittites, tfptfe gravtfe dll cartolle/Ie
de Mineptah, tableltes cltypro-minoenlles et alltres dtfcollvertes nOllvelles de Ras Slmlllra. Paris (= Mission de Ras Shamra, 8). Pp. 97-160. Levine, Baruch A., Jean-Michel de Tarragon, and Anne Robertson (1997) "The Patrons of the Ugaritic Dynasty (KTU 1.161)." In W.W. Hallo, ed., Tile COlltext of Scriptllre. Vol.1: Callollical Compositions
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from the Biblical World. Leiden / New York / KoIn. Pp. 357f. Melchert, Craig (1991) "Death and the Hittite King." In R. Pearson, ed., Perspectives on Indo-European Langllage, Culture and Religion. Studies in Honor of Edgar C. Polome. Vol. 1 (= Journal of Indo-European Studies, Monograph 7). Pp. 182-88. Neu, Erich (1986) "Zum rnittelhethitischen Alter der TutbaliJ.a-Annalen (CTH 142)." In W. Meid and H. Trenkwalder (Hg.), 1m Bannkreis des Alten Orients und seines Ausstrahlungsraumes. Karl OberllUber zum 70. Geburtstag gewidmet. Innsbruck (= 18K 24). Pp. 181-92. Neve, Peter (1993) Hattu§a-Stadt der Gotter und Tempel. Neue Ausgrabungen in der Hauptstadt der Hethiter. Mainz/Rhein (= Zaberns Bildbande zur Archaologie 8). Nougayrol, Jean (1956) Le Palais royal d'Ugarit 4: Textes accadiens des archives sud. Paris (= Mission de Ras Shamra 9). Otten, Heinrich (1951) "Die hethitischen 'Konigslisten' und die altorientalische Chronologie." MDOG 83: 47-71. (1958) Hetltitise/le Totenritllale. Berlin (= Veroffentlichungen der Deutschen Akadernie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, Institut fUr Orientforschung, 37). (1981) Die Apologie Hattusilis III. Das Bild der Ilberliefenlllg. Wiesbaden (= StBoT 24). (1988) Die Bronzetafel ails Bogazkoy. Ein Staatsvertrag Tutlmliyas IV. Wiesbaden (= StBoT-Bh. 1). (1989) "Zu den rechtlichen und religiOsen Grundlagen des hethitischen Konigtums." In Die 1986 in Bogazkoy gefllndene Bronzetafel. Zwei Vorh·age. IImsbruck. Pp. 21-35. Pitard, Wayne T. (1996) "Care of the Dead at Emar." In M.W. Chavalas, ed., Emar: The History, Religion, and Cllltllre of a Syrian Town in ti,e Late Bronze Age. Bethesda, Md. Pp. 12340. Schaeffer, Claude F.-A. (1956) Ugaritica 3 (= Mission de Ras Shamra 8). Paris. Sommer, Ferdinand and Adam Falkenstein (1938) Die Itetltitise/l-akkadisclte Bilil1glle des Hattll§i1i 1. (Labama II.). Miinchen. van der Toorn, Karel (1994) "Gods and Ancestors in Emar and Nuzi." ZA 84: 38-59. Unal, Ahmet (1974) Hattll§ili III. Teil I: Hattu§i1i bis Z/l seiner Tltronbesteigung. Bd. 2: Qllellen lind Indices. Heidelberg (= THeth 4).
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The Genealogy of Nanna-Suen and Its Historical Background Jacob Klein Bar-Ilan University
A FUNDAMENTAL PHENOMENON in Mesopotamian mythopoeic thought is the description of the relationship between various deities in marital and filial terms. 1 Ever since the gods acquired their anthropomorphic character,2 the theologians have engaged in grouping them into generations and families, whereby the rank and function of a given god was determined by his genetic relationship to another god in the pantheon. A typical example of such a mythopoeic metaphor is the genealogy of Nanna-Suen, the tutelary deity of Ur from pre-historic times. Nanna-Suen figures in royal inscriptions from the reign of Urnammu on, predominantly as the "firstborn son of Enlil." This mythological genealogy permeates nearly all genres of 'classical' Sumerian literature, where it manifests itself in multiple, complex literary forms and expressions. Although this genealogy was observed by a number of Sumerologists, it has never been examined in a systematic way, and its historical background was seldom given due attention. A. Sjoberg, in his pioneering study of the moon-god,3 provides us with a great part of the hymnic sources pertaining to Nanna/Suen, but without a synthesis of the god's worship and theology. Th. Jacobsen, in his synthesis of Sumerian religion, provides a one-sided and synchronistic view of
1
I am grateful to the Center for Judaic Studies of the University of Pennsylvania and the Babylonian Section of the University Museum for their generous hospitality in the academic year 1997-1998, during which the first draft of this article was written.
2
Jacobsen 1970: 16ff.; idem 1976: 5-9.
3
A.w. Sjoberg, Der Mondgott Nanna-Sllen in der slimerischen llberliejerlll1g, Uppsala 1960. 279
281
280
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
Nanna/Suen, by bringing into focus only his aspect as a fertility god. 4 M. Hall in his more recent study of the moon-god supplements the relevant source material and provides a rather comprehensive synthesis.5 However, his discussion of the genealogy of this god is diffused and lacks a clear historical perspective. The earliest explicit references to Nanna/Suen as Enlil's son appear in Urnammu's inscriptions, which no less than five times refer to Nanna by the epithet dumu-sag-den-lil-Ia "the first(born) son of Enlil.,,6 This epithet occurs also in an inscription of ~u-Sin7 and in an inscription of Ibbi-Sin. 8 Although unattested in the royal inscriptions of ~ulgi, it appears in one of his royal hJ'nms. 9 In another Sulgi hynm, Nanna is called simply "the son of Enlil,lI! whereas in an Ibbi-Sin hynm dedicated to Nanna, the god is addressed as "the son of Ninlil" (dumu-dnin-lil-Ia).l1 In the Isin-Larsa period, a number of divine hynms to the moon-god, as well as royal inscriptions and royal hynms, frequently use these epithets of Nanna,12 along
with variant formulations. 13 The above epithets are echoed by stereotyped phrases speaking of Nanna as one who was "engendered by Enlil/the Great Mountain" ( enlil-Ie/kur-gal-e tu_da)14 or "born to Ninlil" (dnin-lil-Ie tu-da).15 Conversely, Enlil and Ninlil are frequently related to the moon-god by the epithets "his (genetic) father/mother" (a-a/ama-(ugu-)ni).1 6 Upon Nanna's birth, his father Enlil gave him a propitious name. This literary motif, which is
4 Jacobsen 1976: 121-27. 5 Mark G. Hall, A Study of the Sumerian Moon-God Nanl1a/Suen (Diss. Philadelphia: 1985). 6 Urnammu 11 (RIME 3/2, p. 34) 1-4; Urnammu 12 (ibid., p. 35) 1-3; Urnamrnu 17 (ibid., p. 40) 1-3; Urnamrnu 19 (ibid., p. 43) 1-3; Urnammu 28 (ibid., p. 64) 1-3. 7
Su-Sin 21: 1-3 (RIME 3/2, p. 332).
8 Ibbi-Sin 4: 1-2 (RIME 3/2, p. 373). See also Unattributed Ur III 1017: 1-3 (ibid., p.406). 9 Sulgi F 74-76 (Romer, BiOr 32 [1975]: 57): en da~-im-babbar an-ku-ga u4 su-su dumu-sag-den-lil-la me-gal-gal-la-kam bi-li-e-kur-ra-kam "Lord A~imbab bar, who fills the heavens with light, the firstborn of Enlil, he of the great Illes, the charm of the Ekur." The reading of AS- as a~- in dAS-im-babbar is far from certain. Contrary to Wiseman (apud Sjoberg 1960: 149, n. 2), Sulgi G (CT 36,26) 15 has d'A~-im babbar ("'a~-" in Klein, Studies Tad/llor 302 is a typographical error). For the probable reading ddil-im-babbar, see A. Cavigneaux and N.H. AI-Rawi, ZA 85 (1995): 206; Cohen 1996: 7. 10 Sulgi X 155: lugal mu~ za-gln-na g[u]n-a dumu den-lil-Ia (see Klein 1981a: 144). Note further Lugalbanda Epic I 203 (Wilcke, Das LlIgalbal1daepos 76), where Nanna is called: dumu-ki-ag-ga den-lil-Ia. 11
CBS 11168 obv. 20 (Sjoberg, OrSlIec 19-20 [1970-71]: 145f.).
12 For dumu-sag den-lil-ta in Nanna hymns and later royal inscriptions, see TCL 15,30: obv. 5 (Sjoberg 1960: 70ff.); UM 29-15-570 obv. 16,20 (Sjoberg, ICS 29, 8ff.); Letter to Moongod 1 (Sjoberg 1960: 104ff.); UMBS 10,7+ (Sjoberg, ZA 63
.'l 'J
(<>:':<>X<>:':<>:':<>J
[1973]: 36ff.), ll. 21, 25, 29, 37; Er~emma of Suen, obv. 5 (Sjoberg 1960: 44ff.) umu-un dnanna dus-mu-sagden-liI-la; CT 42, no. 9, pIs. 20-21: 18 (=27) u-mu-un dnanna dumu-sag- dmu-ul-lil-Ia (Hall 1985: 561ff.); Iddin-Dagan 2: 7 (RIME 4, 23); gmedagan 12: 1-3 (ibid., 43); gmedagan A 73 (SKIZ 39ff.; revised manuscript S. Tinney). Adab of Nanna for Gungunnum obv. ii 7' (Sjoberg, ZA 63 [1973]: 24-31); Nur-Adad 3:4-5 (ibid., 140); Sin-iddinam 11:21-22 (ibid., 172); Sin-iddinam 12: 1-2 (RIME 4,173); Warad-Sin 6: 3 (ibid., 209); Warad-Sin 7:45 (ibid., 210); Warad-Sin 10:3 (ibid.,215); Gungunnum A (Sjoberg, ZA 63 [1973]: 24-31; Hall 1985: 572ff.) obv. ii 7'. For dumu i:Ien-lil-la, see N 3082+ A obv. 1,3 (Hall 1985: 855ff.; Nanna-Ninbursaga); Enlilbani A 145-46 (Kapp, ZA 51, 76ff.). For dumu ki ag-ga den-lil-Ia, see SLTNi 58: 2 (Sjoberg 1960: 35ff.; Balbale of Nanna); d. TCL 15, 18:i 20'; gmedagan F) dSuen dumu ki-ag M-za-ra me-bi mu-ni-ba "You have granted its /lies to Suen, the son beloved of your heart." See further dumu ka-silim-ma dnu-nam-nir-ra "splendid son of Nunamnir" (Gungunnum A obv. ii 12'); dumu-x-kur-gal-Ia (ibid., obv. i 10). For dumu (ki ag) dnin-lil-Ia, see Warad-Sin 13:10 (RIME 4, 220); Warad-Sin 21:24 (ibid., 242). 13 Such as, e.g., dumu-nun(-zi)_den-lil-Ia "Enlil's (faithful) princely son"; d. CBS 8546,10 (Sjoberg, ICS 29, 13ff.); Su-ili~u 2:3-4 (RIME 4,17). 14 Ibbi-Suen C obv. 3: kur-gal-e en-nun-M tu-da. See further UET 6/1,67 (ed. in Hall 1985: 814ff.) 12: den-lil nam-mab nam-en-na mi-ni-in-tu-de-en "Enlil engendered you in loftiness and lordliness." 15 Cf. Sjoberg, OrSuec 19-20 (1970-71): 144: obv. 3 (Ibbi-Suen A; d. ibid., I. 2 denlil-Ie iI-la); Sjoberg, ibid., 146: obv. 4 (Ibbi-Suen D); Abisare 1: i 19 (RIME 4,122); Sjoberg 1960: 15: 47 (Nanna A); ibid., 35: 1 (Nanna H); Sjoberg, ZA 63 [1973]: 33: 48 (Nanna L). Note also Sulgi R 88, where Ninlil refers to Nanna as "the fierce calf, the seed [of Ell iii ] to whom I verily gave birth" (amar ban-da a d[en1_liI1_la z]i-de-g ~a1-mu-u-tu). 16 Sjoberg, OrSuec 19-20 (1970-71): 146: 3 (Ibbi-Suen D) kiri4-zal a-a-ugu-na; Lament over Sumer and Ur 325, 340, 341, 449 (a-a-ni), 450, 451 (d. 461 dumumu); Abisare 1: i 16' (RIME 4, 122) a-a-ugu-na; Sin-iddinam 1: 213 UCS 19 [1965]: 9) a-a-ugu-na-M. Cf. Sulgi F 78 a-a-mu; Er~elllma of Suen (Sjoberg 1960: 44ff.) obv. 7, 16 (a-a-zu); Ni 2781 (lSETl96f.; Hall 800) rev. 3' (a-a-zu); van Oijk, ICS 19 (1965): 21: 15 (Sin-iddinam A) ama-ugu(-a)-ni; Nanna A (Sjoberg 1960: 13ff.) 15, 24, 25, 42 (ama-ne).
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JACOB KLEIN
common in royal literature describing the divine births of kings,17 recurs in a number of hymns dedicated to the moon-god. 1S The above filial epithets, applied to Nanna, clearly indicate that Urnammu and his successors used this literary-mythopoeic motif as a means of legitimating their rule over Mesopotamia. In fact, there are a number of mythological and hymnic-epic compositions that center around this motif and were, no doubt, composed in the Ur III period. . One of these compositions is the myth Nanna-Suen's Journey to Nippur. 19 The myth describes a cultic riverine journey, undertaken by Nanna of Ur to visit his father Enlil, in Nippur. The purpose of the visit was to present Enlil with various offerings and, in return, to obtain his blessing for the fertility of the land and the prosperity ofUr. 2o Wilcke may be right in assuming that our myth was occasioned by Enlil's approval of Urnammu's kingship in Nippur. He bases his hypothesis on the concluding lines of the myth, which have a verbal parallel in the so-called Coronation of Urnammu. 21 Nanna's Journey to Nippur may, in fact, be connected with the yearly pilgrimages of Nanna by boat to his father, Enlit which are mentioned in other sources from the Ur III and Isin-Larsa periods. 22 The earliest reference to such a journey is found in the prologue of Sulgi F, which elaborates on the purpose of Sulgi's birth by his divine mother, Ninsun. In this prologue we are informed that Ninsun gave birth to her heroic son, and other offspring, in order that the Ekur be provided yearly with copious gifts and offerings, which Nanna would transport to Nippur in his 'First-fruit Offering Boat' (ma-nisag-ga),23 From the Lamentation over Sumer and Ur we 17 For this motif in the Gudea's temple hymn and the ~ulgi hymns, see Klein 1981b: 26, notes 136-37; ~ulgi G 21-23 (Klein, Studies Tadmor 302; idem, CRRA
33, p. 100). For the same motif in the as Laga~ inscription, see Behrens-Steible, Glossar 235f. sub mu I; ibid., 272f., sub pa; ibid., 282f., sub sa4'
IS Cf. Nanna A 50-51 (Sjoberg 1960: 15): den-lil-Ie mu-dulO-ga mi-ri-in-sa4/ dUll-ga-zi dumu-den-lil-Ia-me-en; N 1542 (Hall 1985: 848ff.) rev. 4: x-den-lilla-me-en mu mu-un?-gi l-pad-de-[xl. 19 Edition: Ferrara 1973: 44ff. See also Hall 1985: 518-24. 20 Cf. 1. 339: e-gal-Ia zi su-ud-gal sum-ma-da-ab urilt~e ga-gin "In the palace give me long life-to Ur I would go!" 21 Wilcke 1974: 180; 194, n. 68. 22 See already Ferrara, in the introduction to his edition of this myth (Ferrara
1973: 1-11). 23 Cf. Klein 1981b: 1H.; Hall 1985: 420-24; Wilcke 1974: 184f.; 201, n.131. Apparently, however, the occasional references to the nisag-boat and the nisag-
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
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learn that, following the fall of the Ur III empire, the cult was disrupted, and these first-fruit offerings stopped. 24 The cultic journey of the nisagboats was apparently renewed some time in the Isin-Larsa period. This we learn from a royal prayer for Gungunnum,25 as well as from a royal literary inscription and a royal hymn of Sin-iddinam. 26 Another short but most interesting myth, in which Nanna-Suen plays a rather passive, but important role, is Enlil and Ninlil.27 The myth recounts how Enlil seduced Ninlil (probably in the Tummal) and engendered
offerings do not point to a special festival connected with the nisa.§ deliveries. For a discussion of the term ma-nisag in the context of the 1 ezen-nisag festival in Umrna, see Cohen 1993: 167ff. The transporting of nisag-offerings in a barge is recorded as early as the Ebla lexical lists (MEE 3177 iv 5). Cohen (ibid., p. 169) cites references from Ur III economic texts to provisions for the nisag-boat, going to the temple of Enlil. But he does not assume explicitly a yearly ritual. See also Sallaberger 1993: 154f. The latter refers to three Drehem tablets from the reigns of ~ulgi and Amar-Sin reporting of bringing "firstlingofferings" to Enlil and Ninlil on the New Year. Cf.ICS 14, 112, no. 16: 11 nesagda kU4-ra. Although much oxen are involved, there is no indication thatwe are dealing with a major festival. The offering was transported by the nisag-boat, whose arrival was perhaps celebrated (PDT 1, 274). According to Sallaberger, these deliveries, which are well documented only in Umma and Girsu, served more to support the Nippur national temple, than for provisions for a special festival. The nesag involved a tithe tax, from the following products: fish, syrup, fowl, dates, fruit, dairy products, wood, baskets as containers, swine, cattle, sheep, and goats.
} 1
24
Accordingly, the poet in the lamentation complains (ll. 325-27): The boat of first-fruit offerings no longer brings first-fruit offerings, to the father who begot him (ma-nisag-ga a-a-ugu-na-ka nu-mu-un-na-ab-tUm),/ Its food offerings could not be taken to Enlil in Nippur,/ Its watercourse was empty, (and so) ships could not traveL" (d. ibid., ll. 343-44).
25 Gungunnum A rev. 9 (edited by Sjoberg, ZA 63 [19731: 24-31; d. Hall 572ff.). The prayer, addressed to Nanna, states on behalf of the king, among others: "He ordered you not to neglect the first-fruit offerings of father Enlil" ([nle-sag a-a den-lil-Ia-M mu~ nu-tUm-mu ma?-ra-an-x). 26 In these sources the 'First-fruit Boat of Nanna' (ma-nisag-ga dnanna) and a
special emblem (~u-nir) connected with it appear in a developed literary context. See VAT 8515 (,Sin-iddinam 1'): 206-15 (=Karki, Star 49,71, Sid 13); d. van Dijk, ICS 19 (1965): 9; Frayne, RIME 4,157, No. 1. For the royal hymn, see CT 42,45 and dupl. Cf. van Dijk,lCS 19 (1965): 2lff. (Sin-iddinam A). 27 Edition: Behrens 1978; see Hall 524-29.
284
(<>:':<>:,:<>x<>:,:<»
JA COB K LEI N
Suen,28 his firstborn, along with his brothers Nergal, Ninazu, and Enbilulu, three chtonic deities. 29 Suen, in this myth, is referred to by the prestigious titles u-mu-un "lord" (11. 83 passim), a-dadag-ga "pure seed" (11. 84 passim) and a-Iugal "royal seed" (11. 85 et passim). These epithets, as Behrens correctly points out, reflect Suen's senior position in the pantheon. As the firstborn son of Enlil, the head of the pantheon, he has a share in Enlil's power. The bizarre plot of the myth, namely the episode of the rape of Ninlil by Enlil,leaves no room for any doubt that Ninlil was a virgin (ki-sikil-tur) and Enlil was a young bachelor (gurus-tur) before the birth of Suen. We get the impression that the theologians of Urnammu or Sulgi who composed this piquant myth were at utmost pain to prove the firstborn status of Suen, probably to refute a contradicting theological tradition. Accordingly, I agree with Behrens that this myth was most probably composed in the Ur III period. As to the Silz im Leben of the myth, Behrens assumes that it reflects a yearly ritual in which Enlil and Ninlil sailed from the Tummal to an unknown site, to re-enact the event of Suen's birth. He connects this assumed ritual with a passage in the Tummal Inscription, referring to the periodic procession of Ninlil to the Tummal, which was practiced from some time in Amar-Suen's reign until the second or the fourth year of Ibbi-Sin. 30 It was Sulgi, Urnammu's successor, who expanded the Ur III state into an empire and institutionalized the reciprocal relationship between the cultic establishment of Nippur and the royal palace at Ur. Sulgi established an animal depot in Puzris-Dagan, whose major function was to provide cattle for the Nippur cult, which became the official cult of the empire. It was probably also Sulgi who first introduced the cult of Nanna into
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
f., 1 .r
(<>x<>x<>x<>:.:<»
285
Nippur, by installing a statue of this god in a shrine of his own in this city, as the name of his fourteenth regnal year indicates. 31 Accordingly, it is not surprising that the most explicit references to the legitimation of the hegemony of Ur over Mesopotamia are found in the royal hynms of Sulgi. Whereas Sulgi's inheritance of the en-ship (nam-en) of Uruk was based on his claim of having descended from Ninsun and Lugalbanda, he derived the legitimation of his kingship (nam-Iugal) by the Nippur priesthood through the mediation of his city-god Nanna, who was promoted to the position of the chief son of Enlil and Ninlil. This mythological motif, therefore, is greatly developed in the Sulgi hynms. 32 First we have to observe that Sulgi D+X, the longest and most important hynmal-epic of Sulgi, which focuses on military and political eventsnamely the war that he waged to avenge the death of his father and to consolidate his kingship-is dedicated to Nanna. The eight-line doxology to Nanna,33 which concludes this hynmal-epic, typically stresses both Nanna's filial relationship to Enlil and his intimate relationship to An, thus depicting him as second in importance to these two supreme deities. 34 The second major hynm, whose major part focuses on the theme of legitimation, is Sulgi F,likewise dedicated to Nanna. 35 The epical section of this hynm begins with a meeting between Sulgi and Nanna in Ur, during which Sulgi declares that, when his kingship is approved, he will fight Sumer's enemies and restore its cultic institutions (the mes).36 Thereupon
31 "The year (when) Nanna was brought into (his) temple in Nippur" (mu d nanna
nibruki-a e-a ba-ku4)'
32 For en-ship and kingship in the history of ancient Sumer, see W. Heimpel, 28 From the fact that the moon-god is called in this myth solely as Suen, Hall concludes that in prehistoric times this god under the name Suen was worshipped in various cities, while Nanna was a local patron deity of Vr. According to Hall, in the ED period, Suen was adopted in the Nippur pantheon and it was only in the Vr III period that the two deities were identified, and Nanna began to be worshipped in Nippur. Indeed, in contexts that emphasize the moon-god's relationship to Enlil and Ninlil, the name Suen predominates.
29 Nergal was the city-god of Gudua, Ninazu of Bnunna, and Enbilulu of an unknown city (d. Behrens 1978: 241, n. 503).
30 According to Behrens, this cultie journey is also reflected in Su-Suen's Historical Inscriptions: Collection B. The purpose of this ritual was, as indicated by the epilogue (II. 143-54), to induce Enlil to grant fertility to Sumer and Vr (see Behrens 1978: 120-26; 238-53).
"Herren tum lffid K6nigtum im vor- lffid frilhgeschichtlichen Alten Orient," ZA 82 (1992): 4-21; P. Steinkeller, "On Rulers, Priests and Sacred Marriage: Tracing the Evolution of Early Sumerian Kingship," in K. Watanabe, ed., Priests and Officials in the Ancient Near East (Heidelberg: 1999), pp. 103-37.
33 Sulgi X 151-59 (Klein 1981a: 144). 34 Cf. II. 155-57: "The 'king' who is adorned with a lustrous halo, the son of Enlil,/ Who with a wide crown lifts the head (proudly) towards heaven,/ Who with An on his 'lofty place' takes counsel, with Vrras he sits on a great dais."
35 TMHNF IV 11 and dupls. (Klein, Three Stllgi Hymns 40, n. 71). For a summary of contents, see Klein, PAPS 71/7,11£. See further discussions by Wilcke 1974: 181; 196,nn. 79-80;201,n. 131;215; Hall 1985:420-24. 36 SF 65-70a. According to Wilcke (1974: 180-82), the references to An and Vtu, before Sulgi enters before Nanna and pledges to restore the Illes, may indicate
286
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:J
JA COB KLEI N
Nanna travels to Nippur and in the midst of the divine assembly he pleads to his father, Enlil, to approve Sulgi as a king. As expected, Enlil grants him his wish, whereupon Nanna hurries back to Ur, to announce to Sulgi the good tidings (11. 70-93). Hall may be right in assuming that the above episode reflects some sort of cui tic journey, whereby the king was legitimized by the priesthood in Nippur. 37 As a firstborn and a favorite child ofEnlil and Ninlil, Nanna had to fulfil certain basic filial duties vis-a.-vis his parents, including feeding them and caring for all their needs. In return, his parents cherished him, and were expected to fulfil all his requests. On the mundane plane this meant that, as a reward for the upkeep of the cult in the Ekur, the Nippur priesthood was expected to support the Ur III dynasty and pray for the prosperity of the state. This motif constitutes the theme of a number of cultic Nanna hymns, undoubtedly composed in the Ur III period. A recurring phrase in these compositions is the verb al-dug4 "to request." As a matter of fact, we find this motif already in an adab of Enlil (Sulgi G), which seems to reflect Sulgi's coronation in the Ekur. In this hymn, Sulgi's birth in the Ekur temple, as a crown prince, is depicted retrospectively as the result of a request made by Nanna, from his parents, Enlil and Ninlil: 38 To that end, A~imbabbar shone in the Ekur, He pleaded with his father EnlH, brought there a birthgiving mother, In the 'good house' expressed Nanna, the princely son, his request. The en-priestess gave birth to a 'faithful man' from (the semen) that had been placed in her womb, Enlil, the powerful shepherd, caused the young man to emerge: A child, most suitable for kingship (and) throne-dais-it was king Sulgi!39
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
Temple," in J.-M. Durand, ed., La femllle dans Ie Proche Orient Antique (1987), p. 99. Sallaberger 1997: ISS, n. 36, translates I. 18: liThe lord caused in that which was available for him as a womb, the faithful man to be born." He assumes that en-ne refers to Enlil. 41
38 $ulgi G 15-20 (Klein, FS Tadmor [1991]302f.). The Sumerian reads: nam-bi-M e-kur-ra sig7 mi-ni-gar da1\-im-babbarrre a-a-ni den-HI inim-ma bi-s1 ama-di-da mi-ni-in-rum e-dulO-ga dnanna dumu-nun-ne nig al ba-ni-dul1 en-ne ila-tur-1\e gal-la-na hl-zi mi-ni-u-tu den-iii sipa-a-kala-ga-ke4 mes-e pa bi-e dumu nam-lugal bararge4 be-du71\ul-gi lugal-am. 39 For comments on these lines, see Klein, liThe Birth of a Crownprince in the
287
However, the literary composition in which this mythological motif finds it classical expression is the hymn Nanna A. 40 The first fourteen lines of this hymn describe Nanna as a herdsman tending to his multitudes of cows, which on the cosmic level symbolize the heavenly stars. The rest of the hymn focuses on his relationship to his divine parents (11. 15-60). First Ninlil utters a prayer for him, in which she requests that his cows multiply in the steppe and in the evening give birth in the Ekur (15-20).41 After a short praise of Suen as the beloved son of the Ekur (21-24), Ninlil, in a fit of love, urges him to request on Enlil's knees anything that he desires (11. 2536). At this point, Suen pours the milk of his cows in the churn,42 arranges for the washing of hands before eating, and invites his father, Enlil, to consume with pleasure his (dairy) products (11. 36-40). After the meal, Ninlil addresses Suen for the third time, bestowing upon him a long blessing (11. 41-59).43 In her blessing, she reaffirms his being her and Enlil's son, born in the sanctuary (46-47,51) and named by his father (50). She reminds him that An chose him for shepherdship, kingship, and en-ship (44; 48-49; 52; 55-56; 59), chose his city, Ur, for hegemony (53), and gave him abundance (54).44 The implication of 11.49-53, where Nanna's and Ur's hegemony over Sumer is affirmed, suggests that the hymn was composed in the Ur III period. 45 The cultic setting of this Nanna hymn (and other similar hymns
40
that $ulgi (as a military governor of Uruk) was not present in Ur on the day of Urnammu's death, and immediately returned to Ur, through Larsa, to succeed his father. 37 HaIl 1985: 423.
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:J
42 43 44
45
Balbale of Suen. See Sjoberg 1960: 13ff.; Hall 464ff. Cf. Jacobsen 1976: 127. So Sjoberg, reading the verb in I. 20 as: be-me-u-tu. Jacobsen reads the verb as: be-me-u-ku4 and assumes that Ninlil invites Nanna to enter with the herds to the Ekur, after the night's pasturing. So Jacobsen, apparently reading in I. 371\akir3-ra; Sjoberg reads ban1\ur-ra and assumes that Suen poured the milk onto the table. The blessing contains two emesal forms, one in its opening line (44) and one in the closing line (59). The blessing ends with stressing Suen's radiance and dominance as a luminary in heaven (57-59). The last, obscure line of the hymn (60), whose literal meaning is: "Nanna rose as the sun for the king," seems to stress Nanna's radiance upon the ruling (Ur III) king, perhaps on the day of the New Moon or the New Year. Cf. Hall 1985: 466.
288
c-:·:-:·:-:·:-;.:...) JA COB K LEI N
that cannot be discussed here)46 could be a yearly or seasonal rituat involving offerings of dairy products to Enlil and Ninlil in the Ekur, by the king, who represented Nanna. During the ceremony three oracles are uttered by Ninlil (balbale) in favor of Ur. It is not impossible that this hymn and its parallels were chanted in the course of the yearly "first-fruit" offerings discussed above. The father-son relationship between Enlil and Nanna is also vividly developed in the Second Ur Lamentp which was probably composed during the Isin-Larsa period, when the reconstruction ofUr and its temple was undertaken. According to this lamentation, suddenly and inexplicably Ur fell in disfavor with An and Enlit and they decided that it be utterly destroyed (1-55). Consequently, the city was attacked and its cult was disrupted (58-324), including the yearly journey of the Boat of First-fruit (offerings) of Nanna to Nippur (325-27).48 Seeing the destruction, Suen weeps before his father (340-56), and a long, dramatic dialogue between the son and the father unfolds, at the end of which Enlil has mercy on his son and gives orders that Ur be restored. 49 46
Note the following similar Nanna/Suen hymns, where the moon-god's aspect as a fertility god, symbolized by his numerous cows and milk products, is stressed: UMBS X 7+ (Tigi of Suen): edited by Sjoberg, Mondgott 55ff.; ZA 63 [1973]: 36ff. Cf. Hall 475ff. The hymn centers on the establishment of Ur by Suen (sa-gid-da) and its significance as the home of Nanna, the cowherd, and his herds of livestock (sa-gar-ra). Note the refrainous question: e dnanna dnanna/dumu-sag-en-lil-Ia ab/un me-a mu-us-Iu "0 Nruma, Nanna, firstborn son of Enlil, where do you graze/multiply your cows/people?" (17; 21; 25; 29; 37). The answers are: In the shrine of Ur (20), in the Emudkurra (24; 32), in its pure reed thicket (40). Apparently, Nanna's cows symbolize his people by analogy. N 1542 (Nanna hymn): edited by Hall: 848ff. The hymn focuses on Nanna's relationship to his parents, Enlil and Ninlil. It includes a prayer of Ninlil to Enlil on his behalf.
47 Michalowski 1989: 36ff. Cf. Hall 1985: 549ff.
48 See note 24 above. 49 Hall points out (ibid., 550f.) that Nanna's reaction to the destruction of his city in this text is in marked contrast to his attitude in the wllle"t over Ur. In the latter, Nanna is portrayed as holding himself aloof from the disaster that has befallen Ur, and as almost indifferent to the persistent entreaties of Ningal to save their city (see S.N. Kramer, AS 12, 1-6; cf. Shifra-Klein 1996: 425ff.; Hall: 556ff.). The theological rationale of the Lament over Ur is that Ur's destruction is caused by a general disfavor of all the gods including Nanna; only Ningal is left in the city to plead its case. In the wlllent over SUlller a"d Ur, on the other hand, Nanna is closely identified with his city and shares the suffering with
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
c-:·:-:·:-:·:..:·:-)
289
We have seen that the Ur ill court poets and theologians were at much pain to establish and spread the belief that Nanna-Suen was Enlil's firstborn, and hence he had the right to dominate Mesopotamia. Was this theology an Ur ill innovation, or perhaps only an expansion and further development of an old mythological tradition? As I pointed out before, the first explicit references to Nanna as the firstborn of Enlil appear in Urnammu's inscriptions. However, the epithet amar-ban-da den-lil-la. "the impetuous (or frisky) calf of Enlil" is already applied to Nanna three times in Eannatum's Stele of the Vultures. 50 It is commonly assumed that the term amar" calf" refers, in this context, to filiation. 51 In.5ulgi R, 1. 8852 Ninlil also refers to Nanna as "the impetuous calf, the seed [of Enlil], to whom I verily gave birth" (dnanna amar-ban-da ad[en?-W?-la.? z]i-de-g sa?-mu-u'?-tu). Accordingly, HaU53 assumes that althe people. He personally laments before his father, Enlil, on behalf of his city and it is only through his intercession that Enlil finally concedes to restore Ur. Hence, the two compositions, according to Hall, seem to represent two different theological approaches to the political-religious crisis of the fall of Ur. The philosophy underlying the Second Ur Lament seems to be the fickleness of fortune, the inherent mortality of all things. Mankind depends totally on the whims of the gods. It is perhaps preferable to explain the two different philosophies by the fact that the two laments were composed in different periods. The wlllent over Ur could be an earlier composition, written when Ur still lay in ruins. It seeks to explain, why was the city destroyed, and not spared, and why Nanna abandoned it. In that lament Nanna complies with the decision of the gods and surrenders his city to the enemy without lamenting (as befitting a male divine figure). The wlllent over SUlller and Ur could be written later, when Ur was being restored or after it was restored. Its restoration is credited to Nanna's special filial relation to Enlil. 50 Cf. Ean I, 19: 36-20: 6 (Steible, ABW 1,136) sa-!\u!\-gal dsuen amar-ban-da den-
lil-ka hi ummaki-ra e-na-sum nam e-na-ta-kus "He gave the great battle net of Sin, the impetuous calf of Enlil to the ruler of Umma, and made him swear to him by it" (Cooper, SARI 36). ibid., 10-12 (ibid.) zi dsuen amar-ban-da den-lilka "by the life of S., the impetuous calf of E." See also ibid., 21: 6-8 (Steible, p. 137). 51 Cf., e.g., Limet, L'antll/'Oponylllie 69f., who interprets amar-ON as expressing the metaphorical idea of "offspring" of the deity. See further Sjoberg 1960: 24 for references to amar-ban-da as an epithet for Suen. He also refers to the OB PN dnanna-amar-ban-da. 52 See Klein, Studies P. Artzi (1990) 108; 129, comment to 11. 88-90. 53 See Hall 1985: 100f.; cf. p. 225.
290
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
ready by the time of Eannatum, Nanna was thought of as the offspring of Enlil, although this relationship is confirmed only in the Urnammu inscriptions. On the other hand, it would be surprising to find a reference to Nanna/Suen as the son of Enlil in Lagas, where this status was reserved for the local god Ningirsu. Indeed, in the Gudea inscriptions, Nanna's filiation to Enlil is never mentioned. The association of Nanna-Suen with a calf could rather be related to his character as the divine cowherd, or to the image of the crescent of the moon, which induced the association of bull horns. Thus it is not at all certain that amar refers in this context to filiation; therefore the epithet amar-ban-da-den-lil-la remains ambiguous. The ED god-lists are no more indicative of Nanna's filiation. In the Abu-Salablkh Za-ml Hymns,54 which open with a hymn to Enlil (ll. 1-14), Nanna ofUr (ll. 35-36) is separated from Enlil by four deities from Kullaba, Eridu, and Kuara, and grouped with his son Utu of the Ebabbar (ll. 37-38~ and his spouse Ningal ofUr (ll. 39-40).55 As to the great Fara god-list SF I, 6 all that we can conclude from this list is that Nanna held a senior position in the pantheon, for he appears immediate~ after the four leading gods: An, EnlH, Inanna, and Enki (d. FS 1 i 1-6).
In the Collection of the Sumerian Temple Hymns,58 which apparently originated in the Sargonic period, Ur with its titulary god, Nanna, appears in TH No.8, opening the list of southern cities. Nothing related to Nanna's filiation is mentioned in this hymn, nor in the TH dedicated to Nanna of Ga'es (No. 12),59 nor in TH No. 37, which is dedicated to the temple of Nanna of Urum. 60 This seems to indicate that in the Sargonic period the moon-god Nanna/Suen/ Asimbabbar was still unrelated to Enlil. In the same collection, on the other hand, EnlH is followed immediately by Ninlil, Nuska, and Ninurta, the latter carrying the epithet kur-gal-e tuda "born by the Great Mountain" (1. 73t1 Other sons of EnlH, fi~uring in this collection, are Ninazu of Esnunna6 and Ningirsu of Lagas. 6 Now, in the ED Lagas inscriptions, Ningirsu is consistently referred to as "the warrior of Enlil" (ur-sag den-lil-Ia),64 but never as his son. This epithet, to
c...:·:...:·:...:·:...:·:...)
291
84). It rather seems to mean that the oath by his name cannot be dissolved (Le., annulled). 58 Sjoberg 1969: 17ff.
59 According to Sjoberg, ibid., p. 8, this hymn, in its final form, is to be dated to the 54
55
56 57
Cf. R.D. Biggs, Inscriptions from Tell Abu Saillbrkll (OIP 99; Chicago: 1974), pp. 46ff.
If Nanna does not seem to belong here to Enlil's immediate family, so much more N~girsu, who is listed further down, immediately following ~ara of Umma, Gatumdug of Laga~, and Nan~e ofSirara (11. 104-19). Ninurta does not appear at all in these Za-ml hymns. Interestingly, An appears here right after Nanna and his family, Utu and Ningal (11. 41-43). For the Fara god-lists, see Lambert, RIA 3, 473f.; Krebernik, ZA 76 (1986): 16Hf.; P. Mander, II Pantheon di Abu Sall/brkh. Note that in this list Nanna is followed by Utu. While Utu could be considered his son, in this source, Inanna, apparently was not regarded as his daughter. Ninurta and Ningirsu, on the other hand, appear separately in a large group of deities whose names begin with the element nin- (SF 1 ii 18; V 19'), thus their place in the list was determined on a purely acrophonic ground. In the same list, we find Ninazu (ii 10) and Pabilsag much further down the list (ix 4). Note also Suen's senior rank in the oath-formulas of Eannatum's Stele of Vultures, where he appears after the great triad Enlil, Ninbursag, and Enki (Ean. I, 19: 35ff.). He ranks highly also in the list of gods who cooperated in the building of he Eninnu and enhanced its glory (GudCyl B 13: 4-5) and in the curse-formula of Gudea's Statue B, where he appears in the fifth place, after An, Enlil, Enki, and Ningirsu (GudSt B 8:48). The epithet mu-ni h1 nu-dug-de, which is applied to him in the above curse-formula, does not seem to mean "dessen Name niemand lOst (d.L deutet)," as assumed by Falkenstein (1966, p.
Ur III period. 60 e-dnanna u-ru-um ki; d. Steinkeller, JCS 32, 17ff.; Frayne, Tile Early Dynastic List
ofGeograpllical Names (New Haven: 1992), pp. 12f. 61 This seems to indicate that by the Sargonic period, at the latest, Ninurta was considered to be a son of Enli1. See further Sjoberg, AOAT 25,418,1. 117 (incipit of Bur-Sin A), where Ninurta is referred to as kur-gal-e tu-da. It is interesting to observe that both the first-millennium god-list An = Anum and its OB forerunner seem to have preserved this ancient ED tradition. For in both of them Ninurta appears immediately following Enlil, and in An = Anum Ninurta bears the epithet dumu-sag-den-Hl-ta (I 205). Nanna-Suen, on the other hand, is separated in both lists from Enlil and his family, and seems to be unrelated to this god. For the OB Forerunner, see TCL IS, 10: 38ff. (Enlil); 62ff. (Ninurta); 148ff. (Suen). Cf. H. de Genouillac, RA 20 (1923) 96. For An = Anum, see R.L. Litke, A Reconstruction of the Assyro-Babylonian God-Lists, An: dA_IIII_II111 (Diss.; New Haven: 1958), pp. 40ff. An = Anum I 148ff. (Enlil); I 205 (Ninurta); III Hf. (Nanna-Suen). 62 Cf. 11. 431 (lugal-zu en-gal dumu den-lH-hi-kam) and 444 (a-zi kur-gal-e dninlil-Ie tu-da). According to Sjoberg, this filiation points to an old tradition from the Sargonic or early Ur III time, because in the late Ur III period, Ninazu of E~nunna was replaced by Ti~pak (see Sjoberg, ibid., pp. 8f.). 63 "The strong one, the great warrior of battle, the lord without rival, the son of Enlil, lord Ningirsu" (ibid., 11. 259-60). 64
For this epithet of Ningirsu in the ED Laga~ inscriptions, see Steible, ABW
292
THE GENEALOGY OF NANNA-SUEN
be sure, continued to be used widely in the Neo-Sumerian Lagas inscriptions, with a slight elaboration. 65 However, in his great temple hymn, Gudea introduces a new epithet in connection with Ningirsu. Five times he refers to Ningirsu as "the son of Enlil/,66 twice as "the beloved son of Enlil/'67 and once as the "Enlil's male child" (dumu-nita2 den-lil-la), i.e., heir. 68 Note finally the similar epithet "the true offspring ofEnlil" (a-zi-denl[il-Ia]), attested once in the Gudea Cylinder Fragments. 69 The topos that Ningirsu is Enlil's son is further developed in the Gudea hymn, in a literary mythopoeic context. In his lengthy self-praise, Ningirsu boasts that not only was he sired by Enlil, but Enlil gave him a long, royal name: "My father who begot me, because he greatly loves (me), called me 'King, Enlil's flood, whose fierce look is never lifted from the mountain, Ningirsu, warrior of
Enlil,."70 Finally, as it has been long recognized, the great Ninurta myth, Lugale/1 was most probably composed in Gudea's rei9r' in honor of Ningirsu, and perhaps also the short myth An-gim d{m-ma. 2 All this seems to indicate that the theology that presents Ningirsu as Enlil's son is an innovation of Gudea?3 Indeed, Falkenstein offers solid evidence to the fact that an earlier tradition presented Ningirsu as the son of Enki?4 The fatherson relationship between Enlil and Ningirsu, attested in Enbeduanna's Collection of Temple Hymns, on the other hand, does not prove that this is a Sargonic tradition, because the final form of this composition seems to have crystallized in the Ur III period. Accordingly, the filiation of Ningirsu with Enlil could have been a Neo-Sumerian addition to the Eninnu hymn in the
Glossar (FAOS 6) 356, sub "ur-sag." The epithet is attested 23 times, as follows: Eannatum 1,4: 4-5 passim (3x); Enanntum 118: 1-2; Entemena 2, 1: 1-2 passim (13x); Enannatum II 1: 1-2; Uruinimgina 1, 1: 2 passim (5x). Is ur-sag a play on Ningirsu? It is also attested once in the pre-Sargonic Riddles from Laga~; d. Biggs, INES 33, 28 ii 9 dingir-bi dnin-gu-su ur-sag-gal en-liI-la (the riddle pertaining to Girsu).
65 The most frequent form of this epithet in these inscriptions is: "the mighty warrior of Enlil" (ur-sag kalag(-ga) den-Iil-Ia), recurring over 40 times. See Edzard, RIME 3/1, pp. 12ff.: Pirigme 1: 1-3; Ur-Bau 3: 1-3; Ur-Bau 4: 1-3; UrBau 5: 1-3; Ur-Bau 6: 1-3; GudStat B 2: 1-3; GudSt 0 1: 1-3; GudSt G 1: 1-3; GudSt 11: 1-3; GudSt Y 1'-3'; Gudea 10037: 1-3 (RIME 3/t p. 136); 38: 1-3 (ibid.); 39: 1-3 (ibid., p. 137); 40: 1-3 (ibid., p. 138); 41: 1-3 (ibid., p. 139); 43: 1-3; 44:1-3;45: 1-3;46:1-3;47:1-3;48: 1-3;49:1-3;50: 1-3;51: 1-3;52: 1-3;53:13; 55: 1-3; 56: 1-3; 57: 1-3; 58b: 1-3 (ibid., p. 152); 59: 1-3; 60: 1-3; 61: 1-3; Urningirsu III: 1-3 (RIME 3/t 181); 2: 1-3; 3: 1-3; 4: 1-3; 5: 1-3; Nammabani 2: 1-3 (RIME 3/1, 195); 5: 1-3; Unidentified 1009: 1-3 (ibid., 212); 1010: 1-3
(ibid.). Another, more literary form of this epithet is: "the great warrior of Enlil" (ur-sag gal den-IiI-Ia); see GudCyl A 9: 20-21; 10: 4. Other, similar poetic, epithets, used by Gudea, are: lugal a-ma-ru den-IiI-la (GudCyl A 10:2; 23:14) lugal u4 gu-di (Ien-IiI-la (GudCyl A 23:20); and sag-dus-den-liI-la "Enlil's surveyor" (GudCyl B 11: 24).
66 For (dNin-gir-su) dumu den-lil-Ia, see GudCyl A 7: 5; B 8: 9; 14: 23. For the reversed form dumu den-lil-Ia en dnin-gir-su, see GudCyl A 8: 21; 9: 3.
67 Cf. GudCyl B 6: 6 nir-gal dumu ki-ag den-lil-Ia ur-sag dnin-gir-su; 7: 6-7. 68 GudCyl B 2: 19. Falkenstein (1966: 69, n. 7; p. 90, n. 5) translates dumu-nita2: "Erbsolm."
69 See GudCyl Fragments 8+3+5+4 iv 2-4 (Edzard, RIME 3/1, 103).
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Collection of the Sumerian Temple Hymns?5 It is interesting to note that in the Gudea inscriptions it is Ninbursaga, not Ninlit who figures as Ningirsu's mother?6 This is in perfect harmony with the phenomenon that Ninlil is totally absent from the Lagas pantheon, which apparently presents Ninbursag as Enlil's spouse?7 By the same token, Ninurta is excluded from the Lagas pantheon. In this pantheon, apparently, Ninlil and Ninurta were considered unwanted competitors of Ninbursag and Ningirsu, if they were not totally identified with them. 70 a ugu4-gu lO nam-gal ki ag-da lugal a-ma-ru den-Iil-l a igi bu~-a-ni kur-da nu-iI dnin-gir-su ur-sag den-Iil-Ia mu-~e mu-sa4 (GudCyl A 10: 1-5). 71
See van Dijk 1983: 51ff.
72 See Cooper 1978: 56ff. Civil (AOAT25, 84f.) assumes that the Ululumama-song
of Ninurta also originated in Laga~, where it was connected with an agricultural festival of Ningirsu (see also Civil, Tile Farmer's Instructions 98, comment to l. 108).
73 Similarly, according to F.A.M. Wiggerman, "in Laga~ Ningirsu was the warrior of Enlil. .. before he became his son and was syncretized with Ninurta, at the latest at the time of Gudea" (d. his Mesopotamian Protective Spirits [Groningen: 1992], p. 162). Wiggermansees in the identifying of Ningirsu with Ninurta the beginning of a process of the interpretation of a local mythology (Ningirsu, Laga~) in national terms (Ninurta, Nippur).
74 See Falkenstein 1996: 90-91. 75 Sjoberg (1969: 10) and Wilcke (ZA 62 [1972]: 48f., with notes 27-28) assume that the above Eninnu hymn was composed in the Neo-Sumerian period. This is unlikely, because Gudea certainly was not the founder of the Eninnu temple, but only a restorer (d. Falkenstein 1966: 97; 116ff. passim).
76 Cf. Gudea 10067: 1-3 (RIME 3/1, p. 159). See also GudSt B 8: 45-46; CyIB 13: 1-2. 77 See Falkenstein 1966: 9lf.
294
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In the inscriptions of Utubegal and in the Ur ill royal inscriptions, Ningirsu is again reduced to the status of "Enlil's mighty warrior" (ur-sag kalaga d en-W-Ia),781t is interesting to further note that while Ninurta is totally absent from the ED and Neo-Sumerian Laga~ inscriptions, in Sumerian literary texts from the Ur ill and 06 periods, he usually replaces Ningirsu, and part of his rich divine titulary is identical to that of Ningirsu. In jar ticular, he is frequently referred to as "the warrior of Enlil" (ur-sag en-lilla),79 and "the son ofEnlil" (dumu den-lil-Ia),80 but extremely rarely as "the firstborn ofEnlil" (dumu-sag den_W_Ia).81 Further, Ninurta's filial relationship to Enlil and his heroic aspect are developed in literary-mythological
settings in the two aforementioned Ninurta myths and some Ninurta hymns. 82 The tentative conclusions as to the history of the genealogy of the moon-god Nanna-Suen, on the one hand, and the warrior and farmer gods Ningirsu/Ninurta, on the other hand, which we may draw from the above survey, are as follows. In unknown circumstances and for unknown reasons, the local god of Nippur, Enlil, became the head of the Sumerian pantheon no later than the ED II period. 83 As the ED III Laga~ inscriptions and the. inscription of Lugalzagesi show, in this period Enlil was well established as the supreme god, "fa ther / king of the gods,,,84 the ultima te source of fertility,8S "king of heaven and earth,,86 and "king of all the lands,,,87 who determines the boundaries between the Sumerian city-states88 and
78 Cf. Utubegal2: 2-4 and 3: 1-3 (RIME 2, pp. 282f.); ~ulgi 12 (RIME 3/2, p. 122);
82 Cf., e.g., Urninurta C 31-35 (Falkenstein, ZA 49, 120); and the Sirnam~ub of Ninurta, SLTNi 61 (d. Cohen, WO 8 [1975), 25ff.), 11. 58-62.
~ulgi 15 (RIME 3/2, p. 124); ~ulgi 2010 (RIME 3/2, p. 202).
In later Sumerian literary texts, Ningirsu is rarely mentioned, being replaced by Ninurta. In the rare occasions where he appeares, he keeps this inferior status. See, e.g., the Sirnam~ub of Ninurta, SLTNi 61 (Cohen, WO 8 (1975), 25ff.), where Ninurta is repeatedly identified with Pabilsag and Ningirsu (1726 passim); d. 11. 9, 24, 35, 50 passim; VS II 3 rev. 1 28; Baba-gmedagan 21 (SKI 237ff.).
79 For ur-sag kala-ga den-lH-hi, see gmedagan A 82, l. 82 (11. 82-90 are devoted to Ninurta, who follows Suen and Nusku); ibid.,l. 190; Urninurta 2, Edge 4-5 (d. Frayne, RIME 4, 68); gmedagan 7,3ff. (d. Frayne, ibid., 36); Enlilbani A 124-25 (Kapp, ZA 51, 79); Samsuiluna Hymn (Sjoberg, lAOS 93,544): 27' (see also ibid., 11.1'-4'; Codex Lipit-E~tar, Epilogue xxii 47-51; TIM 9, 63, rev. 43'. For ur-sag gal den-lil-Ia, see Borger,/CS 21, 12, 3+c (BU-Rimki). For ur-sag den-I ii-la, see UET 6/1,94, 14; Angim 8; ~ulgi R 51 (reverse); AfO 19,8,1. IV' 13-16.
80 See Eme~-Enten 47; Urninurta C 27 u4-ta-ulS-lu dumu den-lil-Ia (Falkenstein, ZA 49, 120); Farmer's Instrllctions 108-9 (Civil, p. 32: na-des-ga dnin-urta dumu den-lil-Ia-ke4/ dnin-urta engar zi den-Hl-Ia za-mi-zu dug-ga-am); Lugalbanda Epic 149 (Wilcke, Das Lugalbandaepos 106); Angim 1,4, 10,31, 202; 110 (dumudmu-ul-lil); Enmerkar-EnsulJkeManna 92 (Berlin 44). For a kur-gal-Ia "seed of the Great Mountain," see ISET I, 145 Ni.9921 obv. 2' (Ninurta hymnal fragment). For kur-gal-e tu-da, see TH 73 sag-rib pirig kur-gal-e tu-da; Sjoberg, AOAT25,418,l. 120 (Tigi of Ninurta for Bur-Sin). For dnin-lil-Ie tu-da, see ~u Sin D 22 (AOAT 25,412).
81 ~u-Sin D 16 (Sjoberg, AOAT 25,412: Tigi of Ninurta); CT 44,32 iii 16' (OB ene-nu-ru incantation). See also the first-millennium An-Anum I 205. Note further the synonymous epithets dumu nir-gal den-lil-Ja (Ninurta A 1; d. Sjoberg, OrSuec 22, 116); dumu-mao e-kur-ra (Ninurta A rev. 20-22); and dumu-mao-den-liI-la (OrSuec 23-24,162, i 25); Angim 208; OrSuec 22,117, TC;L 15,7 rev. 21'; KAR 252 ii 41.
83 On this question, see most recently W. Sallaberger, "Nippur als religiOses Zentrum Mesopotamiens im historischen Wandel," in Gernot Wilhelm, ed., Dieorientalische Stadt: Kontinuitiit, Wandel, Bruch (1997), p. 147; Klein, RIA 9,sub "Nippur - Presargonic." Enlil's supremacy in this period is indicated already by his position in the Abu $alablkh Za-ml Hymns. It is also shown by the historiographic Tummal Chronicle, composed in the Ur III period, which ascribes the foundation of Enlil's temple in Nippur to Enmebaragesi ofKi~ I (E. Sollberger,lCS 16, 42ff.; F. Ali, Sumerian Letters [1964), pp. 99ff.), as well as by archaeological evidence (R.L. Zettler, The Ur III Temple of Inanna at Nippllr [1992), p. 54; W.W. Hallo - WK Simpson, The Ancient Near East [1971), p. 45; d. also G.J. Selz, "Enlil und Nippur nach praesargonische Quellen," Nippllrat tile Centennial [Philadelphia: 1992), pp. 189ff.). The religious supremacy of Enlil and Nippur in the ED III period is indicated by their primary position in the OS god-lists (d. M. Krebernik, ZA 76 [1986): 168; 189); idem, in Barthel Hrollda FS, 151-54; R.D. Biggs, OJP 99, 46; W.G. Lambert, BSOAS 39, 430; CRRAI35, 119ff.; note also the fact that in the Sumerian Temple Hymns, the privilege to determine (universal) destinies is ascribed to Nippur and Enlil (A. Sjoberg 1969: 18: 25 and 35). 84 Ent. 29, 1: 3 ab-ba-digir-re-ne-ke4; Gudea 100 10: 1-2 (RIME 3/1, p. 115) lugaldigir-re-ne-ra.
8S GudCyl A 1: 1-9 (RIME 69; d. G. Z6lyomi, OLZ 94, 180f.). 86 lugal-an-ki (Ean. I, 16: 21-22, [36-37); Ean. 17: [1-2)); Cf. nun-'anl-ki' (Lugalkiginedudu of Uruk 7, 2: 1'-2').
87 lugal-kur-kur-ra; d. Ent. 28(=29), 1: 1-2; Urzage ofKi~ 1: 1-4 (+Ninlil, the Lady of all the lands); En~aku~anna of Uruk 1: 1-2; Lugalkiginedudu of Uruk 2: 12; Lugalkisalsi of Uruk 4: 1-2; Lugalzagesi I, 1: 1-2,36-37; 3: 14-15. 88 Cf., e.g., Ent. 29, 1: 1-12: "Enlil, king of all the lands, father of the gods, marked
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grants suzerainty over Sumer.89 Hence, the Old Sumerian rulers of Lagas were interested to enlist Enlil's support in their border dispute with Umma and other endeavors. Consequently, they created the propaganda that their city-&;od, Ningirsu, who perhaps originally was considered to be the son of Enki, 0 was a son ofEnlil, or at least his favorite warrior. In any case, no later than the reign of Gudea, Ningirsu became the son of Enlil in the Lagas theology.91 The Lagas theology probably did not gain acceptance outside the confines of this city;"hen.c~, for l!tu?,~¥al and the Ur II~ kings,. Ni~ girsu was no more than EnlIl s warnor. Urnammu, on his part, ill his endeavor to legitimize his hegemony over Sumer and Akkad, developed a theology, promoting his city-??d, Nanna, t? t~e p?si~on o~ the "firs~~or~) son" of Enlil, with all the political and cultIc ImplIcatIons illvolved. This theology was put in effect and consolidated by Sulgi, who converted the Nippur cult into a national cult, and inspired a large body of cultic and royal literature that reflected this theology. Nanna's senior rank in the
pantheon continued even after the fall of the Ur III empire, during the IsinLarsa period. However, with the demise of Sumerian civilization, Nanna's glory faded away, and in late, post-Old Babylonian mythology, Ninurta regained his or Ningirsu's status as the "first(-born) son of Enlil.,,94 Now, if we are right in assuming that Nanna-Suen's filial relation to Enlil is an Ur III innovation, who was his divine father before the Ur III period in Sumerian mythology? The answer to this question could perhaps be found in the occasional references to Nanna-Suen as the son of the skygod An in Sumerian literature. It has been observed by Sjoberg and others that in a number of Sumerian hymns dedicated to Nanna the moon-god is depicted as enjoying a close and intimate relationship with An and Urras. In a number of occasions, he is referred to as "the son of An" (dumu-anna),95 "the great son of An" (dumu-gal-an-na), and perhaps also as "the first (born) son of An" (dumu-sag-an-na).96 Furthermore, in a few cases, the same hymn designates both Enlil and An as Nanna's father. Especially noteworthy is Sulgi F, the very hymn whose main theme is the legitimation of Sulgi's kingship by Enlil through the mediation of Nanna. In an epical
off the boundary (ki e-ne-sur) for Ningirsu (and) ~ara by his steadfast word, (and) Mesilirn, the king of Ki~, erected a stele there." For the above divine hierarchy, see already Ean. 6, 1: 7. 89 Cf. Lugalzagesi I, 1: 1-5,36-41; Lugalkiginedudu 2: 1-14. 90 See Falkenstein 1966: 90ff.; van Dijk 1983: 2ff. Note that Gudea's temple hymn alludes to a visit by Ningirsu to Eridu on the New Year, upon the completion of the building of the Eninnu (GudCyl B 3: 5-11; 8: 13-16). Cf. Falkenstein, Golterlieder 89-90; Ferrara 1973: 5. See also Falkenstein, ibid., 81 ii 6-10, where a journey of Ninurta to Eridu is described. Sjoberg (RIA 3, 481f.) assumes that the above hymn reflects a yearly journey of Ninurta to Eridu, to obtain blessings for fertility. He wonders why Ninurta, the son of Enlil, would visit Enki. Perhaps Ninurta assumed an ancient ritual of Ningirsu, after the latter was identified with him and became the son of Enlil. 91 Whether Ninurta was also considered as Enlil's son and whether the Laga~ theology involved a complete identification between Ninurta and Ningirsu cannot be determined. Van Dijk (1983: 4ff.) argues that the identification of Ningirsu with Ninurta is a late theology, created by the Nippur theologians in order to exalt Ninurta. Hence, in his opinion, An-gim is a late, post-Ur III, Nippurian composition, created for the sole purpose of exalting Ninurta and identifying him with Ningirsu. 92 See note 78 above. 93 Whether Urnammu's enterprise was an original innovation or merely a revival and expansion of an old tradition depends on the interpretation of the epithet amar biln-da den-lil-la, referring to Suen in the inscriptions of Eannatum of Laga~ (cf. discussion above with notes 50-52).
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94 As indicated by his position in An = Anum and its OB forerunner (see note 61 above). 95 Cf. ~u-Suen F (TMHNF IV 12; Adab of Nanna) rev. 8: en dumu an-na. See further ibid., 8: bi-li an-na nun ura~-a-[x]. VS II 68 (Sirnam~ub of Suen; ed. Sjoberg 1960: 80ff.; cf. Hall, 490ff.) 1. 26): u-mu-un lugal dumu-an-na. 96 For dumu-sag-an-na, see note 97 below. Other deities sharing the title dumuan-na are IAkur (YBC 4624 i 3 [I§kur-Siniddinam]; Iraq 32, 61: 27; BaM 2, 50a; Er~elllll1a 184,3; cf. 4, where I§kur is son of Enlil; lIET 8,87: 2; EWO 314-15); Martu (YBC 5641 1 [Letter-Prayer]; NFT 207 AO 4331 + iii 3; Damiqili~u 2, 2; OECT 6, pI. 4: K.4884, 4; VAS 2, 8 rev ii 10); Baba (GudCyl B 5: 15; also GudSt B viii 58; St D iii 15; E i 2; ii 15; G ii 5; H i 3; K ii 13; also YOS 9, 15: 3; 16: 3; UM 29-13-86; Baba-Lumma 1 =3, 32); Ninisinna (Cod Lip i 7; Nippur Lament 246; SRT 7,23 = 6 iii 12); Dumuzi (TCL 15,8: 78: dumu an-e tu-da); Ninsun (~ulgi P b 19: a-a-mu a[n]); Pabilsag (OECT 5,19: 32); Dimmemu (TIM 9, 63 obv 17'); Nungal (Nungal 64); Enki (Eridu Lament 7: 20 a-azu an etc.); Nuska (ZA 63 [1973]: 19 (c) 9'); Uaja (Nisaba Hymn 111); Ninnibru (STVC 35 rev 43); Inanna (lnanna-Ebib 64: an a-a-mu; VS 10 199 iii 8: a-mu an); IAtaran (TH 421); and Nanaja (Rim-Sin 5,4: dumu-zi-le an-gal-la). Note also STVC 36,10-11 =14-15, where Baba speaks of An: a-a-tu-da-mu an etc.; Baba-I§medagan 20 (Baba a-augu-zu an); and Enki-Urninurta i 6, 12, where Enki is addressed: a-a-zu an etc. The epithet dumu-sag-an-na otherwise is applied only to Baba (GudCyl A 20: 19; UM 29-13-85 obv: dumu-an_dura~-a); Enki (Sinka~id 7: 2: dumu-sagmab-an-na; EWO 68; ZA 63 [1973]: 13 No.2: 9'; SIT 2,155: 52 dumu-sag-anura~-a); dnab (Er~ell/llla 10: 6); and IAkur (OECT 6, pI. 25, K.931O i 18).
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section of this hymn, Nanna is called "the first(born) son of holy An,,,97 and only a few lines further he is referred to as "the firstborn of Enlil.,,98 Note also Nanna H 1-2, where Nanna is praised as "true lord of 'fate decreeing', born of Ninlil,! Suen, the beloved son of Enlil," and two lines later the poet extols Nanna's mes as "mes that no god can desire,! Your father, holy An, gave them to you as a gift.,,99 Jacobsen, in his discussion of Nanna-Suen, makes no comment about his relation to An.lOO Sjoberg contents himself by simply pointing out the fact of this inconsistency in the genealogy of Nanna, without an attempt to
Ii
Note finally the unique epithets dumu-KA-an-na "grandson of An" (GudCyl B 23: 18) applied to Ningi~zida; and pa-bil-ga "grandfather" applied to An in relation to Marduk (TCL 16, 81: 6: pa-biI-ga-zu an). 97 Cf. ~ulgi F 70-71: en dumu-sag7-an-ku-ga/ g-e nibruki-M giri3 im-ma-abdabs-be "The lord (=Nanna), the jirst(born) son of An,! Takes the road to the shrine of Nippur." Note that the traces in text A (TMHNF 4: 70) point to -dumu-KA-, rather than to -dumu-sag- (collated from photo). 98 Cf. ibid., 75: dumu-sag-den-lil-hi me-gal-gal-Ia-kam "The firstborn of EnIil, he of the great Illes." 99 SLTNi 58 (Balbale of Nanna; ed. Sjoberg, Mondgott 35ff.) 1-7: en zi nam tar-ra
dnin-lil-Ie tu-da/ dsuen dumu ki eiga dnin-lil-lei/ e-kur-re e den-lil-lei-ka/ dsuen gaba ~u gar nu-mu-ni-tuk-am/ me-zu me mab-am an-ne sum-ma-am/ me al nu-di digir-re-e-ne/ a-a-zu an ku-ge sag-e-e~ mu-ri-in-rig7 / den-IiI-Ie nam-e-g mu-ri-in-tar. See also Nanna L (CBS 8084+; ed. Sjoberg,ZA 63 [1973]: 3lff.;cf. Hall 478ff.) 48-49, where Nanna simultaneously figures as dnin-liI-le tu-da and dumu ku an-na. A further case is Nanna G (N 3082+; ed. Hall: 855ff.): cf. en dumu denIiI-lei (A obv. 1,3), to dnanna en dumu gal an-na.
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explain it. 101 Hall, in his dissertation,102 suggests that this duality of epithets might have political motivation, to connect Ur to Uruk and Nippur, two of the most prestigious cities of the realm; and to render Nanna second in rank to the two highest gods of the pantheon. Elsewhere,103 he tries to explain this filiation in astronomical terms, suggesting that An and Urra~ were considered as Nanna's parents, since the moon-god emerges from earth to sky. On another occasion,104 he opines that since An is traditionally the father of Enlil, his relationship to Nanna/Suen, strictly speaking, is as grandfather, and the word a-a could conceivably have this connotation in this context. lOS In my opinion, the statements as to the father-son relationship between An and Nanna may be a vestige of an earlier tradition, when Nanna was believed to be the son of An. Since Nanna is an important astral deity, he could naturally be considered as belonging to the family of the sky-god, just as he was considered to be the father of the two minor astral deities, Utu and Inanna. 106 One may also add here the geographical consideration: An's residence was in Uruk, a southern city near Ur, which could be a good reason to count Nanna as a member of his family. On the other hand, there is no theological or geographical sense for Nanna-Suen's having belonged originally to the family of Enlil, a storm and fertility god, who resided in Nippur, a city situated farther north. Such a relation to Enlil would be surprising, unless having originated in royal political propaganda. We admit that the positing of a pre-Ur III tradition that affiliates Nanna-Suen with An cannot be verified, just as the relationship of Nanna-
101 Sjoberg 1960: 38; see also ibid.: 42, n. 4. 102 Cf. Hall 1985: 423. 103 Cf. Hall 1985: 441; 471.
100 Cf. Jacobsen 1976: 121. In the story of Enlil and NinIil, he sees only a myth connected to the cult of the dying and reviving gods of fertility (ibid., p. 104). Similarly, he points out that Ningirsu is "the firstborn of the 'great mountain,' the storm god Enlil," but the relationship between these two deities is explained only in natural, cosmological terms. No attention is given to the contradicting genealogy of Nanna-Suen (see ibid., pp. 81-85). In his discussion of Ninurta (ibid., pp. 127-34), Jacobsen considers Ninurta and Ningirsu as two manifestations of the same god, one in Nippur and the other in Girsu. At first they represented the thunderstorm and the yearly flood, and were basically farmer-gods. In the third millennium, according to Jacobsen, they acquired a war-like character aspect, and became Enlil's warriors, fighting his wars in the Eastern mountain region. In that capacity, they tended to replace Nanna as the I firstborn of Enlil.
104 Cf. Hall 1985: 471. lOS One could add yet another consideration: dumu and a-a, in this context, may be no more than honorific titles, without indicating a strict father-son relationship. Thus, e.g., in Inanna and Enki, Inanna addresses Enki consistently as a-amu (II i 9 passim) and Enki adresses her as dumu-mu (I iii 1 passim), although elsewhere she figures as Nanna's daughter. See also Enki and the World Order 388 and 423. Besides, the ancients were not absolutely consistent in applying titles to gods and kings. Thus, e.g., both An and Enlil could be entitled in the Gudea inscription as lugal-digir-re-ne "king of the gods" (cf. Falkenstein 1966: 70, n. 4). 106 For the superiority of the moon (Nanna) over the sun (Utu) in determining the calendar, see Cohen 1993: 3ff. I
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Suen to Enlil in pre-Ur III times remains a matter of speculation, for the lack of written evidence in this connection. We also cannot determine when An became Enlil's father in Sumerian theology. All we can say is that An is well attested in the pre-Sargonic and Sargonic periods as an important deity.107 Although in the Abu-$alabikh Za-mi Hymns he does not stand at the head of the pantheon,lOB in the great Fara ijod-list SF I, he does occupy the first place, preceding Enlil (SF 1 i 1£.).10 Also, Lugaltarsi of Kis, as well as Lugalkiginedudu and Lugalzagesi of Uruk, refers to him as "king of all the lands" (lugal-kur-kur-ra).110 Therefore, An as the head of the pantheon, preceding Enlil in rank, is definitely not a Neo-Sumerian innovation, as asserted by Falkenstein,u 1
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K!ngof Ur : Man's Questfo~ Immortal Fame (TAPS 71/7). Philadelphia. Michalowski, PIOtr (1989) Tlte LamentatIOn over the Destruction ofSumer and Ur. Winona Lake, Ind. Frayne, Do~glas R. (1997) The Royal Inscriptions ofMesopotamia: Early Periods, Vol. 3/ 2: Ur 1II P.erlOd (2012-2004 BC). Toronto. (1990) Tlte Royal Inscriptions ofMesopotamia: Early PerIOds, Vol. 4: Old Babylonian Period (2003-1595 BC). Toronto. Saggs, H.W.F. (196~) The Greatness that Was Babylon. New York. Sallaberger, Walther (1993) Der Kultlsclte Kn~ende~ der .Ur I~I-Zeit 1-2. Berlin. (1997) "Nippur als religiOses Zentrum Mesopotanuens 1m histonsches Wandel." In Gernot Wilhelm, ed., Die orientalisclte Stadt: Kontinl1itiit, Wandel, Bruch. Saarbriick. Pp. 147-68. Shifra, Sh. and Jacob Klein (1996) I~ TIt?~e Distant Days: AntltologJj of Ancient Near Eastern Poetry in l-!ebrew. Tel-AviV. Sjoberg, A.w. (1960) Der Mondgott Nanna-Suen in der sumerischen llberlieferul1g. Sto~kholm. (1969) The Collection oftlte Sumerian Temple Hymns (TCS 3).
Locust Val~ey. Wdcke, Claus (1974) "Zum Konigtum der Ur III Zeit." In P. Carelli, ed., Le palms et la royaule (Arclu!ologie et Civilisation) (CRRAI 19). Pp. 177-232. BIBLIOGRAPHY Behrens, Hermann (1978) Enlil tll1d Ninlil: Ein sumerisllces MytllOs nus Nippl1r (Studia Pohl Series Maior 8). Rome. Behrens, Hermann and H. Steible (1983) Glossar zu den altsumerischen Bau- tl11d Weillinscllriften (FAOS 6). Wiesbaden. Cohen, Mark E. (1996) "TheSun, the Moon, and the City of Ur."In Adele Berlin, ed., Stl1dies and Texts in Jewislt History and Culture. Bethesda, Md. Pp. 7-20. Cooper, Jerrold (1978) Tlte Retllrn of Ninurta to Nippur: an-gim dfm-ma (AnOr 52). Rome. van Dijk, J. (1983)
LlIgalud me-IaI11-bi nir-gal: Le dcit epiqueet didactiqlledes Travaux de Ninllrta, du Deluge et de la Nouvelle Creation I-II. Leiden. Falkenstein, Adam (1966) Die Inscllriften von Gudeas von Laga~ 1. Einleittl11g (AnOr 30). Rome. Ferrara, A.J. (1973) Nanna-Suen's Journey to Nippur (Studia Pohl Series Maior 2). Hall, Mark G. (1985) A Study of tlte Sumerian Moon-God Nanna/Suen, Diss. Philadelphia. Jacobsen, Thorkild (1970) Toward tile Image of Tammuz and Otller Essays on Mesopotamian History and Culture (HSS 21). Cambridge Mass. (1976) Tile Treasures of Darkness: A History of Mesopotamian Religion. New Haven. Klein, Jacob (1981a) Tllree Sl1lgi Hymns: Sumerian Royal Hymns Glorifijing King Sulgi of Ur. Ramat Gan. (1981b) Tile Royal Hymns of SII//Igi
107 For An in Presargonic
Laga~, see, e.g., RTC 247 i 5' (1 udu an). See also the epithet i~ib-an-na, used by Lugalzagesi (1 i 6). For the Sargonic period, see, e.g., Sargon b 1 i 7 ([pa4-~e]~-an-na). Cf. also the numerous references to An in Enbeduanna's hymn (Ninme~arra 2 passim, ca. 15x; see A. Zgoll, Der Recllfsfall der En-/Jedl1-ana illl Lied nin-me-Sara [Munster: 1997], p. 56, sllb "An").
lOB Cf. Biggs, OIP 99, 47: 43 an za-ml (following: Nanna, Utu, Ningal; preceding: Damgalnuna, Inanna). 109 Cf. Kreberink, ZA 76 (1986) 161ff.; Mander, 11 Panflleol1 di Abll $alllbikll. 110 See Behrens-Steible 1983: 377, sllb an. 111 See Falkenstein 1966: 58.; f c f. especially p. 58, n. 5; p. 69, n. 5.
Mesopotamian Historiography and the Amarna Letters Mario Liverani Rome
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CELEBRATIVE INSCRIPTIONS (the best medium for Mesopotamian historiography) and diplomatic letters pursue different aims and address different audiences, making use of different formal arrangements and dissemination procedures. It is even possible-as I did in a previous work of minetto sharply contrast their basic purposes and the ensuing bias in historytelling. Celebrative inscriptions, aiming at prestige and addressed to the inner public, build up a history centered on the ruler's superior effectiveness and central location; while diplomatic letters, aiming at interest and addressed to the outer partner, build up a history of negotiations and rivalry among peers. The motif of the king who builds a palace or a temple in his capital city, using materials coming from the most varied and most remote countries (a motif running through the entirety of ancient Near Eastern history, from Gudea to Darius), tells us a story of universal rule, of a superior capacity to enforce the entire world to contribute to the unprecedented enterprisethus demonstrating the king's power and the gods' support. Just imagine the very same story, traced in the letters negotiating for the acquisition of the various materials: it would become a story of humiliating requests and delayed responses, of ceaseless bargaining and calculated counter-gifts: If within this summer, in the months of Tammuz or Ab, you send me the gold about which I wrote you, then I will give you my daughter. Therefore send gold according to your will. But if you will not send me the gold (in time) to allow me to finish the work that I am undertaking (dill/a §a ~abti7ku), why should you send it to me (later on)? When
I refer here to Prestige and Interest (Padua: 1990), pp. 24-26,291-92. 303
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the work I am undertaking will be finished, what could I do with the gold? Even if you will send me 3000 talents, I will not accept them. I 2 will send them back, but I will not give you my daughter. The Egyptian comments on such an attitude are concisely recorded in another letter: Is it nice that you give away your daughters in order to obtain the gift of your neighbors?3 In case the inner audience would become aware of the tiring bargaining,
the prestige of the ruler would be seriously affected: In Egypt gold is more common than dust, and your brother loves you
a lot. Now, what kind of man is one that loves but gives just such poor stuff!?4 And vice versa, in case the outer partner would become aware of the celebrative use made of his friendly gifts, he would be astonished and irritated: You put my chariots among those of the vassals; you did not show them apart! You humiliated them before your country as if they were yours; you did not show them apart!5 Yet, despite this basic contrast in purposes and audiences, letters also can make use of historiographic patterns. I do not refer here to the so-called "micro-historiography," with its reference to personal and minute past 6 affairs that constitute the very reasons for writing letters. Such a genre is considered to belong to historiography only by modern historians, after the epistemological revolution that put the private or personal level at the fore, to the detriment of more general and official events. I refer, instead, to the very official history writing, whose peculiar features can find a way into the more colloquial and practical texture of epistolography. 2 EA 4: 41-50. On the Amarna letters, cf. translation and comments by W.L. Moran, The Amarna Letters (Baltimore: 1992); I follow, however, my own translation in Le lettere di el-Amarna, I-II (Brescia: 1998-99).
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Let us start by a clear, although unnoticed case, a case that can take us closer to the understanding of the elusive topic of Mitannian history writing. My suggestion is to compare the story told by EA 17 to the story told by the Idrirni statue inscription. EA 17 is the letter (a rather short one, at that) in which the young Tushratta relates to Amenophis ill the vicissitudes of his enthronement. Every single feature in the story has its parallel in the Idrirni inscription: the trouble (or coup d'etat) in the father's house, the temporary hiding of the hero out of the scene, his young age and the contraposition to his brother(s), the bold action to recover the throne, the eventual confirmation of his military attitudes by beating the external enemy (the Hittites in both cases!), his sharing of the booty with friends, finally the confirmation of his political and diplomatic attitudes by finding a correct place in the "club" of his peer neighbor kings, a place equal and in case superior to that of his forefathers. Of course, the two narratives differ on many points, especially because the addressees are different-Pharaoh in EA 17, the inner population in the Idrirni inscription-and because Tushratta is an independent "great king" w~ile Idrimi is a vassal or "small king." Therefore, the role of Amenophis ill IS only partly comparable to that of Barattarna, and what is comparable is that their acceptance of the new kingship is similarly relevant to ensure a superior legitimacy to the young hero. But the validation provided by Barattarna, the direct sovereign of Idrimi, is properly juridical (and will issue in a formal oath or treaty), while the validation provided by Amenophis is only diplomatic in nature (an'd will issue in exchange of letters and gifts). The remaining letters written by Tushratta do not contain historiographic motifs to be compared to the Idrimi inscription, apart from the use of the "seventh year" motif (used twice by Idrimi, and also used in EA 29 in the form "for six times he did not give [the bride], but the seventh time he had to give.,,)7 This motif is meaningful, however, as a typical narrative device in heroic or fairy-tale stories (cf. its use in the Ugaritic story of King Keret). And we have to consider, as something not purely accidental, that the "seventh time" motif is in fact used in relation to the theme of the "resistant father-in-law" (the denials met by the young hero in getting the bride), which was also a recurrent item in north-Syrian story-telling, as the Keret
3 EA 1: 61; for the interpretation, cf. Prestige, p. 274 n. 2. 4 EA 20: 52-54.
5 EA 1: 89-91; cf. W.L. Moran, "Additions to the Amarna Lexicon," OrNS 53 (1984): 302. 6 By the way, Rib-Adda's narrative of his political misfortunes in EA 138 is a real
masterpiece of "micro-historiography."
7 EA 29: 16-22 (twice); Idrimi: 28 and 43. On the use of this motif in historiographic texts, cf. my article "Ma nel settimo anno ... " in Studi Rinaldi (Genoa: 1967), pp. 49-53.
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poem makes clear. 8 The lack of still more historiographic motifs in the Tushratta dossier is clearly due to their content, exclusively centered on the marriage negotiations. Coming back to EA 17, we can say that such a letter seems to be the epistolary version of an official report on Tushratta's enthronement, a report emphasizing the heroic qualities and accomplishments of the young king in order to demonstrate his attitude to rule, thus overcoming the problem (deeply felt by the inner public opinion) of the irregular and violent origin of his reign. We could even try to write a "Tushratta statue inscription," using the Idrimi text as a model-frame and EA 17 for the historical details. And we could postulate a Mitannian court style in story-telling and (hi)story-writing, with the young king as a hero: a style represented by Idrimi, partly re-employed in EA 17, and echoed (at a properly literary level) by the Keret epic. By the way, the comparison of the Idrimi inscription and EA 17 seems to contradict the ingenious suggestion, advanced by Jack Sasson,9 that the Idrimi text is a late (thirteenth or twelfth century) forgery, and seems to be a good argument in favor of its being a genuine product of a proper north-Syrian court style of the Mitannian period. At this point the basic question comes to the fore: how is it that the same story is considered as an effective device to address both the inner public (Idrimi) and the outer partner (EA 17)? A contradiction with my starting assumption about a strict connection of audience, medium, and aims of the message seems evident. The fact is that the two addressees are not so different-or better said: they are not considered as different-in this specific case of the Mitannian story about the heroic validation of the young usurper. On the one hand, the inner audience that the author of the Idrimi story has in mind is certainly not the rural population or the working class, but rather the so-called "aristocracy" (the maryannu-class), especially connected with chariot warfare and the ideals of personal "heroic" behavior, competition, bold enterprise. This restricted class, centered on the royal palace, includes the king himself and shares with him the heroic ideals, the fairy-tale stories, the chariot iconography, the hunting exercise, and so on. As to the other addressee of the story, namely Pharaoh in EA 17, throughout the entire Mitanni dossier we feel that a special emphasis (much more evident than in the other dossiers) is put on the personal and
Also the Egyptian story of the "Doomed Prince" (M. Lichtheim, A/lcient Egyplian Literatllre, II [Berkeley: 1976], pp. 200-3) has a Syro-Mitannian setting. 9 J.M. Sasson, "On Idrimi and Sarruwa, the Scribe," in Stlldies on ti,e Civilization and C"lture o/Nuzi and tile Hllrrians, I (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1981), pp. 309-24.
MESOPOT AMIAN HISTORIOGRAPHY
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family relationships established between the two royal houses, as a consequence of peace and intermarriage. The recurrent ra'amatu "friendship, love" as a key-term for the relation between Tushratta and Amenophis, the use of the terms "father-in-law" and "son-in-law" in the very headings of the letters, the special emphasis on libba ljudda "to gladden the heart," on libba Iii ~umru::;u "not to afflict the heart," and similar expressions make clear the attempt of the Mitanni king to include Pharaoh in the inner circle of his relatives and friends, and share with him values and expectations. We could say that the Mitannian view tries to reduce the two contrasted audiences (inner populace vs. outer partner) to one and the same audience: a restricted circle of relatives and friends, colleagues in warfare, sharing the values and tastes of chivalry, a circle that is mostly local but can be extended to faraway relations through gift-exchange and intermarriage. Such a unified audience (including the local maryannus and the distant inlaw, the Pharaoh) can be captured by the same story, whereby the young hero takes the throne by personal merits and bold action, and can evaluate the dynamic attitudes better than time-honored traditions. Such a political ideology produces a historiography that is simply a story-telling, on the one hand sharply focussed on the protagonist's decisions and actions, and on the other hand endowed with supra-personal values by the fact of telling always the same story, disembedded from time and space like a fairy tale, a model story demonstrating the legitimacy of the usurper. The Burna-Buriash II dossier takes us to the opposite end in the range of ideological and historiographic options. The fact that most letters written by Burna-Buriash make use of a recurring pattern of clear historiographic character seems to have escaped notice until now. The pattern starts by making reference to a model behavior established in the past (a vague past in the time of the forefathers, or a more precise one in the time of a previous king), and goes on to contrast such a model behavior against its misuse in the present-time events, in order to suggest that these events too should be adjusted according to the time-honored model. A few abbreviated quotations from the letters will be enough: As in the past our respective fathers were in good relations each to the other, so we too we should be in good relations. Yet now my merchants etc. (EA 6 and EA 8)
8
In the time of Kurigalzu my father, the Canaanites your servants rebelled etc .... Yet now the Assyrians my servants etc. (EA 9) i
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Since the time of Karaindash, since messengers of your fathers came to my fathers, and until now we have been in good relations, yet now etc. (EA to). The pattern is applied to the most various events: the Assyrian competition in trade and diplomacy (EA 9), the aggression against Babylonian merchants (EA 8), the rhythm and amount of gift-exchange (EA 7 and 10), the marriage arrangements (EA 11), and, most important, the enthronement itself (EA 6, which makes a sharp contrast with EA 17). The recurring application of the same pattern to the most varied circumstances makes it clear that we are dealing with a true and proper "mental habit" to which Burna-Buriash makes recourse in order to solve his problems. As in the Tushratta dossier, EA 17 is the most meaningful case, whose basic features are partly traceable in the other letters, so also in the Burna-Buriash dossier can we single out EA 9 as the most meaningful example of a recurrent pattern. The story told in EA 9 is well known: the Assyrians were able to start direct diplomatic relations with Egypt, bypassing Babylon; and BurnaBuriash decided to protest a~ainst the positive attitude adopted by Amenophis toward the Assyrians. 0 The protest is carried on following two lines of reasoning: one is to disqualify the Assyrians (not by chance called in the generic plural, and not by the name of their king) as interested in practical affairs and profit, and not in the higher values of friendship and disinterested contacts. Such a disqualifying depiction of the Assyrians did in fact hit the mark, to judge from the tone used by Ashur-uballit in EA 16, but was probably considered by Pharaoh as irrelevant, since in Egyptian eyes also the Cassite kings were miserably avid people who sold their daughters for gold. 11 The other line of reasoning is properly historiographic, and makes recourse to an old episode, when the Canaanites were willing to rebel against Egypt, asked Babylon and its leader, Kurigalzu II, for an alliance, and met with a refusal based on the friendly relations existing between Babylon and Egypt. So now Egypt should behave in the same way, refusing contacts with Assyria because of the already existing good relations with Babylon.
10 On the connection of EA 9 with the Assyrian dossier EA 15-16, d. P. Artzi, "The Rise of the Middle-Assyrian Kingdom according to El-Amarna Letters 15 & 16," in Bar-llan Stlldies in History (Ramat-Gan: 1978), pp. 25-41. 11 EA 1: 62-63, see above.
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In the symmetrical pattern, as the Canaanites are considered to be serv~ts of Egypt, so the Assyrians are considered to be servants of Babylon. QU1t~ clearly, su~h a ~'geometric" arrangement of the roles is only a function of the logIcal dIscourse, and has no factual basis at all-at least we cannot ~dentify any real p~litical reason .for the assumption that Ass~ria at the time of Ashur-uballit I had any title to be considered a vassal of Burna-B~riash. A f~w years later, with the intervention of Ashur-uballit in the Cassite succeSSIon war, the roles would become in fact just the reverse! Moreover, the very identity of the two entities, "the Canaanites" and "the ~ssy~i.ans," is di~putable. As we have already said, the term "the Assyr~ans IS a~opted m order to hint at a non-political, purely commercial behaVIOr, and m orde~ to deny the very existence of an Assyrian king. On the other hand, there IS no political entity to be identified as "the Canaanites"-nor was there such an entity at the time of Kurigalzu. Canaan was a purely geographical term, and the area was politically fragmented into a plurality of small kingdoms. .Consequently, it is legitimate to doubt also the historical reality of the baSIC event recalled by Burna-Buriash. Did the dialogue between the Canaanites and Kurigalzu ever take place? I recall here the terms of the dialogue in EA 9: "Come to the border of the land; we shall rebel and side with you!" "Forget ~bou~ siding with me. If yo~ want to rebel against the king of Egypt, SIde WIth somebody else. I wIll not come, and will not plunder them, because they are my allies.,,12 Certainly, we cannot rule out that this episode had some factual historical gr?und: afte~ recourse. to Mitanni had become impossible following the allIance and mt~r~arnage between Mitanni and Egypt, someone among the Syro-PalestIDlan vassals could have tried to establish contact with Bab~l?n. But the ~ormalized rrorosal ,:",e are told about in EA 9, the project of a Jomt Canaamte-Babyloman mvaSlOn of Egypt(ian lands), can be ruled out: Babylon was too feeble and too distant for the Canaanites to provide concrete hope for formalized military help. Therefore, the episode is in practical terms a forgery, advanced for purposes of argument in order to obtain a symmetrical behavior of Amenophis against the Assyrians. We get the impression that Burna-Buriash's 12
EA 9}O-:-29. O~ l1abalklltll, d. now P. Artzi, "Nabalkutu: To Change Allegiance, M,c/lmaIll1l/9 (1996): 57-72. On "I will not plunder them(!)" (the text has "phmder you") as a mistake due to the epistolary relationship (them =Egypt =addressee =you), d. my translation Le lettere di el-Amama, II, p. 356.
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historiographic strategy was rather desperate. Already in itself, recourse to past history reveals an evident feebleness in actual political and economic terms-and in fact Egypt accepted the establishment of relationships with the active and trade-oriented Assyrians, paying no attention to the recriminations of the ceremonial and traditional Cassites. But even in properly historical terms, Burna-Buriash had very few arguments to use, very minor merits to recall; he was in a sense obliged to have recourse to forgery. In more generai terms, the repeated, and quite "ritual/' recourse to the past model, in the way Burna-Buriash uses it, reveals the irreparable feebleness of a country less influential and powerful in the present than it was in the past. In the entire Babylonian dossier of the Amarna archive, Pharaoh treats the Babylonian partners with unconcealed contempt: the Babylonian king is a miserable man selling out his daughters for money; the Babylonian messengers are ignorant people of low rank; the Babylonian princess is a poor concubine (EA 1). When Babylonian merchants are robbed or killed, the efforts of their king to protest and get justice seem desperate (EA 7-8). Paradoxically, the king himself seems to endorse his marginal position, when he pretends (and seems proud) to ignore how distant Egypt can be (EA 7). The actual marginalization of Babylon from the main focus of international relations cannot be overcome by pretending that the past glory of the country grants it an indisputable place of honor. History is a great help in providing legitimacy to present actions, but is of no help as a substitute for action. If we compare now this Burna-Buriash dossier with that from Mitanni discussed earlier, we can recognize two different historical attitudes. Tushratta's attitude can be labelled as young, active, projected, while BurnaBuriash's attitude is old, defensive, retrojected. Tushratta tries to build his role thanks to his heroic behavior and to the correct social and marriage relations, while Burna-Buriash can just hope that the memory of the past can still provide him with enough prestige to overcome the present difficulties. In both cases, history writing is clearly a practicat political affair-the use of recent or remote past in order to provide legitimacy for the ruler and to negotiate with the partners from a favorable position. The actual conditions and the cultural traditions of the various countries give rise to different historiographic strategies: inside the complex and long-lasting Mesopotamian tradition, we have to single out different historiographic attitudes in the various regions and centuries. Some regions and periods are better provided with adequate sources, while others are not: the (early) Cassite and Mitannian historiographies are practically lost and can just be sketched through occasional glimpses as here. The Amarna letters provide
us with an admittedly minor and too peculiar perspective, yet their indepth analysis can turn out to be of some help both in order to better understand the letters in themselves, and in order to reconstruct the historiographic habits obtaining in the scribal and court circles that produced them.
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Micromanagement in the e-mi/dBa-u: Notes on the Organization of Labor at Early Dynastic Lagash GlelUl Magid Harvard University
IN 1902 AN ARCHIVE of about 1700 clmeiform tablets was lmearthed in
illicit excavations at Girsu (=modern Tello), the capital of the Sumerian citystate of Laga~.l The archive, which dates to the closing decades of the E(arly) D(ynastic) IIIb period (ca. 2450 or 2400 - 2300 B.C.E.), derives from an economic organization that was administered by (at least) the last three queens of the ED Laga~ dynasty.2 Under the first two queens, Dimtur and Baranamtara, the organization was called e-m{, "House(hold) of the Woman"; under the third (~a~a), it was renamed e-dBa-tl, "House(hold) of (the goddess) Ba'u.,,3 The origins of the e-mffBa-tl are obscure: there is no For a list of tablet museum numbers and publications, see Selz, UGASL, 9-10. 2 The last three royal couples (king and queen) were Enentarzi and Dimtur, Lugalanda and Baranamtara, and UruKAgina and ~a~a. In the literature, the queens' organization is typically characterized as a "temple estate" or "temple household." However, we will avoid these designations, on the one hand because "temple" invokes the misleading notion of theocracy (Foster, JESHO) and on the other because "estate" or "household" implies-erroneously in my view-that the entity so designated formed a fully self-sufficient closed system (see p. 304 and n. 12). 3 At the beginning of his reign, UruKAgina promulgated a set of reforms (versions of which include Ukg. 1=2-3,4-5, and 6). Among its provisions we read: e-e-mf GANA 2-e-mf.kn dBn-11 nin.ba i-glIb "over the house(s) and field(s) of the woman he set up Ba'u as their lady (Le., owner)" (Ukg. 4 ix 12-16 = Ukg. 5 viii 20-23). Scholars generally associate this provision with the renaming of the eli/f. However, it is not clear what motivated the renaming and the reforms, in general. Because UruKAgina was outside the dynastic line-under Lugalanda he was a high-ranking military official (see Uru-KA gal:UN in Po 54 and
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trace of an e-m{ under the first six kings of Lagas. Furthermore, since relatively few of the archival texts date to Lagas' seventh king, Enentarzi,4 we cannot be sure how extensive the organization was in his day.s Under Enentarzi's successors, however, the e-mf!Ba-u clearly played a major role in the economy of Lagas and in particular of its capital, Girsu. The Girsu tablets are the remains of a vast economic archive, whose purpose was to account for goods and services as they circulated within the queens' organization. 6 In addition to the archival texts, there is also a large
315
group of royal inscriptions from Girsu and Lagas (=modern al Hiba)? These inscriptions vary in substance and in length,8 but they served a common purpose, namely, to legitimize royal claims. In contrast to the archival texts, attested inscriptions span the entire Lagas dynasty (=9 kings, ca. 120 years). In addition to supplying the outlines of a political history of Lagas, the royal inscriptions of en a window on elite Sumerian conceptions of rulership and the state. Above all, they emphasize the connection between divine favor and successful kingship. As the inscriptions attest, one of the kings' most important responsibilities was to carry out regular templebuilding and maintenance projects. Such projects required substantial investments of human and material resources. Matters like these, which bear on the scope and implementation of temple projects, were routinely glossed over in the royal inscriptions. It sufficed to note the simple fact that a structure was built or restored. Thus, in contrast to the archival texts, the royal inscriptions give little insight into the economy of Lagas. In fact, there are few points of overlap between the royal inscriptions and the archival texts. 10
176)-it is widely assumed that he usurped the throne, and that the reforms were a special plea for legitimation. These assumptions are not universally accepted, however. 4 Tablets are dated by regnal year (and often by month name).
e-II/( is first attested under Enentarzi; the e-dBa-ti, under UruKAgina. In fact, UruKAgina claims to have built (rebuilt?) the e-dBa-ti (Ukg. 1=2-3,4-5,6, 10,12). That Ba'u was worshipped at Laga§ throughout the period of the Laga§ dynasty is established by two lines of evidence. First, Urnan§e, the founder of the dynasty, is credited with building the e-far (Urn. 18), which is almost certainly to be identified with the e-far-s(r-s(r, a Ba'u temple well attested in later periods (George, MC, 148-49; for the reading e-sila(-s(r-s(r) see Selz, UGASL,26-27 and n. 73). Second, objects were dedicated to Ba'u by a number of Laga1\ite kings, including Urnan§e (Urn. 47 and 48), Enanatum I (En. I 25), Enmetena (Ent. 96 and 99 [=AoF 18 (1991) 188]), and UruKAgina (Ukg. 13; cf. the 16 clay tags, or "Oliven" [Ukg. 41-53,54=55, 56-57, and 61], which are inscribed with the names of objects dedicated to Ba'u). In addition, note that one of Lugalanda's epithets is dUlI/u fll.da-dBa-ri, "son born of Ba'u" (Lug. 15). Although this evidence dates the cult of Ba'u to the beginnings of the Laga1\ dynasty, it does not prove that the e-II/( was an economic organization before Enentarzi's reign. As for the e-mfs status during his reign, Maekawa argues that it was a relatively small-scale operation (Maekawa, e-mi). His conclusions have been widely accepted in the field.
S The
6 A handful of records deal with exchanges between the e-m(fBa-ri and other major organizations in Laga§. For transfers from the e-m(fBa-ri to the "pINing(r-sll, see, e.g., PO 168 and Nik 158 Jtransfers of barley allotments: ~e-1Ja ~e-gar geme2 dumu igi-nll-dll s M-dllb-did/i- Nin-g(r-sll.ka and ~e-ba RU-llIgal-dNin-g(rsu.ka). Pure milk and malt (ga-kllg I/l/l/1u4-kllg) transfers were made to the wives of elite members of a number of organizations (OP 132, 133, and 226, Fo 173, and TSA 5). (For an interpretation of these transfers as ceremonial gift exchanges see Selz, UGASL, 73-78 and cf. 203-5.) The e-m(fBa-ri was also involved in interstate and international commerce (with Der: DP 239, 513, and 516, and VS 27, 50; Dilmun: DP 518, Fo 30, 38, and 194, and RTC 26; Elam: Nik 185,214,292, and 310; Nippur: VS 27, 46; Umma: RTC 25; and Uru'a: Nik I 310). Moreover, gift exchanges(?) between the queens of Laga1\ and Adab are
(<>X<>X<>X<>X<>J
attested in RTC 19 and Nik I 282. 7
A few royal inscriptions from Laga1\ have also been found at Ur, Uruk, Badtibira, and Nippur. All of the inscriptions are edited in Steible and Behrens, FAOS 5/1. Not counting duplicates and excluding the so-called "Oliven" (Ukg. 17-57 and 61; cf. n. 5)-which Selz groups with the economic texts (Selz, UGASL, nn. 54 and 62)-roughly 150 royal inscriptions are known. These are found on a variety of objects (for which, see Cooper, SARI, 4-7).
8 From a few lines of text (e.g., Urn. 47) to as many as 33 columns (Ean. 1). 9 See, e.g., Steinkeller, "Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B.C.," ABO, 725. It should be noted that Steinkeller's reconstruction draws on the comparative evidence of Sumerian literary texts, in particular, the Gudea Cylinders. Put succinctly, the entire state was the property of an extended divine family, at the head of which stood Ningirsu, Laga1\' chief god, and his wife Ba'u. Kings were appointed by the gods to serve as the managers of their terrestrial (e)states. Appointments were reaffirmed annually. 10
I
i
Even though these sources served different purposes-one administrative, the other propagandistic-it is nonetheless striking to note the lack of references to temple-building and maintenance projects in the e-m(fBa-ri archive, especially since other public works, like canal-cleaning (e.g., DP 659 and TSA 23) and wall-building (e.g., OP 631 and VS 27, 11), are richly documented. Presumably, the e-mr!Ba-ri took some part in building and maintenance projects, at least those involving its own sacred spaces. In this connection, note that one of the many temples that UruKAgina claims to have built (rebuilt?)
316
(<>:.:<>;':<>:.:<>:.:<»
G LEN N MAG I D
The picture of the state that emerges from the royal inscriptions is painted in the broadest strokes. Court scribes evinced little interest in the organization and inner-workings of the state. The e-mffBa-u's recordkeepers, on the other hand, were concerned with the minute details of an institutional economy. This vast difference in perspective raises a challenging methodological question: how can the evidence of the inscriptions and the archive be merged? In pursuit of an answer, two overlapping theories about the Sumerian state have been advanced in the field: Deimel and Schneider's Tempelstadt theory and the three-sector theory of Soviet Marxist historians, notably Diakonoff. 11 These theories take a macro-level approach to the question of state structure. Although each regards the e-ndfBa-tt as paradigmatic of an organizational type at ED Laga~, they differ on the degree to which this type was generalized throughout the state. Proponents of the Tempelstadt theory maintain that the entire state was divided into"great organizations" like the e-mffBa-tl. Advocates of the three-sector theory argue that such a pattern obtained in only one sector of the state. On both sides of the theoretical divide, organizations like the e-ndfBa-tt emerge as equivalent entities, differing only in scale. 12 Since the records of no great organization besides the e-mifBa-tt have been discovered, the competing models of ED Laga~ draw heavily on the e-nlffBa-tt archive. Setting aside the problem of reconstructing the state on the basis of a single archive, the obstacles to reconstructing the e-mffBa-tt itself are considerable. Yet, a clear understanding of the e-mffBa-tt is a prerequisite to any reconstruction of the state. was the e-dBa-rl itself (see references in n. 5). There is no evidence that Enentarzi and Lugalanda carried out similar projects. However, we have no royal inscriptions from Enentarzi's reign. An inscription that was commissioned by his daughter, Gemeba'u, before Enentarzi became king mentions him only parenthetically (Enz. 2). As for Lugalanda, only one (substantially broken) inscription survives from his reign (Lug. 15). 11 The classic formulation of the Telllpelstadt theory is in Anton Deimel, SUlllerisc/re Telllpelwirtsc/rnjt WI' Zeit llruKAginas IIlId seiner Vorgiinger (Analecta Orientalia 2; Rome: Pontifical Biblical Institute, 1931) and Anna Schneider, Die Anfiinge del' KlIltllrwirtsc/rnft: Die slllllerische Telllpe/stadt (Plenge Staatswirtschaftliche Beitrilge IV; Essen: G. D. Baedecker, 1920). The three-sector theory is presented most succinctly in Igor Diakonoff, "The Structure of Society and State in Early Dynastic Sumer [original Russian 1959]," MANE 1/3 (Los Angeles: Undena, 1974). 12 Elsewhere, I argue at length against this "building block" model of great organizations (Magid, Fields, Kings, alld Gods: An Arc/rival Stlldy of Land Tel/lire and Statehood at Early Dynastic Lnga~, forthcoming dissertation, 2000).
M I C ROM A NAG E MEN T
(<>X<>X<>X<>X<»
317
Within limitations, the archival records from Girsu support a detailed reconstruction of the e-mffBa-u. I would like to highlight some of the possibilities and challenges of a micro-level (ground-up) approach to modelbuilding through a case study of labor in the queens' organization. Skilled and unskilled workers formed the bulk of the e-mffBa-u's population. Except when they were accounted as the recipients of rations, workers were almost completely ignored in archival record-keeping. We can identify shepherds, gardeners, and weavers, as well as their overseers, by name. We know what types of work they performed, and at what rate they were rationed in exchange for their labor. Among the many things we do not know about them are where they worked and where they lived. Let us consider the evidence. A large subgroup of the e-mffBa-u archive comprises the so-called "ration lists." These record monthly distributions of barley, and occasional distributions of emmer and wool, to different types of workers. 13 As a rule, individuals are named and their rations are quoted. Frequently, workers in the same industry are grouped in teams, under overseers. (In such cases, the texts indicate that overseers received the collective rations of their subordinates.) In general, two socio-economic categories of workers are in evidence: full-time dependents of the e-mffBa-tl and part-time dependents. Full-time dependents worked year-rOlmd and received monthly allotments of food from the e-mffBa-tt. Part-time dependents owed a term of labor to the e-ndfBa-tt (typically four months of the year), during which they also received monthly food rations. For the remainder of the year they derived income from land allotments called ~uku. In addition to revealing the structure of different industries, the ration lists also shed light on workers' actual working and living arrangements. 14 In the ration lists generic PN+ration references are occasionally expanded with the notation PN2.da e-da-ti. This phrase is conventionally rendered as "PN lives with PN 2." Occasionally, several people are said to "live" with an individual. In such cases, the phrase takes the plural verb, and reads PN+ PN 2+ .. ·PNx PNx+l·da e-da-sell' or "PN, PN 2, ... and PN x live with PN x+l'" In addition, one or more persons can be said to "live" in a specific place. In such cases, the basic phrase reads PN PLACE.a Hi (singular) or PN+ PN2+ ... PNx PLACE.a i-sell (plural). Finally, a few expressions mark persons 13 For the texts that form the basis of this study, see the appendix. For a com-
prehensive list of barley ration texts, see Selz, UGASL, tables 1-1 through 1-8, 306-13.
14 Excluded from consideration in this study are workers, like foresters and sea fishermen, who presumably lived outside Girsu for at least part of the year.
318
MICROMAN AG EMENT
involved in animal husbandry as "living in (among)" or "stationed (with)" animals. These expressions include: (1) PN ma~.a /-ti, "PN lives in (among) the goat(s)"; (2) PN+PN2+... PNx udu-nfg-ku.a ba-sus.ge(B), "PN, PN 2, ... and PN x are stationed (with) the fattened sheep"; (3) PN+PN 2+... PN x an~e EREN2.ke4 ba-sus.geB, "PN, PN2, ... and PN x are stationed (with) the donkey teams"; (4) PN amar.ra, "PN (lives) in (among) the calves"; and (5) PN amargud.ka, "PN (lives) in (among) the calves." In all, 645 "ti/sell expressions" are attested in 47 barley- and 2 woolration lists, or roughly half of all the ration texts. Of the 47 barley lists, 26 derive from the queens' organization and 21 from the royal children's organization. IS The bulk of these texts date to UruKAgina. The wool-ration lists date to Enentarzi and Lugalanda. Insofar as ration lists were drawn up on a monthly basis, information is often repeated in multiple texts. Reducing for this fact, the number of persons who are said to "live" either with someone and/ or in some place is roughly 150. Besides the ration-lists, only three texts in the entire archive-all residence lists of one sort or anotherinclude ti/sell expressions. Altogether, these lists include 34 attestations of an additional thirty persons, from both the queens' organization and the royal children's organization. These data are summarized in the table on the following page. Before turning to the significance of the ti/sell expressions, let us first consider the persons who featured in them. Persons who are said to "live" with other persons are almost always full-time dependents of either the queens' or the children's organizations, i.e., they are recipients of monthly rations. In the nomenclature of the ration-lists, such persons are collectively designated asgeme2 dumu, "'women' and (their) children,,,16 and igi-nu-dus ~iI-dub-didli, "iginudu-workers, carriers, and assorted ~adub-workers." In cases where the rule is broken, persons are often overtly marked for higher social status. For example, in Gemesilasirsir's organization eleven plowchiefs (sag-apin) are said to "live" with a certain scribe (dub-sar)P Eight of these plow-chiefs are identified as hHtu.da.l1Ie, "monthly (ration recipients)," a notation that would otherwise be superfluous were it not for the fact that the remaining three are identified as hl-~uku-dabs.ba.l1Ie, "land-
Text Type
# of Texts from Queens' Organization
# of Texts from Children's Organization
Total # of Texts
Barley Ration
26a
21b
47
Wool Ration
2c
"Residence Lists"
Id
#of Attested ti/sell
#of Attesteq Persons
~xpres-
Slons 645
ca. 150 / ca. 40
22
30/7
2
Ie
3
+lm pcecV
*# / # = number of persons who are said to "live" with someone / number of persons with whom others are said to "live" Dated distribution:
1
a b c d
e
I
a
IS It is not clear what the royal children's organization was. Although the
evidence of the ration lists suggests that it was structured on the pattern of the e-m(!Ba-li, it also appears to have been partly-if not entirely-under the administrative control of the queens' organization. 16 The social status of the geme2 has not been clarified (cf. n. 35). For a recent discussion of the term, with bibliography, see Selz, UGASL n. 231. 17 DP 116.
319
(<>X<>:':<>:':<>:':<>;)
j t, ~I
~i
I
f
Lugalanda (5) + UruKAgina (21) Lugalanda (5) + UruKAgina (16) Enentarzi (1) + Lugalanda (1) Lugalanda(?) UruKAgina UruKAgina
allotment holders." When such markers are absent, prosopography is decisive. Thus, e.g., in Geme-ba'u's organization a carpenter (nagar) and a boatman (1IUi-laus) are said to "live" with a plow-chief. IS Although the entries are unmarked, prosopographic evidence confirms that they both held land allotments. We see that the majority of persons who are said to "live" with other persons were full-time dependents. The opposite holds true as well: possibly without exception, the persons whom they are said to "live" with were land-holding part-time dependents. Some additional observations are in order. In cases where persons are paired or grouped together, in ti/sell constructions, they tend to form obvious professional units. In several instances, for example, iginuduworkers are said to "live" with a gardener (nu-kiri 6 ).19 In a similar vein, weavers (ki-siki), millers (gel1le2-kikken), and plow-chiefs (sag-apin) are said to "live" with their respective overseers. 20 Thus far we have consistently IS 19
Nik 20.
20
For weavers "living" with their overseer, see, e.g., DP 116 and Nik I 22. For millers, see, e.g., DP 116-18. For plow-chiefs, see, e.g., STH 1,25-27.
E.g., DP 116-18.
320
MICROMANAGEMENT
placed the verb of the ti/sell expressions in quotation marks. On the surface, these expressions appear to specify actual living arrangements. While this may be true, it is not always clear how such arrangements would have been realized, nor why certain workers should have lived together, let alone with their overseers. In fact, the only straightforward case is that of the iginudus, who were often assigned to garden-work. By every indication, iginudus were chattel slaves. 21 There is no evidence that they had families or any property of their own. Thus, in the case of the iginudus we are probably justified in concluding that they did live together on the orchards or in the households of the gardeners to whom they were assigned. Was the same true of other workers? Take the case of women weavers, who are routinely listed with their children in the ration texts. The social status of these women is unclear. There is no evidence that they were widows or prisoners of war, or even that they were unmarried. Even if they were, however, what are we to make of the fact that as many as eight weavers and their children are said to "live" with their overseer?22 Does this mean that they-like the iginudus-actually lived in their overseer's household, to§ether with his family? Does it also mean that they worked side by side?2 Perhaps it does. But it is equally plausible, in this case, that ti/sell expressions mark persons as living (in their own households) in the vicinity of their overseer. If this is true, then we must reckon with the possibility that different neighborhoods, in Girsu, were specialized for different kinds of craft production. Another possibility is that ti/sell expressions mark persons as working, though not necessarily living, together. If so, then the plural form of these expressions refers to collective, i.e., industrial, workshop settings. 24 The
Sumerian verb ti/sell is the lexical equivalent of the Akkadian (w)asabu, a verb whose primary meaning is "to sit or dwell." If, in some cases, ti/sell does mark persons as engaged in a collective-work enterprise, then the verb might connote the action of "sitting down (to work)," a sense that is not attested in the Akkadian. However, another possible interpretation of the ti/sell expressions is suggested by a specialized use of the Akkadian verb that has been noted in the CAD: in certain contexts, (w)a§abu means "to live in another person's household as a dependent.,,25 The householder/ dependent relationships, in the examples the CAD provides, are specifically creditor/debtor relationships. While creditor/debtor relationships played no (obvious) part in the distribution of labor at ED Lagas, householder/dependent relationships might have. This brings us back to the weavers and the "weaving establishments" (e-ki-siki.ka) attested in the archival texts. Before turning to the connection between them we must first ask what an e-ki-siki.ka is. The answer to this question hinges on the significance, in this genitival syntagm, of e(literally, "house"). To my thinking, emust denote one or more of the following: (1) an actual building; (2) an administrative bureau; or (3) a household. If, in the case of weavers, ti/se11 expressions do mark a collective work or living situation, or both, then the first of these meanings probably applies to e-kisiki.ka. 26 As for the second, the notion of a "Weaving Bureau"-as an office in which, for example, raw materials and finished textiles were stored and production decisions were made-finds support in the fact that an "Agricultural Bureau" (ki-nmn-engar) is attested in texts dating to LugalandaP This bureau may have coordinated the entire agricultural enterprise of the e-lnffBa-ti. Two factors militate against an analogous interpretation of e-kisiki. kn, however: first, we would expect offices comparable to the ki-nnnlengar to have been designated by similar genitival syntagms, e.g., *e- or *kinam-ki-siki.ka.ka in the case of a "Weaving Bureau." Second, and more importantly, more than one e-ki-siki.kn is attested. Hence, no single e-kisiki.ka was the coordinating office for the entire weaving industry.
21 A few texts record the sale of iginudus (Fo 141 and 144 and Nik I 293). Another text (DP 339) records a distribution of iginudus-who had been retrieved from Uru'az (as prisoners of war?)-to several gardeners. 22 The figure, which is based on several tablets (e.g., DP 118 and Nik I 16 and 20), represents the total number of weavers in Gemesilasirsir's organization, who are said to "live" with the overseer Nan!\edanume'a. 23 A different situation has been proposed for Ur III times. In his study of Ur III potters, Steinkeller argues that the reality behind texts that name multiple potters and an overseer is not a single industrial workshop, but rather a corresponding number of domestic workshops, each under the indirect management of the overseer (Stein keller, AoF, 252). 24 In the case of the weavers, such a hypothesis finds tentative corroboration in the fact that at least two of the overseers with whom weavers are said to "live" are associated with their own weaving establishments (e-ki-siki.ka; see e-ki-
(~:':~:':~:':~:':~J
321
siki.ka dNml~e.da-nu.me.a [DP 441] and e-ki-siki.ka Nin-inilll-zi.da.ka [DP 438]). For the significance of e-ki-siki.ka, see the discussion below. 25 CAD AlII, s.v. aM b11,402-3.
26 That e-ki-siki.ka can signify an actual structure is suggested by the fact that wood was brought into e-ki-siki.kas on two occasions (DP 438 and 441). 27 DP 593 and Nik I 36 and 38. The operations of the "Agricultural Bureau" are further clarified by several texts that name the bureau chief, Inimenlila'andab as the principal transactor but do not mention the bureau itself. See, e.g., Nik 1104-8.
322
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
GLENN MAGID
The third option, namely, that e-ki-siki.ka means "household of a weaving overseer" finds some basis in the fact that ecan have both literal and figurative signification. This dual signification is demonstrated, e.g., by the designations e-mf and e-dBa-u, which, depending on the context, can signify either concrete structure(s) or an abstract entity (the [queens'] organization).28 The e in e-ki-siki.ka may have had a similar double-meaning. Inasmuch as a "bureau" can be both a set of administrative functions as well as the locus in which they are performed, the notion of a bureau merges the concrete and the abstract. The analogy between e in e-l1dtBa-u and e in e-kisiki.ka may be even closer, however. By a literal reading of the ti/sen expressions, weavers and their children (and perhaps their spouses) lived with their overseers. As the ration-lists make clear, the e-mftBa-tt allocated mass rations to weaving overseers, who divided them among their subordinates. Weavers were direct dependents of their overseers and only indirect dependents of the queens' organization. This explains why their individual output is never accounted in the e-l1dtBa-u's records. The bottom line for the record-keepers of the e-mftBa-u was whether overseers met or failed to meet their own production quotas. 29
28 For the e-//I( as an actual building or compound, see, e.g., ensi2 e-//I(.a //Iu-ti.la.a ("while the ensi2 [Le., the ruler) was living in the e-//I(" [DP 164]), ensi2 e-//I(.~e e-gin.na.a ("while the ensi2 was going to the e-//I(" [DP 218]) and bild e-mf.ta ("from the wall of the e-//I(" [DP 641]). Fore-dBa-li, also in a concrete sense, see, e.g.,gllrre-dBa-li.ke4-lis.a.fa ("from the silo adjoining thee-dBa-li" [CTNMC 1]). Economic transactions are routinely carried out "in" (locative / .a/) both the //I( and the e-dBa-lI. For example, cattle are branded (in the e-//I(: DP 244; in the e-dBa-li: Fo 35) and barley is distributed (in the e-//I(: RTC 52; in the e-dBa-li: DP 149) there. For the abstract signification of e-//I(, see, e.g., IIsar3 e-//I( ("friends of the e-//I(" [AT 2, DP 126, and VS 27,75]). For the e-dBa-li, note that rations are once called ~e-ba e-dBa-li.ka ("barley rations of the e-dBa-li," juxtaposed in the same text with ~e dSul-~ag4.ga.na.ka, "barley of ~ul~agana [Le., the royal children's organization)" [Nik I 55]), and that diverse ration recipients could be called hi-e-dBa-li.ke4.ne ("personnel of the e-dBa-li" [CH 1]). UruKAgina's pledge to restore the "house(s) of the e-//I( and the field(s) of the e-//I("-i.e., the entire e-//I( organization-to Ba'u (see n. 3) also underscores the dual signification of e-//I( and e-dBa-lI. In addition, note that e-dBa-li and dBa-Ii interchange freely in the archival texts (see, in contrast to the preceding examples, ~e-ba ... dBa-li in STH 1,20 and 21 and hi-dBa-li.ke4.ne in Fo 102 and STH I, 2).
e-
29 Unfortunately, we have no records of the debts accrued by weaving overseers. However, other overseers' debts are amply documented. See, e.g., plow-chiefs' debts in agricultural implements (BIN 8, 358), shepherds' debts in animals (Nik 1175), goatherds' debts in milk and cheese (Nik I 261), fishermen's debts
MICROMANAGEMENT
(~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
323
The Sumerian economy was a quota economy. In theory, the state provided all the necessary means of production to overseers in different industries. 30 In turn, overseers were liable to the state for fixed returns on whatever they produced. If overseers failed to meet their assigned quotas, they were accounted a debit (LAL.a) towards the next production cycle. If they produced a surplus, they were accounted a credit (diri). Numerous debits are attested in the e-mftBa-u archive. 31 Credits, on the other hand, are almost completely unattested. 32 There are two probable explanations for this fact: first, assuming quotas were set high, the surpluses in most industries were probably modest. Second, surplus production was probably ignored by the e-mffBa-u's accountants. The fact that a credit record is attested, at all, suggests that overseers could turn their surpluses over to the e-mftBa-u as a shore against future debts. However, the fact that only one record, in one industry, is attested suggests that overseers often retained their surpluses instead. Considering how tightly the economy was managed, the e-mftBa-tl's accountants would certainly have been aware of rampant graft. The conversion of surplus into private capital was probably not only tolerated, but even encouraged by the crown. In financial terms, the crown's losses-averaged across industries and over timewould have been modest, so long as quotas were set (and periodically adjusted) to ensure that the bulk of production accrued to it. Moreover, in terms of political capital, the crown had much to gain by offering this incentive to its loyal officials. 33 in fish (DP 278), gardeners' debts in fruit (DP 422), and a metal smith's debts in copper (RTC 24). 30 By "industry" I mean any branch of economic activity under the admin-
istrative authority of the state. Hence, I would include trade and animal husbandry among the industries at ED Laga~. In the case of trade, the "means of production" was the capital put towards trading ventures. Merchants "produced" what they secured through h·ade. In the case of animal husbandry, the "means of production" included animals, fodder, and land; the goal of production was an increase in animals and animal by-prod ucts, e.g., milk or skins.
31 See n. 29. 32 In fact, the only credit accounting in the entire archive is DP 557, which assigns a barley debit to one plow-chief and barley credits to two others. 33 In the archival texts, friends of the crown are sometimes literally called "friends"
(IISnl'3)' See IIsnr3.re.ne (DP 25), IIsnr3 Bnrng-nn//l-tar.rn ... kn.//Ie (DP 124 and 125), IIsnr3 nam-dlllllll Sn6-~n6 ... kn.//Ie (DP 128 and 129), IIsar3 e-//I( Sn6-~n6 ... kn.me (AT 2 and VS 27, 75), usnr3 e-//I(.//Ie (DP 126), IIsnr3 e-//I(.ke4.ne and IIsnr3 nnm-e.ne (DP 161).
(-0:':-0:':-0:.:-0:-:-0)
324
MICRO MAN A G EMENT
Under the quota system, an overseer's profit would have depended on the degree to which he could harness the means of production, in particular labor, to his own benefit. The weaving industry may provide an illustrative case in point. If, as we have tentatively proposed, e-ki-siki.kas were households-in both a concrete and an economic sense-and not administrative offices or industrial workplaces, then weavers were not simply under the administrative charge of their overseer, in his capacity as an "employee" of the e-m£tBa-u. Rather, they were under his full control, in his capacity as the head of a household. The difference is not simply a matter of semantics. At issue is how free overseers disposed of labor for their own personal gain. A household model of industry would imply that overseers exercised considerable autonomy in this regard. In the case of weaving, e.g., if weavers were effectively the property of their overseers then the overseers, having met their quotas, must have been free not only to produce surplus textiles (for their own use as well as for "market" consumption) but to divert the weaver's labor to other purposes. 34 If the household model is valid, then we must also wonder how overseers came by their labor. The question hinges on the social status of the weavers. If these women were prisoners of war, then they held the same abject status as the iginudus, and presumably could have been bought and sold. 35 An alternative possibility is that they were acquired as debt slaves. The household model of industry, as I have described it, is of course largely speculative. The kinds of information we would need to prove that overseers capitalized on their own surplus production, that they diverted labor to purposes other than those that were owed to the e-mffBn-ll, or that they acquired labor by means other than being assigned it by the state, we could only expect to find outside the e-mffBn-11 archive. In the final analysis, we cannot be sure that any industries, at ED Laga~, were organized on a household model but we should consider the possibility.
Before concluding, I would like to make a few more observations about the ti/sell expressions. We have considered the case of the weavers, in some detail. What about other workers? Among the cases governed by ti/se11 expressions are several that seem to involve persons of comparable social and professional status. It is tempting to speculate that the persons were related and to see such cases as evidence of family-based occupational trends. However, where reference is made, in the ration-lists, to a barber (~u-£) living with another barber (e.g., Nik I 22), a servant (ar-tu) living with another servant (e.g., RTC 53), a miller (geme2-kikken) living with another miller (e.g., VS 25, 37), and so forth, I suspect that we are not dealing with professional peers, let alone relatives, but with overseer/subordinate pairings, like those that are elsewhere made explicit. In such cases, overseer status is unmarked. Unfortunately, prosopography sheds no light on this problem. Finally, we should mention a couple of additional texts that may bear on the ti/sell expressions. The first one, Nik I 19, records the transfer of 55 people, "property of the goddess Ba'u" to Gu'abba, an area in the southern part ofLaga~. Altogether, these persons divide into twelve separate households, most of which comprise small nuclear families with as many as two servants. The heads of many of these households can be identified as landholding part-time dependents of the e-mffBa-11. If Nik I 19 attests actual residency patterns, then the lack of references to subordinate workers in these households lends support to the argument that workers and their overseers did not live together. Even more suggestive is VS 27,13, a text in which 110 persons are summarized as "persons, property of Ba'u, (who) have no house" (ltill-nim dBa'll If nll-tuku.me). These include persons of both part-time and full-time worker status. If we are correct in assuming that the persons in this record did have houses, at one time, then at least certain overseers and subordinates maintained their own households. In conclusion, we have considered only a few possible interpretations of the ti/sell expressions. Indeed, the significance of these expressions may vary from one context to another. In some cases ti/sell expressions may signify actual living arrangements. With expressions of place, e.g., "PN lives in the palace" and "PN lives in (among) the goats" this is almost certainly true. But they may also distinguish certain overseer / subordinate relationships as exceptional, for reasons that are not further clarified. Thus, e.g., weavers may have been marked by ti/sell expressions as direct dependents of their overseers' households. At the very least, we must wonder why some persons consistently appear in ti/sell constructions, while others never do. This case study underscores some of the difficulties involved in model-
34 The interpretation of e-ki-siki.kns as economic households also finds support in the fact that they have more than one level of administrative oversight. See PN uguln e-ki-siki.kn PN2.kn ("PN, overseer of the e-ki-siki.kn of PN 2") in DP 441. The relationship of PN2 to the e-ki-siki.kn cannot simply be that of overseer. 35 In fact, in ration texts dating to UruKAgina's sixth regnal year, a group of
women weavers is designated as sng-snlO(.n).lIIe "purchased 'slaves'" in contrast to the ki-siki-/ld.bi.tn.llle "weavers from (olden) days" (STI-I I, 23 and 24, TSA 23, and VS 25, 69). However, this is an exceptional case in the documentation. It is not sufficient grounds for generalizing about the status of the geme2' Cf. n. 16.
325
326
c..:·:..:·:..:·:..:·:..)
GLENN MAGID
MICROMANAGEMENT
ing the Girsu data. At the beginning of this paper I distinguished between macro- and micro-level approaches to the question of state structure. The perils of a strictly macro-level approach should be clear. Perforce, theories about ED Lagas rely almost exclusively on the archives of a single institution, the e-mffBa-u. As an investigation of the ti/sen expressions has shown, the obstacles to modeling the e-mf!Ba-u, in its own right, are considerable. In order to situate the e-mf!Ba-u in the broader context of the state, we must first reckon with the full complexity of this institution. The ti/sen expressions raise fundamental questions about the organization of industries at ED Lagas. Different answers to these questions can have dramatic consequences for how we reconstruct the state.
Texts in which Ii/sen expressions appear: Note:
(1) Texts in bold are barley-ration (~e-ba) lists from the queens' organization. (2) Texts in italics are barley-ration (~e-ba) lists from the royal children's organization. (3) q.o. = queens' organization; r.c.o. = royal children's organization (4) Dates are in the form "regnal year/month." (a) Information in [ ] is broken on the tablet. (b) Information in ( ) is inferred. (c) "( ... )" indicates unknown information.
BIN 8
23 359
Ean.=Eanatum; En. I=Enanatum I; Ent.=Entemena; Enz.=Enentarzi; Lug.=Lugalanda; Ukg.=UruKAgina; Urn.=Urnan~e; Urn. 1, etc., refer to royal inscriptions in FAOS5/1.
381
[before Lug. 5/8] Ukg.2/1O Ukg.3 (personllellist; q.o.)
CT50 33
ABO = Piotr Steinkeller, "Mesopotamia in the Third Millennium B.C.," in Tile Ancllor Bible Dictionary, vol. 4; AoF = Piotr Steinkeller, "The Organization of Crafts in Third Millennium Babylonia: The Case of Potters," Altorientalisclle Forscllllngen 23
For tablet abbreviations, see the abbreviations list in Selz, UGASL, vii-xv.
327
ApPENDIX
ABBREVIATIONS
(1996): 232-53; CAD = The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago; e-mf = Kazuya Maekawa, "The Development of the e-mi in Lagash During Early Dynastic III," Mesopotamia 8-9 (1973-74): 77-144; FAOS 5/1 = Horst Steible and Hermann Behrens, Die aitsllmerischen Ball- lind Weihinschrijten aus 'Lnga~,' (Freiburger altorientalische Studien 5/1; Wiesbaden: Franz Steiner, 1982); FAOS 15/2.2 = Gebhard Selz, Altsllmerisclle Verwaltllngstexteaus Lnga~: altsumerisclle Witschaftsllrktll1den ails amerikanischen Sall/mlullgen (Freiburger altorientalische Studien 15/2, part 2; Stuttgart: Franz Steiner, 1993); JESHO = Benjamin Foster, "A New Look at the Sumerian Temple State," JOl/rnal of tlte Social and Ecollomic History of tlte Orient 26 (1981): 225-41; MC = Andrew George, HOl/se Most High: Tlte Temples of Ancient Mesopotamia (Mesopotamian Civilizations 5; Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1993); SARI = Jerrold Cooper, Sumerian and Akkadian Royal Inscriptions (The American Oriental Society Translation Series, vol. I, eds. Jerrold Cooper et al.; New Haven: The American Oriental Society, 1986); UGASL = Gebhard Selz, Untersuc/IIIngen zur Gotterwelt des aitsl/meriscllen Stadtstaates von Lnga~ (Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 13; Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1995).
c..:·:..:.:..:.:..:.:..)
35 36
1
Ukg. E 1/4 Ukg.4/13 Ukg.3/6
DP 113 114 115
116 117 118 119 143 157 195 230 231 334 339
Ukg.2/8 Ukg.5/3 Ukg.6/[ ... ] Ukg.4/7 Ukg.4/1O Ukg. [4(7)/ ... ] Ukg.2/4 (Ukg.) 2/6 Lug. 6/9 Enz. [... ] (wool-ration text; q.o.) [Lug. 1-4/ ... ] [Enz. 4 - Lug. 4/ ... ] ( ... ) 1 (list offishermen and boats; q.o.) Ukg.4 (receipt/distribution of igi-nll-dl/s's; q.o.)
MLC 2610
2611 2612 2613
Ukg. [L 1]110 Ukg.3/9 Ukg.6/4 Ukg. E 1/4
(_:':_:':<>:':_:':'~J
328
GLENN MAGID
MVN 2 26
Ukg. E 1/2 [Ukg.4/5(?)]
2
Ukg.4/6 Ukg.4/4 Ukg.5/7 [Ukg.2(?)/ ... ]
NikI
16 20 22
Magan and Melu.b-lJa: A Reappraisal through the Historiography of Thalassocratic Powers*
NBC Ukg.4/2 10291 RA 71 (1977) pp.l02-3 Lug. 6/12 RTC Lug. 5/8 53 5TH Ukg.3/10 17 Ukg.6/12 18 (Ukg.4) 19 Ukg. E 1/8 20 Ukg.6/11 24 Ukg.2/(11) 25 Ukg.3/5 26 Ukg.3/12 27 Ukg.3 43 T5A Lug. 6/12 10 Ukg.6/12 13 Ukg.4/4 14 Ukg.4/7 15 Ukg.6/8 16 [Ukg.6/ ... ] 17 Ukg.3/4 18 V525 Lug.6(!)/11 14 Lug. 6/10 37 V527 Lug. 1 15
Daniele Michaux-Colombot ELCOA, Institut Catholique, Paris
THE LOCATION OF Magan and Melub-ba has, for over a century now, been a subject of controversy. These countries are sought on the shores of either the Persian Gulf1 or the Red Sea-where Magan has been equated with modern Egypt and Melub-ba with Kush-Sudan. 2 In the early twenties the capacity to circumnavigate Arabia in Akkadian times was put in doubt, despite an African location evident in later sources. 3 To solve the problem, B. Landsberger4 suggested a mistaken double location due to a centuries-
(extract from barley-ratiol1 list; q.o. al1d r.c.o.)
(residel1ce list; r.c.o.)
This paper is a brief outline of the Mesopotamian section of my thesis (Institut Catholique, Paris: 2001). There is no room here for a thorough discussion of the prevailing opinions. This is only a theoretical construct from a different perspective, intended as a call for caution against possible historical distortion built upon unwarranted themes. 1 For references since H. Rawlinson in 1880, see D.T. Potts, 'The Booty of Magan," OA 25 (1986): 271-72. 2
(wool-ratiol1 text; q.o.)
P. Haupt, "Magan und Melucha," OLZ 16 (1913): 488-92; W.F. Albright, "Menes and N§ram-sin," lEA 6 (1920): 89-98; id., "Magan, Meluba, and the Synchronism between Menes and Naram-sin," lEA 7 (1921): 80-86; id., "A Babylonian Geographical Treatise on Sargon of Akkad's Empire," lAOS 45 (1925): 238; S. Langdon and A.H. Sayee, COlllllllll1icatiol1s, lEA 6 (1920): 295-96 (discussions with Albright).
3 S. Langdon, "The Early Chronology of Sumer and Egypt and the Similarities in Their Culture," lEA 7 (1921): 149; l.M. Price, "The Topography of the Gudea Inscriptions," lAOS 43 (1923): 4~8. 4 B. Landsberger, "Ober die VOlker Vorderasiens im dritten Jahrtausend," ZA
35 (1924): 217, n. 2. I
I
L
329
330
Fig 1:
(~:':~:':~:':~X~:J
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
Map of Classical Geography. Map of Egyptian Geography.
MAGAN AND MELUtH:JA
(~:':~:':~:':~X~:J
331
332
(-:':-:':-:':-:.:-:l
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
long silence in sources pertaining to the Mesopotamian geographical horizon. E. Dhorme posited the "exceptional" toponyrnic-shift idea.s Then, in 1954, A. L. Oppenheim suggested the Indus Valley for the earlier location of Melu\J.ba. This theory has now J5ained wide acceptance, with Magan being Oman and Iranian Makran. Meanwhile, clear protests or doubts have been expressed against theories not supported by hard, archaeological facts? This paper is devoted to the problematic early phase. The later one has already been treated, with the conclusion that Melu\J.ba cannot be Kush in later sources, nor can Magan be Egypt. 8 It is possible to identify Melu\J.ba with Medja of Egyptian sources, which was located between the S E. Dhorme, Recueil, 1951, p. 71: "lin cas exceptiolll1el d'extel1sion de la nomen-
c1atllre geograplliqlle." 6 AL. Oppenheim, "The Sea-faring merchants of Ur," lAOS 74 (1954): 12; W.F.
Leemans, Foreig" Trade in tile Old Babylol1ial1 Period (Leiden: 1960), pp. 159-66; S. Ratnagar, Encounters: Tile Westerly Trade of tile Harappa Civilizatiol1 (Delhi: 1981), pp. 38-42, 68-71; P. Steinkeller, "The Question of Marba~i: A Contribution to the Historical Geography of Iran in the Third Millennium BC," ZA 72 (1982): 263 and map p. 265; G. Pettinato, "II commercio con l'estero della Mesopotamia meridionale nel3. millennio av. cr. alIa luce delle fonti letterarie e lessicali sumeriche," Mesopotamia 7 (1972): 99-101; W. Heimpel, "Das Untere Meer," ZA 77 (1987): 31; id., "Magan," RIA 7, pp. 195-96; id., "Melubba," RIA 8, pp. 53-55; D.T. Potts, op. cit. (n. I), p. 285; G.L. Possehl, "Melubba," in J. Reade, ed., Il1dian Oceal1 il1 Antiquity (London: 1996), pp. 135-37; J.-J. Glassner, "Dilrnun, Magan and Melubba: Some Observations on Language, Toponymy, Anthroponymy and Theonymy," same vol., pp. 235-37; id., "Mesopotamian Textual Evidence on Magan/Makan in the Late 3rd Millennium BC," in P.M. Costa and M. Tosi, eds., Omal1 Studies, SOR 63, pp. 182-83; T. Potts, Mesopotamian and tile East (Oxford: 1994), pp. 34-36; and review of the same volume by J.-J. Glassner, AJO 44-45 (1997-1998): 467-68. My thanks to J.-J. Glassner for giving me good advice and these references: RGTC I, pp.113, 121; RGTC 2, pp. 114,132; RGTC 3, p. 167; RGTC 5, pp. 182, 195. 7 T. Jacobsen, Iraq 22 (1960): 184, n. 18; S.N. Kramer, The SlImerians (Chicago: 1963), pp. 276, 284; E. Hertzfeld, Tile Persian Empire (Wiesbaden: 1968), pp. 108, 226; V.V. Struve in I.J. Gelb, "Makkan and Melubba in Early Mesopotamian Sources," RA 64 (1970): 1-2; M. Birot, review of Leemans, Foreigl1 Trade, IESHO 5 (1962): 103-6; D.K. Chakrabal'ti, "Miscellanea," IESHO 18 (1975): 337-42; E. Sollberger, "The Problem of Makkan and Melubba," BlIlletin of tile Institute of Arclmeology 8-9 (1968-1969): 248. See also c.J. Gadd, CAH 1/2,1971, p. 439, n. 2; A Falkenstein, "Buchbesprechungen," review of Leemans, Foreign Trade, ZA 55 (1962): 253; Possehl, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 186. 8 D. Michaux-Colombot, "La localisation de Melubba d'apres les textes des deuxieme et premier milh~naires," paper read at the 38th RAI (1991) in Paris,
MAGAN AND MELUtJtJA
(-:':-:':-:':-:':-:l
333
Nile, the Red Sea, Suez, and Berenice (Egypt being the Nile Valley only [see Figs. 1-2]). In AMurbanipal's records Lower Egypt was called Mu:;;ur and Upper Egypt Paturisi. Mu:;;ur had a common border both with Melub-ba in Sargon II's records and with Magan in The Sargon Geography? The common border for the three countries should be at Suez. Therefore, Magan must have been the Sinai-Midian area around Maqna. The aim of this paper is to question the objection as to the incapacity to circumnavigate Arabia, and to posit a single location from the beginning for the two toponyms, with a secondary figurative meaning for trading networks. A preliminary observation is that E. Weidner's study-often quoted to substantiate the double-location theory-is inconclusive. He agreed with I.M. Price10 on the circumnavigation objection, but he also stressed that the "essential" point in case was Tukulti-Ninurta I's claim to be king of Melu\J.ba, while Ramses II was sending Nubian Melutbites to tJattusa.1 1
East and West Connections The circumnavigation objection has been a big stumbling block. 12 Yet cultural transfers from Greater Mesopotamia to Egypt have been observed and commented upon ever since the discovery in Upper Egypt of the Gebel el-Arak knife, palettes, four-legged vessels, and cylinder seals with Mesopotamian and Susian styles and motifs, as well as niched brick architecture. 13 Trade connections have been posited for a period of about 250 years in the correlated Uruk IV - ED I = Naqada II, b-d - Dynasty I period (ca. forthcoming in NUBICA III/2; id., "La pretendue glose MellllJlJa-Ka~i dans EA 133:17," N.A.B.ll. 4 (1990): 110-11. 9 10 11
12
13
References in Michaux-Colombot, ibid., and n. 64 infra. E. Weidner, "Das Reich Sargons von Akkad," AJO 16 (1952-1953): 9; Price, op. cit. (n. 3), pp. 46-48. Weidner, ibid., pp. 10-11. For Hittite documents, see RGTC 6, pp. 268-69. W. HeIck, Die Beziellungen A.gyptel1s Zll Vorderasiel1 im 3. lind 2. lallrtallsend v. Cllr. (Wiesbaden: 1971), pp. 5-11; AL. Kelley, "The Evidence for Mesopotamian Influence in Predynastic Egypt," NSSEA 4 (1974): 2-11. H. Frankfort, Tile Birtll of Civilization in tile Near East (London: 1956), pp. 12137; H. Kantor, "The Relative Chronology of Egypt and Its Foreign Correlations before the Late Bronze Age," in RW. Ehrich, ed., Cllrol1ologies (2d ed.; Chicago and London: 1965), pp. 1-46; id., in Ehrich, ed., Cllrol1ologies in Old World Arclmeology I (3d ed.; 1992), pp. 14-19. See all references and arguments in S. Mark, From Egypt to Mesopotamia (London: 1997).
c::;,-::-::<>:O:-<>:':<>:':"'J
334
D A NIE LE M I C H A U X -CO LOM BOT
MAG A NAN D MEL U tl tl A
(<>:O::<'-::-::<>:;'::<>::-::<>J
335
Fig. 4 i (left):
Cairo Museum, Catalogue, room 12 n° 446.
j (right): Cairo Museum, Catalogue, room 10 n° 521.
.'
3150-2900).14 The possible routes are: (1) via the north Syrian Habuba Kabira "colony"; (2) a midland route through the Jordanian "desert" by Jawa and the Wadi Sirhan, connecting with the southern Timna Sinai copper mines and Naqada II;lS and (3) an eastern sea route through the Wadi Hammamat that leads to the l?ed Sea. 16 Lapis appears earlier in Upper Egypt than in Mesopotamia, suggesting a distinct southern route. 17
e
~j
14
g
h
Pig. 3 a: b: c: d: e: f: g: h:
W.S. Smith, "The land of Punt," fAI?CE [ (1962): 61. J.P. Joshi and A. Parpola, Corp"s (if'llIdlls Seals IIlId Illscriptiolls I (Helsinki: 1987), p. 67. L. Keimer, "Note sur Ie rhinoceros de l'Egypte ancienne," ASAE 48 (1948): 49. G.A. Reisner, Ke/'llill IV-V, pp. 271, 311, pI. 55, 60. W.A. Pairservis, Tile l?oots of Allciellt llldia (London: 1971), pp. 258-59. P. Virey, Le TOll/beau de Rekilll/al'll, MMAF 5 (Le Caine: 1889), pI. IV. W.S. Smith, "The Land of Punt," fARCE I (1962): 61. C. Jarrige and J.F. Enauit, Fouil/es de Pil'llk II, fig. 116 no. 929.
H. Pittman, "Constructing Context: The Gebel e1-Arak Knife," in ]S. Cooper and G.M. Schwartz, eds., Tile SllIdy oj Iile Allciellt Ncar East ill Iile Twellty-Firsl Cellillry (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1996), pp. 16-17; F.R.S. Moorey, "From Gulf to Delta in the Fourth Millennium B.C.E.: The Syrian Connection," Eretz-lsrael21 (1990): 62-69.
IS Kantor, op. cil. (n.13), p. 14; J. Zm'ins, " Archaeological and Chronological Prob-
lems within the Greater Southwest Asian Arid Zone, 8500-1850 B.C," in
Chrollologies, vo\. 3, pp. 57-59; S. W. Helms, /awa (London: 1981), pp. 44, 222-37. 16
B.G. Trigger, "The Rise of Egyptian Civilization," in B.G. Trigger et aI., eds.,
A IIciell I EgYfit, A Social History (Cambridge: 1983), pp. 38-39; M. Hoffman, EgYfiI bejore lite Pltal'llohs: Tltc Prehistoric FOlllldaliolls oj Egyptiall Civilizatioll (Texas: 1991), pp. 246-48. 17
J. Crowfoot Payne, "Lapis Lazuli in Early Egypt," Imq 30 (1968): 58-61; G. Herrmann, "Lapis Lazuli: The Early Phases of Its Trade," Il'IIq 30 (1968): 21-57; A. Lucas and J.R. I-iarris, Allcielll l~g!IPtiall Mllterials al/d Illdustries (London: 1962), pp. 398-400; P.R.S. Moorey, AI/ciellt Mesopotalllillll Materials alld II/dustries (Oxford: 1994), pp. 85-92, for the latest developments on lapis sources and trade.
336
(0-:.:0-:.:0-:.:0-:':0-)
MAGAN AND MELUtJtJA
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
It may have joined in the northward seafaring incense trade. 18 An active obsidian trade from Yemen connected the Red Sea to the Gulf in the fifth millennium or earlier. 19 Obsidian appears in Upper Egypt in the Naqada II period together with Afghan lapis-lazuli and Mesopotamian cylinder seals. 20 Nomadic herders connected eastern Ethiopia to central Arabia in the third millennium. 21 The lapis and incense trade connected East to West, as well as South to North. Trade connections in the third millennium can very plausibly have developed around Arabia or through it. A late or postAkkadian copal pendant from Zanzibar has been found in Tell Asmar / Esnunna. 22 At the turn of the second millennium, monsoon-related cultivars like sorghum, millet, date palm, Sesamun Indicum, Indigofera, and cotton spread across the northern Indian Ocean. 23 Depictions of the humped-back bull,
(0-:.:0-:':0-:.:0-:':0-)
337
Bas Indicus, appear around the second cataract, dated from the C-group period, and associated with the "endless knot" motif and Harappan-type boats 24 (Fig. Si-g-h). The knot motif adorns late Harappan tablets (Fig. Sbd) and survives in Bactria till the second century (Fig. Sd). It is stamped on a Nubian jar (Fig. Se). There is no evidence of transit through Mesopotamia,25 Syria, or Palestine. 26 The earliest examples of the pattern are on three obsidian, carnelian and silver scarabs dated to the Twelfth to Thirteenth Dynasties (Fig. Sf). Iranian or Bactrian jar sealings are paralleled in Sayala (Fig. 6m-n) ca. 2200. 27 Also, a similar rosette motif decorates a lapis seal from the Tod treasure (Fig. 6p), and a later example comes from Kerma (Fig. 6q). A Tumas C-group button seal can be related to Gulf specimens of the same period (Fig. 6r), while a late Harrapan-type yoke (Fig. 61) is depicted on a contemporary Theban tomb farming scene (Fig. Sk).28 This
18 B.B. Williams, The A-Group Royal Cemetery at Qustul: Cemetery L (Chicago: KA. Chowdhury and G.M. Both, "Cotton Seeds from the Neolithic in Egyptian Nubia and the Origin of Old World Cotton," Bioi. J. Linn. Soc. 3 (1971): 30312; for cotton, see A. Leroy-Gourhan, "Les pollens et l'embaume-ment," in L. Balout et al., eds., La momie de Rams~s II (Paris: 1985), pp. 163-65; for pepper from the Indian Coromandel coast, see A. Plu, "Bois et graines," same volume, pp.173-75.
1986), pp. 108-12, 138-45. The decorated incense burners dated Naqada II-III have interesting features: barks with vertical sterns, palace fa"ades, and Mesopotamian-style rosettes.
19 Zarins," Ancient Egypt and the Red Sea Trade: The Case for Obsidian in the Predynastic and Archaic Periods," in A. Leonard and B.B. Williams, eds., Essays in Ancient Civilization Presented to Helene J. Kantor (Chicago: 1989), pp. 357-58; S. Cleuziou and M. Tosi, "Hommes, climats et environnements de la Peninsule arabique a I'Holocene," Paieorient 23/2 (1997): 125.
24 P. Cervi~ek, "Notes on the Chronology of the Nubian Rock Art to the End of the Bronze Age," in Etudes Nubiennes, Colloque de Cllnntilly 1975 (Cairo: 1978), pp. 42-43, 57; C. Grigson admits the existence of zebus in Egypt in the late second millennium, but rock art is not encountered; see "Early Cattle around the Indian Ocean," in Reade), ed., op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 56-57. Zebu arrive in Mesopotamia ca. 2000 B.C.E. according to D.T. Potts, Mesopotamian Civilization (London: 1997), pp. 254-57. This would be contemporaneous with the Nubian evidence.
20 Zarins, ibid., pp. 365-66. 21 R. Fattovich, "Punt the archaeological perspective," in G.M Zaccone et al., eds., VI Congresso internazionale di Egittologia, Atti II (Torino: 1993), pp. 400-1. 22 C. Meyer et al., "From Zanzibar to Zagros: A Copal Pendant from Eshnuna," JNES 50 (1991): 289-98. 23 M. Tosi, "The Emerging Picture of Prehistoric Arabia," Ann. Rev. Ant/II'opology
25 E. Mackay, "Further Links between Ancient Sind, Sumer and Elsewhere," Antiquity 5 (1931): 469, stressed that the motif "cannot be exactly duplicated in Sumer"; see also H. Sarkar and B.M. Pande, "A Note on a Knot Design from Mohenjo-Daro and Its Occurrence in Later Times," Puratattva 3 (1969-1970): 44-48.
15 (1986): 476-77; Zarins, "The Early Utilisation of Indigo along the Northern Indian Ocean Rim," in C. Jarrige, ed., Soutll Asiall Arc1lneology 1989 (= SAA) (Madison: 1992), pp. 475-76, 479-83. The study of the intricate process of domestication and the examination of gene-pools outside their natural habitat in order to avoid back-crossing is still underway. The early evidence has been questioned by J.5. Wigboldus, "Early Presence of African Millets near the Indian Ocean," in Reade, ed., op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 75-86. On sorghum bicolor found in Tutankhamun's tomb, see c.L. Tutundjiian de Vartavan, '''Combined Systems' Analysis for the Interpretation of Plant remains from Tutankhamon's Tomb," (Ph.D. diss., University College, London: 1993), p. 85. The early Oman evidence has been reasserted by Cleuziou and Tosi, op. cit. (n. 19), p. 128, n. 101. For evidence of cotton and pepper across the Indian Ocean, see
26 It is not reported in the "Class 6B2, convoluted coils, knot-like" of O. Tufnell, Studies on Scarab Seals II (Warminster: 1984), p. 126, pis. XXIV-XXV. 27 E. Porada, "Remarks on the Tod Treasure," in Societies and Languages of tile Neal'
East. Studies in Honor of I. M. Diakolloff (Warminster: 1982), p. 303, fig. s., and pp. 289-90 on others similarities. 28 The Theban yoke has a central square piece and a lateral prong that hangs down the neck of the bull, like the Indian one.
;i
('>~....~~~<>x<>:J
338
~
I
",
"'''''
a
11 c IW
i~'.' lIJ I b
MAG A NAN D MEL U tI tI A
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
d
E:~~::<>::'::<>::'::<>J
339
0" e
q m
k 11
Fig,5 a: b: c:
d: e'
f: g: h: i: j: k:
I'
M, Verner, SOIllC NlIbian Pctroglyplls (Prague: 1973), pp, 71-72, cat. 301,303.
J. Marshall, Mollcnjo-daro and tllc Indlls Civilisation (London: 1931), pp, 356-57, pI. XCVIII. W,A, Fairservis, Tllc Roots of Ancicnl India (London: 1971), p, 275, no. 13. J, Marshall, Taxi/a III (Delhi: 1975), pI. 204, C. M. Firth, Tllc Arcilllcological Slirvey of Nlibia, I<el'ort for '1909-'1 9UJ (Cairo: 1915), p. 151, fig. 150. F, Petrie, BII/tons and Design Scaralls (London: 1925), p. 5, pI. VIII, nos. 12830, p, Cervicek, Fclsbilder dcs Nord-Etllai, OberiigwtclI lind LEntel'lllliJiens, (Wiesbaden: 1974), pp. 54, 192, fig. 227, C. Jarrige et aI., Les cites olllilirs de I'lndlls (Catalogue of the Musce Guimet exposition: 1988-1989; Paris: 1988), no. 227. P. Hellstr6m, Tile [(ock Drawings (S]EP 1; Stockholm: 1970), C.432, C.433. M.V.N, Krishna Rao, Tile fndlls Script Decipllercd (Delhi: 1982), pI. XVIII. C. Aldred, "An Unusual Fragment of a New Kingdom Relief", jNES 15 (1956): 150-52, pI. XVII. Theban tomb no, 125,
Fig,6
I:
Daimabad: B. and R. Alichin, Tile Rise of Civilization in [lIdiaalld Pakistan (Cambridge: 1982), p. 281. m: E. Porada, "Remarks on the Tod Treasure", in Socic/ ies and Langllages of tile Ncar East. Stlldies in ilonaI' of l. M. Diakolloff(Wanninster: 1982), p. 303, fig. s.
n:
Ibid,
0:
B, Gratien, (cd. C. Bonnet), Kmlla, royallll/l' de Nllbil' (Geneva: 1990), p. 163
p: q:
r:
no. 66. F, 13isson de 1£1 Roque et £11., LI' tn;sor de Tod (Cairo: 1953), pis. XLV-XLVI, no,70660, I3.B. Lal, "Egypt," Indiall Arcllaeology 196'1-62: A Review, pp, 69-70, pis, CX-VIfI. The Gulf parallel with the water-carrier motif was a suggestion of B.B. Lal (oral communication). C.]. Gadel, Sl'I1ls (~f Allcient [lldiall Style FOil lid at LEI' (London: 1932), pI. II no, 32.
340
t:~:.:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
341
harnessing technique is alien to the Egyptian, Syrian, and Nubian ones, which always consist of a lashing system, even with humped-back bulls. 29
with th~ Unicornis Rhinoceros (Fig. 3a).34 This animal, with its unique horn and honzontal head, is an explicit symbol of the Harappan trade. It is found on a number of seals from the Indus Valley (Fig. 3b) and on a Harappan one 35 from Tell Asmar. It can by no means refer to the African Diceros. Both species, the black and the white, have two horns and a vertical and much larger head, like the Kerma representations (Fig. 3c-d). The Puntites have slanted eyes and head-bands similar to that of the Harappan so-called "priest" (Fig. 3e). On his dress is a trefoil pattern that is associated in Mohenjo-daro and Ur with the bull-of-heaven cult. 36 This pattern, alien to Egypt, adorns Hathor cow-statues (Fig. 4i-j), a goddess often styled "the Lady of Punt. ,,37 In the Deir el-Bahari reliefs the king of Punt has Caucasian f~atu~es. According to E. Naville, who saw the original painted relief,38 the kmg IS de~icte~ as bl~nd or. flaxen-haired, a feature more in keeping with an Aryan ImmIgrant m Pakistan than with a Sudanese. The Mahabharata Epic ~nd th:.:u~anic li~erature celebrate a serpent race and naval power, the Naga~RaJa tr~be, ~hich once ruled the Pawab and Indus delta. They had many chiefs rulmg m or beneath the sea. 3 This type of folklore could account fo~ the re~erence .in ancient Egyptian literature to the serpent-king of Punt WIth lapis-Iazuh eyebrows whose island disappears under the
The Southern Connection-from Punt to India Queen Hatshepsut "re-opened" the trade with Punt by sending a naval fleet over waters that, in the iconography of the Deir el-Bahari reliefs, are depicted with Nile, Red Sea, and Indian Ocean species.30 The Punt reliefs are a propagandistic composite picture of a trading venture from the Nile to the Indian Ocean. The very wide distribution of the Punt product sources is a symbol of power. Gold can come from either side of the Red Sea, as do the two eye-paints-kohl, from galena (m~dmt), and malachite (W54).31 Frankincense and myrrh grow in Eritrea, Somalia, Yemen, and Baluchistan.32 Lapis lazuli (usb4) comes from Afghanistan. And if bS5}jt is truly cassia, one must remark that the nearest trees producing it grow in the Himalayan Bhotan (Fig. 2).33 The top left-hand corner of the main relief summarizes the extent of this traffic, from Africa with the giraffe, to India
29
W.S. Smith, Interconnections in tile Ancient Near East (New Haven: 1965), fig. 41; G. Daressy, "Inscriptions des carrieres de Toura et M§sarah," ASAE 11 (1911): 263; C. Desroches-Noblecourt, Toutankfw/llon. Vie et 11I0rt d'un Pharaon (Paris: 1966), p. 142.
34
30 E. Danelius and H. Steinitz, "The Fishes and Other Aquatic Animals on the Punt-reliefs at DeiI' el-Bahari," lEA 53 (1967): 15-24; R Pirelli, "Punt in Egyptian Myth and Trade," in Zaccone et al., eds., op. cit. (n. 21), p. 383.
35
31 For Punt products, see K.A. Kitchen, LA IV, p. 1199; for gold in the Sinai, Midian Asir, and Yemen, see RJ. Forbes, "Gold in the Ancient Near East," lEaL 6 (1939): 242-43. Galena was quarried from the Red Sea coast between Gebel Zeit and Qosseir, and malachite was quarried from the Sinai and the Eastern Desert as discussed by Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 243, 2035. See also G. Castel et al., Gebel Zeit I, les mines de Galene (Le Caire: 1989).
36
32 N. Groom, Frankincense and Myrrll (London: 1981), map p. 99. Exceptionally large myrrh trees, nard, and other thorny medicinal trees were found by Alexander when he marched through the Gadrosian desert in Baluchistan, according to Arrian in his Anabasis. See W. McCrindal, Ancient India, Tile Invasion of India by Alexal/der tile Great (reprint; New Delhi: 1984), pp. 170-71. 33 W. Dymock et al., Plwrmacograpllia Indica III (reprint; New Delhi: 1976), p. 203. Cassia is the bark, and cinnamon the tree and leaf of a laurineae. The Ceylon variety was not cultivated before 1770. The Greek word derives from Hebrew kezia and kllene. W.H. Schoff, Tile Periplus of tile Erytllraeal/ Sea (New York: 1912), pp. 82-84.
37
38 39
I
I I i
I
)
L
L. Stork: Die fl!ashorner (I;Iamburg: 1977), pp. 222-26, whose study is not very concluslVe; Kitchen, op. cit. (n. 31), p. 187, n. 17, dismisses the unicorn with the unconvincing argument of an error; RH. Meadow confirmed the Indian characteristics of the Punt animal (oral communication). H. Frankfort, Tell Asmar, Khafaje and KI/Orsabad (OIC 16; Chicago: 1933), p. 50, As. 31-32. An undated bull statuette fragment in Les cites oubliees de /'Indus (Catalogue of the Musee Guimet exposition; Paris: 1988), p. 165, no. 237. For other examples, see P.L. Kohl, "Carved Chlorite Vessels: A Trade in Finished Commodities in the Mid-Third Millennium," Expedition 18/1 (Fall 1975): 28-29; A. Parpola, "The Harappan 'Priest-king's' Robe and the Vedic Tal'pya Garment: Their Interrelation and Symbolism (Astral and Procreative)," SAA 1983, pp. 385403. The Hathor statue dates to Amenophis II's reign, 1426-1401, and Tutankhamun's bed dates to his reign, 1333-1323. These are later than the Hamppan "Priest," ca. 2000. The combination of trefoils and bulls survives in the Bactrian post-Harrapan culture on an alabaster mosaic from Dashly-3, dated to ca. 1500, as noted by Parpola, ibid., p. 393. T.M. Davies and E. Naville, Tile Tomb of HlitshopsfUl (London: 1906), p. 34. C.F. Oldham, "Serpent-Worship in India," lRAS (1891): 167-69, 368; A.L. Basham, The Wonder that Was II/dia (New Delhi: 1967), p. 490.
342
343
(...:.:...:.:...:.:...;.:...) DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
Hercules. 46 Common geographical semantics were spread by trading folklore and uneducated chronographic translations, regardless of geopolitical reality.47 This late vision of a unified southern world must have had a cultural antecedent. Indeed, figurative mental maps of extended and mobile countries also occurred in Mesopotamia. 48 Scribes did create metaphorical countries for propaganda, as P. Michalowski rightly stressed for Aratta and Subartu, and the positive or negative symbol developed out of trade, either flowing peacefully or triggering wars. Dllmun, Magan, and Melubba were the most powerful and positive trading metaphors. Therefore, their original location and definition must have undergone semantic extensions.
sea.40 A Bronze Age Indian thalassocracy shipping goods up the Gulf to resource-poor Mesopotamia has been posited.41 The Middle Kingdom Punt traffic would be a natural Red Sea counterpart to this thalassocracy, uniting East and West.
Mental Maps and Trading Semantics Around Arabia, a trickling offshore traffic linked port A to port B and C and D and so on. In the Classical period, India Egypti, India Ethiopi, India Maior, India Minor, and India Ultima referred to territories situated along the . man.time route from Egypt to Ind'la proper. 42 The name "Ind'la " was applied to all trading ports participating in the sea-born Indian traffic, in the same way as the Egyptians referred to punt.43 Even the shores of the Gulf became "Indianized" right up to the Shatt el-Arab. 44 From Homer to Herodotus, the land of "Ethiopia" spanned the Indian Ocean from southern Egypt to Baluchistan.45 The black, sun-burnt Aithiopes-Indians encircled the Erythrean Sea. Arrian said that Pande in India was the daughter of a Hercules whose dress and weapons were the same as those of the Theban
Early Magan and Western MAR.TU If Magan is associated with the Lower Sea in The Sargon Geography (see below), it is also linked to the Upper Sea and Syria. Copies of a Su-Sin inscription mention northwestern towns such as Ebla, Mari, Tuttul, ... Abarnum, the Cedar Country, "Subur on the shores of the (Upper) Sea, and Magan with all its prov[inces), countr[ies ... ) the other side of the s[ea).,,49 The ensi of Kazallu, Puzur-Sulgi, claims to exert "shepherdship ... from the land Hamazi to the Sea of Magan, on the banks of the Tigris, Euphrates, Nunme, and Me-Enlilla.,,50 The last two rivers are not identified, but the sequence appears to move westwards. The two documents are from the late Ur III period, when the empire was under the MAR.TU menace. PuzurSulgi's mission went from tJamazi (Diyala) and extended plausibly to the MAR.TU-Iands bordering on the "sea of Magan.,,51 This sea is obviously not
40 M. Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Literature I (Berkeley: 1975), pp. 213-14. 41 M. Tosi, "Early Maritime Cultures of the Arabian Gulf and the Indian Ocean," in S. Khalifa and M. Rice, eds., Ballrain through tile Ages (London: 1986), pp. 99107; C. Lamberg-Karlovsky, "Trade Mechanisms in Indus-Mesopotamian Interrelations," lAOS 92 (1972): 222-29.
42 A. Dihle, llmstritten Daten.llntersuclllll1genzum Auftreten der Griecllen am Roten Meer (Koln-Opladen: 1965), pp. 36-48; Th. Drew-Bear, "Les voyages d' Aurelius Gaius," in La geograpllie administrative et politique d'Alexandre 11 MallOmet (Acts
46 Arrian, lndike VIII, 6-7; Diodorus II, 38; Pliny VI, 76 and VII, 22; and Ptolemeus
of the Strasbourg Colloquium, June 14-16, 1979; Strasbourg: 1979)"pp, 97, 117-18, 132; J. Richard, "L'extreme-Orient Iegendaire au Moyen Age: roi David et pretre Jean," AEt II (1957): 226-27.
7,1,11.
47 Dihle, op. cit. (n. 42), pp. 34,38; P. Gilbert, "Homer et I'Egypte," CdE 27 (1939):
43 Michaux-Colombot, "Geographical Enigmas Related to Nubia, Medja, Punt,
47-61.
48 P. Michalowski, "Mental Maps and Ideology: Reflections on Subartu," in H. Weiss, ed., The Origin ofCities in Dry-Farmil1g Syria al1d Mesopotamia in the Third Millennillm B.c. (Guilford: 1986), pp. 129-45. 49 M. Civil, "~u-Sin's Historical Inscriptions, Collection B," ICS 21 (1967): 37-38; Heimpel, op. cit. (n. 6, ZA 77), p. 79; Michalowski, ibid., p. 141. 50 F.A. Ali, Sumerian Letters (Pennsylvania, Ann Arbor microfilms), pp. 42, 45,49; Heimpel, ibid. 51 Ali, ibid., pp. 4, 12, 14.
Melub-lJa and Magan," paper read at the Ninth Conference of Nubian Studies in Boston, Aug. 1989. 44 J.-F. Salles, "Fines Indiae, Ardh el-Hind," in E. Dabrowa, ed., The Roman and Byzantine Army in the East (Proceedings of the Krak6w Colloquium, Sept. 1992; Krak6w: 1994), pp. 166-84. 45 Homer, Odyssey I, 23-24; Herodotus, III, 94, 101 and VII, 70. P. Goukowsky, "Les juments du roi Erythras," REG 87 (1974): 111-12; J. Andre, "Virgile et les Indiens," REL 27 (1949): 160-61. The Nile was thought to flow from a source in India.
i
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
345
the Gulf; it could be the Black Sea52 or, linguistically more probably, the Maqna Gulf. The Magan quarries of black stone, na4esi, are located in the Upper Country according to a bilingual myth. 53 Naram-Sm also imported that stone from Magan, but ~ives no further ge0f,~~phical ~dications.54 If the restorations are correct, he smote M[a-gan 1 m the mIdst of the Sea where he washed his weapons," after having fought with the MARTU. MAR.TU and petty chiefs (rabQ urabiiina).55 He is known to have conquered Armanum and Ebla in Syria,56 and the coalition he encountered was a northern one.57 In that upheaval, Manum, the king of Magan, is listed between the kings of Mardaman in Syria and Uruk.58 The name of Magan's king on the base of the Susa statue, Ma-ni-u[m1, Ma-ni-DUJoltab or Ma-lf5 kum, appears to be Semitic, whatever reading is adopted.
In KA V 92, The Sargon Geography, Magan is associated with the "Lower Sea" (SG 42),60 has a common border with Melub.ba (SG 30),61 and is located between Lullupun and Baza (SG 46-47).62 Baza has been located in northeast Arabia and the Lullupun are Syrian nomads. 63 So Magan seems to refer to a large expanse of North Arabian desert from the Euphrates to Melub.ba. After the Isin-Larsa period Magan is no longer a political power. It is not mentioned amo~g the Arab countries "from Aqaba to Bab Salimeti" that sided with Samassumukm against Assurbanipal, as did Amurru and Melub.ba. 64 Tukulti-Ninurta I claims kingship over Tilmun and Melub.ba, the Upper and Lower Seas, but not over Magan.65 He claims to have dispersed the forces of the lands of ~ubaru and Nairi as far as the border of Magan, "to the Euphrates.,,66 This border of Magan fits those of
52 The Dead Sea Plain cylinder seals and sealings from Bab edh-Dhra (EB IA t- EB
60 The standard translation has been that of A.K. Grayson, "The Empire of Sargon of Akkad," AfD 25 (1974-1977): 60-62. A new edition, including additional fragments, is given by W. Horowitz, Mesopotamian Cosmic Geograplly (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1998), pp. 67-95; SG 42 is treated on pp. 72-73. See also Heirnpel, op. cit. (n. 6, ZA 77), p. 68. 61 Horowitz, ibid., pp. 71, 80. 62 Ibid., pp.72-73, 89-90. 63 Ibid., pp. 73, 89, 91. Lullubeans are "people of the North who did not build
c:-:.:-:·:-:·:-x-:l
344
IV) show evidence of long-distance contacts with Egypt (black steatite cylinder seals) and Ebla (sea lings); see N. Lapp, "Some Early Bronze Age Seal Impressions from the Dead Sea Plain and Their Implications for Contacts in the Eastern Mediterranean," in S. Bourke and J.P. Descoeudres, eds., Trade, Contact, and the Movement of Peoples in tile Eastern Mediterranean. Studies in Honor of Hennessy (Sydney: 1995), pp. 43-51.
,.B.
53 J. Van Dick, LUGAL UD ME-LAM-bi NIR GAL (Leiden: 1983); Pettinato, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 103, 126-28. Van Dick translates iMu KUR elUi Irnna[sfb] ;Mu ~ad makkanlibntlni[kka], "qu'ils aillent t'extrairede la Montagne d'en haut, qu'ils te
houses" (SG 51-52). Horowitz suggests a possible identification with Aleppo, p. 89, n. 31. But if they are nomads, it is difficult to place them in a large town.
transportent vel'S moi de la Montagne de Magan." Pettinato understands KUR-IGI-NIM/KUR elrti as the "Upper Country," which is more directional than the "Upper Mountain."
64 Rassam Cyl, col. III, 96-106: M. Streck, Ass//rbanipa/ll (Leipzig: 1916), pp. 3031; D.D. Luckenbill, Ancient Records of Assyria and Babylonia II (London: 1926), p.301.
54 Glassner, op. cit. (n. 6, SOR 63), pp. 184-85, pl. 1-2; Heimpel, op. cit. (n. 6, ZA 77), p. 75, n. 16. 55 B.J. Foster, "Naram-Sin in Martu and Magan," Annual Review of tile Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia Project 8 (1990): 27-33. Foster translates "Lower Sea" but the texts reads (col. X, 19-27): il ti-[a-am-ti]m j-jn(?)-[x «x))]i~-[x]-x (x)] i-'bi'-[ir-m]a M[a-gank]i 'qab'-Ii ti-[a]-am-tim SAG GI~.RA. The opening sentences are addressed to the EN.EN a-If-a-tim, "Lords of the Upper Lands."
65 Weidner, Die Insc/lriften T//kulti-Nin//rtas lund seiner Nachfolger (Graz: 1959), p. 30; AK. Grayson, Assyrian Royal Inscriptions I, p. 121; RGTC 5, p. 261. 66 Weidner, ibid., pp. 5, 8-9, 18, 21,33-34; Grayson, ibid., pp. 104, 106-7, 112, 114, 123, 125. The reference to the Euphrates occurs only in two texts and depends on joins and restitutions (see Grayson p. 232): adi pat KUR Nairi [u] pat KUR m[akan a]di p//rat[i] (AO. 78.1, p. 237) and adi pall KUR Nairi u pal KUR m]a'kan' ~i[ddi adi p//[ratti] (A.O. 78.2, p. 240). The only complete texts are AO. 78. 13 and AO. 78.18 (pp. 257-58,262): m//~epfb ell€t KUR ~ubarf// KUR.KUR nairi nesat padnni adi ZAG/pat makan, "disperser of the forces of the land ofSubaru and the remote lands of Nairi as far as the border of Magan." R Borger's comments on this section are very elusive as he considers it unclear (Einleifung in die assyrisc/len Konigsinsc/lriftell [Leiden-Koln: 1961], p. 80; see also p. 82 for reference to the Euphrates as the limit of Tukulti-Ninurta's territory). J.-J. Glassner, op. cif. (n. 6, SOR 63), p. 183, draws this border of Magan as far as Iran, in accordance with the accepted opinion that Magan should be on both sides of the Hormuz Strait, and that the Sea of Magan should be equated with the Gulf.
56 E. Sollberger and J.R Kupper, Inscription Royales S//meriennes et Akkadiennes (Paris: 1971), pp. 107-8.
57 See W.W. Hallo's remark in "Royal Titles from the Mesopotamian Periphery," An.Sf. 30 (1980): p. 191. 58 AK. Grayson and E. Soil berger, "L'insurrection genera Ie contre NaramSuen," RA 70 (1976): 77, 110, 112,120, 125;J.G. Westenholz, Legends of tile Kings of Akkad (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1997), p. 245. For comments on Magan and Naram-Sin, see Glassner, La c/ulfe d'Akkade (Berlin: 1986), pp. 27, 35, 78-79. 59 Glassner, ibid., p. 15, n. 65; id., op. cit. (n. 6, SOR 63), pp. 184-85.
I
~
346
c~:.:~:.:~:·:~:·:~)
DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
the Magan between Lullupun and Baza in KA V 92. Therefore, the geographical setting of Magan seems to agree with the" Arab countries from Aqaba to Bab Salimeti" in Assurbanipal's inscription. It also corroborates Su-Sin's definition of "Magan with all its provinces" stretching to "the other side of the Sea" (see above). Here, either sea can be meant, Upper or Lower, if the Sinai-Midian area is considered. This region has shores on both the Upper and the Lower Seas, if the latter went around Arabia and 67 reached our Red Sea like the later classical Erythrean one. Magan would refer to the area from the northern Sinai to east of the Wadi Sirhan, inhabited by the "Sons of Ishmael.,,68 They disappear in the mid-tenth century and seem to be replaced by a generic term" Arabs" in the mid-ninth century.69 In Tukulti-Ninurta's time, western Magan experienced Midianite expansion while under Egyptian control, which was based at Timna?O The North Arabian location of Magan suggested by the written sources could be supported by archaeological evidence. The only object commemorating Naram-Sin's Syrian campaigns is a green alabaster lamp of a type available in Syria-Anatolia.71 The "diorite question" cannot be resolved until a proper identification of true diorite is made,72 and it must be 67 J. Rouge, "La navigation en Mer Erythree dans I' Antiquite," in J.-F. Salles, ed., L'Arabie et ses Mers Bordieres I (TMO 16; Lyon: 1988), p. 59. 68 I. Eph'al, The Ancient Arabs (Leiden: 1982), pp. 236-37. These bedouins are a vast confederation including Amalekites and Midianites. Ishmael was the son of Abraham and Hagar, an Egyptian slave. For the antiquity of the name Ishmael, see ibid., n. 117. Could there be a linguistic relationship between Hagar and Agar? See Glassner, op. cit. (n. 6, ed. Reade), pp. 240-43.
69 Eph'al, ibid., p. 228. 70 B. Rothenberg, Till/lla. Valley of tile Biblical Copper Mines (Aylesbury: 1972), pp. 128-29, 152, 163-66. For Egyptian presence attested from the time of Thutmosis III, see K.A. Kitchen, "A Pre-Ramesside Cartouche at Tirnna," OrNS 45 (1976): 262264. 71 T.F. Potts, "Foreign Stone Vessels of the Late Third Millennium B.C. from Southern Mesopotamia: Their Origin and Mechanisms of Exchange," Iraq 51 (1989): 136, 158 type 7. 72 W. Heimpel," A First Step in the Diorite Question," RA 76 (1982): 65-66. Ten years ago I tried to solve the problem of the Magan diorite. P. Amiet very kindly let me have a small sample from a broken statue ofGudea (AO 10) and another from a door slab of Ur-Nanshe (AO 116). Prof. Maluski of the Montpellier Techtonic Laboratory performed a potassium-argon dating procedure. Because diorite from the region around the northern Red Sea is ten times older than that from the Gulf region (6 million years contra 600,000), it
MAGAN AND MELUtHjA
c~:.:~:.:~:.:~:·:~)
347
stressed that a number of Egyptian alabaster/calcite and "Chephren diorite" objects with inscriptions from the Fourth and Sixth Dynasties and the Hyksos-period came from Ebla, along with ivory, bronze, silver, and gold?3 Diorites and gabbros are extensive in the mountains on both sides of the Red Sea and the Sinai. 74 Three ''booty of Magan" vessels of NaramSin, two of which are in steatite/ chlorite, are supposed to have come from Oman, and one in calcite is likely to have come from Irano-Bactrian sources?5 Yet Naram-Sin never campaigned in these countries. Mesopotamian chlorite vessels have been x-ray tested and they fall into four main source groups: two from Iran (Tepe Yahya and Khorasan) and two from Saudi Arabia (200 miles southwest of Mecca and 150 to 200 miles southwest of Riyadh),76 but none from Oman. Steatite carving is also a Red Sea Arabian activity in the (Egyptian) Eastern Desert and the Sinai. 77 Magan could fit the large and dense "pastoral nomad technocomplex" population posited bl, J. Zarins to extend from the Gebel Bishri to the Maqna-Midian area? Its cultural climax spans from the Chalcolithic to the Early Bronze Age (ca. 3750-2200), with evidence for sophisticated mining and metal-working, and long-distance trade (obsidian, shell inlays, and ivory carvings). It declined in the Isin-Larsa period (ca. 1850) due to increasing aridity. This is precisely when Magan trade ceases with southern Mesopotamia. In Oman, Mesopotamian artifacts disappear earlier, in the
was hoped that the origin of the diorite sample could be determined from its age. Unfortunately, the Gudea sample, which was the only true diorite one, was too small to contain enough of the potassium-argon gases, and, therefore, the results were inconclusive. True diorite identification could be determined and should not be considered sacrilege.
73 G. Scandoni Matthia, "Relations between Ebla and Egypt," in E.D. Oren, ed., Tile Hyksos: New Historical al1d Arcllaeological Perspectives (Philadelphia: 1997), pp.415-17.
74 Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 408-10. 75 T.F. Potts, op. cit. (n. 71), pp. 131-35. 76 T. Howard-Carter, "Voyages of Votive Vessels in the Gulf," in H. Behrens et al., eds., DllMll-EzDllB-BA-A. Stlldies ill HOllorof A. W. Sjoberg (Philadelphia: 1989), pp. 260-62. 77 Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 156,426-27. It is an Ishmaelite industry according to G.W. Murray, SOilS of Is/llllael (London: 1935), p. 84.
78 Zarins, "MAR-TV and the Land Dilmun," in Khalifa and Rice, eds., op. cit. (n. 39), pp. 233-50.
348
349
Wadi Suq period (ca. 2000).19 Not only is Magan the copper country, but it is also a bronze-producing country according to a Sargonic text from Tello. 80 Many hoards discovered in Palestine attest to an advanced, "lost wax" bronze-making teclmique, alloying copper with antimony, nickel, and arsenic. 81 Timna has been an extensive copper-mining center since the Chalcolithic, and there were many other centers as well. In the last centuries of the third millennium, the Arabah in the Negev and the South Sinai were densely populated around the mining camps in these centers.82
Kassite proverb from Nippur);86 and between Parsu and Media (NeoBabylonian tribute document).87 In historiography, Melubba coalesced with close eastern neighbors. According to ru:t unpublished variant of a Rimus inscription, rGu?l_pi_inki U [Mej-Iub-ba ki joined in the Marbasean conflict with Elam. 88 His clash with Abalgamas occurred on the Upper River between Susa and Awan. 89 In the BM duplicate of the Cruciform Monument, Melubba is equated with ~iribum, controlled by the king of Ansan90 in [Naram-Sinj's time.91 The BM version is supposed to be the original "copy from Babylon.,,92 The forgers seem to have had a genuine Old Akkadian model, but only the donation section was forged, not the historical one. Why should they have changed the original URU Melubba ki to ~iribumki? Precisely because they knew of an ancient Melubba trading emporium not far from AnSan. It may have been an extension of the caravan route to Melubba that started from the bridge of Bazu (KA V 92). This route definitely went westwards from the Euphrates,93 and probably reached Bab Salimeti, as is suggested by Melubba's siding with the Chaldeans, the Arameans, and the Sealand "from Aqaba to Bab Salimeti" in ~amassumukin's revolt against Assurbanipal. 94 Presumably the North Arabian coalition partners were bound in trading networks linking the Red Sea t
Melubba the Black Country Direct contact with Melubba, the Black Country, is documented only from Sargon to Gudea (ca. 2300-2130), a period of about 170 years. The bulk of references come from the succeeding Ur III and Isin-Larsa periods (ca. 2110-1800), and continue until the Kassite period. In literature, Melubba is placed in random sequences: between MAR.TV and Elam (The Curse of Agade);83 between Tukrg and Marbasi (Enki and Ninuursag);84 between tJarali and Marbasi (Hymn to Ninurta);85 between Parbase and the East (a
79 A. Hastings et aI., "Oman in the Third Millennium BCE," lOS I (1975): 14. 80 Glassner, La c/llltte d'Akkade, p. 25, n. 148. 81 S. Shalev, "The Change in Metal Production from the Chalcolithic Period to the Early Bronze Age in Israel and Jordan," Al1tiquity 68 (1994): 630-37; A. Rosenfeld et aI., "Bronze Alloys from Canaan during the Middle Bronze Age," lAC 24 (1997): 857-64. For the Nahal Mishmar hoard of 400 bronze objects from Jordan, see. M. Roaf, Atlas de la Mesopofamie (Brepols: 1991), p. 71.
86 W.G. Lambert, Babylol/ian Wisdom Literatllre (Oxford: 1960), pp. 272-73, pI. 71, N. 3395; P. Steinkeller, "The Old Akkadian Term for 'Easterner'," RA 74 (1980): 95; id., op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 247-48.
82 Rothenberg,op. cit. (n. 70), pp.12-13. Also note, ibid., pp.18-19, a Timna wadi named Nahal Mangan, possibly a linguistic vestige of ancient Magan, whereby ng > n by assimilation.
87 D.J. Wiseman, "A Late Babylonian List?," BSOAS, 30/3 (1967): 495-97.
88 Steinkeller, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 247-49, 265. 89 Sollberger and Kupper, op. cit. (n. 56), pp. 102-3.
83 J.S. Cooper, Tile Cllrse of Agade (Baltimore and London: 1983), pp. 52-53; Glassner, "La division quinaire de la terre," Akkadica 40 (1984): 17-19. These four countries would represent the four quarters of the world surrounding Sumer and conquered by Naram-Sin. In Glassner's diagram Melubba is located in the south. If this diagram is placed upright on a map, Elam, Su.bir4 and Mar.du are not in their correct positions. However, if the diagram is turned counter-clockwise, so that these lands are positioned correctly, then Melubba lies in the southwest, towards Yemen or East-Africa.
90 E. Sollberger, "The Cruciform Monument," IEOL 20 (1968): 55, 63. 91 M.A. Powell, "Naram-Sin, Son of Sargon: Ancient History, Famous Names, and a Famous Babylonian Forgery," ZA 81 (1991): 20-29, convincingly argues that the "son of Sargon," whose name is lost, cannot be Mani!\tu!\u, as previously thought, but Naram-Sin. 92 Sollberger, op. cit. (n. 90), pp. 51-52. 93 D. Potts, "The Road to Melubba," lNES 41 (1982): 279-87.
84 P. Attinger, "Enki et Ninbursaga," ZA 74 (1984): 12-13. 85 M.E. Cohen, "ur.sag.me.!\ar.ur4' A ;:,irnam!\ubba ~ of Ninurta," WO 8 (1975): 28, 31.
94 See n. 64. 95 Grayson and Sollberger, op. cit. (n. 58), pp. 115-16, 121.
~I
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350
MAGAN AND MELUtHjA
Kassite and the "man from ~uruppak." In the G-copy (1. 35) he is omitted, but the king of Magan is mentioned instead.96 UJ / awilu is often translated "king" with the sense of a low-ranking local ruler. But two such "men" of Mari are listed together in another text. 97 Therefore, these people can be equated with the alik Tilmun, who were" gentlemen traders" of high standing,98 like the Ebla "client-kings," who were mainly concerned wit~ the transport or deliveries of goods. 99 So Naram-Sin's LlJ Melt4:J.ba ki was probably only a trading middleman whose concern must have paralleled the Magan one, obviously disturbed or dismantled by Naram-Sin's military action. The late Babylonian Cuthean Legend re-enforces the idea of a disruption of the trade. The enemy hoards ransacked Subartu, Gutium, and Elam, and reached the flatlands, killing "those (who guarded) the crossing, casting (them) into [the sea(?)]. Dilmun, Magan, and Melt4:J.ba in the midst of the (Lower) Sea, they slaughtered.,,100 The slaughter, here, seems to refer to the middlemen guarding emporiums related to the three countries mentioned. These were in the flatlands, possibly around Bab Salimeti. None of the above references from early or late Babylonian sources is compelling for a location of Melt4:J.ba in the far southern Indus Valley. They just emphasize a Melubbite presence, presumably due to trading firms around Sumer in the MARTU-Elam-Coastland sphere. The Melubbite settlement near Tello was in this sphere. 101
(...x ...x ...x ...x ...)
351
The past decades have seen a great amount of work proving Mesopotamian relations with the Harappan civilization. The chronology of Melubba fits the rise of urbanization in the Indus Valley. So "ancient India emerges as the most reasonable place for us to select (Melt4:J.ba). It should be emphasized that the evidence is only reasonable, not necessarily compelling.,,102 The evidence built from Indus artifacts found in Mesopotamia and "Western" material found in the Greater Indus Valley is unquestionable. Difficulties arise in the identification of products and their source area. Lapis lazuli (na4za_gm =uqnu) sources are in Afghanistan. 103 Chalcedony, or agate, and carnelian (na 4nir = bulalu and na 4gug = samtu) are found in Central India, Iran, and Arabia. 104 Gold is found in Iran, Af~hanistan, southern India (reef gold), Punjab, and Kashmir (placer gold).l Silver is available in Iran. Other silver sources in Afghanistan, central India, and Rajasthan are unclear. 106 Copper is available in Rajasthan, Gujarat, Punjab, and Baluchistan. 107 Tin, cassiterite, and alluvial ore come from Iran and Afghanistan. 108 Harappan sources of tin are yet unclear. Though these products are reported to come from countries other than Melt4:J.ba}09 it is surprising that the procurement sources have to cover such a wide geographical area, the Indus or Baluchistan ones hardly being mining regions. Also, nothing compelling can be drawn from the woods, animals, birds, and ivory that have been identified with Indian ones, following the assumption that Melt4:J.ba is necessarily the Harappan culture. Now, if we turn to the Eastern Desert, which in antiquity was not Egypt but Medja, a very rich and varied mining region, one is confronted with the very conspicuous fact that all the products mentioned are available in a restricted area near the sea. Chalcedony, agate, and carnelian occur in
96 Ibid., pp. 110, 112, 120. 97 A. Goetze, "Four Ur Dynasty Tablets Mentioning Foreigners," ICS 7 (1953): 103-4.
98 Oppenheim, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 11-13; Leemans, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 39-40; I. Nataka, "Mesopotamian Merchants and Their Ethos," lANES 3/2 (19701971): 91-101.
102 Quoted from Possehl, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 186.
99 A. Archi, "About the Organisation of the Eblaite State," Seb V (1982-1986): 201-20; M.e. Astour, "The Geographical and Political Structure of the Ebla Empire," in H. Waetzoldt and H. Hauptman, eds., WirtscJwjt lind GesellscJwjt VOIl Ebla (Heidelberg: 1988), p. 151; P. Michalowski, "Third Millennium Contacts: Observations on the Relationship between Mari and Ebla," lAOS 105
103 P.RS. Moorey, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 85-92. 104 Pettinato, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 74-78, 116-17; Moorey, ibid., pp. 96-99; Ratnagar, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 128. For etched carnelian beads, see Possehl, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 152-58.
105 Moorey, ibid., p. 220; Ratnagar, ibid., pp. 106-11.
(1985): 295.
100 J.G. Westenholz, op. cit. (n. 58), pp. 314-415.
106 Moorey, ibid., pp. 234-35; Ratnagar, ibid., pp. 141-42.
101 S. and A. Parpola and RH. Brunswig, "Evidence of Acculturation of Harappan Traders in Late Third Millennium Mesopotamia," IESHO 20 (1977): 12965; J.-J. Glassner convincingly argues that the MeluQ.bites in this settlement who had good Sumerian names were not necessarily foreigners, but people engaged in MeluQ.bite trade, op. cit. (n. 6, SOR 63), p. 236, and AjO 44-45 (1997-
107 Moorey, ibid., p. 247; Ratnagar, ibid., pp. 89,96. 108 Moorey, ibid., pp. 299-300; Ratnagar, ibid., pp. 92-93. 109 Pettinato, op. cit. (n. 6), pp. 74, 76-82. 110 Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 387, 391-92. 111 Ibid., pp. 200, 205-6.
1998): 468.
I
i
I
352
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DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
abundance and were quarried from pre-dynastic times onwards. 110 The same can be said of copperYl Gold deposits, reef and alluvial, were "immense" right down to EthiopiaY2 Egyptian goldsmiths had reached a very high degree of skill from the first dynasties onwards. Native silver does not occur, but silver is found in gold ores and argentiferous galena.113 Alluvial tin comes from granitic rocks in the Wadi Hammamat and the Aswan area, and tin ore cassiterite veins are reported from the heart of the Medja, near Gebel Muelih( <Melubba?), halfway between Edfu and the Red Sea, as well as in other places nearer to the coast and in the galena mines at Gebel Zeit. 114 The Gebel Muelih inscriptions of Pefsi II (2246-2152) refer to an unspecified "stone" that could be cassiterite. 1 5 The Gebel Zeit mines were extensively quarried between the time of Amenemhat III (1844-1797) and that of Ramses II (1290-1224).116 Tin and gold appear together in archaeological records just after 3000 B.CE. J.D. Muhly has stressed that this was not accidental, because tin is always present in alluvial gold artifacts, and the one major area where the two metals occur together is the Eastern Desert. 117 Nevertheless, these sources are always dismissed for Mesopotamian and Palestinian procurement on the basis that tin-bronze does not occur in Egypt before the second millennium, later than in Mesopotamia,118 Yet tin-bronze was smelted and worked at Kerma in Sudan. Daggers, mirrors, and a knife similar to Egyptian, Gulf, and Harappan ones, are dated to Kerma Ancien (2500-2200) and Kerma Moyen (2200-
112 Ibid., pp. 224-32.
113 Ibid., pp. 245-49. For recent maps of ore sites, gold, galena and others, see J. Baines and J. Malek, Atlas de I'Egypte Ancienne (Paris: 1981), p. 21; G. Castel et aI., Gebel El-Zeit I, les mines de galene (Cairo: 1989), pp. 10-12. 114 Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 253-57; Baines and Malek, ibid.; L. Garerule-Marot, "Le cuivre en Egypte pharaonique: sources et metallurgie," Pal. 10/1 (1984): 99-100. 115 Garenne-Marot, ibid., p. 107 n. 85. For tin in Egyptian sources, see S. Aufrere, L'univers mineral dans la pensee egyptienne II (Cairo: 1991), pp. 453-54. 116 G. Castel and G. Soukiassian, "Depot de steles dans Ie sanctuaire du Nouvel Empire au Gebel Zeir," BIFAO 85 (1985): 286, 288. 117 J.D. Muhly, "The Copper Ox-Hide Ingots and the Bronze Age Metals Trade," Iraq 39 (1977): 76-77. 118 Moorey, op. cit. (n. 17), p. 300; Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), p. 255; T. Berthoud et aI., "Cuivres et alliages en Iran, Afghanistan, Oman au cours des rve et IIIe millenaires," Pal. 8/2 (1982): 50.
MAGAN AND MELUtHJA
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353
1750).119 No tin source is known near Kerma. Therefore, one can reasonably infer from this that Medjay tin circulated outside Egypt. The last, but not least stone, lapis lazuli, has not been found in Medja, though a hymn does claim that lapis, silver, and various incenses were formed in the Medja desert for the Horus of the East. 120 However, true lapis was so expensive that a very good substitute, dark-blue glaze with ~old inclusions, called lJsbd" 'blue stone-lapis," was popular in Egypt. 1 1 A necklace from Mari has a large round and flat bead of this blue glazed ware with other true lapis and agate beads of the same shape. l22 It is dated to the thirteenth century, but could be a sample of what the earlier Mariots used for Melub-bi(m)-cloisonne necklaces and bracelets. 123 An inland route from Mari towards Canaan and Nubia is suggested by tomb assemblages from Baghuz, near Mari, containing artifacts similar to those used in NubioEgyptian funerary rites. As these artifacts attest, the deceased were placed on wooden beds with headrests. 124 Their style is distinct and provincial compared to the Egyptian ones and the very refined Kerma ones with ivory inlays on the head pane1. 125 Egyptianizing ivory fillings have been found at el-Jisr, near Jaffa, and also at Ebla, where they are dated to the eighteenth to seventeenth centuries, and are related to the Kerma technique, which is said to be of Mesopotamian origin. 126 Ivory workshops 119 C Bonnet, ed., Kenna, royallme de Nllbie (Geneva: 1990), pp. 177,180,183,194, 207, and, for a crucible dated to Kerma Moyen with traces of tin, p. 152; see also D. Valbelle, "L'egyptien aKerma, sous I' Ancien Empire," same volume, p. 97. The Kerma tin source is not known (oral communication from C Bonnet). 120 Lucas and Harris, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 398-400; Pap. Boulaq 17, VIII, 6-7: A. Barucq and F. Daumas, Hylllnes et prieres de I'EgtJpte Ancienne (Paris: 1980), p. 199. 121 Lucas and Harris, ibid., pp. In, n. I, 188, n. 3. 122 Catalogue of the Syrian Exposition at the Petit Palais Oct. 1983-Jan. 1984, Au Pays de Baal et d'Astartf (Paris: 1983), p. 196, no. 230. 123 P. Talon, ARM 24 (Paris: 1985), pp. 84-85, no. 149, pI. 61; J.-M. Durand, ARM 21(Paris: 1983), pp. 224-25,252-53,272-73,326-27,370-71. 124 Count du Mesnil du Buisson, Bag/wllz (Leiden: 1948), pp. 35-39, pI. XLII-LVII. 125 For a Kerma example, see op. cit. (n. 119), p. 225; this bed is dated to Kerma Classique (1750-1500). Funeral beds first appear in Kerma Moyen (22001750), C Bonnet, same volume, p. 77. 126 B. Curran, in Bonnet, ed., op. cit. (n. 119), p. 143; G. Scan done Matthiae, "The Relations between Ebla and Egypt," in Oren, ed., op. cit. (n. 73), pp. 420-25; P. Mathiae, "Ebla and Syria in the Middle Bronze Age," same volume, pp. 405-7.
354
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DANIELE MICHAUX-COLOMBOT
are reported from Palestine, the earliest being Safadi in the mid-fourth millennium. 127 The products of a Palestinian cabinet-making industry that used Nubian ivory and combined Egyptian artistic motifs with Mesopotamian inlay and ajoure techniques evidenced at Ebla could have reached Ur. If that was so, then western references are made in texts from Ur describing the "ivory to be cut for chair feet, beds, and Mel~a dar-birds, and jointed stools and bed-tops in Melubba mesu-wood."l Mesopotamian sources of ivory' were Syria, Nubia (El Amarna and Darius), and Afghanistan (Darius).129 Harappan sites have yielded quite a few ivory carvings, but until now no elaborate furniture with inlays. Contacts between Terqa and Palestine are evidenced by Hyksos scarabs from the temple of Ninkarrak, the largest of which has exact rcarallels at Jericho, Sichem, Geser, and Gaza, and dates to ca. 1800-1640. 1 0 Qatna and Hama provide direct parallels for Terqa and Baghuz pottery, and Mari was instrumental in the western tin trade from Susa. 13 SuiMu, the Melubba interpreter,132 Ilubani son of ISmailum (an early Ishmaelite?), whose cylinder seal came from Tod,133 and the polyglot Pikinili, whose cylinder seal bore cuneiform and hieroglyphs,134 all have the Amorite -ilu- component in 127 Moorey, op. cit. (n. 17), p. 126.
MAGAN AND MELUtJtJA
c..:·:..:·:..:·:..:.:..,
355
their names. The early association of Melubba and MAR.TU, like Magan and MAR.TU, cannot be accidental. In conclusion, the Magan and Melubba problem must be left an open question. A Bronze Age "Indian" thalassocracy linked the whole Erythrean world together around Arabia, and a western location can find literary and archaeological support. But we must account for the semantic extension process through trade and propaganda. Therefore, if Magan was the North Arabian corridor linking Mesopotamia to Canaan and Egypt, it could have shared the whole Arabian peninsula, including Oman and Yemen, with the Dilmun entity, also a vague metaphor. 135 None of the literary references supports the picture of a split Magan astride the Straits of Hormuz.1 36 If Melubba referred to a country, nothing speaks against an Eastern Desert location. But if it was used as a metaphor for a trading "black country," like the Classical A ithiopes, then it may have meant the general offshore "Indian" thalassocracy. Canaanites and Phoenicians developed an oligarchic polity established on the Mediterranean coasts as far as Spain. They played an instrumental role in the development and maintenance of centralized empires. 137 The same phenomenon seems to have occurred in the Erythrean world. Inland, the canonical sequence Dilmun-MaganMelubba would correspond to the Classical Gerrah-Petra-Suez one.
128 L. Legrain, Ur Excavations Texts III (London: 1937), no. 761,4, no. 764,4, no. 768,7, no. 770,5, no. 757,5,3, no. 1498 D, I, no. 1241,2, I, no. 818, 2, I, (pl. LXXXIV-LXXXVI, XC, CXXXV, CLXIX, pp. 228-129,231,248, 260). 129 Moorey, op. cit. (n. 17), pp. 116-27. 130 G. and M.K. Buccellati, Terqa, the First Eigl1t Seasons (AAAS 33/2; 1983), pp. 5657; Tufnell, op. cit. (n. 26), pl. XXIV, no. 2102 (Gaza), no. 2083 Gericho), pl. XXXIV, no. 2421 Gericho); S.H. Horn, "Scarabs from Shechem," INES 21 (1962): 3, no. 10; A. Rowe, Catalogue of Egyptian Scarabs in the Palestine Arc11aeological Museum (Cairo: 1936), pl. X, no. 408 (Sichem), no. 88 (Geser). 131 J.N. Tubb," A Reconsideration of the Date of the Second Millennium Pottery from the Recent Excavation at Terqa," Levant XII (1980): 63-65; B.J. Beitzel, "Did Zimri-Lim Playa Role in Developing the Use of Tin-bronze in Palestine?," in G.D. Young et al., eds., Crossing BOllndaries and Linking Horizons, Stlldies in Honor of M.e. As/our (Bethesda, Md.: 1997), pp. 121-44.
135 T. Howard-Carter, "Dilmun: At Sea or Not at Sea?," ICS 39 (1987): 114-17; B. Groneberg, "Le Golfe arabo-persique, vu depuis Mari," Memoire N.A.B.U. 1
132 D. Collon, First Impressions (London: 1987), p. 147, no. 637. 133 G. Conteneau, "Cylindres-sceaux," in F. Bisson de la Roque et al., eds., Le Tresor de Tod (Cairo: 1953), p. 17.
136 T.F. Potts, op. cit. (n. 6), p. 35.
134 T.G. Pinches and P.E. Newberry, "A Cylinder-Seal Inscribed in Hieroglyphic and Cuneiform in the Collection of the Earl of Cam avon," lEA 7 (1921): 19698, pl. XXXII.
137 S. Frankenstein, "The Phoenicians in the Far West: A Function of NeoAssyrian Imperialism," in M. Larsen, ed., Power and Propaganda (Mesopotamia 7; Copenhagen: 1979), pp. 263-94.
(1992): 69, 77.
The Conquest of Yadnana according to the Inscriptions of Sargon II Nadav Na'aman Tel Aviv University
SARGON CONQUERED CYPRUS about 707 B.C.E., and erected his stele there. The Cypriot episode is related in numerous Assyrian inscriptions, all written shortly after the island's conquest. Most of the references to Cyprus come from Sargon's new capital, Khorsabad (Dur-Sharrukin). Most of these inscriptions were written on limestone slabs, or other architectural elements, which adorned the palace of Sargon.1t is therefore not-surprising that in depicting this episode, many of these inscriptions share similar motifs and expressions. The question of typology and terminology is confronted anew in every discussion of the Assyrian royal inscriptions. In the case of the Cypriot episode, a classification by contents is most appropriate. For the sake of identification, I will use the terms" Annals" and "Summary Inscriptions." In spite of the similarity in motifs and expressions, there are marked differences in content between the two classes, so that their discussion will be kept apart.
The Summary Inscriptions With the conquest of the island of Cyprus, Sargon pushed Assyria's western border to a limit far beyond the achievements of any of his predecessors. No wonder that in a group of building inscriptions from Khorsabad that describe the extent of Sargon's empire in his late years the island of Cyprus opens the delineation of the empire: "From the land of Yadnana in the middle of the western sea, until the border of Egypt ... " (Fuchs 1994: 771. 22; 19411. 16-17; 250 11. 7-8; 25211. 4-5; 25511. 5-7; 26411.63-64; 27311.1415). It may be compared with the description of the empire in Sargon's Cylinder inscriptions of his ninth/tenth year (about 712/711 B.C.E.), a few
357
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NADA V NA' AMAN
359
years before the conquest of the island. The border delineation that begins in the east and ends in the west runs as follows: "From the land of Rashi on the border of Elam ... until the Brook of Egypt, the wide land of Arnurru and all the land of Hatti" (Fuchs 1994: 3311.12-13). The prominent place of Cyprus in the border descriptions of Sargon's late inscriptions is selfevident. Three inscriptions from Khorsabad relate the conquest of Cyprus in an almost identical short manner: "Subduer of/I subdue the seven kings of the land of la', a district of the land of Yadnana, whose abodes are situated a journey of seven days away i,n the middle of the sea of the setting sun" (Fuchs 1994: 6411. 27-29; 7711.17-18; 262-6311. 41-45). The stock phrases used by the scribes in these inscriptions also appears in the more detailed inscriptions. The emphasis on the most vital elements of the description directed the choice of these particular phrases in the three short accounts. Another group of summary inscriptions relates the Cypriot episode in a somewhat similar manner. This group includes Sargon's great display inscription from Khorsabad (Fuchs 232-33 H. 145-49), two prisms from Nirnrud (Gadd 1954: 191-92 H. 25-38), and the Larnaka stele (Winckler 1889: 180-83H. 28-42). The text of these inscriptions is as foHows:
All other elements in the detailed summary inscriptions are drawn from a repertoire of stock phrases that describe actions occurring during the military campaigns of the Assyrian king. These phrases are:
358
(a) §a ultu ume ruqati adi inanna ... manamma la i§ma zikir mati§un. (b) ep§et ina qereb mat GN eteppa§u .. , i§mama Ubbu§un itrukama
imqussunati battu. (c) bura~;u kaspu .,. nepe§ii mati§un / ni$irti mati§un ana qereb GN adi mabriya abilanimma una§§iqa sepeya. It is thus evident that the scribes who wrote the summary inscriptions composed the Cypriot episode by combining a few basic facts about the event with stock phrases they had learned at school and used to describe many other military campaigns (for the same literary technique in many other inscriptions of Sargon, see Renger 1986). Even the scribe who wrote the Larnaka stele used the same text as all other scribes who worked in the Assyrian royal cities.
The Annals The text of the summary inscriptions is clear and the sequence of events is easy to understand. Yet the historical interpretation of the episode is fraught with difficulty, and scholars have offered various suggestions to explain how Sargon was able to reach and conquer the remote island of Cyprus, and the possible background of the operation. The text of the Annals, on the other hand, is badly damaged and its interpretation involves enormous difficulties. It has therefore played only a minor role in the reconstruction of the historical event. Deciphering the text of the Annals is the key to the correct historical interpretation of the episode. Two recensions of the Cypriot episode appear in Hall II and V, and were published in facsimile by Botta (1849: 91 and 108). Recently I suggested a new transliteration and translation of the Cypriot episode as it appears in Sargon's Annals (Na'aman 1998). The two recensions of Halls II and V were presented there separately, each in its own right. But for the sake of clarity I will present here only the reconstructed text of Hall V, restored with the help of the text of Hall II.
And se"ven kings of the land of la', a district of the land of Yadnana, who are situated a journey of seven days away in the middle of the sea of the setting sun and their locations are distant, so that since faroff days (var. since the far-off days of the taking over of Assyria) and until now, none among the kings, my ancestors, of Assyria and Babylonia, had heard the name of their land-from far off in the middle of the sea they heard the deeds that I had performed in the lands of Chaldea and Hatti, their hearts palpitated and fright fell upon them. They brought to me in Babylon gold, silver, furniture (made) of ebony and boxwood, the manufacture (var. the treasures) of their land, and kissed my feet. It is clear that all the summary inscriptions share common stock phrases, some of which are part of the repertoire of many other royal inscriptions and some coined specifically for this unusual episode. The following text appears even in the shortest descriptions of the episode:
Shilta [of] Tyre [pays? tax? ... to] Assyr[ia. (And) seven kin]gs of the [land] oHa', a district [of the land of Adnana], who are situated a journey of seven days away in the middle of the sea of the setting sun [and their locations are dista]nt, who since old days, to his? [... ] together s[topped the[ir presents (and)] withhold [their tributes. And Shilta bro]ught his heavy tribute, and to suppress the holst? of ... ] he
sebe §arrltni §a mi7t la-a' nage §a mltt Yadnana §a mttlak sebe ume ina qabal tiimti ereb dSam§i §itkunat §ubassun / §itkunama nessat §ubassun. The phrases of the above text reflect the unusual character of this episode, and were chosen to describe this particular situation. After all, Assyria had never before conquered an island far from the coast.
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ap[plied to me for military aid]. I sent my officer, who is fearless in battle, with my royal guard, to avenge him, [and ... they cros]sed? (When) they saw the strong troops of Ashur, at the mention of my name they became afraid and their arms collapsed. They brought to Babylon, into my presence, gold, silver, ut[ensils of ebony and boxwood, the manufacture] of their land, and [to ... ] I entrusted [them]. Comparing Sargon's armals and summ~ry inscriptions ~eveal~ that the annals are far more detailed and were wntten on the basIs of fIrst-hand knowledge. The episode is in many ways excepti~nal. The cam~aign was set in motion by a request from a loyal vassal, the kmg of Ty~e, to mtervene on his behalf in an affair that was not the concern of Assyna, namely, the failure of the foreign kings of Cyprus to pay tribute to the Tyrian. The foreign kings lived in an area that was inaccessible to Ass~rian power, and Assyria depended on the Tyrian fleet to get there. Accordmg to the Assyrian literary code, on the other hand, Assyria had to be depicted as the dominating power, whose operation depended on its strength alone and whose action led to the enemy's total surrender. Hence the roundabout marmer in which the plot is presented. The account of the armals opens with the name and city of the allied king, as opposed to many other episodes that op~n with t~e ~ame and country of a foreign king. It is followed by a detailed .descnpt~on of the cause of Sargon's action, an account of the ~a~l to .arms m Assyna ~d t.he enemy's surrender. These two parts are mlssmg m the summary mscnptions since no military operation is mentioned there, and hence no cause of action is required. The episode closes with the list of tribute sent to Sargon and a note on the organization of the conquered area. . Like the text of the summary inscriptions, parts of the annals consIst of stock phrases common to other Assyrian royal inscriptions. In addition to the phrases already cited, we may note the following examples: (a) mitUilri~ kadriMun u~abfilaJna ikla bilassun (b) Silfa mandata~u kabittu iMfimma (c) ~ut ri!~iya la adir tiluazi itti ki{jir ~arratiya ana furri gilnilli~u Ulna'era (d) enlUqat dA~~ur emurUUla ana zikir ~tl/lleya i~Utltama innfl idil~tln
The episode of Sargon and the Cypriot ki~gs, as ?escri~ed in t~e Annals, sheds new light on the history of Tyre and ItS relatIons wIth Assyr~a in the late eighth cenhlry n.C.E. It indicates that Tyre kept its hegemOnIc position in Cyprus at least until the end of the eighth c~ntury ..1t rela~es t~e name of a new king of Tyre and gives some details of hIS relatIons ';Ith hIS overlord, the king of Assyria, and with his vassals, the local kmgs of
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Cyprus. Finally, it explains the way by which Sargon, in spite of lacking a navy and maritime knowledge, was able to reach Cyprus and subjugate its kings to his rule.
The Larnaka Stele Sargon's stele was erected in Cyprus shortly after its conquest in 707 B.C.E. The site where it originally stood is described on the stele as follows (Winckler 1889: 180-8311.54-57; Borger 1967: 351, no. 71, with earlier literature; Malbran-Labat 1995; Tadmor 1996): [At that ti]me I had a stele fashioned and [the symbols] of the great [gods], my lords, [I engraved] thereon. My royalimage [implorin]g for my life I set before them. [I insc]ribed thereon [the names of the lands] that from the rising sun [to the setting] sun, with the aid of AMur, [Nabu] and Marduk, the gods my helpers, I had subjugated [to the yoke] of my rule. I set it up [on] Ba'il-burri, [the mountain], (located) [at the to]p of the land of Adnana. [The glory] of the great gods, my lords, [by who]se reliable (oracular) [answer] I marched to and fro, having no [rival], I left [for the king]s, my sons, for all time. It is clear that the stele was erected on a prominent mountain described as "the head ([re-e]s) of (Y)adnana." Tadmor (1996) suggested restoring in line 53: [e-Ii KUR] Ba-il-uur-ri KUR-i ("on Ba'il-burri, the mountain") and identified the site as the mountain range overlooking the coastal plain, northeast of Larnaka, on the summit of which today stands the monastery of Stavravouni. The text does not state where the stele was quarried and inscribed (the problem may easily be solved by petrographic analysis). Either it was quarried and engraved in Syria, after the scribe received exact information of the future site of the stele, or the scribe travelled to Cyprus and inscribed the stele after it was quarried near the place where it was erected. At some stage the stele was removed from its original location and brought to Larnaka, where it was unearthed in 1844 (see Schrader 1882: 4; Yon 1995). The discovery of the stele on the island corroborates Sargon's accounts in the annals and summary inscriptions of the conquest of Yadnana. Prisoners from Yadnana are mentioned in Sennacherib's inscriptions (Luckenbill 1924: 7311. 59-60), but this Assyrian king does not mention any campaign that he conducted to the island. The annals of Esarhaddon enumerate ten Cypriot vassals who participated in the construction and embellishment of the royal palace of Nineveh (Borger 1956: 60 11.63-72; see Lipinski 1991). Ashurbanipal enumerates the same list of ten Cypriot vas-
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sals in conjunction with his first campaign to Egypt (Streck 1916 II: 14011. 36-50). It is clear that Assyria maintained its hegemonic status in Cyprus from the time of Sargon's conquest onward. After all, it had the means to compel towns along the eastern Mediterranean coast to send ships to help quell any rebellion that might break out, as well as to man them with competent Assyrian soldiers. Moreover, Assyria controlled all the mainland ports with which Cyprus conducted trade, and was able to impose an effective embargo on Cypriot commerce. Assyrian military power and economic threat guaranteed the cooperation of both the Tyrian authorities and the local Cypriot kings and their recognition of the sovereignty of Assyria over the island. Assyrian representative(s) either stayed at Kition, the main Tyrian center on the island, or visited the place from time to time. Their main concern was the regular payment of tribute and the economic cooperation of the Tyrian and local Cypriot authorities. Assyrian presence in other parts of the island was extremely limited, and there are no indications that Assyria conducted commercial relations with the island. The absence of both Assyrian and Assyrian-influenced artifacts in Cypriot sites reflects the one-sided exploitative nature of the relationship. Assyria remained a continental power, with no real maritime policy, and its brief period of control in Cyprus did not leave any mark on the island's history. REFERENCES Borger, R. (1956) Die Inscllriften Asnrl1nddons Konigs von Assyrien. AfO Beiheft 9. Graz. (1967) Hnndbucll der Keilscl1riftliteratur I. Berlin. Botta, P. E. (1849) Monument de Nineve IV. Paris. Fuchs, A. (1994) Die Inscllriften Snrgons II. aus Khorsabad. GOttingen. Gadd, C.]. (1954) "Inscribed Prisms of Sargon II from Nimrud." Iraq 16: 173-201. Lipinski, E. (1991) "The Cypriot Vassals of Esarhaddon." In M. Cogan and I. Eph' aI,
eds., AI1 Assyria ... Studies in Assyrinn History and Ancient Near Enstern. Historiography Presented to Hayim Tadmor. Jerusalem. Pp. 58-64. Luckenbill, D.O. (1924) The Annals of Sennncherib. OIP II. Chicago. Malbran-Labat, F. (1995) "La stele de Sargon II a Chypre. Le texte de l'inscription." In A. Caubet, ed., KllOrsnbnd, Ie pnlnis de Snrgon II, roi d'Assyrie. Actes du colloque organise au musee du Louvre les 21 et 22 janvier 1994. Paris: 169-79. Na'aman, N. (1998) "Sargon II and the Rebellion of the Cypriote Kings against Shilta of Tyre." Orientnlin 67: 239-47. Renger, ]. (1986) "Neuassyrische Konigsinschriften als Genre der KeHschriftliteratur. Zum StH und zur Kompositionstechnik der Inschriften Sargons II. von Assyrien." In K. Hecker and W. Sommerfeld, eds., Keilscl1rift1ic11e Literaturen. A"sgewiihlte Vorfriige der XXXII. Rencontre Assyriologique Internntionnle. Berliner Beitriige zum Vorderen Orient 6, Berlin. Pp. 109-28. Schrader, E. (1882) Die Snrgonsstele des Berliner Muse"",. Berlin. Streck, M. (1916) Assurbnnipal und die letzten Assyrischen Konige bis ZUtll Untergnnge Niniveh's I-III. Leipzig. Tadmor, H. (1996) "Notes on the Stele of Sargon II from
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Cyprus. Eretz.Isr~eI25: 286-89 (Hebrew). Winckler, H. (1889) Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons I-II. leipzig. Yon, M. (1995) liLa stele de Sargon II aChypre. La decouverte d; la st~le a Lamaca (Chypre)." In A. Caubet, ed., Khorsabad, Ie palais de Snrgon II, ro; d Assyne. Actes du colloque organise au musee du Louvre les 21 et 22 janvier 1994. Paris. Pp.161-68. II
Writing Archaeology Joan Oates University of Cambridge
"Archaeology is the discipline with the theory and practice for the recovery of unobservable hominid behaviour patterns from the indirect traces in bad samples" David Clarke (1973: 17)
in Cambridge, England, I went to an informal lecture by Ian Hodder given to a graduate student seminar. The subject was Recent Research at (:atal Hoyilk. Being a moderately conventional archaeologist, I had hoped-perhaps naively-to learn something of the "results" of his recent excavations. It rapidly became clear, however, that my view of "results" differed radically from Ian's, at least in the context of this particular seminar, and indeed seemingly from the views of the majority of the students present. The discussion focussed entirely on interpretative agendas, on the many <;atal Hoyuks-all, in Ian's view, as valid as any other. Among these agendas was that of the feminist mother-goddess group, which has not only itself established a <;atal Hoyuk web-site, which Ian was prepared to accept might ultimately surpass in significance the web-site of the excavation itself, but has bought a house in nearby <;umra in order to establish an appropriate base for the cult (see also Hodder 1997: 693). Other agendas included, perhaps understandably, a nationalist view (<;atal as the center of the world) and a European Union view, wishing to emphasize the international nature of the research. As I listened and hoped for at least a little of what I believed to be the historical importance of <;atal, I thought about the subject of this Rencontre-and how the problems of "meaning" and "interpretation" lie at the hub of our agenda this week (or perhaps I should say agendas). To be fair, I should add that Ian gave the British Academy Mortimer Wheeler Lecture a couple of months ago and that this lecture, by contrast, contained all the information a conventional archaeologist could ask for. Yet another reflection, one might say, of context. SOME MONTHS AGO,
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The subject of this year's Rencontre encompasses how history is written, how it has been written in the past, and how we today read meaning into these histories. Of course the question might reasonably be asked why I as a field archaeologist have been asked to address historiography. A direct answer is that even prehistory suffers from the interpretative problems that persist in historical writing-the impossibility of writing without bias, the difficulty of evaluating so-called "evidence" and, perhaps most crucially, the changing readings of this same evidence in response to changing method and theory. Moreover, even what might be defined as conventional western archaeology encompasses many different kinds of research and as many different types of writing. It is my intention in this paper to look briefly at the nature of archaeological evidence, since this affects not only the questions we ask, which in turn affect the techniques we use and the data we collect, but also how we write. First I must clear away one area of this debate that I intend otherwise to ignore, not because it is unimportant but because I am certain it will be widely addressed in other papers. While I personally cannot accept the extreme and non-judgmental relativism of Hodder's seminar-for me there would be no purpose in archaeology if this were so-I would like to accept as read a moderately post-modernist view of history-which seems to me self-evident-that history is self-reflecting, that there are many different histories, that history is constantly rewritten, that history can exist only in the context of our perceptions of the present. Such impediments to understanding the past are not confined to history, but are equally relevant to archaeology. Nor are these the new ideas that the post-modernist label would suggest. One has only to read Ted Carr's What is History? (a set of lectures delivered at Trinity College in Cambridge, England, in 1961) or, certainly less well known but expressing many of the same "post-modernist" views, a little-known book by one V. Gordon Childe entitled simply History, published in 1947. Manipulation of the past, moreover, is not simply a modern phenomenon, but is clearly reflected in the earliest "historical" cuneiform texts, which were written and rewritten to serve contemporary and often propagandistic purposes (the various epics of Naram-Sin, for example-see Steve Tinney's recent article in JCS-and the manipulation and transformation of the god Marduk, with respect in particular to the legitimation of power in Babylon). The writing of archaeology involves the same issues, whether we acknowledge it or not. We too write about the past in the context of current ideologies. Indeed these affect not only interpretation but, perhaps more seriously, the very ways of" doing" archaeology. Not only do the categories in which observation is subsumed, collected, and recorded, vary according
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to the observer, but the very process modifies what is being observed. What model instructs us how to decide what questions to ask? Which research pr~posals are worth funding? How to construct a database, with its implications of how to classify? Even the typological units of so-called basic data are "mental constructs," and labelling is in itself interpretative and, more seriously, tends to become set in stone. How many of us have wanted to tear up the whole of the existing system and start again? But there are important differences between archaeology and history. Although the writing of both involves the deliberate choice of what is appropriate to record, only in the writing of history is the usual consequence that only what are deemed to be significant or memorable events survive. As Burckhardt wrote long ago, "History is the record of what one age finds worthy of note in another" (1959: 158). In this sense the balance of reality lies with the archaeologist, whose data may be inadequate but are at least not selectively preserved, however selectively they may be excavated or recorded. There is another difference that may be significant-the past to archaeologists is tangible in a very immediate sense. Not only the tools that we can touch but the physically present architectural remains in which we can walk-I remember the excitement of being able to climb a staircase some 3500 years old, of which two flights still survived, in the Mitanni Palace at Tell Brak. For the epigraphist, of course, the clay tablet is equally tangible. But it is perhaps more immediately evident that this is not what is important. It is the interpretation that matters and the problem in both history and archaeology is not only to "read the text" but to understand its purpose and the hidden agendas of those involved in both its creation and its survival. For the field archaeologist also it is the interpretation that matters, although superficially this may be less obvious in his inevitable day-to-day concern with "things" and with descriptive recording, to say nothing of the general public's response to the discovery of "things" that are bizarre or of great beauty. At the same time, thinking archaeologists may suffer feelings of inadequacy when considering the minimal nature of their evidence, in particular in relation to that of historians or social anthropologists, who deal more directly with matters of the mind. It is all too easy to feel that our inevitable preoccupation with material culture is in some way inferior to considerations of matters more intellectual, whether past or present. Though I must confess to some ironic amusement at the degree to which material culture is now a major preoccupation of both social historians and anthropologists. See inter alia the new journal Material Culture published by the very theoretically oriented department of anthropology at University
368 College London. Indeed, a new "cultural history" has appeared, not in departments of archaeology but in more theoretically oriented departments of history. There are further aspects of archaeological evidence that affect very fundamentally not only how we write about it, but how we initially record it. First, and most obvious, the archaeological record is incomplete, and no amount of sophisticated sampling, however well conceived the strategy, will overcome this inherent deficiency. Nor is there an established procedure to determine what is a significant unit of analysis. Nor even what observations should be recorded. However scientific the intention, the reality is that the archaeologist records what he sees, and what he sees is never the whole of what has actually survived. Nor do any two people "see" material evidence in precisely the same way, a fact that was obvious to Plato over two millennia ago. Moreover, however cynical this may sound, there is a tendency for the archaeologist to record most carefully what appears to be most relevant to the specific research topic or topics that interest him most at that particular moment or for which he has received a grant. We once lost a research grant for investigating something unexpected! Which of course had not been mentioned in the research proposal. Science-based archaeology sounds impressive, even reliably factual, and at least in Britain is funded far more generously than mere area-specific archaeology. But many expensive techniques prove ultimately to be of more interest to the scientist than practical use to the archaeologist, and the positivist view that with adequate measurement "true" scientific results will ensue, unstained by human prejudice, was a short-lived optimism of the 1970s. At the same time attempts to generalize led to Flannery's Mickey Mouse laws (1973: 51)-Geertz's "commonplace or vacant theoretical formulations" (1973: 25). All generalizations are limited by the observations on which they are based, and no scientific technique, however valid in itself, can improve the inherent quality-or lack of quality-of the archaeological record. One of the most intransigent problems in archaeology is comparability of context. This is a problem within archaeological sites, and a far greater one between sites. However much we count, measure and weigh, down to the last artefactual fragment, we cannot ensure that we are comparing like with like. The use of computers on site-welcome and time-saving advance that this is-has tended to compound the view that recording can be wholly objective. The "tick the box" syndrome can lead to a false sense of "scientific" procedure whereas, again, it is not the box but the thought behind each category of data that counts, while the "codification" and inter-computer site analyses of the types proposed for example by Hodder at <;atal
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Hoyiik (1997) can themselves produce a rigidity of interpretation at odds with the intention. Moreover, Hodder's insistence on the recording of "total cultural context" seems to me to be mere playing with words, since identifying the "total cultural context," in the absence of a total cultural record, itself involves the introduction of "interpretation." In other words, there is no neutral observation in archaeology. All observation is inevitably and inextricably linked to interpretation. As Andrew Sherratt has written, "In trying to be explicitly scientific we are at our most expressively ethnocentric" (1995: 364). As in all research subjects, it is important to ask the right questions. And equally important to recognize the degree to which the questions asked tend to determine the answers. Hodder remarks that "interpretation begins with the edge of the trowel" (1997: 693). I would go even further and argue that interpretation begins with the writing of the grant application, to say nothing of the very selection of the site and problem to be examined. Yet another difficulty in archaeology is that archaeologists require models in order to recreate the past societies they study. Where should these models come from? Ethnographies provide an obvious answer, but there is no methodology for testing their relevance. We can see today how ethnic groups select from and rewrite "history" in the process of self~~finitio~, and it is now widely accepted within social anthropology that it IS ImpOSSIble for an ethnographer working with a living population to gather "uncontaminated" evidence. I have, for example, recently listened to a paper that utterly demolished the classic Big Man society of Papua New Guinea as a pre-contact form. Indeed the models we choose in themselves determine to a large extent how we see human behavior in the past. Such difficulties of course simply reinforce the fact that the histories and archaeologies we write today, however closely we examine the surviving records, are of the present, and written for the present. Indeed knowledge is an artefact of lan¢u~ge, and it is ~ot only the lack. o~ comparability of meaning between sOOletles that can mIslead. Even as hvmg language changes, it can become impossible to recover meanings intended in the past. I would like to return briefly to ethnographies, with a salutary example, again from Cambridge, England. A few years ago we had our first research student from Papua New Guinea. A fascinating instance of an "insider" writing from the theoretical position of the "outsider." This young man's thesis dealt with aspects of warfare in PNG, specifically its social purpose and its associated material culture. Particularly significant are the shields that were used in battle and about which much has been written in western ethnographic literature. The lesson for archaeology is that the thesis provides fascinating "insider" examples of a mental logic for which there
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exists literally no appropriate western terminology nor even analogy (Muke 1993). Archaeology at present seems to be caught between the extremes of the cognitive and symbolic-at the uppermost rung of Christopher Hawkes' so-called Ladder of Inference (the still valid concept of a "four-tier scale" first proposed in a lecture here at Harvard some 45 years ago [1982: 100])and the reductionist reliance on the methodologies of science to which I referred earlier. The latter has had two deleterious effects. First, and for myself most seriously, the inhibition of the intuitive imagination that effective archaeological interpretation demands, however unscientific this may sound, and, second, an increasing tendency to focus on the minutiae of material studies, that is to focus on the more easily studied microstructures in preference to the broad sweep. Indeed it is increasingly only the brave, or the foolish, who take on the writing of the longue duree in preference to closely focussed analyses. You may well say at this stage, why bother? Part of the answer lies in the simple fact that human interest in the past, indeed man's search for "roots," seems virtually universal. Both history and archaeology serve this need, however erroneously understood. More important is the fact that empirical traces of the "past" do survive, however much we view them through a modern lens. One of the rewards of archaeology is that we can continue to add to, indeed alter, our understanding of the past, and that with new ideas can come new evidence. Even the unexpected can be found. Moreover, facts may be theory-laden but in the writing of archaeology, as in the writing of history, some reconstructions can be rejected as failing to accord with basic material data. That is, not "everything goes." My intention here has been to stress not simply the need for greater recognition of the limitations of our data, but equally for greater attention to them. This leads me finally to the international nature of our subject, and the writing of it. Not only does this internationality bring the benefit of different views and backgrounds to our understanding of the past but it places on us all the need to write with a clarity that is easily comprehensible, especially to those whose native language is not our own. Unfortunately some branches of our subject have developed in undesirable isolation and have been further estranged, to use Bruce Trigger's phrase, as a result of the "balkanization of their respective jargons" (1989: 12). I would also urge that archaeologists and historians should devote more time to reading each other's work and, in particular, that archaeologists themselves should take the time to re-examine not only the models but also the evidence on which earlier generalizations have been based. Current pressures to publish or be damned leave far too little time, and even less
inclination, to re-examine accepted wisdoms, and far too many general books are being published based on third- or even fourth-hand sources, or even worse. The meeting of minds of archaeologists and philologists at Rencontres like this is of great importance, and this year's subject should help us to see not only the degree to which our interests coincide but the fact that we suffer the same problems with respect both to the "meaning" of our evidence and its survival. Communication among us is essential. After all, we are all interested in the past. Thus I would like to end with the plea, again, that we all try to write clearly and simply-this does not exclude insight and imagination!-and that we avoid jargon. Simplicity does not imply lack of intelligence, rather the reverse, and we need to communicate with clarity not only among ourselves but with the wider public without whose interest and support our research would certainly suffer.
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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I would like to thank particularly Professor Irene Winter for her very helpful comments on the first draft of this paper, and Professor Ian Hodder for his long-standing tolerance of my views. REFERENCES Burckhardt, Jakob (1959) Judgments on History and Historians (trans.). London. Childe, V. Gordon (1947). History. London: Cobbett Press. Carr, E. H. (1987) What is History? (2 nd edition). London: Pelican Books. Clarke, David (1973) "Archaeology: The Loss of Innocence." Antiquity 47: 6-18. Flannery, K,V. (1973) "Archaeology with a Capital '5'." In c.L. Redman, ed., Research and Theory in Current Archaeology. New York: John Wiley & Sons. Pp. 47-58. Geertz, Clifford (1973) The Interpretation of Cllitures. New York: Basic Books. Hawkes, Christopher (1982) "Archaeological Retrospect 3." Antiquity 56: 93-101. Hodder, Ian (1997) "Always Momentary, Fluid and Flexible: Towards a Reflexive Excavation Methodology." Antiqllity 71: 691-700. Hunt, Lynn (1989) The New Clliturni History. Berkeley: University of California Press. Muke, John (1993) The Wahgi 'Gpo Kumbo'. An Accol/nt of Warfare in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea. Unpublished Ph.D. diss., University of Cambridge. Sherratt, Andrew (1995) Review in JFA 22: 363-65. Tinney, Steve (1995)" A New Look at Naram-Sin and the 'Great Rebellion'." JCS 47: 1-14. Trigger, Bruce G. (1989) A History of Arclweological Thougllt. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
The Importance of Place: Esarhaddon's Stelae at Til Barsip and Sam'al Barbara Nevling Porter Harvard Semitic Museum
IN RECENT YEARS, Assyriologists have become increasingly aware that ancient documents are not simply verbal artifacts-disembodied voices from the past, as it were-but physical artifacts as welt words written on particular objects and found in particular places. 1 While more and more studies now take into account the implications of a text or image's position within a building? however, the significance of place in the larger sensethe implications of placement in a particular city or geographical regionare still often overlooked. To illustrate the importance of place in this larger sense, I would like to consider here the case of three stelae erected by the Assyrian king Esarhaddon (681-669 B.C.E.) in two western cities: the city of Til Barsip (modern Tell A!:unar), a long-established Assyrian provincial capital on the
1 See Richard Zettler's eloquent plea for approaching texts in this way, "Written
Documents as Excavated Artifacts and the Holistic Interpretation of the Mesopotamian Archaeological Record/' in Tlte Stlldy of tile Ancient Near East in tlte Twenty-First Century: Tile William Foxwell Albrigltt Centennial Conference, Jerrold S. Cooper and Glenn M. Schwartz, eds. (Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns, 1996), pp. 81-102. 2
On the significance of text and image placement in palaces, see Irene J. Winter, "The Program of the Throneroom of Assurnasirpal II," in Essays on Near Eastern Art and Arcllaeology in Honor ofClwrles Kyrle Wilkinson, Prudence O. Harper and Holly Pittman, eds. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1983), pp. 15-31; John Malcolm Russell, Sennaclterib's Palace withollt Rival at Ninevelt (Chicago and London: U. of Chicago Press, 1991); ibid., "The Program of the Palace of Assurnasirpal II at Nimrud: Issues in the Research and Presentation of Assyrian Art," American JOllrnal of Arclweology, 102 (1998): 655-715. 373
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Fig. 2: The stela near the citadel at Til Barsip (M7502). (drawing courtesy of J. B()rker-Klahn, fro111 Altvordcmsilltiscilc BUdstelell, II, fig. 217)
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Fig. 1: The Sam'al slela (V A 27(8). (drawing courtcsy of J. B()l'kcl'-Klahn, from Altvordemsilltiscile BUdstelel/lIl1d VergleicMllre Fclsrclief~, II, Mainz am Rhcin, 1982, fig. 219)
Fig. 3: The stcla neal' the eastcrn gale at Til Bal'sip (M7497). (drawing courlcsy of J. B()l'kcl'-Klahn, from Altvordemsilltiscill' BUdstdell IIlld VergleicillJllrl' Felsrelil'fs, II, Mninz am Rhcin, 1982, fig. 2(8)
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upper Euphrates, and the nearby city of Sam' al (modern Zinc;irli), capital of a vassal state also called Sam'aI, which had come under direct Assyrian rule only shortly before Esarhaddon's reign. The stelae erected by Esarhaddon in these two cities (Figs. 1,2 and 3) are adorned with similar bas-reliefs that each depict Esarhaddon wearing the royal crown of Assyria and lifting a cup-like emblem of royal power in one hand 3 while two captives stand or kneel before him: one the crown prince of Egypt, the most prominent captive of Esarha?don's r~ce~tly tr.ium~hant Egyptian campaign, and the other the rebel King AbdI-MIlkut.h SId.on, who had been captured (and in fact executed) some years earlIer. RelIefs on the sides of each stela depict Esarhaddon's sons Assurbanipal and Samas-sum-ukin, who had recently bee.n ap~ointed as his heir~ to t~e thrones of Assyria and Babylonia, respectively. The three stelae, WIth theIr similar images of Esarhaddon, were carved during a brief period at the end of Esarhaddon's reign, in the interval between his return from the successful Egyptian campaign late in the summer of 671 B.C.E. (a campaign evok~d by the image of the captive prince on the face of all three stelae and dIScussed in one of their inscriptions) and his death from a sudden onset of illness two years later, in the fall of 669 B.C.E. One of the Til Barsip stelae was
01
3 Exactly what the raised object is remains unclear (in different carvings it resembles variously a banana, horn, or cup) but it was clearly an attribute of
royalty, first in Babylonian imagery and later, Assyrian; see Julian Reade, "Ideology and Propaganda in Assyrian Art," in Power and Propaganda: A Symposillm on Ancient Empires, Mogens Trolle Larsen, ed. (Mesopotamia, vol. 7; Copenhagen: Akademisk Forlag, 1979), p. 341. The object is held by kings except on a strip of bronze (Musee du Louvre, AO 21085), which shows it in the hands of both Esarhaddon and his mother Naqi'a. 4 On the identity of the captives, see F. Thureau-Dangin, "Tell Al)mar," Syria 10 (1929): 191-92 and n. 2. 5 Although at Til Barsip the figures on the side of the stelae are depicted almost as generic Assyrians, they each wear back-pendants with tassels, the identifying mark of Assyrian crown princes: see Thureau-Dangin op. cit., p. 192 and J.E. Reade, "The Neo-Assyrian Court and Army: Evidence from the Sculptures," Iraq 34 (1972): 93, and "Kronprinz, B. Archaologisch," in Reallexikon der Assyriologie, Bd. 6, D.O. Edzard, ed. (Berlin and New York: Walter de Gruyter, 1982), pp. 249-50. The pendant of the prince on the right flank of the stela erected near the Til Barsip citadel does not appear in published photos and drawings, but traces of it are in fact discernible when the stela is closely examined.
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in fact never quite completed, its inscription and carving evidently brought to a halt by the king's unexpected death. 6 Discussions of the three stelae by art historians have emphasized their similarities, while largely ignoring the quite different texts inscribed on them? Philologists meanwhile have discussed the texts as unrelated documents, at most briefly noting that the texts are inscribed on stelae and accompanied by carved images. 8 Some communication between these two camps might well prove illuminating. After all, if the stelae are as similar as the art historians' treatment would lead one to believe, why should philologists keep treating the inscriptions on them in total isolation from one another? Similarly, if the philologists are right in treating the inscriptions 6
For the dates of the Egyptian campaign and the king's death, see Simo Parpola, Letters frOI1l Assyrian Selwlars to the Kings Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal, Part II: Commentary and Appendices (Neukirchen/Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag and Verlag Butzon and Bercker Kevelaer, 1983), pp. 428-29. The incomplete stela, one of two erected at Til Barsip, breaks off in mid-sentence, leaving about five ruled lines still empty, and shows the feet of the prince on the stela's left flank only as lines etched on the surface of the stone, not yet sculpted.
7
E.g., Thureau-Dangin, Syria 10 (1929): 185-205, who commented in publishing one of the Til Barsip stelae, "Cette stele rappelle de tres pres la stele assyrieJUle de Sendjirli sinon par Ie style, au moins par les representations. C'est Ie meme programme qui a ete execute aSendjirli par un artiste indigene et a Tell AI:unar par un artiste probablement assyrien" (p. 190). Although acknowledging visual differences, he treats the stelae essentially as duplicates, using the evidence of sign placement in one Til Barsip stela to confirm the identity of a figure on the Sam'al stela (p.192). See also F. Thureau-Dangin and Maurice Dunand, Til-Barsib (Paul Geuthner: Paris, 1936), pp. 151-52 and pp. 155-56. See, more recently, J. Reade, "Kronprinz," p. 250; J.M. Russell, "Til Barsip," in Dictionary of Art, Jane Turner, ed. (Macmillan: 1996), pp. 873-74; and Jutta Borker-Klahn, Altvorderasiatiselw Bildstelen lind vergleichbare Felsreliefs (Baghdader Forschungen, 4; Philipp von Zabern: Mainz am Rhein, 1982), vol. I, pp. 212-13. Borker-Klahn comments, "Zwar ist die Stele [from Sam'al] im Grossen und Ganzen eine seitenverkehrte Wiederholung del' beiden aus Til Barsib ... ," and cites evidence from the Til Barsip reliefs to reject a proposed interpretation of the Sam'al relief.
8 Scholarly discussions of the text used at Sam'al include Anthony Spa linger,
"Esarhaddon and Egypt: An Analysis of the First Invasion of Egypt," Or NS43 (1974): 295-326; Hans-Ulrich Onasch, Die assyrischen Eroberungen Aegyptens. Teill: Kommentare lind Anmerkllnge" (Aegypten und Altes Testament, 27/1; Wiesbaden: 1994), pp. 23-24; and David B. Weisberg "Esarhaddon and Egypt: A Preliminary Investigation," Michmanim, 9 (1996): 147-55. The text displayed at Til Barsip has not, to my knowledge, been discussed at any length.
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as completely unrelated, how can art historians continue to discuss the monuments on which they are inscribed as essentially duplicates of one another? Although the stelae erected in the two cities are indeed quite similar, as we will see, they nevertheless differ in significant ways. These differences between closely related stelae-differences that are in fact both visual and verbal-suggest that the Assyrians had fine-tuned these monuments to deliver subtly different messages to audiences in different political circumstances. Esarhaddon's three stelae, in short, suggest the importance of place in understanding Assyrian texts and visual images. To see how this works, we need to look more closely at the two cities where the stelae were displayed and then at the stelae themselves. The city of Til Barsip, which commanded the Euphrates River crossing on one of the main routes linking Assyria and the Mediterranean (Fig. 4), was a key point for controlling both trade and military movements in the west. 9 Captured by Shalmaneser III in 856 B.C.E., it was prom~tly declared an Assyrian royal city, with an Assyrian general as its ruler. 0 Gradually evolving into an
i
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9 For a survey of the evidence for Assyrian Til Barsip with further bibliography,
see Guy Bunnens, 'Til Barsib under Assyrian Domination: A Brief Account of the Melbourne University Excavations at Tell Ahmar," in Assyria 1995, S. Parpola and R.M. Whiting, eds. (Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997), pp. 17-28; idem, "Tall Al)mar/Til Barsip, 1988-1992," A rch iv filr Orientforsclw ng 40-41 (1993-94): 221-25; and Carlo Zaccagnini, "Sulla Collina Rossa," Archeo 10 (Sept., 1995): 24-32. For an account of the first excavations at the site, see Thureau-Dangin and Dunand, Til-Barsib (1936). For the excavation of Sam'al, see Felix von Luschan, Allsgrabllngen von Sendscllirli, 5 vols. (Berlin: Spemann, 1893-1943). On the history and culture of both cities, see J.D. Hawkins, "The Neo-Hittite States in Syria and Anatolia," in Tile Cambridge Ancient History, 2nd ed., vol. III, Part 1, John Boardman et al., eds. (Cambridge, London, New York: Cambridge U. Press, 1982), pp. 372-441; Helene S. Sader, Les Etats arameens de Syrie depllis leur fondation jllsqll'illellr transformation en provinces assyrienlles (Beiruter Texte und Studien, 36; Beirut: Franz Steiner, 1987); and P.-E. Dion, Les Arameens ill'flge dll fer: Histoire politique et structures sociales (Etudes Bibliques, n.s., 34; Paris: Librairie Le Coffre, 1997).
.
10 The relevant inscriptions of Shalmaneser III are listed and excerpted in Sader, pp. 55ff. For the complete texts, see A. Kirk Grayson, Assyrian Rulers ofthe Early First Millennium BC II (858-745 BC) (RIM, Assyrian Periods, 3; Toronto: U. of Toronto Press, 1996). The appointment of a general to rule Til Barsip and the other captured cities in the region is reported only in a rather literary account of the campaign, "Shalmaneser Ill's Campaign to Urartu," in Alasdair livingstone, ed., COllrt Poetry and Literary Miscellanea (SAA 3; Helsinki: Helsinki U. Press, 1989), p. 44. The remains of the palace that now survive date primarily
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Assyrian provincial capital, Til Barsip with its imposing citadel and palace served as a major Assyrian administrative center in the west for over 200 years. 11 Under the control of a resident Assyrian governor, and with Assyrians living in the city alongside its native residents, Til Barsip became in a short time a loyal and highly Assyrianized western city.12 Sam'al, located in a valley 120 kilometers to the northwest, was more isolated than Til Barsip and less important strategically. Although it had submitted to Assyria shortly after Til Barsip's conquest, it was allowed to remain semi-independent for some 150 years, paying tribute and supplying troops to Assyria but ruled by its own native kingsP Shortly before Esarhaddon's reign, however, Sam'al had come under direct Assyrian rule-perhaps because of attempted revolt. 14 To compound Assyrian mis-
to the time of Tiglath-pileser III and later; there are traces of earlier Assyrian construction that may date as early as Shalmaneser (Sader, 83). 11 As one of the largest fortified cities in the region, it probably became a center of Assyrian administration soon after its conquest, and Assyrian governors of Til-Barsip are attested from the late ninth century on; for citations, see my forthcoming article, "Assyrian Propaganda for the West: Esarhaddon's Stelae for Til Barsip and Sam'al," in Syria ill tlte l/'On Age, Guy Bunnens, ed., Abr Nal/rain Supplement Series, note 11. The archaeological record suggests that Til Barsip continued as an Assyrian provincial capital until the fall of the empire (see Bunnens in Assyria 1995, esp. p. 10).
12 For the strongly Assyrian material culture of Til Barsip under Assyrian domination, see Bunnens in Assyria 1995, p. 10; on the strikingly Assyrian nature of the pottery remains from the city, see Andrew S. Jamieson, "NeoAssyrian Pottery from Tell Ahmar," to appear in Studies 011 11'011 Age Pottery ill Nortllern Mesopotamia, Nortl/ Syria and SOl/tltern Anatolia, A. Hausleiter and A. Reiche, eds. (Munster). On the partial survival of western culture in the city, however, see my comments in "Assyrian Propaganda for the West: Esarhaddon's Stelae for Til Barsip and Sam'al," in Syria in tlte 11'011 Age, G. Bunnens, ed. (forthcoming). 13 For a survey of the city's history and further bibliography, see the essays of Hawkins, Sader, and Dion, cited in note 9, above. The inscriptions of Sam'ai's kings, composed under Assyrian domination but written in the Sam'alian language, are transliterated and translated by Sader, pp. 156ff. For Sam'alian artistic style under Assyrian domination, see Horst Klengel, ed., Ku/tl/rgesclticllte des a/ten Vorderasien (Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1989), figs. 182, 194, and 195. 14 Sam'al was already a province in 681 B.C.E., since the eponym for that year is identified as its governor (Alan Millard, Tlte Epollyms of tlte Assyriall Empire,
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givings about Sam'al's reliability at this point, the ruler of the cities of Kundu and Sissu, only sixty kilometers from Sam'al and directly linked to it by road, then joined Abdi-Milkutti of Sidon (the rebel king pictured on the three stelae) in a revolt against Assyria in the fourth year of Esarhaddon's reign. 15 Although Sam' al in fact remained faithful to Assyria and the revolt was suppressed, the incident had made it clear that Sam' al was likely to be under pressure from its neighbors and might not prove so reliable in the future. Unlike the highly Assyrianized and long loyal Til Barsip, Sam'al's loyalty to Assyria could not be taken for granted. Despite their differences, both cities were at this point Assyrian provincial capitals in the west, dependent on Assyria for their protection. The scene selected for display on the stelae in the two cities addresses their shared concerns. In broad terms, it conveys the message that Assyria was in firm control of the west, a point made by depicting two western captives whose states had recently opposed Assyria and been soundly defeated. Abdi-Milkutti, the Phoenician rebel, is clearly identified for viewers by his characteristically Phoenician hat and also by his captive state (important because it distinguished him from another Phoenician rebel, King Ba'al of Tyre, who was embarrassingly still at large). The Egyptian prince, a Nubian, is identified by his Negroid features, unusual in Assyrian reliefs, and by the uraeus crown of Egypt, which he wears (see figs. 1-3). Since Esarhaddon had been defeated in an earlier campaign in Egypt, the kneeling Egyptian prince on the stelae reminds viewers that Esarhaddon had now succeeded in beating Egypt and that the Assyrians might prove to be invincible in the west after all. The images of the captives on the front of the three stelae are a visual declaration of Assyria's domination of the west, while the images of the Assyrian crown princes on the sides of the stelae imply Assyria's future control of the region as well. Although the visual elements in the scene as a whole convey this basic message of Assyrian power in both cities, the treatment of the figures is quite different at Til Barsip and Sam' aI, subtly changing the implications of the scene. At Til Bat'sip (Figs. 2 and 3), for example, the Assyrian king, his
910-612 B.C. [SAAS, II; Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1994], p. 103), but exactly when and why it had lost its partial independence is still unclear.
15 Reported in the Babylonian Chronicles, Chrn. I, iv, 3-8 (A. Kirk Grayson, Assyriall and Babyloniall Cltronicles [TCS, 5; Locllst Valley, N.Y.: Augllstin, 1975], p. 83) and in Esarhaddon's inscriptions, Nineveh A-P, episodes 5 and 6, pp. 48-50 (Riekele Borger, Die Illschriftell Asarllflddons Konigs von Assyrien [Graz: self-publication, 1956]).
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two sons, and both captives are all shown wearing Assyrian-style tunics (the king is distinguished by overlapping front panels suggesting a coat cut along similar lines), and all but the Egyptian are shown with a squared-off, Assyrian-style beard, which was sometimes also worn by westerners. The imagery is inclusive, suggesting a close relationship between Assyrians and their western subjects. The captives shown here-who were after all both westerners-are accorded a certain dignity, raising their hands in a gesture as much of salute as of appeal and staring rather woodenly at the king's belt, not beseechingly at his face (Fig. 5). The two Assyrian princes on the sides of the stelae are presented as generic Assyrians, distinguished only by their back pendants (a mark of crown princes in Assyria) and by the tasseled sash worn by the prince who faces the king's back (Figs. 2 and 3).16 Esarhaddon's heirs, in other words, are presented to Til Barsip as acceptable simply because they are nice Assyrian boys. The visual images employed on the stelae at Til Barsip are appropriate for loyal western subjects of Assyria, affirming Assyria's power to protect them and encouraging their continued loyalty and identification with Assyrian interests. The text chosen for use at Til Barsip, inscribed only on the stela erected near the citadel, sends a similar message.1 7 After an introduction, now destroyed by weathering, the text describes Esarhaddon's kindness to a loyal Arab vassal whose plundered gods Esarhaddon had returned and whose son, deposed by a rival, Esarhaddon had helped to reclaim the throne of his father. After listing Esarhaddon's victories, the text then tells the story of the rebellious king Abdi-Milkutti. Although the text is badly damaged by weathering in this section as well, Abdi-Milkutti's name is clearly readable at the beginning of the passage, and the following eight lines, now illegible, presumably once told the full story of his revolt and defeat as described in other Esarhaddon inscriptions. The text then breaks off in mid-sentence as it begins to describe the making of the stela, leaving about five ruled lines still uninscribed. Although the text as we have it is not quite finished, probably because of Esarhaddon's sudden death from illness, its message is clear: it tells the story of a faithful vassal rewarded and of a rebellious (and not incidentally western) vassal firmly punished. It is a text designed to reassure loyal western Assyrian subjects. The Sam'al stela (Fig. 1) is different, both visually and verbally. To begin with, Sam' aI, which had remained relatively independent of Assyria
16 17
See above, note 5. The significance of the tasselled sash is unclear to me. The inscription is published in Borger, lnscllriften Asarlmddolls, Mnm. B, pp. 100-1.
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until shortly before Esarhaddon's reign and had a still vigorous native culture/ 8 would probably not have been flattered by images showing almost everyone as nearly Assyrian, so ethnic identities are this time underlined. Esarhaddon is shown here in Assyrian court dress that contrasts with the simple tunic and characteristic peaked cap of the Phoenician king. The Assyrian princes, similarly, are shown in the native royal dress of their future realms, Assyria and Babylonia. 19 The three Assyrians' square beards further distinguish them from Abdi-Milkutti, who is now given a pointed beard, underlining his non-Assyrian character. In contrast to the depiction of the figures on the face of the stela, who are given the body proportions typical of Assyrian style, the princes on the flanks of the stela are shown with the unusually large head and compressed upper body that was a convention of western carving, particularly marked at Sam'al (Figs. 1 and 6). The effect is to give the two Assyrian princes a strikingly western appearance, as if to encourage their acceptance in Sam'al by presenting them almost as Sam'alian natives. Another significant difference is the more demeaning treatment of the captives on the Sam'al stela. At Til Barsip, the captives' heads come almost to the level of the king's waist, and the Egyptian prince is decently clothed in a tunic, whose hem is clearly visible across his lower legs (Fig. 5). At Sam'al, in contrast, the captives are shown as much smaller figures, their heads reaching only to the king's knees, while the absence of any hemline, together with the strongly modelled leg muscles of the Egyptian prince that are visible here, suggest that he is naked except for his crown (Fig. 1). On the Sam' al stela leashes held in Esarhaddon's lower hand run to clearly carved rings piercing the captives' lips; at Til Barsip the lip rings have been omitted and-although it is impossible to be sure because the area in front of the figures on both Til Barsip stelae is now either weathered or completely broken away-the leashes may have been omitted as well (the
18
19
See note 13 above. Under Assyrian domination, Sam'al's kings built a series of impressive palaces in the local style and continued to erect royal monuments inscribed in languages of the West and marked by traditional Sam'alian artistic conventions. The city also continued to use its own distinctive pottery. The heir to the Assyrian throne, like his father, wears Assyrian royal dress. On his brother's Babylonian clothing, see Thureau-Dangin in Thureau-Dangin and Dunand, Til-Barsib, p. 152 and Reade, "Kronprinz," p. 250; this backpleated garment is shown on klldllrrll-monuments of the ninth-century Babylonian king Marduk-zakir-lIumi (A. Parrot, The Arts of Assyria [New York: Golden Press,19611, fig. 217) and of the eighth-century king Merodachbaladan II (Parrot, fig. 216).
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Figure 6: Crown prince AssuJ'banipal, depicted in the western style with large head and shortened torso, on the Sam'al stela. (photo: B.N. Porter, used by permission of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)
Fig. 5: The captives, as shown on the Til Barsip stela from the citadel area (M7502). (photo: Anwar Abde! Chafout', Courtesy of the Syrian National Museum, Aleppo)
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Fig. 7: The word" AMur" inscribed on the beard of King Abdi-Milkutti on the Sam'al stela. (Photo: B.N. Porter, used by permission of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin)
looped leashes in the drawing reproduced here depict a modern plaster reconstruction of that part of the stela by the museum; on the other stela, the king holds in place of the loops a single circular ring, reminiscent of the ancient "rod and ring" emblem).20 In addition, the heads of the captives are thrown back as they are rendered on the Sam'al stela, so that the small figures appear to gaze up beseechingly at the king's impassive face. In an ironic twist, the scribe who laid out the Sam'al inscription has aJ'l'anged the spacing of the text so that the word" AMllr" appears on the pointed beard of the captured Phoenician king (Fig. 7), as if labelling him as Assyrian 20
The area between the figures is badly weather-damaged in the gateway stela, while this section of the stela neal' the citadel is almost entirely broken away. No trace of leashes now survives on either stela, even on close examination with angled light, although the possibility of lightly incised leashes now destroyed by damaging cannot be entirely eliminated. The king holds a baton 01' scepter in his hand along with the ring, as if in echo of the "rod and ring" of ancient builder kings.
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property.21 The message of the Sam'al stela's visual images, in sum, is not one of inclusion and reassurance for loyal subjects, but rather one of warning for potentially disloyal subjects: a graphic reminder that opponents of Assyria-western or not-would be captured and shamed. The text used on the Sam'al stela sends a similar message. 22 After listing Esarhaddon's titles and epithets, including "holder of the leashes of kings," a pointed reference to the leashed captives in the Sam'al carving, it turns to a long description of Esarhaddon's recent campaign against the Egyptian pharaoh, Tarqu. The reason for the campaign, it says, is that Egypt had "sinned against the god Assur, been disrespectful," evidently a reference to Egypt's persistent support for western revolts against Assyria (rev., ll. 33-34). The text then recounts in detail how Esarhaddon crossed the desert to Egypt, pursued the pharaoh (striking him five times with arrows) and finally defeated him, capturing palace, family, treasure-and crown prince (rev. II. 33-49). As in the Til Barsip inscription, the Sam'al text ends with a brief account of the construction and erection of the stela itself (rev., ll. 50-53). The Sam'al text, like the scene it accompanies, delivers the message that those who dare to oppose Assyria will be defeated and punished. Both visually and verbally, the message of the Sam'al stela is different from that projected by the two stelae displayed at Til Barsip. The message here is not one designed for loyal and trusted subjects, but one more appropriate for a city that might well be contemplating revolt. 21 The layout of the signs, which inserts large spaces between groups of signs both in this line and the line before it, suggests this placement of the cuneiform signs was not accidental. (See von Luschan, AlIsgm/lllllgclI ill SClldsC/lirli, I, Taf. IV, for a copy of the text that reproduces the spacing of the signs; it does not, however, show the carved figures in relation to the signs.) The cuneiform sign for the word" Assur" was carefully isolated on the beard, separated from its pl'e- and post-position determinalives by sufficient space fOl' perhaps three more signs-ample 1'00m for a different placement of the signs if desired. In a second example of placement of signs that seems deliberately related to the accompanying visual image, the words, "kings who would not bow to him ... he .. .trampled at his feet" are literally placed beneath Esarhaddon's feet on the face of the stela. The suggestion that the word" Assur" on the beard was meant as an ironic property label is less conjectural than it may seem. Other objects taken as booty in Esarhaddon's reign were similarly labelled. See the inscriptions on two alabaster vases from the Alten Palasl at Assur that identify them as booty taken by Esarhaddon from Abdi-Milkutti (published in Borger, l11scltriftcl1 Asarltaddol1s, as "AssUl' D"). 22 Published by Borger, 111scltrijtc11 Asarltaddol1s, Mnm. A, pp. 96-100.
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The stelae, massive and heavy, were probably carved in the cities where they were later displayed; minor differences between them, such as the more rounded toes of the king's shoes on the Sam'al stela, probably simply reflect the different local aesthetic traditions of the artisans who laid out the designs and carved them. 23 But the visual differences that we have been examining here are more than matters of local style; they form a significant pattern, making the carved figures subtly reinforce the message of the different texts inscribed across them. The three stelae, commissioned in the same brief period and depicting essentially the same scene, were almost certainly thought of as a matched set by the Assyrian officials who had commissioned them. The differences between the stelae erected in the two cities were not accidental, as the selection of texts with different subject matter and different implications makes clear. The choice of those texts and the subtle coordination of the visual imagery with them strongly suggests the Assyrians intended the stelae to deliver different messages to the two cities in which they were placed. In both cities the message of the stelae was evidently meant for public consumption. The stela erected at Sam'al was placed within the gate leading onto the citadel; of the two stelae erected at Til Barsip, one was placed just inside the eastern city gate, while the other was erected in the open square at the base of the citadel. In these locations, none of the three stelae would have been easy to overlook. The Sam' al stela weighs over 6000 kilograms and stands more than 11 feet tall?4 one of the Til Barsip stelae is about the same size, while the second is even larger. 25 The three stelae were not only publicly displayed, they were unavoidable. The scenes carved on the three stelae, cast in a familiar visual vocabulary, would have been comprehensible to almost anyone who saw them. The texts, which required reading, would have been directly accessible only to the more limited-but powerful-audience comprised of scribes and their employers, an audience that probably included Assyrian officials and bureaucrats, visiting foreign dignitaries, and members of wealthy families in both cities. If the texts inscribed on the stelae were also read 23
Thureau-Dangin suggests plausibly that the Sam'al artisan was local and that the designer and carver of the Til Barsip stele was either Assyrian or Assyriantrained (note 4, above).
24 The Sam'al stele is 3.46 meters high and was mounted on a massive stone base
1.11 meters high (von Luschan, Sendscl!ir/i, I, p. 2, note 3, and p. 14). 25 The stele by the east gate was 3.30 meters high on a 2.40 m. stone pedestal; the
stele placed near the citadel stood 3.80 meters high and stood on a base 1.10 m. high (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand, Til-Bnrsib, p. 155).
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aloud during public dedication ceremonies for the stelae, perhaps even translated for the occasion into the local Aramaic dialect (a scenario that seems likely but remains hypothetical), the texts would have reached almost everyone in the two cities, directly, or later by word of mouth. The Assyrian king, his gods, and future rulers were probably also part of the intended audience for the texts, as seems to be the case for all Assyrian royal inscriptions, but people in the cities where the texts were publicly displayed were certainly part of their intended audience as well. The differences in the stelae and their texts seem designed to address the different circumstances of people living in those cities, encouraging each to support Assyria. Esarhaddon's three stelae, intended less to inform the two cities than to persuade them and designed in part to affect their political attitudes and behavior by means of carefully chosen visual and verbal images, are examples of a nuanced public relations effort. It is sometimes implied that Assyrian public monuments and texts projected a single, undifferentiated message of intimidation and reassurance to the empire at large. The differences in the Til Barsip and Sam'al stelae suggest instead that the Assyrians in some cases carefully adapted their public message for different audiences, even within one region-a conclusion that underlines the importance of place in understanding visual and verbal texts. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
I am indebted to a number of individuals and institutions for making this study possible: The American Philosophical Society for a generous travel grant; The Harvard Semitic Museum for once again providing research facilities; Dr. Evelyn Klengel-Brandt, Director, and Dr. Iris Gerlach and the staff of the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin, Vorderasiatisches Abteilung, for their generous welcome and help in my research in the museum collections; Dr. Sultan Muhesen, Director General of Antiquities, Syrian Arab Republic, and Mr. Wahid Khayata, Director of the Syrian National Museum, Aleppo, and his staff for permitting my studies in Syria and for warm hospitality and help during my work in the museum; Mr. Anwar Abdel Ghafour, photographer of the National Museum, Aleppo, for providing me with superb new photographs of the Til Barsip stelae; my husband, Dr. Michael H. Porter, for once again providing maps, advice, and perceptive editorial comment; Prof. Grant Frame, Prof. Irene J. Winter, Dr. J.E. Reade, and Prof. Nadav Na'aman for their thoughtful comments at various stages of this study; and above all, Profs. Guy Bunnens and Arlette Roobaert for generously inviting me to Tell Ahmar and helping me there in
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every way possible, and the excavation team at Tell Ahmar for their warm welcome and unfailing patience with a colleague who is certainly no archaeologist; and finally the people of Syria and especially of Tell Ahmar, who plied me with tea and kindness and made me feel truly welcome. I am grateful to them all. I also thank Dr. Jutta Borker-KHihn for permission to reproduce here drawings from her book Altvorderasiatische Bildstelen und Vergleichbare Felsreliefs (Mainz am Rhein: Phillip von Zabern, 1982), II; Mr. Anwar Abdel Ghafour, Mr. Wahid Khayata and the Syrian National Museum, Aleppo, for permission to reproduce here their photographs of the Til Barsip stelae; and Dr. Evelyn Klengel-Brandt and the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin for permission to use here study photographs made by me of materials in the museum's collections.
Reading the Sargonic 'Historical-Literary'Tradition: Is There a Middle Course? (Thoughts on The Great Revolt against Naram-Sin) Timothy Potts Kimbell Art Museum
THE OLD AKKADIAN DYNASTY, though it lasted for less than two centu-
ries, left an indelible mark on the Mesopotamian concept of kingship. The dynasty's founder Sargon and his grandson Naram-Sin were celebrated in later historiographic tradition above all other rulers. Stories of their heroic origins, their legendary conquests (and, in the case of Naram-Sin, his fatal hubris) set the standard of what a great king could achieve, one that all would-be conquerors for over 1500 years aspired to emulate. At the center of this tradition lie two broad categories of evidence. First and most important are the royal inscriptions recounting the kings' deeds that were inscribed on stelae and other sculptural monuments, mostly known to us today only from Old Babylonian copies made up to 700 years after the original inscriptions. 1 Why the Old Akkadian royal inscriptions were copied so extensively by the Old Babylonian scribes is not entirely clear. A reverence of tradition and the heroic past, as well as an interest in history in a more scholarly sense, both no doubt played a part, as may also, on a more practical level, the use of the Sargonic inscriptions as convenient
A distinct but related class of evidence are the Sargonic year-names, some of which refer to historical events (for Sargon and Naram-Sin, see RIME 2: 8, 8587). Although many questions of historicity arise here also, the contemporary year-names provide an invaluable touchstone of perceived historical importance at the time of the events themselves. Also related are the 'historical' omens concerning Sargonic kings, some of which clearly stem from the same traditions as the royal inscriptions.
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sources for teaching the older form of the Akkadian language. Whatever the motive(s) it is important to note that the inscriptions seem to have been very faithfully reproduced (often down to the Old Akkadian sign forms) by the Old Babylonian scribes, and commentators have therefore been prepared to regard these copies as accurate reproductions of the original Old Akkadian inscriptions. Whether we can believe what these inscriptions relate is quite another question; but at least we may treat them as primary historical data. This cannot so easily be said of the second category of material that lies behind, or rather at the forefront, of the Sargonic tradition-the so-called 'historical-literary compositions'. The bipolar name is itself symptomatic of the key issue; are these documents 'historical'?-accounts, in a broad sense, of what actually happened. Or are they 'literary'?-essentially creative works of fiction. Or are they, as their hyphenated conjunction implies, hybrids combining aspects of both? In her recent edition of this corpus, Legends of the Kings of Akkade (1997), Joan Goodnick Westenholz brings the relevant Akkadian texts together. 2 For Sargon, there are, as she categorizes them, ten principal compositions (J. Westenholz 1997: 4f.): two pseudo-autobiographies; two or possibly three texts dealing with his rise and usurpation of power from Ur-Zababa; four dealing with foreign conquests; and two putative letters. For Naram-Sin there are twelve compositions (ibid.: 5): one dealing with a war against Apishal; one legend where Naram-Sin joins forces with Erra to combat Enlil and other unnamed enemies; an elegy on his death, recounting the dead king's deeds; five compositions dealing with a great revolt against him in Mesopotamia and, in some texts, in foreign lands (these in Hittite as well as Akkadian); three versions of the so-called .Cuthean Legend of Naram-Sin concerning his battles against hordes of foreign invaders; and the Curse of Agade, in which Naram-Sin is implicated in the fall of the Akkadian capital. Perhaps the first point to be made about this corpus is that it is a modern scholarly amalgam, among which a number of important distinctions can be made in terms of structure, style, date, redactional history and purpose ibid.: 16-29). The compositions vary in date of composition/redaction from Old Akkadian to Late Babylonian times, and in style from panegyric poetry to prose narrative. Some may be early attempts to write down oral legends or to turn royal inscriptions into epic tales for wider dissemination, but others are the finished products of a long literary development and some may be new inventions of Late Assyrian/Babylonian times with only the 2 To her text 16A add now the fragment published by Charpin 1997.
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loosest of connections to historical events (and perhaps, in cases like the Cuthean Legend's "warriors with bodies of cave birds, a race with ravens' faces," no pretence to anything more). The tablets themselves range from crude writing exercises by pupils to elegant library copies. What can be said of one tablet, composition or category, therefore, cannot be applied uncritically to the others. Over the past century, this corpus has been defined by numerous authors in almost as many different ways. The sub-categories have involved a combination of literary criteria characterizing the form and style of the work (pseudo-, simulated- or fictional-autobiography; nara-literature, 'adventure novel', 'poetic narrative', epic etc.) and criteria that assert or imply a judgment of the historicity / fictionality of the work ('historicalliterary' texts, 'literary-historical' texts, 'historical epics', legends, myths etc.). This mixing of stylistic and historiographic criteria, while understandable, has complicated and often confused the definition of the categories by creating alternate schemes that cut across each other; and, in the case of the historiographic classifications, has perhaps begged the crucial question of whether, in fact, some of these works have an historical basis. Westenllolz bases her characterization of these works on comparative folk literature analysis, defining them as legends, which she is careful to distinguish from myths and fairy tales. She quotes Bascom's characterization of legends as: "prose narratives which,like myths, are regarded as true by the narrator and his audience, but they are set in a period considerably less remote [thanmythsl, when the world was much as it is today. Legends are more often secular than sacred, and their principal characters are human. They tell of migrations, wars and victories, deeds of past heroes, chiefs and kings, and succession in ruling dynasties" (ibid.: 22). Westenholz goes on to emphasize the "historical features (the 'belief factor') [of legends1and their didactic nature .... The rela tionship of legend to history is closer than that of fiction to fact; the legend may not contain objective truth, but it is accepted as true in its cultural context. This belief in its historicity is an essential element of legend" (ibid.: 22f.). Here she captures the important dimension of credibility, which seems to attach also to the Sargonic compositions: the stories, whether based in some way on historical events or not, whether pasted together from earlier texts and oral traditions or freely invented, were composed in a way that was (with some exceptions) plausible to their audience. They fitted into a system of beliefs that supported, or at least was consistent with, the veracity of the events described. In recent decades there has been an increasing tendency to see these compositions not as accounts or reflections of historical events (as earlier
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interpreters had assumed) but as 'literary' or 'propagandistic' creations. These works can, it is said, tell us much about the time in which they were written and the propagandistic or other political circumstances of their day-if we know how to read between the lines-but they do not have an historical kernel. They are not in any sense historical accounts with a literary overlay. Perhaps the most detailed and far-reaching analysis along these lines has been by Mario Liverani in his contributions to Akkad The First World Empire: Structure, Ideology, Traditions (1993). What Liverani says there is, to a greater or lesser extent, reflective of a more general questioning-often now a forthright denial-of the historical relevance of much 'historiographic' literature from the ancient Near East. As well as Akkadian works, this contextual-intertextual approach has been applied to Sumerian compositions like the Sumerian King List and the epic poems of the EnrnerkarLugalbanda cycle. 3 Liverani characterizes this new approach to the Sargonic tradition in Kuhnian terms as: a real Copernican revolution ... that finally took away from the gravitational centre the absurd search for the 'historical kernel', and put in its place the search for the environment of the text itself, its purpose, its audience, and the historical knowledge that was really available at that time (Liverani 1993: 6). In the case of the Akkadian compositions Sargon and Naram-Sin ... lose their role as protagonists, to assume that of stand-in for personages (mostly unknown to us) of the period in which the texts were composed. The enterprises of the Akkad kings become prestigious 'quotations' hinting at political problems that were under debate at that [later] time. Consequently, a lot of assumed information on the Akkad dynasty fades away .... On the other side, we get information on quite different matters, i.e. on the political problems at the time of [the] texts' composition, and on the use of Akkad as model-dynasty for the succeeding periods. These improvements are solid and reliable, although they are often more difficult to be achieved than the banal extraction of single pieces of historical information ... [T]he decoding procedure is to be applied in a reverse way: we have to imagine or to postulate the author, the historical juncture and the communicative aims that best explain the extant message3
For a convenient listing of non-historical readings of these and other cuneiform sources, see Tinney 1995: 2, n. 9; and, for continuing scepticism regarding TI,e Great Revolt, Charpin 1997, esp. pp. 14-17, n. 15.
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the only "real thing" we have, and very often in a fragmentary state
(ibid.: 47f.). Liverani summarizes his position saying: In comparison to the old pattern (Akkadian historical kernel, plus
Old Babylonian literary form) the upsetting is almost complete: Old Babylonian political kernel, plus Akkadian literary coloring ... The Akkadian 'quotations' are just a frame [upon the text]: a selection of personages, of narrative motifs, of phraseological repertories. The study of the literary texts about the Akkadian kings cannot tempt us to increase our inventory of reliable information on the Akkadian age, but can and must tempt us to increase our knowledge of the Old Babylonian (and later) political debates (ibid.: 51£.). He substantiates this position by examining four of the compositions dealing with Sargonic kings and in each case suggests an event or circumstance in post-Akkadian times that he proposes to be the real occasion of the work's composition. The conclusion is thus always the same: the compositions are only apparently about Sargon and Naram-Sin. In reality they are veiled commentaries on events of later date, for which the Sargonic kings and their deeds provide convenient topoi-historical'quotations', as it were, that provide propagandistic precedents or justificatory rationales for the actions of the later rulers. 4 In the case of The Great Revolt, a story ostensibly concerning a revolt of Mesopotamian and foreign lands against Naram-Sin preserved in two texts of Old Babylonian date,S Liverani argues that we are dealing with a 4
5
Liverani's conclusions (1993: 52-63) about the three works not discussed in detail here may be briefly summarized as follows. The King of Battle, relating an expedition by Sargon to relieve the merchants of Purushkhanda, was in fact invented at the time of the Old Assyrian trade with Anatolia to justify efforts involved in initiating or protecting that trade. The C!lrse of Agade, nominally about how Naram-Sin destroyed the Ekur and was punished by the gods with the Gutian invasion, was created as anti-Akkadian propaganda by IshmeDagan of Isin around 1950 B.C.E., when the Ekur again needed rebuilding; the story about Naram-Sin was intended to discredit that king, who had in fact restored the Ekur, but whose modifications were regarded by the current would-be restorers as inappropriately radical. Thirdly, the Cut"ean Legend of Narn/ll-Sin, relating an invasion of foreign hordes throughout the Near East against Naram-Sin, is a bogus projection back on to Akkadian times of a situation faced by the late OB kings when the Kassites were occupying Mesopotamia. Liverani regards only the Mari and Geneva texts a. Westenholz 1997: nos.
396
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pseudo-historical composition that draws upon the genuine Old Akkadian traditions about Naram-Sin to create the fictional story of a confrontation against forces from within and beyond Mesopotamia-a story designed to discredit the city that led the Sargonic revolt, Kish (ibid.: 59-61). It was composed, Liverani proposes, not in the wake of Naram-Sin's deeds but at a time in the nineteenth century when Sumu-Ia-el, king of Babylon, was himself at loggerheads with Kish. The creation of a pseudo-historical story about Naram-Sin's campaign against that city was part of a sUbterfuge to justify Suma-Ia-el's animosity toward Kish four hundred years later. Liverani's approach raises some very important methodological issues. First, it is important to note that his contextual reinterpretations of the 'Sargonic' compositions are explicitly based on the proposition that the existing database of Old Akkadian texts and Old Babylonian copies represents virtually the full corpus of what was written:
But is this proposition plausible? In answer to this question it must be stated that there are statistical grounds for extreme scepticism. There are eight known Old Babylonian copies of royal inscriptions of Naram-Sin that deal with specific campaign narratives (i.e., excluding texts that contain only epithets alluding to conquests or formulaic statements of universal conquest). None of these is preserved in more than two tablets. Five (RIME 2.1.4.3; 6; 23; 25; 30) are known from two extant tablets, and three (RIME 2.1.4.1; 2; 26) from only a single tablet. Moreover, of NaramSin's eight original Old Akkadian narrative inscriptions (RIME 2.1.4.7; 8; 13; 21; 24; 28; 29; 31), all but one (2.1.4.8) are unique (the exception being a pair of foundation tablets, no doubt from the same deposit). Importantly, none of the Old Babylonian copies is of a surviving original Old Akkadian inscription. These considerations pose a direct challenge to Liverani's premise: when, out of the thousands of tablet fragments recovered from sites like Nippur, all that we know of Naram-Sin today is preserved on single tablets or at most two duplicates, it must be regarded as statistically highly likely that other historical inscriptions have, in fact, eluded archaeological discovery. With Sargon the situation is even more telling. For this king we have only seventeen royal inscriptions, of which nine are recognizable as campaign narratives (RIME 2.1.1-3; 7; 8; 10-13). All but one of these (2.1.1.10, from Susa) are attested exclusively on two large Old Babylonian Sammeltafeln from Nippur. If these two tablets had not been recovered, we would have virtually no primary evidence for Sargon's military activities. Contrary to Liverani's assumptions, therefore, the statistical evidence suggests that there were in fact more royal inscriptions than we have yet recovered. And from this the further conclusion follows that the lack of known parallels in royal inscriptions for narratives occurring in historicalliterary compositions should not, by itself, be taken to imply that no such historical source existed.
Partly simplifying, and not excluding some exceptions, I think we can assume a good correspondence between the main enterprises of the Akkad kings and the celebrative monuments; and a good correspondence (as for typology if not as for amount) between the data available to the Old Babylonian scribes and the data available to us. I think therefore that no substantial space is left to imagine lost enterprises, or to postulate "historical kernels" on tI,e only [i.e., sale] base of the literary texts (ibid.: 5051, italics added). It is only on this explicit premise that Liverani can take the lack of corroboration among known royal inscriptions for events recounted in the historical-literary texts as proof that the latter do not reflect lost Sargonic sources and thus do not preserve historical information. This is a key point: if what we have through the Old Babylonian copies of Old Akkadian royal inscriptions represents virtually everything available to the Old Babylonian scribes; and if the Old Akkadian royal inscriptions record all the principal events of those times, then we would indeed have before us the basis on which to determine the historicity or otherwise of the historical-literary compositions.
6
16A, 16B) as belonging to this composition and does not consider the other OB texts and one OAkk inscription that have been taken to stem from this same tradition (ibid.: nos. 15,17,18,19). Cf. Charpin 1997: 17, who proposes an alternative context for the creation of text M: Mari under the Akkadophile king Samsi-Addu. Many of the methodological issues discussed below for Liverani's interpretation apply here also.
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The Great Revolt We turn now to a more detailed analysis of Tlte Great Revolt, which is in many ways the key test case for these and other related issues. Its importance lies in the fact that it is the one clear instance where, in the past two decades, it has become apparent that a story previously known only from historical-literary sources can be closely paralleled in an Old Akkadian royal inscription. Before this latter text came to light, the story of a rebellion against Naram-Sin was known principally from two historical-literary descriptions, both of Old Babylonian date, one from Mari (hereafter 'M')
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and the other now in Geneva (hereafter 'G'). Whether, beyond this core, four other texts of Old Akkadian, Old Babylonian, and (Middle?) Hittite date should be understood as preserving further historical-literary versions of the same story is less clear? The events of The Great Revolt, as related in these sources, concern a series of conflicts between Naram-Sin and a coalition of cities of Sumer and Akkad that had revolted against him. Table 1 summarizes the parallels between the Old Babylonian historical-literary versions of The Great Revolt from Mari Westenholz 1997: no. 16A plus new fragment, Charpin 1997) and Geneva (ibid.: no. 168), and the Old Babylonian copies of two sections of the original royal inscription describing these events: the Brockmon/ Philadelphia text (RIME 2.1.4.6) and a tablet in Jena (RIME 2.1.4.2=Wilcke 1997, hereafter The principal protagonist of The Great Revolt is Ipbur-Kish, who all versions make a point of saying was raised to kingship by his own people. His co-conspirator in southern Babylonia was the king of Uruk, who is named in version G of The Great Revolt as Lugal-ane, otherwise attested as a king of Ur. This is generally regarded as an error, the correct name of Naram-Sin's Urukean adversary being given by the royal inscription as Amar-Girid, which becomes'Amar-gin' in version M.9 The royal inscrip-
a.
n.B
7
See above note 5. J. Westenholz 1997: no. 15 is variously regarded as a copy of an OAkk royal inscription or a historical-literary fragment; no. 17 is in many respects closer to the Cllt/,ean Legend; and the links with nos. 18 and 19 are likewise tenuous.
RIME 2.1.4.6 and 2.4.1.2 are copies of the beginning and end respectively of the same OAkk royal inscription, see A. Westenholz 1999: 52 n. 180. As Westenholz explains in a personal communication: "the real proof comes from the fragment PBS v 36 which on the obverse duplicates cols. ii-vi of the Brockmon tablet, and on the reverse duplicates the end of the Jena tablet." [A new edition of text J by W. Sommerfeld ("Naram-Sin, die 'Grosse Revolte' und MAR.TU ki ," FS Oe/sner, appeared too late to be considered here.] .
8 For the suggestion that
9
For Amar-Girid as king of Uruk in the OAkk inscription see RIME 2.1.4.6 and text J in Wilcke's 1997 edition. For Lugal-ane as king of Ur in the Exaltation of Inanna and the OAkk school exercise text RIME 2.1.4.7=J. Westenholz 1997: no. IS, see Jacobsen (1979: 8-1 who argues that Lugal-ane at one time conquered Eanna-Uruk, which would explain his alternating titulahtre in the sources. Since Jacobsen wrote, Amar-Girid has emerged as Naram-Sin's Urukean contemporary in the OAkk royal inscription, but the seeds of an explanation for this may lie in Jacobsen's etymologization of Lugal-ane as 'An's king' (1979: n. 37). For while he does not say so, this looks suspiciously like a
n
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tion states that Amar-Girid too was raised to kingship by the people of Uruk. Versions M and G, and Naram-Sin's royal inscription, cite the Mesopotamian cities that joined the Kishite revolt in lists that correspond almost exactly, both in the places cited and in the order in which they appear: Kish, Kutha, Tiwa, Urum/Sippar,lO Kazallu, Kiritab, Apiak, [... ], Ibrat, Dilbat, [ ... ]bi, Uruk and Sippar. Later in the account, the royal inscription lists officials of Eresh and Borsippa among the captives, and these cities too may therefore be presumed to have been cited as rebels in the damaged lines of that list,u Text M continues with a list of eight places and their rulers (seven partly preserved) who also apparently revolted and were crushed. Among the rulers are two foreigners: the 'men' of Marbashi and Lullubum (M: obv. 17,6'). Version G similarly appends a list of seven foreign lands (plus three Sumerian) that, from the parallel context, were likewise presumably thought by the scribe to have joined the revolt-though perhaps here that of Amar-Girid, which comes after Ipbur-Kish's revolt in the royal inscription. It includes the lands of Magan, Simurrum, and Mardaman, all of which Naram-Sin is reported in contemporary sources to have conquered (Potts 1994: 106f., 112f.; add Wilcke's 1997 edition of RIME 2.1.4.3 for Magan). The only foreign territory these two lists have in common is Marbashi (which Naram-Sin elsewhere defines more vaguely as the far limit of his sovereignty over "all Elam as far as Parabshum" [RIME 2.1.4.25]).12 As all commentators have remarked, the Old Akkadian royal inscription is so close to The Great Revolt in general narrative content and in the list of Mesopotamian rebels cited that they must in some sense have a common origin: the Old Babylonian accounts of The Great Revolt drew directly or
throne name for a king of Uruk, which would allow the possible identification of Lugal-ane and Amar-Girid. It may also be relevant that in RIME 2.1.4.7, where Lugal-ane is cited as 'king ofUr', there is an erasure immediately before 'Ur'. Could this originally have read 'Uruk'? This would explain why the text continues: "and that non-(entity of a) king the Urukean ([u]r-ki-um) ",," to Texts M and G here list Urum while the royal inscription has Sippar, which
M and G relegate to the end of the list. II
Neither is cited in the preserved texts of M and G.
12
The London text U. Westenholz 1997: no. 17), not considered here, includes among the allies of the Gutians who wage war against Naram-Sin the rulers of Lullubum, Der (cf. M for both), Marbashi (cf. M. and G), and Amurru (cf. RIME 2.1.4.6; 2).
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TABLE 1: Comparison of sources for The Great Revolt against Naram-Sin ROYAL INSCRIPTIONS
OF NARAM-SIN
(1) Revolt of Ipbur-KiS
The Great Revolt: "historical-literary" texts TEXT M (MARl)
(1) Revolt of Ipbur-Ki§
(RIME 11.4.6)
"[In KiS] they raised Iphur-Kis to kingship and in Uruk they raised Amar-Girid likewise to kingship." (cf. also RIME 2.1.4.7)
"[on the common bound]ary of Tiwa and Wurumu in the field Ugar-Sin ... did [(the people of) Ki]s assemble and they raised Ipbur-Kis ... to kingship."
TEXT G (GENEVA)
(1) Revolt of Ipbur-Ki§ " ... on the border between Tiwa and Urumu, on Ugar-Sin ... did (the citizens of) Kis assemble (and) Ipbur-Kis .... they raised to kingship."
"In between Tiwa and Urum, in the field of Sin, he drew up (battle lines) and awaited battle."
Battle of Tiwa-UrlllII, rebel cities: Kis Kutha Tiwa (A.tJA.KI) Sippal' Kazallu Kiritab [Api)ak [ ... ) (break of 3 lines)
[ ... )
Amorite highlanders
Prisoners taken fro III cities of: KiS, Tiwa, Eres, Kutha, Borsippa, Apiak
Battle of Ki~, prisoners taken frolll cilies of: Kazallu, Borsippa, Apiak, ( ... ), Kutha, Sippar, Kiritab, Eres, Dilbat, Tiwa
(2) Revolt of Amar-Girid: Battle of A§nak "in between the cities of URUxUD and A~nak he drew up battle lines and awaited battle"
Urukeall revolt, rebel cities:
(2) Revolt of Amar-Girid? (follows list above and account of Sargon's earlier freeing of people of Ki~, their treachery and IpburKi~' selection)
Urllkean(?) revolt, rebel cities and their rulers:
Uruk Ur
Marba~i:
Laga~
[... J : [ ... J-Utu [UmJma : Ir-illili Nippur : Arna-mullili Der: Bubu Uruk: Amar-gin [LJullubum: Pa§a[bnJadgalni
Umrna Adab
~uruppak
Isin Nippur cities of the Lower Sea
[... Jkipi
(? 1 line break)
(2) Revolt of Amar-Girid? (edge of tablet; narrative context unspecified)
Urukean(?) revolt, rebel cities and tlleir rulers: Uruk : Lugal-anne Umrna : Ir-Enlila Nippur : Amar-Enlila
(3) Revolt of Amar-Girid: Battle of Mt. Ba~ar (RIME 2.1.4.2= Wilcke ZA Ki~ite
revolt, rebel cities:
[Kis) [Kuth)a Tiwa Wurumu [Kazallu] [Gir)itab Apiak [ ... ) [!brat] [Di)lbat [... )bi Uruk Sippar
Ki~ite
revolt, rebel cities:
Kis Kutha Tiwa Urumu Kazallu Giritab Apiak !brat Dilbat Uruk Sippar
87)
Uruk: Amar-Girid
Prisoners fro", cities of: [... J, Umrna, Adab, Uruk, Nippur, Ur, Laga~, Er[esJ, Amorites
(4) Selected other cor/quests (various sources)
(3) Revolt afforeign lands? (rev. of tablet; narrative context unspecified)
Foreigll revolt(?), cities and tlleir rlliers: Simurrum (year-names; RIME 2.1.4.hh-ii) Mari?? (y In: Sargon?; RIME 2.1.1.c) Parabshum? (RIME 2.1.4.25) Mardaman ("Maridaban") (y In: RIME 2.1.4.e) Magan: Maniu(m) (RIME 2.1.4.3; 4; 13)
Simurum : Puttimadal Namar: Ingi Api§al : Ri§-Adad Mari : Migir-Dagan (see Marba~i listed in (2) above)
Marba§i : tJup§umkipi Mardaman : Dubsusu
Magan: Manum
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indirectly on these royal inscriptions, or on some parallel tradition-oral or textual-that preserved the memory of that conflict. 13 This is thus a case where an historical-literary composition can be demonstrated to derive key aspects of its narrative content from the same tradition as the original royal inscription. Its historicity, therefore, at least in these respects, deserves to be evaluated in parallel with that of those primary sources. In discussing this evidence, Liverani accepts that The Great Revolt is "based on precise original elements," i.e., the royal inscriptions, but there he stops, explicitly distancing himself from the "many scholars [who] are still accepting [it] as historically reliable" (1993: 59f.). As noted above, Liverani's alternative is to posit a later historical situation in which the story of a general rebellion was built out of the literary and celebratory base of the Naram-Sin inscriptions, condensing different events into a unified story. His method is to ask when a story about conflict with Kish would have had contemporary relevance. His answer: in the reign ofSumu-la-el of Babylon, who, like Naram-Sin, came into conflict with Kish in the nineteenth century B.C.E. The historical plausibility of a Sumu-Ia-el composition date has been challenged,14 but the more general issue that interests us here is rather that of methodology. In particular, how different is Liverani's position methodologically from previous interpretations? Here the first point to make is that, in presenting a particular circumstance for the composition of the Old Babylonian version of The Great Revolt, Liverani is building on, rather than contradicting, previous thinking on this work. His hypothesis on the circumstances of the composition of The Great Revolt is not inconsistent with the proposition that that work preserves elements of an historical narrative. Indeed, in his acknowledgment that the author(s) of The Great Revolt drew in some way upon Naram-Sin's royal inscriptions, his own position con-
tains the seeds of this conclusion. Perhaps the claim Liverani wishes to make is a more subtle one: not that The Great Revolt does not preserve genuine historical elements but that it cannot today be used to reconstruct 'reliable history'. This would be a claim not about the historicity of the composition per se but about its methodological accessibility to modern scholars when they attempt to write history. An articulation of this distinction and its application to the historical-literary compositions would perhaps be a fruitful line of approach, but this remains to be attempted. A different but closely related interpretation of The Great Revolt has recently been offered by Tinney (1995). Writing before Wilcke's edition of J, the royal inscription that describes the culmination of Naram-Sin's conflict against the southern Babylonian cities led by Amar-Girid (Wilcke 1997=RIME 2.1.4.2-3)}5 Tinney analyzes the ways in which version G of The Great Revolt differs from Naram-Sin's account of these events as recounted in the Brockmon tablet and its less well-preserved Philadelphia duplicate (RIME 2.1.4.6; Tinney 1995: 3-10). He interprets these differences as evidence of literary reworking by the author of G, and argues from these differences to a particular motive and context for the creation of The Great Revolt:
13
14
A. Westenholz (1992: 46; 1999: 22f.) argues compellingly for the preeminence of oral vs. textual composition and transmission of historical epics and related works. Contrast Charpin's strictly text-based conception of transmission where, on the basis of divergences between G and M, he supposes "deux compositions independantes, vraisemblablement iI partir de duplicats d'une meme inscription de Naram-Sin" (1997: 16). Charpin (1997: 16) has pointed out aspects of Sumu-Ia-el's situation that do not match that of Sargon and Naram-Sin in The Great Revolt as closely as Liverani requires. Also, some of the supposed anachronisms of The Great Revolt are now attested in text J, e.g., Sargon's freeing of the people of Kish (Liverani 1993: 60; d. J: ix 32-x 14, Wilcke 1997: 28).
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... the revisionist slant of G's account of the origins of Ipbur-Kish's kingship, a kingship owed not to divine authority or heritage but to local consensus, fits well with the situation in Mesopotamia in the first few centuries of the second millennium BC, whose competing urbanized Amorite tribal factions made and broke alliances to fit their own political purposes .... (T)he OB literary account of the Great Rebellion is in some sense a response to Naram-Sin's claims about his own kingship, a response embedded in a tradition about the early kings of Mesopotamia, a tradition that in turn amounts to a debate about the theory and practice of kingship .... It should be equally obvious that texts such as the OB narratives concerning the Great Rebellion may be used to illuminate the socio-political background of the OB period itself, but have no place in the reconstruction of the events of the Old Akkadian period (1995: 13f., italics added). This last statement of course mirrors very closely Liverani's position. To the extent that Tinney's thesis depends on the divergences he details between text G and Naram-Sin's own inscription, it has been largely under-
15
Above note 8. Our argument here would not be affected if] should turn out not to be from the same Naram-Sin inscription as RIME 2.1.4.6, as proposed by A. Westenholz.
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mined by Wilcke's edition of J. For this text now provides Old Akkadian precedents for almost all of the supposed Old Babylonian innovations of G. In particular, the invocations and epithets of Naram-Sin in G are now very closely paralleled in J (G: 2-9; Tinney 1995: 3-5; d. J: viii 16-ix 8, Wilcke 1997: 19), including the series of epithets compounded with divine names (G: 4-6, Tinney 1995: Sf.; d. J: viii 27-34 [with ensi and sagina reversed]); likewise the reference to Sargon's earlier freeing of those who rebelled against Naram-Sin (G: 16-20, Tinney 1995: 8; d. J: ix 32-x 14), which here too is preceded by references to the rebellion of the four quarters (G: lOf., Tinney 1995: 7f.; d. J: ix 21-31). The appearance of a new collation and edition that brings fresh information is, of course, nothing exceptional. It is important here, however, for illustrating how thin the basis of primary documentation is: a single new edition has provided parallels for a number of elements of an Old Babylonian composition that previously could be, and were, interpreted as later literary additions. This highlights the danger of assuming that aspects of Old Babylonian compositions that are not directly paralleled in known Old Akkadian sources must be later literary inventions, and ipso facto nonhistorical. In the Brockmon and J texts we now have Old Akkadian corroboration for the antiquity (and historicity?) of the later historical-literary tradition. This makes it increasingly arbitrary to exclude the latter from the broad orbit of historical study. In this context it bears emphasizing that Liverani's and Tinney's readings of the historical-literary compositions as veiled commentaries upon, or justifications of, later historical circumstances are no less historical readings .than were the earlier interpretations of them as Sargonic history. And to this extent they are, no less than those earlier readings, historical hypotheses that must be critically assessed. The same methodological and historiographic principles apply; it is a matter of weighing the evidence and judging the plausibility of the link between narrative content and historical circumstances at the proposed later date of composition. Methodo~ogically, this parallels the older readings of these works as Sargonic history (though at one stage further removed from the events and with a more speculative propagandistic motive): one compares the narrative content to what is known independently of the events of that king's reign. Both approaches bear the hazard of unwittingly reading into the evidence the preferred historical context-a hazard that, as always, is best guarded against by being made explicit. 16 16
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Lastly this case highlights another important methodological point, namely that the question of when the historical-literary stories were composed must not be confused with the issue of the period in which the narrative was intended by its author to be set. An early composition date excludes a later historical setting17 but not vice versa: a late composition date is not inconsistent with a genuine attempt to describe events of earlier times. Given the relatively late date of the extant copies of The Great Revolt, the issue of composition date here remains open. But even if a late composition date could be established, it would remain to be demonstrated (as Liverani and Tinney require) that it.is inherently any less probable that these compositions should have drawn on Sargonic traditions to create stories about Sargonic times, than that they should have drawn upon these same Sargonic traditions to create veiled commentaries upon events of later times. Both are historical hypotheses and neither can be excluded a
priori. Is There a Middle Course? A major factor in the recent reaction against the historical readings of the Sargonic 'historical-literary' corpus has been the terms in which the old position was put, in particular the metaphor of the historical kernel. literally interpreted this is patently naiVe and indefensible as historical method. The idea of an unadulterated core that we somehow excavate from its literary overlay and recalibrate for royal bombast to turn into pure history is fanciful. And it is true, as Liverani implies, that the use made of the Sargonic compositions has in a few instances approached this extreme. But there are of course more sophisticated metaphors and historical methodologies that are sensitive to the multi-dimensionality of textual form and content, and that can allow us to avoid these pitfalls while retaining an open mind on the question of historicity. Instead of historical kernels, buried within onion-rings of propaganda and literary manipulation, we can approach texts as multi-dimensional entities that have an historical dimension as well as a literary dimension, a sociological, a political, a propagandistic, even an economic dimension, all at the same time. Pushing this alternative metaphor further, it can be emphasized that these dimensions are not 'parts' (here the kernel metaphor is especially misleading); we cannot always isolate or individuate the text into historical and literary
oblige de les distordre pour les faire entrer dans son schema .... " Cf. Charpin 1997: 16 on Liverani: "les faits historiques de l'epoque paIeo-
babylonienne ne coincident pas du tout avec cet episode et M. Liverani est
17
This is indeed the case with the Dr III copies of the Curse of Agnde, which Liverani must reject to achieve his Isin dating (1993: 56-59).
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'elements', for example. Various dimensions can, as it were, suffuse the entire composition. The historical dimension of the composition-in our case the topos of a revolt by Ipbur-Kish-may itself be manifested in an entirely literary form, and may indeed be there for a particular propagandistic reason-a reason that may even (as in Liverani's thesis) underpin the creation of the composition and have a pervasive influence on its character and structure. The recognition of an historical dimension or aspect does not therefore oblige us to affirm the literal historicity of any particular element in the narrative. It means only that to understand the composition-to adequately explain its coming into being and/or the particular form and content that it takes-it is necessary to make reference to historical events. Put in this form, we can acknowledge that The Great Revolt has an historical dimension-the story of a war with Kish is partially explained by the fact that there was such a war-without feeling obliged to accept either the details or even the general outlines of the narrative as recounted. In fact, some narrative elements (the list of rebel cities and their leaders) seem here to have been carried over faithfully. But in other cases there is reason to believe that even the most basic elements of the narrative have been contracted, confused, distorted, or invented for literary or other effect. IS Another key requirement of any more sophisticated understanding of the historical-literary corpus is that we acknowledge the crucial distinction between the difficulties we may have in eliciting historical information from a text, on the one hand, from the historiographic categorization of that text, on the other. These are separate issues. Many primary historical documents (such as royal inscriptions) are notoriously unreliable in certain respects and can today be very difficult to use for historical purposes. But this does not mean they are not relevant historical evidence. And contrariwise, texts that are, in a formal or stylistic sense, literary creations may at times contain transparent quotations from historically reliable sources (The Great Revolt is a case in point)-yet they remain, in typological terms, works of literature. The use of a text for historical reconstruction therefore depends not only on the compositional category to which it belongs, but also on the framework of comparative historical data available to us in the form of other textual or archaeological evidence, and on the analytical tools we are able to bring to bear in its reading. In this more pragmatic sense, a text is not 'historical' or 'literary' per se.1t becomes susceptible to historical interpre18
An almost purely fictional extreme is reached in the Cut/,ean Legend with warriors with birds' faces and bloodless bodies. Perhaps all that remains from history here is the personage of Naram-Sin.
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tation only in the context of other information and interpretive tools. It is this context of assessment that the royal inscriptions now provide for The Great Revolt. Thus in denying any possibility that historical-literary compositions like The Great Revolt will"increase our inventory of reliable knowledge on the Akkadian age," Liverani risks confusing the logic of historical relevance with the methodology of scholarly process. Certainly, we need other kinds of historical data to be able to see the historical relevance of a composition like The Great Revolt; but once we have this or any other window into the historical dimension of the text, that vista must be acknowledged, and indeed exploited for whatever extra information can be elicited from it. The past century of study on the historical-literary compositions has done much to highlight their disparate origins and varied nature. It may turn out that the integration of historical elements in the Old Babylonian story of The Great Revolt sets it apart from most or all of the others. But this uniqueness would itself reinforce the need to break out of the now traditional discussion of these works within the framework of categories that presuppose answers to the critical historiographic questions. If it is surprising that all of these compositions were once treated as if they had equal credibility for historical purposes, it is no less curious that they should more recently have been denied en masse any relevance to Sargonic history -an extreme position as implausible as its predecessor. What is now required, as the example of The Great Revolt illustrates, is case by case analysis that allows each composition to emerge as the result of a unique set of historical, social, and cultural circumstances, and that approaches the question of historicity with a judiciously open mind. 19
19
I am grateful to Jeremy Black, Aage Westenholz and Norman Yoffee for comments on an earlier version of this paper, though none necessarily agrees with all of my conclusions. A. Westenholz's 1999 survey of the Old Akkadian period came to my attention after this paper was written and I have been able to incorporate only a few points of direct relevance. It contains much else that parallels my discussion of Liverani and Tinney. [So too more recently has appeared M. Van De Mieroop, "Sargon of Agade and His Successors in Anatolia," Studi Micellei ed Egeo-Anatolici 42/1 (2000): 133-59.)
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REFERENCES Charpin, D. (1997), "La version Mariote de l' «Insurrection genera Ie contre NaramSin»." In Florilegium marianum III, Recueil d'etudes il la memoire de Marie-Therese Barrelet. Memoires de N.A.B.U. Paris. Pp. 9-17. Frayne, D.R. (1993) The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia. Early Periods 2. Sargonic and Gutian Periods (2334-2113 BC). Toronto. Jacobsen, Th. (1979) "Iphur-KIshi and His Times." AfO 26: 1-14. Liverani, M. (1993) in Liverani, ed., Akkad The First World Empire: Structure, IdeologJj, Traditions. History of the Ancient Near East, Studies V. Padua. Potts, T.F. (1994) Mesopotamia and the East: An Archaeological and Historical Study of Foreign Relations ca. 34002000 Be. Oxford. Tinney, S. (1995) "A New Look at Naram-Sin and the 'Great Rebellion'." lCS 47: 1-14. Westenholz, A. (1992) Review of J.-J.Glassner, La Chute d' Akkade. In Orientalistische Literaturzeitung 87: 39-48. (1999) "The Old Akkadian Period: History and Culture." In W. Sallaberger and A. Westenholz, Mesopotamien: Akkade-Zeit und Ur III-Zeit. Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis 160/3, Freiburg. Pp. 17-117. Westenholz, J.G. (1997) Legends of tile Kings of Akkade, The Texts. Winona Lake, Ind. Wilcke, C. (1997) "Amar-girids Revolte gegen Naram-Su'en." ZA 87: 11-32.
When Tablets Talk Business: Reflections on Mesopotamian Economic History and Its Contribution to a General Historyof Mesopotamia Johannes Renger Berlin
THE ECONOMIC HISTORY of ancient Mesopotamia is more and more developing into an autonomous field of Ancient Near Eastern studies. Witnessin recent times-several formal and informal gatherings, conferences, and workshops devoted to the study and discussion of issues concerning the economies of the ancient Near East in general and ancient Mesopotamia in particular (Dercksen 1999; Bongenaar 2000; Hudson 1994). But it has also become quite apparent that there exist a number of problems inherent in such an endeavor. This essay's aim is to deal with some of the results, rewards, and problems we are facing when engaging ourselves with the economic history of ancient Mesopotamia. Above all, our concern is with the systematic study of the relevant facts, based on the available written records and material remains, i.e., architectural remains and artifacts. Our goals are to describe coherently the economic institutions, structures, and processes that form the economic system of ancient Mesopotamia as a whole; to elucidate its characteristic structures and their development over time; and, finally, to understand the economic behavior and attitudes of the people within the system (Renger 1991, 1994). Jean-Pierre Gregoire and I have been studying the economies of the third and early second millennia in Mesopotamia (Gregoire 1992; Gregoire and Renger 1988; Renger 2000). Our focus has been on the differences in the organization of the economy during that rather long period of time, a time that had seen drastic changes in state organization, religion, ethnic composition, and language, to name just a few. It is not surprising, therefore, to find also different forms of economic organization prevailing during those centuries. Thus, the economy in Southern Mesopotamia, that is in ancient 409
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Sumer, during the third millennium is characterized by a form of economic organization that we call-with Max Weber-an oikos-economy (Gelb 1979,65; Gregoire 1979)-an oikos being a self-sufficient household producing almost everything needed for consumption within the household .itself. In contrast to the oikos-economy of the third millennium, the beginrung of the second millennium saw the emergence and development of a tributary form of economy, a term coined by Pierre Briant. The oikos-economy of the third millennium can first be studied in full on the basis of the numerous records from Girsu-Tello dating mainly to the first half of the twenty-fourth century B.C. They let us draw a picture of a territorial state of modest size, i.e., the state of Girsu-Lagash. The state and its economy were organized-at least nominally, judging from the s~at~ ments of Entemena and Urukagina-around the households of the City s gods: the household of Ningirsu, the tutelary deity ~f Girsu, was headed by the ruler; that of his divine spouse, Baba, by the wife of the ruler; and the households of the children of the divine couple were administered by the children of the ruling couple. Other temple households of the city of Girsu and other urban centers within the state of Lagash were headed presumably by other members of the ruling family or clan. According to family hierarchy, the ruler as head of the family was the nominal head of all the households within the territory of Girsu-Lagash. His household thus encompassed all the others. We therefore speak of a patrimonial household that is identical with the state. The managing head of the economic operations of such a household was the nu-banda3' usually translated as "attendant" or "major domus." He organized and directed work on the fields as well as the herding activities. He was responsible for the collection of dues and tithe resulting from fishing and fowling. Utensils and objects needed within the household were manufactured within the household. Weaving was an important activity. The textiles produced were distributed to the me~bers of the household as part of their allowance, but they were also used m exchange operations with other households and for exchange in long-distance trading. . . We are facing a different type of olkos-economy at the end of the thud millennium. With Utuhegal and his brother Urnamrna a new development began. Beginning with the first two rulers of the Third D~asty of Ur, gradually all small territorial states of Sumer and Akkad were mcorporated into the realm of the Ur III state. These states, presumably organized in a way similar to that just described for presargonic Girsu-Lagash, now became part of a centralized state. But this state, too, was organized as a large household. The households within the individual ma-da or states of
the Ur ill state operated independently under the supervision of the local ens!, who was responsible to his overlord at Ur. The larger scale of the Ur ill economy necessitated an organization of the individual households quite different from that of preceding periods. The characteristic features of the Ur ill oikos-system were, among others, decentralization and specialization,local and regional. Thus we distinguish five distinct types of households or oikoi:
411
- Agricultural production-at least in Girsu-was the task of the temple estates, individual domains having a size between 50 and 200 hectares, i.e., 125 to 500 acres. - Specialized households manufactured textiles and processed grain into flour. These manufacturing households were organized as Ergasteria, work-houses, the work force consisting of dependent laborers, mainly women. Of a different type-because of the special skills needed-were the royal workshops at Ur responsible for fashioning crafted goods and luxury items. - Dues, taxes, and tributes were collected and distributed by special households, the most famous of which is the animal collecting center at Puzri~-Dagan near Nippur (Sigrist 1992). - The administration of the realm was also organized in the form of a household, the e-sukkal. The royal messengers, or better emissaries, conveyed the orders of the ruler to distant parts of the Ur ill state. Connected with the e-sukkal were roadhouses in which the messengers could rest and receive supplies. - Finally, the members of the ruling elite-the king and his family, high functionaries of the administration and the highest priests together with their families and entourage-were supported by their personal households. These were linked to the office but were not the personal property of the officeholder. The majority of the population was integrated into these households. They received rations for their work and could be granted, in addition, small plots of sustenance fields to supplement their rations or at times when they were not receiving rations. Quite different is the situation in the following, Old Babylonian, period: For about one hundred years, i.e., roughly throughout the twentieth century B.C., the oikos-system typical of the Ur ill period prevailed under the first rulers of the Isin dynasty. But with the beginning of the nineteenth century B.C. a new system of economic organization, which we call a "tributary economy," gradually emerges. The term denotes that the palace
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-that is, the state--is no longer the main economic operator, but rather tends to franchise its economic operations to entrepreneurs, who, in turn, pay dues or tribute--thus "tributary economy"-to the palace. It was F.R. Kraus who first described this type of economic operation, referring to it as "Palastgeschaft" (Kraus 1958, 98ff.; Renger 2000). The drastic change that took place sometime at the beginning of the second millennium can best be understood by looking at the prevailing land-tenure regime. Agricultural production no longer was the sole responsibility of institutional households and their agricultural domains. It was now individualized. That is, farming was now done on small plots sufficient to guarantee sustenance for a family of at least five to seven persons, and perhaps to produce a modest surplus that was due to the palace. These field plots were given in exchange for services to be rendered to the palace. It was not only agricultural production from which the palace divested itself but also other economic activities hitherto being organized and performed within an institutional household. We distinguish several types of franchises taken over by entrepreneurs:
- Agricultural production, date-palm cultivation, and animal husbandry: Besides arable land distributed as sustenance fields (~ukassum), the palace was holding substantial areas as reserve land to be allocated according to need. From these reserve lands (eqlum ~a ri!~ ekallim ukallu) entrepreneurs received large portions of several hundred hectares each-or even up to ca. 3000 ha (Kraus 1968, Nr. 23). Date palm cultivation was franchised to large-scale operators, as was the management of the palace herds. - The exploitation of natural resources also was organized as a franchise; activities included fishing and fowling, reed collection, and brick manufacture. - Finally, services of different kinds were also franchised to entrepreneurs: The collection, transport, and storage of agricultural productsmainly barley and dates-providing seasonal labor, and the collection of dues, as well as long-distance trade, were also franchised to entrepreneurs. The relationship between palace and entrepreneur was laid down in a written contract that stipulated the mutual obligations of palace and entrepreneur, especially the dues owed by the entrepreneur to the palace. They consisted of deliveries in kind or in amounts of silver. These dues were either fixed amounts-as for instance in the case of sheep herding (80 lambs per 100 mother sheep), or prorated according to the operational results-in
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the case of barley and dates by estimation shortly before the harvest and two minas of wool per grown animal. The risk of the operation was upon the entrepreneur. To give an example: a number of documents from Larsa from the time ofJ:Iammurapi illustrate some aspects of a franchise concerning large-scale date-palm cultivation. The administrator of the date grove was the wellknown Samas-bazir (see the documents published in Jean 1926; subject to a detailed study by the author of this essay). He figures in these documents-which are phrased as debt notes-as bel kfrim, "owner of the date orchard," and lender or creditor of green dates to a number of individuals ("debtors"). They all "borrow" (the documents record a debt incurred). The debt consists of sizable amounts of green dates-up to about 3000 kgfive weeks ahead of harvest time; and the debtors have to deliver ripe dates right after harvest time. The amount to be delivered in the form of ripe dates is either half or two-thirds of the amount of green dates stipulated as debt. The reason for this type of contract becomes quite evident when consider~g the fact that in some instances the amount to be repaid is based on a ~ukunnam (estimate of the expected harvest). That is, the calculation of the total expected harvest of which that portion, i.e., half or two-thirds that had been stipulated in the original rental agreement as due to the palace or its representative, is now stipulated in the debt-note as the debt due to the palace. Small-scale cereal farming is always burdened with the risk of a bad harvest. What follows is debt, loss of one's field, and eventually debt bondage. Likewise, the entrepreneur faces serious difficulties, because he, too, depends in many instances on a good harvest. Therefore he may not be able to pay what he owes to the palace. Thus in both cases the palace cannot be interested in "letting things go." Social and economic disasters jeopardized the social equilibrium of the entire society (see Renger, in a forthcoming paper). To avoid that, rulers during the Old Babylonian period frequently enacted a remission of debts and arrears. These royal edicts were, in modern terms, a unique feature of social engineering during the Old Babylonian period. Such remissions of debt were not necessary in the oikos-system of the Ur III period. The effects of bad harvests or other natural disasters were compensated, or at least alleviated, within the oikos. It should be apparent, from what I have said, that the analysis of economic structures and processes sheds light on areas and periods only dimly lit with respect to events of a more dramatic nature or to political events. And the study of economic structures lets us understand long-term trends, enables us to write a history of the longue duree. But there are more and other rewards. The discovery of economic strllc-
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tures that can be formulated in a general way, like a model, gives us an opportunity to compare. Comparison with the economies of other ancient civilizations, such as Egypt, the Creto-Minoan, and the Classical world of Greece and Rome, as well as with medieval and more modern economies, will have a threefold reward. First, we may be able to understand facts and concepts that lie beneath the surface of a Mesopotamian text. Second, such comparison may help us to comprehend unique features of the economy of ancient Mesopotamia when set against the background of, for instance, ancient Egypt. And third, such comparison may make us aware of the "otherness" of an ancient economy vis-a-vis our own, modern economies. In conclusion, I would like to focus on two difficulties inherent in all attempts to understand and reconstruct the economy of ancient Mesopotamia or, for that matter, of any other ancient civilization. As Assyriologists or specialists in things ancient Near Eastern we have to deal with a difficulty beyond that which lies inside our own field of experience-we are not professionally trained in economics or economic history. In contrast, professional economists and economic historians are not able to base their work (as far as ancient Mesopotamia is concerned) on a first-hand knowledge of the written sources, which, for the most part, are not available in transliteration, much less in translation. Benno Landsberger, in his-unfortunately unpublished-essay honoring the work of Paul Koschaker, saw himself in a similar situation with regard to comparative legal history. He concluded that we, as Assyriologists, had to be our own "Feld-Wald-undWiesen-Rechtshistoriker." In the same vein we have to take the burden of being our own, self-made, economic historians. Nevertheless, leaving aside obstacles and difficulties-work done so far has provided much insight into details concerning economic institutions, processes, and developments of the economy of ancient Mesopotamia. We know something about its structures and characteristics. In that respect the knowledge at hand about the economy of ancient Mesopotamia is a valuable contribution to our understanding of the general history of the area. Beyond a plethora of individual facts forming our picture of the history of ancient Mesopotamia, the economic history of ancient Mesopotamia is one of the basic elements of a history of the longue duree.
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BmLIOGRAPHY
Bongenaar, A.C.V.M., ed. (2000) Inter-dependency of Institutions and Private Entrepreneurs, Proceedings of the Second MOS Symposium (MOS Studies 2; Leiden: 1998). Dercksen, J.G. (1999) Trade and Finance in Ancient Mesopotamia, Proceedings of the First MOS Symposium (MOS Studies 1; Leiden: 1997). Gelb, I.J. (1979) "Household and Family in Early Mesopotamia." In State and Temple Economy in the Ancient Near East, 1. Proceedings of the International Conference Organized by the Katholieke Universiteit Leuven, ed. E. Lipiflski (Orientalia Lovaniensia Analecta 5). Pp. 1-97. Gregoire, J.P. (1970) Archives administratives sumeriennes (AAS); (1992) "Les grandes unites de transformation des cereales: l'exemple des minoteries de la Mesopotamie du sud a la fin du me milIenaire avant notre ere." In Prehistoire de la Agriculture: Nouvelles Approches experimentales et ethnographiques. Pp. 321-39. Gregoire, J.-P. and J. Renger (1988) "Die Interdependenz der wirtschaftlichen und gesellschaftlich-politischen Strukturen von Ebla." In Wirtschaft lind GesellschaJt von Ebla. Akten der Internationalen Tagllng Heide/berg, 4.-7. November, 1986, eds. H. Hauptmann and H. Waetzoldt (Heidelberger Studien zum Alten Orient 2). Pp. 211-24. Hudson, M. and B. Levine, eds. (1994) Privatization in the Ancient Near East and Classical World. A Colloquium Held at New York University, Nov. 17-18,1994 (International Scholars Conference of Ancient Near Eastern Economics, Vol. 1); (1999) Urbanisation and Landownership in the Ancient Near East (International Scholars Conference of Ancient Near Eastern Economics, Vol. 2). Jean, Ch.-F., ed. (1926) Contracts de Larsa (TCL 11). Kraus, F.R. (1958) Ein Edikt des Konigs Ammi~aduqa von Babylon; (1968) BrieJe qus dem Archive des Sc1mmasch-Hazir (Altbabylonische Briefe in Umschrift und Ubersetzung, Heft 4, ed. F.R. Kraus). Renger, J. (1991) "Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft." In Der Alte Orient. Geschichte und Kuitur des alten Vorderasien, ed. B. Hrouda. Pp. 187-215; (1994) "On Economic Structures in Ancient Mesopotamia," Or NS 63, 157-208; (2000) "Das Palastgeschaft in der altbabylonischen Zeit." In Interdependency of Institutions and Private Entrepreneurs, ed. A.C.V.M. Bongenaar (MOS Studies 2). Pp. 153-83. Sigrist, M. (1992) Drehem.
Text and Subtext: Precious Metals and Politics in Old Akkadian Mesopotamia Jennifer C. Ross Hood College
THE OLD AKKADIAN PERIOD (2334-2193 B.C.E.), a time of profound political and artistic change, represents a transitional phase in Mesopotamian metallurgical history as well. For historiography, the Old Akkadian period presents particular challenges. It confronts us with an array of source materials: royal inscriptions, economic and administrative documents, dedications, later literary texts in which Sargon and Naram-Sin are the protagonists, and a number of well-known artistic monuments, many found outside their original contexts. As Piotr Michalowski noted in his contribution to the 1990 symposium on the Old Akkadian period held in Rome, " Akkad and its fa te acquired a unique place in Mesopotamian ideology and tradition. So much has been written on the Sargonic dynasty-in antiquity as well as in our time-that it is difficult to throw off the mantle of tradition, step aside, and analyze the surviving data without the pressure of received views" (Michalowski 1993b: 69). By examining the evidence for one particular area of cultural production, that of precious metals, their manufacture and functions, one may be able to disentangle some of the threads of historiographic tradition. The Old Akkadian documentation for gold and silver production and use sorts itself rather neatly into three principal evidentiary categories: royal inscriptions, economic documents, and archaeological remains. Concerning the circulation and exchange of goods, Carlo Zaccagnini (1993: 35) and Mario Liverani (1993: 41) have warned us that the content and style of written sources depended on their intended audience and political or ideological motivations. Thus, the royal inscriptions, which magnified the military accomplishments of the Old Akkadian kings, contained messages intended for their Mesopotamian audiences, primarily the administrative elite, 417
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about the legitimacy of royal power, the king's right to rule. Old Akkadian royal inscriptions dealing with gold and silver bolstered the warlike image emphasized by the kings. At the same time, they reinforced a royal link to the gods, first introd uced in the dedicatory inscriptions of prior Old Sumerian rulers. Economic texts downplayed rank and would seem to have had fewer ideological motivations. Although the majority of these texts come from royal archives and official households, they cannot be regarded as wholly representative of the general population. Old Akkadian economic texts reveal a private, elite level of gold ownership and control, and significant private silver holdings. This level of private ~roperty is not so evident in the texts of the previous Old Sumerian period. We expect the archaeological record, finally, to be representative of a larger cross-section of society than textual remains. Yet the ancient sites have been subject to plunder at all times; this is especially true of the site areas most likely to contain precious metals-temples, palaces, and tombs. In addition, traditionally, archaeologists have tended to favor monumental finds and public institutions when making decisions about which parts of a site to excavate. Gold and silver, nevertheless, have been discovered in both public and private contexts going back to the Uruk period, and few changes in societal distribution are evident in the Old Akkadian finds.
Royal Inscriptions of the Old Akkadian Period Royal inscriptions of the Old Akkadian period, consisting of dedications to major divinities and monuments celebrating military successes, make occasional mention of gold and silver. Two dedications occur on gold foil. A fragment of gold sheet from Adab gives part of a dedication by an Akkadian official of Naram-Sin (Banks 1912: 145).2 A second votive piece, most likely from a door socket of the Ekur at Nippur, contains a dedicatory inscription of Shar-kaIi-sharri to Enlil (Fig. 1). The same inscription occurs on a pair of stone door sockets and on what is probably an exercise tablet, all from Nippur (Westenholz 1987: 57-58). These items furnish us with a passing glance at the types of objects of precious metals the Sargonic kings and their supporters presented to the gods, the sorts of ornaments that were visible in the major temples.
1 See Lamberg-Karlovsky (1996) and Edzard (1996) for recent perspectives on
private production and property in third-millennium Mesopotamia. 2 A second piece of foil, with two signs, has not been fully published (Banks 1912: 145).
Fig. 1. (Copenhagen National Museum 8602. After Jacobsen 1939: no. 80)
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Old Akkadian royal inscriptions reinforced this image, emphasizing the readiness of the kings to give away their wealth to the gods, and the links between god and king, manifested in and supported by gold dedications. In addition, the rulers employed their inscriptions about gold and silver to emphasize the geographic scope of their military conquests. Thus, Rimush pointed to the 30 mina (approximately 15 kilograms) of gold he had captured from campaigns in Elam and Barabshum3 and had dedicated to Enlil, together with thousands of kilograms of copper and hundreds of slaves (Rimush C6, CBS 13972 xxiv 47-60; Gelb and Kienast 1990: 205-11). In a year-name, Shar-kali-sharri recorded the dedication of a gold object, probably a vessel ([SU].ZU.GAL), also to Enlil (Shar-kali-sharri year 9; Gelb and Kienast 1990: 55). Naram-Sin created a gold statue of himself and set it in the Ekur (Naram-Sin C7, AO 5474 i 8-20; Gelb and Kienast 1990: 266-67), while Puzur-Inshushinak, in Susa, had fashioned and dedicated a number of gold and silver emblems for Inshushinak (Puzur-Inshushinak 2, MDP 4, pI. 2 iii 3-15; Gelb and Kienast 1990: 325-28). These rulers were concerned with maintaining their good relations with the gods and, by association, with the populace, ties they mediated by offering gold. On the other hand, Puzur-Inshushinak was the only ruler whose extant royal inscriptions record dedications in silver. The other Sargonic period kings took pains to describe their control over silver source regions, adding to the mythical scope of their empire-building, but they did not explicitly dedicate this silver to the gods. Sargon proclaimed that his empire stretched as far as the "Silver Mountain," presumably the mountainous region of southeastern Anatolia (Marfoe 1987). Whether we believe him or see his grip on this territory as tenuous at best, the phrase reverberates with power. In the same vein, Manishtusu claimed to have extended the border of his empire from a river, whose name is not preserved, as far as "the silver mines" (uurri KU) (Manishtusu 1 and Cl,ll. 25-30; Gelb and Kienast 1990: 75-77). This comment comes at the end of his description of battles against lands by the Lower Sea, and may denote a raid in Kerman in Iran, where both silver and gold are reputed to be found (Wertime 1967; Moorey 1994: 234). These raids and conquests, by which the Old Akkadian kings declared the geographic expansion of their control, may have had as one major aim the procurement of various mineral resources and the opening or reopening of the trade routes by which those raw materials reached Mesopotamia (Potts 1982). Gold and silver may have come from a variety of source areas: gold from Anatolia, the Caucasus, or Iran; silver also from Anatolia or
Iran. 4 The mention of specific source regions from which gold and silver were obtained was an innovation of Old Akkadian royal rhetoric; Early Dynastic dedications made no claims of controlling, or even knowing, the suppliers of precious metals. Once the desired metals were obtained, however, the Sargonic rulers imitated their predecessors by funneling a portion of the intake into the temples as a show of gratitude for divine favor. Their gold dedications there served as potent and semi-permanent, visible reminders of their hegemony, however fleeting. What proportion of the booty remained in the hands of the kings, to be used in their palaces or apportioned out to their retainers, is not recorded in the royal inscriptions, which documented only the immediate and publicly manifested results of the campaigns.
3 Regions in Iran, reaching at least as far as Fars. Cf. Steinkeller 1982.
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Economic Texts The economic and administrative texts serve to fill in some of the details left unstated by Sargonic dedicatory inscriptions. Specifically, they inform us about how precious metals, particularly silver but gold as well, functioned in interactions between the private sphere and the public institutions, both temple and palace. It becomes clear from the economic texts that private citizens could and did possess gold as well as silver, a conclusion we will find supported through archaeological evidence. Naturally, the vast majority of the texts of this time were written from the economic and administrative standpoint of the government institutions. Some of the most revealing documents concerning gold and its uses come from Lagash. Among these is ITT 24647,5 a text that records the sale of 19 % shekels of gold by the governor's palace (Foster 1983: 159-60). Several other tablets from Lagash (RTC 221-24, 226-27,229-231,233, ITT 4 7022 [=MVN 6 22], BM 114393 [=CT 50 52], and a number of related texts published in MVN 10 [numbers 89, 90, 97, 100, and maybe 91]) document gold- and silver-plated furnishings and vessels intended for use by the LUGAL, the NIN, and their children. Scholarly interpretation of these texts varies-their precise dating is difficult (where preserved, the colophons of these texts give a single year-name, but this year has not yet been definitely assigned to a particular king or ENS!), and no ruler of Lagash after the Old Sumerian period called himselfLUGAL. 6 Benjamin Foster (1980) has argued 4 See Moorey (1994: 220, 234-35) for a listing of the major known resource areas.
5 Abbreviations follow the conventions of the Chicago Assyrian Dictionary. 6 The year-name is mu e dNin-glr-su-ka ba-du-a. See Carroue (1994: 54) for the assignment of this year, and the group of texts noted here, to the reign of Gudea,
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that the texts depict the assembly of suitably rich materials in anticipation of a visit by the Akkadian king, either Naram-Sin or Shar-kali-sharri. If so, these administrative documents show us that gold use was not restricted to divine accouterments as suggested by an initial reading of the royal inscriptions. Rather, precious metals constituted suitable attributes of royal and administrative power as well. According to another tablet from Lagash, RTC 83, gold was presented to Naram-Sin as the cost of his mediation (or as a bribe-the term KADRA can mean either" gift" or "bribe") in a border dispute between Lagash and Ur (Michalowski 1993a: 20-21; Kienast and Yolk 1995: 102-4). In this letter to a succeeding Akkadian king, probably Shar-kali-sharri, the governor of Lagash recounts how the governor of Ur had made this gift of 2 mina of gold to Naram-Sin, perhaps to intercede on his behalf so that the disputed border towns could become part of the territory of Ur. This text illustrates the mediation of gold in the balance of power among the city-states of Sumer, as well as another means by which the kings came to obtain supplies of gold. We find in the economic documentation, however, that private individuals as well as kings made offerings of gold within the temples, and held their own stores of gold. Tablets from Nippur attest to gold-covered figurines within the Ekur, as well as a number of gold dedications and deliveries in the process of this temple's rebuilding or refurbishing (OSP 21724). Silver, bronze, and copper were used in quantity in this reconstruction process (OSP 2 25-32). On the private side, an inventory of the belongings of a singer, from Kish, includes a small portion of gold, 3 % shekels (MAD 523). Transactions in gold took place between individuals and administrative units. Often the direction of the interchange is unclear; other texts record that an individual delivered gold, in amounts of less than 10 shekels, to an institution (see, for example, ITT 2 2878, i l l 5 6689, or OIP 14 159). These texts demonstrate that private persons could own and distribute small amounts of gold. When we turn to silver in the economic documents of the Old Akkadian period, we find, perhaps not surprisingly, a wealth of documentation pertaining to various levels of administration and society. As previously in Old Sumerian tablets, the Old Akkadian texts indicate a much wider distribution of silver than gold among the population, with an apparent accumulation in private hands. Individuals made deliveries and dedications of silver to temples, and administrations made wage payments in silver. The Manishtusu obelisk records silver wreaths and jewelry given to several of and the supposed political subordination of Lagash to Uruk at this time.
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the individuals selling land to the king. But the majority of silver transactions, particularly those in which silver acted as a unit of currency or a standard of value, took place between private individuals, suggesting minimal government controls on silver possession. Old Akkadian tablets describe a variety of private uses of silver to mediate interpersonal relations, including loans (for example, OIP 14129 and 192), legal settlements (CT 50 76), purchases, and bride price payments (ill 2 2917 and MAD 1169). Thus, for the first time in Mesopotamia, we see explicit evidence from the economic and administrative texts that private individuals possessed gold. Because most of the documentation comes from administrative units, we gain mainly the institutional perspective on these private holdings. That is, the texts record only the gold that passed between private persons and the administration. Presumably, private persons could obtain gold in a variety of ways (inheritance, purchase, payment, and plunder, for example), most of which would leave no textual record. The written evidence emphasizes the means by which gold circulated in the public sphere, fulfilling particular political and social goals and needs. Silver, at this time, moved in a much wider sphere than gold, and is more widespread in the administrative documentation than previously. It possessed a wider range of functions than in the Old Sumerian period in Mesopotamia as well. As at Ebla, silver here could be used to purchase nearly anything, including gold. It served both public and private purposes.
Archaeological Evidence Given this dichotomy-that the Old Akkadian royal inscriptions mentioning gold and silver depict royal military accomplishments and subsequent pious deeds, while the economic texts give the impression of small private, probably elite holdings of gold but significant private stores and circulation of silver-where, then, does the archaeological record lead? As usual, the answer is equivocal. It is best here to keep in mind the earlier comments on the potential bias of the archaeological record. Gold finds from the Old Akkadian period, as well as it can be defined archaeologically and artistically (Gibson and McMahon 1995, 1997; Matthews 1997), appear throughout Mesopotamia, as well as in Syria, Anatolia, and Iran, but at a smaller number of sites than in the Early Dynastic period. The southern city of Ur, in particular, continued to receive a large supply of gold, to judge from the funerary deposits7 of the Royal Cemetery dating to the Sargonic period (Woolley 1934). Silver objects occur on many of the same si tes as gold, from 7 See Nissen (1966) and Pollock (1983) for the dating of individual tombs of the Royal Cemetery.
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Kiiltepe and Tell Brak in the north, t~ Ur and Susa.in the s?uth. At these sites, gold and silver objects turn up m a vanety of archaeological and institutional contexts, including graves, temple.s, palaces, and houses. The same contexts for precious metals are attestedm the archaeological record of the Early Dynastic p~ri?d, implying a. simi1~r array of functions for both periods. The domestic fmds are of particular mte~est, as they are generally in caches or hoards, buried within a house, reflect~g ~he need to store or even hide away the family's property. Hoards contammg precious metals were a particularly northern phenomenon, attested at Tell Taya (Reade 1968: 248), Tell Brak (Mallowan 1947: 71-75), and Tell Mumbaqat (Heinrich et al. 1974: 34--38). Funerary deposits of gold and silver, on the other hand, are to be found further to the south, in Kish ~Moor~y 1970:128), Ur (Woolley 1934: passim), and Sus a (Tallon 1:87: passIm). This geographic and functional distinction ~ay conn.ote.a.dlfferent me.ans of identifying wealth with or attributing It to the mdlvldual or faIDlly between the two regions. . . . Institutional attestations of gold and silver durmg this penod are, archaeologically, less common than privately associated finds. Gold and silver were found together in the garrison-palace at Tell Brak (Mallow an 1947: 67, 179-80), silver in a palace at Tell Asmar (Herrmann 1968: 50; Maxwell-Hyslop 1971: 33). Both gold and silver occur in templ~ contexts, gold at Telloh (de Genouillac 1936: 96) (but probably also at Nlp~ur and Adab, to judge from the gold dedications noted earlier), and SlIver at Assur (Andrae 1922: 107) and Telloh (the silver vase of Entemena [Braun. . . Holzinger 1991: 117-18]). The objects made of gold and silver are predo~mantly Items of Jewelry, though precious metals also occur, more rarely, m the forms of w~apons, vessels, and figurines. A large number of app~rentl~ unwo~,ked plec~~. of silver came from a pair of houses at Tell Taya, mcludmg flat plaques, mgots, lumps, and rings (Reade 1968: 248). These shapes suggest silver sto~ age in forms appropriate to production or exchange. In.general, the~e IS much less variety attested among the Old Akkadian preclOus metals fmds than those of the Early Dynastic, but the uneven nature of the a~ch~eolog ical record makes it difficult to say if this represents a true declme m productivity and creativity, or merely an acciden~ of archaeological discove.ry. The decrease may also indicate a shortage of sIlver an~ gold, one for ,:,hl~h the kings attempted to compensate through rai~ing. F~ally, the declme m the number of sites represented by gold and sIlver fmds may .sug~est a more directed exchange of precious metals, trading patterns leadmg dlrectly to institutional consumers and with restricted distribution, both geographically and socially.
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Conclusions Each category of information has thus yielded a distinct set of conclusions about the production and use of gold and silver in the Old Akkadian period. Is it possible to resolve these differences? The search for answers may return us to the problems and objectives of the sources, mentioned at the beginning of this paper. The Sargonic kings, with their dedications and quasi-historical inscriptions, aimed at the preservation and dissemination of their achievements, both for benefit of their worldly audiences and for the gods. The dedication of gold items and the process of writing on and about them created visible reminders and monuments of kingly power and divine favor; control over silver source regions provided geographic scope. We find perspectives on the two precious metals diverging at this time-no longer were rulers restricted to a general term for "precious metal" in their inscriptions. The royal dedications introduced a contrast in the uses-both concrete and perceptual-of gold versus silver. This growing dichotomy is revealed in the economic texts as well. These records suggest that gold was exchanged between individuals and public institutions. Silver, meanwhile, served to mediate an array of economically- and socially-based interactions. The economic texts, unconcerned with articulating rank, were intended as a merely temporary record of these interpersonal relationships. The archaeological record blurs the contrast between silver and gold produced by the consideration of the texts. The metals are found together at the same sites, in the same contexts. The motivations and audiences of archaeological evidence are to be inferred from the objects' use and deposition. Precious objects discovered in temple and palace contexts mirror the findings adduced from the royal inscriptions. In these public institutions, gold and silver served political aims, to bolster royal and divine imagery through their visibility and use in ritual and ceremony. Meanwhile, the archaeological finds from private contexts, houses and graves, attest, like the economic documents, to private ownership and use of precious metals in social and economic interactions, and to some degree, as measures of personal status and wealth as well. Archaeology, however, offers little evidence for the employment of silver as currency, a function that, according to the economic documents, underwent a great expansion beginning in the Early Dynastic and continuing into the Old Akkadian period. This sudden flourishing of silver, joined at first by an expansion of gold, then a decline, may have a technological explanation as one of its root causes. The first silver ores to be exploited in the Near East were the oxidized ores of silver and lead, found close to the surface of the earth. Though relatively easy to recognize and process, these
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ores would have been quickly exhausted (Patterson 1971: 294). It is likely that even before 2500 B.e.E. (the beginning of ED ill), the time of the Royal Tombs at Ur, it became necessary to find a new source of silver, and miners turned to sulfide ores of lead, further below the surface, and requiring higher temperatures and longer heating times to smelt, but yielding a potential hundredfold increase in silver (Patterson 1971: 312).8 The consequent increase in silver reaching Mesopotamia transformed its function~, from a precious material fit principally for gods and kings, to an econorruc good available to a larger segment of the population. It is not surprising that the Sargonic kings, eager to adopt and adapt visual and verbal metaphors for their expansive powers, took on the powerful symbolism of gold and silver to augment their fame. At the same time, other inhabitants of Mesopotamia participated extensively in the systems of precious metal production and use. This investigation into the messages yielded by the sources, their text and sub texts, while limited to the field of metallurgical history, and within that field to the evidence of precious metals, has offered some insight into Old Akkadian economic and social history. The interactions and intersections of public and private, gold and silver, power and propaganda, history and myth-making, can best be explored through the fullest possible use of sources, be they archaeological, textual, or technological.
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A Historiography of Demons: Preterit-Thema, Para-Myth, and Historiola in the Morphology of Genres* Seth L. Sanders Johns Hopkins University
IN 1931, ADAM FALKENSTEIN published his pioneering form-critical study,
Die Haupttypen der sumerischen Beschworung literarisch untersucht. His stated purpose was to work out "the species of the genus incantation." Falkenstein found that a primarl form of Sumerian incantation was what he called the "Marduk-Ea type," distinguished from other Sumerian incantation types by the presence of narrative features: (1) the "preterit-thema," which narrated a demonic attack on the victim as an event in the pas0 and (2) the dialogue that ensues when Asarlubi finds out about the attack and goes to ask Enki how to cure it.3 That a basic form of the Sumerian incantation should involve the narration of a story is, from the point of genre, both interesting and problematic. The paper is intended as a series of preliminary suggestions on a complex topic; it is presented here as given at the 45th RAI, with only minor corrections. I thank Walter Farber, Tim Collins, and David Testen for their comments during the preparation of the paper. The comments of W.G. Lambert and Jerrold Cooper, oral and written, respectively, will be incorporated into a subsequent version. Abbreviations follow the CAD. Falkenstein, Haupttypen (Leipziger semitistische Studien, neue Folge 1. Leipzig, 1931): 46. It would be preferable to say Asarlubi-Enki, since the equation of these two with Marduk and Ea is anachronistic, but for simplicity's sake Falkenstein's terminology is retained here. On the terminological point, see Graham Cunningham, Deliver Me Fro/ll Evill Mesopotamian Incantations 25001500 (Studia Pohl Series Maior 17. Rome, 1997). 2 Using aamlll-forms, translated with Akkadian preterites, e.g., in ~urpu V-VI. 3 In direct discourse with imperatives and mar(/-forms; the morphology of the
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Almost seventy years after the Haupttypen, "generic analysis continues to be a central problem in the study of cuneiform texts.,,4 The questions, trenchantly posed by Piotr Michalowski, include: (1) the native systems of genre,S how are we to understand scribal genre designations and how are we responsibly to make our own, and (2) the relationship of the generic form of a text to its context of performance: how can we tell how a text, preserved for us in literary form, was applied to a real occasion? One possible answer would be to just say that the questions ask for information we don't have: they require us to think like ethnographers, eliciting a daunting amount of contextual information from our materials. But as a student of the History of Religions, I do not want to give up on these questions so easily. I would like to argue that Falkenstein's own analysis of the Marduk-Ea theme contains a suggestion about a subtype of the literary form "incantation" that bears directly on our questions. I would like to do this by defining this subtype, looking closely at a few examples, and then assessing how this might help us. I will start by citing one of Falkenstein's examples of the Marduk-Ea theme, as re-edited and translated by Markham Geller (UHF VIII 647-89):6 The evil Udug-demon, infecting the quiet street, comes from a hidden place, overwhelming the thoroughfare. Akkadian verb eda, which lacks a durative and stative, makes the translation less helpful here. 4 Michalowski, "The Early Mesopotamian Incantation Tradition," Quaderni di semitistica 18 (1992): 306. A programmatic essay is H.L. Vanstiphout, "Some Thoughts on Genre in Mesopotamian Literature," BBVO 6 (1986), which includes a rich bibliography of genre studies from the point of view of literary theory (for comparable studies from folklore and anthropology, see the note below). S I use "systems" in the plural advisedly: anthropological research into folk classification has shown that genre systems vary across geographical, class, gender, and other boundaries. For an introduction to contemporary study of these problems, see Joyce Burkhalter Flueckiger, Gender and Genre in tile Folklore of Middle India (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1996); the classic statement of the problem is that of Dan Ben-Amos, "Analytical Categories and Ethnic Genres," in Ben-Amos, ed., Folklore Genres (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1976); the most stimulating cross-cultural critique of scholarly and native notions of genre of which I am aware is Charles Briggs and Richard Bauman, "Genre, Intertextuality, and Social Power," Journal of Linguistic
Anthropolog1j 2 (1992): 131-72. 6
Comments in braces and italics are mine.
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... The Dimme and Dima-demons who spatter the victim, internal disease and stricture, sickness, headache, and the Alademon covering the patient, (all) agitated {preterite} the distraught manlike a storm and sprinkled {preterite} him with gall. {prognosis:} That patient will progressively lose his vitality, undulating [like a wave,] [he will neither be able to dine] nor [drink]. Asallubi took note, and entered the temple, to his father Ea, saying,
{here Asallubi repeats the events, ending with the plea:} "I do not kno[w what] I should do about it; what can relieve him?" [Ea] answers his son Asallubi: "My son, what do you not know, and what could I add to it? ... Whatever I know, you also know. Go, my son, Asallubi,
{a ritual prescription follows; the concluding section starts with a command to the demons:} Be you adjured [by the] great gods, so that you depart ... The Marduk-Ea-type shares elements with other Sumerian incantations: the opening description of demons in the present tense and the closing command. What is distinctive about the Marduk-Ea-type is the narrative, which sets the victim's problem in the past and then sets about solving it by telling a story about gods in the past. What is interesting about this is that the events of the myth are portrayed as having resulted from a unique historical event in the life of the individual patient. The way the Marduk-Ea theme contextualizes itself might even make us rethink a certain stereotype about myth, namely that it is supposed to have occurred in illo tempore, in some primeval time that is also, mysteriously, our time. The Marduk-Ea theme explicitly describes events starting when the demon's onslaught made the patient sick: if the patient became sick last Wednesday, then the myth will be describing events that began, not in illo tempore, but last Wednesday? In fact, one of the basic formal features of these narratives-within-incantations is that they evoke the context of their own performance not in one way but in a variety of ways; this essential variety might be able to help us focus our generic understanding of the theme. 8
As already recognized by W.G. Lambert in his study of "Myth and Ritual as Conceived by the Babylonians," JSS 13 (1968): 104-12, esp. 108, who also noted the presence in Mesopotamia of the cross-cultural phenomenon of narratives within spells, describing them as "incantation myths" (Ioc. cit.). 8 The Mesopotamian examples bear on the more fundamental question of how narrative relates to ritual-thus, analyses of historiolae typically invoke a 7
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Suzanne Estelle-Holmer of Yale University recently introduced a concept into Assyriology that is particularly helpful in applying Falkenstein's insights. She recognized in certain Old Babylonian incantations9 a form called "historiola," defined in Classics as a spell "in which short mythological stories provide a paradigm for a desired magical action."l0 The historiola is widespread, recognized for over a century in a range of IndoEuropean languages and more recently in Hebrew and Aramaic incantations. In Mesopotamia we find a wide range of candidates: the Marduk-Ea theme in Sumerian incantations; the Cow of Sin motif, well known in Akkadian; narratives about the demon Pazuzu, widely attested in the first millennium; certain "minor cosmogonies," induding the Heart-Grass, the Ergot, the Worm, and others; and the Sumerian ritual texts that appear to allude to Atra-tJasis and Inanna's Descent. Further afield, there are several historiolae in the Hittite birth rituals edited by Gary Beckman.11 I chose here to examine the Cow of Sin historiola because it is well defined and studied. Thus W.G. Lambert: "The story is that Sin, the moon god, fell in love with a cow of his, came down to earth in the form of a bull, number of essential features of myth, including its ability to channel "power" from a primeval time or place into our world. See, for example, David Frankfurter, "Narrating Power: The Theory and Practice of the Magical Historiola in Ritual Spells," in M. Meyer and P. Mirecki, eds.,Ancient Mngicnnd Ritunl Power (Leiden: J. Brill, 1995). But precisely what is this "power?" How can we see it as actually taking effect in a particular ancient situation? General concepts like "legitimation" can only lead so far; more detailed models of analysiS are available in studies such as that by William Hanks, "Exorcism and the Description of Participant Roles" in Michael Silverstein and Greg Urban, eds., Natl/ral Histories of Discollrse (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996): 160-200. 9 In a paper entitled "Poetic Features of Early Akkadian Incantations" pre-
sented at the 1997 AOS meeting. I was unable to attend the meeting, but Ms. Estelle-Holmer has kindly discussed her presentation with me. There is no comprehensive bibliography on the historiola. A useful introduction is William Brashear, "The Greek Magical Papyri," Aufstieg lind Niedergnng der romischen Welt 11/18/5 (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1996): 3438-40. The works of Frankfurter and Faraone, cited above and below respectively, are also helpful in this regard. 10
Christopher A. Faraone, "Hermes but No Marrow: Another Look at a Puzzling Magical Spell," Zeitschrijt filr Pnpyrologie lind Epigraphik 72 (1988): 284 with n. 15.
11
StBoT29, 2nd ed.1982. For the historiola in Hebrew and Aramaic incantations, see J. Naveh and S. Shaked, AII/Illets nnd Mngic Bowls (2nd corrected ed. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1987), pp. 25, 111£., 192-93.
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and mated with it. In due course a calf was born, with extreme birth pangs, so Sin sent down two divine helpers to assist at the birth.,,12 The fullest examples are, not coincidentally, perhaps, ~he latest.: this is a Ne.o-Assyrian text (KAR 196/ / AMT 67/1, with parallels m the Middle Assynan text Rm 376), most recently treated by Niek VeldhuisP There was a cow of Sin, Geme-Sin by name. beautifully ornamented, of luxuriant shape Sin saw her; he fell in love with her (tlte next line is difficult but Itas to do witlt stn putting Itis brilliance or
appearance on tlte cow) He appointed her at the head of the herd, the herd followed her She grazed in the lush grasses, was watered at the ab~d~t wel.I,
(next a bull impregnates her; Iter time to give birth comes; she IS seIzed WIth birth pangs and cries out in pain) Sin in heaven heard her scream and lifted high his hand. Two Lamassus descended from heaven. One of them carried 'oil from the jar', the other brought down 'water of labor'. With 'oil from the jar' she touched her forehead, with 'water of labor' she sprinkled her whole body. (the treatment is repeated and) When she touched her for the third time, the calf fell down on the ground like a gazelle's young. 'Milk-calf' she called the calf. (tllen tfte concluding formula) Just as Geme-Sin gave birth normally, so may this young woman in labor give birth ... Now, we know at least seven instances 14 of the Cow of Sin motif; all occur in ritual texts that explicitly address themselves to the problem of a woman having trouble in childbirth. Yet only in the fir~t-millenniu~ scribal centers do we find duplicates. Even the non-dupllcate texts With the
"A Middle Assyrian Medical Text," Iraq 31 (1969): 33. All the texts referred to in this section are conveniently edited and translated, with bibliography, in Veldhuis, A Cowo!Sfn (Groningen: Styx, 1991). I am indebted in a number of points to his analysiS. 14 The texts are: (OB) 1. VS 17,34 (ed. van Dijk Or. 41 [1972): 339-48) with partial parallel in (OA) 2. Kt 90/k 178 cited in NAB.U. 1997/64; the other te~ts are available in Veldhuis, op. cit.: (MA) 3. Rm 376, 4. Lambert Iraq 31=Llgabue coli., 5. KUBlY, 13, (NA) 6. KAR 196, and 7.AMT67 /1.KAR 196 also contains a second, abbreviated reference to the myth.
12
13
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greatest verbal similarity15 still show significant variation: formulae are reversed, epithets are substituted, characters appear and disappear. 16 There are also diachronic differences: the OB text shares lines with the OA text that they do not share with any later material. The OB text is also the only one that does not name the cow. Indeed, while the OB text has recognizably the same theme and explicitly the same purpose as the later texts, there is little verbal overlap; among published texts its closest affinities are with the NA text (KAR 196 III 36-45). In fact, the manuscripts that emerge as most textually correct and free from loss according to classic text-critical principles are actually the latest ones. 17 This forces us to an interesting conclusion: there appears to be no stream of verbatim textual transmission apparent before the Neo-Assyrian period. Each individual recorded instance before this period was the product of a different configuration of the components and formulae that constitute the Cow of Sin theme. The picture we now have is one where, until the first millennium, the identity of the Cow of Sin theme did not exist at the verbal level but at the level of a theme applied to a situation. 18 Again, I cite Lambert's description of how this historiola is applied: since Sin sent down divine messengers with 'water of birth-pangs' and oil for use with the troubled cow, this guarantees the validity of the same treatment for later, human, cases of trouble in childbirth./I Note that unlike the Marduk-Ea theme, the events of this historiola do seem to be taking place in an unspecified past; the context of the myth is more like that mysterious /I •••
in ilia tempore. The application formula in a historiola is termed, in Classics, similia similibus, a request that /las it was then, so may it be now./I The formula expresses the hope that the present situation will turn out according to the mythic model provided in the historiola. But recall that there is nothing like this in the Marduk-Ea theme. In fact it is also recognized that the historiola does not need this application formula;19 it may even be the exception. 15 E.g., the NA text KAR 196 (parallel in AMT 67/1) and the MA text Rm 376. 16 For a convenient presentation, compare Veldhuis's texts a and b. 17 As Lambert noted at the conference, this may yet turn out to be the result of an accident of preservation; the currently available evidence is nonetheless suggestive. 18
19
Indeed, the appearance of earlier duplicates would not change this picture much, because the attested range of variation is already so great. See the discussion of Frankfurter, op. cit., who argues that the application is inherent to the narrative itself. I would argue that the application is rather the outcome of an interaction among the text, performer, audience, and occasion.
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How, then, is the narrative usually applied to the situation? We have to recognize real complexity here: the Marduk-Ea theme begins by inserting itself into present reality via its Preterit-thema: the patient's sickness is described as caused by a /lmythic/l event, the attack of the demon. Here, the correlation between supernatural activity and human life is not an imaginative possibility but a hard medical fact, the etiology and prognosis of a disease. In our Cow of Sin texts, on the other hand, there is always some sort of similia similibus function performed, but the literary form varies. The OB and OA texts request that the male baby be like the baby animal who is born with divine help in the narrative. The NA text, on the other hand, contains the classic similia similibus form: /lJust as Geme-Sin gave birth normally, so may this young woman in labor give birth./I Another option appears in an incantation in the same collection as our Neo-Assyrian exemplar (KAR 196 III 54-57): The big cow of Sin, of Sin I am. I am pregnant and I am butting all the time. With my horns I root up the soil, with my tail I whirl up dust clouds ... /I Here we seem to have an additional form filling the similia similibus function: the mother is to state that she is a character in the narrative. I would now like to extend the pattern by introducing a Hittite text as edited by Gary Beckman. Beckman's text L20 describes the menacing action of the moon-god during a childbirth. The baby is born but the mother is in distress. She cries out and is heard by the storm-god, who orders a remedy: /llet them go, the Mother-goddesses, and before her let the midwives take the ointment for the head!/I (11-12). The text concludes with precative requests to anoint the mother, and finally a similia similibus formula, And (as) these things were good, (so) let them go well (now)!/I (17). Beckman notes that the relationship between the mythological material and the reallife situation in the Hittite text is the same as in the Cow of Sin texts and that the structures of the Mesopotamian and the Hittite pieces are comparable, including: (1) the crying out of the mother in childbirth, (2) the recognition by a celestial deity of this distressed state, and (3) the dispatching by this deity ofdivine aid. I would add (4) the presence of the similia similibus formula at the end. The similarities suggest derivation from a Mesopotamian forerunner, and there is a Cow of Sin exemplar at Bogazkoy. But the differences are just as significant: the relationship between the moon-god and the mother-asCow is lacking and our theme has been united with traditional Hittite elements. Yet the text has the essential form that we have been looking for: the application of a narrative to a childbirth situation via a similia similibus /I • ••
/I
20
The reverse of KUB XLIV 4 + KBo XIII 241.
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formula. If we take this instance as a border case, we can propose another feature of the Cow of Sin's reconfiguration: the theme is nativized when it appears in neighboring cultures. A second instance develops the point. Among the texts excavated in the 24th campaign at Ugarit were a number of narratives about gods with medical instructions appended. The editor, Dennis Pardee, concluded that these texts were myths designed to be applied to a specific life situation for medical purposes; he referred to them as Para-myths. 21 One interesting feature of the Para-myths, which we recognize as historiolae, is that they never seem to contain a similia similibus formula. This feature may go hand in hand with the generally more abbreviated and mnemonic character of the Ugaritic texts and writing system but needs to be explored further. Here, however, I would like to focus on a difficult text from earlier excavations at Ras Shamra. It opens with two female protagonists, one of whom shares a name with the protagonist of the Cow of Sin, complaining to the high god El of terrible labor pains. He advises them to take up birth-giving gear and go out to the wilderness, where they will give birth to bovine creatures (KTU 2, 1.12, col. I 14ff.):22
?i. at . 23 I m / (15) amt . yrb
I dmgtj / amt aM . q(l / ksank . (ldgk / (ltlk . w?i (20) b aln . tklll / btk . I1llbr / if.
21 22
23
24
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§iy / kry amt / cpr. c?m . yd (25) ugrm. "Dig, maidservant, in the dust, with al . Id / aklm . tbrkk wid. Cqqm / ilm . ypcr / ~mthm
strong hands in the fields, "writhe (with birth pangs) and bear the hungry ones, may they bless you! "Bear the splitters (of the womb),25 may El pronounce their fate!"
After this, the storm-god Baal, who is, like the newborns, associated with bovine imagery26 in this text, searches for the birthing mothers. He finds them and "grasps" the newborns; they are said to "fall" and "break through"; Baal ends up collapsing, covered in the "blood of his kin." In previous interpretations the fact that women giving birth are among the main characters has been underplayed; it has been suggested, for example, that this is a ritual for driving out locusts. 27 But the simplest way to read the text is as a narrative about birth. As Jo Anne Hackett observes, Baal is the only real Ugaritic fertility god,28 and so I would suggest that he may be acting here as a midwife. The text concludes with a series of precatives that will have special resonance for us (1.12 col. 11,58-61):
"G 0, you (f)1 .s .. "0 Tulisha, maidservant of the Moon-god?4 "0 Damgaya, maidservant of Asherah; "Take your (f.s.) stool, your satchel, your swaddle, "and go off into the woods ... , in the midst of the terrible wilderness!"
§t~9 . mlk . dn
"May the king pour out from the jug,
25 The more common translations "rippers," "tearers," etc. assume an enmity between Baal and the Cqql1l, which is not entirely clear from the preserved text. However, d. the parallel birth scene in KTU 1.23:59ff. In Ugaritic the term is confined to this text and all translations are therefore based on the parallelism with nklm and the well-attested Arabic root Cqq "split, sever, cut, rip." According to Fred Renfroe, Arabic-Ugaritic Lexical Studies (Miinster: UgaritVerlag, 1992): 24-25, there are various nominal forms from this root found in Classical Arabic with the sense of "cleave, split, dig, burrow," and, interestingly, a noun Caqiqall, which can have the sense "severed prepuce ... hair of a newborn (cut on the seventh day)." This would suggest in Arabic a realm ofCqq that pertains to incipient or creative cutting (d. simply Akk. pari!Su), and it therefore seems reasonable to take Cqqm as "those who split (the womb)," i.e., newborns.
Pardee, Les Textes Para-Mytllologiques. Ras-Shamra-Ougarit IV (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilizations, 1988). My interpretation of the passage from col. I generally follows that of Simon Parker in Ugaritic Narrative Poetry (Atlanta: Scholars, 1997) and I follow the text of KTU2 strictly. I do not note epigraphic details here, for which the editions of Parker and KTU 2 should be consulted. Fortunately, there are no serious epigraphic disagreements in the passages I quote.
26 See col. II lines 50-51 for Baal and 130-33 for the aklm. 27 This was proposed by Avrid Kapelrud in Ugaritica 6; for Kapelrud's (excellent) grammatical insights, see below.
Note that this is a singular pronoun (the plural form would have been written atl1l, reflecting *cattUI1l-), following the usage in Ugaritic whereby doubled characters can act as a single person; see the discussion below.
28 "Can a Sexist Model Liberate Us?," Journal ofFell/inist Studies in Religion (1990). 29 The understanding of these three verbs as precative was originally proposed by Avrid Kapelrud on strictly philological grounds; he does not appear to have been aware of Mesopotamian parallels. The argument is as follows: the
The epithet ""ali/til YarilJi is simply Ugaritic fornll/at-Sfn; thatyrlJ is the Ugaritic moon-god and not merely a name for the moon is clear from the narrative KTU 1.24, 'The marriage of Yaribu and Nikkal (=Ningal)-wa-Jlbbu."
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"May the women who draw wate(3o pour out from the well, "May they pour out from the Source of the temple, "from the Deep of the diviner's house!"
Now, one of the protagonists has the same name as our Cow, but she seems to be one of two pregnant characters. This is explained by Ugaritic poetic diction, which can double divinities: thus the Mesopotamian moongoddess Ningal (attested dialect form Nikkal) gains a second name, derived from *:lInbu, "fruit" and becomes Nikkal-wa-:lIbbu, the moongoddess, who marries the moon-god Yaribu;31 she acts as a single being both narratively and grammatically. The grammar proves the point, because in our text the pregnant entity with two names is marked with singular pronouns and suffixes. The protagonist is a nativized version of the Maidservant of Sin. But this is a very Ugaritic narrative, longer than the Akkadian or Hittite examples, with typical Ugaritic tropes, such as asking
three Mk-forms must be taken as parallel and, because the four stated objects are all sources of water, derived from an ~-stem of the root n-t-k, cognate with Akk. natilku "trickle, drip" but bearing, in the causative, the slightly different sense in West Semitic of "pour" (thus Ya'udic, Biblical Hebrew), which drifts over time to "pour (molten metal), melt" (once in BH) and thus "smelt" (later Hebrew and Aramaic). Morphologically, there are two options (imperatives are unlikely because the addressees appear to be named, in the third person, and Semitic imperatives are always second person): it is remotely possible that the forms are standard narrative perfects, in which case the introduction of two new characters (at least, they do not appear in the preserved text and certainly not in the previous thirty lines) into the narrative is confusing in the extreme; it is more plausible to understand the introduction of these new characters as a switch into the here-and-now, addressing actors in a ritual. The forms are thus most likely Ugaritic precative perfects (for the suggestion to read them here see Kapelrud, op. cit., 328 n. 34; for the existence of the grammatical category, cf. Daniel Sivan, A Grammar of the Ugaritic Language [Leiden: Brill, 1997], 98f. and Stanislav Segert, A Basic Grammar of tile Ugaritic Language [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985] §64.26), exactly parallel to the precatives that conclude the Cow of Sin texts. The feminine participle of ~_:l_b can be used to identify the role of water-drawer without taking an object, as in Gen. 24:11. A further grammatical question is then the parallelism of the perfects if the subjects range from 3ms to 3fpl; for an example of a clearly attested pattern of parallel verbal forms with different agreement, see KTU 1.16121-25, with the imperative series rd/rd/§pl/rdn. 31 KTU 1.24. 30
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questions of El, the quest and struggle of Baal fused with the typical birth motifs of bovine imagery, mothers in pain addressing complaints to a celestial god, and the comparison of childbirth to a battle. The water-drawing motif at the end suggests a ritual setting. Our text is thus a likely candidate for a further reconfiguration of the Cow of Sin motif. Let us return to our questions: (1) native systems ofgenre: the Cow of Sin motif seems to have an organic identity consisting in the application of a mythic theme to the medical situation of childbirth via a similia similibus function. Support for the identity of the theme is found in the fact that the Cow narrative is exclusively found in Mesopotamian rituals-there are no Mesopotamian epic or literary references to the Cow.32 In fact, the theme appears to be so connected to the historiola form and the birth context that it travels more easily to birth historiolae outside of Mesopotamia than it does to other textual types within Mesopotamia.33 All of the Akkadian texts, as well as the Hittite text, contain a verbal form that applies the narrative theme to the occasion, but never in exactly the same way. This again suggests that rather than being copied verbatim from one spell to another, the similia similibus forms in the Cow of Sin texts may themselves be produced by an underlying constitutive rule requiring that the Cow of Sin narrative be not just implicitly but explicitly applied to a birth situation. I will end by reconnecting these generic issues to (2) the context ofperformance. Thus Gregory Nagy: .,. the very concept of genre becomes necessary only when the occasion for a given speech-act, that is, for a given poem or song, is lost. Such is the case of the Hellenistic poets, as described by Williams [Tradition and Originality in Roman Poetry (Oxford: Clarendon, 1968): 35]: "so they composed hymns to the gods, without any idea of performing them, or they wrote epitaphs, without any idea of inscribing them on a gravestone, or the~ wrote symposiac poetry, without any real drinking-party in mind." 4
32 However, Walter Farber draws my attention to a possible non-literary reflection of the myth in the OB cow named Makkar-Sfn. See Gertrud Farber, Kraus AV: 34 and n. 2. 33 A probable exception is the Hurrian myth of the "Sun God, the Cow and the Fisherman" (transl. Harry Hoffner, Hittite Myths [Atlanta: Scholars, 1990] no. 21). 34 Gregory Nagy, Pindar's Homer (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1990),362 n. 127.
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It is therefore interesting to note that the one marker used repeatedly by
ancient scribes to designate the Cow of Sin and related texts is the Sumerian rubric "incantation for a woman in childbirth.,,35 The textual situation we have seen, which shows a flexible wording applied to the consistent occasion of a painful childbirth, suggests what we have now lost: while the historiola is a living form in its context of performance, it is not really a genre. Once the context has been lost we are left with verbal forms alone. The emergence of the Cow of Sin as a generic subtype is predicated on its death as a response to a life situation. Yet the historiola always contains a moment of self-reference that "acts as a 'shifter,36 in that it takes on meaning only by referring to the instance of its utterance. ,,37 This shifter, the similia similibus form, always points partially back to the text's ancient life.
Administrative Texts as a Source for Historiography Leonhard Sassmannshausen Eberhard Karls University, Tiibingen
ADMINISTRATIVE TEXTS have not been the preferred source material for historians of the ancient Near East. While there is general agreement that they are important for economic and social history, as well as for lexicography, generally they have not been considered to be of general relevance for political history, although individual administrative texts have occasionally been used as historical source material. After studying several administrative archives and reflecting over the subject, I came, however, to a different conclusion. A wealth of information that is directly relevant for political history is hidden in the administrative archives and awaits critical use. In this paper I present four examples from administrative archives of the third, second, and first millennia and offer some general rules about what kind of information can be gained from these texts and whether there are any regularities in the occurrence of historically relevant information in administrative archives. I also discuss the problems involved in using such information as historical source material. 35
INIM.INIM.MA MUNUS LA.RA.AtJ.A.KAM appears in "The New Assyrian
Compendium for a Woman in Childbirth," most recently treated by Veldhuis, AS! 11: 239-60; similar forms appear in Veldhuis's texts c and d. 36 A grammatical term first used by the linguist Otto Jespersen to refer to cate-
gories such as first- and second-person pronouns that only take on meaning in their context of utterance; the classic treatment of the phenomenon is Roman Jakobson, Shifters, Verbal Categories, and the Russian Verb (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Department of Slavic Languages, 1957).
37 Barbara Johnson, discussing Emile Benveniste's redefinition of J.L. Austin's notion of performative in Tile Critical Difference (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins
Definition of Administrative Texts I understand "administrative texts" to be all texts relating principally to the economy and personnel administration that are not letters or legal documents. Ancient Near Eastern legal documents o~ the second and first millennia B.C.E. are usually characterized by three features: a list of witnesses, a date, and a seal impression-or a substitute for a seal impression, such as imprints of fingernails or the hem of a garment. Administrative texts have, of course, no witnesses. Sometimes they have dates, but more often they do not, or they have da tes tha t do not specify the year. Sometimes
University Press, 1981): 56.
441
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they are sealed, but mostly they are not. But almost never do they bear an impression of a seal substitute. l Administrative texts can exist in official archives as well as in private archives. A strict differentiation between official and private archives is often not possible. For instance, the Middle Ba~yl~nian ar~hi;,e of ~he descendants of Nabu-sarrab (better known as the PeIser archive ), which contains administrative and legal texts and one letter, is generally taken as an example of a private archive. 2 Yet it contains lists with the heading ZI.GA LUGAL "expenses of the king." Another Middle Babylonian family archive is the archive of the brewers of Sin in UrI which also contains administrative texts together with legal texts. The city of Ur was not a typical provincial city in the Middle Babylonian period. In some building inscriptions found at UrI Kurigalzu I called himself "king ofUr." The temple of Sin was the main temple of the city and the brewery was probably one of its more important economic branches. Therefore the archive of the brewers of Sin was probably not entirely private. It is quite common for cuneiform archives to contain private documents together with texts that are more closely related to the official function of the person. It is also important to realize that the categories letters, administrative texts, and legal documents overlap. There are administrative letters and some administrative archives that contain certain types of legal texts, as, for 3 example, some granary archives that contain loan documents. When being used for historical purposes, administrative texts sho~ld not be considered in isolation, but together with all other sources. I confme myself here to administrative texts and will not further discuss legal texts, since legal texts contain information that is rarely found in administrative texts, such as, of course, evidence for legal history and ownership of real estate.
Definition of Political History As political history I consider the history of polities and their institutions, the history of relations between different polities, the history of social One of the few exceptions is the administrative text with fingernail impressions MUN 152 (MUN = Mittelbabylonische Urktmden aus Nippur, texts in my book Beitriige zur Venvaltung und Gesellschaft Babyloniens in der Knssitenzeit [Baghdader Forschtmgen 21; Mainz: 2001] [hereafter: Beitriige zur Venvaltung]). 2 Felix Peiser, Urkllllden aus der Zeit der dritten babylonischen Dynastie (Berlin: 1905). Also G. Contenau, TCL 9,47-56 and W. F. Leemans, TLB 1,264 belong to this archive. 3 For one such archive, d. Beilriige zllr Venvaltlll1g, p. 195.
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groups within polities, particularly social groups that are influential and/ or have an active role in bringing about change, and the history of the individuals that lead polities and social groups. 1. THE NIMRUD WINE LISTS4
Some texts in the archive of the Nimrud Wine Lists are dated to the reigns of Adad-nerari III (810-783) and Sulmanu-asared N (782-773), a poorly documented period of Assyrian history. It has been shown that this archive stretches down into the reign of Tiglatpileser III (744-727).5 Since, therefore, this archive covered about three quarters of a century, in order to interpret the texts, we must use prosopography to help determine which texts should be grouped together. Tablets that are clearly contemporaneous are the texts NWL 1, 2, 3 and 18, of which NWL 3 is dated to the year 784, shortly before the end of the reign of Adad-nerarI III. The Nimrud Wine Lists not infrequently mention foreigners. In the four tablets just mentioned we find an Aramean leatherworker, Hittite singers, Kassite palace servants, a Chaldean cook, Aramean, Assyrian, Chaldean, and Subean bakers, and one or several augurs (dilgil i~~arl) from Kummubu. It seems that it was occasionally even necessary for the scribes to denote Assyrians explicitly as Assyrians. One of the texts mentions Gutian, Arpadean, Arrapbean and other bowls. It is possible that these geographic and ethnic terms do not in every instance refer to people and objects from abroad but to a certain foreign style. Yet even in such a case there is obviously foreign influence. In order to see whether we can adduce this evidence for historical interpretation, we have to review the royal inscriptions of the period and search for information that might offer an explanation for this influx of foreign people, objects and styles into central Assyria. The inscriptions of Adad-n~rarI III tell of his battles against Kummubu, Arpad, and Damascus, and his fixing of the boundary towards Kummubu. Adad-n~rarI III explicitly states that he reached Arwad and the coast, and that he received tribute from Samaria and the Phoenician cities, and even from Edom and the land of Palastu. He also undertook a far-reaching campaign through the Zagros mountains and mentions Allabria, a country where Kassites still lived in the time of Sulmi:\nu-asar~d 111. 6 4 J.V. Kinnier Wilson, The Nimrlld Wine Lists (London: 1972); Stephanie Dalley and John N. Postgate, The Tablets from Fort S/mlmaneser (CTN 3; Oxford: 1984),
pp.236ff. 5 Tile Tablets from Fort Shalmaneser, p. 22. 6 Cf. A.K. Grayson, Assyrian Rulers of tlte Early First Millennium B.C.E. II (RIMA 3; Toronto: 1996), p. 40, which mentions King Yanzi-BuriyM of Allabria.
444
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Therefore, the information found in the Nimrud Wine Lists fits perfectly with the conquests that Adad-nerarI ill and his governors claimed to have achieved. The evidence would not at all fit into the reign of his predecessor, SamsI-Adad V (823-811), who in his inscriptions reports fighting rebellions in Assyria and Babylonia and marching into the Zagros area. The rule of Sulmanu-asared ill had ended thirty-two years before the terminus post quem of the Nimrud Wine Lists, and the last years of his reign were marked by rebellions in the heart of the empire. Apart from places where he fought to quash rebellions, the area in which Sulmanu-asared ill campaigned is roughly identical with the countries mentioned in the inscriptions of Adad-nerarI III. Because the major campaigns of Sulmanu-asared ill took place more than forty years before the Nimrud Wine Lists, it is however considerably likely that the Nimrud Wine Lists can be taken as evidence that confirms, to some extent, the royal inscriptions of AdadnerarI III. 2. MIDDLE BABYLONIAN ADMINISTRATIVE TEXTS FROM NIPPUR
The Middle Babylonian administrative texts from Nippur date approximately from 1359 to 1225. In his article "Hurrians in Babylonia in the Late Second Millennium B.C.,,,7 John A. Brinkman gathered "probably Hurrian" and "possibly Hurrian" personal names from Babylonian texts dating between 1350 and 975 (in fact, most of these names are certainly Hurrian). In addition to the sixty-five names collected by Brinkman, I have collected another 109 names from Middle Babylonian texts from Nippur, which I consider as certainly or probably Hurrian. 8 Brinkman stated that his list was a selection of the "almost certainly" Hurrian names from a group of more than three hundred names that are, according to him, "likely to be classified as Hurrian." The question arises as to where all these people with Hurrian names in Middle Babylonian texts came from. The Middle Babylonian texts never call these people "Hurrians," but in several instances arrapbilju and babigalbata, i.e., people from the kingdom of Arrapbe and from the area of tlanigalbat. Did these hundreds of people with Hurrians names (or perhaps thousands, since probably only a part of the record has reached us) actually come from the area of Arrapbe and the kingdom of tlanigalbat? And if so, when did they come?
7 Martha A. Morrison and David I. Owen, eds., Stlldies ill the Civilization and Cultllre o/Nuzi and the Hllrrial1s (Winona Lake, Ind.: 1981), pp. 27ff. 8 Cf.
Beitriige zur Venvaltung, pp. 135f.
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Virtually all Hurrian names attested in texts from Kassite Babylonia come from Nippur. There is not one Hurrian name among the more than three hundred names from Kassite Ur, the more than one hundred names in the published Dur-Kurigalzu texts (except for one doubtful case), the more than sixty names from Tell Imlil)iye, those from Tell ZubeidI, and those from the family archive of unknown provenience published, in large part, by Felix Peiser. There are onl~ a few cases in the early Middle Babylonian texts from Tell Mul:tammad. It seems quite clear then that there is a concentration at Nippur-and possibly other as yet unidentified sitesrather than an equal distribution throughout the entire area. Although the earliest attestation of Hurrian names occurs in the later regnal years of Burna-Burijas II, which is just shortly after the onset of the archives from Kassite Nippur, two-thirds of the references come from the reign of Kurigalzu II. Of the remaining material, most come from the reign of Nazi-Maruttas, the immediate successor of Kurigalzu. After NaziMaruttas, we have small but continuous evidence down to the reign of Kastilijas IV, which is the very end of the archives of Kassite Nippur. But, the evidence from Burna-Burijas II to Nazi-Maruttas refers to people who bore Hurrian names themselves, while the later evidence refers almost exclusively to people with Akkadian names and Hurrian patronymics. There are almost no female names among the Hurrian names from Nippur. What can be said about the social situation of the men with Hurrian names? There are conspicuously few indications of professions. The material from the reign of Kurigalzu II comes mainly from ration lists, in which fugitives are mentioned. Thus it seems that Hurrians in and around fourteenth- and thirteenth-century Nippur were usually used as workers living under unenviable conditions. They came into the country unmarried, but some of them did marry later, probably Babylonian wives, and assimilation seems to have occurred already by the second generation. It is unlikely that they came voluntarily to Babylonia. Either they were refugees or deported by the Kassites. The treaty between the Hittite king Suppiluliuma and Sattiwaza of Mitanni tells us about a Mitannian prince, Aki-Tessup, who fled from Mitanni to BabylOnia together with two hundred charioteers, who were incorporated into the Kassite army. There is actually evidence in an unpublished text from Nippur that sU!?Jgests that there were contingents of Hurrians serving in the Kassite army. But these 9
Cf. Sassmannshausen in: K. Van Lerberghe and C. Voet, eds., Lnnguages and Cllltllres il1 COl1tact (OLA 96; Leuven: 2000), pp. 423f.
10 Cf. Beitriige zllr Venvaltung, p. 56.
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II
Under the massive attack of the Hittites, the Hurrians of Mitanni fled to the neighboring country that was least hostile to them, Kassite Babylonia.
(2) The Kassites may have exploited the situation and occupied stretches of Mitanni that were near their possessions on the Middle Euphrates, deporting people as a workforce to Babylonia. What makes this second scenario probable is the occurrence of groups of people with Elamite names in the same type of ration lists from the time of Kurigalzu in which men with Hurrian names are found. It is very tempting to see a connection between the presence of these Elamites in Nippur and the victory of Kurigalzu II over king ljurbatila of Elam. It is also possible that there were both flights from ljanigalbat to Babylonia and deportations in the first half of the fourteenth century. 3. ADMINISTRATIVE ARCHIVES OF OLD BABYLONIAN MARl
The Old Babylonian archives found at Mari comprise not only a huge number of letters, but also large quantities of administrative texts, of which approximately five thousand have been published. Many of the Mari administrative texts contain year-names and are historically important for that reason alone.
11
447
References found in these texts pertaining to the foreign relations of Mari 12 include: records of presents to the kings of AnSan and Sus a, to ljammurapi of Babylon, ljammurapi and YarIm-Lim of Yambad (including gifts presented to YarIm-Lim while on a visit to Ugarit); presents to Aplabanda of Karkamis,lbal-pi-el and SillI-Sin of Esnunna, King Zaziya of the Turukkeans, the kings of Amnan, Azubinum, Elubut, ljassum, llan:;Iura, Karana, Kurda, Qatna, Razama, and Ursum; a gift of cedar oil to the king of Tilmun; gifts to emissaries from Babylon and from the Gutians; a gift to a Turukkean messenger; gifts of clothes to messengers of Babylon, Byblos, and Yambad, to emissaries of Elam, Yambad, Qatna, and the Suteans; g~fts of small amounts of silver to messengers of Ilan-:;Iura, Karkamis, and Subat-Enlil; and gifts of ZimrI-Lim to various people in Ugarit. Also recorded are giftsfrom ljammurapi and YarIm-Lim ofYambad, Aplabanda and Yatar-Amum of Karkamis, from a king of Zarwar with the Hurrian name Anis-burpi, from kings of Andariq, Byblos, lja:;lor, ljaMum, Ursum, Qatna, Razama, and others; and gifts that emissaries of ZimrI-Lim received at Ugarit. There is information about deliveries of tin from Elam, some of which was passed on to other kingdoms, such as lja:;lor; to a translator, who was perhaps, at the same time, ugula [dam.ga]r kaptariljl"head of the Cretan merchants in Ugarit"; deliveries of gold from Marbasi; and of copper and bronze from Alasia (Cyprus). Many objects of foreign origin are mentioned, such as precious stones and stoneware from Tukris, Marbasi, and Melubba; weapons from Crete; and wooden objects from Tilmun, Parabsi, and Melubba. The administrators recorded travel provisions for journeys of the king of Mari to Yambad and ~ubat-Enlil; there is also mention of a journey of ZimrI-Lim to Razama. Mention is made of food deliveries, mostly sheep, for messengers from Babylon, Elam, Elubut, Esnunna, lja~or, Yambad, Karana, the Lullubeans, of Qatna, Razama, the Suteans, of Tilmun and other kingdoms, and also of food for Babylonian gal mar.tu leaders. Messengers from Arrapba, Babylon, Ilan-~ura, Kabat, Kurda, and Talbayum, as well as an emissary of ZimrI-Lim to the king of Kurda, received wine. There is a record of distribution of clothes to female singers that were sent
Mitannian soldiers account for only a small part of the attested Hurrians in Kassite Nippur. As to the arrapbaju, it is tempting to interpret our data in light of the account of the war between Kurigalzu II and Enlil-nerarI of Assyria in the Synchronistic History. Wolfgang Rollig noted the differences between that text and the so-called chronicle P thirty years ago: liThe question must remain undecided, which of the two parties won the battle near SUfiaga. Perhaps both sides ascribed the victory to themselves respectively. Our archival material indicates that many Hurrians of the kingdom of Arrapbe were either deported or had time to flee to Babylonia, which would not indicate a decisive Assyrian victory. However, the Assyrians did not suffer a crushing defeat either, for we should then find Assyrian prisoners in Kassite Nippur, just as we find Kassites about ninety years later in Assyrian texts from the time of TukultI-Ninurta I. As for the babigalbata in the Nippur texts, there are two possibilities: (1)
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12 References from administrative texts: ARMT 7, 236; 238; 257; 307; ARMT 12, 10; 747; ARMT 21,40; 54; 68; 94; 95; 100; 128; 189; 201; 222-24; 231; 246; 250; 298; 333; 340; 342; 375; 378; ARMT 22, 42; 150; 151; 167; 228; 261; ARMT 23, 21; 28; 45;61;213;230;243;286;329;333;370;372;423;437;448-51;520;524;535-42; 545-48; 555; 556; 560; 575; 576; 580; 592; 620; ARMT 24,72; 75; 90; ARMT 25,154; 60; 74; 83; 86; 98-103; 117-19; 140; 141; 144f.; 149-54; 165; 207; 243; 250; 259; 359; 424; 480f.; 484; 499; 532; 535; 610; 654; 718f.; 756; 761.
"Die GJaubwi.irdigkeit der Chronik r," in Heidelberger Stlldien zlim Alten Orient. Adam Falkenstein zlIm 17. September 1966 (Wiesbaden: 1967), pp. 173ff.
,
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to Qatna, and we learn about the marriage of a princess of Mari to the king of Elutut. Here, we cannot appropriately place all this material within the frame of the general documentation of Mari, since a new, more complete prosopography of the Mari texts is required. However, the simple enumeration presented here clearly demonstrates that the administrative material must not be neglected. Scholars working on the Mari texts have, in fact, already made good use of this material, which is important not only for the history of the Mari period, but also because it bears on general questions of political and economic systems of the ancient Near East, such as royal gift exchange, trade, diplomacy, and the structure of the Mari kingdom and relations with the Hanean tribes. 4. OLD AKKADIAN ARCHIVAL TEXTS FROM THE SUMERIAN SOUTH
Archival texts from the Sumerian south of the Old Akkadian kingdom have been found in various cities. The more important finds of archives comprise texts from Umma from the reigns of RImu~, Naram-Sin, and Sarkali-~arrI; from Adab from the reigns of Naram-Sin and Sar-kali-~arrI; from Nippur from the same time; the Mesag archive; and the archives from Girsu. ': p~osopograEhy of three archives from Umma has been published by BenJamm Foster. Smaller than the Umma corpus, but comparable, is the corpus from Adab, which has been treated by Zhi Yang. 14 Sizeable, but still partly unpublished, are the Nippur archives. 15 The Sargonic texts from Girsu still await comRrehensive study. The Mesag archive has been studied by Susan]. Bridges. 6 Almost all personal names in the Old Akkadian archives from southern Mesopotamia are either Akkadian or Sumerian. There is, however, a clear majority of Sumerian names ~rom 68 percent in Umma archive C to 97 percent in Umma archive B).1 The questions arise, whether people with
13 OrNS 51 (1982): 297ff. 14 Sargonic Inscriptions frOIll Adab (The Institute for the History of Ancient Civili-
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Akkadian names were generally Akkadian-speaking people from the central part of the Akkadian empire, e.g., the cities of Akkad and Ki~, and whether bearers of Sumerian names were speakers of Sumerian who may have loathed Akkadian rule. This problem is connected with the question (not to be answered here for lack of direct evidence)18 as to whether there was any perception of "Sumerian" or "Akkadian" ethnicity in the Old Akkadian period. Since the southern Old Akkadian archives predominantly use Sumerian and the names in these archives are predominantly Sumerian, while the northern archives use mostly Akkadian and contain predominantly Akkadian names, there is apparently in this period a relation between the linguistic affiliation of personal names and the language used by the scribes. The most widely known exception to the rule that people bore a name in their native language was Enbeduana, daughter of Sargon. Her case shows that there were people with Sumerian names who belonged to the Akkadian elite. What should not be overlooked, however, is the fact that the daughters of the Old Akkadian kings who went as ere~-dingir-priest esses to southern cities had Sumerian names,!9 while the daughters who went to northern cities had Akkadian names. 20 This shows quite clearly that these princesses were just an exception to the rule. In southern cities, having a Sumerian name helped being accepted. In the Mani~tu~u obelisk, which is not an administrative text according to my definition, occur several men with Akkadian names whose fathers bore Sumerian names. But there is hardly any evidence for the opposite. Thus we have in the Ki~ area and in central Babylonia, which is the area affected by the sale transactions mentioned in the obelisk, apparently a tendency to replace Sumerian onomastics with Akkadian. However, the vast majority of the people mentioned in the obelisk had Akkadian names. The archival texts from the Sumerian south, which are mainly administrative texts, offer a different picture. There we seem to find certain patterns of individuals bearing Akkadian names in particular social groups. When we study the professions and titles of the men with Akkadian names,
zations Periodic Publications on Ancient Civilizations I, 1989).
15
Aage Westenholz, Early ClIneiform Texts in lena (Copenhagen: 1975) and Old SlIlIIerian and Old Akkadian Texts in P"i1adelpl,ia, Part Two: The 'Akkadian' Texts, the Enlilelllaba Texts, and fhe Onion Archive (CNI Publications 3; Copenhagen: 1987).
16
"The Mesag Archive: A Study of Sargonic Society and Economy" (diss.; New Haven: Yale University, 1981).
17 Foster, OrNS 51 (1982): 299.
18 For a discussion of this issue, cf. Fritz R. Kraus, SlIlIIerer lind Akkader (Mededelingen der koninklijken akademie van wetenschappen, afd.letterkunde, nieuwe reek, deel33, no. 8; Amsterdam and London: 1970).
19 Enbeduana and Enmenana, daughter of Narfim-Sin, in Ur. 20 Sumllfini, entll in Sippar, and Tutanapllum in Nippur; both were daughters of Naram-Sin.
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we find in Umma two lu-tukul, one lu-tukullugal, one general
(~akkanak
kum), one chief officer (ugula-nu-banda), one overseer of the house (ugula-
e), one overseer of the cupbearers (ugula-sagi-ne), one ensi, two maskirn, two administrators (sabra), one house administrator (lu-sabra-e-ka), one scribe, one messenger (sukkal), one singer (nar), three slave women (geme), and one poultry breeder (lu-musen-du). In Adab we find one of each of the following: city elder (abba-uru), overseer (ugula), officer (nu-banda), house administrator (sabra-e), scribe, chief scribe (dub-sar-mab), merchant, groom (sipa-anse), shepherd (sipaudu), potter, and cook. In the Nippur texts housed in Jena and in the University Museum in Philadelphia all people with clearly Akkadian names seem to belong to a higher social stratum: there is a scribe, a scribe of the craftsmen (dub-sar gis-kin-ti), an administrator of the royal palace (sabra-e-Iugal), another administrator (sabra-TUG), and two generals (~akkanakkum). In the Girsu/Lagas texts published by Donbaz and Foster21 there is a cargo-ship sailor (ma-Iab6 ma-gurs), a maskim, a herald (nimgir), a scribe, a house administrator (sabra-e), a general (~akkanakkum), and an overseer (ugula). I was unable to evaluate the numerous other Girsu/Lagas texts that have not been extensively studied. In the Mesag household archive we find a soldier (aga-us), a brewer (luIUnga), a sailor (ma-Iab4), a maltster (munu4-mu), a plowman (sag-apin), a cupbearer (sagi), and a goatherd (sipa-mas). Among the "non-household" staff mentioned in this archive occur two soldiers (aga-us), one scribe, one chief scribe (dub-sar-mab), one singer (nar), one herdsman of yoked donkeys (sipa-anse-bir), and one architect (sitim). This shows that in all these cities there were a few individuals with Akkadian names occupying lowly positions, such as craftsmen or female slaves. 22 What is striking, however, is that most of the professional titles borne by people with Akkadian names indicate positions of supervision, in the military or administration, and other superior positions, such as singer and cupbearer, i.e., the data suggest that people with Akkadian names in the cities of the Sumerian south tended to belong to the ruling elite. What is perhaps even more significant is the fact that at the same time, in the same cities, there were many people with Sumerian names who also held supervisory positions, but more often at a lower level. From Old Akkadian
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Umma there are references to thirty officers (nu-banda), more than fifty overseers (ugula), ten administrators (sabra), and about eighteen maskirn with Sumerian names. Not unexpectedly, there is also a very heavy concentration of men with Sumerian names in the scribal profession, about thirty persons in the Umma corpus. That Sumerians were an important part of the Akkadian administration in the south is highlighted by the occurrence of an ensi of Lagas with the name Uru'inirngina, son of Engilsa, occurring as a witness in the Manistusu obelisk (XIV 7). A more thorough study of Old Akkadian prosopography would undoubtedly yield more results. This is, however, beyond my short survey. The administrative texts show not only speakers of Akkadian occupying positions of high rank, but also how Sumerian administrative personnel were integrated and used.
Methods and Problems An important aspect of any historical work is chronology. How do we date administrative texts? The usual method is to start with the texts that are fully dated, and to look then for the same people in the undated or incompletely dated texts. But how can we be sure that the person with the same name is actually the same person? Only if either several people appear repeatedly in an archive (which is the rule)-then we can date a person by his (or her) association with other people-or a person appears in a particular category of texts in the same function again and again. These two methods are the usual ones, since patronymics that can help us identify a person are usually not found in administrative texts. This is one more important difference between administrative and legal texts. To be able to find prosopographic relations is one of the most important reasons for publishing administrative archives as fully as possible. Dating by paleography is generally not precise enough to obtain any results that can be of use for a reasonable historical interpretation, especially as we sometimes have groups of texts with precisely the same date, from the same city, but with different sign forms. There is a small group of Nippur administrative texts that are dated in the tenth year of BurnaBurijas II and that have s~n forms very different from the other texts of that very same time period. 2 The sign forms of that group look archaic-they even look archaic compared to late Old Babylonian tablets. 24
21 Veysel Donbaz and Benjamin Foster, Sargonic Texts from Tello" (Philadelphia: 1982).
22 This probably includes Nippur, although I cannot find any in the sample of 187 texts that I evaluated.
23 MUN 195,256-58,269.
24 Although these documents are dated by regnal years and not by year-names
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When we try to analyze texts in the manner I have discussed above, we sometimes are able to reach incontrovertible conclusions. Often, however, the results may be not so clear and leave room for diverging interpretations, as is the case when attempting to discern information about etlmic groups with the help of onomastic evidence. This must no deter us from undertaking such studies and interpretations. The fact that some problems lie ahead is no reason to leave important questions unaddressed and to disregard useful material. Although dating of evidence gathered from administrative texts is often somewhat vague, it is generally still good enough to obtain a general understanding of a situation in a certain period and to observe major developments. Before onomastic material can be used to assist in our understanding of a society, we must, of course, establish how names built of elements of a particular language were used. Are there changes or inconsistencies within families or social groups? Are there fashions in the use of foreign names? These questions must be asked each time we look at administrative texts to study a particular town in a particular period, because attitudes concerning tradition, and acceptance or rejection of fashions can change in any given society.
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453
Old Babylonian period, between Kassites and Babylonians in Kassite Babylonia,25 and the role of Iranians in Achaemenid Babylonia. Another ca~egory of data that I have not discussed here may also prove us:ful: attestations of offices, titles, and institutions. These may change qUIte frequently. In areas or periods where there is a relative abundance of material covering a long stretch of time, we may be able to determine precisely during which reign these changes occurred. And, since such changes ~s~all~ were mandated by the political leadership, they can be taken as mdications of governmental policy. For all ~f thes~ reasons, administrative texts should in the future playa larger role m a~clent Ne~r Eastern historiography. Before we can exploit thes: s.ourc:s wIth benefit, h?wever, the still vast amount of unpublished a?mmIstratIv: textual matenal has to be edited. This is a very labor-intenSive, but certainly rewarding undertaking.
Conclusions Mesopotamian administrative texts frequently yield evidence of the presence or absence of foreigners, of objects of foreign origin, and of members of different etlmic groups or other social groups. Once we have dated the evidence, we can trace developments and try to link our findings to events known from other historiographic sources. Thereby we can confirm, complement, or modify the information available from historiographic texts. Material for research on issues such as the ones I have discussed here can be found in sources from all periods of history, assisting us to understand, for instance, the relations between Amorites and Babylonians in the -as are the earliest known documents from Kassite Nippur-I cannot exclude the possibility that this small group belongs to the reign of BurnaBurijM I, particularly since we now have texts with dates of a king called Agum that are dated by regnal years; d. B. Andre-Salvini and P. Lombard, "La decouverte epigraphique de 1995 a Qal'at al-Bahrei"n: un jalon pour la chronologie de la phase Dilmoun Moyen dans Ie Golfe arabe," Proceedil1gs of tile Seminar for Arabian Studies 27 (1997): 165ff. However, I find this possibility less likely since we lack texts from Kassite Nippur dated to the five rulers between Burna-BurijM I and Kada~man-tJarbe I. Also, the Amarna letters sent by Burna-BurijM II show wide variation in sign forms.
25
I treated this topic in Beitriige zur Verwaltung, pp. 137ff. and in K. Van Lerberghe and G. Voet, eds., ulI1guages al1d Cultures in Contact (OLA 96; Leuven: 2000), pp. 409ff.
As Years Went by in Sippar-Amnanum ... M. Tanret University of Ghent
IN THE LATE OLD BABYLONIAN Ur-Utu archive excavated by H. Gasche
under the direction of L. De Meyer, among 2500 tablets and fragments, four chronographic texts were identified. In his general overview of the contents of the archive given at the Leiden Rencontre, L. De Meyer mentioned these texts in passing. The present Rencontre, being devoted to history and historiography, seemed a good opportunity to present them more fully. The four documents in question are: 1 Di 456 Di 646 Di 1778 Di 2168
a list of year-names from Ad 1 to A~ 10 a tablet giving the full year-name of A~ 14 a list of year-names from A~ 1 to A~ 16 a list of year-names from A~ 1 to A~ 17
1. The Year-Lists and the gala.rnab The first point of interest is that these tablets were found not in the archive of a scribe, where we could reasonably have expected them, but in the archive of a chief dirge singer. What use could they have been to Inannamansum or his son? This poses the problem of their literacy. Although we can suppose galamab's could read and write? as the evidence of the exercise tablets in their Research for this communication was done within the framework of the InterUniversity Attraction Pole 4/25: "The Land of Sumer and Accad. Reconstruction of the Landscape and the History of the Mesopotamian Alluvial Plain." A full transcription of the texts will be given in a forthcoming volume ofMHET. Royal names are abbreviated as follows: tJa = tJammurabi; Si = Samsuiluna; Ae = Abi-e~ub; Ad = Ammiditana; A~ = Ammi~aduqa; Sd = Samsuditana. 2 As already indicated in Renger (1967), p. 198.
455
457
c...:·:...:·:...:·:...;.:...) M. TAN RET
456
house suggests, they certainly were not fully trained scribes. Although they probably could read the date-lists and sort out their archive, they did not write their texts themselves but employed professional scribes. It is likely then, that when old dossiers concerning property had to be classified, they would also do this with the help of a fully trained dub.sar, or even leave this specialized work to him entirely. We must accordingly consider the date-lists as technical instruments reserved for the use of a real dub.sar or dumu.e.dub.ba.a.1t is interesting to note that the scribes did not carry them around but left them in the archive in which they were written. It seems as if everything that was written in the house belonged to the house.
THE REIGNS OF AD AND AS: DI 456 - lETTER-SHAPED
Oi 456 is a rectangular tablet, similar in shape to a letter. It measures 5 cm in width and ca. 8 in length. It lists 47 year-names: Ad from the first to the last year and Af? from years 1 to 10 only, although there is room for more on the reverse. It gives totals for Ad and the ten years of Af? It is dated: Af? 10/7/28. This tablet too belongs to a type of year-list. Ten tablets of this shape and content are known. 8 The ratio of their length and width varies between 1.5 and 2 cm. Whereas five of them list all the year-names of one king, only two others continue with the year-names of the next king, but never to the end of the reign.
2. The Contents of the Individual Texts YEAR-NAMES OF AS: DI 1778 AND DI 2168 - ROUND
THE FUll YEAR-NAME: DI 646 - RECTANGULAR SHAPE
This fragmentary tablet gives the full year-name of Af? 14 on one side. The other side is nearly completely gone, but a few signs seem to be Akkadian. The shape of this tablet fits the content very well: it is rectangular and to be read lengthwise. It measures ca. 7 cm (breadth). Of its height, only 3 cm remain. This type of tablet is well known. Eight others have been published, most of them with the Sumerian version on one side and the Akkadian on the other. 3 All of them are written lengthwise, and some have a small left margin. In general their dimensions lie between 9 and 6 on 7 to 5 cm. The most explicit one gives the full version of Sd 7 in both languages, with introductory formulas ("In Akkadian/Sumerian it is to be written as follows ... ,,).4 For the reign of Af? we already know such a tablet for: Af? 15 Af? 16 Af? 18
79121 6
from Sippar?5 (language?) BM provenance unknown; Sumerian version only YOS 13, 407 from Sippar-Amnanum; Sumerian and Akkadian BM 799467
These two tablets belong to a third type of year-list, differing in shape and content from the previous two. They are round tablets, listing the yearnames of one king only, but not completely: Oi 1778: Af? 1-16 Oi 2168: Af? 1-17 They too belong to an attested ry-pe: three other tablets of similar shape and contents have been published9 All measure about 5 x 5 cm.
3. New Data from the Sippar-Amnanum Texts DI 646 (AS 14) This tablet should give us the hitherto unknown full formula of Af? 14. Unfortunately it is in a very bad state of preservation. We will have to await collation of the original to be able to give a presentable transliteration. DI 2168 (AS 17)
3 de Genouillac (1925), pI. 33 = tJa 14 (Ki~); PBS 5,95 = tJa 38; Peiser (1910), col 194 =Si 24; TIM 7, 234 =Ae "b" (Sippar-Amnanum); OECT 13, = Ad 14 (Ki~); BA 6/III p. 47 = Ad 29 (Sippar); YOS 13, 407 = A'$ 16; Messerschmidt (1905), 269ff. =Sd 7. 4 Messerschmidt, OLZ 8: 269ff. 5 Probably from Sippar, according to the BM catalogue, vol. III. 6 Information from the BM Catalogue, leichty, E. (1988), p. 182. 7 Information from the BM Catalogue, Leichty, E. (1988), p. 209.
This tablet gives us absolute certainty about Af? 17. It is indeed the yearname known until now as Af? 17+a. From now on the "+a" can be omitted. 8 Seheil (1902), p. 103 and pI. III =tJa l-Si 9; BA 6/III, 43-45 = Ad 1-A'$16; YOS 1,33 = tJa 30-Si 17; Horsnell (1974), pp. 19-33 = tJa 30-Si 6 and Si 1-8; Seheil (1912), p.107 = tJa 1-43 (cf. also idem, MAIB 39,116-20); Boissier (1914), pp. 161 and 163 =both tJa 1-43; VS 13, 105 =Si 1-38; Landsberger (1955), pp. 137-60. 9 TCl I, 159 = Ad 1-30; BA 6/III, 46 = A'$1-13; TuM NF V, 14 and pI. CVIII, 77 = A'$1-16.
458
(<>:.:<>:.:<>:.:<>:.:<»
Ammi~aduqa
M. TAN RET
17 (= 17+a)
Di 2168, rev. 8
mu ki.lugal.gub ib.dirLga
Sigrist/Damerow10
uruduki lugal.gub ib.dirLga bur.sag kur M.nun.na id didli.a me.te ne sag.ga.se e.mab.a e.ni.te.en. dUlO.Se ki.a bLih.us.sa
AS 17+b In his book La Babylonie au 17e siecie, H. Gasche (1989,4) identified A~ 17+b as A~ 18. In the absence of its attestation in a year-list, what are the arguments for this identification? The first argument is that Ur-Utu's archive contains texts dated to all known and classified years of A~, i.e., from years 1 to 17 inclusively. The only four texts from the archive that bear another, not yet classified A~ yearname, all bear A~ 17+b. Since no year is lacking in the archive, there is no reason to assume there should be a gap after A~ 17. It therefore seems logical to assume that, since this formula is not to be equated with any other one, it must belong to the next year, Le., A~ 18. The second argument takes into account the archaeological data. All texts dated A~ 17+b were found in room 23, layer IIIb. We know that all of the tablets found in this room were lost on the way out of the building, during an attempt to save the most important texts of the archive. The tablets found in this room belonged to a larger group of 49 tablets, dubbed "0", while two more tablets had been lost separately, making up a total of 51 tablets. Of these, most are old texts going back to Iluma-ila and the first kings of the Babylonian dynasty and pertaining to the chain of documents that concern the real estate owned by Ur-Utu. Four texts of this group are dated A~ 17+b: Di 2188 Di 684 Di 739 Di 682
loan of silver sam 0.3.0.0 ninda loan of silver loan of silver ana sam se loan ana sam [... ]
A~
17+b /[ .... ] A~ 17+b /1/21 A~ 17+b /5/1 A~ 17+b /5/26
In fact, these are the only texts of the whole archive dated to this year. If we find all four of them among the tablets Ur-Utu tried to save, this must mean they were important to him. In the case of loans, this would be beca use they were very recent, less than a year old 11 at the time of the fire and abandon10 Internet site http://www.mpiwg-berlin.mpg.de/Yearnames/yn_index.htm. 11 Unfortunately they are badly preserved and none of them has a readable term
of reimbursment clause, but we can safely assume that this term must have been one year.
IN SIPP AR- AMN ANUM
(<>X<>X<>X<>X<»
459
ment of the house. Thus they belong to a year different from A~ 17, which can only be the immediately following one: A~ 18. AN ABECEDARIAN ANECDOTE
We now are sure that A~ 17+a =17 and we can be fairly certain that A~ 17+b = 18. One may wonder by what stroke of luck precisely these yearnames were coined in this order. There is a simple explanation for this, although it eludes Ungnad in the basic article "Datenlisten" in RIA. In his previous publication, Die Chronologie der Regierung Ammiditana's und Ammi$aduqa's (1907) the author had disclosed the reason for his choice. It was based on the frequency of these date formulas, which he gave as:
year-name
number of texts known to him
A~17+a
25 10
A~
17+b
Although the numbers have changed, the general decrease in number of texts remains the same:
year-name
number of texts now known
A~
70 38
17+a
A~17+b
This is as far as philology alone will take us. If we did not have precise archaeological data about these texts, our analysis would stop here.
4. Combining the Philological and Archaeological Evidence The four tablets were found in four completely different locations: Di 456 was found in group T (A 317), Le., next to the bench in the lower left corner of the new archive room 17. Di 1778 was found in group C (A 379), i.e., in the upper left corner of the old archive room 22 at the foot of the bench. Di 2168 was found in a group of tablets under the floor of room 22, buried in a hole against the eastern wall of the room. Di 646 was found in group 0, the group of tablets taken out of room 17 and lost in room 23 on the way out. From these locations, conclusions can be drawn as to the function and importance of these chronological tablets for the owner of the archive.
460
IN SIPPAR-AMNANUM
C-:·:-:·:-:·:-:':-:l
461
INDIVIDUAL TABLElS IN THEIR CONTEXT
Di 1778 (A!;l 1-16) lay in C, a group of 38 unclassified tablets ranging in date from Ad 37 to A!;l 17 and including loans, sales, letters, field rentals, par$um texts, and administrative texts. Clearly, these had been dumped together awaiting sifting, reclassification in locus 17, or, in some cases, discarding. Di 1778 had been kept among the tablets with which it had been used. Di 2168 (A!;l 1-17) was dumped in a small pit along the eastern wall of the old archive room 22, together with some twenty others. These tablets had clearly been discarded: most of them are old, dating from Sin-muballit and ljamrnurabi. Only three date from Amrniditana and none from Amrni!;laduqa, except Di 2168. These are tablets that were no longer needed, a.o. referring to property long since sold and superfluous for the chain of transmission. Again, the location informs us of the value the list Di 2168 had for Vr-Vtu: none. Its time had gone by. Di 646 (full year-name of Af? 14) is one of the tablets Vr-Vtu wanted to save as one of his most precious together with his property deeds. This gives us an indication of the value of this kind of tablet for the owner of an archive. Of course we do not know what was saved but, as we will see further, we know what was discarded. If he lost Af?14 on the way out, we can conclude that the other tablets of this kind were safely taken out of the house. How many there were we can only guess. At least four (Af?15, 16, 17, and 18), but maybe many more, going back to Af?1 or further. The full formulation of a year-name was deemed important enough to be kept or saved. Di 456 (Ad l-Af? 10) lay in a heap of 364 tablets in apparent disorder at the foot of the bench in locus 17. This locus was the new archive room in which tablets sorted out from the old archive room 22 were stored. These sorted tablets were very quickly, impatiently even, examined, and the less important ones were just dumped in a heap (groups T and V), while the most important ones were carried through room 23, where some of them were accidentally dropped. This informs us of the status of Di 456: important enough to be kept under "normal" circumstances but not important enough to be saved in "exceptional" circumstances .
1
1
----------+1
i 1
, I
,, I
, ,,
6m I
----------1----------1
I ----~-------
STREET?
The tablets in Vr-Vtu's house. (after H. Gasche [1989], pI. 4)
..
,
462
IN SIPPAR-AMNANUM
CONCLUSIONS
These findings can now be weighed against one another. The two A~ year-lists, starting in his first year and going up to A~ 16 (Oi 1778) and 17 (Oi 2168), were both found in the old archive room: Oi 1778 (A~ 1-16) was lying among others, waiting to be classified Di 2168 (A~ 1-17) was already "classified": it had been discarded The conclusion must be that in the general relocation and cleaning up of the archive the same treatment awaited Oi 1778, the only difference being that group C was not yet classified. If the list A~ 1-17 was superfluous, then all the more so the one giving one year less. We may well wonder why a seemingly valuable document like Oi 2168 was wittingly put away under the floor. Was it not an indispensable instrument for the scribe, allowing him to order all documents written during Af?'s reign in the right chronological order? In fact, the presence of both lists up to Af? 16 (Oi 1778) and Af? 17 (Oi 2168) tells it all. They were both part of an ongoing process by which, as years went by in Sippar-Amnanum, at the announcement of a new year-name, the list of the preceding year was copied in full and the abbreviation of the next year was added. As if to help us further prove this point the scribe made a mistake in Oi 1778, inverting years 4 and 5, a mistake that is faithfully copied on the next document, Oi 2168, where Af? 17 is added. So, lists of this kind were copied over and over again, growing every year, though not indefinitely, as there was a tendency to encompass the reign of one king only. Out of the 23 lists of year-names we now have for the Babylonian dynasty, no less than twelve list (mostly all) the year-names of one king starting with his first year ~except YOS 1,33 and Horsnell [1974], pp. 19ff., both starting with lja 30).1 Only three start with the first year of one king and go on into the reign of the next one, though never to the end of it. The Vr-Vtu archive shows that tablets of this last type, to which Oi 456 (Ad 1-Af? 10) belongs, were not so easily discarded. Although they were "stopped" at a certain point and not added to any more (otherwise we would have tablets with at least two full reigns), they provided indispensable information on the preceding ruler's year-names. It is probably no
12 Up to now we have no list giving the full reigns of two, three, or four con-
secutive kings. The three larger multi-column tablets (4 or 6 columns, i.e., between 150 and 200 lines) all list 5 kings: CT 6, 9-10 = Sa-Si; King (1900),pp. 228-34 = tJa-A\110 King (1907), pis. 181-91 = tJa-A\l16.
c~:·:~:.:~:.:~:.:~)
463
coincidence that the first year on Oi 456 coincides with the beginning of the career of Vr-Utu's father. It was kept because it enabled him to classify Inanna-mansum's archive. Oi 456 is dated: it was written on the 28th day of the seventh month of As 10. The fact that it is dated shows its definitive character. This was a list that would not grow anymore, it was long enough and another tradition had been started in the meantime, to which Di 1778 and Oi 2168 belong, ordering A~'s year-names from his first year on. This means that Oi 456 belongs to a different textual tradition, a fact that is again proven by a scribal error. Indeed Oi 456 inverts the order of Af? 6 and 7, not 4 and 5 like Oi 1778/2168, which is conclusive proof that the last two tablets were not copied from Oi 456. AN ARCHAEOLOGICAL CONSEQUENCE
An unforeseen bonus is that the understanding of the functioning of the "chain of year-lists," each extending by one unit and so replacing the preceding one, allows us now to add an element of precision to H. Gasche's dating of the last phase of reoccupation of Vr-Vtu's house. Gasche writes (1989,33) that, since Oi 2168 (Af? 1-17) was interred under the floor oflocus 22, before the application of the plaster marking the last phase of occupation, this could have been done at the earliest at the beginning of Af? 17. This would total eleven months and a few days. The most recent tablet of the archive, Oi 682, is dated Af? 18/5/26. Adding these five months of occupation in Af? 18 to the eleven of Af? 17, he calculated sixteen months as the maximum for the last phase of occupation of Vr-Vtu's house. Now that we know that a new list of this type was compiled every year, it could only have made sense to dump the Af? 1-17 list when a new one was copied and enlarged in Af? 18. The fact that we did not find this last tablet provides an argumentum e silentio: if we did not find it, this shows that it was precious enough to be saved at the time of the disaster in the house. If Oi 2168 was dumped at the beginning of Af? 18 instead of 17, the length of occupation of the last phase, which starts on top of it, must therefore be reduced by a whole year: it lasted five months or less if, as is probable, Oi 2168 was not put away on the first day of the new year.
5. Sumum-li~i: The Hardships of a Trade One scribe stands out in the archive. Sumum-lif?i is attested as dub.sar and later dumu.e.dub.ba.a in the archive from Ad 33 to Af? 13. In this time span he puts his name on no fewer than 177 texts. This gives us a good opportunity to compare the year formulas he writes on the tablets with those on the year-lists. The first and most obvious
464
IN SIPPAR-AMNANUM
observation is that the year-lists were by no means used in putting the dates on the tablets. They contain abbreviations that normally are far shorter than the ones used on the tablets. Their only but essential practical use was to establish a chronology for the tablets making up the different dossiers in an archive. In that they of course differed from the tablets inscribed lengthwise with a full year-name. These were used as the basis for the practical yearname writing. The scribe probably memorized a shortened version of them that he used throughout the year. Afterwards he wrote a new tablet of successive year-names, adding to it the shortest possible abbreviation of the past year. How the year-names were written on the tablets can be illustrated by some of the 22 tablets Sumum-li~i wrote in A~ 12. On the eighth day of the first month he writes his first tablet of that year, Di 891, using the following formula:
year, whose formula he had already written several times, with a year formula of 22 years ago, six years before he even started his career as scribe. The solution is provided by the first text that is written during the next month, dated A~ 12/5/2. This is nothing less than Oi 932, the final division of inheritance between Ur-Utu and his brothers. It marks the end of the year-long dispute analyzed by C. Janssen (1992). After so many years of quarreling the whole dossier was finally settled. We can imagine what a titanic work it might have been to sort out the archive in order to identify and legitimize all the real estate property of the deceased father in order to divide it among the sons. We can imagine there was pressure and stress. If Sumum-li~i wrote Di 932, the final document, on the second day of the fifth month, we can be sure that during the previous month he was thoroughly searching the archive. In doing so he undoubtedly came across an essential document: the one attesting that Inanna-mansum had bought his house, the one Ur-Utu was living in, from Lamassani. We commented upon this document together with H. Gasche and C. Janssen in Festschrift De Meyer.14 Its date is ... Ad 28. Events can then be reconstructed as follows. During the fourth month of A~ 12, Sumum-li~i sorted out the ownership documents and their chains of transmission in the archive of Inanna-mansum/Ur-Utu. He read the documents and their dates, classifying them in chronological order with the help, not of his memory, but of a list of year-names, which in casu may well have been Di 456. At that very moment he was distracted by a call to write another document: Di 1475, to be dated A~ 12. His pen then slips and, because of the similarity of both formulas and undoubtedly the stress of the situation, he wrote part of Ad 28. We could, of course, suppose, quoting a modern Assyriologist, that he must not have been the greatest of scholars to make such an error. On the other hand, I think we must rather be thankful, because his laps us calami allowed us to get one step closer to everyday scribal practice and to appreciate its hardships, as years went by in Sippar-Amnanum....
mu am-mi-$a-du-qa lugal.e /alam.a.ni ~u.silim.ma[ ... ] e.a /x mab xx
ma~
gab.tab.ba /ll alam.a.ni
On the 21 other documents written during this year he uses a shorter formula: mu am-mi-$a-du-qa lugal.e /alam.a.ni ~u.silim.ma / ab.bLe.a
ma~
gab.tab.ba /ll alam.a.ni
We can imagine he had just received the tablet with the full year-name and initially started using an abbreviation that he soon must have found too long. He then shortened it to the version he would use afterwards. And then, in a text dated A~ 12/4/14, he makes an error: he inserts part of Ad 28! How is this possible? He writes (Oi 1475): alam.a.ni ma~.da.rLall alam.a.ni ~u silim ab.be.a In this formula he has replaced ma~.gab.tab.ba with ma~.da.rLa. There is no year-name in which such a da.rLa "lamb" is mentioned. This only appears in Ad 28: A~
alam.a.ni ma~.da.rLa~u.a an.du7.a e.nam.ti.la.~e Lne.en. ku 4. ra Why would a scribe make such a mistake? The similitude of the first part of the two year-names, as abbrevia ted, is of course a possible reason,13 but this still does not explain why Sumum-li~i would confuse the current
13 The similitude goes even further when we consider another variant of A'$ 12: alam.a.ni ma~.gab.tab.ba 1\u.a.an.da.a. This differs only in the words da.rLa/ gab.tab.ba (and in the variant writing of dU7/ da).
14 Janssen (1994).
c..x ..:·:..:·:..:·:..)
465
C-:':-:.:-:.:-:.:-::l
466
M. T ANRET
BmLIOGRAPHY
Bernhardt, I. (1976) SozialOkonomisclle Texte und Reclltsurkunden aus Nippur zur kassitenzeit. TuM V. Berlin. Boissier, A. (1914) "Deux tablettes inedites historiques concernant Ie regne de Hammurabi." RA 11: 161ff. Clay, A.T. (1915) Miscellaneous Inscriptions in tile Yale Babylonian Collection. YOS 1. New Haven. Dalley, S. and N. Yoffee (1991) Old Babylonian Texts in tile Ashmolean Museum. Texts from Kish and Elsewhere. OECT 13. Oxford. Edzard, D.O. (1971) Cuneiform Texts. Altbabylonische Rechts-und Wirtschaftsurkunden aus Tell ed-Der bei Sippar. TIM 7. Wiesbaden. Figulla, H.H. (1914) Altbabylonische Vertriige, VS 13. Leipzig. Gasche, H. (1989) La Babylonie au 17ieme siecle avant notre ere: approche arclleologique, problemes et perspectives). MHE, M I. Ghent. de Genouillac, H. (1925) Premieres recherc/les ArC/u!ologiques iI KiC/, II. Paris. Horsnell, D. (1974) "Two New Date-Lists of the First Dynasty of Babylon." OrNS 53: 19ff. Janssen, c. (1992) "Inanna-mansum et ses fils: relation d'une succession turbulente dans les archives d'Ur-Utu." RA LXXXVI: 19ff. Janssen, c., H. Gasche, and M. Tanret (1994) "Du chantier ala tablette, Ur-Utu et l'histoire de sa maison a Sippar-Amnanu." In H. Gasche, M. Tanret, C. Janssen, and A. Degraeve, eds., Cinquante-dellx YI!flections sur Ie Proche-Orient ancien offertes en 110m mage iI Leon De Meyer. MHE, OP II. Leuven. Pp. 91-123. King, L.W. (1900) The Letters and Inscriptions of Hall/tIlurabi, Vol II. London. (1907) Chronicles concerning Early Babylonian Kings. London. Landsberger, .B. (1955) "The Date List of the Babylonian King Samsu-ditana." JNES 14: 137ff. Messerschmidt, L. (1905) "Zur babylonischen Chronologie." OLZ 8: 268ff. Peiser, F.E. (1910) "Zur altbabylonische Datierungsweise II." OLZ 13: 193ff. Pinches, Th.G. (1898) CT VI. London. Poebel, A. (1914) Historical and Grammatical Texts. PBS 5. Philadelphia. Renger, J. (1969) "Untersuchungen zum Priester tum der altbabylonischen Zeit. 2. Teil." ZA NF 25: 104-230. Scheil, V. (1902) Une saison de fouilles iI Sippar. MIFAO III. Le Caire. (1912) "Les evenements eponymiques du regne de Hammourabi." RT 34: 107ff. (1914) "La chronologie rectifiee du regne de Hammourabi." MAIB 39: 116ff. Thureau-Dangin, F. (1910) Lettres et contrats de /'epoqlle de la premiere dynastie babylonienne. TCL 1. Paris. Ungnad, A. (1907) "Die Chronologie der Regierung Ammiditana's und Ammi~aduqa's nach Datenlisten des Berliner Museums." BA 6/III. Leipzig.
The Journey of the Sargonic King to Assur and Gasur Giuseppe Visicato Rome
WE KNOW FROM THEIR INSCRIPTIONS that the kings of Akkad traveled, especially to lead military campaigns.1 In the course of these journeys, the kings stopped at various towns to obtain provisions for their army. In 1980, B.R. Foster collected a group of documents from Adab, Girsu, Nippur, and Umma concerning allocations of goods in connection with the journeys in Sumer of two Sargonic kings, accompanied by the their families and dignitaries. 2 The kings in question were probably Naram-Sin and Sar-kaIHarri. While these documents provide us with some details about the journeys of Naram-Sin and Sar-kali-sarri in Sumer, until now no information has been available about similar journeys in other parts of the empire. The purpose of this communication is to consider two sources that seem to concern travels of these two Sargonic kings in the Diyala region and in northern Mesopotamia respectively. The first instance, from the Sargonic archive of Tell el-Suleimah,3 suggests that at one point an unnamed Sargonic king (most likely Naram-Sin) visited this strategic region of the Zagros, together with a priestess of Enlil (nin den-lH-le), possibly a princess, and a number of royal dignitaries, such
Only a few of these sources have survived from the Sargonic period; most of them are known from later Old Babylonian and Neo-Babylonian copies. See D. Frayne, The Royal Inscriptions of Mesopotamia, Early Periods 2, Sargonic ilnd Gutian Periods (RIME 2; Toronto: 1993), pp. 8-12; 41-43; 75-77; 88-94; 192-94. 2 B.R. Foster, "Notes on Sargonic Royal Progress," JANES 12 (1980): 29-42. 3 F. Rasheed, The Ancient Inscriptions in the Himrin Area (Himrin 4; Baghdad: 1981) no. 3.
467
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as the sabra-e and local governors. 4 Unfortunately, no additional information about this event survives in other Tell el-Suleimah sources. The second document, a Gasur letter,S provides some information about a royal sojourn in northern Mesopotamia. A certain Dada instructs Suma~ilum to make ready the flour in ~s keeping, because the king is about to arnve ([eJn-ma da-da [a-nJa sU4-ma-tlum DABIN sU is-le4-su /i-su-ur sarrumum e-la-kam); furthermore, he is to inform IIi as to the amount of barley, oil, ~~ perha~s',other goods to be sent (II a-na i-I{ qf-bf-ma [xJ 'X, SE 'X' [ ... ]1 [oo.J l-d[/-m oo .lJI-s~-rf-am) .. ~e l~tter does not reveal whether the king visited Gasur to receI~e.t~e CIty s tnbute or to conduct a military campaign. While th~ latter possIbilIty appears to be more likely, further elucidation on this pomt dep.end~ on whether traces, however indirect, of the king's journey recorded m this text may be found elsewhere in the archive. ~he archive in question contains 224 Sargonic tablets recovered from the SIte of Yorghan Tepe (Hurrian Nuzi and Sargonic Gasur) by the Harvard-Baghdad School Expedition at Nuzi during the 1928-29 and 1930-31 ~easons. Although found beneath the Hurrian palace (in a shaft excavated m room L 4), as well as in subsequent strata, the tablets constitute a homog.eneous archive. As suc~, they must have been contained originally in a smgle stratum that was dIsturbed by later builders. Th.J. Meek, publishing the texts a few years after their discovery, dated the archive to the early 6 Sargonic period. More recently, a date in the classical Sargonic period (be~ee~ the end of the reign of Naram-Si'n and the beginning of that ofSarkah-sarn) has been suggeste~, based on the tablets' appearance and paleography and on the systematic use of the Akkadian gur as the unit of measurement for seed barley? With the exception of twelve letters and nine school texts, these documents r~fl~~t an adm~~strative archive primarily concerned with agricultural actiVIties. In addItion to agriculture charts, the texts record allocations of ~and parcels and seed and fodder barley, as well as post-harvest transactions for barley, emmer, and other grains. There are also barley and 4
For this document, see now G. Visicato, 'The Sargonic Archive of Tell el Suleimah," ICS 51 (1999): 25-26. S
6
7
HSS 10, 6. Recently edite~ by P. Michalowski, Letters from Early Mesopotamia (A.tlanta: 1993), p. 35; B. Kienast and K. Volk, Die SlImeriscilen lind Akkadischen Bl'ICfe (FAOS 19; Stuttgart: 1995), pp. 180-81. Th.]. Meek, Old Akkadian, SlImerian and Cappadociall Texts from Nllzi (HSS 10' Cambridge: 1935). ' B.R. Foster, "Administration of State Land at Sargonic Gasul' " OrAn 21 (1981): 39. '
THE JOURNEY OF THE SARGONIC KING
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emmer ration texts, nl-bar-ra and MUN.sA allocation texts,S and interestbearing loan texts. 9 Records of cattle and personnel are fairly representative, while only a few texts deal with silver, beer, and other goods. The prosopography and the content of the texts indicate that they formed part of an institutional household's archive that spanned a relatively short period of time. Furthermore, Foster concludedlO "that the records belonged to a domain administered by a certain Zuzu, a cadaster official, who served, indirectly at least, the interest of royal accountability."n Given the archive's homogeneity, it is likely that the royal journey recorded in HSS 10, 6 is alluded to in other texts as well. One such text appears to be HSS 10, 134, which reads ga-sur LUGAL LIBIR it SE-BA Stl 1 U4 da-da, "(in?) Gasur, the king, the former (barley) and the barley rations of 1 day (received). Dada (was the supervisor).,,12 In this text, Dada is possibly identical with the sender of HSS 10, 6, while the barley in question may be the same that IIi was supposed to make available for the king. Also related here may be HSS 10, 66, which records a delivery of barley and grain to various officials, which included a certain Ikunum (titled elsewhere as sabra dumu-ensi),IJ the sa1Z-duS Zuzu, and a sabra-e. The purpose of the delivery was to ration the king's servants (se-ba irn-Iugal). Royal servants are also recorded in other texts. HSS 10, 208 is an emollment record of two persons (a father and his son) and of four servants of the king in Uzla. In HSS 10,32 a certain Akume irll-lugal receives 120 sila of emmer. HSS 10, 137 lists three daughters of a certain Izaba, who was a royal servant (geme lugal) and wife of Azizi. While Izaba and her daughters do not occur elsewhere, Azizi is a recipient of agricultural land and of barley in HSS 10, 36 IV 14'; he also receives barley in HSS 10, 152 r. II 2. HSS 10, 94 reads: "a S B.R. Foster, "People, Land and Produce at Sargonic Gasul'," in D.1. Owen and M.A. Morrison, eds. (SCCNH 2; Winona Lake, Ind.: 1987), p. 101, regards MUN.SA as "presumably a local term for sustenance." 9 B.R. Foster, "Selected Business Documents from Sargonic Mesopotamia," ICS 35 (1983): 161-65. 10 SCCNH 2, 90. 11 According to Foster, "Administration of State Land at Sargonic Gasur," OrAn 21 (1981): 47 n. 16, the term "accountability" is used here in the sense of "obligation to keep records for property that is not one's own. So far as I can see, accountability exists in the third millennium archives only in institutional contexts."
12 Differently Foster, SCCNH 2, 102, translates: "(For) Gasul', (of the) king, grain rations for ... personnel of 1 day, (authority:) Dada." 13 HSS 10,72 o. II 11-13. See also Foster, ICS 35 (1983): 161-62.
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royal servant brought [x] gur of barley to Gasur; Zu.zu gave it to ESum and ISarum, two trade agents," ([x] SE GUR 'a'-na ga-suyki lR-LUGAL u-bil zu-zu a-
na e-[su]m it i-sar-ru-um 2 DAM-GAR i-ti-in). At this point, we may try to identify the actors of the letter HSS 10,6: the addressees ~uma-ilum and lli, and the sender Dada. ~uma-ilum appears to be the same person as his namesake, a royal servant who is mentioned in HSS 10, 201. In that document, ~uma-ilum is listed together with two othe.r individuals, all of whom are identified as gurus ir lugal in BAD.LUGALkl. He appears also in a list of persons (HSS 10, 158 ii 4) and he possibly is a recipient of rations in HSS 10, 135. In addition to HSS 10, 6, other letters sent by Dada (HSS 10,5 and HSS 10,7) and by Ur-sa (HSS 10, 8 and HSS 10, 10) are addressed to lli. All these letters deal with the management of goods and personnel. It appears very likely that lli, the addressee of these letters, is to be identified with the scribe belonging to the household headed by the sa12-duS Zuzu. lli dub-sar is mentioned in three texts. In HSS 10, 45 r. 1-2 and in HSS 10,47 o. 4-r. I, he receives an amount of barley from the harvest ('se' [su-pes6]-ri in mas-gankt gal). In HSS 10, 142 0.2, he receives 2 bariga of unspecified goods, perhaps ru-bar-ra. 14 Dada, the sender of the letter, should probably be identified with the sabra-e,lS "the majordomo of the palace," who is mentioned in HSS 10,220 r. 1-2, and with the grandson of the king ([du]mu dumu-mi lugal) attested 14 This individual occurs frequently without a title in the Gasur documents. In particular, in HSS 10, 92 r. 2 he is the official who delivered barley and other goods to a certain Bazi for the city of tJubni (see Rep.geogr. 2, 76; Rep.geogr. 3, 99). HSS 10, 93 is a summary account of threshed barley and grain in the household of IIi for the current year ([se] gig gis-ra-' a' e 1-/[( ~]u mu-[a-kam)). In HSS 10, 120 r. I, he is the official who receives barley and malt from Ba'ati and MamaIJu. In HSS 10, 144, an expenditure of nl-lJar-ra by IIi is recorded, the recipient of which is Ire-~amas. He also occurs as a recipient of barley, emmer, and grain in HSS 10, 153 o. III 2, a summary record of su-pes6-ri-a, of barley, and of MUN.SA and in HSS 10, 154 r. I 13, a long allocation text of se gis-ra-a. He further occurs in HSS 10, 155 r. III 2, as the recipient of dabbin and MUN.SA. He perhaps occurs again with IIi-mesum and Puzuzu as the recipient of lOY, iku in HSS 10, 15 o. 3. If the IIi of the last text should be identified with the namesake scribe, it would be one of the few cases where an administrator also occurs as a holder of agricultural lands (see Foster, SCCNH 2, 105). IS For sabra-e as the chief administrative officer of the king in the organizational Sargonic system see B.R. Foster, "Management and Administration in the Sargonic Period," in M. Liverani, ed., Akkad. The First World Empire (HANE V; Padua: 1993), pp. 28-29.
THE JOURNEY OF THE SARGONIC KING
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in HSS 10, 109: 16-17. 16 Dada, with the title sabra-e (RTC 161, L 4699) or only sabra (m I 1077, 1246, 1472; ITT n 2868; CT 50 172; RTC 135; OSP 2, 138), appears in Sargonic sources from Girsu and Nippur. A clay bulla from Girsu (AOTb 375) is impressed with his seal as a majordomo of Tiita-sarlibbis, daughter of ~ar-kali-sarri.17 If we are correct in assuming that Dada is the sabra-e in question, then all the mentions of this high dignitary without a personal name should be attributed to Dada as well. Also, a certain il-su-dan dub-sar sabra-e is mentioned in HSS 10, 205:17-18. This text probably records the transfer or the recruitment of eight servants, seven of whom were subordinates of Zuzu, the sa1Tdus, while the remaining one was a subordinate of Ikunum (sabra dumu ensi). The text concludes with the clause: in BAD.LUGALki-gal a-ba-ar-si it U-su-dan dub-sar sabra-e zag-sus ma-da-gum bi-sus, "in Dur-~argal Abarsi and Ilsu-dan, the scribe of the sabra-e, branded (the men in question) with .... ,,18 It should be noted that ~uma-ilum was recruited from the same town as that mentioned in HSS 10,201. A certain II-dan (probably an abbreviation of U-su-dan) is mentioned in HSS 10, 71 o. 2 as the official who took ten gur of barley on behalf of the sabra ~u-Aya in order to ration thirty ass-drivers at twentyfive sila a day (10 SE GUR II-dan a-na sU4-a-a SABRA u-ba-a130 GURUS ka-~a-ru). This collection of data may suggest that IIsu-dan, head of the scribes of the sabra-e Dada, was not part of the household to which the surviving documentation belongs, but probably came to Gasur as a member of Dada's entourage for an inspection, or in concomitance with the king's visit. A sabra-e occurs also in HSS 10, 159 r. 16-8 as a rec:ipient of flour and dida. He may have received these goods in [bar]-ra-[ankl ]. HSS 10, 105 is a record of deliveries of barley and grain, where a certain Ur-mes (a dependent of the sabra-e) acts as a recipient. Finally, HSS 10, 160 o. I 12 records several deliveries (a-ra 1/2/3-kam) of barley, flour, beer, and semolina received by officials in Assur. Among other goods, the text records an allocation of dida for Ur-Gibil, in order "to 16 A different opinion was expressed by B. Kienast and K. Yolk, FAOS 19, 181, who identified our Dada with a nu-bfmda of the same name, who occurs once in HSS 10, 153 o. III 10 as a recipient of em mer. 17 See Frayne, RIME 2, 199-200. 18 The meaning of ma-da-gum escapes us. A similar clause occurs in HSS 10, 206: 5-6: 1 irtt-lugal zag-sus ma-da-kum en-a-rtl (cf. MAD 3, p. 191, sub na'l/rtllII, as "to mark in the form of branding? [piercing))" and in HSS 10, 197 r. 5. For the meaning of the term zag ... sus and occurrences in other third-millennium sources, see I.J. Gelb et al., ELTS, 243; D.A. Foxvog, "Sumerian Brand and Branding Irons," ZA 85 (1995): 1-7.
472
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be tasted" (a-na Za-da-ki-im). This note and the mention of Zuzu sa12-duS and other scribes among the recipients may indicate that the persons listed in the text formed part of a delegation of officials who had gone to Assurperhaps in connection with the visit of an important person, either the king or the sabra-e in question. The data we have presented here do not prove conclusively that a Sargonic king (either Naram-Sfn or Sar-kali-sarri) did in fact visit the region of Nuzi. However, the many references to the rationed dependents of the king, the enrollment by the king of people belonging to the household of the cadaster-official Zuzu, the several mentions of the sabra-e (who was certainly present in the region) and his officials, plus the evidence of the letter of Dada, make such a possibility very likely. As is suggested by HSS 10,166, the true destination of this visit may have been the city of Assur. Purely as a speculation, perhaps the journey in question was part of a military expedition, possibly one of the campaigns that both Naram-Sfn and Sar-kali-sarri are known to have conducted in northern Mesopotamia.
Mesopotamian Sources and Neo-Elamite History* Matthew W. Waters University of Wisconsin, Eau Claire •••,.-o- '*000 ,
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THE STUDY OF NEO-ELAMITE HISTORY (the period roughly defined ca. 1000-550 RC,E.) is in many respects still in its nascent stages, because of the limited source material and the perplexing nature of what is extant. NeoElamite sources are too sporadic, and their sequence too indistinct, to establish a narrative, political history.l Elarnite royal inscriptions lack the detailed descriptions of political and military deeds provided, for example, by the Assyrian annals. Neo-Elamite letters and administrative documents are significantly less in quantity and, in many cases, quality than their Mesopotamian counterparts. Imperfect understanding of Elamite vocabulary and slntax leads to amb~guity vis-a.-vis a text's translation and in~er pretation. There are no Elamite texts dated by year and none that proVIde a chronological sequence of kings' reigns or political-historical events. Such chronological anchors that do exist for Neo-Elarnite history are derived from Mesopotamian data. ... This article is an expanded version of a paper read at the XLye Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale in Cambridge, Mass., July 7, 1998. Abbreviations follow those of Tile Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of ti,e University of Chicago (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956-). For a more detailed accounting of the difficulties involved, see M. Stolper, "Political History," in E. Carter and M. Stolper, Elam: Surveys ofPolitical History and Arclme%81J (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984), pp. 3-5. 2 A text interpreted by the publishers as an Elamite version of the Epic of GilgalIIesh serves as a striking example of this phenomenon. Compare I.M. Diakonoff and N.B. Jankowska, "An Elamite Gilgames Text from ArgiMihenele, Urartu (Armavir-blur, 8th century B.C,)," ZA 80 (1990): 102-23; H. Koch, "Elamisches Gilgames-Epos oder doch Yerwaltungstafelchen?" ZA 83 (1993): 220--36; and F. Vallat, "La lettre elamite d' Armenie," ZA 87 (1997): 258-70. 473
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Therefore, Neo-Elamite history is a construct based upon Mesopotamian sources: primarily Assyrian royal inscriptions, official correspondence, and the Babylonian Chronicle. 3 These texts provide the historical framework into which Neo-Elamite sources must be incorporated. However, this framework is incomplete, and its conjunction with the Elamite material often creates more problems than it solves. Historiographical concerns include the identification of Elamite names from Akkadian forms and the use of non-indigenous (i.e., Mesopotamian) sources for the analysis of Neo-Elamite history. Examples of these problems will be discussed in turn. The identifications of some Elamite names from their Akkadian adaptations are obvious, simply because the Elamite and Akkadian forms of the names are so similar. For example, fjumbabalda§u of the Babylonian Chronicle is a close rendering of Elamite Hu(m)ban-haita§, while the variant Ummanalda§( i) occurs in Assyrian royal inscriptions and official correspondence. Conversely, in the Babylonian Chronicle we find Ummaniga§ for Elamite Hu(m)ban-nika§, while Sar~on's inscriptions and one Neo-Babylonian letter retain the Elamite form. From these and similar parallels, other Elamite names may be confidently identified, even only on the basis of Akkadian attestations. However, even when the correspondence between an Elamite name and its Akkadian counterpart is secure, the differentiation of a particular individual bearing that name may be problematic. Akkadian Suturnabundi(-u) is a form of Elamite Sutruk-Nahhunte, but another Akkadian version of that name, IMarbundu (and its variants), occurs in the Babylonian Chronicle and Assurbanipal's inscriptions. The IMar- element of IMarbundi is not only unexpected but (to my knowledge) inexplicable, and the name's identification with Elamite Sutruk-Nahhunte is realized only by historical context. s The complications escalate with attempts to link Neo-Elamite inscriptions of a particular ~utruk-Nahhunte to the ~utur-nabundi/Istar bundu of Mesopotamian sources. 3 The Esarhaddon and ~ama~-~um-ukIn chronicles (Chronicles 14 and 15 in Grayson, Chronicles) overlap the Babylonian Chronicle, but there are some minor differences. See G. Frame, Babylonia 689-627 B.C.: A Political History (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1992), pp. 7-8. 4
See A. Fuchs, Die Inscllrijtell Sargons II. ails KJlOrsabad (Gottingen: CuviIlier Verlag, 1993), p. 136 Ann 257 and ABL 917: 17. For Elamite HII(m)ball and its forms, see R. Zadok, The Elamite Onomasficoll (Napoli: Istituto Universitario Orientale, 1984), pp. 11-13 (herafter EIOII).
S
Compare ]§tardllri for the Urartian king Sarduri; Fuchs, Illschriften Sargons, p. 113 Ann 144.
NEO- ELAMITE HISTORY
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The orthographic variation in the first element of ~utruk-N~unte's name (Sutruk- or Sutur-) has led some scholars to distinguish SutrukNahhunte from Sutur-Nahhunte-i.e., these are distinct names and, therefore, different individuals. Even if this orthographic variation is insignificant, there are at least two Neo-Elamite kings who bore the name ~utruk /~utur-Nahhunte.6 This confounds a firm identification of Akkadian ~utur-nabundi with a particular Elamite ~utruk- or ~utur-Nahhunte? There is no conclusive evidence to confirm the link between the ~utur nabundi (r. 717-699) of Mesopotamian sources and the Neo-Elamite ~utruk-Nahhunte II, although this link is typically assumed in the literature. s This is but one example of the complexities involved in reconciling the Mesopotamian and Elamite material-even in a rare instance such as this one, where there are both Akkadian and Elamite attestations of what appears to be the same individual. ~utur-nabundi's successor, ljallusu (r. 699-693), has been frequently identified with the Elamite ruler Hallutas-Insusinak. 9 Akkadian fjallu§u may be a variation of Elamite Halluta§, but this has not been conclusively demonstrated. Akkadian attestations lack the theophoric element of the 6 Neo-Elamite inscriptions attributed to a ~utruk-/~utur-Nahhunte are published in F.W. Konig, Die elamischen Konigsinschrijten (AfO Beiheft 16; Graz: Ernst Weidner, 1965), nos. 71-73 (hereafter EKI) and F. Malbran-Labat, Les
inscriptions royales de SlIse: Briqlles de l'epoque paleo-elamite al'empire neo-elamite (Paris: Reunion des Muses Nationaux, 1995), no. 57 (hereafter IRS). See also P. Amiet, "Elements emaiIles du decor architectural neo-elamite," Syria 44
(1967): 37. 7 A discussion of whether ~lItur is a variant for ~utruk or is based on a separate root is too involved to discuss here. See M. Lambert, "Shutruk-Nahunte et Shutur-Nahunte," Syria 44 (1967): 48; F. Grillot, "Trin6me de la royaute en Elam," StIr 13 (1984): 190 n. 25; and F. Vallat, "~utruk-Nahhunte, ~utur-Nah hunte et l'imbroglio neo-elamite," N.A.B.U. (1995/2): no. 4. S Note G. Cameron, History of Early Imn (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1936), pp. 158-63; W. Hinz, Tile Lost World of Elam, trans. J. Barnes (London: Sidgwick and Jackson, 1972), pp.140-41; and Stolper, "Political History," 4547. Compare Vallat, "~utruk-Nahhunte," and "History of Elam," in E. Yarshater, ed., Encyclopaedia Irnnica VIII/3 (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1987), pp. 310-11. 9 Editions A (vi 54) and F (v 37) of Assurbanipal's annals use the form /jallusi to refer to the same individual; R. Borger, Beitriige zum Inscl1rijtenwerk Assurbanipals (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz Verlag, 1996), pp. ~4 and 241 (h~raft~r BIWA). The inscription of HaliutaHn~u~inak (found ill several copies) IS published as EKI, no. 77 and IRS, no. 58. See also M.J. Steve, Nouveaux melanges
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MATTHEW W. WATERS
name, but"-Insusinak" does not appear in any known Akkadian rendering of a Neo-Elamite name.1° Neo- and Achaemenid Elamite administrative documents from Susa and Persepolis contain attestations of the personal name Hallu~, which has been interpreted as a shortening of Halluta~-In~u~i nak,11 but the full form (and thus corroboration) is absent from these texts as well. The identification of the Akkadian tJallusu with the Elamite HallutasInsusinak is less than straightforward in other respects. The Babylonian Chronicle identifies tJallusu as the brother of Iritarbundu (Le., the Suturnabundi of the annals); however, Hallutas-Insusinak named his father Huban-tahra, while Sutruk-Nahhunte named his father Huban-immena. 12 This would seem to preclude a tJallusu = Hallutas-Insusinak identification.13 To preserve the identification, a reconciliation of these varying sources must assume that the compilers of the Babylonian Chronicle mistook the two Elamite kings' blood relationship or that the kings had the same mother but different fathers-certainly not impossible, but currently unverifiable. The Neo-Babylonian legal document A 33248 further complicates the matter, because it is dated to the fifteenth year of tJallusu. 14 The tJallusu under discussion reigned for six years according to the Babylonian Chronicle,15 hardly the fifteen (at least) years indicated by A 33248. This anomaly may be interpreted in various ways-e.g., to attribute the fifteen years to scribal error or to assign the text to a second king tJallusu, otherwise
NEO-ELAMITE HISTORY
16
18
Serre, 1987), no. 25.
19
10 To my knowledge, "lnsusinak" (written dMOS.SES) appears only in Edition A vi 30 and F v 21 of Assurbanipal's account of the sack of Susa, identified as "god of their (the Elamites') mystery" (if piriUgllnll); BIWA, p. 53. 11 So W. Hinz and H. Koch, Elamisches Worterbllc/I, Teil 1 (Berlin: Dietrich Reimer, 1987), p. 602 (hereafter EIW), where the name Hallllta~-In~ll~inak is translated "Oas Land bereicherte (der Gott) lnsusinak." See also EIOn, 8.
succession en Elam," fA 32 (1997): 65-66.
14 O. Weisberg published a preliminary report of this text, including the date formula: "The Length of the Reign of tJallusu-lnsusinak," JAOS 104 (1984): 213-17.
15 Grayson, C"ronicles, pp. 77-79 ii 32-35 and iii 6-8.
Note the,?~scussion of M. Stolper, "A Neo-Babylonian Text from the Reign of tJall~su, ill L. de Meyer, H. Gasche, and F. Vallat, eds., Fragmenta l1istoriae
elallllcae: melanges offerts iI M-J. Steve (Paris: Editions Recherche sur les Civilisations, 1986), pp. 238-39.
epigraphiqlles, inscriptions royales de Slise et de Slisiane (MOP 53; Nice: Editions
13 See F. Vallat's discussion of the relationship in "Nouveaux problemes de
477
unattested in Mesopotamian sources-none of which is conclusive. If A ~32~8 ~oes refer to the tJallusu of the early seventh century, it may be mdlcahve of contemporaneous Neo-Elamite kingdoms in the late eighth century.16 Similar problems bedevil the identification of Akkadian Te'umman (r. 17 664?-653 ) with Elamite Tepti-Huban-In~u~inak. Te'urnman may be an abbreviation of Tepti-Huban-Insusinak: Te' a shortening of Elamite Te(m)pti,18 Umman an attested form of Elamite Hu(m)ban, and an elided In~u§inak (compare Hallu~u and Halluta~-In~u~inak above). Even if the Akkadian forms are variations of the same name, there is no certainty that the Te'umman of the Assyrian annals and official correspondence is the same as that Tepti-Huban-Insusinak who dedicated several Elamite inscriptions at Susa.1 9 Assyrian sources identify Te'umman as the brother of his predecessors Urtak and Huban-haltas II, all three the sons of Huban-haltas I, while Tepti-Huban-Insusinak declared himself the son of Silhak-Insusinak (II).20 Several other Neo-Elamite kings who are attested in Mesopotamian sources have no counterpart in extant Neo-Elamite texts. They include
17
12 Grayson, C"rollicles, p. 77 ii 32-33. For HallutaHnsusinak, see IRS, no. 58: 1 and for ~utruk-Nahhunte, see IRS no. 57: 1-2.
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20
The chronology is uncertain; see Stolper, "Political History," 49-50. See EIOn, pp. 43-44 for numerous variants of Te(m)pti. Tepti-Huban-lnsusinak's inscriptions are published as EKI, nos. 79-85 and IRS, nos. 59-62. Many scholars uphold the identification: Cameron, History of Early Irall, pp. 186f.; Hinz, Lost World, p. 152; Stolper, "Political History," 50; Zadok, EIOn, pp. 43-44; and Malbran-Labat, IRS, p. 172. Compare F. Vallat, "Nouvelle analyse des inscriptions neo-elamites," in H. Gasche and B. Hrouda, eds., Collectanea Oriel/talia. Histoire, Arts de /'espace et illdllstrie de la terre: etudes offertes en "om mage iI Agn~s Spycket (Neuchatel: Recherches et Publications, 1996), p. 389 and "History of Eiam," 310-11. The fraternal relationship is found in K. 2867: r. 1, where Te'umman is described as "the brother of their [i.e., the fugitive sons of Huban-haltas II and UrtakJ ~ather"; Streck, Asb., pp. 212-13. The Babylonian Chronicle relays the ~.~lccesslOn from Huban-haltas I to Huban-haltas II; Grayson, Chronicles, p. 81 III 33. The relevant word for Huban-haltas II's relationship to Huban-haltas I is broken, but Grayson restores [mt'lr(?)Hu and notes "There is no evidence for this restoration but it is the only plausible one." ~ilhak-lnsusinak II's inscription is published as EKI, no. 78.
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Kudur-Nahhunte; Huban-menanu}1 Huban-halta1i I, II, and ill; Urtak; Tammaritu; and Indabibi. Elamite forms of the last three are uncertain, while those of the others may be confidently postulated from both Akkadian and Elamite exemplars. In addition, Akkadian Attametu, the rab qaSti of Huban-nika1i II and the father of Huban-halta1i ill (possibly separate individuals), has been identified as a rendering of Elamite Atta-hamiti-In§u§inak, whose stele with fragmentary inscriptions was found at Susa. 22 As with Te'umman and Tepti-Huban-In1iu1iinak, though, even if Akkadian Attametu is an abbreviated form of Elamite Atta-hamiti-In§u§inak, it is not obvious that Attametu the rab qa§ti is the individual who commissioned the £lamite inscriptions. The differentiation of homonymous individuals is not the norm in the official correspondence. Assyrian officials and scribes assumed that the recipient could distinguish homonymous Elamites, although there are several cases where such an assumption strikes the modern historian as optimistic. Sorting the various Tammaritus is one aspect of this problem. There are at least three individuals with that name who appear in sources dating to the late 650s and early 640s. Tammaritu (I), son of Urtak, was installed as king in ljidalu in 653. 23 Tammaritu, son of Te'umman, appears in a sin§le epigraph, which relates his death after Te' umman' s defeat at Tell Tuba. 2 Tammaritu n succeeded his uncle Huban-nika1i II in 652(?) and ruled as king until 649(?), and then again in 647(?).25 Only in rare instances 21 Huban-menanu is a rendering of Akkadian Umman-mel1al1u (in Sennacherib's inscriptions) and Menanu (in the Babylonian Chronicle), r. 692-689. Cameron, History of Early Iran (pp. 157 and 166) identifies the Elamite form as Hubal1ill/mena. Stolper, "Political History," 48 and n. 379, uses the "postulated" Elamite form Huban-nill/ena. Additional variants occur in the Middle Elamite inscriptions of Huban-numena and those of his son Unta!\-Napiri!\a; see EIOI1, p. 12 and EIW, pp. 678-81. 22 For Attametu as rab qa~ti, see Editions B vii 17 and C viii 6 (BIWA, pp. 109 and 229), and as the father of Huban-halta!\ III, see Edition C ix 85 (BIWA, pp. 155 and 232). For the stele of Atta-hamiti-In!\u!\inak, see O. Muscarella and M. Stolper in P. Harper, J. Aruz, and F. Tallon, eds., Tile Royal City of Sus a: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in tile Louvre (New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1992), pp. 198-99. The stele's inscriptions are published in EKI, nos. 86-89.
23 This Tammaritu was called the "third brother" (SES-~u ~aIMya) of Huban-nika!\ II (Editions B vi 8 and C vii 1); BIWA, pp. 104 and 226. 24 Streck, Asb., pp. 312-13; Weidner, "Assyrischen Beschreibungen," no. 9; Gerardi, "Epigraphs," p. 31; and BIWA, pp. 299f. 25 K. 2654: 18'; BIWA, p. 83. The chronology is uncertain.
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is one of these Tammaritus easily distinguishable from the others, and these rare instances allow the distinction in the first place. In the letters, references to "Tammaritu" are unspecified; the authors do not explicitly identify which of the above three Tammaritus (or others?) is meant. Further, the letters' often obscure contents are not conducive to discerning (by context) which Tammaritu is in question, since all three were contemporary. Even when the historical context allows the distinction of homonymous individuals, the interpretation of the context itself is frequently problematic. One such instance is the aftermath of Assurbanipal's campaigns against Te'umman and the Gambulu tribe. At the same time, the victory over another Elamite king, Istarnandi, was celebrated, which culminated with the heads of Te'umman and IStarnandi hung around the necks of Dunanu and Samgunu of the Gambulu tribe. 26 Warnandi, like Waryundu, is an Akkadian variant of £lamite Sutruk/ Sutur-Nahhunte (discussed above), but here again there is no definitive link between this IStarnandi and a particular one of the £lamite Sutruk-Nahhuntes. This event raises several questions. Did Te'umman and Istarnandi rule concurrently? If so, what was the structure of the Neo-Elamite kingdom? Or were there two, contemporaneous Neo-£lamite kingdoms? Istarnandi's political relationship with Te'umman (if there was one) is unexplained. He may have been a subordinate of Te'umman, an independent ally, or he may have ruled as king for a brief time after Te'umman's defeat. Editions B, 0, K, and C of the annals label the campaigns against Te'umman and the Gambulu with separate numbers. Editions F and A combine the campaigns. Despite this variation, it is plain that the Gambulu campaign followed soon after Te'umman's defeat, before the Assyrian army returned to Nineveh.27 Assurbanipal subsequently established two kings in £lam: Hubannika1i II in Madaktu and Tammaritu I in ljidalu. This arrangement may have paralleled a previous one, with Te'umman and Huban-nika1i II as successive kings of £lam on the one hand, and IStarnandi and Tarnrnaritu I as successive kings of ljidalu on the other. The parallel is not made explicit, but it seems unlikely that Assurbanipal would have attempted to 26 Edition B vi 17-vii 2; BIWA, pp. 105-8 and 226-28. For these campaigns, see Frame, Babylonia, pp. 121-25. marnandi is called "king oftJidalu" in K. 2674+: 7; Weidner, "Assyrischen Beschreibungen," no. 3 and BIWA, pp. 299f. 27
See P. Gerardi, "Assurbanipal's Elamite Campaigns: A Literary and Political Study" (Ph.D. Diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1987), pp. 154-57.
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impose such an arrangement if there was no precedent. Elamite politicsor at least the current political situation-must have warranted it. On any interpretation of the political circumstances, there are significant repercussions for the understanding of Neo-Elamite history. Until the defeat of Te'umman and IMarnandi in 653, neither the Babylonian Chronicle nor Assyrian royal inscriptions give any indication that Elam was ruled by more than one king at a time. However, this sequence may reflect a limited scope of Mesopotamian concern and not, by any means, the entire picture. The extant sections of the Babylonian Chronicle list seven successions to the Elamite throne between 743 and 675, three of which involved violent overthrow, but the specific circumstances behind these overthrows (e.g., com~eting dynasts, rebellion, or other similar difficulties) are not illuminated. 8 The Babylonian Chronicle's sequence of Elamite kings ends with Urtak's accession in 675, and we rely thereafter upon the Assyrian annals and official correspondence, which provide sporadic glimpses of Elamite history and politics for two decades until the late 650s and early 640s. It is, of course, no coincidence that a marked increase in Assyrian material for Neo-Elamite history coincides exactly with greater Assyrian involvement in internal Elamite affairs after Te'umman's defeat in 653. But this increase in available material consists for the most part of undated texts, and the resultant historical chronology is often uncertain. 29 Necessary attempts to incorporate Elamite sources into this incomplete framework compound the difficulties. The philological and historical considerations discussed previously have a profound effect on interpreting dynastic relationships. If the tJallusu who reigned from 699-693 is identified with Elamite Hallutas-Insusinak, the Babylonian Chronicle's assertion that tJallusu and IStarbundu were brothers must be reconciled with the fact that the Elamite inscriptions of Hallutas-Insusinak and Sutruk-Nahhunte name different fathers. This rests upon the assumption that the Akkadian Sutur-nabundi/lStarbundu is the Elamite Sutruk-Nahhunte II. Thus, historical reconstructions of late eighth-century Elam might include competing royal lines or contemporaneous kingdoms.30 A reconstruction based on 28 The successions of
ljallu~u
(killed IMarbundu), Kudur-Nahhunte (ljallu~u killed by his subjects), and Huban-menanu (Kudur-Nahhunte killed in a rebellion) involved violence. Three of the remaining four kings' deaths involved medical problems; see Grayson, Chrollicles, pp. 70-84. 29 See Stolper, "Political History," 51-53. 30 See above, and compare the differing analyses of the relations between these kings: Cameron, History of Early lrall, p. 163; Hinz, Lost World, pp. 140-42;
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an assumption of ~ontempo~aneous kingdoms contradicts the impression from the Babyloruan Chrorucle and the annals of a single king of Elam at anyone time, but it would allow the seemingly anomalous A 33248 to be attributed to the early seventh-century king tJallusu. There is a striking lack of identifiable concord between Mesopotamian and Neo-Elamite sources. For the mid-seventh century, Mesopotamian accounts provide numerous, but disconnected, details of Neo-Elamite succession, rebellion, and factional strife, details of which are lacking in Elamite sources. In those few texts where such details occur, it is often difficult to link anyone of them with a chronological anchor provided by Mesopotamian sources. The identification of Te'umman with Tepti-HubanInsusinak offers an example. Two of Tepti-Huban-Insusinak's inscriptions refer to a victory in the mountainous regions below the Little Zab.31 If this Tepti-Huban-Insusinak is identified with the Te'umman who ruled Elam from 664(7)-653, this text is significant with regard to Elamite military activity in the mid-seventh century: these campaigns would indicate a wider scope of Elamite-Assyrian conflict than is apparent in Assyrian sources. However, there is no corroborating evidence to confirm Elamite military activity in that region during Te'umman's reign. Without such corroboration, or without a secure link between the mid-seventh-century Te'umman and this Tepti-Huban-Insusinak, Te'umman's campaigning near Assyrian territory (which would impact any analysis of AssyrianElamite relations of the time) remains in doubt. In consideration of the present state of our knowledge, and of the difficulties inherent in the available material, the incorporation of Neo-Elamite material into the framework provided by Mesopotamian sources unavoidably involves uncertainty. Any treatment of Neo-Elamite history must maintain or reject several suppositions, among them: that Akkadian Suturnabundi (1'. 717-699) is Sutruk-Nahhunte II; that tJallusu (r. 699-693) is Hallutas-Insusinak; and that Te'umman (1'. 6647-653) is Tepti-Huban-Insusinak. Acceptance or rejection of anyone of these hypotheses has ramifications for historical analysis of the period. Stolper, "Political History," 47; and Vallat, "Nouvelle analyse," 389-90 and "Nouveaux problemes," 65-66. 31 EKI, nos. 79 and 80, EKI, no. 80 republished as IRS, no. 62. These inscriptions record victories over the Balahute and Lallar. See F. Vallat, Les 1l0lllS geographiques des so/·trces sl/so-elalllites, Rep. geogr. 11 (Wiesbaden: Dr. Ludwig Reichert, 1993), pp. 33 and 155 with references. These toponyms do not occur elsewhere, except for a reference to the Balahute in EKI, no. 46: 95 (~ilhak-In~u ~inak I).
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MATTHEW W. WATERS
The chronology and basic historical outline provided by Mesopotamian sources remain paramount for Neo-Elamite history and, barring new discoveries of Elamite material, further advances are most likely to stem from Mesopotamian sources-particularly more rigorous study of the annals and the official correspondence. I prefer a minimalist approach to many of these issues, attempting (wherever possible) to fit the Neo-Elamite material into the historical sequence based on Mesopotamian sources. Dynastic marriages and royal incest (whether real or claimed32) in the sukkalmab and Middle Elamite periods offer models for similar activity in the Neo-Elamite period, phenomena that provide parallels for some of the Akkadian-Elamite identifications discussed previously. However, since there are no explicit references to such phenomena in Neo-Elamite history, the parallels are speculative. The intervals ca. 1000-750 and especially ca. 645-550, the beginning and the end of the Neo-Elamite period, also offer fertile ground in which to till those numerous Neo-Elamite rulers who do not appear in, or do not fit well within the Mesopotamian-based historical sequence. Without chronological synchronisms provided by Mesopotamian sources, however, reconstructions of these intervals are no less uncertain.
32 For this phenomenon, see Vallat, "History of Eiam," 305.
