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LO~/A(lTl aVV6L7T(OV. of3r]0evTe s e\d)pr)aav' ol 06vov KpcLTTcov yevopuevo? Kal Kara- vopicrp,aTi (piXapyvpiav, rjv ovie d^rjpei to pur) KetcrrjaOai tov IBl(ott}v, co? to KeKTrjcrOai ttjv ttoXlv elaei
'Apio-TOcfrcovTOs Be
dyKaXais
Nep,eav ypd-tyavros ev Tat? 'AXKiftidBrjv eypvaav, oi Be irpeo--
aurr}<; KaOrjpievov
eOewvro Kal avverrpeypv ^alpovre^.
ftvrepoi Kal tovtoi? eBvo-^epaivov oj? ivpavviKols eBoKei Be Kal Appear paros ovk '
Kal irapavopoi^.
f
dirb
TpoTrov Xeyeiv Bvo 'AXKi/3idBa<;.
a>?
r)
E\\a? ovk av
tfveyKe
'E7ret Be Tipcov 6 pucrdvO pcoiros evrjpLeprjaavra
6
rbv 'AXKtftidBrjv Kal irpoirepLiropLevov dirb tt)? eKKXTjeria*; iirufravGiS ov iraprjXdev ovB' e^eKXivev, wo~TT€p eld)6ei tol>9 aXXov?, aU' diravrrjaa<; Kal " BetjicocrdpLevos, co
iral'
pueya
E£
yap
" 7',"
€(pr],
Trotet?
av^opevos,
avgrj tca/eov airaat, TouTot?," 01
p,ev iyeXcov, oi B' efiXao-fyrjpLovv,
eWou? Be Kal irdvv
to Xe^Oev e7rearp€(f)€V. ire pi avTOv Bia ttjv t?}?
dvcopuXiav.
XVII. 42
outgo? aKpiros
'ZiKeXla<; Be Kal
rjv
UepiKXeovs en
rj
Bolja
fcofTO
ALCIBIADES,
xvi. 4-xvn.
i
For instance, he once imprisoned the painter in his house until he had adorned it with paintings for him, and then dismissed His captive And when Taureas was with a handsome present. a rival he gave him a box exhibition, supporting on the ear, so eager was he for the victory. And he picked out a woman from among the prisoners of Melos to be his mistress, and reared a son she bore him. This was an instance of what they called his kindness of heart, but the execution of all the grown men of Melos 1 was chiefly due to him, since he supported the decree therefor. 2 Aristophon painted Nemea with Alcibiades seated whereat the people were delighted, in her arms and ran in crowds to see the picture. But the elders were indignant at this too they said it smacked And it would seem of tyranny and lawlessness. that Archestratus, in his verdict on the painting, did not go wide of the mark when he said that Hellas could not endure more than one Alcibiades. Timon the misanthrope once saw Alcibiades, after
Agatharchus
;
;
successful day, being publicly escorted home from the assembly. He did not pass him by nor avoid him, as his custom was with others, but met him and greeted him, saying " It's well you're growing so, my child you'll grow big enough to At this some laughed, and ruin all this rabble." some railed, and some gave much heed to the saying. So undecided was public opinion about Alcibiades, by reason of the unevenness of his nature. XVII. On Sicily the Athenians had cast longing
a
:
;
summer
1
In the
2
A personification
of 416. Cf. Thuc. v. 116, 2-4. of the district of Nemea, in the games of which Alcibiades had been victox'ioua. Cf. Pausanias, i. 22, 7, with Frazer's notes.
43
PLUTAKCH'S LIVES irreOv/jLOW 'AOrjvalot, ical TeXevTrjaavTOS tjtttovto,
Ta?
ical
eKaarore to??
KOvaLcov
€7ri/3d@pa<;
6
2 6evT€<;.
Be
ical a-vfifxa-^ia^ dBiicovp,evoL<; virb %vpa-
/3orj0€La<;
\eyofjL6vas
eirepurov
t???
arpaTela*; ti-
p,el£ovo<;
TravTaTraai
tov
iretaa^
tovtov
epwra /caret
pipo*;
Kara pmepovy dXXa, pueydXq) o~toX(o aavras ein^eipelv ical icaTao~Tpe
irXevvr)o~ov,
tov t€
7re/
dvacf)Xe^a<; avTcov,
ical
firj
fjLTjBe
'AXtafiidhr)?
rjv,
peydXa
Brjpuov
avros re puei^ovcov opeyopbevos. apxrjv yap elvai, Trpbs a r/Xirl/ceL, BievoeiTo rrj<; o-TpaTeias, teal N*/aa? ov reXo?, coenrep oi Xolttol, St/ceXiav. bv Ta? a>? Xvpaicovo~a$ eXelv puev 'xaXeirbv epyov Be Kap^rjBova tov AXici/3id8r)<; 8t]/jLOV, air6Tp€7T€ iXiri^eiv,
3
'
teal Ai/3vr]v oveipoiroXwv, etc Be tovtcov irpoayevopuevaov 'JraXlav ical UeXoTrovvrjo-ov 7]Brj irepiftaXXopevos, oXiyov Belv etyoBia tov iroXe/xov
ical tol»? p,ev veovs avroOev Tat? eXiriaLv eTrrjppLevovs, tcov Be irpea-
XifceXiav eiroielTo.
el^ev
rjBrj
/3vrepG)v
rjKpoodVTO
iroXXa Oavfidaia
GTpaTeias irepaivovTwv, iraXaio~Tpai<; ical to?? tt}?
ware
irepl
ttoXXoxjs
ev
t?}?
rat?
tj/jliicvicXloii; tcaOe^eaOat T€ vr}o~ov to a^rjpa ical Oeaiv Aifivrj*; ical
Kap%7]B6vo<; v7roypd<j)ovTa<;. ^(OKpdrrj puevTot rbv
4
(j)iX6ao
ical
Mercova
tov darpoXoyov ovBev eXirio-ai rfj iroXet ^prjarbv dirb t>}? arpaTeias itcelvi)? Xeyovaiv, 6 p,ev, a>? eoiice,
44
tov
o~vvr}0ovs
Baip,ovLov
yevop,evov
ical
ALCIBIADES,
xvn. 1-4
eyes even while Pericles was living ; and after his death they actually tried to lay hands upon it. The lesser expeditions which they sent thither from time to time, ostensibly for the aid and comfort of their allies on the island who were being wronged by the Syracusans, they regarded merely as stepping stones But the man to the greater expedition of conquest. who finally fanned this desire of theirs into flame, and persuaded them not to attempt the island any more in part and little by little, but to sail thither with a great armament and subdue it utterly, was Alcibiades he persuaded the people to have great hopes, and he himself had greater aspirations still. Such were his hopes that he regarded Sicily as a mere beginning, and not, like the rest, as an end of the expedition. So while Nicias was trying to divert the people from the capture of Syracuse as an undertaking too difficult for them, Alcibiades was dreaming of Carthage and Libya, and, after winning these, of at once encompassing Italy and PeloponHe almost regarded Sicily as the ways and nesus. means provided for his greater war. The young men were at once carried away on the wings of such ;
hopes, and their elders kept recounting in their ears
many wonderful things about the projected expedition. Many were they who sat in the palaestras and lounging-places mapping out in the sand the shape of Sicily and the position of Libya and 1
Carthage. Socrates the philosopher, however, and Meton the astrologer, are said to have had no hopes that any good would come to the city from this expedition ; Socrates, as it is likely, because he got an inkling of 1
Cf. Nicias, xii. 1-2.
45
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 7Tpo(77}fjLaiVOVTO<;,
to fieXXov
/nov
6 Be
Be
evioi
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/cal
e/c
Xoyia-
fxev
XPV~
XajSonv BaBa 200
rrjv ol/ciav
7rpoa7roiri/j,a
<pa
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tlvl rpbirco
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fiefirjvevai,
adfjLevos ea/a]yfraro feat o fie vt]V olo? rjv 5
Mercov etre
etre
vfydirreiv.
fiavla?
fir)Bev
rbv
Meroova, /carairprjcrai Be rrjv ol/ciav vv/crcop, eld' ewdev rrpoeXOovra BelaOai /cal avriffoXelv eVl erv/xepopa rrjXi/eavrrj rbv vlbv
ia/cevda6ai
avrw
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ervyev &v
rj^Lov,
arparelaq. i/celvos fiev ovv irapaKpovadfievo^ tow? iroXlra*;.
rrj<;
XVIII. 'O
Be Nj/aa? d/ccov fiev r/peOr) arparrj70?, oi>x rjKLdTa rrjv dpyj)v /cal Bed rbv avvdpXpvra (pevycov ecpauvero yap rols 'AOrjvaLOis rd
rov
fieXriov
e^eiv
A\/a/3idBr)v a/cparov,
d\Xa
7ro\e/jLov
J
roXfiav avrov
rrj
fxr)
irpoejxkvoi^i
rbv
irpos rrjv /cal yap 6
fiixdeio-rjs
Ni/aof irpovoia^'
rpiros o~rparr)yb<; AdfAa%o<; 7]Xi/cia irporj/ccov 6/xcos fjLTjBev r\rrov elvai rov 'AX/cifiidBov Btd-
iBo/cei
2 irvpos /cal tytXo/civBvvos ev to£? dywo~r /3ovXevofjuevcov Be irepl ttXtjOovs /cal rpoirov Trapaa/cevf}? e ,rre')(e'ip'n (Tev a>vdt>s 6
iravetv rbv TroXe/xov.
Nt/aa? eviaraaOai /cal /caradvreiirovro^ Be rov 'A\/a-
/cpari]o~avro? %pr) tou? arparrjyov^ avro/epdropas elvac /cal rfjs TTapaa/cevrj? /cal rov
flidBov
/cal
iroXe/JLOv iravrbs. 'E7riylrr)cl)io~a/jLevov
eroLfuov rrdvrcov
46
Be rov
7Tyoo?
Btj/jlov /cal
yevoLievcov
rbv e/cirXovv, ov xprjard
ALCIBIADES,
xvn. 4 -xvm.
2
the future from the divine guide who was his familiar. Meton whether his fear of the future arose from mere calculation or from his use of some sort of
—
—
feigned madness, and seizing a blazing torch, was like to have set fire to his own house. Some say, however, that Meton made no pretence of madness, but actually did burn his house down in the night, and then, in the morning, came before the people begging and praying that, in view of his great calamity, his son might be released from the At any rate, he succeeded in cheating expedition. his fellow citizens, and obtained his desire. 1 XVIII. Nicias was elected general against his will, and he was anxious to avoid the command most of For it had all because of his fellow commander. seemed to the Athenians that the war would go on better if they did not send out Alcibiades unblended, but rather tempered his rash daring with the As for the third prudent forethought of Nicias. general, Lamachus, though advanced in years, he was thought, age notwithstanding, to be no less fiery than Alcibiades, and quite as fond of taking divination
risks in battle. During the deliberations of the people on the extent and character of the armament, Nicias again tried to oppose their wishes and put a But Alcibiades answered all his stop to the war. arguments and carried the day, and then Demostratus, the orator, formally moved that the generals have full and independent powers in the matter of the armament and of the whole war. 2 After the people had adopted this motion and all things were made ready for the departure of the fleet, there were some unpropitious signs and portents, 1
Cf. Niciaa, xiii. 5-6.
2
Cf. Nicias, xii. 3-4.
47
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 3 irap?jv
ovBe ra
'
rr/s eoprrjs.
rj/iepas
eKeivas
pe/cpois
€/cko/jli£o/jlcvol<;
yvvaifJL,
teal
Ta(/)a9
dprfvovs yBov.
ABwv'uov yap
r)
€t? Ta<>
elBwXa rroXXa^ov
KaOrjKovrwv
rals
rrpovKeivro
ofioia
ipufiovvTO
KOTrropuevai,
Kai
fxevroi rcov 'EpfjLwv rrepiKOirr),
vvktI raiv rrXeiarwv aKpcorrjpiaadevrwv ra 7rp6crco7ra, ttoXXovs Kai rayv rrepifypovovvrwv ra
/Ala
^
v ovv ore Kopivroiavra Bierdpa^ev. eXe^V rov? ^EvpaKovaiovs cnroi/covs ovras, &>?
dioi Bia
iaofievrj? irpbs rwv olcovwv rj fieraov fjbrjv yvaxTecos rod iroXepLOv, ravra Bpdaeiav. ouO* rtav iroXXoiv 6 ouros rjirrero ye Xoyo? ov&* 6
€7TL(T^i(T€0)<;
\
rcov crr]\xelov Beivbv elvai ptrjBev olop,evcov, (f)iXet
(pepeiv a/cparos dKoXacrroyv
i
dXX* oca
erov els v/3pu>
Ik iraiBias v7ro(pepopLevo)V' opyfj 8' a/xa /ecu (pofia) to yeyovbs XapLj3dvovre<; oj? dirb avvaypboaias errl
TTpdypLcun fieydXois reroXp,r/p,evov, airao~av et;tjrat,ov vrrbvoiav iriKpoiS rj re ftovXrj avvLOvaa irepl rovrcov Kai 6 8r)pio<; ev oXiyais rjpepats iroWaKi^.
XIX.
Tovrrp SovXovs rivas Ka\ pberoiKovs Av8poKXr)<; 6 hrj/juaycoybs dXXcov re
'Ei> Be '
irporjyayev
dyaXfidrcov irepiKOTrds Kai pLvar^pioav Trap dnropnarjaeis rov 'AXKiftidBov Kai rcov
oilvov
eXeyov he ®e68copov puev riva Bpdv ra rov KrjpvKOs, TiovXvrioova Be ra rov BqBov^ov, ra Be rov lepoepdvrov rov 'AXKi/SidBy-jv, tou? 8* aWovs eraipov? rtapelvai Kai puvelaOai Karrjyopovvra?.
2 fivcrras
48
TTpoaayopevofievovs.
ravra yap
ev
rf)
ALCIBIADES, xvm. especially in
the Adonia.
3 -xix. 2
connection with the festival, namely, This fell at that time, and little images
dead folk carried forth to burial were in many places exposed to view by the women, who mimicked bu rial rites, beat their breasts, and sang dirges. 1 Moreover, the mutilation of the Hermae, most of which, in a single night, had their faces and forms disfigured, confounded the hearts of many, even among those who usually set small store by such things. 1 It was said, it is true, that Corinthians had done the deed, Syracuse being a colony of theirs, in the hope that like
such portents would check or stop the war. The multitude, however, were not moved by this reasoning, nor by that of those who thought the affair no terrible sign at all, but rather one of the common effects of strong wine, when dissolute youth, in
mere
sport, are carried
away
into
wanton
acts.
They
looked on the occurrence with wrath and fear, thinking it the sign of a bold and dangerous conspiracy.
They
therefore
scrutinized
keenly every and the assembly purpose many times within a few
suspicious circumstance, the council
convening for this days.
XIX. During leader,
this
time
sundry
produced
Androcles, the popular aliens
and
slaves
who
accused Alcibiades and his friends of mutilating other sacred images, and of making a parody of the They said mysteries of Eleusis in a drunken revel. that one Theodorus played the part of the Herald, Pulytion that of the Torch-bearer, and Alcibiades that of the High Priest, and that the rest of his companions were there in the role of initiates, and were dubbed Mystae. Such indeed was the purport 1
Cf. Nicias, xiii. 2, 7.
49
PLUTARCH'S LIVES elaayyeXla yeypairrai (DecrcraXou rov Ki/movo? elaayyeiXavTO? 'AXfcifivdBrjv aaefiuv irepl t&> Oew. Tpa^vvofievov Be rov Brjfiov Kai iriKpo)? Kai rov 'AvBpoKXeov? irpbs AXKi(3idBqv e^ovro^, ev roU pidXiara rov outo? (tjv yap e^Opo? AXiaftidhov) irapo^vvovro^, ev dpxfj P-ev erapa^dr/aav oi irepl rov 'AXKiftidBriv. alaOofievot, he tou? re vavras, oaoi irXetv epueXXov et? XiKeXtav, evvovs ovras avrots Kai to arpario)' tikov, 'Apyeioov Be Kai Mavrivecov yiXiwv ovrcov y
y
3
oirXcrcov
dfcovovres
dva(f>avBbv Xeyourcov &>?
Bi
'AXtciftidBrjv orrparevocvro Biairovrcov teal {Aatcpdv arpareiav, edv Be tls dyvoypiovfj irepl tovtov,
evOvs diroo-rrjaeordai, dveOdppovv /cal irapiaravro Kaipu> irpbs rrjv diroXoyiav, ware rov? ey6pov<$
tw
irdXiv ddvfxelv real cf>o/3elo~0ai 6
Brjpos
dp,j3\i>Tepo<>
avrw
pur)
KpiGiv Bid rrjv
irepl rrjv
yevrjrat
yjyeiav. 4
Upbs Tavr ovv Teyy drover i twv prjropcov tovs 201 ov Bofcovvjas e^Opovs rov A\tei/3idBov, pno-ovvra^ Be avrbv ou% rjrrov tcjv bpLoXoyovvrwv, di'iarapevovs ev T(p Br)p,
rwv
Kai diroXXvvai rov tcaipov BiapLerpovvras "*A\,\a vvv fiev dyadfj Tvyri irXeeTG), rov Be iroXepuov BtairpaxOevros iirl tols
5
diroXoyelaOw irapoov. r\
KaKorjOeia
tt)
dXX' eXeye irapiwv 5°
ovk eXdvdave per ovv
rov 'AXKt/3idBr}v, Beivbv ecrrcv alrias diro-
dva/3oXi)<^ a)9
ALCIBIADES, of the
xix.
2-5
impeachment which Thessalus, the son of
brought in to the assembly, impeaching Alcibiades for impiety towards the Eleusinian godThe people were exasperated, and felt desses. bitterly towards Alcibiades, and Androcles, who was his mortal enemy, egged them on. At first Alcibiades was confounded. But perceiving that all the seamen and soldiers who were going to sail for Sicily were friendly to him, and hearing that the Argive and Mantinean men-at-arms, a thousand in number, declared plainly that it was all because of Alcibiades that they were making their long expedition across the seas, and that if any wrong should be done him they would at once abandon it, he took courage, and insisted on an immediate opportunity to defend His enemies were now himself before the people. in their turn dejected they feared lest the people should be too lenient in their judgement of him
Cimon,
;
because they needed him so much. Accordingly, they devised that certain orators who were not looked upon as enemies of Alcibiades, but who really hated him no less than his avowed foes, should rise in the assembly and say that it was absurd, when a general had been appointed, with full powers, over such a vast force, and when his armament and allies were all assembled, to destroy his beckoning opportunity by casting lots for jurors and measuring out time for the case. "Nay," they said, "let him sail now, and Heaven be with him But when the war is over, then let him come and make his defence. The laws will be the same then as now." Of course the malice in this postponement did not He declared in the assembly escape Alcibiades. that it was a terrible misfortune to be sent off at the !
5*
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Xiirovra /caO' eavrov
/cal
Bia/3oXa<; eKTrefJurreaOai
roaavrrjs Bvvd/jLew diroOavelv yap 7rpoai]K€iv fXT) Xixravri rds /carrjyopias, Xvaavn fxerewpov Be
/cal
errl
(fiavevTi /cadapra rpeireaOat rrpbs jurj BeBoL/corc tovs av/cocpdvras.
tol>?
7T0\€flL0V
XX.
\E7ret
avrov,
8' ov/c
avr]X@r]
erreiBev,
puerd
rwv
dXXd
irXelv e/cekevov
avcrrparTjycov
eywv
ov 7roWa> rcbv reaaapd/covra /cal e/carbv drroBeovaas, oirXiras Be rrevraKLa^iXlovs fiev
rpirjpeis
/cal
e/carov,
yfnXovs 2 aXXrjv
ro^oras Be
irepl
rpia/coaiovs
m apaa /cevrjv
/cal /cal
(rfyevBovrjras
/cal
/cal
rrjv
^iXiovs,
7rpoaf3aXcbv B* Vrjyiov eXcov, elcrrjyyaaro yvoopbrjv orw IKIOV jXeV dvTlXeTpOTTW 7T0\€fir)T€0V i(TTL. KOI atjioXoyov.
f
'IraXta
teal
N
yovros, Aapdypv 7rpoa0ep,evov, irXevaas eh Xi/ceXtav Trpoarjydyero Kardvrjv, aXXo Be ovBev Be
errpa^e fier dire purr os viro rcov 'A0i]vaL(ov eVt rrjv
Kpiaiv evdvs yevofievos.
Upcorov
yap, wairep elpr\rai, ^jrvxpett rives BiaftoXal Kara rov 'AX/ct/3idBov 3 TTpoaeirirr-rov dirb BovXcov /cal perol/ccov erreira rcov e^dpayv dirovros avrov /caOarrropevwv acpofiev
viro^fiai
koX
Bporepov,
/cal
/cal
errl
fiev
rots 7repl rovs 'Epfias vfipiGfiadi airb pads &>?
rd fivari/ca avfnrXe/covrcov,
vewrepiafiw crvvcofioaias rreirpayfieia, rovs oirwaovv errairLaOevras eveftaXXov d/cpirovs to Beapwrrjpiov, rj^0ovro Be rbv AX/ci/3idB7}v '
els firj
5*
Xaftovres vrrb
rd
rore
/iJ]he
/cplvav-
ALCIBIADES,
xix. 5 -xx. 3
head of such a vast force with his case still in suspense, leaving behind him vague accusations and slanders he ought to be put to death if he did not refute them but if he did refute them and prove his innocence, he ought to proceed against the enemy without any fear of the public informers at ;
;
home.
XX. He
could not carry his point, however, but sail. So he put to sea * along with his fellow generals, having not much fewer than one hundred and forty triremes ; fifty-one hundred menat-arms about thirteen hundred archers, slingers, and light-armed folk and the rest of his equipment to
was ordered to set
;
;
On reaching
Italy and taking Hhegium, he proposed a plan for the conduct of the war. 2 Nicias opposed it, but Lamachus approved it, and so he sailed to Sicily. He secured the allegiance of Catana, but accomplished nothing further, since he was presently summoned home by the Athenians to
correspond.
stand his
At
trial.
as I have said, 3 sundry vague suspicions and calumnies against Alcibiades were advanced by aliens and slaves. Afterwards, during his absence, his enemies went to work more vigorously. They brought the outrage upon the Hermae and upon the Eleusinian mysteries under one and the same design both, they said, were fruits of a conspiracy to subvert the government, and so all who were accused of any complicity whatsoever therein were cast into prison without trial. The people were provoked with themselves for not bringing Alcibiades to trial and judgment at the time on such grave charges, first,
;
1
About the middle
2
Cf. Nicia8 t xiv. 3.
VOL. IV.
of the
summer *
of 415 B.C. Chapter xix. 1.
53
PLUTARCH'S LIVES re?
atrial?
eir*
e/ceivov
6 T7}XiKai>Tcu$. oIkcios
Trapcnreacbv
opyfj
Be rj
rf}
7T/309
(f)iXo<;
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crvv>]6r)<;
Be
Traprjtcev,
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Tev/cpov, oyv kcu
£'
6vo/id^ov
^pvvt^o^ eaTiv
AioKXelBav kcu ravrl
6 kco/jUkos
y
kcu (f)vXdao-ov, fir) ireaoav 7rapafcpov
*fl (f>L\rad 'Epfirj,
avrbv kclI*
<&v\dtjofiar TevKpco yap ov%l ftouXo/icu fxrjWTpa Bovvcu, ra> iraXaixvaicp %ev(p.
KaiTOi /3e/3aiov ovBev ouS' lo-^vpov ol /jLrjvvovres eBeiKwaav. eh S' avrcov epcorco/jLevos 07ro)? rd irpbaaura
twv
diroKpLvd/jLevo^
kcu 'Ep/noKOTriBcov yvaypiaete, oti 7T/)09 rrjv aeXrjvrjv, icrcfrdXr)
rod
ttcivtos, evrjs kcu via? ovarj<; ore tclvt eBpdro' Oopvftov fiev irapecye rofc vovv expvtri, rov Brjfiov 8* ovBe tovto fiaXaKcorepov enrol^ae Trpb<; rd$ BiajSoXds, a\V &
b
i
ov Tt? Kareiiroi. XXI. Tcoz> ovv BeOevrwv kcu (puXaTTo/nevcov iirl TOTS KCU AvSoKiSr]^ rjV 6 pr)T(Op, OV Kpi(T€t EXXdviKO? o o~vyypa(f)€v<; eh tou? 'OBvaaecos eBoKei Be /juaoBrjfios Kal diroyovovs dvrjyayev. '
oXiyapxLKo? 1
t
'AvBokIBtjs,
supplied by Coraes and Sink*
after Bryan.
54
6
vttotttov ;
Be
Bekker supplies
oi>x «al,
ALCIBIADES,
xx. 4 -xxi.
i
and any kinsman or friend or comrade of his who fell foul of their wrath against him, found them exceedingly severe. Thucydides neglected to men1 the informers by name, but others give their For instance, names as Diocleides and Teucer. 2 the comic referred to them thus poet Phrynichus tion
:
"
Look out
—
Hermes, not to get a fall, and so equip with calumny Another Diocleides bent on wreaking harm." too, dearest
And mar your
And
the
looks,
Hermes
replies
" I'm on the watch not give
A
;
:
—
there's Teucer, too
I
;
would
prize for tattling to an alien of his guilt."
And
yet there was nothing sure or steadfast in the statements of the informers. One of them, indeed, was asked how he recognized the faces of the " Hermae-defacers, and replied, By the light of the moon." This vitiated his whole story, since there was no moon at all when the deed was done. Sensible men were troubled thereat, but even this did not soften the people's feeling towards the slanderous stories. As they had set out to do in the beginning, so they continued, haling and into prison
casting
any one who was denounced.
XXI. Among those thus held in bonds and trial was Andocides the orator,
imprisonment for
whom
Hellanicus the historian included among the descendants of Odysseus. He was held to be a foe to popular government, and an oligarch, but what most made him suspected of the mutilation of the 1
In
vi. 53, 2.
a
Kock, Com. Att. Frag.
i.
p. 385.
55
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rjKiara
tcov 'Ep/iwv irepiKoiTr)<; eiroirjaev 6 6 irXi^aiov avrov olicias tt)? 'E/9/zt)?, tt}?
fieyas 2 avdOrfiia
202 rr)<; AlyrjiBos (f>vXr)<; ISpv/xevov iv yap twv irdvv p,6vo<; bXiyois iirufravcbv o~%eBbv d/cepaios epieive' Bib zeal vvv AvBokiBov KaXeirat,, koX nrdvre^ Ouray? ovo/ia^ovcri t^? €7riypacj)F]<; ^
avTi/JLaprvpov(T7)<;. *
Be
AvBokLBtj pbdXicna tcjv ttjv avrrjv alrlav i^ovrcov iv tw BeapLcoT7)pi(p yeveaOai Ivvefir]
koX
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avveaei Be 3
ra>
real
evBo^ov
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ptev
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ifceivu),
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outo? avaireldei rbv 'AvBoklBtjv iavrov /earijyopov rivcov aXXcov yeveaOai pit) ttoXXwv opoXo-
teal
yap dBeiav
yrjaavTi
elvai
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tyrjfyicrpia
Be Tr}$ /cpLaecDs aBrjXa irdai, rols Be Bvvarois (f>o/3epcoTaTa' fteXnov Be crcodijvai yjreuhora,
Brjpiov,
fjievov
koX
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to
puera rrjs avrfjs alrias diroOavelv aSofo)?, crv pufyepov KOivfj (tkottovvti birdpyeiv,
oXiyovs 4 teal
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ayaOoix;
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auToV 01)9 8* d>v6p,aae irdvres wXrjv tmv dircbXovTO. /cai Trlcrreax; eve/ca avTols olfceras IBiovs 6 AvBo KiBrjs
zeal
a?etav
tcov cfrvyovTrpocreOtj/eev
'
.
Ol»
5
56
p,t)v
6 ye BfjpLO? ttjv opyrjv diraaav d(pf /eev t
ALCIBIADES,
xxi.
1-5
Hermes which
stood near his Hermae, was the tall This was house, a dedication of the Aegeid tribe. almost the only one among the very few statues of For this like prominence to remain unharmed. reason it is called to this day the Hermes of Andocides. Everybody gives it that name, in spite of the adverse testimony of its inscription. Now it happened that, of all those lying in prison with him under the same charge, Andocides became most intimate and friendly with a man named Timaeus, of less repute than himself, it is true, but This man persuaded of great sagacity and daring. Andocides to turn state's evidence against himself and a few others. If he confessed, so the man
—
— argued, he would have
immunity from punishment by decree of the people whereas the result of the trial, while uncertain in all cases, was most to be dreaded in that of influential men like himself. It was better to save his life by a false confession of crime, than to die a shameful death under a false charge of that crime. One who had an eye to the ;
the
general
welfare
abandon
to their fate a
of
community might well few dubious characters, if he could thereby save a multitude of good men from the wrath of the people. By such arguments of Timaeus, Andocides was at last persuaded to bear witness against himself and others. He himself received the immunity from punishment which had been decreed but all those whom he named, excepting such as took to flight, were put to death, and Andocides added to their number some of his own household servants, that he might the better be ;
believed. Still,
the people did not lay aside
all
their wrath
57
PLUTARCH'S LIVES aXXa fiaXXov diraXXayels rcov 'Ftp/mo/eoaypXa^ovTi tw dvfiw 7ryoo9 tov
ivravOa, ttiBcov
wcnrep
%
AXfci/3idSr]v 0A.09 ippvrj, /ecu re\o<; direcrreiXe ttjv 1 "SaXa/Mviav eV* avrov, ov fyavXws avro ye tovto 7rpO(TTdi;a<;, fii) fiid&crOai puijcT aTrreadai tov
o-(i)/j,aro<;,
6 Br/fiov. p,aTO<;
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.
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yap
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twv
fiev TroXe/jU/cos /cal
ov irpoarjv ovS' oyicos avTw
hid irevlav.
XXII. Ev#i>? d<j>etXeTO
ovv diroirXewv 6
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fieXXovTes ivBiBovai ttjv ttoXlv,
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"
Ov irio-Teveis, a> "Td jxev a\\V' e
fieXaivav avrbv with
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t{) pLTjTpi, /jltJttcos
ami
T779
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tj}
irepl Be
dyvorj-
iirevey/crj
npbs avr6v.
ALCIBIADES,
xxi.
5-xxii. 2
but rather, now that they were done with the Hermae-defacers, as if their passion had all the more opportunity to vent itself, they dashed like a torrent against Alcibiades, and finally dispatched the Salaminian state-galley to fetch him at this point,
home.
officers explicit seize his person, but with all moderation of speech to bid him accompany them home to stand his trial and satisfy the For they were afraid that their army, in an people.
They shrewdly gave its command not to use violence, nor to
enemy's land, would be full of tumult and mutiny And Alcibiades might easily have at the summons. For the men were effected this had he wished.
down at his departure, and expected that the war, under the conduct of Nicias, would be drawn out to a great length by delays and inactivity, now that their goad to action had been taken away. Lamachus, it is true, was a good soldier and a brave cast
man
but he lacked authority and prestige because he was poor. XXII. Alcibiades had no sooner sailed away than he robbed the Athenians of Messana. 1 There was a party there who were on the point of surrendering ;
the city to the Athenians, but Alcibiades knew them, and gave the clearest information of their design to the friends of Syracuse in the city, and so brought the thing to naught. Arrived at Thurii, he left his trireme and hid himself so as to escape all quest.
When some one recognised him and asked, "Can " " In all you not trust your country, Alcibiades ? else," he said, "but in the matter of life I wouldn't trust even my own mother not to mistake a black for a white ballot when she cast her vote." And 1
In September, 415
B.C.
59
PLUTARCH'S LIVES varepov
yfrrj^ov"
KareyvooKev
rj
6°
cucovaas
on
Odvarov avrov
ttoXw " 'AW' eyco"
dire,
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(*)e
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ra
avrov eraipois 1 aroXrjv oiavirep 6 lepocpavrr)? eywv BeiKvvei ra avrov teal ovopud^ovra puev lepd, iepO(f)dvrr]v f HovXvrlcova Be BqBov'Xpv, Krjpv/ca Be SeoBcopov <£>r)y aia, tou? o° aWovs eraipovs pbvo-ras irpoaayopevovra Kal iiroirra^ irapa ra vopapia zeal ra /caOearrjKora virb re ^jV/jloXttiBcov /cal KrjpvKwv 4 /cal
royv lepecov rcov ef 'EXevo-lvo$"
ip-qp^v B*
avrov /carayvovres Kal ra xPV/JLaTa BrjpLevcravres en, Karapaadai rrpoae^^iaavro irdvras lepeis Kal iepeiaSt &v /jlovtjv (j)ao~l Seavco rrjv Mevcovos 'AypavXfjOev avreiirelv rrpos ro ^^lafxa, (f>dcrKovaav ev^wv, ov Karapwv lepeiav yeyovevai. XXIII. Toaovrcov Be Kareyjrrj(f)Lo-p,evcov 'AXkiftidBov Kal Kareyvcoapuevcov, irvyyave puev iv "Apyei BiarpLjScov, &>? to irp&rov e/c Sovplcov 20! diroBpas €t9 UeXoirovvrjo'ov Bie/copLiadr), (froftovp,evos Be tov9 ex@pov<> Kal Travrdiracri ri)<; irarpi-
809 direyvco/c
6o
6 Upo
with
CM a
:
UpocpivTrjs,
ALCIBIADES,
xxn. 2-xxin.
2
when lie afterwards heard that the city had condemned him to death, "I'll show them," he said, (i
that I'm alive."
His impeachment is on record, and runs as follows Thessalus, son of Cimon, of the deme Laciadae, impeaches Alcibiades, son of Cleinias, of the deme Scambonidae, for committing crime against the goddesses of Eleusis, Demeter and Cora, by mimicking the mysteries and showing them forth to his companions in his own house, wearing a robe such as the High Priest wears when he shows forth the sacred secrets :
"
the initiates, and calling himself High Priest, Pulytion Torch-bearer, and Theodorus, of the deme Phegaea, Herald, and hailing the rest of his companions as Mystae and Epoptae, contrary to the laws and institutions of the Eumolpidae, Heralds, and His case went by default, his Priests of Eleusis." property was confiscated, and besides that, it was also decreed that his name should be publicly cursed by all priests and priestesses. Theano, the daughter of Menon, of the deme Agraule, they say, was the only one who refused to obey this decree. She declared that she was a praying, not a cursing to
priestess.
XXIII. When these great judgments and condemnations were passed upon Alcibiades, he was tarrying in Argos, for as soon as he had made his escape from Thurii, he passed over into Peloponnesus. But fearing his foes there, and renouncing his country altogether, he sent to the Spartans, demanding immunity and confidence, and promising to render them aid and service greater than all the harm he had previously done them as an enemy.
The Spartans granted
this request
and received him 61
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Be^a/ievcov, 7rapayevo/J,evo<; TTpoOv/JLax; ev fiev evOvs
e^eipydcraro, ftoijOelv Trepb^rat
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*ZvpaKOV(TLOi<;
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dvaj3aXXo fievov^
/cal irapo^vvas dpavcrai rr\v e/cel erepov Be, Kivelv rov
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rcov
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3
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ttXtjv i/cetvos fiev, cb?
5
yv/jivao-Ti/c6<;, evreXi]?, cr/cvOpwrros, ev
'la>wa xXi-
1 A mountain citadel of Attica, about fourteen miles from Athens towards Boeotia, commanding the Athenian plain
62
ALCIBIADES, xxm.
2-5
among them. No sooner was he come than he zealously brought one thing to pass they had been delaying and postponing assistance to Syracuse he roused and incited them to send Gylippus thither for a commander, and to crush the force which Athens had there. A second thing he did was to :
;
up the war against Athens at home and most important of all, to induce them to fortify Deceleia. 1 This more than anything else wrought ruin and destruction to his native city. At Sparta, he was held in high repute publicly, and privately was no less admired. The multitude was brought under his influence, and was actually get
them
and the
to stir
;
third,
bewitched, by his assumption of the Spartan mode of When they saw him with his hair untrimmed, taking cold baths, on terms of intimacy with their coarse bread, and supping black porridge, they could scarcely trust their eyes, and doubted whether such a man as he now was had ever had a cook in his own house, had even so much as looked upon a perHe fumer, or endured the touch of Milesian wool. had, as they say, one power which transcended all others, and proved an implement of his chase for men that of assimilating and adapting himself to the pursuits and lives of others, thereby assuming more violent changes than the chameleon. That animal, however, as it is said, is utterly unable to assume one colour, namely, white ; but Alcibiades could associate with good and bad alike, and found naught that he could not imitate and practice. In Sparta, he was all for bodily training, simplicity of of countenance in Ionia, for life, and severity life.
:
;
and the shortest routes to Euboea and Boeotia. occupied by the Spartans in the spring of 413 B.C.
It
was
63
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Bavos,
eir ir epirrj^y
OerraXois
iv
paOvpuos, iv ®pd/cr] peOvariKos, Tcaa^epvrj Be rw
iTnraaTifcos,
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rraaav Be^o p,evo^ tw
6
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'
f)
'
irdXai yvvT)? "
7
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1 The first part of the passage in quotation marks is an adaptation of an iambic trimeter by some unknown poet,
64
ALCIBIADES, xxm.
5-8
in Thrace, for drinking luxurious ease and pleasure deep in Thessaly, for riding hard and when he was thrown with Tissaphernes the satrap, he outdid even Persian magnificence in his pomp and lavishness. It was not that he could so easily pass entirely from one manner of man to another, nor that he actually underwent in every case a change in his real character but when he saw that his natural manners were likely to be annoying to his associates, he was quick to assume any counterfeit exterior which might in each case be suitable for them. At all events, in Sparta, so far as the outside was concerned, " ' No child of Achilles it was possible to say of him, 1 a man as Lycurgus such but Achilles himself,' he, " but judging by what he actually felt and trained " Tis the did, one might have cried with the poet, ;
;
;
;
;
"
selfsame woman still 2 For while Agis the king was away on his campaigns, Alcibiades corrupted Timaea his wife, so that she was with child by him and made no denial of it. When she had given birth to a male child, it was called Leotychides in public, but in private the name which the boy's mother whispered to her friends and Such was the passion attendants was Alcibiades. But he, in his mocking that possessed the woman. way, said he had not done this thing for a wanton insult, nor at the behest of mere pleasure, but in order that descendants of his might be kings of the Such being the state of things, Lacedaemonians. there were many to tell the tale to Agis, and he believed it, more especially owing to the lapse of time. !
which Plutarch uses entire in Morals,
p. 51 c. 2 Trag. Orate. Fray. p. 907. 2 Electra, of Helen, in Euripides, Orestes, 129.
Cf.
Nauck,
65
PLUTARCH'S LIVES tw
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6 els e^eBpafie rod OaXd/xov irapa
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6
XXIV.
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yap irdXvTpoTrov Kal 7repirrbv
xxii. 4-6. these words the two years which had elapsed since the flight of Alcibiades (xxii. 1) are passed over, so far as the
66
Lysander,
ALCIBIADES, xxm.
8-xxiv. 4
There had been an earthquake, and he had run in terror out of his chamber and the arms of his wife, and then for ten months had had no further interAnd since Leotychides had been course with her. born at the end of this period, Agis declared that he was no child of his. For this reason Leotychides was afterwards refused the royal succession. 1 XXIV. After the Athenian disaster in Sicily, 2 the Chians, Lesbians, and Cyzicenes sent embassies at the same time to Sparta, to discuss a revolt from But though the Boeotians supported the Athens. appeal of the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus that of the Cyzicenes, the Spartans, under the persuasion of Alcibiades, elected to help the Chians first of all. Alcibiades actually set sail in person and brought almost all Ionia to revolt, and, in constant association
with the Lacedaemonian generals, wrought injury to the Athenians. But Agis was hostile to him because of the wrong he had suffered as a husband, and he was also vexed at the repute in which Alcibiades stood; for most of the successes won were due to him, The most influential and ambitious as report had it. of the other Spartans also were already envious and tired of him, and soon grew strong enough to induce the magistrates at home to send out orders to Ionia that he be put to death. His stealthy discovery of this put him on his guard, and while in all their undertakings he took part with the Lacedaemonians, he sedulously avoided coming into their hands. Then, resorting to Tissaph ernes, the King's satrap, for safety, he was soon first and foremost in that grandee's favour. For his versatility Sicilian expedition is concerned. narrative of the Nicias (xv.-xxx.).
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ALCIBIADES,
xxiv. 4 -xxv. 2
and surpassing cleverness were the admiration of the Barbarian, who was no straightforward man himself, And indeed but malicious and fond of evil company. no disposition could resist and no nature escape Alcibiades, so full of grace was his daily life and Even those who feared and hated conversation.
him felt a rare and winning charm in his society and presence. And thus it was that Tissaphernes, though otherwise the most ardent of the Persians in his hatred of the Hellenes, so completely surrendered to the flatteries of Alcibiades as to outdo him in reciprocal flatteries. Indeed, the most beautiful park
he had, both lawns,
with
and grateful decked out in
for its refreshing waters
resorts
and
retreats
regal and extravagant fashion, he named Alcibiades everyone always called it by that name. XXV. Alcibiades now abandoned the cause of the
;
Spartans, since he distrusted them and feared Agis, and began to malign and slander them to TissaHe advised him not to aid them very phernes. generously, and yet not to put down the Athenians completely, but rather by niggardly assistance to straiten and gradually wear out both, and so make them easy victims for the King when they had weakened and exhausted each other. Tissaphernes was easily persuaded, and all men saw that he loved and admired his new adviser, so that Alcibiades was looked up to by the Hellenes on both sides, and the
Athenians repented themselves of the sentence they had passed upon him, now that they were suffering it. Alcibiades himself also was presently burdened with the fear that if his native city were altogether destroyed, he might come into the power of the Lacedaemonians, who hated him.
for
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ALCIBIADES, At
this
time
J
almost
From
at Samos.
all
xxv. 3-6
the forces of Athens were
this island as their naval base of
operations they were trying to win back some of their Ionian allies who had revolted, and were watching others who were disaffected. After a fashion they still managed to cope with their enemies on the sea, but they were afraid of Tissaphernes and of the fleet of one hundred and fifty Phoenician triremes
which was said to be came up, no hope of
all
but at hand
;
if this
once
safety was left for their city. Alcibiades was aware of this, and sent secret messages to the influential Athenians at Samos, in which he held out the hope that he might bring Tissaphernes over to be their friend. He did not seek, he said, the favour of the multitude, nor trust them, but rather that of the aristocrats, in case they would venture to show themselves men, put a stop to the insolence of the people, take the direction of affairs into their own hands, and save their cause and city. Now the rest of the aristocrats were much inclined to Alcibiades. But one of the generals, Phrynichus, of the deme Deirades, suspected (what was really
the case) that Alcibiades had no more use for an oligarchy than for a democracy, but merely sought in one way or another a recall from exile, and therefore
inveighed against the people merely to court betimes the favour of the aristocrats, and ingratiate himself with them. He therefore opposed him. When his opinion had been overborne and he was now become an open enemy of Alcibiades, he sent a secret message to Astyochus, the enemy's naval commander, bidding him beware of Alcibiades and arrest him, for that he was playing a double game. But without his 1
During the winter
of 412-411 b.o.
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ALCIBIADES.
xxv. 6-10
knowing it, it was a case of traitor dealing with traitor. For Astyochus was much in awe of Tissaphernes, and seeing that Alcibiades had great power with the satrap, he disclosed the message of Phrynichus to Alcibiades at once sent men to Samos them both. All the Athenians there to denounce Phrynichus. were incensed and banded themselves together against Phrynichus, who, seeing no other escape from his predicament, attempted to cure one evil by another and a greater. He sent again to Astyochus, chiding him indeed for his disclosure of the former message, but announcing that he stood ready to deliver into his hands the fleet and army of the Athenians.
However, this treachery of Phrynichus did not harm the Athenians at all, because of the fresh of Astyochus. This second message of But Phrynichus also he delivered to Alcibiades. Phrynichus knew all the while that he would do so, and expected a second denunciation from Alcibiades. So he got the start of him by telling the Athenians himself that the enemy were going to attack them, and advising them to have their ships manned and their camp fortified. The Athenians were busy doing this when again a letter came from Alcibiades bidding them beware of Phrynichus, since he had offered to This letter they betray their fleet to the enemy. disbelieved at the time, supposing that Alcibiades, who must know perfectly the equipment and purposes of the enemy, had used his knowledge in order to calumniate Phrynichus falsely. Afterwards, 1
treachery
1 In the summer of 411 B.C., Phrynichus having been deposed from his command at Samos, and showing himself an ardent supporter of the revolutionary Four Hundred at Athens.
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ALCIBIADES,
xxv. io-xxvi. 4
1 however, when Hermon, one of the frontier guard, had smitten Phrynichus with a dagger and slain him in the open market-place, the Athenians tried the case of the dead man, found him guilty of treachery, and awarded crowns to Hermon and his accomplices. XXVI. But at Samos the friends of Alcibiades soon got the upper hand, and sent Peisander to Athens to change the form of government. He was to encourage the leading men to overthrow the democracy and take control of affairs, with the plea that on these terms alone would Alcibiades make This was the Tissaphernes their friend and ally.
pretence and this the pretext of those who estabBut as soon as the lished the oligarchy at Athens. so-called Five Thousand (they were really only four hundred) got the power and took control of affairs, they at once neglected Alcibiades entirely, and waged the war with less vigour, partly because they distrusted the citizens, who still looked askance at the new form of government, and partly because they thought that the Lacedaemonians, who always looked with favour on an oligarchy, would be more lenient towards them. The popular party in the city was constrained by fear to keep quiet, because many of those who openly opposed the Four Hundred had been slain. But when the army in Samos learned
what had been done at home, they were enraged, and were eager to sail forthwith to the Piraeus, and sending for Alcibiades, they appointed him general, and bade him lead them in putting down the tyrants.
An 1
ordinary man, thus suddenly raised to great
The name
is
the story by an wrong, and has crept into Hermon was " commander of the
error which can be traced. frontier guard stationed at
"
Munychia
(Thuc,
yiii,
92, 5).
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ALCIBIADES,
xxvi. 4-7
power by the favour of the multitude, would have been full of complaisance, thinking that he must at once gratify them in all things and oppose them in nothing, since they had made him, instead of a wandering exile, leader and general of such a fleet and of so large an armed force. But Alcibiades, as became a great leader, felt that he must oppose them in their career of blind fury, and prevented them from making a fatal mistake. Therefore in this instance, at least, he was the manifest salvation of the city. For had they sailed off home, their enemies might at once have occupied all Ionia, the Hellespont without a battle, and the islands, while Athenians were fighting Athenians and making their own city the seat of war. Such a war Alcibiades, more than any other one man, prevented, not only persuading and instructing the multitude together, but also, taking them man by man, supplicating some and constraining others. He had a helper, too, in Thrasybulus of 1 who went along with him and did the Steiris, shouting for he had, it is said, the biggest voice of ;
the Athenians.
all
A
second honourable proceeding of Alcibiades promising to bring over to their side the Phoenician ships which the King had sent out and
was
his
—
the Lacedaemonians were expecting, or at least to see that those expectations were not realized, and
—
The ships sailing swiftly on this errand. were actually seen off Aspendus, but Tissaphernes did not bring them up, and thereby played the Lacedaemonians false. Alcibiades, however, was his
off
1 This illustrious commander, the son of Lycus, is to be distinguished from Thrasybulus, the son of Thraso (chapter xxxvi. 1).
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ALCIBIADES,
xxvi. 7-xxvii. 3
credited with this diversion of the ships by both the Lacedaemonians. The parties, and especially by charge was that he instructed the Barbarian to For it suffer the Hellenes to destroy one another. was perfectly clear that the side to which such a naval force attached itself would rob the other altogether of the control of the sea. XXVII. After this the Four Hundred were over1 thrown, the friends of Alcibiades now zealously Then the city assisting the party of the people. come Alcibiades to back home. ordered willingly But he thought he must not return with empty
hands and without achievement, through the pity and favour of the multitude, but rather in a blaze of So, to begin with, he set sail with a small glory. fleet from Samos and cruised off Cnidus and Cos. There he heard that Mindarus the Spartan admiral had sailed off to the Hellespont with his entire fleet, followed by the Athenians, and so he hastened to the assistance of their generals. By chance he came up, with his eighteen triremes, at just that
when both parties, having joined critical point battle with all their ships off Abydos, and sharing almost equally in victory and defeat until evening, in a great struggle. The appearance of Alcibiades inspired both sides with a false opinion of his coming the enemy were emboldened and the Athenians were confounded. But he quickly hoisted Athenian colours on his flagship and darted straight upon the victorious and pursuing Peloponnesians.
were locked
:
Routing them, he drove them to land, and following hard after them, rammed and shattered their ships. 1
in
They usurped the power in June, of 411 September of the same year.
B.C.
j
they
fell
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teal
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teal
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tojv vewv.
re\o he twv fiev TroXepiwv rpidfcovra \a{36vres, dvaaooaavres he ra? avrwv, rpoiraiov ear-qaav.
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he
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5
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depairelav ov avrov.
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teal
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hebpa TrapadKevaadp^vos teal eiropevero
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erv^ev wv irpoaeho/erjaev,
dWa
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rjyepboviKqv
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dirohpas teal rbv eteeivov
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tol>? (f)v\atea<; et?
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teal
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Tio-a
aTparoTrehov
Mivhapov 2 yovevat,
lttttov
twv
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A6r)valwv teal irvOofievos Qapvafiatyv ev Kvfyfca) year par lout as TrapcopfiTjaev, tw?
ofiov teal
rovs
fiev
dvdyterjv ovcrav avrols teal
vavfiayelv
teal
ire^o-
Aia Teiypfiayeiv irpbs tovs noXefia^elv fjLLow ^prjpara yap ovte elvai pur) irdvTT] feparovar teal vrj
7r\?;pwcra5 he ra<; vavs teal tcajdpas et? Upoitcov-
8o
ALCIBIADES, Their crews
swam
xxvu. 3-xxvm.
ashore, and
here
2
Pharnabazus
to their aid with his infantry and fought along But finally the the beach in defence of their ships. Athenians captured thirty of them, rescued their
came
own, and erected a trophy of victory. Taking advantage of a success so brilliant as this, and ambitious to display himself at once before Tissaphernes, Alcibiades supplied himself with gifts of hospitality and friendship and proceeded, at the head of an imperial retinue, to visit the satrap. His reception, however, was not what he expected. Tissaphernes had for a long time been accused by the Lacedaemonians to the King, and being in fear of the King's condemnation, it seemed to him that Alcibiades had come in the nick of time. So he arrested him and shut him up in Sardis, hoping that
such an outrage upon him as this would dispel the calumnies of the Spartans. XXVIII. After the lapse of thirty days Alcibiades ran away from his guards, got a horse from some one
and made his escape to Clazomenae. To repay Tissaphernes, he alleged that he had escaped with that satrap's connivance, and so brought adHe himself sailed to ditional calumny upon him. the camp of the Athenians, 1 where he learned that Mindarus, along with Pharnabazus, was in Cyzicus. Thereupon he roused the spirits of the soldiers, declaring that they must now do sea-fighting and or other,
land-fighting and even siege-fighting, too, against their enemies, for poverty stared them in the face He then unless they were victorious in every way. manned his ships and made his way to Proconnesus, 1 Early in the spring of 410 B.C. The Athenians were at Cardia, a city of the Thracian Chersonese.
81
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ALCIBIADES, xxvm.
2-6
giving orders at once to seize all small trading craft and keep them under guard, that the enemy might get no warning of his approach from any source so ever.
Now it chanced that copious rain fell all of a supden, and thunder-peals and darkness cooperated with him in concealing his design. Indeed, not only did he elude the enemy, but even the Athenians themselves had already given up all expectation of fighting, when he suddenly ordered them aboard ship and put out to sea. After a little the darkness cleared away, and the Peloponnesian ships were seen hovering off the harbour of Cyzicus. Fearing then lest they catch sight of the full extent of his array and take refuge he ordered his fellow-commanders to sail slowly and so remain in the rear, while he himself, with only forty ships, hove in sight and challenged The Peloponnesians were utterly the foe to battle. deceived, and scorning what they deemed the small numbers of their enemy, put out to meet them, and closed at once with them in a grappling fight.
ashore,
Presently, while the battle was raging, the Athenian reserves bore down upon their foe, who were panic stricken and took to flight. Then Alcibiades with twenty of his best ships broke though their line, put to shore, and disembarking his crews, attacked his enemy as they fled
from their ships, and slew many of them. Mindarus and Pharnabazus, who came to their aid, he overwhelmed Mindarus was slain fighting sturdily, but Pharnabazus made his escape. Many were the dead bodies and the arms of which the Athenians became ;
masters,
and they captured all their enemy's ships. also stormed Cyzicus, which Pharnabazus
Then they
83
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T17 8' varepaiq. art] eras rpoiraiov eXerjXdret rrjv <\>apvaj3d^ov yu>pav ohBevbs d/xvvecrOai to\/xcoi>to9. iepels fievTOi, Kai iepelas eXaj3e /xev, dXX' dcftrjKev
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ALCIBIADES, xxvm.
6-xxix. 3
abandoned to its fate, and the Peloponnesians in Thus the Athenians not only it were annihilated. had the Hellespont under their sure control, but even drove the Lacedaemonians at a stroke from A dispatch was captured anthe rest of the sea. nouncing the disaster to the ephors in true laconic " Our Mindarus is gone ; our ships are lost men are starving we know not what to do." XXIX. But the soldiers of Alcibiades were now so elated and filled with pride that they disdained longer to mingle with the rest of the army, since it had often been conquered, while they were unFor not long before this, 1 Thrasyllus conquered. had suffered a reverse at Ephesus, and the Ephesians had erected their bronze trophy of victory, to the This was what the disgrace of the Athenians. soldiers of Alcibiades cast in the teeth of Thrasyllus' men, vaunting themselves and their general, and style
:
;
;
refusing to
share
either
training
or
quarters in
But when Pharnabazus with camp with them. much cavalry and infantry attacked the forces of Thrasyllus, who had made a raid into the territory of Abydos, Alcibiades sallied out to their aid, routed
Pharnabazus, and pursued him till nightfall, along with Thrasyllus. Thus the two factions were blended, and returned to their camp with mutual friendliness
and delight. On the following day Alcibiades set up a trophy of victory and plundered the territory of Pharnabazus, no one venturing to defend it. He even captured some priests and priestesses, but let them go without ransom. On setting out to attack Chalcedon, which 1
Daring the summer of 410
B.C., after
the victory of
Cyzicus.
vol. iv.
n
5
PLUTARCH'S LIVES BeBeyfievois cjipovpdv /ecu dpfjboa-rrjv Aa/ceBat/iovicov & on rrjv \eiav ayp/jLTj/jLevos TroXefielv, d/covcras
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86
vTrfKridevTai
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ALCIBIADES,
xxix. 3-xxx. 3
had revolted from Athens and received a Lacedaemonian garrison and governor, he heard that its citizens had collected all their goods and chattels out of the country and committed them for safe keeping So he to the Bithynians, who were their friends. marched to the confines of Bithynia with his army, and sent on a herald with accusations and demands.
The Bithynians, in terror, gave up the booty to him, and made a treaty of friendship. XXX. While Chalcedon was being walled in from sea to sea, 1 Pharnabazus came to raise the siege, and at the same time Hippocrates, the Spartan governor, led his forces out of the city and attacked the But Alcibiades arrayed his army so as Athenians. to face both enemies at once, put Pharnabazus to shameful flight, and slew Hippocrates together with many of his vanquished men. Then he sailed in person into the Hellespont and levied
moneys
there.
He
also captured Selymbria,
where he exposed himself beyond all bounds. For there was a party in the city which offered to surrender it to him, and they had agreed with him upon the signal of a lighted torch displayed at midnight. But they were forced to give this signal before the appointed time, through fear of one of the conSo the spirators, who suddenly changed his mind. torch was displayed before his army was ready ; but Alcibiades took about thirty men and ran to the walls, bidding the rest of his force follow with all speed.
The gate was thrown open
for him and he rushed men-at-arms reinforced by twenty targeteers, but he saw at once that the Selymbrians were advancing in battle array to attack into the city, his thirty
1
In the spring of 409
B.C.
87
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6
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88
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e/celvov
dcj>e-
ALCIBIADES,
xxx. 3-xxxi. 2
In resistance he saw no safety, and for flight, undefeated as he was in all his campaigns down to that day, he had too much spirit. He therefore bade the trumpet signal silence, and then ordered formal proclamation to be made that Selymbria must not bear arms against Athens. This proclamation made some of him.
the Selymbrians less eager for battle, if, as they supposed, their enemies were all inside the walls and others were mollified by hopes of a peaceful settlement. While they were thus parleying with one another, up came the army of Alcibiadcs. Judging now, as was really the case, that the Selymbrians were disposed for peace, he was afraid that his Thracian soldiers might plunder the city. There were many of these, and they were zealous in their service, through the favour and good will they bore Alcibiades. Accordingly, he sent them all out of the city, and then, at the plea of the Selymbrians, did their city no injury whatever, but merely took a sum of money from it, set a garrison in it, and went his ;
way.
XXXI. Meanwhile the Athenian generals who were besieging Chalcedon made peace with Pharnabazus on condition that they receive a sum of money, that Chalcedon be subject again to Athens, that the territories of Pharnabazus be not ravaged, and that the said Pharnabazus furnish safe escort for an Athenian embassy to the King. Accordingly, when Alcibiades came back from Selymbria, Pharnabazus demanded that he too take oath to the treaty but Alcibiades refused to do so until Pharnabazus had taken his oath to it. After the oaths had been taken, he went up against Byzantium, which was in revolt against ;
89
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ALCIBIADES,
xxxi. 2-5
1 Athens, and compassed the city with a wall.
But and certain men besides had agreed to surrender the city to him on condition that it be not plundered, he spread abroad the after Anaxilaiis, Lycurgus,
story that threatening complications in Ionia called him away. Then he sailed off in broad daylight with all his ships ; but in the night time stealthily He disembarked with the men-at-arms returned. under his own command, and stationed himself
His fleet, quietly within reach of the city's walls. meanwhile, sailed to the harbour, and forcing its way in
with
much shouting and tumult and
din, terrified
the Byzantians by the unexpectedness of its attack, while it gave the party of Athens in the city a chance to admit Alcibiades in all security, since everybody had hurried off to the harbour and the fleet. However, the day was not won without a battle.
The Peloponnesians, Boeotians and Megarians who were in garrison at Byzantium routed the ships' crews and drove them back on board again. Then, perceiving that the Athenians were inside the city, they formed in battle array and advanced to attack them. A fierce battle followed, but Alcibiades was victorious with the right wing, as well as Theramenes with the left, and they took prisoners no less than three hundred of the enemy who survived. Not a man of the Byzantians was put to death or sent into exile after the battle, for it was on these conditions that the men who surrendered the city had acted, and this was the agreement with them they exacted no special grace for themselves. Therefore it was that when Anaxilaiis was prosecuted at Sparta for treachery, his words showed clearly ;
1
During the winter of 409-408
b.o.
91
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en
rpiypcov, Be irXeico
ko/jll&v d/cpocrroXia ro)v BiefyOapfievwv vir avrov /cal KefcpaTrjfievcDV.
rjcrav
yap ovk eXdrrov?
crvv-
afKporepat BiaKoaiwv. 2
,V
A
'
Be Aovpis o lEa/xto? AXtciftidBov (f)d(TKcov diroyovo*; elvat irpoaTiQ^ai tovtois, ai/Xecv fiev
elpeaiav Tot? eXavvovai Xpvaoyovov rbv itvOlovIktjv, KeXeveiv Be KaXXiTnr tBrjv rbv rwv rpaywBia>v viroKpiTTqv, ara^ov^ Kal i;vo~TiBa<; /cal rbv
92
ALCIBIADES,
xxxi. 5-xxxii. 2
had not been disgraceful. He said was not a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantian, and it was not Sparta that was in peril. Considering therefore the case of Byzantium, he saw that the city was walled up, that no help could make its way in, and that the provisions already in the city were that his deeds that
lie
being consumed by Peloponnesians and Boeotians, while the Byzantians were starving, together with He had, therefore, not their wives and children. betrayed the city to its enemies, but set it free from war and its horrors, therein imitating the noblest Lacedaemonians, in whose eyes the one unqualifiedly honourable and righteous thing is their country's
The Lacedaemonians, on hearing this, were moved with sincere respect, and acquitted the men. XXXII. But Alcibiades, yearning at last to see his home, and still more desirous of being seen by good.
his fellow citizens, now that he had conquered their enemies so many times, set sail. 1 His Attic triremes were adorned all round with many shields and spoils of war many that he had captured in battle were towed along in his wake and still more numerous were the figure-heads he carried of triremes which had been overwhelmed and destroyed by him. There were not less than two hundred of these all ;
;
together.
Duris the Samian, who claims that he was a descendant of Alcibiades, gives some additional details. He says that the oarsmen of Alcibiades rowed to the music of a flute blown by Chrysogonus the Pythian victor that they kept time to a rhythmic call from the lips of Callipides the tragic actor; that both these artists were arrayed in the ;
1
From Samos,
in the spring of 408 b.o.
93
PLUTARCH'S LIVES aXXov evaycoviov djxireyopukvov^ koctjjlov, lariw 8* dXovpyco tt)v vavap\i8a it po o cf>i pea 6 ai rot? Xi/ie]
3 aiv,
coairep
etc
fieOrj^
eiriKWjxd^ovTO^,
7ro/A7ro? ovt "E<£o/)o? ovt€ £,evocptov ovt el/cbs rjv oi/toj? evrpvfyrjaai toZs
ovre ®eo-
yey pa
WO^vaiot^
jxera cfavyrjv teal trvficpopas Toaavras Karep)^6fievov, d\X' e/eelvos teal Seottos /cartfyeTO, teal Kara^Oeis ov irporepov aire^rj rpirjpovs, irpiv ara<; eirl tov fcara(TTpa)fiaro<; ISeZv JLvpvirToXefiov re
t%
tov dveyjribv irapovra oitceiiov
teal
tw^ aXXwv
av)(yov<; itcSexo/jievovs
teal
cpiXcov teal
TrapatcaXovv-
Tft?.
4
'Fiirel
S'
aTrefiri,
rou?
aXXov? o-Tpcnrjyovs
puev
ovft bpav iBoKOvv aTravTcovTes ol avdpcoiroi, irpbs S' etceZvov
avvrpkyovres ej3ocov, ^aird^ovTO, nrapeear e$ avow irpoaiovTes, ol 8e fxr) 8vvdTpoaeXOeZv aircoQev eOecovTO, koX Tot? veois
7re/j,7rov,
fxevoi
eBeltcvvaav
5
ol
ttoXv
ivpeaftvTepoi.
Be
koX 8d-
ra>
yaipovri t?}? TroXeco? dvetcetcpaTO, teal tcov irpoaOev /jLvrjfjbr) 7rpo? ttjv irapovaav evTvylav av SitceXlas ovt ox? \oyi%ofj,evoi<$ drv^rj/jLaTCOV, aXXo tl tcov Trpoa8otcr}6evTcov 8trjfjLaprov ovt
Kpvov
'
avToix; edaavTas
itjecpvyev
AXtcifiid8'qv iirl tcov
tote TrpaypbaTwv /cal tt)<; Bwdpuecos etceLVTjs, el vvv ttjv ttoXlv irapaXaficov oXiyov 8eovaav etcireiTTCotcov tcevai tt}? 6aXaTTr)<;, tcaTa yrjv Be poXis 7r
Be 7rpo? eavTrjv 6Ti Xecyfrdvcov tcav TaireL-
poaaTeicov tcpaTovaav, avTrjv
cTTacrid^ovcrav, vcov dvaaTr\aa<s
1
/j.6vov
94
etc
Xvirpwv
ov fxovov
with
l
tj}?
OaXaTTr)? to tcpaTOs
M a and Cobet
:
ix6pov ye.
ALCIBIADES,
xxxn. 2-5
long tunics, flowing robes, and other adornment of and that the commander's ship profession put into harbours with a sail of purple hue, as though, But after a drinking bout, he were off on a revel. neither Theopompus, nor Ephorus, nor Xenophon mentions these things, nor is it likely that Alcibiades put on such airs for the Athenians, to whom he was their
;
returning after he had suffered exile and
many
great
Nay, he was in actual fear as he put into the harbour, and once in, he did not leave his trireme until, as he stood on deck, he caught sight of his cousin Euryptolemus on shore, with many other friends and kinsmen, and heard their cries of welcome. When he landed, however, people did not deign so adversities.
as to look at the other generals whom they met, but ran in throngs to Alcibiades with shouts of welcome, escorting him on his way, and putting wreaths on his head as they could get to him, while those who could not come to him for the throng, gazed at him from afar, the elderly men pointing him Much sorrow, too, was mingled out to the young. with the city's joy, as men called to mind their former misfortunes and compared them with their present good fortune, counting it certain that they had neither lost Sicily, nor had any other great expectation of theirs miscarried if they had only left Alcibiades at the head of that enterprise and the armament therefor. For now he had taken the city when she was almost banished from the sea, when on land she was hardly mistress of her own suburbs, and when factions raged within her walls, and had raised her up from this wretched and lowly plight, not only restoring her dominion over the sea,
much
95
PLUTARCH'S LIVES dXXa
diroBeBcofcev,
/ecu ire^fj
viKoaaav diroBeiKwat
Travrayov TOU? TToXe/jUOVS. XXXIII. To pev ovv ^^(juafxa rf}$ /caOoBov irporepov ifcefevpeoro, Kpiruov rod J^aXXaia^pov ypdyjravTOS, &>9 avrbs iv raZ? iXeyeiais TreTroLr)K6V, V7rO/jLlflVlj(TKQ>V TOV *AXtCl/3ldBr}V T% %a/HTO? iv
TOVTOW Yvco/uLr) 8*
ae Karrjyay, iyeb ravrrjv iv diraaiv ypdyjras rovpyov eBpacra roBe.
rj
elirov, teal S'
a
rjfjLereprjs
yXcorrr]^
rolaBeai
iirl
/celraf 2 rare Be rod
Br)f.iov
y
irapeXOoov 6
/cXavaas
A\iei/3idBr)<} t teal
ra
piev
avrov irddq 210
iyKa\eaa<; Be puicpa real piirpia tw Bijpuo), to Be avp,7rav dvaOel? avrov tlvi TVXV ^ovrjpa teal (f>dovepw Bai/iovi, rrXelara B'
eh
teal
6Xocf>vpdpievo<;,
iXiTiBas rcov rroXepicov koX
BiaXe^Oel^
7r/)o?
to Oappelv iare-
teal Trapoppufjaas, o-T6
Kara yr\v koX Kara OdXaaaav avroKpdrwp arparrjyo^. iyjrrj-
(pavcoOr] %puo-ot?, ypkBt] S' dpua /cal 3
ovaiav diroBovvat avrw,
dpd$ ica?,
d
a?
eiroujaavro
(f)dvT7]<;
pLrjr
avra>
ttoXiv"
96
ras
tov Brjpov irpoard^avTO^,
aXXcov, QeoBcopos o lepou ovBe iyoo" elirev, tcaTrjpaadtcaKQV ovBev, el pa^Bev dBi/cel ttjp
d(po(TLovpLev(ov
"
Be rcov
teal
koX JZrfpv-
'A\V
ALCIBIADES,
xxxn. 5-xxxm. 3
but actually rendering her victorious over her enemies
everywhere on land. XXXIII. Now the decree for his recall had been 1 passed before this, on motion of Critias, the son of himself has written in his
Callaeschrus, as Critias elegies, where he in these words :
—
"
reminds Alcibiades of the favour
Mine was the motion that brought thee back
made it in public Words and writing were mine
;
I
this the task
I
;
;
performed Signet and seal of words that were mine give warrant as follows." 2 ;
this time, 3 therefore, the people
had only to meet He assembly, and Alcibiades addressed them. lamented and bewailed his own lot, but had only little and moderate blame to lay upon the people. The entire mischief he ascribed to a certain evil fortune and envious genius of his own. Then he descanted at great length upon the vain hopes
At
in
which their enemies were cherishing, and wrought At last they crowned him his hearers up to courage. with crowns of gold, and elected him general with sole powers by land and sea. They voted also that his property be restored to him, and that the Eumolpidae and Heralds revoke the curses wherewith they had cursed him at the command of the people. The others revoked their curses, but Theodorus the " High Priest said Nay, I invoked no evil upon him if he does no wrong to the city." :
1
Nearly three years before, in the late autumn of 411 overthrow of the Four Hundred. 4 Bergk, Poet. Lyr. (,'raeri, ii. pp. 279 ff. In the early summer of 408 B.o.
B.C.,
after the 2
3
97
PLUTARCH'S LIVES
XXXIV.
Ovrco Be rov 'AXKiftidBov XapLirpws
enow o/xco? o tt)? kclOoyap V^P? fcareirXevcrev, iBpdro
evr)fjL6povvTO<;
vireOparrev
Bov teaipos.
JJ
ra
UXvvrtjpia
rfj
Oeoj.
ra opyia
Be
Bpcbai
Tipa^iepyLBai ®apyr)Xia>i>o<; e/crr) <J)0lvovto<; airopprjra, rov re Koapuov fcaOeXovre? Kal to eBos oOev ev tcu? pAXiara twv KaTcucaXv^avTes. dirocppdBcov ttjv rjfiepav ravrrjv dirpaKrov 'AOrjov (j>iXo
J
eSSfcet,
fievSi<;
irpoaBe^Ofxevr) teal
#eo? 7rapaKaXv7TT€o-0at
ov
firjv
Kara als
dXXa
irdvrcov yeyovorcov ra> 'AX/cifttdBrj Kal 7rXr]pov/iiev(ov e/carbv rpirjpoov
yvco/JLyv,
avOis eicirXelv
dyevvrjs
rov AXKi/3idBr)v rj direXavveiv eavri]<;.
e/jieXXe,
Trpoaireaovaa
(f>CkoTi,fiia
Karecr^ev
ti<;
avrbv
ovk
&XP L
jJLVO-Tr)pl(OV.
3
ov yap eireieiyiaOr) Ae/ceXeia
'Ac/)'
eh
'EiXevcriva
irapoBcov
irapovres, ovBeva kogjjlov elyev /cara OdXarrav, dXXa fievT)
yppetai iepoov,
/cal
orav
iroXXa
tcov
egeXavvcocri,
oi
eicpdrovv 7)
teal
rebv
iroXepLioi
reXerrj irep.iro-
dvaiai
/cal
Bpay/juevcov
top "laK^pv,
icaO'
Kal
6Bbv
V7r* dvdyfcrjs
icaXbv ovv ecfraiveTO tw 'AXfafiidBr) Kal 7T/309 deoyv oaiorrjra /cal 777)0? dvOpooircov Bo^av diroBovvai to irdrpiov cr^rj/xa tois lepols,
4 e^eXeiirero.
7rapa7re/JLyjravra Tre^fj ttjv reXerrjv /cal Bopv(poprj*
aavra irapa rovs KOfiiBf)
KoXovaeiv
fidxrjv iepdv Kal
9s
7ro\e/uou?* rj yap drpe/jLTjaavra /cal TaireLvooaeiv rov *Ayiv, rj OeotytXfj
irepl
r&v dyicoTarcop
ALCIBIADES,
xxxiv. 1-4
XXXIV. But brilliantly,
particular
while Alcibiades was thus prospering some were nevertheless disturbed at the For he had put into season of his return.
harbour on the very day when the Plynteria of the goddess Athene were being celebrated. The Praxiergidae celebrate these rites on the twenty-fifth day of Thargelion, in strict secrecy, removing the robes of the goddess and covering up her image. Wherefore the Athenians regard this day as the unluckiest
days for business of any sort. The goddess, did not appear to welcome Alcibiades with kindly favour and good will, but rather to veil herself from him and repel him. However, all things fell out as he wished, and one hundred triremes were manned for service, with which he was minded to but a great and laudable ambition sail off again took possession of him and detained him there until the Eleusinian mysteries. Ever since Deceleia had been fortified, and the enemy, by their presence there, commanded the approaches to Eleusis, the festal rite had been celebrated with no splendour at all, being conducted by sea. Sacrifices, choral dances, and many of the sacred ceremonies usually held on the road, when Iacchus is conducted forth from Athens to Eleusis, had of necessity been omitted. Accordingly, it seemed to Alcibiades that it would be a fine thing, enhancing his holiness in the eyes of the gods and his good repute in the minds of men, to restore its traditional fashion to the sacred festival by escorting the rite with his infantry along past the enemy by He would thus either thwart and humble land. Agis, if the king kept entirely quiet, or would fight a fight that was sacred and approved by the
of
all
therefore,
;
99
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /cal fieylarcov iv
Kal TravTas
t%
oyjrei
7rarpiBo<; fia^eta-dai, tol>? ttoXLtcls t?}?
fidprvpas
egeiv
dvBpayaOias. 5
'12? Be tolvt
eyvco Kal irpoelirev ^vpioXiriBais
Kal K.rjpv%i, ct/cottous ptev iirl roiv a/cpcou i/caOccre Kal TTpoSpo/JLOV? TLVCLS dpi r)/*€pa 7rpO€^€7T€fjLyjr€V, iepels Be /cal pLvaras /cal pLvcrraywyov^ dvaXaftcov Kal rots oirXois TrepiKaXv^as rjyev iv Koapuw Kal fiera (tmotttjs, Oeapua aepuvbv Kal Oeoirpeire^ arparriyiav eKeivov iinBetKvvpbevo^, virb twv fxrj (f)0ovovvro)V lepocfravri'av Kal pLvaraywytav rr)v
6 irpoaayopevofievrjv.
eiriQkaQai el<$
Kal
ttoXiv,
rrjv
pbrjBevbs
roXpurjo-avTo^ rjpOr)
arpajiav
rrjv
Be
twv
aa
avrbs
puev
iirr)pev
ra>
a>?
iroXeplwi'
iiravayaycov (f)povrjpLaTi
dpuaxov
ovaav eKeivov o-TparrjyovvTos,
arJTTTjrov
Kal
toi>? Be
fyopTiKOvs Kal Trevr)Ta
Kal Xeyeiv iviov? Kal irpoaievai irapaKeXevopevovs 07r<»9 rov
fiaXwv TJrr](f)L(Tp,aTa Kal vofiovs Kal (f>\vdpov<; airoXXvvTas rrjv ttoXlv to? av irpd^r) Kal %/o^arjTai
rot?
irpdypLaari,
purj
BeBico?
toi>?
(fravras.
XXXV. irepl tt}?
Auto?
jiev
ovv
ifcetvos f)v el^e Bidvoiav oi Be Bvvarco-
TVpavviBo? aBrfhov
eanv
raToi T(av ttoXltcov (froftrjOevres icrrrovBaaav avrbv eKirXevaav rrjv raxla-TTjv, rd r dXXa ylrrjcfrio-dou? eKeivov rjOeXrjcrev. puevoi Kal avvdpyovjas ioo
ALCIBIADES,
xxxiv. 4-xxxv.
i
gods, in behalf of the greatest and holiest interests, in full sight of his native city, and with all his fellow citizens eye-witnesses of his valour.
When
he had determined upon
made known
his
design to the
this course and Eumolpidae and
Heralds, he stationed sentries on the heights, sent out an advance-guard at break of day, and then took the priests, mystae, and mystagogues, encompassed them with his men-at-arms, and led them over the road to Eleusis in decorous and silent array. So august and devout was the spectacle which, as general, he thus displayed, that he was hailed by those who were not unfriendly to him as High Priest, No enemy dared to attack rather, and Mystagogue. him, and he conducted the procession safely back to At this he was exalted in spirit himself, the city. and exalted his army with the feeling that it was
and
irresistible
invincible
under
his
command.
People of the humbler and poorer sort he so captivated by his leadership that they were filled with an
amazing passion to have him for their tyrant, and some proposed it, and actually came to him in He was to rise superior to envy, solicitation of it. abolish decrees and laws, and stop the mouths of the babblers who were so fatal to the life of the city, that he might bear an absolute sway and act without fear of the public informer.
XXXV. What tyranny,
is
thoughts he himself had about a But the most influential
uncertain.
were afraid of it, and therefore anxious that he should sail away as soon as he could. They even voted him, besides everything else, the col1 Setting sail, thereleagues of his own choosing. citizens
1
Towards the end
of October, 408 b.o.
ioi
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Tat? e/carbv vaval
e/c7rXevo-a<; Be
^v
ical
TTpoaftaXoDV
^pdrrjaev avrwv
/cal Aa/cc"AvBpw, l^aXV Bai/JbovL(ov oaoi Traprjaav, ov^ elXe Be rrjv ttoXlv, 211 dXXa tovto ra>v /caivobv 1 ey/cXrj/uLaTcov irpwrov virrjp^e /car avrov tols i^Opol^. 2 "Eoi/ce B\ el Tt9 aXXo<; viro T779 avrov 80^779 }
/cal
fcaraXvOrjvai
ovaa
/cal toA,//,???
fieydXyi
*AXicifiiaBri<;. /cal
(rvvecrecos
ye/xovaa
yap
dcfS <*)V
VTTOTTTOV CLVTOV TO iXXellTOV, C09 OV
tCaTCOp0G)(T€V,
% o~TrovBdaavTO<;, dirto-Tia rod fir) Bwr}dr)vanrape'i')(e
o-irovBdaavra yap ovBev av Biafyvyelv. Be 3
Xtof9
/cal
eaXco/coras
o9ev rjyavd/CTovv
dXXrjv 'IwvLav. evOecos,
/atiS'
co?
ireirpayfievoVy
fiariav, dfi
779
dicovaeo-Qai
iftovXovTO,
fir)
Tayy Trdvra
irvvdavofievoi
vTroXoyL^ofievoi
oi>x
rfkni^ov ko\ Tr)v
Tr)v
iroXefioiV Trpos dv6p(OTrov<$
Bia-
d^pv-
ftaanXea
^oprryov e%ovra<; r/vay/cd^ero 7roXXd/ci<; e/cirXewv /cal aTroXeiiTGiv to arpaToireBov fiicrdovs
fjuiyav
/cal
Tpo
iropi^eiv.
yap to TeXevTalov
/cal
eyfcXr)/ia Bid TavTrjv eXafte ttjv aWiav.
4
AvcrdvBpov yap cttI ttjv vavap^lav diroo'TaXivTos vtto AafceBaifiovLoyv, /cal T€Tpa>/3oXov dvTi TpicofioXov
Kvpov /cal
to
TptcoftoXov
Kaplas. /jLeXr)Tr)<;
6
102
KcuvSiv
5*
auTO?
r)Brj
dirrjpev
d7roXei
'A^rto^o9 dyados
5 dvoriro? Be 1
tw vavTy BiBovto?
xprj/jLaToyv,
TaXXa
&v eXa/3e irapd
if;
yXicrxpcos yopriy&v
dpyvpoXoyrjawv eirl eirl tcov vewv eVtfiev
rjv
with Bekker,
M a and Cobet
/cvf3epvr]Tr]<;,
e^v
/cal (popTitcos' :
Be irpoa-
kou>u>v (public).
ALCIBIADES,
xxxv. 1-5
with his one hundred ships, and assaulting Andros, he conquered the islanders in battle, as well as the Lacedaemonians who were there, but he did not capture the city. This was the first of the fresh charges brought against him by his enemies. And it would seem that if ever a man was ruined by his own exalted reputation, that man His continuous successes gave was Alcibiades. him such repute for unbounded daring and sagacity, fore,
in anything, men suspected they would not believe in his Were he only inclined to do a thing, inability. they thought, naught could escape him. So they expected to hear that the Chians also had been taken, along with the rest of Ionia. They were therefore incensed to hear that he had not accomplished everything at once and speedily, to meet their wishes. They did not stop to consider This compelled him, since he his lack of money. was fighting men who had an almoner of bounty in the Great King, to leave his camp frequently and sail off in quest of money for rations and wages. The final and prevailing charge against him was due
that his
when he
failed
inclination;
to this necessity.
Lysander, who had been sent out as admiral by the Lacedaemonians, paid his sailors four obols a day instead of three, out of the moneys he received from Cyrus while Alcibiades, already hard put to it to pay even his three obols, was forced to sail ;
for Caria to levy money. in charge of his fleet,
The man whom he Antiochus,
captain, but otherwise a foolish 1
1
left
was a brave
and low-lived
fellow.
Cf. chapter x. 1.
103
PLUTARCH'S LIVES i
J
ray/aa irapa, tov AXKi/3tdBov fir]B av eiriirXecocnv ol TroXepuoi Biavavfiaxeiv, ovtcos egvftpicre Kal Kar€(f>p6v7jcrev coo~T€ rrjv avrov irX^pcoadjievos Kal
TpirjpJ]
tcov
ciXXcov
fiiav
eTTLTrXevaai
rfj
'ILcpeacp Kal irapa ra? irpcopas tcov TroXejiicov ttoXXcl vecov Kal irpdrrcov Kal cf>0eyy6p,evo<; 6
ciKoXaara Kal /3co/j,o\o%a irape^eXavveiv. to fiev ovv irpcoTov AvtravBpos oXlyais vavalv eirava^O^ eBlcoKev avrov, tcov 5* 'AOrjvabcov eiriBorjOovvTcov irdcrais dvayQeis Kal KpaTrjcras avrov ts Biecfrdeipe '
top Avtlo%ov Kal vav<$ eXafie iroXXas Kal dvOpcocos Be TavT r]Kovaev 7TOU9 Kal Tpbiraiov ecrTrjaev. 'AXKiftidSrjs eiraveXOcov els ^d/jiov, av^yBi) iravTi tco lttoXco Kal irpovKaXelTO tov AvcravBpov. 6
6 B* rjydira vevtKrjKcos
XXXVI. ev
tco
Tcov Be
cTTpaTorreBcp
Kal ovk dvTavtfyeTO. /jlcctovvtcov tov *A\Kt,/3idB7)v ®pacrv/3ovXos 6
Spdacovos
'
e%0pbs
cov diTr\pev
eh AOrjvas
KaTrjyoprfcTcov.
tovs CKel nrapo^vvas eXeye irpbs tov
BPj/jlov
Kal cos
'A\/a/3mS?7? BiecpdapKe tcl Trpdy/xara Kal tc\s vavs diroXcoXeKev, evrpvobcov Tjj dp^f) Kal rrapaBiBovs tt]V o~i paTTjyiav dvdpcoirois eK irorcov Kal vavTiKrjs
aTrepfioXoyias
2 fieyiaTov, ottcos
avTco Bwapuevois irap dBeias XP rlflcir ^V Ta
ai/TOS eir
t'
Kal aKoXaaTaivr] /xeOvaKOfievos Kal eTaipaus 'AfivBiyvals Kal 'Icovitriv, ecpop-
irepiirXecov
ctwcov
fjLOvvTcov
104
Be
oXiyov tcov
TroXejiicov.
ivcKaXovv
ALCIBIADES,
xxxv. 5-xxxvi. 2
Although he had received explicit commands from Alcibiades not to hazard a general engagement even though the enemy sailed out to meet him, he showed such wanton contempt of them as to man his own trireme and one other and stand for Ephesus, indulging in
many
shamelessly insulting gestures
and cries as he cruised past the prows of the enemy's ships. At first Lysander put out with a few ships only, and gave him chase. Then, when the Athenians came to the aid of Antiochus, Lysander put out with his whole fleet, won the day, slew Antiochus himself, captured many ships and men, and set up a trophy of victory. As soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he came back to Samos, put out to sea with his whole armament, and challenged But Lysander was satisfied Lysander to battle. with his victory, and would not put out to meet him.
XXXVI. There were
those who hated Alcibiades the camp, and of these Thrasybulus, the son of Thraso, his particular enemy, set sail for Athens to denounce him. He stirred up the city against him by declaring to the people that it was Alcibiades who had ruined their cause and lost their ships by his wanton conduct in office. He had handed over so Thrasybulus said the duties of commander to men who won his confidence merely by drinking deep and reeling off* sailors' yarns, in order that he himself might be free to cruise about collecting moneys and committing excesses of drunkenness and revelry with courtezans of Abydos and Ionia, and this while the enemy's fleet lay close to him. His enemies 1
in
—
—
1 Not the illustrious the son of Lycus.
commander (chapter
xxvi. 6),
who was I°5
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 8* avrw Kai rrjv ra>v Teiyjav Karao-Kevrjv, a feare(T/cevacrev iv Sparer) wepl Hiadvdrjv ainu> Kara-
(jyvyrjv
3
&)?
iv
rfj
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fiovXofievos.
fir)
eiXovro
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fir)
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rr)v
Kai kclkovoiclv. a Br) irvvOavbfjuevos 6 A\Ki/3id8r)<; kol BeBoiKcos dirrfkOev i/c rod arparoTreBov iravTairacn, kcli arvvayayoov %evov<s Kai eTroXifiec tch tt/3acrt\euTcu? %pa^lv IB'iq, iroXXa Xprj/jLCLTa (Tvvrjyayev airo tcov d\Lo~KOfi6V(ov, teal Tot? "FjWtjo-lv dfia Tot? irpoaoiKovaiv dBeiav 6pyr)v 7Tyoo? i/ceivov i
4
airo T(ov /3apf3dpoov irapelyev. 'E7rel 8' oi ire pi TvBea teal
MevavBpov koX irdaa^ Ofiov rd? virap'ABeifiavrov crrpaTrjyoi, yovo~a<$ Tore vavs tch? 'AOrfvaLois e^ovre^ iv Alybs TTOTafioZs, elcoOeaav iirtTTXelv tw AvadvBpa) vav\oxovvri Xovfievoi
trepX Adfiyfraxov dfi
Kai
irdXiv
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ottlo-co
Kai
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Toy?
iK ^.tjcttov rd iiriTrjBeia Xafiftdvovres, Kai irepiopwvTes to vavTLKov, orav iirl tt)? 7779 yevrjrai, irXavcopevov 01:01 ri<; OeXot Kai Biao-ireipofievov, dvT€cf)opfiovvTO<; avrols aroXov irpbs iirLTayfia ILovapyjiKov eWicrfievov aicoTrfj iravra iroielv.
1
With
these words Plutarch's story leaps over the events from the spring of 407 to the autumn
of two and a half years, of 405 B.C.
106
ALCIBIADES,
xxxvi. 2-5
found ground for accusation against him in the which he had constructed in Thrace, near Bisanthe. It was to serve, they said, as a refuge for him in case he either could not or would not live at home. The Athenians were persuaded, and chose other generals in his place, thus displaying their anger and ill-will towards him. On learning this, Alcibiades was afraid, and departed from the camp altogether, and assembling mercenary troops made war on his own account against the Thracians who acknowledge no king. He got together much money from his captives, and at the same time afforded security from barbarian inroads to the Hellenes on also
fortress
the neighbouring frontier.
Tydeus, Menander, and Adeimantus, the generals, all the ships which the Athenians could 1 finally muster in station at Aegospotami, were wont to sail out at daybreak against Lysander, who lay with his fleet at Lampsacus, and challenge him to Then they would sail back again, to spend battle. the rest of the day in disorder and unconcern, since,
who had
Alcibiades, they despised their enemy. at hand, 2 could not see such conduct with calmness or indifference, but rode up on horseback and read the generals a lesson. He said their anchorage was a bad one the place had no harbour and no city, but they had to get their supplies from Sestos, a long way off; and they permitted their crews, whenever they were on land, to wander and scatter about at their own sweet wills, while there lay at anchor over against them an armament which was trained to do everything silently forsooth,
who was near
;
at a 2
word of absolute command. In his stronghold near Pactye (Xen. Hell.
ii.
1,
25).
107
PLUTARCH'S LIVES XXXVII. Tavra
Be Xeyovros rou 'AXfctftidBov,
irapaivovvros et? ^rjarbv fiedop/xto-ai rov aroXov, ov nTpocreiX ov °i< o-Tparyyor TvBevs Be KOI 7T/90? TjftplV €K€\6V(T€V dlTOXOJpeiV, OV JOLp 9 6 6" A\rcie/ceivov, dXX' erepov? o-TparrjyeLV. teal
vTrovorjcras
/3idBr)<;
re
fcal
irpoBocria*;
ev avrois
poire pur ov at tcov dirb rod arparoireBov yvcopL/jicov eXeyev oti /jltj it poirrjXaKLaOels
dirrjeLy real
Tot?
it
tcov aTpaTrjycov oXiyais av rjfiepais AafceBai rjvdyfcacre fiovlov? Biavav jia^eiv clvtols 2 a/covTa? rj ra? vavs diroXiTrelv. eBotcei Be to£
ovtcos virb
dXa£oveveo~0ai, Tot9 Qpqtcas ifc yrjs iirayaycov
fiev fcal
t7T7T6t?
8'
el/cora
Xeyetv,
el
ttoXXovs olkovtigtcl^ /cat
irpoayudyoiTO
Biarapdrroi,
to
(TTparoTreBov avTcov.
"On
fievroi t<29 afiapTLa? tcov 'AOrjvaicov opOcos
crvvelBe,
Ta%u to epyov
ep-apTvprjaev.
avTols
/cal dirpoaBoicrjTcos 7reo~6vro<;, 6/crco fxovai
depveo
yap
tov AvadvBpov irpoa-
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AvcravBpos. eXafte Be /cal rd? 'AOtjvas bXiyco Xpovco teal Ta9 vav$ eveir prjae /cal rd ptatcpd Teixv tcaOeXXev. (£* Be
tovtov
(f)o/3r)@el$ 6
'AXtei/3id8r)<; dpyovOaXdrrr)^ tou? AaxeBaifiovLovs els l&iQvviav fieTearrj, iroXXd ptev dycov xpyj/Aara, troXXd Be fcofiL^cov, en Be 7rXetco KaraXiircov ev 4 oh cotcei reix^o-iv. ev Be VnOvvla irdXtv ovte oXiya tcov IBicov diroXeaas teal ireptKOirels virb
Ta?
tcov
108
tJBt) /cal yf}<; teal
ifcei
typqtccov,
eyvco
ptev
dvafialveiv
777309
ALCIBIADES,
xxxvii. 1-4
XXXVII. In spite of what Alcibiades said, and in spite of his advice to change their station to Sestos, the generals paid no heed. Tydeus actually insulted him by bidding him begone he was not general now, but others. So Alcibiades departed, suspecting that some treachery was on foot among them. He told his acquaintances who were escorting him out of the camp that, had he not been so grievously insulted by the generals, within a few days he would have forced the Lacedaemonians to engage them whether they wished to do so or not, or else lose Some thought that what he said was their ships. arrant boasting but others that it was likely, since he had merely to bring up his numerous Thracian javelineers and horsemen to assault by land and confound the enemy's camp. However, that he saw only too well the errors of the Athenians the event soon testified. Lysander suddenly and unexpectedly fell upon them, and only the eight of their triremes escaped with Conon rest, something less than two hundred, were captured and taken away. Three thousand of their crews were taken alive and executed by Lysander. In a he also captured Athens, burned her short time ships, and tore down her long walls. :
;
;
l
now
feared the Lacedaemonians, who sea, and betook himself into Bithynia, taking booty of every sort with him, but Alcibiades
were supreme on land and leaving even
more behind him
he had been
living.
in the fortress where In Bithynia he again lost much of his substance, being plundered by the Thracians there, and so he determined to go up to the court of 1
In the spring of 404
b. c.
,
some eight months
later.
109
PLUTARCH'S LIVES %
ApTai;€pi;7)v, kavrov re /jltj yelpova %ep,iaTO/cXeof? Treipco/jLevw fiacnXel (pavelaOai vopii^cov, fcal
KpeiTTOva
ttoXltcls,
tt)V
irpo^aaiv ov yap eVt rovs dXX! virep tt) irarpiBo^
eiceZvov,
ft)?
TroXepblovs vTrovpyrjaeiv Kal Be-qaeaOai eviroplav Be tt)<; dvoBov
eirl
tov
t^9
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Bwdpew
fiera dafyaXeias fidXiara
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olopuevos
irape^eiv, (px €T0 ^P ? avTOv el? QpvyLav, teal avvBirjye Oepairevcov dfxa Kal TipLco/xevo^. XXXVIII. 'AOrjvaloi Be %a\e7nw9 p>ev ecfrepov
Kal
t?)9
rjye/jLOVLCK;
d7rocT€pr)0evT€<;' eVet Be Kal
eXevdepiav dtyeXopLevos avrcov 6 AvcravBpos dvBpdai Tpid/covra TrapeBco/ce rrjv ttoXlv, 0I9 ovk e%pi]
dyvoias, y 2 777)0?
cov
fieyicrTrjv
AX/cif3idBr)v
iiroiovvro
opyrjv.
rrjv
direppifyr)
Bevrepav
yap ovBev
dXX' virrjperr} ^aXeirrjvavTe^ 0X1vav$ alcf)^pco<;, alo-^tov avrol rbv Kpdriarov Kal TroXe/MKcorarov dtyeiXovTO tt?9 en S' ovv opbcog e/c tcov iroXecos (TT partly 6v.
dBifccov avros,
ya<;
diroftaXovTi
irapovjcov dvi(f>epe r*9 eXTrls djxvBpd firj Travrdiraaiv eppeiv rd 7rpdy/uara tcov 'AOrjvaicov 'AX/cifiidBov 7repi6vTo<;' ovt6 yap irpoTepov rjydTrrjcre cpevycov dirpayfiovcos tfiv Kal peO^ r)Q-vyla^, ovre vvv, el tol KaO' eavrbv iKavcos eyei, irepio^eTai
3
AaKeBatpoviovs vftpi^ovras Kal tou9 TpiaKOvra TrapmvovvTas. Tavia B' ovk tjv aXoyov ovtoos oveipoiroXelv
no
ALCIBIADRS, Artaxerxes.
He
xxxvu. 4-xxxvni. 3
thought to
inferior to Themistocles if the his services,
them.
For
show himself not King made trial of
and superior in his pretext it was not to be against
for offering his fellow
countrymen, as in the case of that great man, but in behalf of his country that he would assist the King and beg him to furnish forces against a common enemy. Thinking that Pharnabazus could best give
him facilities for safely making this journey up to the King, he went to him in Phrygia, and continued there with him, paying him court and receiving marks of honour from him.
XXXVIII. The Athenians were
greatly depressed
at the loss of their supremacy. But when Lysander robbed them of their freedom too, and handed the city over to thirty men, then, their cause being lost,
eyes were opened to the course they would not take when salvation was yet in their power. They sorrowfully rehearsed all their mistakes and follies, the greatest of which they considered to be their second outburst of wrath against Alcibiades. He had been cast aside for no fault of his own but they got angry because a subordinate of his lost a their
;
few ships disgracefully, and then they themselves, more disgracefully still, robbed the city of its ablest and most experienced general. And yet, in spite of their present plight, a
vague hope still prevailed that the cause of Athens was not wholly lost so long as Alcibiades was alive. He had not, in times past, been satisfied to live his exile's life in idleness and quiet nor now, if his means allowed, would he tolerate the insolence of the Lacedaemonians and the madness of the Thirty. It was not strange that the multitude indulged in ;
in
PLUTARCH'S LIVES tovs ttoXXovv, oirore teal to?? Tpidfcovra cf>povri%eiv itrrjet teal BiairvvOdveadai teal Xoyov fyeiv irXelaTOV aiv etcetvos eirparre teal BievoetTO. TeXo? Be KpiTLa? eBLBaaice AvaavBpov eo? AOrj'
valcov ovrc €(ttl SiifioKparovfievcov aafiaXws dpyeiv 4 Aa/ce8ai/jLovioL$ t?}? EWaSo?* A6r)vaiov<$ Be, teav TTpaws iravv teal /eaA-w? 7T/oo? oXtyapx^v '
e^coaiv, ov/e edaei ££>v *AXfcij3id8r)<; drpepelv ov firjv eirelaQr) ye irpoeirl rS)V tcaOearcoTcov. 6 tovtois AvaavBpo? rj irapa tcov oikol repov
TeXwz>
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etc
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Ay
XXXIX.
tov Qapvdfia^ov TavTa irpaTTeiv teeXevcov,
Mayauo) Te tw dBeX(p(p TrpoaeTa^e tt)<$
to
<&pvyi,a<;
6
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eX MV ^^pidvBpav 2 Be
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tceladai etceivrjv
aav
v7roypd(j)ovaav teal -tyipuvQiovcrav.
eTepoiBe (f>acnv
IBelv tt)V tce(f)aXr)v diroTepiVovTas avTov tov? nepl tov Mayaiov ev to?? inrvois teal to acopa teaio-
dXXa ttjv p,ev oyjnv ov ttoXv yeveaOai Xeyovcri trpb t?}? TeXei/T???. Ol Be TrepLcfrOevTes 7rpo? avTov ovte eToXpu^aav fievov.
elaeXOtLv,
dXXa
3 eveirip.irpaaav.
112
tevtcXco
ttjv
alaOopuevo^
oltciav B*
TrepiaTavTe?
6 'AXtciJ3idB7]<> tcov
ALCIBIADES, xxxvm.
3 -xxxix. 3
such dreams, when even the Thirty were moved to anxious thought and inquiry, and made the greatest account of what Alcibiades was planning and doing. Finally, Critias tried to make it clear to Lysander that as long as Athens was a democracy the Lacedaemonians could not have safe rule over Hellas and that Athens, even though she were very peacefully and well disposed towards oligarchy, would not be suffered, while Alcibiades was alive, to remain undis;
turbed in her present condition. However, Lysander was not persuaded by these arguments until a dispatch-roll came from the authorities at home bidding him put Alcibiades out of the way either because they too were alarmed at the vigour and enterprise of the man, or because they were trying ;
to gratify Agis.
XXXIX. Accordingly, Lysander sent to Pharnabazus and bade him do this thing, and Pharnabazus commissioned Magaeus, his brother, and Sousamithras, his uncle, to perform the deed. At that time Alcibiades was living in a certain village of Phrygia, where he had Timandra the courtezan with him, and in his sleep he had the following vision. He thought he had the courtezan's garments upon him, and that she was holding his head in her arms while she adorned his face like a woman's with paints and pigments. Others say that in his sleep he saw Magaeus' followers cutting off* his head and his body burning. All agree in saying that he had the vision not long before his death. The party sent to kill
him did not dare
to enter
house, but surrounded it and set it on fire. When Alcibiades was aware of this, he gathered together
his
"3
PLUTARCH'S LIVES fiev
ra TrXetara
Ifxariwv
teal
tcov
o~Tpa>/j,dT(ov
avvayaycov eireppitye tw irvpi, rfj 8* dpiarepa %etpt ttjv eavTOv yXapivBa TrepieXitjas, rf) 8e%id airaadpuevo^ to ey^eLpLBiov i^eireaev diraOrj^ vtto tov Trvpbs irplv r) Bia
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BiecpOapteora yvvatov eyeiv crvv avrw, tou? d8eX(f)ovs tov yvvaiov ttjv v/Bpiv ov fieTpiws <$>epovTa$ epLTTprjcrai T€ ttjv oltelav vvteTcop, ev fj Tiviiiv o°
BiaiTfjo/Juevos
fiaXelv
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TI 4
coarrep
6 'AXtciftidBrjs, teal tearaeiprjrai,
Bid
tov
irvpos
ALCIBIADES,
xxxix. 3-5
most of the garments and bedding in the house and cast them on the fire. Then, wrapping his cloak about his left arm, and drawing his sword with his right, he dashed out, unscathed by the fire, before the garments were in flames, and scattered the
Not Barbarians, who ran at the mere sight of him. a man stood ground against him, or came to close quarters with him, but all held aloof and shot him with javelins and arrows. Thus he fell, and when the Barbarians were gone, Timandra took up his dead body, covered and wrapped it in her own garments, and gave it such brilliant and honourable burial as she could provide. This Timandra, they say, was the mother of that Lais who was called the Corinthian, although she was a prisoner of war from Hyccara, a small city But some, while agreeing in all other of Sicily. 1 details of the death of Alcibiades with what I have written, say that it was not Pharnabazus who was the cause of it, nor Lysander, nor the Lacedaemonians, He had corrupted a girl but Alcibiades himself. belonging to a certain well known family, and had her with him ; and it was the brothers of this girl who, taking his wanton insolence much to heart, set fire by night to the house where he was living, and shot him down, as has been described, when he dashed out through the fire. 1
See the Nicia8> xv.
4.
"5
CAIUS MARCIUS
CORIOLANUS
VOL.
TV.
TATOS MAPKIOS T.
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS I.
The
furnished
patrician house of the Marcii at many men of distinction. One of
Rome them
was Ancus Marcius, the grandson of Numa by his daughter, and the successor of Tullus Hostilius in
To this family belonged also Publius and Quintus Marcius, the men who brought into Rome its best and most abundant supply of water. So likewise did Censorinus, whom the Roman people twice appointed censor, and then, at his own instance, made a law by which it was decreed that no one should hold that office twice. Caius Marcius, whose life I now write, lost his father at an early age, and was reared by his widowed mother. He showed, the kingship.
however, that such loss of a father, although otherwise bad for a boy, need not prevent him from becoming a worthy and excellent man, and that it is wrong for worthless men to lay upon it the blame for their perverted natures, which are due, as they On the other hand, the same say, to early neglect. Marcius bore witness for those who hold that a generous and noble nature, if it lack discipline, is apt to produce much that is worthless along with its better fruits, like a rich soil deprived of the husbandman's culture. For while the force and vigour of his intelligence, which knew no limitations, led him into great undertakings, and such as were productive of the highest results, still, on the other hand, since he
119
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 0v/ioL<;
re
av irdXiv
xp'J>p,evov
aKparois Kal
drp67rroL^ ov paBiov ov$ evdpp,oarov dvOpuiTTOis crvvelvai irapelyev, dXXd rr)v iv r)Boi>al<; Kal 7ro/'0£? zeal virb XprjpLaTGov dirdQeiav avrov veiKiais
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IBia /caXovcriv. II.
'O Be
Mdp/cio? erepcov fidXXov
ip,ira6r)<;
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
i.
3-11.
indulged a vehement temper and displayed an unswerving pertinacity, it made him a difficult and unsuitable associate for others. They did indeed look with admiration upon his insensibility to pleasures, toils, and mercenary gains, to which they gave the names of self-control, fortitude, and justice but in their intercourse with him as a fellow-citizen they ;
were offended by it as ungracious, burdensome, and Verily, among all the benefits which men arrogant. derive from the favour of the Muses, none other is so great as that softening of the nature which is produced by culture and discipline, the nature being induced by culture to take on moderation and cast off excess. It is perfectly true, however, that in those days Rome held in highest honour that phase of virtue which concerns itself with warlike and military achievements, and evidence of this may be found in the only Latin word for virtue, which signifies really manly valour ; they made valour, a specific form of virtue, stand for virtue in general. II. And so Marcius, who was by nature exceedingly fond of warlike feats, began at once, from his very boyhood, to handle arms. And since he thought that adventitious weapons were of little avail to such as did not have their natural and native armour
developed and prepared for service, he so practised himself in every sort of combat that he was not only nimble of foot, but had also such a weight in grapplings and wrestlings that an enemy found it hard to extricate himself. At any rate, those who from time to time contended with him in feats of courage and valour, laid the blame for their inferiority inflexible
upon his strength of body, which was and shrank from no hardship. 121
PLUTARCH'S LIVES III. 'TLo-TparevcraTO
Be*
Trpwrrjv arparetav ero
r
ore
YapKwi(£> ra> ftacriXevaavTi t?}? elra eKirecrovTL, 'Pw/i?/?, [xerd TroXXds pbd^a^ Kal rjTTas toairep ea^arov Kvj3ov dcpiivTO irXelaTOt fieipdtcioVy
jjuev
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twv aXXcov 'lraXuo-
Kal
rcov
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ravry
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rov SiKTaropo?, avBpa ^Vcofjialov Treaovra ovk r)p,ekrjaeVy dXX* earr] irpo avrov
irXrjo-lov IBodv
Kal rov 67n
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6
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Ta^u Kal nravjaypv Bpvbs
ovcrav eviroplav arpaovra rov tt}?
revofievois, elVe Ato? iroXieco^ lepbv
Bpvbs
aiefyavov
BLBoadat,
olojievos
7rpe7rovTCi)
iirl
eari Be
aayrrjpla ttoXltov Bpvs rcov pev r)
~ dypicov KaWtKapTTorarov, rcov Be TiOaawv lo~X v 4 porarov. avrrj^ tj fidXavos rjv Be Kal airiov air Kal irorbv to fMeXureiov, otyov Be irapel^e ra 1
*
122
By Lake Regillus, 498 (?) B.C. Early colonists of Rome, under Evander.
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, m. III.
He made
his
first
1-4
campaign while yet a
when Tarquin, who had been king of Rome, and then had been expelled, after many unsuccessful stripling,
staked his all, as it were, upon a final throw. Most of the people of Latium and many also of the other peoples of Italy were assisting him and marching with him upon Rome, to reinstate him there, not so much from a desire to gratify him, as because fear and envy led them to try to overthrow In the ensuing the growing power of the Romans. 1 which long favoured now this side and battle, now that, Marcius, who was fighting sturdily under the eyes of the dictator, saw a Roman soldier struck battles,
He ran to him at once, stood in by. front of him, defended him, and slew his assailant. Accordingly, after the Roman general had won the day, he crowned Marcius, among the first, with a
down near
garland of oak leaves. This is the civic crown which the law bestows upon one who has saved the life of a fellow-citizen in battle, either because the oak was held in special honour for the sake of the Arcadians, 2 who were called acorn-eaters in an oracle of Apollo 8 or because they could speedily find an abundance of oak wherever they fought ; or because it was thought that the garland of oak leaves, being sacred to Jupiter, the city's guardian, was fittingly bestowed upon one who saved the life of a citizen. The oak, moreover, has the most beautiful fruit of all wild trees, and is the sturdiest of all trees under cultivation. Its acorn used to be food, and the honey found in it used to be drink 4 for men, and it furnished them with the flesh of most grazing ;
3
Cf.
Herodotus,
i.
66.
4
In the shape of mead.
123
PLUTARCH'S LIVES twv
irXeto-ra
V€/jlo/jL€vcov
bpyavov cj)6povaa rbv y
Ev
e/celvrj
Be
rfj
6Tri
tt)v
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dyopa
dirayyeXXovTas, ov vvv irapd ttjv Kprjeariv avrois i8pv/JLevo
r)pL6pav ijriviKiov ovaav, ev ra> *\ovXi(p /jltjvI t
BtBovre?
vpov
ala^vvovrat
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fir)
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tov? varepovs yyep,6va
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124
Kal naprvpias vnep&a\4aQai
bracketed by Bekker.
215
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, m.
4-iv. 3
creatures and birds, since it bore the mistletoe, from which they made bird-lime for snares. In the battle of which I was speaking, it is said that Castor and Pollux appeared, and that immediately after the battle they were seen, their horses all a-drip
with sweat, in the forum, announcing the victory, by the fountain where their temple now stands. Therefore the day on which this victory was won, the Ides of July, was consecrated to the Dioscuri. IV. It would seem that when a young man's ambition is no integral part of his nature, it is apt to be quenched by an honourable distinction which is attained too early in life his thirst and fastidious But serious and firm appetite are speedily satisfied. spirits are stimulated by the honours they receive, and glow brightly, as if roused by a mighty wind to achieve the manifest good. They do not feel that they are receiving a reward for what they have done, but rather that they are giving pledges of what they will do, and they are ashamed to fall behind their ;
reputation instead of surpassing it by their actual It was in this spirit that Marcius vied with himself in manly valour, and being ever desirous of fresh achievement, he followed one exploit with another, and heaped spoils upon spoils, so that his later commanders were always striving with their predecessors in their efforts to do him honour, and to surpass in their testimonials to his prowess. Many exploits.
indeed were the wars and conflicts which the Romans waged in those days, and from none did he return without laurels and rewards of valour. But whereas other men found in glory the chief end of valour, he found the chief end of glory in his mother's gladness. That she should hear him praised 125
PLUTARCH'S LIVES yap e/ceivrjv eiraivov\xevov d/covcrai /cal crrecpavovfievov IBelv /cal 7rept/3a\eLV Ba/cpvovcrav r)8ovr)$ ivTLfiOTCLTOV avrov evopn^e iroielv /cal fia/capta)TCLTOV. TOVTO 8' dpueXei /cal TOV *Y>rraj±eivd>vBav
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4
direkavcre rcov yovkcov crvvrjBop.evcov ical crvvevr}MdpKLOS Be rfj firjrpl /cal ra$ rod
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126
5fo/x4v7]s iKcivrjs
with
M>
:
Seo/ieVrjS.
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
iv.
3 -v. 2
and see him crowned and embrace him with tears of was what gave him, as he thought, the highest honour and felicity. And it was doubtless this feeling which Epaminondas also is said to have
joy, this
confessed, in considering it his greatest good fortune that his father and mother lived to know of his generalship and victory at Leuctra. But he was so blessed as to have both his parents share in his
pleasure and success, whereas Marcius, who thought he owed his mother the filial gratitude also which would have been due to his father, could not get his fill of gladdening and honouring Volumnia, nay, he even married according to her wish and request, and continued to live in the same house with his mother after children were born to him. V. The reputation and influence procured by his valour were already great in the city, when the senate, taking the part of the wealthy citizens, began to be at variance with the common people, who
thought they suffered many grievous ills at the hands of the money-lenders. For those of them that were possessed of moderate means were stripped of all they had by means of pledges and sales, while those who were altogether without resources were led away in person and put in prison, although their bodies bore many marks of wounds received and hardships undergone in campaigns for the defence of their country. The last of these had been against the Sabines, and they had undertaken it upon a promise of their wealthiest creditors to deal moderately with them, and after a vote of the senate that Marcus Valerius, the consul, should guarantee the
But after they had fought zealously in promise. that battle also, and had conquered the enemy, no 127
PLUTARCH'S LIVES TCOV
(TCLCri ',\
TToXe/ALCOV
BaveiaTcov
eVtet/ce?,
fxe/JivrjaOaL
tcov
TrdXiv /cal
OvBeV ovB*
r)
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cb/uLoXoyrj/jLevcov,
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avaTciaeLS rjcrav ev
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4 yvco/iat
Belv vcpteadai rot? TrevTjai /cal ^aXaaai to avvtovov dyav /cat, vo/iifiov, evioi 8' dvrereivov, cov rjv ical Mdp/cios, ov to tcov xpy/AaTCDV /xeyiaTov rjyovfievos, /cal
dpxv v
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fxevo?.
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ovBev ftiaiov ovBe aTaaiao-Ti/cov,
i/cireTTTco/cevai,
Be
tt)9 iroXecos virb tcov ttXovltlcov irdXat ySow^re?, depa Be /cal vBcop /cal tottov evTac\>9)vai TravTayov 2 tt)V ^lraXiav avTols irape^eiv, cov irXeov ovBev
oiKOvai tt)V 'Pco/irjv virapxeiv avTols, dXX* rj TiTpdia/ceaOaL /cal dirodvijcr/cetv virep tcov ttXovctIcov GTpaTevo}xevoi<$. TavT eBeiaev r] fiovXi], ical tou? emeuce!?
128
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
v.
2 -vi. 2
consideration was shown them by their creditors, and the senate did not even pretend to remember its agreements, but again suffered them to be seized in pledge of payments and haled away to prison. Then there were tumults and disorderly gatherings in the city, and the enemy, not unaware of the popular confusion, burst in and ravaged the country, and when the consuls summoned those of military age to arms, no one responded. In this crisis, the opinions of those in authority were again at variance. Some thought that concessions should be made to the plebeians, and the excessive rigor of the law relaxed but others opposed this, and among them was Marcius. He did not regard the financial difficulties as the main point at issue, and exhorted the magistrates to be wise enough to check and quell this incipient attempt at bold outrage on the part of a populace in revolt against the laws. VI. The senate met to debate this question many times within the space of a few days, but came to The plebeians therefore no definite conclusion. banded together on a sudden, and after mutual exhortations forsook the city, and taking possession of what is now called the Sacred Mount, established themselves beside the river Anio. 1 They committed no acts of violence or sedition, but only cried aloud that they had for a long time been banished from the city by the rich, and that Italy would everywhere afford them air, water, and a place of burial, which ;
was
they had
all
if
they dwelt in Rome, except for
the privilege of wounds and death in campaigns for the defence of the rich. These proceedings alarmed the senate, and it sent 1
Three miles from the city (Livy,
ii.
32, 2).
129
PLUTARCH'S LIVES fiaXta-ra /cal BrjfjLori/covs twv irpea^vrepcav e%ajr, eareiXe. AypL7r7ra<;' nrpo^yopei Be Mevrfvco?
iroXXa
/cal
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VII.
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2
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'O Be M.dp/cios ovt avrbs rjBopevos oh 130
6 Btj/jlqs
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, out
those of
its
older
vi.
2 -vii.
2
members who were most
reasonably disposed towards the people to treat witli them. The chief spokesman was Menenius Agrippa, and after much entreaty of the people and much plain speaking in behalf of the senate, he concluded a celebrated fable. He said, his discourse with namely, that all the other members of man's body once revolted against the belly, and accused it of being the only member to sit idly down in its place and make no contribution to the common welfare, while the rest underwent great hardships and performed great public services only to minister to its appetites ; but that the belly laughed at their simplicity in not knowing that it received into itself all the body's nourishment only to send it back again and duly distribute it among the other members. " is the relation of the " Such, then," said Agrippa, senate, my fellow-citizens, to you the matters for deliberation which there receive the necessary attention and disposition bring to you all and severally ;
and helpful." reconciliation followed, after the people had asked and obtained from the senate the privilege of electing five men as protectors of those who what
is
VII.
l
useful
A
officers now called tribunes of the first whom they chose to this office were Junius Brutus and Sicinius Vellutus, who had been their leaders in the secession. 2 When the city was thus united, the common people at once offered themselves as soldiers, and the consuls found them ready and eager for service in the war. As for Marcius, though he was displeased himself
needed succour, the
And
the people.
1
2
Cf. Livy, Cf. Livy,
ii.
32, 9-11
ii.
33, 1-3.
;
Dionysiua Hal., Antiq. Rom.
vi. 86.
13'
PLUTARCH'S LIVES evSovcrr)^ tt)<; apiaroKpaTLas, teal twv aXXcov TrarpiKLoyv 7roXXov<; opeov to avrb ireirov-
Xo~yyev
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iv
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troXiopteias direkiTre, teaTacppovrjcravTes ol KopcoXavol twv irapoVTOiV eire^rjXOov, teal irpoafiaypfievoi to TrpwTov etepaTOvv teal teaTehieo/eov eh evda hrj Mapxios 3 tov ydpatea roil? 'Vcofiaiovs. teal avv teaTa/3aXcov tou? oXiyois itehpa/icov irpoafii^avra^ avrw fidXicrTa, tou? o° aXXovs o~Trjo-as
eTTi$epop,€vovs,
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teal
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l
teal
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Kai
TrXrjyf) fiovov,
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o-yfret,
teal
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avTov direyoapovv ovte rjydirrjo-ev,
132
a\V
iirrjteoXovOei teal avvrjXavvev
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
vn. 2-vm. 4
to have the people increase in power at the expense of the aristocracy, and though he saw that many of the other patricians were of the same mind, he nevertheless exhorted them not to fall behind the common people in contending for their country's welfare, but to show that they were superior to them in valour rather than in political power. VIII. Among the Volscians, with whom the Romans were at war, the city of Corioli took highest rank. When, therefore, Cominius the consul had invested this place, 1 the rest of the Volscians, fearing for its safety, came to its aid against the Romans from all parts, designing to give them battle in front of the city and to attack them on both sides. Thereupon Cominius divided his forces, going forth himself to meet the Volscians who were coming up outside, and leaving Titus Lartius, one of the bravest Romans of his day, in charge of the siege. Then the men of Corioli, despising the forces that were left, sallied out against them, overcame them in battle at At first, and pursued the Romans to their camp. this point Marcius darted out with a small band, and after slaying those who came to close quarters and bringing the rest of the assailants to a halt, called the Romans back to the fight with loud cries. For he had, as Cato thought a soldier should have, 2 not only a vigour of stroke, but a voice and look which made him a fearful man for a foe to encounter, and hard to withstand. Many of his men rallied to
support him, and the enemy withdrew in terror. With this, however, he was not satisfied, but followed 1
first (vi.
is in connection with the attack on Corioli that Livy mentions Marcius (ii. 33, 5-9) ; also Dionysius Hal. a Cf. Cato the Elder, i. 6. 92).
It
133
PLUTARCH'S LIVES fjBrj
it
poi poll dBrjv (pevyovTa?
a^pi
tcov
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S'
to Be Gweicrirecrelv 7rpocr(f)6po/jLevcov, o~iv eh ttoXlv dvBpcov TroXe/iL/ccov
to*? cpevyov-
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134
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, vm.
4-ix.
i
hard upon them, and drove them at last in headlong up to the gate of their city. There, although he saw the Romans turning back from the pursuit, now that many missiles from the walls were reaching them, and although not a man of them dared to think of bursting into the city along with the fugitives, full as it was of enemies in arms, he nevertheless took his stand, and exhorted and encouraged them to the exploit, crying out that fortune had opened the city for the pursuers rather than for the pursued. Only a few were willing to follow him, but he pushed his way through the enemy, leaped against the gate, and burst in along with them, no man daring to oppose him at first or resist him. Then, however, when the citizens saw that few of the enemy all told were inside, they rallied and attacked them. Enveloped thus by friends and foes alike, Marcius is said to have waged a combat in the city which, for prowess of arm, speed of foot, and daring of soul, flight,
he overwhelmed all whom he some to the remotest parts of the city, while others gave up the struggle and threw down their arms. Thus he made it abundantly safe for Lartius to lead up the Romans who were all
passes
belief;
assailed, driving
outside.
IX.
The
most of the
city having been captured in this manner, soldiers fell to plundering and pillaging
At this Marcius was indignant, and cried out that he thought it a shame, when their consul and their fellow citizens who were with him had perhaps fallen in with the enemy and were fighting a battle with them, that they on their part should be going about after booty, or, under pretext of getting booty, it.
should run away from the danger.
Only a few paid *35
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136
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
ix.
1-5
any heed to his words, whereupon he took those who were willing to follow, and set out on the road by which, as he learned, the consul's army had marched before him, often urging his companions on and beseeching them not to slacken their efforts, and often praying the gods that he might not be too late for the battle, but might come up in season to share in the struggles and perils of his fellow-citizens. It was a custom with the Romans of that time, when they were going into action, and were about to gird up their cloaks and take up their bucklers, to make at the same time an unwritten will, naming their heirs in the hearing of three or four witnesses. This was just what the soldiers were doing when
Marcius overtook them, the enemy being now in sight. first some of them were confounded when they saw that he had a small following and was covered with blood and sweat; but when he ran to the consul with a glad countenance, gave him his hand, and announced the capture of the city, and when Cominius embraced and kissed him, then they were encouraged, some hearing of the success which had been gained, and some but guessing at it, and all called loudly upon the consul to lead them into battle. But Marcius asked Cominius how the enemy
At
were arrayed, and where their best fighting men were placed. And when the consul told him he thought the troops in the centre were those of the Antiates, who were the most warlike of all and " I ask and demand yielded to none in bravery,
of you, then," said Marcius, " post us opposite these The consul, accordingly, granted his request, astonished at his ardour. As soon as spears began to fly, Marcius darted out
men."
137
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
ix.
5 -x.
2
before the line, and the Volscians who faced him could not withstand his charge, but where he fell upon their ranks they were speedily cut asunder. Those on either side, however, wheeled about and encompassed him with their weapons, so that the consul, fearing for his safety, sent to his aid the choicest men he had about his person. Then a
raged around Marcius, and many were time but the Romans pressed hard upon their enemies and put them to rout, and as they set out in pursuit of them, they insisted that Marcius, who was weighed down with fatigue and wounds, should retire to the camp. He answered, however, that weariness was not for victors, and took after the flying foe. The rest of their army also was defeated, many were slain, and many taken fierce battle
slain in short space of
;
1
captive.
On
the following day, when Lartius had come up, and the rest of the army was assembled before the consul, Cominius mounted the rostra, and after rendering to the gods the praise that was their due
X.
great successes, addressed himself to In the first place, he rehearsed with praise his astonishing exploits, some of which he had himself beheld in the battle, while to others Lartius bore witness. Then, out of the abundant treasures and the many horses and prisoners that had been taken, he ordered him to choose out a tenth, before any distribution to the rest of the army ; and besides him with a horse, duly all this, he presented After the Romans caparisoned, as a prize of valour. had applauded this speech, Marcius came forward and said that he accepted the horse, and was defor
such
Marcius.
1
Cf.
Dionysius Hal.
vi. 94.
139
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
x.
2 -xi.
i
lighted with the praises of the consul, but that he declined the rest, holding it to be pay, not honour, and would be content with his single share of the ** But I do ask one special favour," he said, booty. "and beg that I may receive it. I had a guestfriend among the Volscians, a man of kindliness and This man is now a prisoner, and from probity. wealth and happiness is reduced to subjection. Since, then, many evils have befallen him, let me at least free him from one, that of being sold into
bondage." At such words as these still louder shouts greeted Marcius, and he found more admirers of his superiority to gain than of the bravery he had shown For the very ones who secretly felt a in war. jealous envy of him for his conspicuous honours, now thought him worthy of great rewards because he would not take them ; and they were more delighted with the virtue which led him to despise such great rewards, than with the exploits which made him worthy of them. For the right use of wealth is a fairer trait than excellence in arms but not to need wealth is loftier than to use it. XI. When the multitude had ceased shouting their applause, Cominius took up the word again and " Ye said cannot, indeed, my fellow-soldiers, force these gifts of yours upon the man, when he does not accept them and is unwilling to take them; but there is a gift which he cannot refuse when it is offered. Let us give him this gift, and pass a vote that he be surnamed Coriolanus, unless, indeed, before such act of ours, his exploit has itself given him this name." Thence came his third name of Coriolanus. 1 certain
;
:
1
Cf.
Dionysiua Hal.
vi. 94.
141
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1
Soter, Saviour ; Callinicus, Of noble victory ; Physcon, Euergetes, Benefactor ; Grypus, Hook-nosed Fat-paunch Philadelphia, Sister- or Brother-lover; Eudaemon, Prosperous; ;
142
;
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xi.
2-4
From this it is perfectly clear that Caius was the proper name ; that the second name, in this case Marcius, was the common name of family or clan and that the third name was adopted subsequently, and bestowed because of some exploit, or fortune, or So bodily feature, or special excellence in a man. the Greeks used to give surnames from an exploit, as for instance, Soter * and Callinicus ; or from a ;
bodily feature, as Physcon and Grypus ; or from a special excellence, as Euergetes and Philadephus or from some good fortune, as Eudaemon, the
;
surname of the second Battus. And some of their kings have actually had surnames given them in mockery, as Antigonus Doson and Ptolemy Lathyrus. Surnames of this sort were even more common For instance, one of the among the Romans. Metelli was called Diadematus, because for a long time he suffered from a running sore and went about with a bandage on his forehead another member of this family was called Celer, because he exerted ;
himself to give the people funeral games of gladiators within a few days of his father's death, and the speed and swiftness of his preparations And at the present day excited astonishment. 2 some of them are named from casual incidents at their birth, Proculus, for instance, if a child is born
when
away from home or Postumus, if and when one of twin children while the other dies, he is called Vopiscus.
his father
after his death survives,
is
;
;
Moreover, from bodily features they not only bestow such surnames as Sulla, Niger, and Rufus, but also Doson,
A
Blotches
(?)
I
way s -promising ;
Sulla, Lathyrus, Vetchling ; Rufus, Red ; Caecus, Blind Cf. Romulus, x. 2.
Niger, Black
Claudius, Lame.
*
;
;
;
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144
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xi.
4-xn. 3
And they do well such as Caecus and Claudius. thus to accustom men to regard neither blindness nor any other bodily misfortune as a reproach or a disgrace, but to answer to such names as though their own. This topic, however, would be more fittingly discussed elsewhere. XII. The war was no sooner over than the popular leaders revived the internal dissensions, without any new cause of complaint, or just accusations, but making the very evils which had necessarily followed in the wake of their previous quarrels and disturbances a pretext for opposing the patricians. For the greater part of the land had been left unsown and untilled, and the war left no opportunity to arrange an importation of market supplies. There was, therefore, a great scarcity of food, and when the popular leaders saw that there were no market supplies, and that if there were, the people had no money to buy them, they assailed the rich with slanderous accusations of purposely arraying the famine against them, in a spirit of revenge. Moreover, there came an embassy from the people of Velitrae, who offered to hand their city over to the Romans, and begged them to send out colonists for it. For a pestilential disease had assailed them, and wrought such death and destruction among their citizens that hardly the tenth part of the whole number was left. Accordingly, such of the Romans as were sensible thought that this request of the people of Velitrae had come at an advantageous and opportune time, since the scarcity of food made to ease the city of its burdensome it needful at the same time they also hoped to numbers dissipate its sedition, if the most turbulent elements ;
145
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3
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fiari Kal davjia^ofievo^ viro tcov KparlaTcov, cpave-
146
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xn. 3 -xin. 3
it, and those which made most response to the exciting appeals of the popular leaders, should be purged away, like unhealthy and disturbing refuse from the body. Such citizens, therefore, the consuls selected as colonists and ordered them forth to Velitrae. They also enlisted others in a campaign against the Volscians, contriving thus that there should be no leisure for intestine tumults, and believing that when rich and poor alike, plebeians as
in
well as patricians, were once more united in military and in common struggles for the public good, they would be more gently and pleasantly disposed towards one another. XIII. But the popular leaders, Sicinius and Brutus, with their following, at once rose up in opposition, crying out that the consuls were disguising a most cruel deed under that most inoffensive name, a colony, and were really pushing poor men into a pit of death, as it were, by sending them forth into a city which was full of deadly air and unburied a strange and corpses, to be associated with
service
and then, as if not satisfied with destroying some of their fellow-citizens by famine, and exposing others to pestilence, they proceeded further to bring on a war of their own choosing, that no evil might spare the city, which had but refused to continue in servitude to the rich. With their ears full of such speeches as these, the people would neither answer the consular summons for enlistment, nor look with any favour on the colony. 1 The senate was in perplexity. But Marcius, who was now full of importance, and had grown lofty in spirit, and was looked upon with admiration by the abominable deity
1
;
Cf. Dionysius Hal.
vii. 13.
147
PLUTARCH'S LIVES po
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top
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irpwrov drifidcrai koX Karaj3aXelv eirl Toaovroi? koX t7)Xlkovtol<; evepyeTTjfiaai. koX yap eOos r)v roh fierLovcri ttjv ap^r)v irapatcaXelv Kal BefjwvaOac tov$ TToXiras ev Ifiaria) /canovras eh ttjv dyopdv dvev yiroivos, eire fiaXXov i/craTrecvovvra^ 220 eavTov? tw a^Tj/iari wpos ttjv Berjcnv, elre BeiKvvvras oh rjaav uireiXal 7rpo<j>avr} tcl avfifioXa 2 t% dvBpeias. ov yap vTroyfria Bjittov Biavofir)*;
dpyvpiov tevai koX 1
Cf.
2
/cal Be/cao-jiwv d^cocrrov
dyiTCdva roh
Dionysius Hal.
efiovXovro irpocrrbv Beofievov
iroXlTais
vii. 19.
There is nothing of this candidacy for the consulship in Livy (ii. 34, 7-35). Marcius urges the senate to take advantage of the famine and exact from the plebeians a surrender I
48
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, an. most powerful
men
3-xiv.
2
of the city, openly took the lead
The colony was resisting the popular leaders. sent out, those that were chosen for it by lot being compelled to go forth under severe penalties ; and in
when the people
utterly
refused military service,
Marcius himself mustered his clients and as many others as he could persuade, and made an incursion into the territory of Antium. There he found much corn, and secured large booty in cattle and captives, no part of which did he take out for himself, but brought his followers back to Rome laden with The rest of the citizens large spoils of every sort. therefore repented themselves, envied their more fortunate fellows, and were filled with hostility to Marcius, not being able to endure the reputation and power of the man, which was growing, as they 1 thought, to be detrimental to the people. XIV. But not long after, when Marcius stood for the consulship, 2 the multitude relented, and the people
felt
somewhat ashamed
to slight and
humble
man who was foremost in birth and valour and had performed so many and such great services. Now it was the custom with those who stood for the office to a
greet their fellow-citizens and solicit their votes, descending into the forum in their toga, without a tunic under it. This was either because they wished the greater humility of their garb to favour their solicitations, or because they wished to display the tokens of their bravery, in case they bore wounds. It was certainly not owing to a suspicion of the dispensing of money in bribery that the candidate for the votes of their tribunate. This so exasperates the people that they try Marcius in absentia and banish him, whereupon he goes
over to theVolsci. Plutarch's story (xiv.-xx.) agrees closely with Dionysius Hal. vii. 21- tU. VOL.
IV.
F
M9
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5°
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xiv. 2 -xv. 2
of the citizens was required to present himself before them without a tunic and ungirt. For it was long after this time that the buying and selling of votes crept in and money became a feature of the elections. But afterwards, bribery affected even courts and camps, and converted the city into a monarchy, by making For it has been armies the utter slaves of money. well said that he first breaks down the power of the But at people who first feasts and bribes them. Rome the mischief seems to have crept in stealthily and gradually, and not to have been noticed at once. For we do not know who was the first man to bribe her people or her courts of law ; whereas at Athens, Anytus, the son of Anthemion, is said to have been the first man to give money to jurors, when he was on trial for the treacherous failure to relieve Pylos, 1 toward the close of the Peloponnesian war a time when the pure race of the golden age still possessed the Roman forum. XV. So when Marcius disclosed his many scars from many contests, wherein he had been a foremost ;
soldier for seventeen years together, the people were put out of countenance by his valour, and agreed with one another to elect him. But when the day for casting their votes came, and Marcius made a pompous entry into the forum escorted by the senate, and all the patricians about him were clearly more
bent on success than ever before, the multitude fell their good will towards him, and
away again from
A
1 stronghold on the western coast of Messenia, in Peloponnesus. It was occupied and successfully defended by the Athenians in 425 B.C. (Thuc. iv. 2-41). In 410, the
Lacedaemonians laid siege to its Messenian garrison, which surrendered after an Athenian fleet had failed to relieve it (Diodorus,
xiii. 61, of.).
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152
teal
teal
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xv. 2-5
drifted into feelings of resentment and envy. These feelings were reinforced by their fear that if an
who had such weight with the patricians, should become supreme in the government, he might altogether deprive the people of their liberties. So, being in such a state of mind, they rejected Marcius and others were proclaimed elected. The senators were indignant, thinking the insult directed rather at them than at Marcius, and he himself could not treat the occurrence with restraint or forbearance. He had indulged the passionate and contentious side of his nature, with the idea that there was something great and exalted in this, and had not been imbued, under the influence of reason and discipline, with that gravity and mildness which Nor did lie are the chief virtues of a statesman. know that one who undertakes public business must avoid above all things that self-will which, as Plato 1 must mingle says, is the "companion of solitude" with men, and be a lover of that submissiveness to aristocrat,
;
But injury which some people ridicule so much. since he was ever a straightforward man and obstinate, and since he thought that conquest and mastery in all things and at all times was the prerogative of bravery, rather than of effeminate weakness (which breaks out in anger, like a swelling sore, from the troubled and wounded spirit), he went away full of The indignation and bitterness towards the people. younger patricians, too, that element in the city which made most vaunt of noble birth and was most showy, had always been amazingly devoted to the man, and, adhering to him now, when their presence did him no good, fanned his anger by their sympa1
In a letter to Dio (Bpist.
iv.
ad Jin.). *53
PLUTARCH'S LIVES avvaXyetv.
yap
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154
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221
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xv.
5-xvi.
3
and sorrow. For he was their leader and willing teacher of the art of war in their campaigns, and inspired them in their victories with a zeal for valour, which had no tinge of mutual thetic vexation
jealousy.
XVI. In the meantime grain came to Rome, a great it bought in Italy, but an equal amount sent as a present from Syracuse, where Gelo was tyrant. Most of the people were consequently in great hope, expecting that the city would be delivered both from its The senate, accordingly, was scarcity and its discord. convened at once, and the people, flocking about the part of
senate -house, awaited the result of its deliberations. They expected that the market-price for grain would now be moderate, and that what bad been sent as a For there were present would be distributed gratis. some in the senate who so advised that body. But Marcius rose in his place and vehemently attacked those who favoured the multitude, calling them demagogues and betrayers of the aristocracy, and declaring that they were nourishing, to their own harm, the evil seeds of boldness and insolence which had been sown among the rabble these they should have ;
choked when they
sprang up, and not have strengthened the people by such a powerful magisBut now their body was fortracy as the tribunate. midable, because it got everything that it desired, allowed no constraint upon its will, and refused to obey the consuls, but had their own leaders in anarchy, whom they styled their rulers. To sit there, moreover, voting such a people largesses and supplies, like those Greeks where democracy is most extreme, he said was nothing more nor less than maintaining them in their disobedience, to the common destrucfirst
'55
PLUTARCH'S LIVES "
direlOeiav avTcov efyoBid^eiv. Ov yap %dpiv ye Brjirov
t^9
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156
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xvi. 3 -xvn. 3
" For tion of all. they surely will not say that they are getting these as a grateful return for the military services which they omitted, and the secessions by which they renounced their country, and the calumnies against the senate which they have countenanced. They will rather be confident that your fears drive you to subserviency and flattery when you make them these gifts and concessions, and will set no limit to their disobedience, nor cease from their quarrels and seditions. Such action on our part would therefore be sheer madness but if we are wise, we shall take their tribunate away from them, for it makes the consulship null and void, and divides the city. This is no longer one, as before, but has been cut in two, so that we can never grow together again, or be of one mind, or cease afflicting and confounding one another." XVII. With many such words as these Marcius was beyond measure successful in filling the younger senators, and almost all the wealthy ones, with his own fierce enthusiasm, and they cried out that he was the only man in the city who disdained submission and flattery. But some of the older senators opposed him, suspecting the outcome. And the outcome was wholly bad. For the tribunes were present, and when they saw that the proposal of Marcius was likely to prevail, they ran out among the crowd with loud cries, calling upon the plebeians to rally to their Then there was a stormy session of the ashelp. sembly, and when the speech of Marcius was reported to it, the people were carried away with fury and almost burst in upon the senate. But the tribunes made their formal denunciation of Marcius, and summoned him by messenger to come before them and ;
*57
PLUTARCH'S LIVES T€9
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his defence.
And when he
xvn. 3 -xvin.
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insolently drove
away the officers who brought their message, they went themselves, attended by the aediles, to bring him by force, and tried to lay hands upon his person. But the patricians, banding together, drove the tribunes away, and actually beat the aediles. By this time, then, evening had fallen, which put an end to the tumult but as soon as it was day, the exasperated people came running together from all quarters into the forum. When the consuls saw this, they were alarmed for the city, and convening the ;
them to consider how, by reasonable proposals and suitable resolutions, they might soothe and pacify the multitude, since it was not a time for senate, urged
ambitious rivalry, nor would they be wise in contending for their dignity, but the crisis was severe and critical, and demanded measures that were considerate and humane. The majority of the senate acceding to these views, the consuls went out and reasoned with the people as well as they could, and tried to mollify them, answering their accusations in a reasonable manner, and making only a moderate use of admonition and rebuke ; as regarded the price of provisions and market supplies, they declared there should be no difference between them. XVIII. Accordingly, the greater part of the people
showed signs of relenting, and it was evident, from their decorous and sober attention, that they were on the way to be controlled and won over. Then the tribunes rose and declared that since the senate was now acting soberly, the people in their turn would make such concessions as were fair and honourable. insisted, however, that Marcius should make answer to the following charges Could he deny that
They
:
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xvm.
1-5
he had instigated the senate to violate the constitution and abrogate the powers of the people ? When summoned to appear before them, had he not refused ? And finally, by insulting and beating the aediles in the forum, had he not done all in his power to incite the citizens to arms and bring about a civil war ?
They made
this demand with a desire either that Marcius should be publicly humiliated, if, contrary to his nature, he curbed his haughty spirit and sued for the favour of the people or, if he yielded to his natural promptings, that he should do something which would justify their wrath against him and make it implacable. The latter was what they the rather expected, and they rightly estimated the man's ;
character.
For he came and stood before them as one who would defend himself, and the people were quiet and silent in his presence. But when, instead of the more or less deprecatory language expected by his audience, he began not only to employ an offensive boldness of speech, which at last became actual denunciation, but also to show, by the tone of his voice and the cast of his countenance, that his fearlessness was not far removed from disdain and contempt, then the people was exasperated, and gave evident signs that his words roused their impatience and indignation. Upon Sicinius, the boldest of the tribunes, after a brief conference with his colleagues, made formal proclamation that Marcius was condemned to death
this,
by the tribunes of the people, and ordered the aediles to take him up to the Tarpeian rock at once, and cast him down the cliff below. But when the aediles laid hold of his person, it seemed, even to many of the a the patricians, plebeians, horrible and monstrous act; ?6i
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xvm.
5 -xix. i
moreover, utterly beside themselves, distressed and horror stricken, rushed with loud cries to his aid. Some of them actually pushed away the officers making the arrest, and got Marcius among themselves ; some stretched out their hands in supplication of the multitude, since words and cries were of no avail amid such disorder and confusion. At last the friends and kindred of the tribunes, perceiving that it was impossible, without slaying many patricians, to lead Marcius away and punish him, persuaded them to remit what was unusual and oppressive in his sentence, not to use violence and put him to death without a trial, but to surrender him and refer his case to the people. Then Sicinius, becoming calm, asked the patricians what they meant by taking Marcius away from the people when it wished to punish him. But the patricians asked in their turn " What then is your purpose, and what do ye mean, by thus dragging one of the foremost men of Rome, " without a trial, to a savage and illegal punishment ? "Well then," said Sicinius, "ye shall not have any such excuse for factious quarrel with the people ; foi they grant your demand that the man have a trial. And we cite thee, Marcius, to appear before the citizens on the third market-day ensuing, and convince them, if you can, of your innocence, assured that they will decide your case by vote." XIX. For the time being, then, the patricians were satisfied with this truce, and went away in glad possBut in the time which interession of Marcius. vened before the third market-day (for the Romans hold their markets every ninth day, calling them, :
"mmdinae"), a campaign was undertaken against the city of Antium, which led them to hope
therefore,
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xix.
i-xx.
that the issue might be avoided altogether.
campaign would
i
The
long enough, they thought, for the people to become tractable, after their rage had languished or altogether disappeared by reason of But presently, when their occupation with the war. the citizens returned home after a speedy settlement of their dispute with Antium, the patricians were in last
frequent conclave, being full of fear, and deliberating how they might not surrender Marcius, and yet prevent the popular leaders from throwing the people Appius Claudius, again into tumult and disorder. indeed, who was counted among those most hostile to the claims of the people, said with all solemnity that the senate would destroy itself and utterly betray the government of the city, if it should suffer the people to wield their vote in judgement on the But the oldest senators, and those most patricians. inclined to favour the people, maintained on the contrary that it would not be rendered harsh or severe by its exercise of this power, but mild and humane for since it did not despise the senate, but rather thought itself despised by that body, the prerogative of trying a senator would be a solace to its feelings and a mark of honour, so that as soon as it proceeded to vote it would lay aside its wrath. XX. Marcius, therefore, seeing that the senate was in suspense between its kindly feelings towards him and its fear of the people, asked the tribunes what the accusations against him were, and on what charge he would be tried if they led him before the people. They replied that the charge against him was usurpation, and that they would prove him guilty of planning a usurpation of the government. Thereupon he rose of his own accord and said he was going ;
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xx.
1-4
make his defence, and would deprecate no manner of trial, nor, should he be found guilty, any form of punishment " Only," said he, " see that ye confine yourselves to the charge mentioned, and do not play false with the senate." The tribunes agreed to this, and on these terms the trial was held. But when the people were come together, in the first place, the tribunes insisted that the votes be cast not by centuries, 1 but by tribes, thus making the indigent and officious rabble, which had no thought of honour, superior in voting power to the wealthy and well known citizens of the military at once before the people to
;
In the second place, abandoning the charge of usurpation, which could not be proven, they dwelt again upon the speech which Marcius had previously made in the senate, when he protested against the lowering of the market-price of grain, and urged them to take the tribunate away from the people. They also added a fresh charge against him, namely, his distribution of the spoils which he had taken from the country of Antium these, they said, he had not turned into the public treasury, but had distributed them among those who made the campaign with him. By this accusation Marcius is said to have been more disturbed than by all the rest. For he had not expected it, and was not ready at once class.
;
with an answer which would satisfy the people, but began to praise those who had made the campaign, whereupon he was clamorously interrupted by those who had not made it, and they were the more numerous. In the end, therefore, the vote was taken 1 Out of the 193 centuries, the richest class alone had 98, against 95 of all the other five classes put together.
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xx. 4 -xxi. 3
1 by tribes, and a majority of three condemned him. The penalty assigned was perpetual banishment. After the result was announced, the people went off in greater elation and delight than they had ever shown for any victory in battle over their enemies but the senate was in distress and dire dejection, repenting now and vexed to the soul that they had not done and suffered all things rather than allow the people to insult them in the exercise of such And there was no need now of dress great powers. or other marks of distinction in telling one class from another, but it was clear at once that he who rejoiced was a plebeian, and he who was vexed, a patrician. XXI. Albeit Marcius himself, who was neither daunted nor humbled, but in mien, port, and countenance fully composed, seemed the only man among all the distressed patricians who was not touched by And tins was not due to calculation, his evil plight. or gentleness, or to a calm endurance of his fate, but he was stirred by rage and deep resentment, and For this, although the many know it not, is pain. when pain is transmuted into anger, it is consumed, ;
as
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were, by sloth.
of activity, being, so to speak, afflicted with throbbing, distenAnd that such was his condition, tion, and inflation. Marcius showed right quickly by his conduct. He went home, where his mother and his wife met him with waitings and loud lamentations, and after embracing them and bidding them to bear with equanimity the fate that had come upon them, he 1 Dionysius Hal. (vii. 64) says that nine of the tribes voted to acquit Marcius,
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Kar dXXrjXcov e^Oo?. ov firjv dXXd /jieyeOos tl TvXXov opcov, Kal fidXiara cfrpovij/jLaTos e^ovra rbv OvoXovctkcov eTTiOvfiovvra 'Vco/xauovs Xa(3r)v /nepei KoXovaai, fiaprvpiav direw Xiire rw elirovrr ®vfi
irapaa^ovra^ ev
170
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxi. 3 -xxn. 2
straightway departed and went to the city gate. Thither all the patricians in a body escorted him, but without taking anything or asking for anything he departed, having only three or four of his clients For a few dtays he remained by himself with him. at some country place, torn by many conflicting counsels, such as his anger suggested to him, purposing no good or helpful thing at all, but only how he might take vengeance on the Romans. At last he determined to incite some neighbouring nation to a formidable war against them. Accordingly, he set out to make trial of the Volscians first, knowing that they were still abundantly supplied with men and money, and thinking that they had been not so much crippled in power by their recent defeats as filled with contentious wrath against the Romans. XXII. Now there was a certain man of Antium, Tullus Aufidius by name, who, by reason of his wealth and bravery and conspicuous lineage, had the standing of a king among all the Volscians. By this man Marcius knew himself to be hated as no other Roman was ; for they had often exchanged threats and challenges in the battles which they had fought, and such emulous boastings as the ambitious ardour of youthful warriors prompts had given rise to a mutual hatred of their own, in addition to that of their However, since he saw that Tullus had a peoples. certain grandeur of spirit, and that he, more than all other Volscians, was eager to retaliate upon the Romans, if they gave him any opportunity, Marcius bore witness to the truth of him who said 1 " With anger it is hard to fight for whatsoe'er it wishes, :
;
1
Heracleitus, rdiquiat, p. 41).
Fragment 105 (By water, Heracliti Ephesii 171
PLUTARCH'S LIVES yap av OeXy,
^ V XV^
MvelTai" XafBcov yap i
teal a/C€vr)v iv
y fidXiaTa firj opcojievos, cbairep 'OBvaaevs,
Bvcrfievecov fcare&v ttoXlv.
'AvBpwv
XXIII.
*Hi>
Botjeiv o? rjv efieXXev
S'
eairepa,
Kal iroXXol
poaeTvyyavov iyvcopt^e B* ovBefc. iirl rrjv oIkiclv tov TvXXov, /ecu
77
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fiev
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/cecf)a\r)V
iroXfirjcrav (rjv
yap
tov ayrffiaTo^ Kal
TvXXw
it koX irepl rrjs
avTOV
d^lcofia teal
efypaaav Be tc5 droiriav tov irpdy-
aHDTrrjs),
irepl Belirvov ovri ttjv 6 £' e^avaara^ tjkb avrov, Ka\ 7T/30? Kal rlvwv cov rt? Beo/ievos. dtyiKTai dve/cpive
2 fjLaros.
outw? ovv
3
6
WlapKios aTTOKaXvyJrd/jLevos icai fii" Et w yivdio-iceis, firjirco fie " a\\' TuWe," elirev, opcov dirto-Tels, dvdyicr) \xe Tdios elfii M.dp/carrfyopov ifiavTOV yeveaOai. klos, 6 irXelara ae Kal OvoXovctkow; ipyao~dfievos KaKa, Kal rrjv ovk icoo~av dpvelaOai ravra irepitov KopioXavov. ovBev yap cf)ep
Kpbv
172
dvao~)£cbv,
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxn. 2-xxm. 3
that it buys, even at the cost of life." For, putting on such clothing and attire as would make him seem, to any one who saw him, least like the man he was, like Odysseus,
"He
went
into the city of his deadly foes."
1
XXIII. It was evening, and many met him, but no man knew him. He proceeded, therefore, to the house of Tullus, and slipping in unawares, took his seat at the hearth 2 in silence, covered his head, and remained there motionless. The people of the house were amazed, and did not venture to raise him up, for his mien and his silence gave him a certain dignity but they told Tullus, who was at supper, what a strange thing had happened. Tullus rose from table and came to him, and asked him who he was, and why he was come. At this, then, Marcius uncovered " If thou his head, and after a slight pause, said dost not yet recognize me, Tullus, but disbelievest I am thine eyes, I must be my own accuser. Caius Marcius, he who has wrought thee and the Volscians most harm, and the surname of Coriolanus which I bear permits no denial of this. I have won no other prize for all the toils and perils which I have undergone than the name which is a badge of my enmity to your people. This, indeed, cannot be taken away from me but of everything else I have been stripped, through the envy and insolence of the Roman people, and the cowardly treachery of the magistrates and those of my own order. I have been driven into exile, too, and am become a suppliant at thy hearth, not for the sake of security and safety, ;
:
;
—
1
2
vii.
246. Odyssey, sacred place of refuge for the suppliant. iv.
A
Cf. Odyssey,
153.
173
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Bevpo
rjfceiv
Xafielv 4
dXXd
Bt/cas
irapa to)v
el €K/3a\\6vTG)v tw ere iroielv ifiavrov icvptov. fiev ovv icrru o~oi Ov/jlos eiri^eipelv Tot? iroXeiiLois,
Wi, tgu? eiials av/Mpopais, to yevvale, ^prjaai, fcal KOIVQV €VTV%rifia 7r0i7]CT0V OvoXoVCTfCCDV T7)V i/J,7)V envyiav, tootovtco j3£Xtlov virep vjiayv iroXeinjaovros fj irpos v/ias, oa(p woXefiovai fieXriov oi ytvcoaKovres ra irapa ovvtcov.
ovtg aol
avBpa
iroXepbLOis tcov
toI<$
el 3' aireiprjicas,
out
dyvo-
iyco /3ovXopLai ^r)v
e%ei aco^etv irdXac /iev e^Opbv
tcaXcos
/cal
iroXeficov,
vvv
ovv
ravra
TvXXo?
8*
dvaxfieXr) ical
a^pv
crTOvr f
5
n?
tf/covcrev, r)o~6r\ re " ^AviBe^idv e/juftaXcbv, co Mdp/cie, /cal ddppei. fieya yap dyaObv fj/ceis BlBovs aeavTov, eXirt^e 8e~ rj/ilv jxei^ova irapa OvoXovo-/ccov" /cal rore fiev eio~Tia fyiXotypovoviievos tov Mdp/CLOv, iv Be rals eiriov-
Qavfxao'TtoS /cal " o-Taao," elirev,
aais
rj/iepats
6
rrjv
efiovXevovTO irepl tov iroXeixov
/cad*
eavTOus.
XXIV.
Trjv
Be
'Pcofirjv
Bvapeveia irpbs tov
Brj/iov,
re tcov irarpitcicov
tj
ou%
rjiciGTa tt)V
tov
MapKiov KaTaBiK-qv aiTiav
e^ovTcov, iTapaTTe,
iroXXd Bai/Aovia fidvTeis
/cal tepee? ical IBiairai
ical
ev Be XeyeTai Aarivos, dvrjp ov/c dirpdy/icov Be ical fieTpcos aXXa)?
TrpoarjyyeXXov a^ia toiovto ti yeveadai.
ayav
iiricfiavr}*;,
cppovTiBos.
Tito?
v\v
Livy simply says that Marcius was kindly received by and that he lodged with Tullus (ii. 35, 6). Chapters xxi.-xxiii. agree closely with Dionysius Hal. vii. 67 1
the Volscians,
and
174
viii. 1.
225
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxm.
3 -xxiv.
i
should I come hither if I were afraid of with a desire to take vengeance on those who have driven me forth, which I take at once when I put myself in thy power. If, then, thou art eager to assail thine enemies, come, good Sir, take advantage of my calamities, and make my individual misfortune the good fortune of all the Volscians I shall fight better for you than I have against you, in just so far as those who know the secrets of their enemies fight better than those who do not. But if thou hast given up hope, neither do I wish to live, nor is it for thine advantage to spare one who has long been an enemy and a foe, and now for
why
death
?
— but
;
is
unprofitable
When
and
Tullus
useless."
heard
this,
he was wonderfully
" Rise pleased, and giving him his right hand, said and of be In good courage. up, Marcius, giving thyself to us, thou bringest us a great good, and thou mayest expect a greater one still from the Volscians." Then he entertained Marcius at table with every mark of kindness, and during the ensuing days they took counsel together concerning the war. 1 XXIV. But at Rome, owing to the hatred of the :
people by the patricians, who were especially embittered by the condemnation of Marcius, there were great commotions, and many signs from heaven were reported by seers, priests, and private persons, which could not be ignored. One of these is said to have been as follows. There was one Titus Latinus, 2 a man of no great prominence, but of quiet and modest life
in general,
The story Maximus, i. 7, 2
is
and
free
from superstitious
found in Livy,
ii.
36,
and
in
fears, as
Valerius
4.
175
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /cal
2
tcaOapbs BeicnBaipLOvlas,
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/cal
en
&>?
Be /xaXXov dXarov Ato? et? oyjrip
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176
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxiv.
1-5
lie was also, and yet more, from vain pretensions. This man dreamed that Jupiter appeared to him, and bade him tell the senate that the dancer, whom they
had appointed to head his procession, was a bad one, and gave him the greatest displeasure. After having this vision, Titus said, he gave it no thought at all at first, but after he had seen it a second and a third time, and still neglected it, he had suffered the loss of an excellent son by death, and had himself become suddenly palsied. This story he told after having been brought into the senate on a litter, and no sooner had he told it, they say, than he at at once felt the strength return to his body, and In rose up, and went away, walking without aid. amazement, then, the senators made a careful investigation of the matter.
Now, what had happened was this. A certain man had handed over one of his slaves to other slaves, with orders to scourge him through the forum, and then put him to death. While they were executing this commission and tormenting the poor wretch, whose pain and suffering made him writhe and twist himself horribly, the sacred procession in honour of Many of those Jupiter chanced to come up behind. who took part in it were, indeed, scandalized at the joyless sight and the unseemly contortions of the victim, but no one made any protest they merely heaped abuse and curses on the head of the master who was inflicting such a cruel punishment. For in ;
those days the Romans treated their slaves with great kindness, because they worked and even ate with them themselves, and were therefore more familiar and gentle with them. And it was a severe punishment for a slave who had committed a fault, if he
'77
PLUTARCH'S LIVES virepelhovaLV, dpapuevos hie^eXOoc irapd ttjv yeiTviaaiv. 6 yap tovto iraOoov teal ofyOels irapcu tcov
avvoUcov
real yeiTovcov ov/cert, ercaXecTO he (frovpfticpep' b yap ol
a-Tarrjv
teal
itlgtiv
"EWrjve?
elyev. viro-
tovto 'Pcopualoi fyovpitav
aTi]piypLa,
dvofid&vaiv. XXV. 'H? ovv o AaTlvos airrjyyeiXe ttjv o-^riv aVTOLS KOI SirjTTOpOVV 00~TI<; TjV TTjS ITOflTTTj^ T0T6 aTepTrrjs
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ay o pas,
eW eOavaTcoaav.
avpLcfrcovr)-
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"Eoi/cev ovv
6
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yap apyovTes Krjpvt;
rj
yeyovevai,
tepees irpaTToool ti tcov delcov, 6
TTpbeiai pueyaXr)
Grjfiaivei
S*
r)
(pcovrj,
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teal
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tovto irpaTTe, irpoo-eyeiv /cal firjhev
ypeiav dayoXias,
epyov ep,(3aXelv
co? to,
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avOpcoirivcov dvajfcaiop tlvI Tpoirco teal htd fiias dvaias he /cal Tropurds /cal 6eas irepaivofieva.
1
According to Livy (ii. 36 and 37), it was at the repetition great games, which was made necessary by the
of the i
78
CAIUS MARCITJS CORIOLANUS,
xxiv. 5 -xxv. 3
was obliged to take the piece of wood with which they prop up the pole of a waggon, and carry it For he who around through the neighbourhood. had been seen undergoing this punishment no longer had any credit in his own or neighbouring houseAnd he was called " furcifer " for what the holds. Greeks call a prop, or support, is called "furca" by the Romans. XXV. When, therefore, Latinos had reported his vision to the senators, and they were at a loss to know who the unpleasant and bad dancer was who had headed the procession referred to, some of them were led, owing to the extraordinary nature of his punishment, to think of the slave who had been scourged through the forum and then put to death. Accordingly, with the concurrence of the priests, the master of the slave was punished, and the procession and spectacles in honour of the god were exhibited anew. Now it would seem that Numa, who in other respects also was a very wise director of sacred rites, had very properly sought to secure the people's ;
1
reverent attention by means of the following ordinWhen, namely, magistrates or priests perform any religious function, a herald goes before, crying with a loud voice, " Hoc age." The meaning of the cry is, Mind this ! and it warns the people to give heed to the sacred rites, and suffer no task or demand of business to intervene, 2 implying that men perform most of their duties under some sort of comance.
pulsion
and by
constraint.
And
it is
customary for
profanation made known by the dream of Latinus, that the Volscians were sent out of the city, as described by Plutarch in
chapter xxvi.
1.
2
Of.
Numa,
xiv. 2.
179
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ov fxovov ig atria? rrjXi/cavTT]?, dXXa /cal Bia itt~ /Mfcpas 'Pco/xatot? e#o? icrrlv dvaXafiftdveiv. ttov re yap evbs tcop dyovroov Ta$ icaXov fjuevas 6r)craa<$ arovrjaavTcx;, /cal
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XXVI. O
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tovto
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1
8
oaas
dcpr/prjvTai
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tcov
OvoXov-
See the following Comparison, ii. 2. According to Livy (ii. 37, 1-7), it was Tullus himself
180
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, the
Romans
to
renew
sacrifices
xxv. 3 -xxvi. 2
and processions and
spectacles, not only for such a reason as the above, but also for trivial reasons. For instance, if one of
the horses drawing the sacred chariots called Tensae gives out ; or again, if the charioteer takes hold of the reins with his left hand, they decree that the And in later ages, a single procession be renewed.
has been performed thirty times, because again and again some failure or offence was thought to occur. Such is the reverent care of the Romans in religious matters. XXVI. But Marcius and Tullus were secretly conferring at Antium with the chief men, and were urging them to begin the war while the Romans were torn by internal dissensions. And when shame restrained them from this course, because they had agreed to a truce and cessation of hostilities for two years, the Romans themselves furnished them with a pretext, by making proclamation at the spectacles and games, because of some suspicion or slanderous report, that the visiting Volscians must leave the Some say x that this was due to city before sunset. a deceitful stratagem of Marcius, who sent a man to the consuls in Rome, bearing the false charge that the Volscians purposed to fall upon the Romans at the spectacles, and set the city on fire. 2 This proclamation made all the Volscians more embittered against the Romans ; and Tullus, magnifying the incident, and goading them on, at last persuaded them to send ambassadors to Rome 3 and demand back the territory and the cities which had been sacrifice
who came
to the consuls, as had been planned with Marcius. Plutarch agrees rather with Dionysius Hal. viii. 3. 3 Livy speaks only of a revolt (ii. 38, Jin.). Plutarch agrees with Dionysius Hal. viiL 4-10.
vol.
IV.
G
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ol Be 'Pay fialoi T<wy Trpeo~fteayv
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182
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxvi. 3 -xxvii. 3
But the Romans, were full of indigna-
taken from the Volscians in war. after hearing the ambassadors,
tion, and replied that the Volscians might be first to take up arms, but the Romans would be last to lay them down. Upon receiving this answer, Tullus called a general assembly of his people, and after they had voted for the war, advised them to call in Marcius, cherishing no resentment against him, but firmly convinced that he would be more helpful as an ally than he had been injurious as a foe. XXVI I. Marcius was therefore called in, and held a conference with the assembly they saw from his ;
speech that he was as eloquent as his exploits in arms had taught them that he was warlike, and were convinced of his surpassing intelligence and daring so they appointed him general with Tullus, and gave him full powers to conduct the war. Fearing, then, that the time needed to equip and marshal the Volscians would be so long as to rob him of his best opportunity for action, he left orders with the magistrates and chief men of the city to assemble and provide the remaining forces and supplies that were requisite, while he himself, after persuading the most ardent spirits to march forth as volunteers with him and not stop for formal enrolment, burst into the Roman territory of a sudden, when no one expected it. Consequently he secured such abundance of booty that the Volscians had more than they could possibly do to use it in their camp or carry it off home. But the abundant supplies secured, and the great injury and damage done to the enemy's country, were, in his eyes, the most insignificant result of that ;
its chief result, and his main object in was to furnish the people of Rome with
expedition;
making
it,
'83
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1 There is nothing of this preliminary foray in Livy. It is on the main expedition (chap, xxviii.) that the patrician lands
184
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxvu.
3 -xxvni. 2
For while he fresh charges against the patricians. maltreated and destroyed everything else, he kept a vigorous watch over the lands of the patricians, and would not suffer anyone to hurt them or take anything from them. This led to still further accusations and broils between the parties in the city the patricians accused the people of unjustly driving out an influential man, and the people charged the patricians with bringing Marcius up against them in a spirit of revenge, and then enjoying the spectacle of what others suffered by the war, while the war itself protected their own wealth and property outside the After Marcius had accomplished his purposes, city. and greatly helped the Volscians towards courage ;
and scorn of their enemies, he led
his forces
back
in safety. 1
XXVIII. The entire force of the Volscians was assembled with speed and alacrit}', and was then seen to be so large that they determined to leave a part of it behind for the security of their cities, and with the other part to march against the Romans. Moreover, Marcius left it to the choice of Tullus which of the two divisions he would command. Then Tullus, remarking that Marcius was clearly in no wise inferior to himself in valour, and had enjoyed a better fortune in all his battles, bade him lead the division that was to take the field, and he himself would remain behind to guard the cities and provide what was requisite for the army abroad. 2 With a stronger force than before, then, Marcius set out first against Circeii, a city which was a colony of
Rome
;
are spared (ii. 39). According to Dionysius (viii. 12), Tullus led one division into the territory of the Latins. Marcius the other into that of Rome, and both brought back enormous a
booty.
Cf. Dionysius, viii. 13.
185
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxvm.
2 -xxix. 2
surrendered to him of its own accord, and he no harm. Next, he laid waste the country of Latins, where he expected that the Romans would engage him in defence of the Latins, who this
did the
it
and by frequent messengers were commons were were unwilling to risk a campaign during the short time left of their term of office, and therefore the Latin envoys were were their
allies
But the calling upon them for help. indifferent to the appeal, the consuls
dismissed. Under these circumstances Marcius led his forces against their cities, and taking by assault those which offered resistance to him, namely, To-
lerium, Lavicum, Pedum, and later Bola, he made slaves of the inhabitants and plundered their property. But for those who came over to him of their own
much concern, and that they might no harm, even against his wishes, he encamped far as he could from them, and held aloof from
accord he showed suffer
as
their territory.
XXIX. But after he had taken Bola, a city not more than twelve miles away from Rome, where he got much treasure and put almost all the adults to the sword and after the Volscians even who had been ordered to remain in their cities grew impatient, and came trooping in arms to Marcius, declaring that he was the sole and only general whom they would recognize as their leader, then his name was great throughout all Italy, and men thought with amazement how the valour of a single man, upon his changing sides, had effected such a marvellous turn ;
in affairs.
At Rome, however, all was disorder; its citizens refused to fight, and spent their whole time in cabals and factious disputes with one another, until tidings 187
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxix. 2 -xxx. 2
came that the enemy had laid close siege to Lavinium, where the sacred symbols of the ancestral gods of the Romans were stored up, and from which their nation took its origin, since that was the first city which Aeneas founded. This produced an astonishing and universal change of opinion in the commons, as well as one which was altogether strange and unexFor the commons were pected in the patricians. eager to repeal the sentence against Marcius and invite him back to the city whereas the senate, on assembling and considering the proposition, rejected and vetoed it either because they were angrily bent on opposing all the people's desires or else because they were unwilling that Marcius should owe his restoration or because they were to the kindness of the people now angry at Marcius himself, seeing that he was injuring all alike, although he had not been ill-treated by all, and showed himself an enemy of his whole country, although he knew that the most influential and powerful men in it sympathised with him and shared in his wrongs. When this decision of the senate was made public, the people was powerless it could not by its vote enact a law, without a previous decree of the senate. XXX. But Marcius, when he heard of it, was yet more exasperated, and raising the siege of Lavinium, ;
;
;
;
;
marched against Rome
in wrath, and encamped at the so-called Fossae Cluiliae, only five miles distant from the city. Although the sight of him produced terror and great confusion there, still, it put a stop for the present to their dissensions for no one longer, whether consul or senator, dared to oppose the people in the matter of restoring Marcius. On the contrary, when they saw the women running frantic in the ;
189
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228
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxx. 2-5
and the aged men resorting to the sacred shrines with suppliant tears and prayers, and everywhere an utter lack of courage and saving counsels, then all agreed that the people had done well to seek a reconciliation with Marcius, but that the senate had made a total mistake in beginning then to indulge city,
wrath and revengeful spirit, well to lay such feelings aside. its
when
had been
it
It was, therefore,
unanimously decided to send ambassadors to Marcius,
him the privilege of returning to his country, and begging him to stop his war upon them. Moreover, the messengers from the senate were kinsmen and friends of Marcius, and expected to be treated offering
with great friendliness in their first interview with man who was a relative and associate of theirs. But matters turned out quite otherwise for after being led through the camp of the enemy, they found him seated in great state, and looking insufSurrounded by the chief men of the ferably stern. Volscians, he bade the Romans declare their wishes. They did so, in reasonable and considerate language, and with a manner suitable to their position, and a
;
when they had
ceased, he made an answer which, concerned himself, was full of bitterness and anger at their treatment of him, and in behalf of the Volscians, as their general, he ordered the restitution of the cities and territory which had been torn from them in war, and the passage of a decree granting the Volscians, as allies, equal civic rights, as had been done for the Latins. For no respite from the war would be secure and lasting, he said, except it be based on just and Moreover, he gave them thirty days equal rights. for deliberation, and when the ambassadors were so far as
it
191
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192
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxx. 5 -xxxi. 4
gone, he immediately withdrew his forces from the 1 country.
XXXI. This was the first ground of complaint against him which was laid hold of by those of the Volscians who had long been jealous of him, and uneasy at the influence which he had acquired. Among these was Tullus also, not because he had been personally wronged at all by Marcius, but because he was only too human. For he was vexed to find his reputation wholly obscured and himself neglected by the Volscians, who thought that Marcius alone was everything to them, and that their other
leaders should be content with whatever share of influence and authority he might bestow upon them. This was the reason why the first seeds of denunciation were sown in secret, and now, banding together, the malcontents shared their resentment with one another, and called the withdrawal of Marcius a betrayal, not so much of cities and armies, as of
golden opportunities, which prove the salvation or the loss of these as well as of everything else; for he had granted a respite of thirty days from war, although in war the greatest changes might occur in much less time than this. And yet Marcius did not spend this time in idleness, but fell upon the enemy's allies, harassed and ravaged their territories, and captured seven of their 2 And the Romans did not large and populous cities. venture to come to their aid, but their spirits were full of hesitation, and their attitude toward the war was that of men who are completely benumbed and And when the time had passed, and paralyzed. 1 Cf. Dionysius, viii. 36. Chapters xxviii.-xxx. in Plutarch agree closely with Dionysius viii. 14-35.
193
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxxi. 4-xxxii. 2
Marcius was at hand again with his entire force, they sent out another embassy to entreat him to moderate his wrath, withdraw the Volscian army from the country, and then make such proposals and settlements as he thought best for both nations for the Romans would make no concessions through fear, but if he thought that the Volscians ought to obtain certain favours, all such would be granted them Marcius replied that, if they laid down their arms. as general of the Volscians, he would make no answer to this, but as one who was still a citizen of Rome, he advised and exhorted them to adopt more moderate views of what justice required, and come to him in three days with a ratification of his previous demands ; but if they should decide otherwise, they must know well that it was not ;
them to come walking into his camp again with empty phrases. XXXII. When the embassy had returned and the senate had heard its report, it was felt that the city was tossing on the billows of a great tempest, and therefore the last and sacred anchor was let down. A decree was passed that all the priests of the gods, and the celebrants or custodians of the mysteries, and those who practised the ancient and ancestral that all art of divination from the flight of birds, these should go to Marcius, arrayed as was the custom of each in the performance of their sacred rites, and should urge him in the same manner as before to put a stop to the war, and then to confer with his fellowHe did, indeed, citizens regarding the Volscians. admit this embassy into his camp, but made no other concession, nor did he act or speak more mildly, but told them to make a settlement on his former safe for
—
195
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t£ (Amyot) 2
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196
:
.
.
.
:
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxxn. 2-5
1 terms, or else accept the war. Accordingly, when the priests had returned, it was decided to remain quietly in the city, guarding its walls, and repulsing the enemy, should he make an attack. They put their hopes in time especially, and in the vicissitudes of fortune, since they knew not how to save themselves by their own efforts, but turmoil, terror, and rumours of evil possessed the city. At last something happened that was like what Homer often mentions, although people generally do not wholly For when some great and unusual deed believe it. is to be done, that poet declares in his stately
manner u
:
—
He
then was inspired by the goddess, flashing-eyed " 2 Athene ;
and again " But
:
—
some immortal turned
his
mind by lodging
in
his heart
A
fear of
what the
folk
and again —
would say
"
8 ;
:
"Either through some suspicion, or else a god so " 4 bade him do ;
but people despise
Homer and
say that with his im-
possible exploits and incredible tales he makes it impossible to believe in every man's power to de-
termine his is not what
own choice of action. Homer does, but those
natural, customary, 1
2
8
and
This, however, acts which are the result of reasoning, he
ii. 39, 12 ; Dionysius, Odyssey, xviii. 158 = xxi. i. (tjj Not to be found now in Homer.
Cf. Livy,
38.
viii. 5'
&pa). 4
Odyssey,
ix. 339.
197
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198
/cal
r)
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, attributes to our
frequently
"But and
I
also
:
:
—
own
volition,
formed a plan within
—
xxxn. 5-7
and he certainly says
my
lordly heart"
1 J
"So he
spake, and Peleus' son was sore distressed, his heart Within his shaggy breast between two courses was
and
divided"
and again
:
2 ;
—
" But him no whit Could she persuade from his integrity, the " 8 hearted Bellerophon
fiery
;
while in exploits of a strange and extraordinary nature, requiring some rush of inspiration, and desperate courage, he does not represent the god as taking away, but as prompting, a man's choice of action ; nor yet as creating impulses in a man, but rather conceptions which lead to impulses, and by these his action is not made involuntary, but his will is set in motion, while courage and hope are added to sustain him. For either the influence of
the gods must be wholly excluded from all initiating power over our actions, or in what other way can they assist and co-operate with men ? They certainly do not mould our bodies by their direct agency, nor give the requisite change to the action of our hands and feet, but rather, by certain motives, conceptions, and purposes, they rouse the active and elective powers of our spirits, or, on the other hand, divert
and check them. 1
Odyssey,
ix. 299.
8
Iliad,
i.
188
f.
3
Iliad, vi. 161
f.
199
PLUTARCH'S LIVES XXXIII. 'Ey
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1
7T/90?
tyza?
Chapter xxiii. " Then the matrons came in a body to Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and Volumnia, his wife. Whether this was the result of public counsel, or of the women's fear, 1
200
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxxm.
1-3
XXXIII. Now in Rome, at the time of which 1 speak, various groups of women visited the various temples, but the greater part of them, and those of highest station, carried their supplications to the altar of Jupiter Capitolinus. Among these was Valeria, a sister of that Publicola who had done the Romans so many eminent services both as warrior and statesman. Publicola, indeed, had died some time before, as I have related in his Life l but Valeria was still enjoying her repute and honour in the city, where her life was thought to adorn her This woman, then, suddenly seized with lineage. one of those feelings which I have been describing, and laying hold of the right expedient with a purpose not uninspired of heaven, rose up herself, bade the other women all rise, and came with them to the house of Volumnia, 2 the mother of Marcius. After entering and finding her seated with her daughterin-law, and holding the children of Marcius on her lap, Valeria called about her the women who had ;
and said: "We whom thou seest here, Volumnia, and thou, Vergil ia, are come as women to women, obeying neither senatorial edict nor consular command but our god, as it would seem, taking pity on our supplication, put into our hearts an impulse to come hither to you and beseech you to do that which will not only be the salvation of us ourselves and of the citizens besides, but also lift you who consent to do it to a more conspicuous fame than that which the daughters of the Sabines won, when they brought their fathers and husbands out followed,
;
(viii.
39, 40),
Veturia
is
—
In Dionysius also Livy, ii. 40, 1. Plutarch seems otherwise to be following, the mother, and Volumnia the wife, of Marcius.
I cannot ascertain."
whom
20I
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202
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxxm. 4-xxxiv.2 of war into friendship and peace. Arise, come with us to Marcius, and join with us in supplicating him, bearing this just and true testimony in behalf of your country, that, although she has suffered much wrong at his hands, she has neither done nor thought of doing harm to you, in her anger, but restores you to him, even though she is destined to obtain no equitable treatment at his hands." These words of Valeria were seconded by the cries of the other women with her, and Volumnia gave them this answer: "O women, not only have we an equal share with you in the common calamities, but we have an additional misery of our own, in that we have lost the fame and virtue of Marcius, and see his person protected in command, rather than preserved from death, by the arms of our enemies. And yet it is the greatest of our misfortunes that our native city is become so utterly weak as to place her hopes in us. For I know not whether the man will have any regard for us, since he has none for his country, which he once set before mother and wife and children. However, take us and use us and bring us to him if we can do nothing else, we can at least breathe out our lives in supplications for our
—
;
country."
XXXIV. After this, she took the children and Vergilia and went with the other women to the camp of the Volscians. The sight of them, and the pitifulness of it, produced even in their enemies reverNow it chanced that Marcius was ence and silence. seated on a tribunal with his chief officers. When, women approaching, he was and when he recognized his mother, who at their head, he would fain have persisted
accordingly, he saw the
amazed walked
;
203
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204
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, in his previous inflexible mastered by his feelings,
xxxiv. 2-xxxv. 3
and implacable course, but, and confounded at what he
not endure to remain seated while they approached him, but descended quickly from He saluted his the tribunal and ran to meet them. mother first, and held her a long time in his embrace, and then his wife and children, sparing now neither tears nor caresses, but suffering himself as it were to be borne away by a torrent of emotion. XXXV. But when he was sated with this, and perceived that his mother now wished to say something, he brought to his side the councillors of the Volscians, and heard Volumnia speak as follows "Thou seest, my son, even if we do not speak ourselves, and canst judge from the wretchedness of our garb and aspect, to what a pitiful state thy banishment has reduced us. And now be sure that we who come to thee are of all women most unhappy, since fortune has made the sight which should have been most sweet, most dreadful for us, as I behold my son, and this wife of thine her husband, encamped against the walls of our native city. And that which for the rest is an assuagement of all misfortune and misery, namely prayer to the gods, has become for us most impracticable for we cannot ask from the gods both victory for our country and at the same time safety for thee, but that which any one of our foes might imprecate upon us as a curse, this must be the burden of our prayers. For thy wife and children must needs be deprived either of their country or of thee. As for me, I will not wait to have the war decide this issue for me while I live, but unless I can persuade thee to substitute friendship and concord for dissension and hostility, and so saw, he could
:
;
205
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20C
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxxv. 3 -xxxvi.
i
to become a benefactor of both parties rather than a destroyer of one of them, then consider and be well assured that thou canst not assail thy country without first treading underfoot the corpse of her who bore thee. For it does not behoove me to await that day on which I shall behold my son either led in triumph by his fellow-citizens or triumphing over his If, then, I asked you to save your country country. by ruining the Volscians, the question before thee would be a grievous one, my son, and hard to decide, since it is neither honourable for a man to
destroy his fellow-citizens, nor just for him to betray those who have put their trust in him ; but as it is, we ask only a relief from evils, something which
would be salutary for both parties alike, conducive to fame and honour for the because their superiority in arms will give appearance of bestowing the greatest of
but more Volscians,
them the blessings,
namely peace and friendship, although they get these no less themselves. If these blessings are realized, it if will be chiefly due to thee they are not, then thou alone wilt bear the blame from both nations. And though the issues of war are obscure, this is manifest, that if victorious, thou wilt only be thy country's destroying demon, and if defeated, the ;
world will think that, to satisfy thy wrath, thou down the greatest calamities upon men
didst bring
who were thy
benefactors and friends."
XXXVI. While Volumnia was
saying this, Marcius after she had ceased also, he stood a long time in silence. Volumnia therefore began once more: "Whv art thou silent, ray son ? Is it right to yield everything to wrath and resentment, but wrong to gratify a listened without
making any answer, and
207
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxxvi. 2-5
in sucli a prayer as this ? Or is the remembrance of his wrongs becoming to a great man, while the remembrance, with reverence and honour, of the benefits which children have received from their parents is not the duty of a great and good man ?
mother
Surely for no man were it more seemly to cherish gratitude than for thee, who dost so bitterly proceed And yet, although thou hast against ingratitude. already punished thy country severely, thou hast not shown thy mother any gratitude. It were, therefore, a most pious thing in thee to grant me, without any compulsion, so worthy and just a request as mine but since I cannot persuade thee, why should I spare " my last resource? And with these words she threw herself at his feet, together with his wife and children. Then Marcius, crying out " What hast thou done to " lifted her up, and pressing her me, my mother " Thou art hand said and ;
!
victorious, right warmly, thy victory means good fortune to my country, but death to me ; for I shall withdraw vanquished, though by thee alone." When he had said this, and had held a little private conference with his mother and :
he sent them back again to Rome, as they and on the next morning led away his Volscians, who were not all affected in the same way nor equally pleased by what had happened. For some found fault both with him and with what he had done but others, who were favourably dishis wife, desired,
;
posed towards a peaceful settlement of the dispute, with neither; while some, though displeased with his proceedings, nevertheless could not look upon Marcius as a bad man, but thought it pardonable in him to be broken down by such strong compulsions. No one, however, opposed him, but all followed
209
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOL ANUS, xxxvi. 5-xxxvm. 1 him obediently, though rather out of admiration
for
than regard for his authority. 1 XXXVII. But the Roman people showed more plainly, when they were set free from the war, the greatness of their fear and peril while it lasted. For as soon as those who manned the walls descried the his virtue
Volscians drawing their forces off, every temple was thrown open, and the people crowned themselves with garlands and offered sacrifices as if for victor}'But the joy of the city was most apparent in the honour and loving favour which both the senate and the whole people bestowed upon the women, declaring their belief that the city's salvation was manifestly due to them. When, however, the senate passed a decree that whatsoever they asked for themselves in the way of honour or favour, should be furnished and done for them by the magistrates, they asked for nothing else besides the erection of a temple of Women's Fortune, the expense of which they offered to contribute of themselves, if the city would under-
take to perform, at the public charge, all the sacrifices
and honours, such as are due to the gods. The senate commended their public spirit, and erected the temple and its image at the public charge, 2 but they none the less contributed money themselves and set up a second image of the goddess, and this, the Romans say, as it was placed in the temple, uttered some such words as these " Dear to the gods, O women, is your 8 pious gift of me." XXXVIII. These words were actually uttered twice, as the story runs, which would have us be:
1
(ii.
Compare 40, 3-9).
Livy's story of this interview and its results Plutarch agrees rather with Dionysius, viii.
39-54. 8
Cf. Livy,
ii.
40, 11.
8
Cf Dionysius,
viii.
66.
211
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxxvm.
1-4
of belief and probably never that statues have appeared to sweat, For happened. and shed tears, and exude something like drops ot lieve
what
is difficult
blood, is not impossible ; since wood and stone often contract a mould which is productive of moisture, and cover themselves with many colours, and receive tints from the atmosphere ; and there is nothing in the way of believing that the Deity uses these phenomena sometimes as signs and portents. It is possible also that statues may emit a noise like a moan or a groan, by reason of a fracture or a rupture, which is more violent if it takes place in the interior. But that articulate speech, and language
and abundant and precise, should proceed from a lifeless thing, is altogether impossible since not even the soul of man, or the Deity, without a body duly organized and fitted with vocal parts, has ever spoken and conversed. But where history forces our assent with numerous and credible witnesses, we must conclude that an experience different from that so clear
;
of sensation arises in the imaginative part of the soul, men to think it sensation as, for instance, in sleep, when we think we see and hear, However, those although we neither see nor hear. who cherish strong feelings of good-will and affection for the Deity, and are therefore unable to reject or deny anything of this kind, have a strong argument for their faith in the wonderful and transcendent character of the divine power. For the Deity has no resemblance whatever to man, either in nature, activity, skill, or strength ; nor, if He does something that we cannot do, or contrives something that we cannot contrive, is this contrary to reason ; but rather, since He differs from us in all
and persuades
vol.
iv.
;
w
2I 3
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS, xxxvm. 4-xxxix. 3 points,
and
far
His works most of all is removed from us. But most
in
He
unlike us
01 the Deity's
1 " escape our knowledge powers, as Heracleitus says,
through incredulity." XXXIX. But as for Marcius, when he came back to Antium from his expedition, Tullus, who had long hated him and been oppressed with jealousy of him, plotted to take
him
off at once, believing that if his
enemy escaped him now, he would never
give him
another chance to seize him.
Having, therefore, arrayed a large party against him, he bade him lay down his command and give the Volscians an^ account of his administration. But Marcius, afraid of being reduced to private station when Tullus was in command and exercising the greatest influence among his own countrymen, said he would resign his command to the Volscians, if they bade him do so, since it was at their general bidding that he had assumed and that he was ready, and would not refuse even it before that, to give a full account of his administration to all the people of Antium who desired it. An assembly was therefore held, at which the popular leaders who had been set to the work rose and tried to embitter the multitude against him. But win n Marcius rose to speak, the more disorderly part of his audience grew quiet, out of reverence for him, and gave him opportunity to speak fearlessly, while the best of the men of Antium, and those that were especially pleased with peace, made it clear that they would listen to him with favour and give a just decision. Tullus, therefore, began to fear the effect of the man's plea in self-defence for he was one of the most powerful speakers, and his earlier achievements ;
;
1
Fragment 116 (By water,
p. 45)
215
PLUTARCH'S LIVES
4
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"
Then, after he had withdrawn his troops from the territory, they say that he was overwhelmed with hatred in consequence, and lost his life, different writers 1
Roman
giving different details of his death.
216
In Fabius,
who
is
by
CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxxix. 3-6
secured him a gratitude which outweighed his later fault; nay more, the very charge against him was but so much proof of the great gratitude which was his due. For they would not have thought themselves wronged in not getting Rome into their power, had not the efforts of Marcius brought them near to taking it. Accordingly, the conspirators decided to make no more delay, and not to test the feelings of the multitude but the boldest of them, crying out that the Volscians must not listen to the traitor, nor suffer him to retain his command and play the tyrant among them, fell upon him in a body and slew him, and no man present offered to defend him. 1 However, that the deed was not wrought with the approval of the majority of the Volscians, was seen at once from their coming out of their cities in concourse to his body, to which they gave honourable burial, adorning his tomb with arms and spoils, as that of a chieftain and general. But when the Romans learned of his death, they paid him no other mark either of honour or resentment, but simply granted the request of the women that they might mourn for him ten months, as was customary when any one of them lost a father, or a son, or a brother. For this was the period fixed for the longest mourning, and it was fixed by Numa 2 Pompilius, as is written in his Life. The loss of Marcius was keenly felt at once by the Volscian state. For, in the first place, they quarrelled with the Aequians, who were their allies and friends, over the supreme command, and carried their quarrel ;
most ancient authority, I find that he lived even to old age" (Livy, ii. 40, 10). Chapter xxxix. in Plutarch agrees closely with Dionysius viii. 57-59, who says that 2 Marcius was stoned to death. Chapter xii. 2. far the
21?
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CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS,
xxxix. 6
to the length of bloodshed and slaughter; in the second place, they were defeated in battle by the Romans, wherein Tullus was slain and the very flower
of their forces was cut to pieces, so that they were glad to accept most disgraceful terms, becoming subjects of Rome, and pledging themselves to obey her
commands. 1
COMPARISON OF ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS Now
the deeds of these men are set consider them worthy of recollection and record, it is plain that their military careers do not incline the balance either way very For both alike gave many signal proofs decidedly. of daring and valour as soldiers, as well as of skill I.
that
all
forth, so far as
we
and foresight
commanders
as
;
except that some
may
give the preference to Alcibiades, because he was continually successful and victorious in many struggles by sea, as well as by land, and declare him therefore the more consummate general. It is certainly true of each that, when he was at home and in command, he always conducted his country's cause with manifest success, and, contrariwise, inflicted fest injury
upon
As statesmen, cibiades,
upon
if
and the
even more mani-
when he went over
to the enemy. the exceeding wantonness of Al-
it
and vulgarity to win the favour of the multi-
stain of dissoluteness
all his efforts
won the loathing of sober-minded citizens, it was equally true that the utter ungraciousness of
tude,
1
Cf. Livy,
ii.
40, 12
f.
219
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.
.
.
234
ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS,
i.
3-11. 3
Marcius, together with his pride and oligarchical demeanour, won the hatred of the Roman people. Neither course, then, is to be approved although the man who seeks to win the people by his favours is less blameworthy than those who heap insults on the multitude, in order to avoid the appearance of trying to win them. For it is a disgrace to flatter the people for the sake of power; but to get power by acts of terror, violence, and oppression, is not only a disgrace, it is also an injustice. II. Now, that Marcius is usually thought to have ;
been rather simple in his nature, and straightforward, while Alcibiades was unscrupulous in his public acts, and false, is very clear. And Alcibiades is particularly denounced for the malicious deceit by which he cheated the Lacedaemonian ambassadors, as Thucydides relates, 1 and put an end to the peace. But this policy of his,
although
it
did plunge the city
again into war, made it nevertheless strong and formidable, by reason of the alliance with Mantinea and Argos which Alcibiades secured for it. And yet Marcius himself also used deceit to stir up war between the Romans and Volscians, when he brought a false charge against the visitors to the games, as 2 and the motive for his action Dionysius relates makes it the worse of the two. For he was not influenced by ambition, or by rivalry in a political struggle, as Alcibiades was, but simply gave way to his anger, from which passion, as Dion says, " no one ever gets a grateful return," and threw many districts of Italy into confusion, and needlessly sacrificed many innocent cities to his rage against his country. ;
1
2
V. 45; cf. Plutarch's Nicias, x. ; Alcibiades, xiv. See Coriolanus, xxvi. 2; Dionysius Hal., Antiq. Rom.
viii. 2.
221
PLUTARCH'S LIVES y
Kal
4
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and Tovrcf) 5e Coraes and Bekker read toutc? ye with C, Bekker assumes a lacuna before the words. 1
222
ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS,
n. 3-7
It is true, indeed, that Alcibiades also, through his anger, was the cause of great calamities to his countrymen. But just as soon as he saw that they were repentant, he showed them his goodwill, and after he had been driven away a second time, he did not exult over the mistakes of their generals, nor look with indifference upon their bad and perilous plans, but did precisely what Aristides is so highly praised for doing to Themistocles: he came to the men who were then in command, although they were not his friends, and told them plainly what they ought to do. Marcius, however, in the first place, did injury to his whole city, although he had not been injured by the whole of it, but the best and strongest part of it shared his wrongs and
in the second place, by resisting and not yielding to the many embassies and supplications with which his countrymen tried to heal his single wrath and folly, he made it clear that he had undertaken a fierce and implacable war for the overthrow and destruction of his country, not that he might recover and regain it. Further, in this point it may be said there was a difference between them, namely, that Alcibiades, when he went over to the side of the Athenians, was moved by fear and hatred of the Spartans, who were plotting to take his life ; whereas it was dishonourable for Marcius to leave the Volscians in the lurch when they were treating him with perfect fairness. For he was appointed their leader, and had the greatest credit and influence among them, unlike Alcibiades, whom the Lacedaemonians misused rather than used, who wandered about aimlessly in their city, and again was tossed to and fro in their camp, and at last threw himself
his distress
;
223
PLUTARCH'S LIVES avrov
Tio-CKpepvov xelpas acprjtcev fit) (pOaprjvcu Ta? 'Kdrjvas KareXdelv eOepdireve.
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iwl
ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS,
n. 7-111. 3
hands of Tissaphernes unless, indeed, he was all the while paying him court in order that the Athens to which he longed to return might not be into the
;
utterly destroyed. III.
Furthermore,
in the
matter of money,
we
are
told that Alcibiades often got it ill by taking bribes, and spent it ill in luxury and dissipation; whereas
Marcius could not be persuaded to take it even when was offered to him as an honour by his commanders. And for this reason he was especially odious to the multitude in the disputes with the people concerning debts, because they saw that it was not for gain, but out of insolence and scorn, that he acted despitefully towards the poor. Antipater, writing in one of his letters about the death of Aristotle the philosopher, 1 says " In addition to all his other gifts, the man had also that of persuasion" and the absence of this gift in Marcius made his great deeds and virtues obnoxious to the very men whom they benefited, since they could not endure the arrogant pride of the man, and that selfwill which is, as Plato says, 2 "the companion of solitude." Alcibiades, on the contrary, understood how to treat in a friendly manner those who met him, and we cannot wonder that when he was successful his fame was attended with goodwill and it
:
;
honour, and flowered luxuriantly, since some of his errors even had often charm and felicity. This was the reason why, in spite of the great and frequent harm done by him to the city, he was nevertheless many times appointed leader and general while Marcius, when he stood for an office which was his ;
1
2
See Comparison of A ristides and Cato, See Coriolanus, xv. 4.
ii.
4.
225
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235
ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS, m. due
view
3-iv. 4
valorous achievements, was was that the one could not make himself hated by his countrymen, even when he was doing them harm while the other was after all not beloved, even while he was admired. IV. For Marcius did not, as a commander, obtain any great successes for his city, but only for his enemies against his country whereas Alcibiades was in
defeated.
of
And
so
his it
;
;
often of service to the Athenians, both as a private soldier and as a commander. When he was at home, he mastered his adversaries to his heart's content; it was when he was absent that their calumnies prevailed. Marcius, on the contrary, was with the Romans when they condemned him, and with the Volscians when they slew him. The deed was not in accordance with justice or right, it is true, and yet
own acts supplied an excuse for it, because, after rejecting the terms of peace publicly offered, and suffering himself to be persuaded by the private solicitations of the women, he did not put an end to hostilities, but allowed the war to continue, while he his
threw away for ever its golden opportunity. For he should have won the consent of those who had put their trust in him, before retiring from his position, if he had the highest regard for their just claims upon him. If, on the other hand, he cared nothing for the Volscians, but was prosecuting the war merely to satisfy his own anger, and then stopped it abruptly, the honourable course had been, not to spare his country for his mother's sake, but his mother together with his country since his mother and his wife were part and parcel of the native city which he was beBut after giving harsh treatment to public sieging. supplications, entreaties of embassies, and prayers of ;
227
PLUTARCH'S LIVES uTrrjvcbs
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ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS,
iv.
4-v.
i
priests, then to concede his withdrawal as a favour to his mother, was not so much an honour to that
mother, as it was a dishonour to his country, which was thus saved by the pitiful intercession of a single woman, and held unworthy of salvation for its own sake. Surely the favour was invidious, and harsh, and really no favour at all, and unacceptable to both parties for he retired without listening to the persuasions of his antagonists, and without gaining the consent of his comrades-in-arms. The cause of all this lay in his unsociable, very ;
overweening, and self-willed disposition, which
of
most people, and when combined with an ambitious spirit, becomes altogether savage and implacable. Such men pay no court to the multitude, professing not to want their honours, and then are vexed if they do not get them. Certainly there was no tendency to importune or court the itself is offensive to
favour of the multitude in
men
like Metellus, Aris-
and Epaminondas but owing to their genuine contempt for what a people has the power to give and take away, though they were repeatedly ostracised, defeated at elections, and condemned in courts of justice, they cherished no anger against their countrymen for their ingratitude, but showed them kindness again when they repented, and were reconciled with them when they asked it. Surely he who least courts the people's favour, ought least to resent tides,
;
their neglect, since vexation over failure to receive their honours is most apt to spring from an excessive
longing after them. V. Well, then, Alcibiades would not deny that he rejoiced to be honoured, and was displeased to be overlooked, and he therefore tried to be agreeable
229
PLUTARCH'S LIVES elvai to?? irapovcn kclI Keyapia p.evos' M.dp/ciov Be Bepaireveiv p,ev ovk eta tovs ti/aclp Bvvapuevovs teal av^eiv to VTreprjfyavov, 6pyi]v Be Trpo
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'
yevofievcp.
230
ALCIBIADES AND CORIOLANUS,
v.
1-2
and pleasant to his associates but the overweening pride of Marcius would not suffer him to pay court to those who had the power to honour and advance him, while his ambition made him feel angry and hurt when he was neglected. These are the blameworthy traits in the man, but all the rest are brilliant. ;
And
for
his
temperance and superiority to wealth,
he deserves to be compared with the best and purest of the Greeks, not with Alcibiades, who, in these regards, was the most unscrupulous of men, and the most careless of the claims of honour.
231
LYSANDER
AY2ANAP02 I.
'0
*
Afcavdiayv
Orjaavpbs ev AeX
ypa(j>r)v e^ei
2 ircoycova /caOeifiivov yevvalov. (fracriv,
ou yap,
'Apyeicov fxerd rrjv /jLeydXrjv r)Trav
go?
eviol
eirl irev-
Bei /capevroov oi XTrapriarai irpbs to avriiraXov avrois ras fcofias dyaXXofievoi tch? nreirpayp.evois dvfj/cav, ovBe Bafc%ia8a)v rcov etc KopivBov cfrvyovtcov 6*9 Aa/ceBaifiova raireivodv Ka\ dfiopcfxov Sid
to KeipaaOai ras Kecj)aXds (pavevrcov els ^rjXov avrol tov Kopidv rjXBov, dXXa real tovto Av/covpical (paaiv avrbv elirelv ft>? r) yeiov eari. tovs fxev icaXovs evirpeireo-Tepovs opdaOat tovs Be ala%povs (feoftepcoTepovs.
tcofir]
iroLeZ,
II. Aeyerac Be 6 AvadvBpov 7rarr)p 'ApiaTOkXcitos oiKias p>ev ov yeveadai j3ao~iXi/cr]S, dXXcos Be yevovs elvai tov twv 'Hpa/cXeiBcov. irpdcf)7] Be
6
ev
AvaavBpos
evratcrov,
ft)?
ei
irevlct,
/cal
irapicyev
eavrbv
tis aXXos, 7r/>o? tovs eOiapiovs kcl\
1 In B.C. 424, Brasidas won Acanthus, a town on the Chalcidic peninsula, away from its alliance with Athens (Thuc. iv. 84-88). Herodotus, i. 82.
2 34
LYSANDER The
treasury of the Acanthians at Delphi bears " Brasidas and the Acanthians, with 1 For this reason many from Athenians." the spoil think that the marble figure standing within the But it edifice, by the door, is a statue of Brasidas. I.
this inscription
:
really represents Lysander, with his hair very long, after the ancient custom, and growing a generous
beard. For it is not true, as some state, that because the Argives, after their great defeat, shaved their heads for sorrow, the Spartans, in contrary fashion, let their hair grow long in exultation over their 2 nor was it because the Bacchiadae, 3 when victory they fled from Corinth to Lacedaemon, looked mean and unsightly from having shaved their heads, that the Spartans, on their part, became eager to wear ;
but this custom also goes back to is reported to have said that a fine head of hair makes the handsome more comely to look upon, and the ugly more terrible. 4 their hair long
Lycurgus.
;
And he
The father of Lysander, Aristocleitus, is said have been of the lineage of the Heracleidae, though not of the royal family. But Lysander was reared in poverty, and showed himself as much as any man conformable to the customs of his people II.
to
;
An oligarchical family, deposed from rule in Corinth by Cypselus, about 650 B.C. (Herod, v. 92). 8
4
Cf.
Lycurgus,
xxii. 1.
235
PLUTARCH'S LIVES dvBpwBr] kcl\ Kpeirrova 7racr^9 rjBovfjs, 7rXrjv €i Tiva Tipwpevois teal KaropOovaiv at KaXal irpd^ei^ ravTrjs Be ovk aloyjpbv iaTiv rjrratou9 veovs iv Xirdprrj. fiovXovrai yap evOvs ef apXl^ irawyeiv tl tov$ TralBa<; avrcov 7rpo Bo^av, dXyvvop,evov$ re rot? -v/royo*? teal pueyaXwopLevov^ iirifyepovai.
2
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4
Be avrov pudXiara to /caXco? ireviav Kal pbrjBapLOV Kpar^Oevra purjBe BiacfiOapevra xprjpiaaiv avrov, ipLirXijo-ai ttjv TrarpiBa ttXovtov /cal tyiXoirXovTias Kal iravaai Oavpua^o-
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Xpvaiov Kal dpyvpiov
avrov rals Ovyarpdat, TroXvTeXfj ^ircovia 236
tcov
LYSANDER,
n. 1-5
spirit, too, and superior to every pleasure, excepting only that which their good deeds bring to those who are successful and honoured. To this pleasure it is no disgrace for the youth in Sparta to succumb. Indeed, from the very first they wish their boys to be sensitive towards public opinion, distressed by censure, and exalted by praise and he who is insensible and stolid in these matters, is looked down upon as without ambition for excellence, and a cumberer of the ground. Ambition, then, and the spirit of emulation, were firmly implanted in him by his Laconian training, and no great fault should be found with his natural disposition on this account. But he seems to have been naturally subservient to men of power and influence, beyond what was usual in a Spartan, and content to endure an arrogant authority for the sake of gaining his ends, a trait which some hold to be no small part of political ability. And Aristotle, when he sets forth that great natures, like those of Socrates and Plato and Heracles, have a l tendency to melancholy, writes also that Lysander, not immediately, but when well on in years, was a
of a manly
;
prey to melancholy.
But what is most peculiar in him is that, though he bore poverty well, and though he was never mastered nor even corrupted by money, yet he filled his country full of wealth and the love of wealth, and made her cease to be admired for not admiring wealth, importing as he did an abundance of gold and silver after the war with Athens, although he kept not a single drachma for himself. And when Dionysius the tyrant sent his daughters some costly tunics of Sicilian make, he would not receive them. 1
Problems, xxx.
1.
237
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ^iKeXcJv, ovk eXaftev, eliroov fyoftelcrOcu
TavTa puaXXov ala^pal
(fravcocriv.
dXX
purj
Bid
oXiyov
varepov Trpbs tov clvtov Tvpavvov i/c Tr)? avrrjs 7roXe&)? airocnaXels irpea(3evTr}<;, it poairep^avTO<; rjv a\)T(p Bvo (TToXas i/ceuvov kcu KeXevaavTOS fiovkercu tovtcov eXopuevov rfj Ovyarpl Kopbt^eiv, avrrjv i/ceivrjv ecfrr) ftekriov alprjaeaOcu, kcu Xa/3oi)v
ap,(f)OTepa<; airrjXOev.
Be tov UeXoTrovvrjaiatcov iroXepuov XapuftdvovTOs, kcu pera rrjv iv XtfceXLa twv AOrjvaicov kclkott payiav avTitca p,ev i-rriBo^cov ovtcov ifCTTeaeiadaL ttj? daXaTTrj?, ov 7roXXo) Be III. 'Eirel
p,?jKO<; 1
varepov dirayopevaeLV iravTairacnv, 'AXtcijSidBr)? (frvyPjs einaTa^ rot? Trpdypuaai p,eydXr)v
dirb Tr)?
Karecrrrjae tou9 vclvtlkovs dvTiiraXov clvtols, BeiaavTe*; ovv oi AaKeBcup,6vioi irdXiv Kal yevbpievoi Tai<$ irpoOvpicus tcaivol 7r/)o? tov TToXepbov, &>? rjyepbvos re Beivov Kal Trapaa/cevfjs ippcopueveaTepa^ Bebpbevov, ifCTrepirovaiv eVl rrp> tt)? OaXdrrrj^ f)yep,oviav AvaavBpov. yev6p.evo<; 8' iv 'Ecfcicray, Kal rrjv ttoXlv evpoov evvovv puev avTQ) Kal XaKcovi^ovaav TTpoOvpOTCLTa, TTpaTTOVGaV Be TOT€ XviTpWS KCU KIV~ iTroiv)o~e kclI
perafioXrjv 2
dywvas
et
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3 TToXXa BiarpifioVTCdv, arparoireBov fiaXopievos kcu rd irXola iravrayodev eXKeaOai KeXevaas eKel rd (popryjya,
kcu
vavirr^yiav
rpirjpwv
e/ret
Kara-
o-Kevaadpevos, Tat? p,ev ifnroplai? tou? Xip,eva<; avT&v dveXaftev, epyacrlais Be rr)v dyopdv, %pr)oikov? kcu rds Te%va<; evep,a,Tio-p,v Be Toi><>
238
LYSANDER,
n.
5-111.
3
saying he was afraid they would make his daughters look more ugly. But a little later, when he was sent as ambassador to the same tyrant from the same city, and was presented by him with two robes, and ordered to choose which of them he would, and carry it to his daughter, he said that she could choose better herself, and went off with both of them. 111.
The Peloponnesian war had now been
carried
and after their disaster in Sicily it was expected that the Athenians would straightway lose their control of the sea, and presently give up the struggle altogether. But Alcibiades, returning from exile and taking the command, wrought a great change, and made his countrymen again a match for their enemies by sea. 2 The Lacedaemonians, accordingly, were frightened again, and summoning up fresh zeal for the war, which required, as they thought, an able leader and a more powerful armament, sent out 3 When Lysander to take command upon the sea. he came to Ephesus, he found the city well disposed to him and very zealous in the Spartan cause, although it was then in a low state of prosperity and in danger of becoming utterly barbarized by the admixture of Persian customs, since it was enveloped by Lydia, and the King's generals made it their on
l
for a long time,
headquarters.
He
therefore pitched his
camp
there,
and ordered the merchant vessels from every quarter to land their cargoes there, and made preparations Thus he revived the for the building of triremes. traffic of their harbours, and the business of their market, and filled their houses and workshops with 1
413
b.o.
Cf. Thuc. viii. 2. 8 In the autumn of
2
Cf. Alcibiades, xxxii. 4. B.C.
408
239
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ware Trpcorov air* eiceivov tov ypovov ttoXiv ev eXiriBi tov wept ai/Trjv vvv ovto?
TrXrjaev, ttjv
oy/cov /cal fjueyeOov? Bia, AvaavBpov yeveaOai. IV. TLv06/jL€vo
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eXdaai
fforjOeiv
roi>9 'AOrjvatovs,
/cal
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t?}?
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7-779
tov iroXepiov.
eirel Be
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6
diraX-
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1
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6 els
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eirl
ttj
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t
240
LYSANDER,
in. 3-iv.
4
that from that time on, and through his the city had hopes of achieving the stateliness
profits, so efforts,
and grandeur which it now enjoys. IV. When he learned that Cyrus, the King's son, was come to Sardis, 1 he went up to confer with him and to accuse Tissaphernes, who, though he was commissioned to aid the Lacedaemonians and drive the Athenians from the sea, was thought to be remiss in his duty, through the efforts of Alcibiades, 2 showing lack of zeal, and destroying the efficiency of the fleet Now Cyrus by the meagre subsidies which he gave was well pleased that Tissaphernes, who was a base man and privately at feud with him, should be accused and maligned. By this means, then, as well as by his behaviour in general, Lysander made himself agreeable, and by the submissive deference of his conversation, above all else, he won the heart of the young prince, and roused him to prosecute the war witli vigour. At a banquet which Cyrus gave him as he was about to depart, the prince begged him not to reject the tokens of his friendliness, but to ask plainly for whatever he desired, since nothing whatsoever would be refused him. u Since, then," " Lysander in reply, thou art so very kind, I beg and entreat thee, Cyrus, to add an obol to the pay said
of my sailors, that they may get four obols instead of three." 3 Cyrus, accordingly, delighted with his public spirit, gave him ten thousand darics, out of which he added the obol to the pay of his seamen, and, by the renown thus won, soon emptied the For most of their seamen ships of his enemies. 1
Ho
2
Cf. Alcibiades, xxv. 1-2. Cf. Xen. Hell. i. 5, 6 f.
»
succeeded Tissaphernes as satrap of Lydia.
241
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Bovras, ol Be pLevovres airpoOv/jLOi /cal o-raaiooBet,*; eyivovro /cal /cared irapel^ov oo-rjpbepai rocs crTparrj-
ov
70t9.
kcu
vavp.cL'xelv,
vewv kcl\
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firjv
/ca/ccocras
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Kara OdXarrav
/cal pud'yas
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t& AvadvBpw
ir\evae Bval rpirjpeaiv 'ILfaaicov /cal rrapd rov
Kara
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/cal
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et? etcelvo
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teal
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'
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rcov ev
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/cal /ca/ews
t
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ovra$, dp%d<; vireaireipe rcov varepov yevofievcov
242
BexaBap^icov
ical
eV avrov
vecorepiap,cov,
irpo-
LYSANDER,
iv.
4-v. 3
to those who offered higher pay, and who remained were listless and mutinous, and
came over those
gave daily trouble to their officers. However, although he had thus injured and weakened his enemies, Lysander shrank from a naval battle, through
who was energetic, had a greater and in all his battles by land and sea up to that time had come off victorious. V. But after this, Alcibiades sailed away from Samos to Phocaea, leaving Antiochus, his pilot, in command of the fleet and Antiochus, as if in bold fear of Alcibiades,
number of
ships,
;
mockery of Lysander, put in to the harbour of Ephesus with two triremes, and rowed ostentatiously past his ships, as they lay drawn up on shore, with noise and laughter. Lysander was incensed, and launching at first only a few of his triremes, pursued then seeing that the Athenians were coming ; to the rescue, he manned others, and at last the
him
action
became general.
Lysander was
victorious,
captured fifteen triremes, and set up a trophy. Thereupon the people of Athens, flying into a passion, deposed Alcibiades from his command, and finding himself slighted and abused by the soldiers at Samos, he left the camp and sailed off to the Chersonese. This battle, then, although actually not a great one, was made memorable by its bearing on the fortunes of Alcibiades. 1 too,
Lysander now summoned from their various cities Ephesus men whom he saw to be most eminent for confidence and daring, and sowed in their minds
to
the seeds of the revolutionary decadarchies 2 afterwards instituted by him, urging and inciting them to 1
2
Cf. Alcibiades,
xxxv.-xxxvi.
Governing bodies of ten men.
243
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rpeircov fcal irapo^vvwv eraipiKa,
avviaraaOai Kai
TTpoaeyeiv tov vovv rocs irpdyfjiaaiv, KaraXvOrjvai rovs Kd^vaiovs rcov
go?
d/ia rra
'
re
Bwaareuaovras
aTTaXka^ofJievovs kclI 4 rrarplo'i. rovrcov Be
rrjv
ttigtiv
SrjpLwv
ev
rals
i/cdarw
6Y
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Kai
ovBevbs drvyj]aeiv rwv Bib Kai KaXKparovvros.
iroOelv, eXrri^ovras
5 fxeylarcov
eKetvov
XtKpartSav ovr evOvs rjBecos elBov eXOovra tw AvcrdvBpa) BidBo^pv rrjs vavapytas, ovre, co? varepov BiBovs rrelpav dvrjp efyaivero Trdvrcov apiaros Kai BtKatoraros, rjpeaKovro rw rpoirw 43 G rrfs rjye/jtovi'as
drrXovv ri Kai Awptov e^ovo-rjs Kai
dXXa rovrov
dXrjOivov.
ptev rrjv dperrjv wairep dydXptaros rjpcoiKov KaXXos edavpta^ov, eiroOovv Be rrjv eKetvov crTrovSrjv Kai rb (frtXeraipov teal XpeiwSes i^ijrovv, ware dO vptetv eKTrXeovros avrov
Kai BaKpvetv.
VI.
f
O
Be rovrovs re ra>
pevearepovs
KaXXiKpartBa Bvo~Kai rwv virb avrG) BeSoptevcov eh rb vavriKov
eiroieL
K.vpov xprj/jLarcov ret ireptovra irdXiv
en
els
puaXXov,
%dpBets
dveirepb-^rev,
avrbv
alrelv, el fiovXoiro, top irelv
ottcos
Opeyjrot
2 rekos Be diroTrXewv
244
KaXXiKpartSav Kai gkorobs a r parMoras KeXevaas. eptaprvparo 7rpbs avrbv ore
LYSANDER,
v.
3 -vi. 2
form political clubs in their several cities, and apply themselves to public affairs, assuring them that as soon as the Athenian empire was destroyed, they could rid themselves of their democracies and become themselves supreme in power. Moreover, by actual benefits he gave them all a confidence in this future, promoting those who were already his friends and allies to large enterprises and honours and com-
mands, and taking a share himself in their and wickedness in order to gratify their Therefore
all
injustice rapacity.
attached themselves to him, courted
his favour, and fixed their hearts upon him, expecting to attain all their highest ambitions if only he re-
mained in power. Therefore, too, they neither looked kindly upon Callicratidas at the first, when he came to succeed Lysander in the admiralty, 1 nor afterwards, when he had shown by manifest proofs that he was the justest and noblest of men, were they pleased with the manner of his leadership, which had a certain Doric simplicity and sincerity. They did, indeed, admire his virtue, as they would the beauty of a hero's statue ; but they yearned for the zealous support of Lysander, and missed the interest which he took in the welfare of his partisans, so that when
he sailed away they were dejected and shed tears. VI. Lysander made these men yet more disaffected towards Callicratidas. He also sent back to Sardis what remained of the money which Cyrus had given him for the navy, bidding Callicratidas ask for it himself, if he wished, and see to the maintenance of his soldiers. And finally, as he sailed
away, he called Callicratidas to witness that
1 Late in the year 407 b.o. change their admiral yearly.
VOL.
IV.
It
was Spartan policy t
to
2 45
PLUTARCH'S LIVES OaXaaoroKpaTovv to vavn/cbv Trapahihwcriv.
6 Se
eXey^ai ttjv fyiXoTipiav dXa^oviKrjv Kal fcevrjv ovaav, " Ovkovv" ecjirj, "Xaftoov iv dpiarepa Xdpov Kal TrepnrXevaas els MlXtjtov €K€L fiOL irapdhos Ta? TpirjpeiS' BeSievai yap ov yjpr) irapairXeovTas rjpas tovs iv ^dp,w 7ro\e/uoi>?,
/3ovXop,evo
ravra elircov 6 OaXao-croKparov/jLev" irpbs ov/c avTos, dXX* i/ceivos dpX 01 r ^)P vecov, direirXevaev els UeXowovvijaov, iv iroXXfj tov KaWiKpariSav diropla Kara\i7rcov. ovre yap OLKoOev acpl/cro y^p^para Kop,l£cov, ovre tcls
3 el
AvaavSpos oti
dpyvpoXoyelv Kal /3id£ta0at, pLO")(0r)pa irpaTTOvaas VTrep,eive. Xoiirbv ovv r)V iirl Ovpas lovra twv ^aacXecos crTpaTrjywv, wcnrep AvcravirdvTwv dcpveararo^ eTvyyaBpos, alreiv 77730? vev, dvrjp iXevOeptos Kal pueyaXocppcov, Kal iraaav
iroXeis 4
'EXXijvcov rjrrav "RXXrjaiv i)yovpevos evirpev
'FiKf3ta£6pL€VO<; Be virb t?)? diropias,
AvBlav evO v$ eiropevero eh
ttjv
dvaftas els OiKtav tov Kvpov,
Kal <j)pd£eiv irpoaeTa^ev otl KaXXcKpaTiBas 6 vavapyps rjKei BiaXeyOrjvaL ftovXopievos auTw. " 'AU' ov T(ov 8' eirl 6 vpais twos elirovTOS, w irlvei %€V€, Kvpq)' ydp" d(f>eaypXr) vvVy " XeaTaTa irons OvBev," ed>r], KaXXtKpaTiBas, " Becvov avTOV yap ecrTcos dvafieva), pe^pi 7m;." 6 tot€ pev ovv Bo^as dypotKos ti$ elvat Kal KaTa-
yeXaaOels virb tcov ftapftdpcov dirr)X6ev iirel Be Kal BevTepov eXdoov eirl Ovpas ov irapeiOrj, j3apicos 246
LYSANDER,
vi.
2-6
the fleet which he handed over to him was in comof the sea. But he, wishing to prove the emptiness and vanity of this ambitious boast, said " In that case, keep Samos on the left, sail to Miletus, and there hand the triremes over to me surely we need not fear to sail past the enemy at Samos if we are masters of the sea." To this Lysander answered that Callicratidas, and not he, was in command of the ships, and sailed off to Peloponnesus, leaving Callicratidas in great perplexity. 1 For neither had he brought money from home with him, nor could he bear to lay the cities under forced contribution
mand
:
;
in an evil plight. The only therefore, was to go to the doors of the King's generals, as Lysander had done, and ask for money. For this he was of all men least fitted by nature, being of a free and lofty spirit, and one who
when they were already course
left,
thought any and every defeat of Greeks at the hands of Greeks more becoming to them than visits of flattery to the houses of Barbarians, who had much gold, but nothing else worth while. Constrained, however, by his necessities, he went up into Lydia, proceeded at once to the house of Cyrus, and ordered word to be sent in that Callicratidas
the admiral was come and wished to confer with And when one of the door-keepers said to him. him " But Cyrus is not at leisure now, Stranger, for he is at his wine"; Gillicratidas replied with " No the utmost simplicity matter, I will stand here and wait till he has had his wine." This time, then, he merely withdrew, after being taken for a rustic fellow and laughed at by the Barbarians. But when he was come a second time to the door and :
:
1
Cf Xen. Hell. .
i.
6,
2
f.
247
PLUTARCH'S LIVES v
ivey/ccov
eh
pcopcevos
Katca
E(f>eaov
roh
TrpcoTOis
Kal
7
&)%6to,
rroXXa,
puev
erra-
evrpv$r]6elcnv viro Bid
Bt,Bd£aaiv avrovs vftpi^eiv ftapftdpcov 7t\ovtov, o/jlvvcov Be 7roo9 toi"? Trapovras rj
firjv,
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ftapfidpois elev avrol Kal iravaaivro
roh
tt}? ifceivcDV err*
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VII. 'AXXa
t?)? clk-
pots evd/niXXos roiv 'EXXrjvcov Bid BiKaioavvrjv Kal IxeyaXo^vyiav Kal dvBpeiav, /xer ov rroXvv y^povov ev 'Apytvovaais KaTavavpayj]Qeh r)§avLaQr\. ro)v Be irpaypbaTcov viro^epofxevuiv oi ovix\xaypi rrpeafteiav rrepbirovTe^
eh
^Trdprrjv rjrovvro
AvaavBpov
vavapyiav, &>? rroXv irpoOv/jLorepov dvTtXTj-^rofiepoi roiv irpayixdrwv eKelvov arpanqyovv-
errl
2 to?,
rr)V
ra Be avrd Kal KOoo? dtjiwv erreareXXev. ovk ewv Bh rov avrbv vavapyelv, yapi^ecQai roh avpjidyoi^ oi AaKeto pev ovopia rr\^ vavapyias 'ApaK
eirel Be vofjuos rjv
eftoiikovTo re
Baiybovioiy tlvI irepieOeaav, rov Be
tw
AvaavBpov irriaroXea tw
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yap en fiaXXov layyaeiv BC avrov t&v BtJ/jlcov KaraXvOevTwv roh Be
$)Kev rjXrn^ov 3
rravrdrraai
rov arrXovv Kal yevvalov dyair&ai ronv
248
rjyefioi'cov
431
LYSANDER,
vi.
6-vn. 3
was refused admittance, he was indignant, and set Ephesus, invoking many evils upon those who first submitted to the mockery of the Barbarians and taught them to be insolent because of their wealth, and swearing roundly to the bystanders that as soon as he got back to Sparta, he would do all he could to reconcile the Greeks with one another, in order that they might themselves strike fear into the Barbarians, and cease soliciting their power against each other. VII. But Callicratidas, after cherishing purposes worthy of Lacedaemon, and showing himself worthy to compete with the most eminent of the Greeks by off for
reason of his righteousness, magnanimity, and valour, not long afterwards lost the sea-fight at Arginusae and vanished from among men. 1 Then, their cause declining, the allies sent an embassy to Sparta and asked that Lysander be made admiral, declaring that they would grapple much more vigorously with the situation if
he were their commander.
Cyrus also the Lacedae monians had a law forbidding that the same man should be admiral twice, and yet they wished to gratify their allies they therefore invested a certain Aracus with the title of admiral, and sent out Lysander as vice-admiral, 2 nominally, but really with supreme power. So he came out, as most of those who had political power and influence in the cities sent to
make the same
request.
Now
;
had long desired, for they expected to become still stronger by his aid when the popular governments had been utterly overthrown but to those who loved simplicity and nobility in the character of their leaders, ;
1
2
In the late summer of 406 B.C. (Xen. Hill. In the spring of 405 B.C. (Xen. Hell. ii. 1,
i.
6, 33).
7).
249
PLUTARCH'S LIVES TpoTrov, 6 AvaavBpos tw KaXXi/cparlBq, irapaftaXXo/nevos eho/cei iravovpyos elvai ical aocpuTTrjs, dirdrai^ ra iroXXa BiairoiKLXXwv rov iroXepuov /cal to Bi/caiov eirl tw Xva-ireXovvrc p,eyaXvvcov, Be /xr), tw crufMpepovTi xpeopuevos co? /caXw, /cal to dXrjdes ov cfrvcrei rov yjrevBovs /cpetrrov rjyovfievos, aX)C e/carepov rfj xpeia tt)V Tip,r/v opi^wv. el
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row
LYSANDER,
vn.
3-vm.
3
Lysander, compared with Callicratidas, seemed to be unscrupulous and subtle, a man who tricked out most of what he did in war with the varied hues of deceit, extolling justice if it was at the same time profitable, but if not, adopting the advantageous as the honourable course, and not considering truth as inherently better than falsehood, but bounding his estimate of either by the needs of the hour. Those who demanded that the descendants of Heracles should not wage war by deceit he held up to ridicule, " saying that where the lion's skin will not reach, it must be patched out with the fox's." VIII. Of such a sort were his dealings with MiFor when his friends letus, according to the record. allies, whom he had promised to aid in overthrowing the democracy and expelling their oppo-
and
nents, changed their minds and became reconciled to their foes, openly he pretended to be pleased and to join in the reconciliation ; but in secret he reviled and abused them, and incited them to fresh attacks upon the multitude. And when he perceived that the uprising was begun, he quickly came up and
where he angrily rebuked the first he met, and set upon them roughly, as though he were going to punish them, but ordered the rest of the people to be of good cheer and to fear no further evil now that he was with them. But in this he was playing a shifty part, wishing the entered the
city,
conspirators
whom
men of the popular party not to fly, but to remain in the city and be slain. And this was what for all who put their trust in actually happened him were slaughtered. Furthermore, there is a saying of Lysander's, recorded by Androcleides, which makes him guilty of leading
;
25
r
PLUTARCH'S LIVES itceXeve yap, co«? (frrjai, tou? evyepeiav. iralBas dcrTpayaXois, tol»? Be avBpas optcois /jL€V e^airaraVy dirofiifioufzevo^ UoXv/cpaTrj TovXd/MOV, ovtc opOcbs rvpavvov (TTparrjyo*;, ovBe Aclkwvikov
4 op/covs
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KtXt/aa?, dve/3aivev
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Be
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eU
Be ttjv 'Attiktjv a7ro/9a? /cal tov "*Ayiv daTraad-
jievoSy /caTej3rj
irreBeL^e
1
Cf.
tw
Xen. Hell.
yap avTos ire^w
ii.
1,
etc
Ae/ceXe/a? irpb? avTov, ttjv tov vavTitcov
itapovTi
13
f.
In the spring of 413 B.C. the Spartans had fortified Deceleia, a few miles N.W. of Athens, and stationed there a 2
252
LYSANDER, vm.
4-ix. 3
It the greatest recklessness in the matter of oaths. his policy, according to this authority, "to cheat boys with knuckle-bones, but men with oaths," thus imitating Polycrates of Samos not a proper attitude in a general towards a tyrant, nor yet a Laconian trait to treat the gods as one's enemies are treated, nay, more outrageously still ; since he who overreaches his enemy by means of an oath, confesses that he fears that enemy, but despises God. IX. Well, then, Cyrus summoned Lysander to
was
;
Sardis,
and gave him
this,
and promised him
that,
ardently protesting, to gratify him, that he would actually squander his own fortune, if his father gave him nothing for the Spartans and if all else failed, he said he would cut up the throne on which he sat when giving audience, a throne covered with gold ;
And finally, as he was going up into and silver. Media to wait upon his father, he assigned to Lysander the tribute of the cities, and entrusted his own government to him and embracing him in farewell, and begging him not to fight the Athenians at sea until he was come back, and promising to come back with many ships from Phoenicia and Cilicia, he set ;
out to go up to the King. 1 Then Lysander, who could neither fight a naval battle on equal terms, nor remain idle with the large fleet at his disposal, put out to sea and reduced some of the islands, and touching at Aegina and Salamis, overran them. Then he landed in Attica and saluted 2 Agis, who came down in person from Deceleia to meet him, and displayed to the land forces there the permanent garrison under Agis the king. Lysander's ravaging of Aegina and Salamis was just before hia siege of Athens, according to Xenophon {Hell.
ii.
2, 9).
253
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Oakarfj /3ovXolto, KpaTCOv t% ov fJLrjv dXXa tou9 A0r]vaiov<; al<j66/j,evo<; BicoKOVTas avjov dXXco Bpo/xco Bid vrjacov ecpevyev eh tt)V *Aaiav. Kal tov 'EXXijcnrovTov eprj/iov KaTaXaftcov e7T6X€ipei Aa/jLijrataivoLs avrbs i/c OaXdrrrj^; rat9 vavai, ©copal; Be tco ire^co arparco avvavvcras eh eXcov Be ttjv to uvto irpoae^aXe Toh TeLyecriv.
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LYSANDER,
ix.
3 -x. 2
fleet, with the mien of one who where he pleased and was master of the sea. But on learning that the Athenians were pursuing him, he fled by another route through the islands
strength of his sailed
to Asia.
Finding the Hellespont unguarded, he himself attacked Lampsacus from the sea with his ships, while Thorax, co-operating with the land forces, He took the city by storm, assaulted the walls. it up to his soldiers to plunder. Meanwhile the Athenian fleet of a hundred and eighty triremes had just arrived at Elaeus in the Chersonese, and learning that Lampsacus had fallen, they straightway put in at Sestos. There they took in provisions, and then sailed along to Aegospotami, over against
and gave
1
their enemies, who were still in station at Lampsacus. The Athenians were under the command of several generals, among whom was Philocles, the man who
had recently persuaded the people to pass a decree that their prisoners of war should have the right thumb cut off, that they might not be able to wield a spear, though they might ply an oar. 2 X. For the time being, then, all rested, expecting morrow the fleets would engage. But Lysander was planning otherwise, and ordered his seamen and pilots, as though there would be a struggle at daybreak, to go on board their triremes in the early morning, and take their seats in order and in silence, awaiting the word of command, and that the land forces also, in the same manner, remain When the sun quietly in their ranks by the sea. rose, however, and the Athenians sailed up with all that on the
their ships in line 1
Cf.
Xen. Hell
and challenged
ii.
1,
18
f.
*
to battle, although
See the note on
xiii.
1.
2 55
PLUTARCH'S LIVES eywv Ta9 vavs
kcli 7re7rXrjpa)p,eva
en
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LYSANDER,
2-xi.
x.
i
he had his ships drawn up in line to meet them and manned before it was light, he did not put out from his position, but sending despatch-boats to the foremost of his ships, ordered them to keep quiet and remain in line, not getting into confusion nor And so about sailing out to meet the enemy. midday when the Athenians sailed back, he did not allow his men to leave their ships until two or three triremes, which he sent to reconnoitre, came back, after seeing that the enemy had disembarked. On the following day this was done again, and on the third, and at last on the fourth, so that the Athenians fully
became very bold and contemptuous, believing that their enemies were huddling together in fear. At this juncture, Alcibiades, who was living in his own fortress on the Chersonese, rode up to the Athenian army and censured the generals, first, for having pitched their camp in a bad and even dangerous place on an open beach where there was no roadstead and second, for the mistake of getting their provisions from distant Sestos, when they ought to sail round the coast a little way to the harbour and city of Sestos, where they would be at a longer remove from their enemies, who lay watching them with an army commanded by a single man, the fear of whom led it to obey his every order promptly. These were the lessons he gave them, but they would not receive them, and Tydeus actually gave him an insolent answer, saying that he was not ;
1
general now, but others. XI. Alcibiades, accordingly, suspecting that treachery was afoot among them, went away. 1
Cf.
Xen.
Hell.
xxxvi. 4-xxxvii.
ii.
1,
20-26
;
Plutarch,
some But
Alcibiades,
1.
257
PLUTARCH'S LIVES he rjpepa rcov 'ABrjvaiwv Troiiqaafievwy tov eirittXovv /cal irdXiv dire pyo pev cov, axT7rep elcoOeaav, oXtyGopcos irdvv /cal Karacj) povrjTL/ca)^, o Avcrav8po$ eKirepbTTCDV t
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258
podlw irpoa^epopAvwv
tcqv iroXepilcov 6 p,ev
439
LYSANDER, on the to the
xi.
1-5
fifth day, when the Athenians had sailed over enemy and back again, as was now their wont,
very carelessly and contemptuously, Lysander, as he sent out his reconnoitring ships, ordered their commanders, as soon as they saw that the Athenians had disembarked, to put about and row back with all speed, and when they were half way across, to hoist a brazen shield at the prow, as a signal for the And he himself sailed round and earnestly onset. exhorted the pilots and trierarchs to keep all their
crews at their post, sailors and soldiers alike, and as soon as the signal was given, to row with ardour and When, therefore, the vigour against the enemy. shield was hoisted on the lookout ships, and the trumpet on the admiral's ship signalled the attack, the ships sailed forth, and the land forces ran their fastest along the shore to seize the promontory. The distance between the two continents at this point is fifteen furlongs, and such was the zealous ardour of the rowers that it was quickly consumed. Conon, the Athenian general, who was the first to see from the land the onset of the fleet, suddenly shouted orders to embark, and deeply stirred by the threat-
ening disaster, called upon some, besought others, and forced others still to man the triremes. But his eager efforts were of no avail, since the men were scattered. For just as soon as they had disembarked, since they expected no trouble, some went to market, some walked about the country, some lay down to sleep in their tents, and some began to get their suppers ready, being as far as possible removed from any thought of what was to happen, through the inexperience of their commanders. The shouts and splashing oars of the oncoming enemy were already
259
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Kovcov
6/ctco
vavcrlv vire^eirXevae
aTTeirepaaev eh Kvirpov
/cal
Btacpvycov
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/cal
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cravro rovro to epyov.
XII. *Hcrav Be T>}?
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ol
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XiOov 260
tttcoctlv eirl
tco rrdOei rovrcg arjfielov cpaai
LYSANDER,
xi.
5-XI1.
t
when Conon, with eight ships, sailed stealthily away, and making his escape, proceeded to Cyprus, to Evagoras but the Peloponnesians fell upon the rest of the ships, some of which they took entirely empty, and others they disabled while their crews were still getting aboard. And the men, coming up heard,
;
unarmed and
in straggling fashion, perished at their they fled by land, their enemies, who had disembarked, slew them. Lysander took three thousand men prisoners, together with their generals, and captured the whole fleet, excepting the Paralus and the ships that had made their escape with Conon. So after plundering his enemy's camp and taking their ships in tow, he sailed back to Lampsacus, to the sound of pipes and hymns of victory. He had wrought a work of the greatest magnitude with the ships, or if
'
effort, and had brought to a close in a war which, in length, and the incredible variety of its incidents and fortunes, surpassed all its Its struggles and issues had assumed predecessors. ten thousand changing shapes, and it had cost Hellas more generals than all her previous wars together, and yet it was brought to a close by the prudence and ability of one man. Therefore some actually thought the result due to divine intervention. XII. There were some who declared that the Dioscuri 2 appeared as twin stars on either side of Lysander's ship just as he was sailing out of the harbour against the enemy, and shone out over the rudder-sweeps. And some say also that the falling of the stone was a portent of this disaster for ac-
least toil
and
single hour a
;
1 One of the sacred state-galleys. It now carried the of the disaster to Athens (Xen. Hell. ii. 1, 28).
8
news
Castor and Pollux.
261
PLUTARCH'S LIVES yeveaOai* Karrjve^Or) yap, &>9 77 Bo^a ra>v iroXXtav, ef ovpavov TrapLpbeyeOrjs XlOos eh Alyb? 7TOTap,ov<;. 2 Kal BeUvvrai pev en vvv, aefiopevcov avrbv tcov
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3
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Kal
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rot?
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rjpepas
e/3Sop,7]Kovra
Kal irevre
avvex&S Kara rbv ovpavov ecopdro irvpivov aaypa 1
irepiTp6jrov
262
the correction of Coraes: iraparp6itov (unusual).
LYSANDER,
xn. 1-4
common belief, a stone of vast size had from heaven at Aegospotami, 1 and it is shown to this day by the dwellers in the Chersonese, who hold it in reverence. Anaxagoras is said to have predicted that if the heavenly bodies should be loosened by some slip or shake, one of them might be torn away, and might plunge and fall down to earth and he said that none of the stars was in its original cording to the fallen
;
position ; for being of stone, and heavy, their shining light is caused by friction with the revolving aether, and they are forced along in fixed orbits by the
whirling impulse which gave them their circular motion, and this was what prevented them from falling to our earth in the first place, when cold and heavy bodies were separated from universal matter. But there is a more plausible opinion than this, and its advocates hold that shooting stars are not a flow or emanation of aetherial fire, which the lower air quenches at the very moment of its kindling, nor are they an ignition and blazing up of a quantity of lower air which has made its escape into the upper regions ; but they are plunging and falling heavenly bodies, carried out of their course by some relaxation in the tension of their circular motion, and falling, not upon the inhabited region of the earth, but for the most part outside of it and into the great sea; and this is the reason why they are not noticed.
But Dai'machus, in his treatise "On Religion," He says that supports the view of Anaxagoras. before the stone fell, for seventy-five days continually, there was seen in the heavens a fiery body of 1
In 468-7
Pliny,
N.H.
B.C., ii.
according to the Parian marble
149
{ep. 57)
and
f.
263
PLUTARCH'S LIVES irapLfieyeOes, coonrep vecpos (pXoyoeiBes,
dXXa
pevov, cbo~re virb fieva /cal
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7
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ical
ovv erepw yevei
BtaKpi^coreov.
XIII. 'O Be AvaavBpos, 'A0i]val(ov,
01)9
eXaftev
eirel ra>v Tpio-^iXlcov
alx/.iaXcorovs,
virb
rcov
avveBpcov Odvaros /careyvcoaro, tcaXeaas QcXo/cXea tov CTpaT7]ybv avTCOv r/pcor^aev rlva ripLarai Bl/crjv eavrw roiavra irepl ^KXXtjvwv o-vp,/3e/3ov1
Toaovro Coraes and Bekker adopt Reiske's correction to
TocrevTov. 1
See chapter ix. 5. According to Xenophon (Hell. ii. 1, 31 f. ), however, the Athenians had passed a decree that, if victorious in the sea-fight, they would cut off the right hand
264
LYSANDER,
xn. 4 -xin.
i
if it had been a flaming cloud, not resting one place, but moving along with intricate and irregular motions, so that fiery fragments, broken from it by its plunging and erratic course, were carried in all directions and flashed fire, just as shooting stars do. But when it had fallen in that part of the earth, and the inhabitants, after recovering from their fear and amazement, were assembled about it, no action of fire was seen, nor even so much as a
vast size, as
in
trace thereof, but a stone lying there, of large size, is true, but one which bore almost no proportion at all to the fiery mass seen in the heavens. Well, it
Daimachus must needs have indulgent but if his story is true, he refutes utterly those who affirm that a rock, which winds and tempests had torn from some mountain top, was caught up and borne along like a spinning top, and that at the point where the whirling impetus given to it first relaxed and ceased, there it plunged and fell. Unless, indeed, what was seen in the heavens for many days was really fire, the quenching and extinction of which produced a change in the air resulting in unusually violent winds and agitations, and these brought about the plunge of the stone. However, the minute discussion of this subject then, that readers,
is
clear
;
belongs to another kind of writing. XIII. Lysander, after the three thousand Athenians
whom
he had taken prisoners had been condemned death by the special council of allies, calling Philocles, their general, asked him what punishment he thought should be visited upon him for having given his fellow-citizens such counsel regarding Greeks. 1 to
and the crime of Philocles was that he had ordered the crews of two captured triremes to be thrown over a precipice. of every prisoner
;
265
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roh 266
"FjXXrjai
Sely/xa
rrjs Aa/ceSaifiovicov dp^r}?,
LYSANDER,
xin. 2-4
But he, not one whit softened by his misfortunes, bade him not play the prosecutor in a case where there was no judge, but to inflict, as victor, the punishment he would have suffered if vanquished. Then, after bathing and putting on a rich robe, he first to the slaughter and showed his countrythe way, as Theophrastus writes. After this, Lysander sailed to the various cities, and ordered all the Athenians whom he met to go back to Athens, for he would spare none, he said, but would slaughter any whom he caught outside the city. He took this course, and drove them all into the city together, because he wished that scarcity of food and a mighty famine should speedily afflict the city, in order that they might not hinder him by holding out against his He also suppressed siege with plenty of provisions. the democratic, and the other forms of government, and left one Lacedaemonian harmost l in each city, and ten rulers chosen from the political clubs which he had organized throughout the cities. This he did alike in the cities which had been hostile, and in those which had become his allies, and sailed along in leisurely fashion, in a manner establishing for himFor in his appointself the supremacy over Hellas. ments of the rulers he had regard neither to birth nor wealth, but put control of affairs into the hands of his comrades and partisans, and made them masters of rewards and punishments. He also took part himself in many massacres, and assisted in driving out the enemies of his friends. Thus he gave the Greeks no worthy specimen of Lacedaemonian rule, nay,
went
men
The specific name for the governor whom the Lacedaemonians sent out to the islands and cities of Greece during their supremacy. 1
267
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 5
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audi? eirl rrjv ^copav /cartfyayov. a\X* i/ceivd ye rov AvcdvBpov iravTes rjBe(t)
LYSANDER, xm.
5-xiv. 3
even the comic poet Theopompus was thought absurd in likening the Lacedaemonians to tavernwomen, because they gave the Greeks a very pleasant sip of freedom, and then dashed the wine with vinegar for from the very first the taste was harsh and bitter, since Lysander not only would not suffer the people to be masters of their affairs, but actually put the cities into the hands of the boldest and most ;
contentious of the oligarchs. XIV. After he had spent some little time in this business, and had sent messengers to Lacedaemon to report that he was sailing up with two hundred ships, he made a junction in Attica with the forces of Agis and Pausanias, the kings, believing that he would 1 But since the Athenians speedily capture the city. held out against them, he took his ships and crossed again to Asia. Here he suppressed the governments of all the remaining cities in like manner, and set up decadarchies,
citizens being slain in each city,
many
and many banished he also drove out all the Samians, and handed their cities over to the men whom they had banished. 2 Moreover, when he had taken Sestos out of the hands of the Athenians, he would not ;
permit the Sestians to dwell there, but gave the city
and its territory to be divided among men who had been pilots and boatswains under him. And this was the first step of his which was resisted by the Lacedaemonians,
who
restored the Sestians again to their
But there were other measures of Lysander upon which all the Greeks looked with pleasure, when,
country.
for instance, the Aeginetans, after a 1
2 8
long time,
3
re-
Xen. Hell. ii. 2, 5-9. This was after the fall of Athens (Xen. Hell. ii. 3, 6 f.). They had been expelled by the Athenians in 431 B.C. Cf.
269
PLUTARCH'S LIVES a7ro\a/jLJ3dvoPTa<; /cal M^A-tou? /cal X/cicovaiov? vir
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270
LYSANDER,
xiv.
3-6
ceived back their own city, and when the Melians 1 and Scionaeans 2 were restored to their homes by him, after the Athenians had been driven out and had delivered back the cities. And now, when he learned that the people ot Athens were in a wretched plight from famine, he sailed into the Piraeus, and reduced the city, which was compelled to make terms on the basis of his commands. It is true one hears it said by Lacedaemonians that Lysander wrote to the ephors thus "Athens is taken"; and that the ephors wrote back to Lysander: "'Taken' were enough"; but this 3 story was invented for its neatness' sake. The actual decree of the ephors ran thus " This is what the Lacedaemonian authorities have decided tear down the Piraeus and the long walls quit all the cities and keep to your own land if you do these things, and restore your exiles, you shall have peace, if you want it. As regards the number of your ships, what:
:
:
;
;
soever shall be decided there, this do." 4 This edict was accepted by the Athenians, on the advice of Theramenes the son of Hagnon, who, they say, being asked at this time by Cleomenes, one of the young orators, if he dared to act and speak the contrary to Themistocles, by surrendering those walls to the Lacedaemonians which that statesman had erected " But in defiance of the Lacedaemonians, replied I am doing nothing, young man, that is contrary to Themistocles ; for the same walls which he erected :
1
The island and city of Melos were captured and depopuby the Athenians in the winter of 416-415 B.C. The city of Scione, on the Chalcidic peninsula, was
lated 2
captured and depopulated by the Athenians in 421 B.C. 3 To illustrate the Spartan passion for brevity of speech. 4
Cf.
Xen. Hell.
ii.
2, 20.
271
PLUTARCH'S LIVES teal
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7ropa ttStov Kai irapa tt6tov.
272
Bekker follows Coraes
in transposing to
LYSANDER,
xiv. 6-xv.
4
for the safety of the citizens, we shall tear down for their safety. And if walls made cities prosperous, then Sparta must be in the worst plight of all, since
she has none."
XV. Lysander, accordingly, when he had taken possession of all the ships of the Athenians except twelve, and of their walls, on the sixteenth day of the month Munychion, the same on which they conquered the Barbarian in the sea-fight at Salamis, took measures at once to change their form of government.
And when
the Athenians opposed him bitterly in he sent word to the people that he had caught the city violating the terms of its surrender for its walls were still standing, although the days were past within which they should have been pulled down he should therefore present their case anew for the decision of the authorities, since they had broken this,
;
;
their agreements. And some say that in very truth a proposition to sell the Athenians into slavery was actually made in the assembly of the allies, and that
Theban also made a motion that the city be razed to the ground, and the country about it left for sheep to graze. Afterwards, however, when the leaders were gathered at a banquet, and a certain Phocian sang the first chorus in the "Electra" of Euripides, 1 which begins with at this time Erianthus the
"
O I
thou daughter of Agamemnon, come, Electra, to thy rustic court/*
am
were moved to compassion, and felt it to be a deed to abolish and destroy a city which was so famous, and produced such poets. So then, after the Athenians had yielded in all
all
cruel
1
Verses 167
f.
(Kirchhoff).
273
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fiev
AvtoXvkov
YLaXXifilco ^api^ofxevoi,
yuKpbv vcTepov dvelXov. XVI. O Be AvcravBpos dirb tovtcov yevo/ievos, avTos fiev eVt SpaKrjs itjeirXevcre, tcov Be XPV~ fiaTcov tci irepiovTa kcu oaas Bcopeds avTos rj r
iBe^aTO, ttoXXcov, cos el/cos, BlBovtcov BvvaTcoTaTCp kcu Tpoirov Tivd Kvpico r% EXXdBos, direcTTeiXev els AaKeBaifiova Bid Tv-
dvBpl
X'nrirov tov cTTpaTrjyrjcravTos irepl ^tfceXtav. 6 Be, C09 XeyeTai, Tas pacftds tcov dyyeicov tcaTcoOev 1
avi'eirtTiy.ricre
1
Cf.
2
The scene
274
Bekker adopts Reiske's correction
Xen. Hell.
ii.
of the
2, 23.
"
Symposium
"
is
laid at the
to literl-
house of
LYSANDER,
xv. 4 -xvi.
i
Lysander sent for many flute-girls from the and assembled all those who were already in the camp, and then tore down the walls, and burned up the triremes, to the sound of the flute, while the allies crowned themselves with garlands and made merry together, counting that day as the 1 Then, without delay, beginning of their freedom. he also made changes in the form of government, establishing thirty rulers in the city and ten in Piraeus. Further, he put a garrison into the acroand made Callibius, a Spartan, its harmost. polis, He it was who once lifted his staff to smite Autopoints, city,
makes the chief lycus, the athlete, whom Xenophon " 2 and when Autocharacter in his " Symposium lycus seized him by the legs and threw him down, Lysander did not side with Callibius in his vexation, but actually joined in censuring him, saying that he did not understand how to govern freemen. But the Thirty, to gratify Callibius, soon afterwards put Autolycus to death. XVI. Lysander, after settling these matters, sailed for Thrace himself, but what remained of the public moneys, together with all the gifts and crowns which he had himself received, many people, as was natural, offering presents to a man who had the greatest power, and who was, in a manner, master of Hellas, he sent off to Lacedaemon by Gylippus, who had held command in Sicily. 3 But Gylippus, as it is said, ripped open the sacks at the bottom, ;
—
—
which Autolycus and his father have been invited, together with Socrates and some of his friends. • As Spartan general sent out to aid the Syracusans, he had turned the success of the besieging Athenians into disaster. See the Nicias, chapters xviii. ff.
Callias, to
275
PLUTARCH'S LIVES dvaXvaa? koX
2
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Ta ypd/ifiara to ttXtjOos 7T/30? teal irapel^e icpopois
yXav/ces.
XVII. 'O
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2 /cat
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Be
ol
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Be
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276
(SapvcrTaOfiov kcu
Bvo-irapaKOfuaTov kcu
LYSANDER,
xvi.
i-xvii. 2
and after taking a large amount of silver from each, sewed them up again, not knowing that there was a
And writing in each indicating the sum it held. when he came to Sparta, he hid what he had stolen under the tiles of his house, but delivered the sacks to the ephors, and showed the seals upon them. When, however, the ephors opened the sacks and counted the money, its amount did not agree with the written lists, and the thing perplexed them, until a servant of Gylippus made the truth known to them by his riddle of many owls sleeping under the tiling. For most of the coinage of the time, as it seems, bore the effigy of an owl, owing to the supremacy of Athens.
XVII. Gylippus, then, after adding a deed so disgraceful and ignoble as this to his previous great and achievements, removed himself from LaceAnd the wisest of the Spartans, being led by this instance in particular to fear the power of money, which they said was corrupting influential as well as ordinary citizens, reproached Lysander, and fervently besought the ephors to purify the city of all the silver and the gold, as imported The ephors deliberated on the matter. curses. brilliant
daemon.
And
it was Sciraphidas, according to Theopompus, or Phlogidas, according to Ephorus, who declared that they ought not to receive gold and silver coinage into the city, but to use that of the country. Now this was of iron, and was dipped in vinegar as soon as it came from the fire, that it might not be worked over, but be made brittle and intractable by the dip1
ping.
Besides, 1
VOL. IV.
it
Cf.
was very heavy and troublesome Lycuryus,
ix. 2.
K
277
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 7ToXXoV TIVOS
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to yelpov,
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pa, tov
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eh avTas
Bekker corrects to vo^tV^art. Bekker adopts Coraes' correction
claenoie'iTo
278
6V go? ov
teal (f>6/3ov eirecTTriaav cfrvXatea
1
2
eiteos,
vopicr-
tov vbpov, to elffenoUi.
44
LYSANDER, to carry,
xvn. 2-6
and a great quantity and weight of
it
had
Probably, too, all the ancient money was of this sort, some peoples using iron spits for whence it comes that even coins, and some bronze to this day many small pieces of money retain the name of "oboli," or spits, and six "oboli" make a " drachma," or handful, since that was as many as the hand could grasp.
but
little value.
;
But since Lysander's friends opposed this measure, and insisted that the money remain in the city, it was resolved that money of this sort could be introduced for public use, but that if any private person should be found in possession of it, he should be punished with death just as though Lycurgus had feared the coin, and not the covetousncss which the And this vice was not removed by coin produced. allowing no private person to possess money, so much as it was encouraged by allowing the city to possess money, its use thereby acquiring dignity and honour. Surely it was not possible for those who saw money publicly honoured, to despise it privately as of no ;
or to consider as worthless for the indiuse that which was publicly held in such repute and esteem. Moreover, it takes far service
;
vidual's
private
time for public practices to affect the customs of private life, than it does for individual lapses and For it is natural failings to corrupt entire cities. that the parts should rather be perverted along with the whole, when that deteriorates but the diseases which flow from a part into the whole find many correctives and aids in the parts which remain sound. And so these magistrates merely set the fear of the law to guard the houses of the citizens, that money might have no entrance there, but did not keep their less
;
279
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LYSANDER, spirits
xvn. 6-xvm. 4
undaunted by the power of money and
them
in
with an and noble object of pursuit. On this point, however, we have censured the Lacedaemonians in another treatise. 1 XVIII. Out of the spoils, Lysander set up at Delphi bronze statues of himself and each of his admirals, as well as golden stars of the Dioscuri, which disappeared before the battle of Leuctra.'2 And in the treasury of Brasidas and the Acanthians 3 there was stored a trireme two cubits long, made of sensible to it they rather inspired emulous desire for wealth as a great ;
all
gold and ivory, which Cyrus sent Lysander as a prize for his victory.
Moreover, Anaxandrides the Delphian
writes that a deposit of Lysander's was also stored there, consisting of a talent of silver, and fifty-two minas, and eleven staters besides; a statement that is inconsistent with the generally accepted accounts of his poverty. At any rate, Lysander was at this time more powerful than any Greek before him had been, and was thought to cherish a pretentious pride
For he was that was greater even than his power. the first Greek, as Duris writes, to whom the cities erected altars and made sacrifices as to a god, the first also to whom songs of triumph were sung. One of these is handed down, and begins as follows :
—
" The general of sacred Hellas who came from wide-spaced Sparta Paean." io will we sing, O !
!
The Samians,
too, voted that their festival of Hera And the poet Choeshould be called Lysandreia. 1
Inst.
2
An omen
Lacon. 42 (Morals, p. 239 f.). of the defeat of the Spartans in that battle 3 Cf. chapter L 1. (371 B.C.).
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8e8i(io<;
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282
pur)
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LYSANDER, xvm.
4-xix. 2
rilus was always kept in his retinue, to adorn his achievements with verse; while with Antilochus, who composed some verses in his honour, he was so pleased that he filled his cap with silver and gave it And when Antimachus of Colophon and a to him. certain Niceratus of Heracleia competed with one another at the Lysandreia in poems celebrating his achievements, he awarded the crown to Niceratus, and Antimachus, in vexation, suppressed his poem. But Plato, who was then a young man, and admired Antimachus for his poetry, tried to cheer and console
in his chagrin at this defeat, telling him that it the ignorant who suffer from their ignorance, just as the blind do from their blindness. However, when Aristonoiis the harper, who had been six times victor at the Pythian games, told Lysander in a patronizing way that if he should be victorious again, he would have himself proclaimed under Lysander's name, "That is," Lysander replied, "as my slave?" XIX. Now to the leading men, and to his equals, the ambition of Lysander was annoying merely. But since, owing to the court that was paid to him, great haughtiness and severity crept into his character along with his ambition, there was no such moderation as would become a popular leader either in his rewards or punishments, but the prizes he awarded
him
is
and allies were irresponsible lordships and absolute sovereignties, while the sole punishment that could satisfy his wrath was the death of his enemy not even exile was allowed. to his friends
over
cities,
;
Nay, at a later time, fearing lest the active popular leaders of Miletus should go into exile, and desiring to bring from their retreats those also who were in hiding, he made oath that he would do them no
283
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LYSANDER,
xix.
2-6
harm but when the first put faith in him and the second came forth, he delivered them all over to the oligarchs for slaughter, being no less than eight hundred of both classes. In the other cities also untold numbers of the popular party were slain, since he killed not only for his own private reasons, but also gratified by his murders the hatred and cupidity of his many friends everywhere, and shared the bloody work with them. Wherefore Eteocles the ;
Lacedaemonian won great approval when he said that Hellas could not have borne two Lysanders. Now this same utterance was made by Archestratus 1 concerning Alcibiades also, as Theophrastus tells us. But in his case it was insolence, and wanton self-will, that gave most offence ; whereas Lysander's power was made dreadful and oppressive by the cruelty of his disposition. The Lacedaemonians paid little heed to the rest of his accusers, but when Pharnabazus, who was outraged by Lysander's pillaging and wasting his territory, sent men to Sparta to denounce him, the ephors were incensed, and when they found Thorax, one of Lysander's friends and fellow-generals, with money in his private possession,
sent a
dispatch-scroll
they put him to death, and Lysander, ordering him
to
home.
The
dispatch-scroll is of the following character. the ephors send out an admiral or a general, they make two round pieces of wood exactly alike in length and thickness, so that each corresponds to the other in its dimensions, and keep one themselves, while they give the other to their envoy. These pieces of wood they call " scytalae." Whenever, then, they
When
1
Cf. Alcibiades, xvi. 5.
285
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286
LYSANDER,
xix. 6-xx. 2
wish to send some secret and important message, they make a scroll of parchment long and narrow, like a leathern strap, and wind it round their " scytale," leaving no vacant space thereon, but covering its surface all round with the parchment. After doing this, they write what they wish on the as it lies wrapped about the just parchment, " " and when they have written their scytale message, they take the parchment off, and send it, without the piece of wood, to the commander. He, when he has received it, cannot otherwise get any meaning out of it, since the letters have no conunless he takes his nection, but are disarranged, " own " scytale and winds the strip of parchment about it, so that, when its spiral course is restored perfectly, and that which follows is joined to that which precedes, he reads around the staff, and so discovers the continuity of the message. And the parchment, like the staff, is called "scytale," as the thing measured bears the name of the measure. XX. But Lysander, when the dispatch-scroll reached him at the Hellespont, was much disturbed, and since he feared the denunciations of Pharnabazus above all others, he hastened to hold a conference with him, hoping to compose their quarrel. At this conference he begged Pharnabazus to write another letter about him to the magistrates, stating that he had not been wronged at all, and had no complaints to make. But in thus " playing the Cretan against a Cretan," as the saying is, he misjudged his opponent. For Pharnabazus, after promising to do all that he desired, openly wrote such a letter as Lysander demanded, but secretly kept another by him ready written. And when it came to putting on the seals, ;
—
—
287
PLUTARCH'S LIVES yiha? eirt^dXXetv evaXXdtjas ra piftXia fjurjhev hicufiepovTa rrj otyei, hlhwaiv ifceivrjv avTop ttjv 3
k pvcf> a yeypafipevrjv.
d^i/copLevos ovv 6
Avoavhpos
AaicehaipLOva zeal iropevOeis, cbcnrep e@o<; eo~Tiv, 6^9 to dpyelov, direhooKe rols e
tov
<&apvaftd^ov, ireireiapLevo*; dvrjprjaOai to /meyiarov avrov rcov eyfcXrj/jidTcov' rjycnrcno yap 6
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iirel
he dvayvbvTe^ oi e(popot ttjv
eTriaroXrjv ehet^av avrw, koX avvi)Kev co?
Ovfc ap 'Ohvaaevs
ianv
aip.vXo<; yu,oVo9,
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avrbv el$ "Afifioovo? dvafirjvai fcal tw 6ew Ovaai Ovaias a? ev^aro irpo tcov dyoovcov. evioi
heiv 5
pev ovv dXrjOoos
A^viaicov
avTOj TroXiopKOvvTC tt)V tcov Kara, roil? virvovs
ttoXiv iv ©pa/07
Trapaarrjvat tov "AfJLfiwva' tc'iav
dcfoeus, a>9
hib
kcl\
ttjv iroXiopiiceXevcre
tov Oeov TrpoardgavTos,
tou? *A(j>uTalou<; "Afifjicovi Oveiv koX tov debv iairovhaaev eh ttjv Aiftvqv iropevOels i^CXdaa6 gOcll.
to£? he irXeio-TOL^ ihoicei Trpoa^rifxa ttol-
elaOai tov 6eov, aXXoos he tou9 icfiopovs hehoifcoos 445 feed tov otfcoL tyybv ov cpepcov ovh' viropuevoov ap-
yeadai
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teal
TrepupoiTrjaecos d<j)€TOv /cat XeLp.covo<$
civOls tjkcov eiTL (bdrvijV teal 777309 to avvrjOes
288
epyov
LYSANDER,
xx. 2-6
he exchanged the documents, which looked exactly and gave him the letter which had been secretly
alike,
written. Accordingly, when Lysander arrived at Sparta and went, as the custom is, into the senatehouse, he gave the ephors the letter of Pharnahazus, convinced that the greatest of the complaints against him was thus removed ; for Pharnahazus was in high favour with the Lacedaemonians, because he had been, of all the King's generals, most ready to help them in the war. But when the ephors, after reading the letter, showed it to him, and he understood that
"Odysseus, then, is not the only man of guile," for the time being he was mightily confounded and went away. But a few days afterwards, on meeting the magistrates, he said that he was obliged to go up to the 2 temple of Amnion and sacrifice to the god the sacrifices which he had vowed before his battles. Now some say that when he was besieging the city of Aphytae *
Thrace, Amnion really stood by him in his sleep wherefore he raised the siege, declaring that the god had commanded it, and ordered the Aphytaeans to sacrifice to Ammon, and was eager to make a journey But the majority into Libya and propitiate the god. believed that he made the god a pretext, and really feared the ephors, and was impatient of the yoke at home, and unable to endure being under authority, and therefore longed to wander and travel about somewhat, like a horse which comes back from unrestricted pasturage in the meadows to his stall, and is put once more to his accustomed work. in
;
An iambic trimeter of some unknown poet. In an oasis of the great desert of Libya. xviii. 6 f. 1
2
Cf.
Cimon,
289
PLUTARCH'S LIVES av6i<s dyofievos.
rjv /j,€V
alriav
ravTT}<;
/jlicls
yap
"Ecfropos t?J9 aTroBrj-
dvaypdcjyei,
fiera
pu/epbv
d(j)r]yr)cro/j,a.i.
XXI. MoXt? %djJL€VO<;
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dpyei
zeal
ov /uirjv aXXa 2 tov? ezceivov cpiXovs ifcj3aX6vT€<;. irdXiv 7T/309 ravra Kivrjfiaro^ yevofievov, zeal irpco* tcov tcov diro <§>vXi)<; AQr^vaLcov eiridefievcov Tot? Tptd/covra o
zeal zepaTOvvTcov, eireicre
Avo~av8po<;
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TTpcoTOis
tch9
toi>? /ecu
eiraveXdcov hid 7Ct\erov Aa/ceBcu/ioviovs Tat?
tou9
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Brjfiovs zeoXd^eiv. irefiTrovaiv e/carbv
irpbs tov iroXepiov /ecu GTpaTiqybv avrbv AvaavBpov. ol Be ftacnXels cpOovovvre? zeal BeBib-
rdXavra 3
Te9
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f^rj
tov erepov fjuev
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tov iroXefiov,
009
fify
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6
Av-
cravBpos Bid tcov cpiXcov zcvpios yevoiTO tcov 'AOtjvcov.
tovto
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zeal toi)?
1
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teal /eaTcnravcTa*; ttjv
aTacriv
tov AvcrdvBpov ttjv cpiXoTi/jiiav. oXiyco Be vaTepov dirocTTavTcov irdXiv tcov A0r\vaicov auTO? tiev ahiav eXaBev, co? eyfcexaXivcop,evov ttj
4 dcf)€iXeTO
'
oXiyap^ici tov
290
Brjfiov dvels
'
avOis e^vflpiaai
zeal
LYSANDER,
xx. 6-xxi.
4
Ephorus, it is true, assigns another reason for this absence abroad, which I shall mention by and by. 1 XXI. After he had with great difficulty procured his release by the ephors, he set sail. But the kings, when he had gone abroad, became aware that by means of the societies which he had formed, he had the cities entirely in his power and was master of Hellas they therefore took measures for deposing his friends everywhere and restoring the management of affairs to the people. However, fresh disturbances broke out in connection with these changes, and first of all the Athenians from Phyle attacked the Thirty and overpowered them. Lysander therefore came home in haste, and persuaded the Lacedaemonians to aid the oligarchies and chastise the democracies. Accordingly, they sent to the Thirty, first of all, a hundred talents for the war, and Lysander himself as general. But the kings were jealous of him, and feared to let him capture Athens a second time they therefore determined that one of them should go out with the army. And Pausanias did go out, ostensibly in behalf ot the tyrants 2 against the people, but really to put a stop to the war, in order that Lysander might not again become master of Athens through the efforts of his friends. This object, then, he easily accomplished, and by reconciling the Athenians and putting a stop to their discord, he robbed Lysander A short time afterwards, of his ambitious hopes. however, when the Athenians revolted again, he himself was censured for taking the curb of the oligarchy out of the mouth of the people, and while letting them grow bold and insolent again ;
;
;
1
Chapter xxv.
3.
2
That
is,
the Thirty in Athens.
291
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Sofjav dvBpb<; ov tfw?,
dXXa
Be
ra>
OpaavvaaOai,
7rpb<;
AvadvBpw erepcov
irpoaeOrjicaTO
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yap
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2 7roXeco? Beovrai."
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rd T61XH tou? AaKeBaipoviovs ecopa TTpoaftdXXeiv o/cvovvras, Kai
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rd(j)pov,
3
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Ay r)aiXaov KCLTaXnroov, vlbv Be vopbi^opbevov AeoirvyiBav, epaarrjs rod 'AyrjcriXdov yeyo-
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tt}?
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^pa/cXelBrjv ovra yvrjacov.
6
'
el;
AXtciftidBov
yeyovevai, crvvovros fcpv
192
LYSANDER,
xxi. 4 -xxn. 4
Lysander won fresh repute as a man who exercised command in downright fashion, not for the gratification of others, nor yet to win applause, but for the good of Sparta. XXII. He was harsh of speech also, and terrifying to his opponents. For instance, when the Argives were disputing about boundaries, and thought they made a juster plea than the Lacedaemonians, he pointed to his sword, and said to them "He who is master of this discourses best about boundaries." his
:
And when
a Megarian, in some conference with him, he said "Thy words, Stranger, lack a city." And when the Boeotians tried to play a double game with him, he asked them whether he should march through their territory with spears upright, or levelled. And once when the Corinthians
grew bold
in speech,
:
had revolted, and, on coming to their walls, he saw that the Lacedaemonians hesitated to make an assault, a hare was seen leaping across the moat " Are whereupon he said ye not ashamed to fear enemies who are so lazy that hares sleep on their " walls ? ;
:
When
1 Agis the king died, leaving a brother, and a reputed son, Leoty chides, Lysander, who had been a lover of Agesilaiis, persuaded him to lay claim to the kingdom, on the ground that he was a genuine descendant of Heracles. For Leotychides was accused of being a son of Alcibiades, who had secret commerce with Timaea, the wife of Agis, while he was living in exile at Sparta. Now Agis, as they tell us, being convinced by a computation of time that his wife had not conceived by him, ignored
Agesilaiis,
1
In 398
B.C.,
after returning
campaign (Xen. Hell.
iii.
home from a
victorious
3, 1).
*93
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rod Aecorvx^Bov real (j>avepb<; rjv dvaivbp,evo<s avrov irapd ye rbv Xoiirbv xpovov. erreX Be vocrcov el$ 'Hpauav e/co/jLL(T@r) kcCi reXevrav ep.eXXe, ra avrov rod veavlcr/cov, ra Be virb rcov p,ev inr
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p,oio.
6
itoXXwv ovv viroKarafcXivopLevcov irpbs rb Xoyiov 6 Avrpeiropuevcov 777)0? rbv Aecorv^Bav, tov ov/c AioireiOr] rrjv puavretav cravBpos bpOws e
AaKeSaLp,ovicov, 8vo"%epaiveLV rbv debv, elvai rrjv fiaaiXeiav el v69oi real X
avra Xeycov
real
avv 1 'Hpa/cXetSat?.
Bvvdpuevos irXelarov
yiverat fiaaiXev*; 'AyrjaiXaos. 1
294
dXXa Aca/ceo?
ovv supplied by Sintenis alone.
eireio-e,
roctcai
LYSANDER,
xxn. 4-6
Leotychides, and manifestly repudiated him up to the last. But when he was carried sick to Heraea and was about to die, he yielded to the entreaties of the young man himself and of his friends, and declared in the hearing of many that Leotychides was his own son, and after begging those who were present to bear witness of this to the Lacedaemonians, died. Accordingly, they did so bear witness in favour of Leotychides. Moreover, Agesilaiis, who was otherwise illustrious, and had Lysander as a champion, was injured in his claim by Diopeithes, a man in high repute for his interpretation of oracles, who published the following prophecy with reference to the lameness of Agesilaiis l :
1
—
O Sparta, although thou art very proud, Lest from thee, sound of foot, there spring a maimed Bethink thee now,
royalty
For long
;
will
And onward
unexpected rolling
toils
billows
oppress thee, of man-destroying
war."
Many, therefore, out of deference to the oracle, inclined to Leotychides, but Lysander declared that Diopeithes did not interpret the prophecy correctly for it did not mean that the god would be displeased if one who was lame should rule the Lacedaemonians, ;
but the kingdom would be maimed if bastards and ill-born men should be kings in a line with the posterity of Heracles. By such arguments, and because he had very great influence, he prevailed,
and Agesilaiis became king. 2 1
2
Cf. Plutarch's Agesilaiis, Cf. Plutarch's Agesilaiis,
ii.
iii.
2.
3-5
;
Xen.
Hell.
iii.
3,
2f.
295
PLUTARCH'S LIVES XXIII. rpeirev
6
ovv avrbv e^coppua
ItLvOvs
imoTiOeis eXTrlBas pbeyiarw
go?
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iiriiceiufvov
/nevov.
296
BeUker adopts Comes' correction to
rcfurcl-
LYSANDER, xxm.
1-4
XXIII. At once, then, Lysander tried to rouse and incite him to make an expedition into Asia, suggesting hopes that he would put down the Persians and become a very great man. He also wrote letters to his friends in Asia, bidding them ask Agesilaiis of the Lacedaemonians as general for their war against the Barbarians. 1 They obeyed, and sent ambassadors to Lacedaemon with the request, and thus an honour not inferior to that of being made king was obtained for Agesilaiis through the efforts of Lysander. But with ambitious natures, which are otherwise not ill qualified for command, jealousy of their equals in reputation is no slight obstacle to the performance of noble deeds for they make those their rivals in the path of virtue, whom they might have as helpers. Agesilaiis did indeed take Lysander with him among his thirty counsellors, intending to treat him with special favour as his chief friend ; but when they were come into Asia, the people there, who were not acquainted with him, conferred with him but rarely and briefly, whereas Lysander, in consequence of their large intercourse with him in former times, had them always at his door and in his train, those who were his friends coming out of deference, and those whom he suspected, out of fear. And just as in tragedies it naturally happens that an actor who takes the part of some messenger or servant is in high repute and plays leading roles, while the one who bears the crown and sceptre is not even listened to when he speaks, so in this case the whole honour of the government was associated with the counsellor, and there was left for the king only the empty name of power. ;
1
Cf. Plutarch's Agesilaiis, vi. If.
297
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 5 yeveaOai fiev ovv
icrax;
eBei
tlvcl
tt}?
€k/jl€\ov<;
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6
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eiTa BiBovs tov AvaavBpov dweBec^e KpeoBaiTTjv. " olov i(f)v/3pi%(ov 7roo? tov<; "loovas, 'Attlovtcs,"
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e
8
1
2irapTia.Ta.is
(soldiers),
298
the
correction
of
Emperius
:
aTpaTiwTais
LYSANDER, xxm.
5-8
perhaps, that there should have been sonic gentle handling of this excessive ambition, and that It is true,
Lysander should have been reduced to the second but entirely to cast off and insult, for fame's place sake, a benefactor and a friend, was not worthy of the character of Agesilaiis. In the first place, then, he did not give him ;
opportunities for achievement, nor even assign him to a command and secondly, those in whose behalf he perceived that Lysander was earnestly exerting himself, these he always sent away with less reward than an ordinary suitor, or wholly unsuccessful, thus ;
and chilling his influence. So when Lysander missed all his aims, and saw that his interested efforts for his friends were an obstacle to their success, he not only ceased to give them his own aid, but begged them not to wait upon him nor quietly undoing
pay him their court, but to confer with the king, and with such as had more power to benefit those who showed them honour than was his at present. Most of those who heard this refrained from troubling
him about
their affairs, but did not cease paying him their court, nay rather, by waiting upon him in the public walks and places of exercise, they gave
even more annoyance than before, because he envied him the honour. Therefore, though he offered most of the Spartans l commands in the field and governments of cities, he appointed Lysander Agesilaiis
his carver of meats.
And
insult to the Ionians,
presently, as
he said
if
by way
" Let them be
:
of off,
and pay their court now to my carver of meats." Accordingly, Lysander determined to have a con1 Agis took thirty Spartans with captains (Plutarch's Agesilaiis, vi. 3 i.
him ;
aa counsellors and
Xenophon'a
Agesilaiis,
7).
299
PLUTARCH'S LIVES eXOelv
ical
yiverai (Spayy?
"*H
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'AyijatXae, (plXovs 76 6/jLOV (3ouXtovTat
j/
fiei^oves elvar tol>? Be av^ovra^ ttjp i/xi]v Bvva/niv " 'AXA,' 9 teal ybereyeiv avrrjs Bl/caiov. Tcra)? /xe^,
'AyrjaiXae, aol XeXetcTai /cdXXiov
&>
Be
gov
teal
Blol
f)
ifiol
rov<;
7re-
itcro?
Beofiac avOpcorrovs, oi 7rpo? r)/ud$ (nroftXeirovo-iv, evravOd jie tt)? aeavrov arpar7]yia<; rd£ov, ottov rerayirpaicTcu'
fiaXXov Be xprjaipov
fievov rjKLGTa fiev eirayOrj, ecreorOai oreavrcp vofAi^eLs"
XXIV.
tovtov tt pea /3evrr)<; eh 'RXXiictttoveirepbireTO' ical top fiev Ay r) a tXaov Bl 6pyr)<; elyev, ov/c ^fieXet Be rod ra Beovra irpdrreiv, SiriOpiBdrTjv Be rbv Tlepcrrjv irpoaKetcpovicoTa 'E/e
*
tov
dvBpa teal crrparidv eyovra aurov, diroaryaa^ r)yaye irpos rov 'AyrjdXXo Be ovBev eyprjaaro avrco 7rpo? rov 2 aiXaov. <£>apva/3d£cp, yevvalov
irepl
iroXep-ov,
dXXa rov ypovov BieXdovros
efc
XrrdpTTjv
tt\v
'Ayr/criXdcp,
{jllctcov
direirXevaev
ra> dri/Aco?, opyi^ofievo? fiev Be teal rrjv oXtjv TroXireiav en
fiaXkov tj rrrpoTepov, teal ra ird\ai Bo/covvra avyKelaOai ical fiefiTj^avrjaOac 7T/90? fj.€Taj3oXr)v teal vewrepia/nbv eyvcotctos eyyeipelv rore teal firj Bia/jteXXeiv. 3
*Hv
Be roidBe. ical
tcov dva/JLi^Oevrcov Acopievaiv tcareXOovrcov et? UeXoirovvyaov
'HpaicXeiBcov ttoXv fiev iv ^irdprr)
ov iravrl Be avrcov
300
ical
Xapurpov
rjvOriae
yevos,
TJ79 fiacriXi/crjs fieT7]v BtaBo%r)<;,
LYSANDER, xxm.
8-xxiv. 3
him, at which a brief and laconic * Verily, thou passed between them. knowest well, Agesilaiis, how to abase friends." To which Agesilaiis " Yes, if they would be greater than I ; but those who increase my power should " also share in it." Well, perhaps thy words, fairer than are my deeds ; but I beg thee, Agesilaiis, even because of the strangers who have their eyes upon us, to give me a post under thy command where thou believest that I shall be least annoying to thyself, and more serviceable than now." 1 XXIV. Upon this, he was sent as ambassador to the Hellespont and though he was angry with Agesilaiis, he did not neglect to do his duty, but induced Spithridates the Persian, a high-minded man with forces at his command, to revolt from Pharnabazus, with whom he was at odds, and ference with
dialogue
:
;
2 The king made no brought him to Agesilaiis. further use of Lysander, however, in the war, and when his time had expired, he sailed back to Sparta without honour, not only enraged at Agesilaiis, but hating the whole form of government more than ever, and resolved to put into execution at once, and
without delay, the plans for a revolutionary change which he is thought to have devised and concocted some time before. They were as follows. Of the Heracleidae who united with the Dorians and came down into Peloponnesus, there was a numerous and glorious stock however, not every family flourishing in Sparta ;
belonging to 1
it
participated in the royal succession,
Cf. Plutarch's Agesilaiis, vii.-viii. 1-2
;
Xen. Hell.
iii.
4,
7-9. a
Cf. Plutarch's Agesilaiis, viii.
3; Xen. Hell.
iii.
4, 10.
301
PLUTARCH'S LIVES dXX' eftaaiXevov etc Bvetv oikwv puovov JLvpvirwvrlBai Kal 'AyidBat rrpoaayopevopuevot,, rocs Be aXXois ovBev eripov irXeov e^eiv ev rjj iroXireia evyeveiav virrjp^ev, al Be air dperrjs irdai irpovKeivro roc? Bwafievois. rovrcov ovv yeyovco? 6 AvaavBpos, oj? et? Bo^av ro)v rrpd^ewv ijpOj] peydXrjv Kal (f)iXov<; e/cercTrjTO 7roXXov<; Bid
4
rrjv
ti/jlclI
Kal Bvvapuv, rj^Oero rrjv ttoXiv opcov (jit* avrov puev av^avo[xevr]V, v(j) erepcov Be ^acrcXevopevrjv ovBev {3£\riov avrov yeyovorcov, Kal Bievoelro rrjv 5
dp%r)V eK rwv Bvelv olkcov fieracrTrjcras et? kolvov drroBovvai irdcnv 'HpaKXetBais, go? Be evioi (f)aaiv,
ou% 'HpaKXelBais, dXXd ^irapridrais, Xva
pbr)
r)
'HpaKXeovs, dXXd rcov olos 'H^a/cA^? to apery Kpivopuevcov, r) KaKelvov eh 0ecov
rcov ac£' yepa<;,
rifid? dvtjyayev.
y)XiTL^e Be
rrj<;
/3ao-cXeia<; ovrco
ovBeva irpo avrov XrrapndTijv av
BiKa%oiievr)<;
alpeOrjaeaOai.
XXV. Tlpcorov fiev ovv enreyelpriae Kal rrapeo~Kevdaaro rreiQeiv BC eavrov rov<$ rroXiraSy Kal Xoyov e^efieXera
7T/30? rrjv
viroOeaiv yeypa/JL/ievov
rov 'AXiKapvaaaecos. erreira rr)v Kal ro pLeyedo? rov Kaivoro/xov/ievov
vtto K.\ecovo<;
dronrlav
irpdy/jLaros opcov lrap,(orepa<; Beopuevov ftorjOeias, wairep ev rpaywBia px\yavr)V acpcov eirl rovs 2 rroXbra^y Xoyia rrvdo^priara Kal %pr}o~povs o~vvovBev a)(f)eXr}o-6ejiOei Kal KareaKeva^ev, co?
1
302
Cf. Plutarch's Agesilaus, viii. 3.
LYSANDER,
xxiv. 3-xxv. 2
but the kings were chosen from two houses only, and were called Eurypontidae and Agiadae. The rest had no special privileges in the government because of their high birth, but the honours which result from superior excellence lay open to all who had power and ability. Now Lysander belonged to one of these families, and when he had risen to great fame for his deeds, and had acquired many friends and great power, he was vexed to see the
power by his efforts, but ruled by others who were of no better birth than himself. He therefore planned to take the government away from the two houses, and restore it to all the Heracleidae in common, or, as some say, not to the 1 Heracleidae, but to the Spartans in general, in order that its high prerogatives might not belong to those city increased in
only who were descended from Heracles, but to those who, like Heracles, were selected for superior excellence, since divine honours.
it
was
this
which raised him to
And he hoped
when the
that
kingdom was awarded on this principle, no Spartan would be chosen before himself. XXV. In the first place, then, he undertook and
made preparations to persuade the citizens by his own efforts, and committed to memory a speech written by Cleon, the Halicarnassian, for the purpose. In the second place, seeing that the novelty and magnitude of his innovation demanded a more audacious support, he brought stage machinery to bear upon the citizens, 2 as it were, by collecting and arranging responses and oracles of Apollo convinced ;
2 In the Greek theatre, gods were swung into view, above the plane of the action, by means of a huge crane. Cf ThemistocUs, x. 1.
303
PLUTARCH'S LIVES fievos iiirb rrjs liXecovo^ BeivorrjTOS,
Oeov
Kal
tlvi
ei
fir}
(f)o/3(p
irpoeKirX^as Kal
Beta iBaifiovla
yeipwadfievos viraydyot 777509 TbvXoyov tovs ttoXlre Ta9. "Kcj)opo<; fiev ovv $r\aiv clvtop, ax? rijv HvOlav eTriyeipr]<ja<s Bia$6elpai /ecu Ta? AcoBcovLBas avOcs dvaireiOoav Bid
el<$
dva/3r)vat, teal
"AfjL/jicovos
BiaXeyeaOai
iroXv ^pvaiov BiBovra, tovs Be Bva^epaivovTas eh ^irdprrfv Tivds diroarelXai
Tot?
7rpo(f)r)TaL<;
rod AvadvBpov KaT7)yopr)aovTa$, XvOrj, r)fiei<;
rjfC7]T€
tov<;
7T/309
€i9
r)fJLa?
Br)
xprjafxov tivos
ev
Ai/3vr)
Be
dire-
"'AX\' ^irapTidrai, Kpivovjiev, orav
&>
ye fieXnov,
eirel
elirelv
diriovTas
AlJ3vcl<;
Ai/3V7]V
olfCr)<JOVT€
ft)9
6W09 nraXaiov AaKeBai/ioviovs
KaroiKr)aai.
rrjv
Be oXrjv e7ri(SovXr)v
Kal (T/cevcoplav rod irXdafiaTOS ov (f)avXi]v ovaav ovSe d(f) wv eTvyev dp^afievrrv, dXXa 7roXXa<$ fieydXas viroOecreis, oiairep ev Biaypdfifiari Sid Xrjfifidrcov fjLa6r)/j.aTiK(p, 7rpoaXa^ovaav Kal real
XaXeirwv Kal Bvgttop'kttwv irpolovaaVy
Kal
r)fieZ<s
(piXoo-6cf)ov
XXVI. 'Hy \wvo<;
eirl
to avfiirepaafia
dvaypdyjro/iev dvBpbs laropiKov
Xoyco KaraKoXovOijaavre^. yvvaiov ev TLovroy Kveiv i£ 'AttoX-
cf)d/ievov,
7roXXol
d)
fiev,
G09
el/cbs
r)v,
Kal irpoaelyov, ware Kal rjiriarovv, TeKovarjS iraiBdpiov dppev virb iroXXoav Kal yvcoplfiwv airovBd^eaOai rrjv €Krpo^>r)v avrov Kal ttoXXoI
rrjv
eK
3°4
eirifieXeiav. Br)
tivos
Be
ovofia Be
air la<$
eredrj.
tw
ivaiBl
ravrrjv
^.eiXrjvos
Xafioov
6
44!
LYSANDER*
xxv.
2 -xxvi.
i
that Cleon's clever rhetoric would not help at all unless
him
terrify and subdue his religious fear and superstitious
he should
first
countrymen by vague terror, and then bring them under the influence of his argument. Well, then, Ephorus tells us that after an attempt to corrupt the Pythian priestess, and after a second failure to persuade the priestesses of Dodona by means of Pherecles, he went up to the temple of Ammon and had a conference with that god's interpreters there, at which he offered them much money, but that they took this ill, and sent certain messengers to Sparta to denounce him and further, that when Lysander was acquitted of their charges, the Libyans said, as they went away, " But we will pass better judgments than yours, ;
O
when ye come to dwell with us in they knew that there was a certain ancient oracle bidding the Lacedaemonians to settle in Libya. But since the whole plot and concoction was no insignificant one, nor yet carelessly undertaken, but made many important assumptions, like a mathematical demonstration, and proceeded to its conclusion through premises which were difficult and hard to obtain, we shall follow, in our description of it, the account of one who was both a historian and a Spartans,
Libya"
;
for
1
philosopher. VJ. There was a woman in Pontus who declared that she was with child by Apollo. Many disbelieved her, as was natural, but many also lent an ear to her, so that when she gave birth to a male child, many notable persons took an interest in its care and rearing. For some reason or other,
XX
the
name given
to the 1
boy was Silenus.
Lysander
Probably Ephorus.
305
PLUTARCH'S LIVES AvaavSpos apxqv, rd Xoiird nap eavrov
rrpocre-
T€KTaiv€TO /ecu avvvfyaivev, ovk oXuyois %p<wfxevos ovBe (fravXois rod puvOov away caviar als, 6l rrjv re (j)7]/ji7jv tt)? yeviaecos rov 7ra^So? e/? aWTTOTTTO)^ TrpOTjyOV, aXXoV T€ XoyOV €K AeXcpcov avTLfco/uLio-avres els rrjv ^irdprrjv fcareftaXov KCtX Bieaireipav, 00? ev ypd[Xfiaaiv diroppi]TOL<^ VTTO TCOV UpeOJV (j)v\aTT0LVTO TtCLyLlTllkaiOl Brj rives xprja/jLoL, tcai Xaftecv ovk e^eari rovrovs ovS* evrvyelv de/jLLTov, el jxr) ris dpa yeyovcos cf 'AtToXXcDVO? d(j)LK0lT0 TO) 7T0XX(p ^pOVCp KCLl avvOrifia rot? <^vXdrrovai rfjs yeveaeoos yvcopifiov irapaay/hv KOfiiaairo rds BeXrovs ev als rjaav rovrcov Be 7T poKarea fcevacr /jievcov eBei 01 %prjo-fjLOL. rov ^eiXrjvbv eXOovra rovs ^prjo-fiovs drrairelv TTl(TTLV
'
AttoXXcovos iraioa, rovs Be av/xirpdrrovras ra>v lepecov etja/cpi/3ovv efcaara teal BiarrvvQdveaOai, irepl rr)s yevecrecos, reXos Be ireTreia/ievovs C09
'
Br)6ev C09 ArroXXwvos via) Bel^ai rd ypdfxjxara, rov he dvayvwvai 7roXX(bv irapovrwv aXXas re x rrjv fiavreuas kcll r)s eve/ca rdXXa ireirXaaraL kcll Xojiov a>9 dpueivov eirj irepl rr)s /SaaiXeias, %7rapTidrai<; etc rayv dpiarcov TroXircov alpovjievois
701*9
ftaaiXeas. "HBrj Be rov XeiXrjvov fieipciKiov yeyovoros /cal rov Bpd/iaros 6 7T/009 rr)v rrpd^iv rjKOvros, e^eireare AvaavBpos droXfiia rcov virofcpircov kcli avvepycov evos,
ft>9
eV
avrb to epyov rjXOev, diroBeiXidaavros ov /jltjv e^wpdOrj ye rov Avadv-
Kal dvaBvvros.
Bpov ^covros ovOev, dXXa fierd tSaAo TTiirXaa-Tat the correction irhdarai, with the MS&. 1
306
rrjv reXevrrjv.
of Corae's
;
naaai Bekker
:
LYSANDER,
xxvi. 1-4
took these circumstances for his foundation, and the rest of his cunning fabric himself, making use of not a few, nor yet insignificant, champions of the tale, who brought the story of the boy's birth into credit without exciting suspicion. They also brought back another response from Delphi, and caused it to be circulated in Sparta, which declared that sundry very ancient oracles were kept in secret writings by the priests there, and that it was not possible to get these, nor even lawful to read them, unless someone born of Apollo should come after a long lapse of time, give the keepers an intelligible token of his birth, and obtain the tablets The way being thus precontaining the oracles. pared, Silenus was to come and demand the oracles as Apollo's son, and the priests who were in the supplied
secret were to insist on precise answers to all their
questions about his birth, and finally, persuaded, forsooth, that he was the son of Apollo, were to show
him the
writing. witnesses,
Then
Silenus, in the presence ot
was to read aloud the prophecies, especially the one relating to the kingdom, for the sake of which the whole scheme had been invented, and which declared that it was more for the honour and interest of the Spartans to choose their kings
many
from the best citizens.
But when at and was ready ruined for him
last Silenus
was grown to be a youth,
for the business, Lysander's play was by the cowardice of one of his actors,
or co-workers, who, just as he
came
to the point,
However, all this courage and drew back. was actually found out, not while Lysander was alive, but after his death. lost his
307
PLUTARCH'S LIVES XXVII. 'FiTeXevrrjo-e Be irplv ef \Atna? eiraveXOelv rbv ^AyrjaiXaov, ep,ireacov ei? rbv Bojo)TCfCOV TToXe/JLOV,
Xeyerai yap TIV€S
T)
fiaWoV
dficporepa)*;'
€K€LVOV
TTOiOVaiV,
KOivrjV, 0?7/3atO£9 fiev
to)v
lepcov
/cXeiBrjv
€fl/3a\cbV TT)V ol
Be
ey/caXovvres rrjv ev AvXiBi
t&v
Bidppc^rLv /cal otl
Ka\
'EXXdBa.
aWiav
ol puev Hr)/3aLwv, ol Be
/cal rr)v
irepi
*AvBpo-
'A/jLcfilOeov %pr)pLacri f3ao-i\ucol<$ Bia-
(f>6apevT(dv eirl rq> Aa/ceBai/novlois 'EXXrjvc/cbv Trepio-TTjaai iroXepiov e-rreOevro Qco/cevo-t, /cal rrjv 2 yozpav avrwv eiropOqaav, AvaavBpov Be cpaacv
bpyfj cpepeiv ore r?}? Be/cdrrjs avreTTOirjaavTO rod 7ro\e/xov ®i~i(3aloi povoi, rcov aXXcov crv fxpudycov
rjavxa^ovTcov, /cal irepl xprjfidrcov ^yavd/crrjaav a AvaavBpos eh XTrdprrjv aTreareiXe, /xdXiara Be eirl tw nrapaayelv dp^rjv AOrjvaiois eXevdepGoaecos dirb twv Tpid/covra rvpdvvcov, oi>? Av'
cravBpos fiev /carearTjcre, Aatcehaifxovioi Be BvvapLiv ical <j)6/3ov avrols 7rpoo~Ti6ivTe<; i^rjcplaavro tovs (pevyovras 4% 'Adrjvwv dy(oyip,ov<; elvau iravra3
yodev, e/ccnrovBovs Be tovs evicTTapuevov^ to2<; ayovai. irpb? ravra yap avre-^rrjcplaavro Srjfialoi "^rrjcpLapara irpeirovia /cal dBeXcpd rals 'Hpa/cXeovs /cal Aiovvcrov 7rpdgeaiv, ol/clav p,ev dvetoyOai irdcrav /cal iroXiv ev BotwTt'a tols Beojievois 'AOrjvalcov, rbv Be rro dyo/ievq) cfivydBi fior)6rjo-avTa
fly
'
^t]p,lav
Be ri? Adrjva^e Bid t?)?
1
In 395
B.C.,
6
Boiama?
tovs rvpdv-
the aggressions of Sparta led to an alliance her. In the follo-ving alliance, and the whole
between Thebes and Athens against year Corinth and Argos joined the
308
rdXavrov, dv 449
eirl
LYSANDER,
xxvu. 1-3
XXVII. And he died before Agesilaiis returned from Asia,after he had plunged, or rather had plunged 1 Hellas, into the Boeotian war. For it is stated in both ways and some hold him responsible for the war, others the Thebans, and others both together. It is charged against the Thebans that they cast away the sacrifices at Aulis, 2 and that, because Androcleides and 3 Amphitheus had been bribed with the King's money to stir up a war in Greece against the Lacedaemonians, they set upon the Phocians and ravaged It is said, on the other hand, that their country. Lysander was angry with the Thebans because they alone laid claim to a tenth part of the spoils of the war, while the rest of the allies held their peace and because they were indignant about the money which he sent to Sparta but above all, because they first put the Athenians in the way of freeing themselves from the thirty tyrants whom he had set up, whose terrorizing power the Lacedaemonians had increased by decreeing that fugitives from Athens might be brought back from every place of refuge, and that all who impeded their return should be declared enemies of Sparta. In reply to this the Thebans issued counter decrees, akin in spirit to the beneficent deeds of Heracles and Dionysus, to the effect that every house and city in Boeotia should be open to such Athenians as needed succour and that whosoever did not help a fugitive under arrest, should be fined a talent and that if any one should carry arms ;
;
;
;
;
war, which dragged along until 387 B.C., is usually known as the "Corinthian war." 2 In the spring of 396, when Agesilaiis vainly tried to there, ir imitation of Agamemnon Agesi/aus, vi. 4-6 ; Xen. JJ ell. iii. 4, 3f., and 5, 8 Cf. Xen. Hell. iii. 5, 1 and 4.
sacrifice
VOL.
IV.
(Plutarch's 5).
L
309
PLUTARCH'S LIVES vov<;
oirXa
KOfil^j), firjre
Kal
4 afcoveiv.
fcal
XrjviKa
ovk
bpdv riva ®7]/3acov pajre 'E\-
eyjrrjcpicravTO fiev ovto)<$ Be wpd^eis <j)iXdv0p(O7ra, ra<;
to??
ov Trapea^ov, dXXa %paavfiovXos Kal oi gvv avro) <&v\r)V KaraXaj36vT€<; teal xPVIJLaTa Kai i/c
e\a/3e
opLoias
Kara twv
XXVIII.
(drjftaicov 6
AvGavBpos.
iravrdiraGi y^aXeiTO^ tbv opyrjv Bid rrjv pLeXayxoXuav eirLTeivovaav els yfjpas, irapay^vve tovs e(f>6pov Kal GweireiGe eV avTOV?, Kal Xa/3cbv rrjv rjje(j)f}vat, (j)povpdv varepov Be Kal Uavfioviav i^earrpdrevo-ev. aaviav rbv /3ao~i\ea pLerd arparca^ direareiXav. 2 dXXd Tlavcravias filv kvkXw irepieXOtov Bid rov KiOaipeovos epiftdXXeiv e/ieXXev eh rrjv Bouoriav, AvaavBpo? Be Bid QcoKecov airrjVTa GTpariooTas ttoXlv e^cov ttoXXov?' Kal rrjv fiev 'OpxopLevLcov "HBrj
Be
eKOvaicos 7rpocrx (0 PV cra(Tav €\a^€, ttjv Be AeftdBeiav eireXOobv BieiropOricrev. eirep^e Be tw Uavaavia ypd/jb^ara KeXevwv eh AXiaprov eK IlXa'
raicov avvdiTTeLV, a>? auTO? dp! rjp-epa irpos *
Tet%€o-fc
twv AXiapricov
ypapLpbaia
irpb?
yevrfGopievos.
roh
ravra rd
tovs ©rjfiaiovs a7rr)vex6v> T °v
Kopit,ovTO
1
Cf.
Xen. Hell.
ii.
4, 1
f.
Lj'sander was commissioned to raise a force of allies in Phocis and the neighbouring country, with which Pausanias 2
310
LYSANDER,
xxvn. 3-xxvm. 3
through Boeotia against the tyrants in Athens, no And either see him or hear about it. they did not merely vote such Hellenic and humane decrees, without at the same time making their deeds but Thrasybulus and correspond to their edicts those who with him occupied Phyle, set out from Thebes to do so, 1 and the Thebans not only provided them with arms and money, but also with secrecy and a base of operations. Such, then, were the
Theban would
;
grounds of complaint which Lysander had against the Thebans. XXVIII. And since he was now of an altogether harsh disposition, owing to the melancholy which persisted into his old age, he stirred up the ephors, and persuaded them to fit out an expedition against the Thebans; and assuming the command, he set Afterwards the ephors sent out on the campaign. 2 Now it out Pausanias the king also with an army. was the plan that Pausanias should make a circuit by the way of Mount Cithaeron, and then invade Boeotia, while Lysander marched through Phocis to meet him, with a large force. He took the city of Orchomenus, which came over to him of its own accord, and assaulted and plundered Lebadeia. Then he sent a letter to Pausanias, bidding him move from Plataea and join forces with him at Haliartus, and promising that he himself would be before the walls of Haliartus at break of day. This letter was brought to Thebes by some scouts, into whose hands its bearer fell. The Thebans therefore entrusted their city to a force of Athenians which had come to their aid, while they themselves set out early in the
was to unite language
is
his troops (Xen. Hell. obscure.
iii.
5, 6).
Plutarch's
PLUTARCH'S LIVES nrpcoTOV virvov i^opfJufjaavTes ecfrOacrav oXlyco rbv AvaavBpov iv 'AXidpTco yevojievot, /cat fiepec tlvI
iraprjXOov
eU
ttjv
ttoXiv.
eiceivos
to
Be
fiev
arpaTiav iBpvcras iirl Xocfrov eireira irpolovar)^ t?)? TlavaavLav rbv irepifieveiv ra oirXa /ecu rjpbepa^ arpefielv ov Bvvdfievo*;, Xaffcov ttjv
eyvco
irpcoTov
Toi><; crvfi/judyovf;
4 irapa
TrjV
oBbv
irapoppLrjaa^ opOicp 7rpo?
r^ye
ttj
%r)j3aicov ol fiev ef&> fie/JLevrj/cores iv rr)V ttoXiv XafiovTes iftdBi&v iirl toi>? TCOV
7T0X€fli(i)V
V7TO
(paXayyc
to Tet^o?.
TT)V Kpr)VY]V
tcov
Be
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LYSANDER, xxvm. night,
3-6
and succeeded in reaching Haliartus a
little
before Lysander, and a considerable part of them entered the city. Lysander at first decided to post his army on a hill and wait for Pausanias ; then, as the day advanced, being unable to remain inactive, he took his arms, encouraged his allies, and led them along the road in column towards the wall of the But those of the Thebans who had remained city.
outside, taking the city on their left, advanced upon the rear of their enemy, at the spring called Cissusa. Here, as the story goes, his nurses bathed the infant Dionysus after his birth ; for the water has the colour and sparkle of wine, is clear, and very pleasant
to the taste. And not far away the Cretan storaxshrub grows in profusion, which the Haliartians regard as a proof that Rhadamanthus once dwelt and they show his tomb, which they call there Alea. And near by is also the memorial of Alcmene for she was buried there, as they say, having lived with Rhadamanthus after the death of Amphitryon. But the Thebans inside the city, drawn up in battle array with the Haliartians, kept quiet for some time when, however, they saw Lysander with his foremost troops approaching the wall, they suddenly threw open the gate and fell upon them, and killed Lysander himself with his soothsayer, and a few of the rest ; for the greater part of them And when the fled swiftly back to the main body. Thebans made no halt, but pressed hard upon them, the whole force turned to the hills in flight, and a thousand of them were slain. Three hundred of ;
;
;
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LYSANDER, xxvm.
6-xxix. 3
the Thebans also lost their lives by pursuing their
enemies into rough and dangerous places. These had been accused of favouring the Spartan cause, and in their eagerness to clear themselves of this charge the eyes of their fellow-citizens, they exposed themselves needlessly in the pursuit, and so threw in
away
their lives. 1
XXIX.
Tidings of the disaster were brought to Pausanias while he was on the march from Plataea
and putting his army in battle array, he Haliartus. Thrasybulus also came from Thebes, leading his Athenians. But when Pausanias to Thespiae,
came
to
was minded to ask for the bodies of the dead under a truce, the elders of the Spartans could not brook it, and were angry among themselves, and coming to the king, they protested that the body of Lysander must not be taken up under cover of a truce, but by force of arms, in open battle for it ; and that if they conquered, then they would give him burial, but if they were vanquished, it would be a glorious thing to lie dead with their general. Such were the words of the elders ; but Pausanias saw that it would be a difficult matter to conquer the Thebans, flushed as they were with victory, and that the body of Lysander lay near the walls, so that its recovery would be difficult without a truce, even if they were victorious ; he therefore sent a herald, and after making a truce, led his forces back. And as soon as they had come beyond the boundary of Boeotia with Lysander's body, they buried it in the friendly soil of their allies, the Panopeans, where his monument now stands, by the road leading from Delphi to Chaeroneia. Here the army bivouacked ; and it is said that a 1
Cf.
Xen. Hell.
iii.
5,
17-20.
315
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LYSANDER,
xxix. 3-7
certain Phocian, recounting the action to another who was not in it, said that the enemy fell upon them just after Lysander had crossed the Hoplites.
Then a Spartan, who was a friend of Lysander, asked in amazement what he meant by Hoplites, for he did not know the name. " Indeed it was there," said the Phocian, * that the enemy slew the foremost of us for the stream that flows past the city is called Hoplites." On hearing this, the Spartan burst into tears, and said that man could not escape his destiny. For Lysander, as it appears, had received an oracle running thus " Be on thy guard, I bid thee, against a sounding ;
:
—
Hoplites, earth born dragon craftily coming behind thee."
And an
Some, however, say that the Hoplites does not flow before Haliartus, but is a winter torrent near Coroneia, which joins the Philarus and then flows past that city in former times it was called Hoplias, ;
Moreover, the man of Haliartus Lysander, Neochorus by name, had a
but now Isomantus.
who
killed
dragon as emblem on
his shield,
and
to this,
it
was
supposed, the oracle referred. And it is said that the Thebans also, during the Peloponnesian war, received an oracle at the sanctuary of Ismenus which indicated beforehand not only the battle at Delium, 1 but also this battle at Haliartus, thirty years later. It ran as follows :
"When
—
thou huntest the wolf with the spear, watch
closely the border, Orchalides, too, the
hill
which
foxes
never
abandon." 1
424
b.c.
317
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LYSANDER,
xxix. 7-xxx.
4
" by border," the god meant the region about Delium, where Boeotia is conterminous with Attica and by Orchalides, the hill which is now called Alopecus, or Fox-hilly in the parts of Haliartus which stretch towards Mount Helicon. XXX. Now that Lysander had met with such an end, at the outset the Spartans were so indignant about it that they summoned the king to trial for his life but he evaded it, and fled to Tegea, where he spent the rest of his days as a suppliant in the For the poverty of Lysander, sanctuary of Athena. which was discovered at his death, made his excellence more apparent to all, since from the vast wealth and power in his hands, and from the great homage paid him by cities and the Great King, he had not, even in the slightest degree, sought to amass money for the aggrandizement of his family. This is the testimony of Theopompus, who is more to be trusted when he praises than when he blames for he takes more pleasure in blaming than in praising. But after some time had passed, according to Ephorus, some dispute arose at Sparta with her allies, and it became necessary to inspect the writings which for which purpose Lysander had kept by him And when he found Agesilaiis went to his house. the book containing the speech on the constitution, 1 which argued that the kingship ought to be taken from the Eurypontidae and Agiadae and made accessible to all Spartans alike, and that the choice should be made from the best of these, he was eager to produce the speech before his countrymen, and show them what the real character of Lysander's citizenBut Lacratidas, a prudent man, and ship had been.
Now
;
;
;
;
1
Cf. chapter xxv. 1.
319
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LYSANDER,
xxx, 4-5
that time the principal ephor, held Agesilaiis back, saying that they ought not to dig Lysander up again, but rather to bury the speech along with him, since it was composed with such a subtle per-
at
suasiveness.
However, they paid him many honours at his In particular, they imposed a fine upon the men who had engaged to marry his daughters, and then, after Lysander's death, when he was discovered to be poor, had renounced the engagement. The reason given for the fine was that the men had paid court to Lysander while they thought him rich, but when his poverty showed them that he was a just and good man, they forsook him. For there was, as it death.
appears, a penalty at Sparta not only for not marrying at all, and for a late marriage, but also for a bad and to this last they subjected those marriage especially who sought alliance with the rich, instead of with the good and with their own associates. Such, then, are the accounts we have found given of ;
Lysander.
32i
SULLA
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to?
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ev
yap avrw Kal
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7T09,
324
SULLA I. Lucius Cornelius Sulla belonged to a patrician, or noble, family, and one of his ancestors, Rufinus, is said to have been consul, although he was not so conspicuous for this honour as for the dishonour which he incurred. For he was found to be possessed of more than ten pounds of silver plate, contrary to
the law, and was for this reason expelled from the His posterity became at once obscure, and senate. continued so, nor did Sulla himself enjoy a wealthy When he was a youth, he lived in parentage. lodgings, at a low price, and this was afterwards cast in his teeth when men thought him unduly prosFor instance, we are told that when he was perous. putting on boastful airs after his campaign in Libya, a certain nobleman said to him " How canst thou be an honest man, when thy father left thee nothing, " and yet thou art so rich ? For although the Romans of that time no longer retained their ancient purity and uprightness of life, but had degenerated, and yielded to the appetite for luxury and extravagance, they nevertheless held in equal opprobrium those who lost an inherited wealth and those who forsook an ancestral poverty. And afterwards, when he had at last become absolute in power, and was putting many to death, a freedman, who was thought to be concealing one of the proscribed, and was therefore to be thrown down the Tarpeian rock, :
325
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326
SULLA,
i.
4-11. 3
cast it in his teeth that they had long lived together in one lodging house, himself renting the upper rooms at two thousand sesterces, 1 and Sulla the lower rooms at three thousand. The difference in
their
therefore, was only a thousand which are equivalent to two hundred and
fortunes,
sesterces,
Attic drachmas.
fifty
Such, then,
is
we
the account
find of Sulla's earlier fortune. II. His personal appearance, in general, is given by his statues but the gleam of his gray eyes, which was terribly sharp and powerful, was rendered even more fearful by the complexion of his face. This was covered with coarse blotches of red, interspersed with white. For this reason, they say, his surname was given him because of his complexion, and it was in allusion to this that a scurrilous jester at Athens ;
made the " Sulla
Nor
verse is
:
—
a mulberry sprinkled o'er with meal."
out of place to mention such testimonies in the case of a man said to have been by nature so fond of raillery, that when he was still young and obscure he spent much time with actors and buffoons and shared their dissolute life and when he had made himself supreme master, he would daily assemble the most reckless stage and theatre folk to drink and bandy jests with them, although men thought that he disgraced his years, and although he not only dishonoured his high office, but neglected much that required attention. For when Sulla was once at table, he refused to be serious at all, but, is it
;
In Sulla's time the sestertius was a silver coin worth between two and three pence, or about five cents. The Attic drachma was a silver coin worth about eight pence, or twenty 1
cents.
327
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4
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328
SULLA,
ii.
3-111.
2
although at other times he was a man of business and wore an austere look, he underwent a complete change as soon as he betook himself to good-fellowship and drinking, so that comic singers and dancers found him anything but ferocious, and ready to listen and yield to every request. It was this laxity, as it seems, which produced in him a diseased propensity to amorous indulgence and an unrestrained voluptuousness, from which he did not refrain even
but continued his youthful love for 1 He also had the following Metrobius, an actor. He began by loving a common but experience. wealthy woman, Nicopolis by name, and such was the charm of his intimacy and youthful grace that in the end he was beloved by her, and was left her heir when she died. He also inherited the property of his step-mother, who loved him as her own son. By these means he became moderately in his old age,
well
off.
Having been appointed quaestor to Marius in 2 consulship, he sailed with him to Libya, to make war upon Jugurtha. He was put in charge of the camp, and won great credit for himself, especially by improving a favourable opportunity and making a friend of Bocchus, the king of Numidia. For he hospitably entertained ambassadors of the king, who had escaped from Numidian robbers, and sent them on their way with gifts and a safe escort. Now Bocchus had for a long time hated and feared his son-in-law, Jugurtha, who had been defeated and had fled to him for safety, and was then plotting He therefore invited Sulla to come against him. III.
his
1
first
The sense
xxx vi. \Jin.
of the obscure Greek Capps suggests ht ...
.
is
&v.
clear 2
from chapter 107 B.C.
32 9
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /cal fjuevo? i7)V avXXrjyjriv
yeveaOai
rj
Bi
avrov.
irapdBoaiv rov 'JoyopQa
/coivwad/xevos Be
tw Mapiop
Xaftoov ar pandoras oXiyovs 6 %vXXa$ rov fxeyiarov vireBv klvBvvov, on (3ap(3ap(p tcai irpos tovs ol/ceiordrovs drrio~r(p iriarevcras, virep rov /cal
ov firjv 3 rrapaXaftelv erepov eavrov evex^tpio-ev. dXXa 6 Bo/r^o? dp,<porepcov /cvpios yevofievos, koX
Karaarrjaas eavrov eh dvdy/crjv rov irapaarrovBrjoai rov erepov, /cal rroWd BieveyQeXs rfj yvcoprj, reXos e/cvpeoae rr)V irpcorrjv irpoBoaiav /cal rrape6 fiev ovv 6piBco/ce tc3 XvXXa, rov *loy6p0av. rov afiftevcov enl rovrcp Mdpios rjv, rj Be Boga 6 Maplov (f>0ovo$ SvXXa, /caropdoo/jLaros, fjv /cai 4 irpocreriOei, irapeXinrei rov Mdpiov rjcrv^fj. yap avros 6 HvXXas
Xeaev.
eOvo?
rjv
rj
Mapaovs
2 p.dyov<;
33°
Be
eireicre cf)iXov<;
'Pcojjiaioov.
e/c
Be
yeveaOai /cal avfirov Mdpiov ^53
rovrcov
SULLA,
in. 2-iv. 2
to him, wishing to have the seizure and surrender of Jugurtha effected through Sulla rather than through himself. Sulla imparted the matter to Marius, and taking with him a few soldiers, underwent the greatest peril he put faith in a Barbarian, ;
and one who was faithless towards his own relations, and to secure his surrender of another, placed himself in his hands. However, Bocchus, now that he had both in his power, and had laid himself under the necessity of proving false to one or the other, although he vacillated long, finally decided upon his original It betrayal, and handed Jugurtha over to Sulla. is true that the one who celebrated a triumph for this was Marius, but those who envied him attributed the glory of the success to Sulla, and this secretly annoyed Marius. And indeed Sulla himself was naturally vainglorious, and now that he had for the first time emerged from his lowly and obscure condition and become of some account among his countrymen, and was enjoying a taste of honour, he was arrogant enough to have a representation of his exploit engraved on a seal-ring which he wore, and continued to use it ever after. The device was, Bocchus delivering, and Sulla receiving, Jugurtha. IV. Of course this distressed Marius but since he considered Sulla to be beneath his envy, he used him ;
in his campaigns, during his second consulship as legate, or lieutenant, and during his third as military tribune, and through his agency performed many For instance, as legate, Sulla successful services. captured Copillus, chieftain of the Tectosages ; and
tribune, he persuaded the great and populous nation of the Marsi to become friends and allies of But perceiving that Marius was vexed with Rome.
as
33i
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ala66fievo<;
avrco
dyObpuevov
/cal
pirj/circ
dWd
fievov fj&ecos Trpd^ecov dcfyoppbds, rfj av%7]aei, KarA,ft), r
irpoli-
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rov ^Aapiov, eavrov, dvBpl ^prjarcp pev, dp,/3\v7rpoorevei/JL€v ra rrptora real Be Trpbs toi>? dycovas. vcf> ov repco els hvvap.iv dfia Bo^y pueyicrra iricrrevopLevos /cal iroXepuco puev atpel ttoXv p,epo<; rcov iv 3 irpoyei. "A\7reai
fiapftdpwv, eirCkiiTOva^ Be rr)s rrjv eTripieXeiav roaavrrjv dvaBeijdpuevos dyopas eiroir\ae irepiovaiav, ware rcov KdrXov crrparicorcov iv dcj>06voL<; Biayovrcov /cal rol<; Mapiov
rat?
4
ec\> Trpovnapacjy/iv. dviaaai rov Mdpiov.
co rj
auTo? lcr%vpco<; ovv e^Opa ftpayeiav
cfyrjcnv
p,ev
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ardaecov avrj/cearcov
eirl
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drrdvrcov irpaypdrcov, direBei^e rov
JLvpnriBrjv crocpbv dvBpa Ka\ ito\iti/ccov eiricrrr]piova voa-rjpbdrcov, BiatcekevcrdpLevov cpvXdrrecrdai (plXOTLpLLaV ft>9 6Xe6 pLCOrdrrjV /Cal /Ca/CL(TT7)V rots Xpcop,evoi<;. Baipiova c Be %v\\a<; olbpevos avrco rrjv dirb tcov V.
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Brjpiov 7rpaf;iv, eizl en parrjyiav ttoXcti/ctjv drreypd^raro ical BieyjrevcrOrj' rrjv 8* alrlav rols
rrjv
rov
o^Xols dvartdrjat. VtOK'Xpv elBbras rrpb t^9
yap avrovs /cal
ttjv irpbs TrpocrBexopLevovs, el
arparyylas dyopavopLoiTj, Kvvt]ykcna Xapu1
2
332
cprjcrl
In his Memoirs. Phoenissae, 532
Cf. ff.
chapter
vi. 5.
(Kirchhoff).
SULLA, iiim for these successes,
him
iv.
2-v.
i
and that he was no longer
for action, but opposed his advancement, he attached himself to Catulus, the colleague of Marius in the consulship, a worthy man, but too sluggish for arduous contests. By him he was entrusted with the leading and most important enterprises, and rose to power and fame. He not only subdued in war a large part of the Barbarians of the Alps, but when provisions ran low, he undertook the task of furnishing them, and made them so abundant that the soldiers of Catulus lived in plenty, and had some to spare for those of Marius. At this, as Sulla himself says, 1 Marius was greatly So slight and puerile were the first distressed. foundations and occasions of that hatred between them, which afterwards led them through civil bloodshed and irreparable discords to tyranny and the confusion of the whole state. This proved that Euripides was a wise man, and acquainted with the distempers of civil government, when he exhorted men to beware of ambition as a deity most injurious and fatal to its votaries. 2 V. Sulla now thought that the reputation which he had won in war was sufficient to justify political activities, and therefore at once exchanged military service for public life, 3 offered himself as a candidate for the city praetorship, and was defeated. The responsibility for his defeat, however, he lays upon the populace. They knew, he says, about his friendship with Bocchus, and expected that if he should be made aedile before his praetorship, he would treat them to splendid hunting scenes and
glad
give
He returned to 93 b.o.
3
in
to
Rome
opportunities
in 101 B.C.,
and was elected praetor
333
PLUTARCH'S LIVES irpa real Aiftv/ccbv Orjplwv dywvas, erepovs airo-
Bel%ai arparr]
air lav ov% ofioXoycov 6
SvWa?
e\ey)(€adai
roh
eviavrw yap /caroTriv ervye tt)? tov Brj/iov to fiev re Oepaireia, to he
TTpayfiacnv. o-Tparrjyia*;,
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fca\ xprjiiao-i
yovvros
elirovros &)? xprjaerai rfj IBla 7rpo? avrbv eijovala, " ttiv yeXdaas 6 Kaicrap, "'Op#c5?," ecfyrj, dpxn v
IBlav vofil^eis' e%e£? yap avrrjv irpidpLevos" MeTa Be T7)v o~i parriylav eh Tyv K.air7raBofccav
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ahiav
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Bvvaynv ov ttoWtjv
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etceivu)
Beofjuevovs
Bca
334
TldpOovs
Xoycov
yevecrOai,
to irpd)T(p
avp,pua'\ia^ /cal fyiXia?
ekOelv.
ore
Kal Xeyerai
SULLA,
v.
1-4
combats of Libyan wild beasts, and therefore appointed others to the praetorship, in order to force him into the aedileship. But subsequent events would seem to show that Sulla does not For in the confess the real reason for his failure. following year he obtained the praetorship, partly because he was subservient to the people, and partly because he used money to win their support. And so it happened that, during his praetorship, when he l that he would use his own angrily told Caesar authority against him, Caesar laughed and said " You do well to consider the office your own, for :
you bought
it."
After his praetorship, he was sent out to Cappadocia, ostensibly to reinstate Ariobarzanes, but really to check the restless activities of Mithridates,
who was adding to his dominion and power fully as much as he had inherited. Accordingly, he took out with him no large force of his own, but made use of the
allies,
whom
after slaying
he found eager to serve him, and
many
of the Cappadocians themselves,
and yet more of the Armenians who came to their aid, he drove out Gordius, and made Ariobarzanes king again. As he lingered on the banks of the Euphrates, he received a visit from Orobazus, a Parthian, who came as an ambassador from king Arsaces, although up to this time the two nations had held no intercourse with one another. This also is thought to have been part of Sulla's great good fortune, that he should be the first Roman with whom the Parthians held conference 1
when they wanted
Not the
dictator,
alliance
and friendship
who was only seven years
old at this
time.
335
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Tpels Bicppovs TrpoOejJLevos, rbv p,ev 'Apioftap^dvy, rbv Be '0/3o/3a£Vi), rbv Be avra>, fiecros dp,<potv 5 /caOe^ofievos xpTjfiari^eiv.
6
rcov
ifi
o5
rbv
fiev 'O/oo-
direvcrrepov fcreLve, rbv Be XvWav oi fiev ewyvecrav evrpvfyrjaavra rots ftapftdpois, oi Be &>?
f3a£ov
fjTiaaavTO rt? dvrjp
6 to?
rat?
ftacrtXev?
kcli dtcaipcos (frikoTLpLov. iaropetrai Be rcov /nerd 'Opoftd&v KarafBe^rfKorcov,
XaXSato?, teal
TldpOcov
€t?
XvWa
to rov
tcivrjaecri, t?)?
Trpoacowov dinBcov re Biavoias koX rov acopua-
ov 7rapepyo)s einarrjaa^, dXka 7rpo? viroOecreis
re-)(y7]<;
rrjv
t
eTno-fcetyd/jLevos,
dvayxatov etr) rovrov rbv dvBpa pLeyicrtov yeveadat, Oav/xd^eiv Be /cal vvv 7rco<; dveyerai wv a7T dvi cov dv ay
'.
pLTTL^ero kclivtjv viroOecnv Xaftovcra rrjv Boa:%ou
koX rep
1
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ev
YLainrtoXico
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iroXe/xo^ iraXai rvepo-
1 1 cltcSvas Coraes, Sintenis , and Bekker, with the MSS. Sintenis 2 adopts Cobet's correction to Nf/caj ( Victories), to
agree with Marius, xxxii. 2.
336
SULLA,
On
v.
4-V1. 2
is said that he ordered three one for Ariobarzanes, one for Orobazus, and one for himself, and that he sat between them both and gave them audience. For this the king of Parthia afterwards put Orobazus to death and while some people commended Sulla for the airs which he assumed with the Barbarians, others accused him of vulgarity and ill-timed arro-
this occasion, too, it
chairs
to
be
set,
;
It is also recorded that a certain man in the gance. retinue of Orobazus, a Chaldaean, after looking Sulla intently in the face, and studying carefully the movements of his mind and body, and investigating his nature according to the principles of his peculiar art, declared that this man must of necessity become the greatest in the world, and that even now the wonder was that he consented not to be first of all men. When Sulla came back to Rome, however, Censorinus brought suit against him for bribery, alleging that he had collected large sums of money Howillegally from a friendly and allied kingdom. ever, Censorinus did not put in an appearance at the trial,
but dropped his impeachment.
VI. Moreover, Sulla's quarrel with Marius broke out afresh on being supplied with fresh material by the ambition of Bocchus, who, desiring to please the people at Rome, and at the same time to gratify Sulla, dedicated on the Capitol some images bearing trophies, and beside them gilded figures representing Jugurtha being surrendered by Bocchus to Sulla.
Thereupon Marius was very angry, and tiied to have the figures taken down, but others were minded to aid Sulla in opposing this, and the city was all but in flames with their dispute, 1
90-89
when the
Social war, 1
B.C., following the revolt of Rome's Italian
allies.
337
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /ji€vo
eVt
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rore t))v araaiv iroL/ciXwraTW
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Be irapa Tot? <£t\ot?, 3 Tot? e%#oot?.
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0?,
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irore 7r/?o? top Bfjpbov, eiravrj/ccdv i/c crrpaTeias 1 Vc £ vai Bo/covcrr)?, "'AXXa ravrrjf; ye
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ov puovov
rjBeeo? Trpoaiepievos /cal
pboviapov avveTTiOeid^cov
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dXXa
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tt)?
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338
SULLA,
vi.
2-5
which had long been smouldering, blazed up against the city and put a stop for the time being to the In this war, which proved of the greatest quarrel. moment and most varied fortunes, and brought innumerable mischiefs and the gravest perils upon the Romans, Marius was unable to render any great service, and proved that military excellence requires a man's highest strength and vigour. Sulla, on the other hand, did much that was memorable, and achieved the reputation of a great leader among his fellow-citizens, that of the greatest of leaders among his friends, and that of the most fortunate even among his enemies. But he did not feel about this as Timotheus the son of Conon did, who, when his adversaries ascribed his successes to Fortune, and had him represented in a painting as lying asleep, while Fortune cast her net about the cities, was rudely angry with those who had done this, because, as he thought, they were robbing him of the glory due to his exploits, and said to the people once, on returning from a campaign in which he was thought to have been successful: u In this campaign, at least, men of Athens, Fortune has no share." Upon Timotheus, then, who had shown himself so covetous of honour, the deity is said to have requited his youthful petulance, so that from that time on he did nothing brilliant, but miscarried in all his undertakings, gave offence to the people, and was finally banished the city ; whereas Sulla not only accepted with pleasure such felicitations and admiration, but actually joined in magnifying the aid of Heaven in what he did, and gave the credit of it to Fortune, either out of boastfulness, or because he had such a belief in the divine agency. For in his Memoirs he writes
339
PLUTARCH'S LIVES on t&v
avrw fteftovXevcrOai dXXa 7roo9 Kaipbv aTTOToXfiGOfievcu TTpa^eis eiwrTOV eh dfieivov. ert be zeal Si oov fyrjai tt/)09 tuxv v 6V irefyvicevai fiaX-
yey pa
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fir)
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t%
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6
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fir)Bev ovtcds
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avrov fxera
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av avTw
o ti
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eh tov
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yeveadai Aaftepirjv etc Be tovtov irvp dvafiXvaai iroXv koX (f>Xoya Xafiirpav aTrjpiaai 77-009 tov elirelv Br) koX tovs fidvT€i<; o>? dvrjp 7 ovpavov. dyaOos o\jrei Sidcpopos koX irepiTTos dptja? diraXXd^ei Trj iroXei Ta/?a%a? Ta? irapovaas. tovtov iroXefiov IcTTOpei
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ovv irepl
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Be
dXXov
TpoTrov
dvd>/jiaX6<;
tis
eonce
yeyovevai zeal Bid
340
ecf}v/3piaai t
Oepaireveiv
cov
SeoiTO,
SULLA,
vi.
5-7
that, of the undertakings which men thought welladvised, those upon which he had boldly ventured, not after deliberation, but on the spur of the moment, turned out for the better. And further, from what he says about his being well endowed by nature for Fortune rather than for war, he seems to attribute more to Fortune than to his own excellence, and to make himself entirely the creature of this
since he accounts even his concord with Metellus, a man his equal in rank, and a relative by marriage, a piece of divine felicity ; for whereas he expected much annoyance from him as a colleague deity,
And still office, he found him most obliging. further, in the dedication of his Memoirs to Lucullus, he advises him to deem nothing so secure as what in
the divine power enjoins upon him in his dreams. And he relates that when he was dispatched with an army to the Social war, a great chasm in the earth opened near Laverna, from which a great quantity of fire burst forth and a bright flame towered up towards the heavens whereupon the soothsayers declared that a brave man, of rare courage and surpassing appearance, was to take the government in hand and free And Sulla says the city from its present troubles. that he himself was this man, for his golden head of ;
hair gave him a singular appearance, and as for bravery, he was not ashamed to testify in his own behalf, after such great and noble deeds as he had performed. So much, then, regarding his attitude towards the divine powers. In other respects he seems to have been of very uneven character, and at variance with himself; he
robbed much, but gave more bestowed his honours unexpectedly, as unexpectedly his insults fawned on ;
;
vol.
iv.
M
341
PLUTARCH'S LIVES OpviTTeadat irpos tovs BeopLevovs, Sare dyvoelcrOai irorepov VTrepoTrrrjs (f>vaei puaXXov rj KoXag yeyove. 8 rr)P fJL€V yap iv rais Tificoplais avco/xaXiav, cf
tm Gvy^iiayiKw o-TpaTTjyi/cbv
TOiv
iroXepuw
dvBpa
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Trpeo-fievTijv,
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Bid
tovto XprjcroLTO
Ico/mevois
yQr\vai arparrjybs iirl ^AiOpiBdrriv, eOepdweve ttjv v<^ eavTw arpandv. Kat irapeXOwv eh ttjv ttoXlv viraros puev diro10 Bel/cvvraL
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iroXXol
rjyovpuevoi, rrjs 1 2
342
Kotvrov
yapuel Be
yvvaiKos bv dfyov viraTeias eKpivav,
In 88 b.c. In the seventy-seventh, one of the lost books.
SULLA,
vi.
7-10
those he needed, but gave himself airs towards those so that one cannot tell whether he was more inclined by nature to disdain or flattery. For as regards the irregularity of his punishments, cudgelling to death as he did on any chance grounds,
who needed him
;
and again gently submitting to the greatest wrongs readily open to reconciliation after the most irreparable injuries, but visiting small and insignificant offences with death and confiscation of goods here one might decide that he was naturally of a stern and revengeful temper, but relaxed his severity out ;
;
of calculating regard for his interests. In this very Social war, for example, when his soldiers with clubs and stones did to death a legate, a man of praetorian dignity, Albinus by name, he passed over without punishment this flagrant crime, and solemnly sent the word about that he would find his men more ready and willing for the war on account of this transgression, since they
would try to atone
for
it
by their bravery.
who censured the crime he paid no heed, but purposing already to put down the power of Marius and, now that the Social war was thought
To
those
an end, to get himself appointed general Mithridates, he treated the soldiers under him with deference. When he returned to the city, he was appointed consul with Quintus Pompeius, 1 in the fiftieth year of his age, and made a most illustrious marriage with Caecilia, the daughter of Metellus, the Pontifex Maximus. On the theme of this marriage many verses were sung in ridicule of him by the common people, and many of the leading men were indignant to be at
against
at
it,
deeming him,
as
Livy says,
2
unworthy of the
woman although they had judged him worthy
of the
343
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 11
w?
dXXa rrjv
6 Tito?,
irpdyrrjv p,ev
jjbovqv Be
ravT7}v
eyrjpiev,
fieipaiciov o)V '\Xiav eo-%6
Ovydrpiov avrw
Kal
reKovaav, elra puer KXoiXiav, t)v dTreireparelpav evripuws Kal pier evcftrjpLt'as
AlXiav
eKeivrjv
ov
en
yjraTO fiev &>?
rpirrjv Be
Kal
Bcopa irpooQeis, oXiyais Be varepov rjpLepacs dyaybpevos rrjv MereXXav eBoge Bid rovro rrjv 12
KXoiXtav ov KaXoos alridaaaOaL.
MereXXav
puevroi
rrjv
iv irdcn depairevwv BiereXecrev,
ware
(
Kal rbv
Pa)p,aia)v Brjp,ov, ore rovs irepl
(pvydBa? eireOvp^ei
Karayayelv,
Mdpiov
dpvovpbivov
XvXXa,
Beopuevov eiTil3or}aaa6aL rrjv eBoKei Be Kal rots ^AO^vaiocs eXcov rb
rov
MereXXav. darv rrpoa-
rpaxvrepov, ore rrjv MereXXav dirb Tet%ou9 yecfrvpi&vres eXoiBoprjaav. dXXa ravra pev varepov, VII. Tore Be ttjv birarelav 777309 ra pbeXXovra
eve)(6rivaL
rod
puiKpbv
r)jovp,evo<;,
McOpiBariKOV
errrorjro rfj
iroXep^ov.
yvcopurj
dvravlcrraro
irpbs rov Be avra)
virb Bo%opavla<; Kal (juXort pitas, dyrjpdrcov iraOwv, dvr)p tg> re aoopLari /3apv<; Kal rats
Mdpios
htayyps 2 Kal
arpareiais Bid yrjpas eKBijpwv teal rov rroXepicov etyiepLevo*;.
direiprjKcos
BiaTTOvrtfov
^vXXa
7T/0O?
Ta? ijnXiTreis irpd^ei^
6ppL?)cravro<;
eh rb arparbireBov, avrbs oiKOvpwv ereKratvero rrjv oXeOptcordrrjv CKeiVijv Kal oca avpLiravres oi rroXepioi puevrjv pirjve.
344
rrjv
ardaiv,
ovk effXayjrav direpyaaaKal rb Baipuoviov avrols rrpoearj-
^Pcopurjv a>9
rrvp puev
yap avropuarov €K
rebv
ra arjpela
SULLA,
vi.
ii-vii. 2
And this was not the only woman married, but first, when he was still a stripling, he took Ilia to wife, and she bore him a daughter then Aelia, after her and thirdly, Cloelia, whom lie divorced for barrenness, honourably, and with words of praise, to which he added gifts. But since he married Metella only a few days afterwards, he was thought to have accused Cloelia unfairly. To Metella, however, he always showed great deference in all things, so that the Roman people, when it longed for the restoration of the exiled partisans of Marius, and Sulla refused it, in its need called upon Metella for aid. It was thought also that when he took the city of Athens, he treated its people more harshly because they had But this scurrilously abused Metella from the walls. consulship.
whom he
;
was
;
later. 1
At the time of which I speak, deeming the consulship a slight matter in comparison with things to come, his thoughts soared to the Mithridatic war. But here he found a rival in Marius, who was possessed by ambition and a mad desire for fame, those never ageing passions. He was now unwieldy in body, and in the recent campaigns had given up service on account of his age, and yet set his heart upon foreign wars beyond the seas. And when Sulla had set out for his camp on unfinished business, 2 he himself kept at home and contrived that most VII.
which wrought Rome more harm than her wars together had done, as indeed the heavenly
fatal sedition, all
powers foreshowed to them. For fire broke forth its own accord from the staves which supported
of
1
Cf.
2
Sulla
chapter xiii. 1. was occupied with the siege of Nola, in Campania.
345
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Sopdrcov v7ro(f)€p6vT(ov dveXa/juyfre /cal /caTea/3eo-0r) /copa/ces Be rpecs tovs veocrcrovs els ttjv 6Bbv it poayayovres /carecfrayov, rd Be Xelyjrava iraXiv els rrjv veoaaidv dvrjvey/cav. /ecu fivoov Be
fioXis, 3
ev lepw
dva/ceL/nevov Biafyayovrcov fxiav ol ^d/copot Trdyrj drjXeiav XajuLfidvovaiv, r) Be ev avrfj rd rpla. to rfj Trdyrj re/covaa irevre KaravaXwae
xpvabv
rravTcov fieyiarov, ef dvecj>eXov /cal
Be
Biaidpov adXTTiyyos 6£vv dprjvooBr) cf)6oyyov, ware irdvras e/ccppovas yevecrOai /cal fcaTcnrTrjgcu Bid to /xeye-
rov irepie^ovTOS aTToreivovaa /cal
rj^rjae
(pcovrj
6os> Tvpprjvobv Be ol Xoytot, fieraftoXrjv erepov yevovs direfyaivovTO /cal fiera/coo-jjurjo-iv diroo"t)p,all 4 veiv to repas. elvai pbev yap 6/ctgd rd avpnravTa yevrj, Biacpepovra to?? /3lois ical tols rjOeaiv dXXr]Xcov, e/cdaTw Be d(pa)piaOai xpovcov dpiOpubv virb
6eov avfjarepaivofievov eviavrov fieydXov orav avrrj axf) reXos, erepas /cal irepioBw. /civelaOal ri crr]/ue?ov etc 7*79 rj iv terra /jLevrjs oupavov Oavfidaiov, cos BrjXov elvai rots 7re(ppov-
rov
TLfcoai
rd ToiavTct /cal /jLep,adr}fc6criv evdvs on /cal aXXois /cal /3lois avQpwiroi ^pcojxevoi
rpoirois
yeyovaai,
6eols
/cal
tjttov
r)
fidXXov rcov irpo-
rd re yap aXXa
(fraalv ev rfj fieXovres. rcov yevcov dpbei^rei XapbtBdvetv pueydXas /caivoroirore /lev av^eaOai rfj /ulas, /cal rrjv p-avn/crjv
5 repcov
n/ifj
koX
Kadapd
/cararvyxdveiv
/cal cjyavepd crrj/jieia
rals
8'
avroo")(eBiov
ovaav rd vroXXa
/cal
oktu before this word Sintenis 2 reads
Suidas.
346
irpoTrefi-
ev erepoj yevei Taireivd Trpdrreiv,
ttovtos, avOis
1
irpoayopevaeai,
rod Baipuoviov Bi
djivBptov
av9p<x>ira>v,
after
SULLA,
vii.
2-5
the ensigns, and was with difficulty extinguished and three ravens brought their young forth into the street and devoured them, and then carried the remains back again into their nest and after mice had gnawed consecrated gold in a temple, the keepers caught one of them, a female, in a trap, and in the very trap she brought forth five young But most imones, and ate up three of them. portant of all, out of a cloudless and clear air there ;
;
rang out the voice of a trumpet, prolonging a shrill dismal note, so that all were amazed and terrified at its loudness. The Tuscan wise men declared that the prodigy foretokened a change of conditions and the advent of a new age. For according to them there are eight ages in all, differing from one another in the lives and customs of men, and to each of these God has appointed a definite number of times and seasons, which is And completed by the circuit of a great year. whenever this circuit has run out, and another begins, some wonderful sign is sent from earth or heaven, so that it is at once clear to those who have studied such subjects and are versed in them, that men of other habits and modes of life have come into the world, who are either more or less of concern to the gods than their predecessors
and
were.
All things, they say, undergo great changes, one age succeeds another, and especially the art of divination at one period it rises in esteem and is successful in its predictions, because manifest and genuine signs are sent forth from the Deity and again, in another age, it is in small repute, being off-hand, for the most part, and seeking to grasp
as
;
;
347
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Kal o~Koreivcov opydvcov rod pueXXovros dirropievyv. ravra fiev ovv oi Xoyicoraroi Tvpprjvwv Kal irXeov 6 ri twv aXXcov elhevai hoKovvres epLv0oX6yovv. t»} he (TvyicXrjTOV rot? pbdvreat irepl rovrcov o-^oXa£ovo-r)<; Kal Ka6rjp,evr)^ ev tw vacp tt)? 'Ez^ou?, elcreirrri irdvrcov opcovrcov rerrtya (TTOfiari, real to puev eK^aXcov pLepo?
crrpovOos
(pepwv
ra>
avrov
TO he e%WV drrrjXOeV. V(f>€(0p6t)VTO hrj ardatv ol reparoaKorrot Kal hiacpopav roiv kttjfiaTifcwv TTpbs rov dartKov o^Xov Kal dyopacov rfxDvdevTa yap rovrov elvai KaOdrrep Terrtya, KaT6XL7T€,
rovs he 'xwpira? dpovpaiovs. VIII. Mdpios hrj irpoo~Xap$dvei ht]p,apyovvra ^ovXttlklov, dvOpwrrov ovhevbs hevrepov ev rats aicpais Ka/CLats, ware pbrj tjqrelv rivos early erepov p,oyQr\pbrepos, dXXd 7T/50? ri pLO^Or^poraro^ eavrov. Kal yap oj/xot?7? Kal roXjia Kal nrXeove^ia irepl avrov rjv air epia Kerr ro<$ alo~Xpov Kal rravrbs KaKov, o? 76 rrjv 'PoypLaCwv iroXireiav e^eXev-
OepiKol? Kal pLeroiKOK; 2 ripLrjV Bid rparre'Qr]^ ev
wwXwv dyopa
dva(f>avhbv r)pL0p,ei
Keip,evr).
erpetye
he.
rpicrxiXiovs pLaxaipocfropovs, Kal 7rXf}0o<; linnKOiv veaviaKcov 7T/30? array eroipucov rrepi avrov eiyev,
ou? dvrio-vyKXr)TOV aiv6p.a%e. vopiov he Kvpcoaas avyKXrjriKov pajheva virep oW^tAia? Spa^a? ocfrelXeiv, at»To? direXnre puerd rrjv reXevrrjv 6
1
The Greek
to be corrupt.
348
of this sentence is acknowledged The translation follows Coraes.
by
all editors
SULLA,
vn. 5-viii. 2
the future by means of faint and blind senses. Such, at any rate, was the tale told by the wisest of the Tuscans, who were thought to know much more about it than the rest. Moreover, while the senate was busied with the soothsayers about these prodigies, and holding its session in the temple of Bellona, a sparrow came flying in, before the eyes of all, with a grasshopper in its mouth, a part of
which
it
threw down and
away with the other
left there,
part.
From
and then went
this the diviners
a quarrelsome dissension between the landed proprietors and the populace of the city and forum for the latter is vociferous like a grasshopper, while the former haunt the fields (like the
apprehended ;
1
sparrow). VIII. Marius now made alliance with Sulpicius who was a tribune of the people, a man second to none in prime villainies, so that the question was
whom else he surpassed in wickedness, but in what he surpassed his own wickedness. For the combination of cruelty, effrontery, and rapacity in him was regardless of shame and of all evil, since he sold the Roman citizenship to freedmen and aliens at public sale, and counted out the price on a money-table which stood in the forum. Moreover, he maintained three thousand swordsmen, and had about him a body of young men of the equestrian order who were ready for everything, and whom he called his anti-senate. Further, though he got a law passed that no senator should incur a debt of more than two thousand drachmas, he himself left behind him after death a debt of This man was now let loose upon three millions. the people by Marius, and after confounding all not
349
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ra TTpdyfiara ftia /cal aiBrjpay, vofiovs eypacpev dXXovs re fjio')(dripov
MiOptSarifcov TToXifiov TTjv rjye/ioviav. airpa^ia^ Bid ravra tcov vttcltcov '^rrj^taafievoov, eVayaycov avToh e/cKXrjcrid^ovo-t irepl tov vecov twv AiocrKovpcov o%Xov dXXov<; re 7roWov<; /cal TO UofL7rr}tov tov viraTOV fietpaKiov eirl t^? ayopas dvelXev avrbs Be Yiofjurrjio^ XaOaiV ei;€
irpoeXOwv t<x? dirpa^ia^Xvaai' icai Bid 1 envapyovTa iravaa^ 6 %ovXttitov XvXXa ttjv viraTeiav, dXXd a(j)ei\eTO
4 r]vayKa(jQr\
tovto rbv kios ov/c tt]V
eirl
Ylofjuir^iov
M.Ldpi$a,Tr]v teal
fieTrjvey/ce'
NwXav
GTpaTeiav jxovov eh Mdpiov
ire*pur ei
7rapa\7)yjrofxevov<;
tov Widpiov d^ovTa^. IX. <&6ao-avTO$ Be tov crTpaToireBov,
/cal
eh
ev8v<;
y^iXidpy^ov^
to crTpaTevfia
/cal
Si/Wa
eh to eirvdovTO
7ry909
Biacpvyeiv
t&v aTpaTiwTcov,
o!)9
TavTa, /caTaXevadvTWV tovs ^iXidpyjov;, ol irepl tov MdpLov avOis iv ttj iroXei tou? XvXXa (friXovs dvrjpovv
xptffiaTa Bi^pira^ov clvtcov.
/cal
rjaav Be
jjbeTao'Tdo'eLS /cal (pvyai, twv fiev eh ttoXlv dirb 0~TpCLTOTTeBoV, TCOV B' €K€L0~e BlO,(f)OlT(OVTCOV €K T?)?
2 7ro\€ft>9.
7)
Be crvy/cXrjTOs rjv fiev ov% avTrjs, dXXa /cal ^LovXttl/clov Bicp/cetTO irpocrTdy-
Toh Mapiov
Be tov XvXXav eirl ttjv ttoXlv 457 eXavveiv eirep^re Bvo tcov aTpaTrjycov, Bpovrov /cal XepovtXiov, dirayopevaovTa^ avTco flaBifciv. tovtovs OpaavTepov ZvXXa BiaXey^devTa^ copdveXelv ol CTpaTicoTai, to? Be pdftBovs /jLrjcrav fiev fiaat, TrvOofievr)
1
35°
navtras Coraes
and Bekker,
after
Muretus
:
ttoi-i\oas.
SULLA,
vin. 2-ix. 2
things by force and the sword, he proposed certain vicious laws, and particularly one offering to Marius the command in the Mithridatic war. To prevent voting on these, the consuls decreed suspension of public business, whereupon Sulpicius led a mob against them, as they were holding an assembly near the temple of Castor and Pollux, and, amongst many others, slew also the young son of Pompeius but Pompeius himself the consul in the forum made his escape unnoticed. Sulla, however, after having been pursued into the house of Marius, was forced to come forth and rescind the decree for and it was because suspension of public business he did this that Sulpicius, although he deposed ;
;
\
y A I
'
from Pompeius, jdid-jao4Cta1ce^ih'e~lroi^^ merely tansferred the expedition against Mithridates to the command of Marius. He also sent military tribunes at once to Nola, who were to take over the army there and conduct it to Sulla, but
Marius. IX. But Sulla succeeded in
making his escape and reaching the camp first, and his soldiers, when they learned what had happened, stoned the tribunes to death ; in return for which, Marius and his partisans in the city went to slaying the friends of Sulla and plundering their property. Then there were removals and flights, some passing continually from camp to city, and others from city to camp. The senate was not its own master, but was governed by the dictates of Marius and Sulpicius, and when it learned that Sulla was marching against the city, it sent two of the praetors, Brutus and Servilius, to forbid his advance. These men addressed Sulla with too much boldness, whereupon his soldiers 35 »
PLUTARCH'S LIVES KaretcXaaav 7ro\Xa
teal
Ta? Trepnropfyvpovs a^etXovTo avro7repiv/3pi(TfJLivov$ direire^av, teal
Oev re Beivrjv
tcarrjcfreiav, opcofievov?
rwv arparrj-
epr)p>ov<$, teal rrjv
ardenv ovteen
yitcwv 7rapa
a\\' ovv
teadeterijv,
Ot
3
fiev
dvrjteeo-rov irepl
tov
aTrayyeWovras.
Mdpiov
ev Trapaateevals
XvWas
rjaav aycov e£ rdy/mara reXeia fiera tov
tt)V
ttoKlVj evBoid^cov Be
teal BeBoctecos
tov teivBvvov.
rfj
eavrq>
irap
yvcofirj
6 Be p,dvTi
Uoarov
Ovaavros avrov tearajmadebv ra o~r)p.e2a, teai ra? %efy)a? dp,(f)OTepa<; tu> 1,vX\a irpOTecvas, rj^iov /jlios
l T^? BeOrjvai teal (pyXdrrecrOac A^X 7??* ®*» eL teal Trdvra tea\a)S o-vvreXeaOeur], avrcp pur) Tayy
^XP
4 tt)v io-^drrjv Bu/erjv viroayelv /3ov\6p,evos.
rai Be r\vai
teal
debv
Kara tou? fjv
vttvovs
avrw
\eye-
HvWa
epav-
Tipcoai ^Pcofiatot, irapa K.a7T7raBoK(bv
fiadovres, etre
Br)
XeXtjvrjv
ovaav
etre ^AOrjvdv etre
SuXXa? eBogev eirLo-racrav iy^etpL-. arai tcepavvbv avra), teal rebv eyOpwv eteao-Tov bvop,d£ovaav rebv eteeuvov ftdWetv teeXevaai, tou? Be
'Fivvco. ravrrjv 6
]
Triirreiv {3aXXop,evov<; teal dfyavl^eaO ai.
Oapo-rjaas y
t<w rfi oyjrei teal cf>pdaa<;
Be
avvdp%ovTi
p,e@ r)p,epav
r
eirl tt)V
Kal
6
1
Fa)/j,7jv rjyeiro.
avra> Trepl Uitcra
Trpeo-fteias evrvxovaris
Plutarch must mean the "Great Mother," Cybele.
Themistocles, xxx.
35 2
1.
Cf.
SULLA,
ix.
2-5
would have gladly torn them to pieces, but contented themselves with breaking their fasces, stripping them of their senatorial togas, insulting them in many ways, and then sending them back to the city. a terrible dejection was produced by the mere jHere 'eight of them, stripped of their praetorial insignia, land by their announcement that the sedition could Ino longer be checked, but must run its course. Marius and his partisans, then, busied themselves with preparations while Sulla, at the head of six full legions, moved with his colleague from Nola, his army, as he saw, being eager to march at once against the city, although he himself wavered in his own mind, and feared the danger. But after he had offered a sacrifice, Postumius the soothsayer learned what the omens were, and stretching out both hands to Sulla, begged that he might be bound and kept a prisoner until the battle, assuring him that he was willing to undergo the extremest penalty if all things did not speedily come to a good issue for him. It is said, also, that to Sulla himself there appeared in his dreams a goddess whom the Romans learned to 1 worship from the Cappadocians, whether she is or or Bellona. This goddess, as Minerva, Luna, ;
Sulla fancied, stood by his side and put into his hand a thunder-bolt, and naming his enemies one by one, bade him smite them with it and they were all ;
smitten, and
and vanished away.
Encouraged by the vision, he told it to his colleague, and at break of day led on towards Rome. When he had reached Pictae, 2 he was met by a 2
fell,
A
place of public entertainment a few miles south of The name has been substituted for (Strabo, v. 3, 9). the Picinae of the best MS., about which nothing is known.
Rome
353
PLUTARCH'S LIVES koI Beopevrjs
fir)
yap eaeaOat rd
fiaBi^eiv evOvs ef i(f)68ov, iravra Bi/caia T779 ftovkr)s "^rif]c\>iaafievr)^,
copLoXby^cre
pev avrov Karacrr paroireBevcreLv
Biafierpetv
e/ceXeve
%cbpa<;,
cotrirep
elcoOei,
/ecu
tw
arparoireBcp robs r)yepbva^ coare tou? 7rpecr/3e£9 aireXdelv mar eva avras' e/ceivcov Be aireXOovrcov evOvs i/crre floras Aev/ciov H$do~CXXov Kal Ydlov M.6/jLpLiov KaraXa/Jbftdvei rr)v iTvXr)v Be avrcov /ecu rd reixv tcl irepl rbv Xbtf>ov rbv Ala/cvXtvov elr rcov Be irepl rbv 6 avrbs arrdar) tnrovBf) avvrjirre. RdcriXXov eh ri]v rrbXtv epurecrovrcov Kal Kparovvt
TCOVy 6 7ro\u9 /cat clvottXos Brjpios airb rcov reycov
/cepafMp /cal \16cp fidXXovres erreaypv avrovs rov iv irpbcrco xcopeiv /cal avvecrreCXav eh to ret^o9.
rovrco Be 6 XvX\a
rjBrj, /cal
ctvvlBcov rb
yivbfievov i{36a ra? olteias vfydirreiv, ical Xaflcov
BaBa Kaiopevriv eyoapei
rrpcoro<s
avros,
ical
robs
ro^oras i/ceXeve XprjcrOai roh rrvpoftoXois dvco rcov areyaapidrcov icpLefievovs, /car ovBeva Xoyiapov, 7
dXX
epiraOr)^ cbv ical rco dvpco irapaBeBcoKcos rr)v rcov rrpacraopevcov rjyepboviav, 09 ye tovs e%#/?ot>9 pubvov ecopa, cpiXovs Be /cal trvyyeveh /cal ol/ceious
eh ovBeva Xoyov TTVpQS,
CO
TCOV
Oepuevo? ovb^ 61/crov Karrjei Bid aiTLCOV Kal pr) BtdyVCOCTL^ OV/C Y)V.
Mdptos e^coaOeh Trpbs to Bid Kr)pvyparo<; err eXevetcdXei rr)<; Yr)<; lepbv Oeplq to ol/ceTifcov eireXObvrcov Be tcov iroXepLLcov rovrcov Be yivopevcov
KparrjOeh e^eirece
rr)<;
TroXecos.
X. ^ZvWas Be rftv (3ov\r)v awayaycov /carayjn]re Maplov Kal bXiycov cj)l^erac Qdvarov avrov
354
SULLA,
ix.
5-x.
i
city, which begged him not advance to an immediate attack, since the senate had voted that he should have all his rights he therefore agreed to encamp there, and ordered his officers to measure out the ground, as was usual, for the camp, so that the deputation returned to the But no sooner city believing that he would do so. were they gone than he sent forward Lucius
deputation from the
to
;
Basillus
and Caius Mummius, who seized for him the and the walls on the Esquiline hill then
city-gate
;
he himself followed hard after them with all speed. Basillus and his men burst into the city and were forcing their way along, when the unarmed multitude pelted them with stones and tiles from the roofs of houses, stopped their further progress, and crowded them back to the wall. But by this time Sulla was at hand, and seeing what was going on, shouted orders to set fire to the houses, and seizing a blazing torch, led the way himself, and ordered his archers to use their fire-bolts and shoot them up This he did not from any calm calcuat the roofs. lation, but in a passion, and having surrendered to his anger the command over his actions, since he thought only of his enemies, and without any regard or even pity for friends and kindred and relations, made his entry by the aid of fire, which made no distinction between the guilty and the innocent. Meanwhile Marius, who had been driven back to the
the
temple of Tellus, made a proclamation calling the slaves to his support under promise of freedom but the enemy coming on, he was overpowered and fled from the city. X. Sulla now called together the senate, and had sentence of death passed on Marius himself and a ;
355
PLUTARCH'S LIVES aXXcov, ev
oh
^ovXiritcLos
6
tjv
dXXd
B-qpapypf;.
^ovXttlklo^ fxev a7T6
dpyvpiov, ovtc 76 puKpbv efiirpoaOev viroyeipiov eh tt)v qIkiclv Bovs iavrbv 2 dacf)aXco<; d
evyvcofiovcos
XvXXav,
8'
Mapico
Kprj/jLvtae,
aXV
eTreierjpv^ev to
ttoXltikcos,
diroOavelv virb ^ovXttuciov irpoe-
fiev(p, 7rdvrcov Kparetv virrjp-yev,
aaro'
teal
p<e&
irapaaycov
]£yWa? 3
r)p>epa
oXiyas
ovk erv)(e tcov
J
o/xco? ifai-
rrjv avrrjv Xaftrjv
ofiolcov.
oU
i<j>
tt)v fiev avyfcXrjrov dBrjXcos r/viacrev
irapd rod
Brf/xov
cpavepd 81
epycov aTrrjvra.
dBeXcfuBovv
ovras
dX\
avrov
/cal
Bvcrpueveca
teal
vepecris
Ncbviov
Xepovrjiov
fiev
rj
Be
avrfo
ye rbv 458
dp%d<;
p,eiL-
dTro-ylnj^iad/Jbevoi teal KaOvftpicravTes erepovs
Kariarrjo-av dpyovTa<$ y ovs fidXtaTa TipcbvTe<s 6 Be tovtols re irpocrecIovto Xviretv eKelvov. 7roieLTO yaipeiv, &>?
rov
Brjp,ov
tw
iroielv a /3ov-
Xoiro BS avrbv diroXavovTOS t^? eXevOepias, teal Oepairevcov to tcov ttoXXcov puaos vrraTOV tcaTeo~T7)aev
4 Tot?
dirb
tt}?
evavTias
aTaaeco^
AevKiov
teal
opteois teaTaXa/3cov evvoycreiv dpah eavTOv irpdypiacnv. 6 Be dvaflds eh to
JLivvav,
ILairiTcoXiov eycov ev Tjj %e^/H "X^ov cofivvev, elTa eirapacrdpevos eavTco pLi] cpvXaTTOVTC tt]v 77730? e/celvov evvoiav efcirecreZv tt}$ 7roA.ea)9, toenrep XWos Bid Tr} %etp6<;, /caTe/3a\e yapd^e tov XiOov
ovk oXiycov irapovTcov, 35 6
irapaXaftcov Be ttjv dp-
SULLA,
x.
1-4
few others, among whom was Sulpicius the tribune But Sulpicius was killed, after he had been betrayed by a servant, to whom Sulla first -\ gave his freedom, and then had him thrown down the Tarpeian rock moreover, he set a price on the head of Marius, an act both ungrateful and impolitic, since it was in his house that he had found refuge and surrendered himself a little before this, and had And yet had Marius at that been let off safe. time not let Sulla go, but given him up to death at the hands of Sulpicius, he might have been absolute master in Rome nevertheless he spared his life, and when after a few days he had given him the same opportunity, he did not obtain like mercy. By of the people.
;
;
these proceedings Sulla won the secret dislike of the senate but the people's hatred and indignation was made manifest to him by their acts. For instance, ;
they ignouiiniously rejected Nonius his nephew, and Servius, who were his candidates for offices, and appointed others, whose preferment they thought would be most vexing to him. But he pretended to be pleased at this, saying that the people, in doing as it pleased, enjoyed a freedom which was due to him, and out of deference to the hatred of the mul-
.
titude allowed Lucius Cinna, a man of the opposite Of faction, to be invested with the consulship, afters binding him by solemn oaths to be favourable to his And Cinna went up to the Capitol with policies. a stone in his hand and took the oaths, and then, after praying that if he did not maintain his
goodwill towards Sulla, he might be cast out of the city, as the stone from his hand, he threw the stone upon the ground in the sight of many people. But as soon as he had entered upon his office, he
357
C~ <
PLUTARCH'S LIVES yr)v
€v0v<; iirexelpei,
tcl
Ka6e
Kivelv,
Kai
%v\\av
irapecrKevaae Kai fcarr)yopelv iirearrjaev Ovepyiviov, eva tcov Brjpudpxcov, ov eKelvo? apua tco BiKao~T7]pico yaipeiv idcras eirl MiOpiSdrrjv dirrjpe. XI. Aeyerai Be virb ra? rjpLepa? eKeivas ev ah 6 XvWas diro t?}? 'ItclX'mm; eKivei tov cttoXov, re TroWa M-iOptSdrr) BiaTpiftovTi irepl to TLepyapuov iiricr/crjyfrai Baipiovia, Kai Nl/crjv areBlktjv
enl tov
aWa
eV
cfravrjcpopov KaOiefjLevrjv vtto tcov Uepyap,7]vcov ere tivcov bpydvcov dvcodev ocrov ovirco tj)? Kecpa\f}$ yjravovaav crvvTpi/3r)vai,, Kai tov o~Te-
avrbv
eKireaovTa KaTa tov OeaTpov cpepeaOai yapba^e BiaO pvirTop^evov, coo~Te cpptKrjv puev tco
<j)avov
dOvfiiav Be iroWrjv MiOpiBaTy irapaa-yelv, Kaiirep avTco tote tcov irpaypLaTcov iXiriBos irepa 2 irpo^wpovvTCOv. avTos pi€V yap Ao lav T€ 'Pg>BrjpLco,
fjLaiwv
Kai ¥>iQvviav Kai KaTnraBoKLav tcov
fiaai,-
\ecov dcpypTj/uLevos ev Uepydpucp KaOrjaTo, ttXovtovs Kai BwacTTeLas Kai TvpavviBas Btavepucov to?? Be TTaiBcov 6 pbev ev Hovtco Kai iraXaidv a\pi tcov virep ttjv MaicoBocmopep tlv doLK?]Tcov dp-yjiv KaTelyev ovBevbs nrapev0)(\ovvto<;, KpiapdOrjs Be (dpaKrjv Kai NlaKeBovcav eirrjei aTpaTco pueydXco irpoaayop^evo^, aWovs Be ol crTpaTrjyol tottovs eyeipovvTO BvvdpLeL? e\ovTe<;, cov o pbeyLCTTOs 'A/r^eXao? Tat? pev vavalv opuov tl avpurdo-Y]^ eiriKpaTcov tt)<$ OaXaTTT)? ras T€ K.VK\dBa<$ vrjerov? eBovXovTO Kai tcov ciWcov oaai cf)i\ois,
tcov
tt)v '
3
Ma\ea? eWo? elyev,
358
e.K
IBpvvTat, Kai ttjv JLvftoiav avTrjv Be 'AOrjvcbv oppcopuevo? tcl p^eXP^ SeT-
SULLA,
x. 4-X1.
tried to subvert the existing
3
order of things, and
had an impeachment prepared against
and
Sulla,
appointed Virginius, a tribune of the people, to be But Sulla, ignoring alike accuser and his accuser. 1 court, set out against Mithridates. XI. And it is said that about the time when Sulla was moving his armament from Italy, Mithridates, who was staying at Pergamum, was visited with many other portents from Heaven, and that a Victory with a crown in her hand, which the Pergamenians were lowering towards him by machinery of some sort, was broken to pieces just as she was about to touch his head, and the crown went tumbling from her hand to the ground in the midst of the theatre, and was shattered, whereat the people shuddered, and Mithridates was greatly dejected, although at that time his affairs were prospering beyond his hopes. For he himself had wrested Asia from the Romans, and Bithynia and Cappadocia from their kings, and was now set down in Pergamum, dispensing riches. principalities,
and sovereignties to his friends and was in Pontus and Bosporus, holding ;
of his sons, one
without any opposition the ancient realm as far as the beyond Lake Maeotis, while Ariarathes was overrunning Thrace and Macedonia with a large army, and trying to win them over; his generals, too, with forces under them, were subduing other regions, and the greatest of them, Archelaiis, who with his fleet controlled the entire sea, was subjugating the Cyclades, and all the other islands which lie to the east of Cape Malea, and was in possession of Euboea itself, while from his head-quarters at Athens he was bringing into revolt from Rome the peoples of Greece deserts
1
In 87 B.a
359
PLUTARCH'S LIVES TaXia? Wvrj
t?)?
'EXXaSo?
4 /cpovaas irepl Xaipooveiav.
d
^ovppa
B/0€TT£O? cov
fu/cpd irpoa-
evravOa jap avTW p,ev
TrpearfievTT)*;
Ma/ceBovias, ovtos dvrjp Be toX/jltj /cal
/jbd^acs Biaycovio-dfievos irepl Xaipooveiav, e^ewcre Aev5 /cal avvecrreike irdXiv eirl ttjv OaXarrav.
klov
Aev/coXXov /ceXevaavTo<; avTov vitoyw-
Be
ZvXXa /cal tov ey\rr]<^taiievov i/c€iva> edv iroXepLOV, evOix; i/c\nra)v ttjv BotcoTiav oiriaw 7T/?o? %evriov dirrfKavve, /caiirep avrcp tcov it pay-
pelv eiriovTL
f
[ultcov eX.7rt8o? irepa irpoywpovvTonv /cal rrj<; EXXaBo<; olfceLcos eyovar]<; irpos pLeTaftoXrjv Bid rrjv dXXa yap RpeTTiw puev i/celvov /caXo/cdyadlav.
ravra Xapur porara twv XII. XuXXa? Be ra?
ireirpayixevoav. puev dXXas Trokeis
eu#u? t
2 fievos. Traprjv
/cal fxdyas iravToBaird^ iroiovy^povov ov ttoXvv dvacryofievcp d/civBvvcos eXelv Tr\v dvco ttoXlv, vtto
ecpio-Tas
KaiToi
ijBrj ttj %peia twv dvay/calcov top eo~xaTOV icaipov aXX' eireiyofievo^ et? 'Yco/jltjv /cal BeBicos tov i/cel vecoT€piap.6v, ttoXXois fxev kivBvvols, TroXXal? Be [id^ais, pteydXa«9 Be BairdvaL<; /caTeairevBe tov iroXepLOV, c5
Xifiov avvr}yjjb€V7]v eif
ye
Bi^a
t^?
aXXrjs
irapaa/cevrj<;
7)
irepl
Ta
fiVX av V/jLara TrpaypLaTela ^evyeai pLvpiois dpi/col?
360
SULLA,
xi.
3-xii. 2
far as Thessaly, although he met with slight For here he was confronted reverses at Chaeroneia. by Bruttius Sura, who was a lieutenant of Sentius the praetor of Macedonia, and a man of superior courage and prudence. This man, as Archelaiis came rushing like a torrent through Boeotia, opposed him most fiercely, and after thrice giving him battle at Chaeroneia, repulsed him, and drove him back to But when Lucius Lucullus ordered him to the sea. give place to Sulla, who was coming, and to leave the conduct of the war to him, as the senate had voted, he at once abandoned Boeotia and marched back to Sentius, although his efforts were proving successful beyond hope, and although the nobility of
as
was making Greece well-disposed towards However, these were the most brilliant achievements of Bruttius. XII. As for Sulla, he at once received deputations and invitations from the other cities, but Athens was his bearing
a change of allegiance.
compelled by the tyrant Aristion to side with Mithridates. Against this city, therefore, Sulla led up all his forces, .and investing the Piraeus, laid siege to it, bringing to bear upon it every sort of siege-engine, and making all sorts of assaults upon it. And yet if
he had been patient a little while, he might have captured the upper city without hazard, since it lacked the necessities of life and was already reduced by famine to the last extremity. But since he was eager to get back to Rome, and feared the spirit of revolution there, he ran many risks, fought many battles, and made great outlays that he might hasten on the war, in which, not to speak of his other munitions, the operation of the siege engines
361
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 3
ixoprjyelro, /caO' rj/xepav evepyois ovai 777)09 rrjv e7rLXeiirovo~r]<; Be rr}<; vXrjs Bed to v7T7]peaiav.
KoirreaOaL iroXXa rwv epycov irepiKXdifieva toi? avrcov ftpiOeai Kal irvpTroXeiaOai (SaXXofieva avve^co^ vtto twv iroXejjiiwv, enre^elprjae rols aXaecn, Kal ttjv re WKaBijfMeiav e/ceipe BevBpo^opcordrrjv irpoao-reicov ovcrav Kal to Avlepois Keiov.
eirel
he
/cal
xprj/jbdrcov
ttoXXwv
eSei
rbv iroXefiov, eicivei rd tt}? 'E\\a£o9 acrvXa, rovro puev ef 'EmBavpov, rovro Be e£ ^OXv [Miriam,
7T/909
rd
KaXXtara
4 jxoltwv
rroXvreXearara
/cal
/jLeraTrefATro/Aevos.
*A/j,
on
dvaOrj-
Kal toZs rd ^prj/xara rov
eypatye
KOfiicrOfjvat, 7roo? avrov fj yap do~
Oeov fteXriov cj)v\di;eiv
et9 Ae\(j)ov<;
roiv
Be
eirj
diroBuicreiv
ovk eXdrrco' Kal rwv
Kd
<&co/cea
direareiXe
/ceXevaas araO/xco 7rapaXa/3elv efcaaTov. 6 Be Ka^)t? rj/ce fiev et? AeXcfrovs, coKvei Be rcov lepayv Ouyelv, Kal iroXXa rcov 'A/jLcfn,Krvovcov rrapovrcov direBdKpvae rrjv dvdyKrjv. Be cfiaaKovrcov aKovaai (f>0 eyyofievrj 9 T779 ev Tot? dvaKTopois KiOdpas, etre marevaa^ etre rbv XvXXav povXopLevos e/j-ftaXelv eh BetaiBaL-
5 evicov
6 Be ctkcotttcov avrov. rbv dvreypa^jre Oavfid^etv K-dcfiiv, el par\ o~vvir\cnv or 1 yaipovTO<$, ov ^aXeiraivovro^, elf) to aBeiv coare Oappovvra XapL&dveiv eKeXevaev, a>? rjBofxevov rov Oeov Kal BcBovro^. Ta fxev ovv aXXa SieXaOe rovs ye ttoXXovs 6 "EXXrjvas eKTTefJbiropieva, rbv Be dpyvpovv rriOov, jjboviav,
errecrreiXe
rrpbs
,
09
362
rjv
viroXoiiros
en
rcov /3acriXLKCov,
Bid /3apo9
SULLA,
xn. 2-6
called for ten thousand pairs of mules, which were employed daily for this service. And when timber
began to fail, owing to the destruction of many of the works, which broke down of their own weight, and to the burning of those which were continually smitten by the enemy's fire-bolts, he laid hands upon the sacred groves, and ravaged the Academy, which was the most wooded of the city's suburbs, as well And since he needed much money as the Lyceum. also for the war, he diverted to his uses the sacred treasures of Hellas, partly from Epidaurus, and partly from Olympia, sending for the most beautiful and most precious of the offerings there. He wrote also to the Amphictyons at Delphi that it was better to have the treasures of the god sent to him for he would either keep them more* safely, or, if he spent them, would restore as much. And he sent Caphis, the Phocian, one of his friends, with the letter, bidding him receive each article by weight. Caphis came to Delphi, but was loth to touch the sacred objects, and shed many tears, in the presence ;
of the Amphictyons, over the necessity of it. And when some of them declared they heard the sound of the god's lyre in the inner sanctuary, Caphis, either because he believed them, or because he wished to strike Sulla with superstitious fear, sent word to him about it. But Sulla wrote back jocosely, expressing his amazement that Caphis did not understand that singing was done in joy, not anger his orders were therefore to take boldly, assured that the god was willing and glad to give. Accordingly, the rest of the treasures were sent away without the knowledge of the most, certainly, of the Greeks but the silver jar, the only one of ;
;
363
PLUTARCH'S LIVES ov Bvvafievcov dvaXaftelv rcov vttoKaraKOTrrecv ol 'A//(/uKTvoves eh fjLvrj/JLrjv eftaKovTO tovto fiev Tltov Niaviov 'AkvXlov, tovto St t&Xa/uuvivov /cat
kcl\
/ieye0o<;
dvayica^ojxevoi
^vylcov,
''
TlavXov, wv 6 fiev Kvtlo\ov e^eXdaas t?}? 'EWdSos, ol Be tou9 Ma/ceBovwv ftao~iXeZs ov \xovov airkayovTO twv KaT(nroXeiJLr)o-avT€<; dXXa, /cal Bwpa real lepcov twv 'EXXrjvt/cwv, AI/jlIXiov
7
Tifirjv
clvtoZs
aav.
a\V
ttoXXtjv irpoaeOedvBpcov T€ o~w
A
ae/jtvoT7}Ta
•
,
to
,
,
tovs o~TpaTia)Tas aXayjuv tov BeBtevai tovs iroXefdaur ol Be tot€ aTpaTTjyol @la to irpcoTeZov, ov/c dpeTrj, fCTcbfievot, teal ptaXXov iir dXXtfXovs Beofievot tmv fiatri,
8
tccu
e/ceZvoi /lev
/coXa/ceveiv
rjyovpevoL
ottXcov
yeZv ev
Toh
tou?
rj
tw
TroXe/jttovs,
r)vay/cd^ovTO
o-TpaTrjyeZv, e!0* oov
o-TpaT€vofjL6voi<;
eh
dv>')Xta/cov
Br}/biay(o-
t
tov<;
ttovovs avT(ov, hXaOov toviov oXi]v Trjv iraTpiBa TTOLrjo-avTes eavTovs Te cjovXovs tcoi^ /ca/ctaTcov eVt T(p
tcov
fteXTiovcov
dpyetv.
TavTa
e^rjXavve
avdts eirl XvXXav /caTTjye, TavTa 'O/cTaovtov tovs irepl Klvvav, TavTa <£>Xd/c/cov wv 9 tou? irepl Qipflptav avTo^eipas eirolrjaev.
Mdpiov,
cIt
The gifts of Croesus, king of Lydia (Herodotus, i. 51). Manias Acilius Glabrio, consul in 191 B.C., defeated Antiochus the Great at Thermopylae, and forced him to 1
2
return to Asia.
364
SULLA,
xii.
6-9
the royal gifts which still remained, was too large and heavy for any beast of burden to carry, and the Amphictyons were compelled to cut it into pieces. As they did so, they called to mind now Titus Flamininus and Manius Acilius, and now Aemilius Paulus, of whom one had driven Antiochus out of 2 Greece, and the others had subdued in war the of Macedonia 3 these had not only spared kings the sanctuaries of the Greeks, but had even made additional gifts to them, and greatly increased their honour and dignity. But these were lawful commanders of men who were self-restrained and had learned to serve their leaders without a murmur, and they were themselves kingly in spirit and simple in their personal expenses, and indulged in moderate and specified public expenditures, deem1
;
ing to
it more disgraceful to flatter their soldiers than fear their enemies ; the generals of this later
time, however, who won their primacy by force, not merit, and who needed their armies for service against one another, rather than against the public enemy, were compelled to merge the general in the demagogue, and then, by purchasing the services of their soldiers with lavish sums to be spent on luxurious living, they unwittingly made their whole country a thing for sale, and themselves slaves
of the basest men for the sake of ruling over the better. This was what drove out Marius, and this then brought him back again against Sulla made Cinna the assassin of Octavius, and Fimbria of ;
3 Flamininus defeated Philip V. of Macedon at Cynoscephalae in 197 B.C., and Aemilius Paulus crushed Perseus, the last king of Macedonia, at Pydna, in 16S B.C. See Plutarch's Flamininus, xv. ; Aemilius Paulus, xvi.-xxii.
365
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rjKiara ^vXXa<;
eveBcoKev
dp^d?, errl t<w aXXoi? rarTO/Aevovs Kara^opr)yct)v eh toi)? vfi aura) Kal chare dfia rovs aXXov? p,ev eh Bairavco/Jievos, irpoBocriav, tou? Be £>' avrw eh acrcoriav Bca-
ov%
Biac^Oeipeiv Kal jxeraKaXelv tov$ vit
(f)0eipa)v ^prj/idrcov
BelaOai ttoXXcov,
/ecu
/ndXiara
7TO\lOpKiaV eK€LVrjV. XIII. Aeivbs yap rt? dpa Kal dirapaiTr)TO<; elyev avjov epcos eXeiv ra<; 'Atf^m?, etre ^rjXco Tivl 7T/30? T7)v iraXai GKLaiiayovvra rr)<; iroXew; B6%av, etre Ov/xw rd crKco/jL/j,ara cpepovra Kal ra? 460 /3cofio\o%La<;, ah avrov re Kal rrjv MereXXav dirb rcov Teiytov eKdcrrore yecjyvpi^cov Kal Karopypv7T/0O? T7)V
[levo? e^rjpedi^ev 6
TVpavvos 'ApicrrLcov, dvdptoiro^ Kal oj/aot^to? eywv vvyKei2 jxevr]v ttjv yjrvy^v, Kal rd yeipicna rcov MiOptBariKcov avveppv7]K0Ta voarffiaTcov Kal iraOoiv eh eavrov dvei\i](f)co
dareXyeias
B Lair efyevy via, (fiopov
6/jlov
irporepov coenrep voar]p,a Oavarrj-
eh Toy? eaydrov^ Kaipovs
Bpay/jLcov coviov ovtos ev daret Tore, rcov
yiXiwv
eTnTiOefJuevo^' o?,
rod fieBifivov rcov irvpeov dvOpdnrwv aiTOv/ievcov to
3 irepl rr)v
dKpoTroXiv (f)vo/LLevov irapdeviov, V7roBrjKal XrjKvOov? e(j)0d<; eaOiovTcov, avTO? evBeXex&S ttotois fieOrjfjLepivoh Kal Kcofiois %/)&>Lievos Kal TTVppiyi^tov Kal yeXcoroTroccov irpb
Be
1 According to Appian, Bell. Civ. i. 71, Octavius, the consul, a supporter of Sulla, was killed at Rome by Censorinus, acting under the orders of Marius and Cinna, in 86 B.C. Valerius Flaccus, chosen consul to succeed Marius, in 86 B.C.,
366
SULLA,
xn. 9-X111. 3
And it was Sulla who, more than any one paved the way for these horrors, by making lavish expenditures upon the soldiers under his own command that he might corrupt and win over those Flaccus. 1
else,
whom others commanded, so that in making traitors of the rest, and profligates of his own soldiers, he had need of much money, and especially for this siege.
XIII. For he was possessed by some dreadful and inexorable passion for the capture of Athens, either because he was fighting with a sort of ardour against the shadow of the city's former glory, or because he was provoked to anger by the scurrilous abuse which had been showered from the walls upon himself and Metella by the tyrant Aristion, who always danced
mockery as he scoffed. This man's spirit was compounded of licentiousness and cruelty he had made himself a sink for the worst of the diseases and passions of Mithridates and in these her last days he had fixed himself, like a fatal malady, upon in
;
;
a city which had previously passed safely through countless wars, and many usurpations and seditions. This man, although at the time a bushel of wheat sold in the city for a thousand drachmas, and
men made food for themselves of the fever-few which grew on the acropolis, and boiled down shoes and leather oil-flasks to eat, was himself continually indulging in drinking-bouts and revels by
although
daylight, was dancing in armour and making jokes to deride the enemy, while he suffered the sacred
was sent into Asia to thwart Sulla and conduct the war against Mithridates, hut was murdered there by his mutinous See chapters lieutenant, Fimbria, in the following year. xx. 1 ; xxiii. 6 ; Lucullus, xxxiv. 2.
307
PLUTARCH'S LIVES o-ftrjKOTa Bid airdviv
eXaiov
7repielBe, rfj Be lepo-
TTVpWV r)/jLL€KTOV TTpOGCLlTOVCTr) TTeirepew? Be ftovXevras real tepees iKerevovTas enrefju-tye, tou? ttoXiv Kal BtaXvaaaOai irpos XvXrrjv ol/crelpai (j)dvTlBi
4
Xav TogevfjLacri ftdXXoyv Bieo~KeBao~ev. dtye Be r)Br) 7rov fioXis egeTrefiyfrev virep elprjvr)? Bvo r) rpeU tcov av/jL7roTcov 7r/)o? ov? ovBev a^iovvras
dXXd tov Srjaea Kal tov ¥jvjjloX7Tov Kal tcl (<> 'A7n,Te" ae/jLvoXoyov/jLevow; 6 ^vXXas
M.7]Blkcl
"
tovs Xoyovs tovtovs dvaov kaftovres' eyco yap fyikojiaOrjawv eh 'A6r)va<; viro 'Vco/jlcllcov €7re/jL(j)0r)v, dXXd to in? d(f>io~Ta-
elirev,
S)
fia/cdpioL,
fievovs KaTaaTpeyjrofievos."
XIV
.
'Ei>
TTpecrfivrtev
Be Tovrqy Xeyerai tlvcls ev KepafieiKM 7rpo? dXXrj-
aKovaavras BiaXeyo/ievcov
Xof? Kal fcafci^ovrcDV tov Tvpavvov, &)? firj cj>v\drTOVTCL TOV Tei^OV^ T7]V TTepl TO 'FjTTTa^aXKOP BvvaTov elvat Kal ecj)oBov Kal 7Tpoo~j3oX't]v, rj /xovrf paBiov 2
VTrepftrjvat
tov?
7ro\efiLov<;,
dirayyeiXai
TavTa
6 Be ov KaTe^povrjaev, Trpos tov XvXXav. dXXd eireXOoiv vvktos Kal 6eaadp,evo<; tov tottov Xeyei Be avTOs 6 dXcoaifAov el^eTo tov epyov.
ev tol$ viropuvrjiJiaai tov irp&TOV eiriftavTa tov Tei\ov<; MdpKov KtyjIov avTiaTavTOs avTco TToXe/Aiov BovTa TrXrjyrjv eK KaTa<popd<; tw Kpdvei TrepiKXdcrai to fi<£o?, ov p,r)v vcf>eaOai tt)<; ycopas, dXXd fielvai Kal KaTacryelv. KaTeXrj^drj fxev ovv
XvXXas
'
ttoXis
r)
1
or
eKeldev,
a>?
^AOrjvalcov ol irpea^vTaToi
The Outer Cerameicus, i.e. the suburb before the Dipylon, Sacred Gate, through which one left the city for
Eleusis.
368
SULLA,
xiii.
3-xiv. 2
lamp of the goddess to go out for lack of oil and when the chief priestess begged him for a twelfth of a bushel of wheat, he sent her so much pepper and when the senators and priests came to him in suppliant array, and entreated him to take pity on the city and come to terms with Sulla, he scattered them But after a long time, at with a volley of arrows. last, with much ado, he sent out two or three of his ;
;
fellow-revellers to treat for peace, to
whom
when they made no demands which could city,
Sulla,
save the
but talked in lofty strains about Theseus and
Eumolpus and the Persian wars, said: "Be off, my dear Sirs, and take these speeches with you for 1 was not sent to Athens by the Romans to learn its ;
subdue
history, but to
XIV. But at
its
rebels."
this juncture, as it
is
said, certain
Cerameicus 1 overheard some old men with one another, and abusing the tyrant talking because he did not guard the approaches to the wall at the Heptachalcum, 2 at which point alone it was When possible and easy for the enemy to get over. this was reported to Sulla, he did not make light of it, but went thither by night, and after seeing that the place could be taken, set himself to the work. And Sulla himself says, in his Memoirs, that Marcus Ateius was the first man to mount the wall, and that when an enemy confronted him, he gave him a downward cut on the helmet with his sword, and shattered the weapon he did not, however, yield At any ground, but remained and held his own. rate, the city w as taken at this point, as the oldest soldiers in the
;
r
An unknown
feature of the wall, somewhere between the or western gate, and the Dipylon, or Sacred Gate, opening to the N. W. 2
Pirai'c,
369
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 3
avTos Be HvXXas to fiera^v
hieixvrjjxovevov.
ttj<;
TieipaiKT}^ irvXrjs teal tt)? lepa$ /caTaa/cdyjras ical vv/ctci elarfXavve, avvop,aXvva$, irepl /leVa? (f)piK(ohr)<; biro re adXTriy^c /cal /cepaaL ttoXXois,
dXaXaypicp
teal
Kpavyfj
ical
Bid
twv GTevwrr&v
a(p€LfjL€vr)<; 1
tj??
Bvvdfiews
vir
ai/Tov,
e'0'
/cal
eo~7raa pivots
dpTrayrjv
(f>epopevr]<;
rot? ^i(f>eaiv,
dpidpubv [irjheva yeveaOav tcov dirocr^ayevtcov, dXXa tg) ro7T(p rov pvevros aifxaro^ eii vvv 4 dvev yap tcov kclto, ty]v jjuerpelaOai to ttXtjOos. ibcjTe
aXXrjv woXiv
dvaipeOevTcov 6 irepl tijv dyopdv eireaye irdvTa t6v eWo? tov AlttvXov Kepapei/cov ttoXXois Be XeyeTat /cal Sid irvXcov
(fiovos
/ccLTatcXvcrai
diroOavovTcov,
to irpoduTeiov. dXXa twv ovtcos togovtcov yevopukveov, ov/c eXda-
croves rjaav ol cr^a? clvtovs BtacpOelpovTe? oi/ctco ical iroOco ttjs TTCtTplhos ft)9 dvaipe07]o'op,evr)<;.
tovto yap aTroyvcovai
ical
ipoprjdrjvcu
ttjv
aco-
fteXTiGTovs, ovBev ev tco XvXXa (piXdvOpcoirov ovBe pueTpiov eXirtaavTa^. 5 dXXa yap tovto puev MeiBlov Kal KaXXicfrcovTOS Trjpiav
tcov
eiroi7]ae
Beopuevcov /cal 7rpo/cvXcvBovp,evcov tcov avyKXrjTiKwv, ocroi avve-
avTOV, tovto cov
iraXaicov
Be
e^aiTovp,evcov
cTTpaTevov, yLtecrTO?
toi>?
7]Br]
t%
'Adrjvaicov
tt)v
ttoXiv,
Tip.
vnenrcbv
at»To?
iy/ccoptov TL e(pr]
yapi^taQai
iroXXoi<; puev oXlyovs, £oovTa<> Be TeOvrj/coatv. 'EiXelv Be ra? 'AOrfvas avTos (frrjaiv ev 6 vnropvrjpLao-L 1
MapTiacs
rwv aTwwirwy Bekker, after Coraes 1
37°
/caXdvBais,
In Plutarch's time.
:
re TCOV
tjtl<;
Tots 461
r)p,epa
o-Tevcoirwu.
SULLA,
xiv.
3-6
And Sulla himself, after Athenians used to testify. he had thrown down and levelled with the ground the wall between the Pirai'c and the Sacred Gate, led his army into the city at midnight. The sight ot 1
him was made terrible by blasts of many trumpets and bugles, and by the cries and yells of the soldiery now let loose by him for plunder and slaughter, and rushing through the narrow streets with drawn There was therefore no counting of the swords. slain, but their numbers are to this day determined only by the space that was covered with blood. For without mention of those who were killed in the rest of the city, the blood that was shed in the market-place covered all the Cerameicus inside the Dipylon gate nay, many say that it flowed through the gate and deluged the suburb. But although those who were thus slain were so many, there were yet more who slew themselves, out of yearning pity ;
for their native city, which they thought was going For this conviction made the best to be destroyed.
of
I
j
I
them
give up in despair and fear to survive, since
they expected no humanity or moderation in Sulla. However, partly at the instance of the exiles Meidias and Calliphon, who threw themselves at his feet in supplication, and partly because all the Roman senators who were in his following interceded for the city, being himself also by this time sated with vengeance, after some words in praise of the ancient Athenians, he said that he forgave a few for •the sake of many, the living for the sake of the dead. He took Athens, as he says himself in his Memoirs, on the Calends of March, 2 a day which corresponds 2 86 B.C. Cf. the description of the capture of Athens given by Appian, Bell. Mith. xxx.
371
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /xaktara
av/jLTTLirrei (TTrjpiojvos firjvos, ev
iroXXa tov Sia
rfj
tov
vov/jltjvlcl
w Kara
'AvOe-
Tv%r)v virofivrjixara
rrjv eiropuj3piav
oXeOpov
teal t???
tov rod /caraK\va/nov avpeaXcoteoTos he tov dareo^ 6 p,ev TVpav-
Spwcuv,
e/eeLvrjs
&)?
Tore
teal
irepl
"fcpovov eteelvov /jbdXiara 7 ireaovros.
vos €t? t)]V dtepoiroXiv KctTacfrvycbv eiroXiopteelTO, Kovpicovos eirl tovtco Teraypevov ical y^povov
avTos eavTov evexeipiae to haipubviov evdvs eTrearjT€ teal topas eteelvov p,r)V€' tt}? yap avTr}$ rjpepas T€ Kovpiaiv tcaTrjye, teal vecfrcbv i£ aWpias cvvhpapovTcov TrXrjdo? opbftpov tearappayev eirX-qpwaev 1 uSaTO? tt)V dtepoiroXiv. elXe he teal tov Tleipaia, 6 teal tcl irXelcrTa iroXvv ov ZvXXas, per^ %povov
avyyov
iyteapTeprjcras hiy\reL
Trieadeis.
/eaTe/eavcrev,
cov
teal
tjv
teal
0avp,a^6p,evov epyov. XV. 'Ev he tovtm
6
Ta^iXrjs
oirXoO^Kr),
MiOpihdrov
Spate?)*; teal Mateehovia? teaTaj3e/3r]he/ca puvpidcn ire^tov teal p,vpiois tTTTrevai teal
aTpaTriybs /<•&)
rj
ite
Tedp'nnrois evevi]teovTa hpeiravqtyopois e/edXei tov
2
'ApxiXaov, €Ti vavXoyovvra Trepl t/)i> Movvvxlav teal pbijre t?)? OaXaTTr)? ftovXopevov diroaTr\vai ovTa avpurXeieeaOai TOi? 'Pft)pu/jre TTpoOvpov dXXa ypovoTpifielv tov nroXepov teal ra? yLtatOi?, a hrj 7toXv puaXXov evTroplas avTwv dcpaipelv. eteelvov avvopoyv 6
HvXXas dve^ev^ev eh
TioitoTiav
ev elprjvrj Tpecpeiv ywpiwv yXiaypoav teal t
ite
1
1
(Cf.
elAe
Bekker, after Emperius
In the time of Deucalion, the Pausanias, i. 18, 7.)
37 2
Noah
:
of
«?x#.
Greek tradition.
SULLA,
xiv. 6-xv. 2
very nearly with the first of the month Anthesterion. In this month, as it happens, the Athenians perform many rites commemorating the destruction and devastation caused by the flood, believing that the ancient deluge * occurred at about this time. On the capture of the town, the tyrant took refuge in the acropolis, and was besieged there by Curio, who was appointed to this task. He held out for a considerable time, but was driven by the pangs of thirst to give himself up. And the Deity at once gave a manifest token in the matter ; for at the very hour of the day when Curio brought his prisonei down, clouds gathered in an open sky, and a quantity of rain fell and filled the acropolis with water. Not long after, Sulla took the Piraeus also, and burnt most of it, including the arsenal of Philo,'* a marvellous work. XV. Meanwhile Taxiles, the general of Mithridates had come down from Thrace and Macedonia with a hundred thousand footmen, ten thousand horse, and ninety scythe-bearing four-horse chariots, and summoned Archelaiis to join him. Archelaiis still lay with his fleet at Munychia, 8 and was neither willing to quit the sea, nor eager to join battle with the Romans, but planned to protract the war and cut off their supplies. But Sulla understood the situation much better than Archelaiis did, and therefore transferred his forces into Boeotia, away from regions that were far from fertile, and unable to maintain a population even in time of peace. Most
people thought that he had erred in his calculations, 2 It must have been finished in 330-329 B.C. on Pausanias, i. 1, 2. 3 One of the three harbours of the Piraeus.
VOL. IV
See Frazer
373
PLUTARCH'S LIVES \ea6ai rbv Xoycafiov, ovaav kcli Bvaiirirov
on rrjv 'Attl/ctjv Tpayelav airoXiircov evepaXev eavrbv
ireBidai kcli dvaireirTap^kvais rah irepX rrjv l&oicoriav ^copais, opwv ev appLaat, teal Xttitois rrjv 3 /3ap/3apitcr)v
ovaav
akfajv.
aWa,
(fievycov,
wairep
airdviv rjvay/cd^eTO Btco/cetv rbv e/c tt}? en, Be 'Oprrjaios avrbv yLta%?79 kLvBvvov. e^>o/3et, arparrjyifcbs dvrjp /ecu fyikoveucos, ov etc eiprjTCU, Xi/jlov real
(derraXias ayovra t<£ Xu'Wa Bvvapuv ev roh arevoh ol ftdpfiapot, irape^vXarrov. Blo, ravra /lev eh rrjv ViOiwTiav dve^ev^ev 6 SvWas' 'OpTrjaiov Be Kaifi?, r)p,eTepo<; a>v, erepai^ bBoh ^frevadfievos rov? ftapftdpovs Bid rod Uapvaaaov kcltfjyev V7T* avrrjv rrjv TiOopav, ovirco roaavrrjv iroXu 4
vvv eanv, d\\a (frpovpiov diroppoiyi irepiKOiTTopievov, eh b zeal irdXai irore <&G)K€cov ol IBepgrjv eiribvTa (pevyovre? dveazcevd-
ovaav
oar)
Kp7]jjLVCp
aavro
teal
Bieaoodrjaav.
evravOa Karaarparo-
ireBevaas 'QpTrjaios rjfiepa*; fiev direKpovaaro tovs TToXe/xiovs, vvzcrwp S' 67rl UarpwviBa rah
Bva^wpiais
Karaftds
airavTrjaavn
tg>
%v\\a
jxerd T?)? Bwd/xeax; avve/ju^e. XVI. Tevbfievoi Be zcoivfj
zcaTa\ap.j3dvovTat
rwv
'EiXcltik&v ireBicov,
(Bovvbv
ezc
fieacov earcora
evyecov teal dficfycXacprj koX irapd rrjv pi^av vBcop <&ikoj3o kotos zcaXelrai, zeal rrjv
e^ovra'
aTpaTOire^evaavres Be iravrdiraaiv bXiyoc roh lirireh fiev yap ov TToXefiioi? zcarecpdvrjaav Trkeiov? irevraKoaicov
374
zcaX
^lXlcov iyivovro, ire^ol
SULLA,
xv. 2-xvi.
i
because he had abandoned Attica, which was a rough country and ill-suited for cavalry movements, and thrown himself into the plains and open districts of Boeotia, although he saw that the strength of the But Barbarians consisted in chariots and cavalry. in flying from scarcity and famine, as has been said, he was compelled to pursue the danger arising from And furthermore, he was anxious about battle. Hortensius, a bold and capable general, who was leading a force from Thessaly to Sulla while the Barbarians were closely watching for him in the 1 For these reasons Sulla transferred his army passes. But Hortensius was rescued by Caphis, into Boeotia. a countryman of mine, and conducted by different routes, of which the Barbarians were ignorant, past Parnassus to a spot just below Tithora. This was not so large a city then as it is now, but a fortress surrounded on all sides by steep cliffs, into which those of the Phocians who in ancient times fled before the advance of Xerxes betook themselves and were saved. 2 Having encamped here, Hortensius repulsed the enemy by day, and at night descended to Patronis by difficult paths and made a junction with Sulla, who came to meet him with his army. XVI. When they had thus united their forces, they occupied a hill which rose out of the midst of the plains of Elatea, a fertile hill, thickly grown with Philotrees, and supplied with water at its base. boeotus is its name, and its situation and natural
advantages are most highly praised by Sulla. As they lay encamped here, they appeared to the enemy altogether few in numbers for they were not more than fifteen hundred horse, and less than fifteen ;
1
At Thermopylae.
* Cf.
Herodotus,
viii.
32.
375
PLUTARCH'S LIVES odev /cal fivpuov ikdrrovs. rov 'Ap^eXaov oi XolttoI arparrjyol koX irapard^avre^ rrjv hvvapuv, iveirXtjo-av Ilttttcov, dpfidrcov, daiTi8tov, Ovpecov to irehiov.
2 8e TrevTaicicryCKiiJdv e/c/3iacrdp,evot
Tr)v 8e /cpavyrjv ical dXaXayfibv ov/c ecrreyev 6 drip eOvcov toctovtcov dfxa KaOiarafxevcov eh rd^iv.
Be dfjua /cal to
T)v
7roXuTeXeta?
TTJ?
/co/JL7rco8e
/ecu
croftapbv avrcov
dpybv ov8e d^prjenov eh
ov/c
1
at re fiapfiapvyal tcov ottXcov €K7r\r)£iv, dXX 3 rjcr/crj/jLevcov xpverco re teal dpyvpco Biairpeircos, at re fiacfral tcov Mr]8i/ccov /cal %/cv0t/ccov yi7(x>vu>v dva\xepnypbevai irvpoei8r)
/cal
yaX/cco
/cal
fyoftepdv
ev
XapbirovTi cnhijpcp tco aaXevecrOai koX f
irpoaeftaXov byjnv, ware tovs Pa>tov ydpatca o-vareXXeiv eavrovs, /cal tov ^vXXav fjLTjSevl Xoyco to Odfifios avrwv dcpeXelv Swdfievov, ftid^eaQai re a7ro8i8pdtr/covTa9 ov ftovXo/jLevov, yav^lav dyeiv /cal cpepetv
BiacpepecrOai, yitatou? virb
ical bpcovTa /co/jbiracr/jbcp covrjae fievrot tovto ftapftdpovs. ol yap evavrioi icara4 p.dXiGTa irdvTcov avrov.
ySa/oea)?
€cj)v/3pL%ovTa$
yeXcoTi
tou?
apyiav
dra^tav TroXXr)V> crTpaTrjycov Bid ttoXvoXiyot fiev ev tco ydpa/ci
erpdirovro
(fypovrjo-avres
ov8e a\\ft)?
VTrrj/cooi
ovres'
Mare 1
Trpbs
tcov
8ie/caprepovv, 6 8e TrXelaro^ 6)(Xo
SeXea^o/juevos
68bv
rjjuepcov
ttoXXcov
rov o~TpaT07re8ov BieaireipeTO. /cal ttjv re tcov Tlavoirecov iroXiv i/c/coyjrai Xeyovrai /cal ttjv Aefta8ecov 8iapird<jai /cal avXrjaai to /xavTetov,
airb
ov8evb<$ 1
kcu,
aTparrjyov TrpocTayfia SofTO?.
supplied by Coraes and Bekker with Schaefer.
a>
376
;
Sintenis prefers
46$
SULLA,
fl
'
xvi.
2-4
thousand foot. Wherefore the rest of his generals overpowered the objections of Archelaiis and drew up for battle, filling the plain with their horses, chariots, shields, and bucklers. The air could not contain the shouts and clamour of so many nations forming in array. At the same time also the pomp and ostentation of their costly equipment was not without its effect and use in exciting terror; indeed, the flashing of their armour, which was magnificently embellished with gold and silver, and the rich colours of their Median and Scythian vests, intermingled with bronze and flashing steel, presented a flaming and fearful sight as they surged to and fro, so that the Romans huddled together behind their trenches, and Sulla, unable by any reasoning to remove their fear, and unwilling to force them into a fight from which they wanted to run away, had to sit still and endure as best he could the sight of the Barbarians insulting him with boasts and laughter. This, however, was of service to him above all else. For owing to their contempt of him, his opponents lapsed into great disorder, since even at their best they were not obedient to their generals, owing to the great number in command. Few of them therefore consented to remain within their entrenchments, but the largest part of the throng was lured away by plunder and pillage, and was scattered about the
country many days march from their camp. They are said to have destroyed the city of Panope, and to have sacked Lebadeia and despoiled its oracle, although none of their generals ordered them to
do
so.
377
PLUTARCH'S LIVES r
5
O
XvXXas, ev o/jl/jlckjiv avrov iroXecov diroXBvaavavyerosv teal Xvirovpuevos, ovtc eta toi>? arparid)ra<; a-^oXd^eiv, dXXd rrpoadywv avrovs rjvdytca^e rov re K.t)<J)1(t6v etc rov peiOpov rraparpkireiv teal rd(f>pov<; opvaaeiv, dvdiravXav Be
Xvpuevcov,
BiBovs
ovBevl
teal
tcov
ivBiBovrcov
dirapairrjro'i
oVoj? dirayopevaavre^ 7rpo? rd epya Bid rov irovov uairdaeovrai rov tcivBvvov. tcoXacrrrjs,
e
6 o teal
dyeiv
rpcnjv yap rj/xepav epya&pievoi eBeovro fierd tcpavyrjs rovs rroXe/jiiovs. 6 Be ov ixdyeaQai
ovve/3)].
rov %vXXa errl
irape^ibvro^
ftovXofievcDV, dXXd /jlt) ftovXo/xevcov rrovelv ecprjaev elvai rov \byov el Be oWw? eypvaiv dywviaritco)?,
i/eeXevaev
r)Br)
/nerd
rwv
ottXcov eXOelv
i/celae,
Set£a? avrots rrjv rrporepov fiev yevopievrjv d/cpo7 ttoXiv rS)V Uapairora/xicov, rore Be dvyprjfzevr)? rr}$ 7ro\ea)? X6(f)o<; fcpr]fivo<;,
"Aaaos
iXeiirero
rov ^BvXiov eire^ei
pi^av avrrjv
rw
pecov,
Bicopicr/xevo^
tou9
teal
irepi-
opou? oaov 6
elra
K.rj(})iaa)
o-vfiTriirrcov vrro rr)v zeal o~vvefcrpa%vv6/jLevo<;
6%ypdv ever par oireBevaai teal
7re.rpcoBr]<;
^aXKaamBa^
rrjv d/cpav iroiel.
Bib
opcov rcov iroXe/ucov coOov-
€7r' avrrjv 6 XvXXa? eftovXero cfrdrjvai tearaXaftoov rov roirov teal teareXa/3e ^prjadfievo^ eirel Be drrotepova8 rois crrparioorais 7rpo0v/j,oi<;. 0eh eteeldev 6 'Ayo^eXao? copfirjaev eVl rrjv Xaipco-
/juevovs
veiav,
oi
eBeovro
Be
rov
avarparevadpLevoi
^vXXa
ra>v
Xaipcovecov
rrpoeaOai rrjv iroXiv, eva rcov Tafllviov pierd rdyeKirepurrei yCkidpywv fxaros evbs teal tou? Xaipcoveis dipLrjai, fiovXrjdevras fiev, ov firjv Bvv)j6evra<s cpOrjvai rov
378
pur)
SULLA,
xvi.
5-8
But Sulla, though chafing and fretting while cities were destroyed before his eyes, would not suffer his soldiers to be idle, but led them out and forced them to dig ditches and divert the Cephisus from its channel, giving no man a respite, and showing himself an inexorable chastiser of those who were remiss, in order that they might be worn out at their tasks and induced by their hardships to welcome For on the third day danger. And so it fell out. of their drudgery, as Sulla passed by, they begged and clamoured to be led against the enemy. Hut Sulla said their words showed not a willingness to fight, but an unwillingness to labour; if, however, they were really disposed to fight, then he bade them take their arms and go at once yonder, pointing them to what had formerly been the
of Parapotamii. At this time, however, the city had been destroyed, and only a rocky and precipitous crest remained, separated from Mount Hedylium by the breadth of the river Assus, which then falls into the Cephisus at the very base of the mountain, becomes impetuous in its flow after the confluence, and makes the citadel a strong place for For this reason, and because he saw the a camp. Chalcaspides, or Bronze-shields, of the enemy pushing their way towards it, Sulla wished to occupy the place first and he did occupy it, now that he found acropolis
;
his soldiers eager for action. And when Archelaus, repulsed from this site, set out against Chaeroneia,
and the Chaeroneians in Sulla's army besought him not to abandon their city to its fate, he sent out Gabinius, one of his tribunes, with one legion, and let the Chaeroneians also go, who wished, but were So unable, to get into the city before Gabinius. 379
PLUTARCH'S LIVES oi/Tft)?
TajSlviov.
eU to a&aai
ayadbs Kal irpoOvpoTepos
rjv
rcov (TwOrjvai heopbevwv.
6 he 'Jo/?a?
ov Taftlviov (prjac 7repL(f)0f}vai, dXXa 'JLpUiov. ovv ttoXls rjpcov irapa togovtov i£e
XVII.
'E/e
he
Aeftaheias Kal tov Tpocfrcoviov
re 'Xprjaral Kal viK7}$bpa pbavrevpara toi? (prj/jLcd 'PcopaLoc; e^eirepnrovTO. irep\ a>v ol pev eiriyoopioi irXeiova Xeyovcnv &)? he %vXXa$ avrbs ev he/cdr u>
twv
VTTopvrjpdrcov yey pacf>e, Kolvto? Trno?, ovtc avrjp twv ev ttj 'EXXdhi, Trpayparevo-
a$>avr)<;
avrbv
rjhr] rrjv ev Xacpcovtla dirayyeXXcov oti /cal hevrepav 6 Tpo
pevcov,
r)fee
Trpbs
veviKrjKora p,dxv v
ravrd
Ad 3
irepl r?}?
>
6p,(j>f)<;
Kal to fcdXXos
ecppa^ov tw yap 'OXvpiriay to pbeyedo<; irapairXrjaiov
/cal
Ihelv ecpaaav. 'ETreihr) he hceftr) tov "Aaaov 6 XvXXas, irapeX' 6(iov vtto to 'HhvXiov t5> Ap%eXd(0 irapeo'TpaTO-
%dpa/ca /capTepbv ev peao) tov 'HhvXtov 7T/)o? toU Xeyo-
irehevcre, f3e/3Xr)pLevG)
tov 'Akovtlov
teal
pevois 'Ao-crtot?. va)o~ev
6 puevTOi T07ro ev w /caTecr/crjeiceivov /caXetTai.
a^pi vvv 'Ap^eXao? air
he pLiav rjpepav 6 XvXXas Movpijvav eyovTa Tayp,a Kal cnreipa^ hvo Trpbs to Tot? TToXepiow ivoxXrjaai irapaTaTTopLevois direXiTrev,
hiaXiTTOov puev
380
SULLA,
xvi. 8-xvii. 3
was he, and more eager to bring succour than that succour should be given. Juba, however, says it was not Gabinius, but Ericius, who was thus sent. At any rate, so narrowly did my efficient
who begged
those
native city escape
its peril.
XVII. From Lebadeia and the cave of Trophonius favourable utterances and oracles announcing victory were now sent out to the Romans. Of these the inhabitants of the country have more to say but Sulla himself has written in the tenth book of his Memoirs, how Quintus Titius, a prominent man among the Romans doing business in Greece, came to him immediately after he had won his victory at 1 Chaeroneia, with tidings that Trophonius predicted for him a second battle and victory in that neighbourhood within a short time. 2 And after him, a legionary soldier, Salvenius by name, brought him from the god a statement of the issue which affairs in Italy were going to have. But both agreed about the source of their oracle for they said they had beheld one who in beauty and majesty was like unto Olympian Jove. Sulla now crossed the Assus, and after advancing to the foot of Mount Hedylium, encamped over against Archelaiis, who had thrown up strong entrenchments between Mounts Acontium and Hedy;
;
lium, at
the so-called Assian plain.
The
spot in
which he encamped, moreover, is to this day called After one day's respite, Sulla Archelaiis, after him. left Murena behind with one legion and two cohorts, to obstruct the enemy if they attempted to draw up their forces, while he himself held sacrifices on the 1
2
As described in chapter xix. Near Orchomenus, as described
in
chapter xxi.
381
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 4
auTO? Be TTapa tov
K.r]<j)iabv
eo~(f)ayid£eTo,
kcl\
rSiV lepwv yevopuevcov eydzpei 7rpo? ttjv Xaipcoveiav,
avroOt orrpanav kcll Karoyjrto KaXov/ievov ©ovpiov virb twv iroXeeari Be Kopvcfrr) Tpayeia 7rpofcaT€i\r)/jLfj,evov.
avaXri'tyoiJLevos re ttjv
6/xevos fjLicov
Kal o-Tpoj3i\a)Be
Sovpovs, 5 vevai
•n}?
Trjs
Xaipcovos
Xaipwvetas
jJurjTpb^,
bv oikio-ttjv yeyo-
IcrTopovariv.
oi
Be
(fraai
ttjv K.d$/jL(p BoOeiaav virb tov UvOlov KaOrjye/jiova fiovv etcel fyavrjvai, Kal tov tottov air avTrjs ovtco
TTpoaayopevOrjvar Ocbp yap KaXovai. TipoaLOVTOS Be tov XvXXa
oi QoivL/ces tt)v ftovv
737)09 ttjv
Xaipcoveiav
TeTaypievos ev tj) iroXei ^tX/ap^o?, e^coTrXiafievovs aycov tou? aTpaTMOTas, dirrjvTrjae aTefya&>? Be Be^dfievos rjairdaaTO 6 vov Bd(f>vr)s KOfii^cov. rou? aTpaTiGoras Kal irapcop/unjae 7rpo? tov kIvBvvov, evTvyydvova iv avTO) Bvo to)V Xaipcovecov * avBpes, 'O/z-oXoi^o? Kal Ava^LBapios, v(f>iaTa/j,evoi 6
7
tou? to Sovpiov KaTacryovTas iKKotyeiv, oXiyovs GTpaTioaTa^ Trap eKeivov XafiovTe?' aTpairbv yap eivai to?9 (3ap(3dpoi<; aBrjXov, dirb tov KaXov fievov TLeTpdyov irapa to Mouaecov eVt to Sovov piov virep KefyaXrjs ayovaav, fj iropevOevTes avaodev Kal KaTaXevaeiv eiriTreaeiaOai yaXeiroo^ tov Be TaftiavT0\)
SULLA,
xvn. 4-7
banks of the Cephisus, and, when the
rites
were
over, moved on towards Chaeroneia, to pick up the forces stationed there, and to reconnoitre Thurium, as it is called, which had been already occupied by the enemy. This is a conical-shaped hill with a craggy peak (we call it Orthopagus), and at its foot is the The river Molus and a temple of Apollo Thurius. god got this surname from Thuro, the mother of Chaeron, who was founder of Chaeroneia, accordBut some say that the cow which ing to tradition. was given by Apollo to Cadmus as his guide, appeared there, and that the place was named as it from her, "thor" being the Phoenician word is
for cow.
As Sulla drew near to Chaeroneia, the tribune who had been stationed in the city, with his men in full armour, came to meet him, carrying a wreath of laurel. After Sulla had accepted this, greeted the soldiers, and animated them for the coming danger, two men of Chaeroneia accosted him, Homoloichus and Anaxidamus, and engaged to cut off the troops in possession of Thurium if he would give them a few soldiers for there was a path out of sight of the Barbarians, leading from the so called Petrachus ;
along past the Museum to that part of Thurium which was over their heads, and by taking this path it would not be difficult, they said, to fall upon them and either stone them to death from above, or force them into the plain. After Gabinius had borne testimony to the men's courage and fidelity, Sulla ordered them to make the attempt, while he himself proceeded to form his line of battle, and to dispose his cavalry on either wing, taking command of the
383
PLUTARCH'S LIVES TdXftas Be Kal
evcovufiov a7ro8oi><; M.ovpijva.
8'
ol
Oprrjo-io?
i-niTcifCTOVS
aire'ipa?
wpecrftevToi
eayaToi irapeveftaXov eirl rcov aKpwv (pvXa/ces 7rpb<; Ta? KVKXooaei^' ewpoyvro 'yap ol eyovTes
TroXepuoi
Karaa tcevd^ovres
7ro$a)fceaiv
tyiXols
Kal
KafJLTres
ets
tcovifiov,
KVfc\ci)Cr6fl€V0L
XVIII. 'Ey
lirirevcn 7ro\\oM? kcu
eiricrTpo<$r)v
to Kepas ev-
w? fiarcpav dvd^ovTes Kal
TOU9 'Pcopaiovs. Be
tovtw
rcov Xaipoovecov 'RpLKiov
dpypvTa irapa rov XvXXa XaftovToov Kal irepieXOovtwv d$)j\cos to ©ovpiov, eiTa eiri^tavevTCdv, Oopvftos (f)6vo<;
fieivav,
?]V
vtt'
iroXvs /cal (pvyrj rcov fiapfldpcov Kal ov yap vire6 TrXetcrTOS.
dXXrjXwv
dXXa Kara
irpavovs
Bopaai irepieirtiTTov avrol
(frepofievoi
-rot?
rol<;
re
eavToav Kal Kare-
avwOev eiriKeiKprjixvi^ov q)0ovvt€<; dXXtfXous, rd Kal rcov yvfiva iraiovTwv, iroXefjiiwv fievcov tu>v 2 ware Tpio-yiXiov^ ireaeiv irepl to ®ovpiov. Be (j)€vy6vT(ov tovs fxev
eh Tatyv
tjSt]
KaOeo-Tcb<; 6
Movprfvas a7T6T€fiV€T0 Kal 8ie(f)6eipev viravTid^wv, ol Be d)crd/jL€voL 7r/)o? to tylXiov aTpaToireoov Kal (f)dXayyi (pvpBrjv ifiireo-ovTes dveirXrjaav Beovs Kal Tapayr)^ to irXelaTov fiepos, Kal BiaTpi/3?]v rot? o~TpaT7)yol<; eveiroirjaav oi>x i]KiaTa ftXdyjrao~av avTOVs. o£ea>? yap 6 %vXXas Tapacrcro pLevois to fieaov BidaTrjfia tw Tayei o~vvKal eirayaycov Trj
eXcov dcfteiXeTO tt)V 3
twv Bpeiravq^opwv
eppwTav yap fxaXiaTa Kal
384
pvfirjv
tt)
firJKec
BtegeXdaei
evepyeiav.
Bpofiou a^oBpoTtjTa BlBovtos, ai Be eK
SULLA,
xvii. 4-XV111. 3
1 right himself, and assigning the left to Murena. His lieutenants, Galba and Hortensius, with cohorts of reserves, stationed themselves on the heights in the rear, to guard against attacks on the flanks. For the enemy were observed to be making their wing flexible and light for evolution with large bodies of horse and light infantry, purposing to extend it and
envelop the Romans. XVIII. Meanwhile the Chaeroneians, over whom Ericius had been placed in command by Sulla, made their way unnoticed around Thurium and then showed themselves suddenly, producing great confusion and rout among the Barbarians, and slaughter at one For they did not another's hands for the most part. hold their ground, but rushed down the steeps, falling upon their own spears and crowding one another down the precipices, while their enemies pressed upon them from above and smote their exposed bodies, so that three thousand of them fell on Thurium. Of the fugitives, some were met by Murena, who had already formed his array, and were cut off and slain others pushed their way towards the camp of their friends, and falling pell-mell upon their lines, filled the greater part of them with ;
terror and confusion, and inflicted a delay upon their For generals which was especially harmful to them. Sulla promptly charged upon them while they were in confusion, and by abridging the space between the armies with the speed of his approach, robbed For the scythe-bearing chariots of their efficiency. these are of most avail after a long course, which
gives
them
velocity
and impetus
for
breaking through
Archelaiis had followed Sulla towards Chaeroneia, leaving Murena free to join his chief. 1
Cf. chapter xvii. 3.
385
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /3/?a%eo? a<£ecret? dirpaKTOi /ecu dp,fiXelaL, Ka6ab Brj Kal tot6 irep (3e\o)V rdcriv ov Xa{36vTG)V. to?? fiapfidpois dirr/VTa' Kal ra irpwra tcov dp-
dpyws i^eXavvopieva Kal
fidroyv
irpodixiiTTOVTa
t
i/CKpovaavres oi
Pwp,aioi fierd /cporov Kal yeXwTOS aXXa r/rovv, wenrep elcoOaaiv iv Tal
tw
avvaG7n
fiaXovTcov,
airaaapLevwv
he
tcl<s
paxalpas Kal
TrapaKpovofievcov Ta? (rapicra?, ft)? TayiGTa irpoa5 pi^etav avrols &t opyrjv. TrpoTerayfievovs yap ewpcov toov iroXepiwv puvpiovs Kal TrevTaKiaxiXiovs depdirovras, oft? Ik tcov woXecov Krjpvy/iaaiv iXev-
Oepovvres oi /3aai\ico<; aTparrjyol KareXo^i^ov tovs oVXtTa?. Kal Tt? eKarovrdpxn^ Xeyerai
et?
go? iv Kpoviois jnovov elheiri t?)? SovXovs /jL€Te%ovTa<;. tovtovs puev ovv Bid /3a#o? Kal irvKVOTrjTa fipa&icos igcoOovpevow;
'Vcopalos elirelv 6 Trapprjaias
vtto twv ottXitwv Kal irapd tyvcriv /xeveiv ToXp,cov~ ras aX re fteXoafavSovat Kal oi ypoafyoi, XP W ~ puevcov cj>ov
d(f>eih(ti<s
twv
kcltottiv 'Fcofiaicov, direo-rpe-
Kal avverdpaTTOV.
XIX. 'ApxeXdov aiv
dvdyovTos,
hpopw
Se to he^tov Kepas
'OpTrjcrio*;
7rpoa(f)€popii'a<;
ft)?
ityrjKe
eh kvkXw-
Tas
ipftaXwv
a7T€ipa<;
ifXayiois.
67riaTpe ^ravT0(; Se Taxecos itceivov tou? irepl avTov /
1
The festival of Saturn, a time of general license and when masters treated their slaves as equals.
mirth,
386
SULLA, an opposing
line,
xviii.
3-xix.
1
but short starts are ineffectual and do not get now in the
feeble, as in the case of missiles which And this proved true full propulsion.
case of the Barbarians.
The
first
of their chariots
were driven along feebly and engaged sluggishly, so that the Romans, after repulsing them, clapped their hands and laughed and called for more, as they are wont to do at the races in the circus. Thereupon the infantry forces engaged, the Barbarians holding their pikes before them at full length, and endeavouring, by locking their shields together, to keep their line of battle intact while the Romans ;
threw down their javelins, drew their swords, and sought to dash the pikes aside, that they might get at their enemies as soon as possible, in the fury that For they saw drawn up in front of possessed them. the enemy fifteen thousand slaves, whom the king's generals had set free by proclamation in the cities and enrolled among the men-at-arms. And a certain Roman centurion is reported to have said that it was 1 only at the Saturnalia, so far as he knew, that slaves in the general license. These men, participated however, owing to the depth and density of their array, and the unnatural courage with which they held their ground, were only slowly repulsed by the Roman men-at-arms but at last the fiery bolts and the javelins which the Romans in the rear ranks plied unsparingly, threw them into confusion and drove ;
them back. XIX. Archelaiis now extended his right wing to 2 envelop Sulla's line, whereupon Hortensius sent his cohorts against him on a quick run, intending to But Archelaiis wheeled swiftly attack his flank. 2
See chapter
xvii. 7.
387
PLUTARCH'S LIVES i7nrei<;
Blct)£lXlov,
i/cOXi/Sop-evo^
virb
ttXyjOov^
irpoaeo-TeXXero to?9 bpeivols, Kara puKpbv diropprjyvv/jievos t% cfidXayyos teal TrepCkap,ftav6p,evo<; 2 virb tcov TroXepbicov.
ttv66/jl€vo<;
Be 6
2u\\a9
airo
TOV Be^LOV fJLT]TTCO CTV/jLTTeTTTCO KOTOS €£9 fld^rfV eBiwKe j3o7)6cov. 'A/r^eXao? Be tco KOViopTCp T779 eXdaeco<; oirep
rjv T€Kp,r}pdfievo<;,
'Oprijaiov fxev eta
avTos Be einaTpe^ras coppaqaev oOev 6 %vXXa<; 777209 to Be^iov, 0J9 epr)/xov dp^ovros aipr)acov. cifia Be fcal Movpijva Ta£lXr)<; eirrjye toi>9 ^aXKaaTTiBa^, coare tt}9 /cpavyrjs Bc^oOev cpepoKa\ tcov bpcov avTairoBiBovTcov ttjv irepi/j,evr)<; eTTMTTrjaavTa rbv HvXXav Biairopelv rjxriGiv, "Xaipeiv,
B6%av Be rrjv xph irpoayevea6ai. eavrov rd^tv dvaXafiftdveiv, Wlovprjvq fiev dpcoybv eTrepb-^rev 'OpTijaiov eypvra reo-aapas enreipas, avTos Be rrjv irepbirT^v eirecrOai KeXevcras eirl to Be^ibv r)ireiy ero /cal /caO' eavrb fiev d%io-
3 biroTepcoae
/jud^co?
7]Br]
tco
'Ap^eXdco
o-vveo-rrfKos,
etceivov
eTTifyavevTOs iravrdiraGiv e^efiidaavTO, Ka\ KpaTTjcravTes eBicoKov irpos re rbv Trora/xov ical 4 TO 'A/COVTIOV 0/309 it poT poir dBrjv cf>evyovTa<;. ov
Be
'
firjv
T09,
XvXXa? ypuiX^ae Movptfva KivBvvevovdXXa coppLTjae tols e/cel fiorjOelv IBcov Be
6 ye
iroXXol viKchvTas, Tore ttjs Bico^ews p.erelye. jxev ovv ev tco meBico tcov fiapftdpeov dvrjpovvTO, irXelaroi Be tco ydpciKi Trpoacpepo/JLevoi icare-
ware fivpiovs Biaireaelv eU Xa\/ciBa dirb toctovtcov p,vpidBcov. 6 Be HvXXas Xeyei reaaapa^ /cat Be/ca eir ityrrjo ai tcov avrov Koirrjcrav,
fiovovs
arpaTicoTcov, 5 ecnrepav
388
elra
real
irapayeveaOai.
tovtcov Bib /cat
Bvo
7rpo9
tow
TpoiraLois
tijv
SULLA, against
him
his
xix.
1-5
two thousand horsemen, and Hor-
forced aside by superior numbers, was keeping close to the hills, separating himself little by little from the main line, and getting surrounded by the enemy. When Sulla learned of this, he came swiftly to his aid from the right wing, which was not But Archelaus, guessing the truth yet engaged. from the dust raised by Sulla's troops, gave Hortentensius,
the go-by, and wheeling, set off for the right wing whence Sulla had come, thinking to surprise it without a commander. At the same time Murena also was attacked by Taxiles with his Bronze-shields, so that when shouts were borne to his ears from both places, and reechoed by the surrounding hills, Sulla halted, and was at a loss to know in which of the two directions he ought to betake himself. But having decided to resume his own post, he sent Hortensius with four cohorts to help Murena, while he himself, bidding the fifth cohort to follow, hastened to the right wing. This of itself had already engaged Archelaus on equal terms, but when Sulla appeared, they drove the enemy back at all points, obtained the mastery, and pursued them to the river and Mount Acontium in a headlong flight. sius
Sulla, however, did not neglect Murena in his peril, but set out to aid the forces in that quarter ; he saw,
however, that they were victorious, and then joined the pursuit. Many of the Barbarians, then, were slain in the plain, but most were cut to pieces as they rushed for their entrenchments, so that only ten thousand out of so many myriads made their But Sulla says he missed only escape into Chalcis. fourteen of his soldiers, and that afterwards, towards in
evening,
two of these
came
in.
He
therefore
389
PLUTARCH'S LIVES iireypayfrev "Apr] KaX Nl/crjv /ecu 'AcfrpoSuTrjv, a>? /car op0 doer as r) Beivorr/Ti real
°VX V TT0V evrvyia
Bwdpuei tqv iroXefxov. iraiov
€(rrr]K€
t?}?
dXXa, tovto
ireBidBos
/jL€V
P'dyrjS
rj
to rpoirpcorov
*Apy^eXaov irapa to MoXov rov Sovpiov Kara, /copvBe ian erepov peWpov, eVl rfj /cu/cXcoaet twv ftapftdpcov, (f)7)V fteftrjKos €ve/c\ivav
l
oi irepX
'
ypd/jL/jLaaiv
6 Kal
EXXrjviKoh eiria^pialvov 'OpoXoiyov dpiareh. Tavrr)? ra eiriviKia
'AvafjlBa/jLOv
t%
pdyr)? rjyev ev
Beiov
Kprjvrjv
®ij/3at,<;,
KaraarKevdaas
irepX
rrjv
OIBlttooi
Ov/jLeXrjv.
Be
rjaav "EXXrjves e/c tcop aXXcov dvaiceeireX irpos ye ®r)f3ai,ov<; dBiaXiroXewv, fcXrjfjuevoi, \d/cTG)<; elye, Kal rr}$ ydypas avrcov dirGTe/JLO/JLevos tcpivovTe?
UvOla) Kal rq> 'OXv/jlttig) KaQieirpoaoBcov KeXevaas diroBlBoo-Oai ra, y^prjiiaTa tol<; Oeoh direp avros elXrjfyei. XX. MeTa TauTa irvvdavopuevos <&XaKKOV dirb tt)? ivavria? ardo'eax; viraiov yprjfievov Biairep&v 465 rov 'loviov fjLera Bvvd/iecos, Xoyw fiev eirX MiOpirrjv r)piaeiav ra>
pcoaev, eK
Bdrrjv,
rwv
epy(p Be eir
BeTTaXta?
a>?
eKelvov avrov,
diravTr]acov.
cop/jL-qaev
yevofievtp
Be
eirX
avrw
irepX ttoXlv MeXiTeiav dfyiKVOvvro TroXXaxo6ev dyyeXiai iropQelaQai ra Karoirtv av6i$ ovk eXdr2 tovl arparia ftaaiXiKy rrjs irporepov. AopvXao? yap eh XaXKuBa KaraydeX^ TrapaaKevfj vecov
TToXXfj,
ev
ah
rjyev
6kto> fivpidBas
Kal o-WTerayfieva? aptara 1
irapa
A deity
Br) rr)<;
with Bekker, after Emperius
:
rjo-Krj/jLevas
MiOpiBariKr)? /ue'xp' irapa.
good fortune among the Romans. 2 So named "because in it Oedipus washed off the blood of his murdered father" (Pausanias, ix. 18, 4). 1
390
of
SULLA,
xix. 5-xx.
2
upon his trophies the names of Mars, 1 Victory and Venus, in the belief that his success in the war was due no less to good fortune than to This trophy of the military skill and strength. battle in the plain stands on the spot where the troops of Archelaiis first gave way, by the brook Molus, but there is another planted on the crest of Thurium, to commemorate the envelopment of the Barbarians there, and it indicates in Greek letters that Homoloichus and Anaxidamus were the heroes of the exploit. The festival in honour of this victory was celebrated by Sulla in Thebes, where he prepared a stage near the fountain of Oedipus. 2 But the judges were Greeks invited from the other cities, since towards the Thebans he was irreconcileably hostile. He also took away half of their territory and consecrated it to Pythian Apollo and Olympian Zeus, giving orders that from its revenues the moneys should be paid back to the gods which he inscribed
had taken from them. 3
XX. After this, learning that Flaccus, a man of the opposite faction, had been chosen consul 4 and was crossing the Ionian sea with an army, ostensibly against Mithridates, but really against himself, he set out towards Thessaly in order to meet him. But when he was come to the city of Meliteia, tidings reached him from many quarters that the regions behind him were ravaged again by an army of the king which was no smaller than the former. For Dorylaiis, having put in at Chalcis with a large fleet, on which he brought eighty thousand of the best trained and disciplined men in the army of 8 4
Cf. chapter xii. 3-6. With Cinna, to succeed Marius,
who died
in 86
b
c.
391
PLUTARCH'S LIVES arparias, ev0v? eh JSomdtLclv iviflaXe rrjv
ical /carel^e
eU fid^v imcrrrd-
yjapav, TrpoOvfiovfjievos
aaaOai
rbv XvXXav, ov rrpoo-eywv 'A/r^eAaco BiafccoXvovn, /cal Xoyov irepl rrj<; irporepas fidxv^ BcaBiBovs ob? ov/c dvev TrpoSoalas /ivpidBes roaavov firjv dXXa 6 SvWa? Tcr^eeo? 3 rat BiafyOapelev. vTTOGTpetyas aTreBeiije
rw AopvXd
Xaov avSpa
/cal
pbrarov TO
7T€pl
rcov
ov/c
Bairdvai^ Be
(f>povi/jLOV
coo-re
dperfjs,
TlXcJHiHTaiOV
^co/ialcov
ttj?
p,i/cpd
avrbv
€/jL7T€Cr6vTa
d^covvrcov /cpivecrOai Sid
ifAirei-
XvXXa,
rco
6LVCLI
TTpWTOV p,dyi~i<$,
dXXa
top 7r6Xefiov. o/jLcos too 'ApxeXdco rrapelyev 6 77730? T07ro?, iv co /career paroireBevaav,
ical yjpbvto rplfteiv
6dpo-o<s
'Opxofieva)
n
w
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4 ro)V
i^rjprrjfievov
7roA.eco?
dvarreirrarai
ofiaXbv
aBevBpov dy^pi avaXicrKerai 7roTa/io?,
/cal
MeXa?
rcov eXcov iv 0I9
dvareXXcov
fiev
/car-
virb
rrjv
rcov ^Opyojxevicov 7roXu? /cal rrXcolpbo^ iv jrrjyais p,6vo
ttoXiv
fievo? teal
Be virb rporras Oepivds, cocrrrep 6
cf>epcov
ofioia
rol<$
iicel
rd
NetXo?,
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irXrjv
ov Trpoeiaiv, dXXa to fiev irXelcrrov evOvs eh Xi/jLvas rvcpXds /cal eXcoBeis dcfravi^erai, fiepos Be ov ttoXv rod ov fidXiara roirov K.r)(f)iaa) o-v/jL/jLiyvvrai, rrepl Bo/cel rbv avXijn/cbv i/ccfyepeiv /cdXa/Ltov. r) Xi/jlvt)
5 a/caprra
XXI. fxev
392
koX dvav^rj.
'Eirel
iroppco
Be
Be iyyv<; /carearr paroireBevaav, 6 6 Be SvXXa? copvrre
'ApxeXaos rjav^a^ev,
SULLA,
xx. 2-xxi.
i
Mithridates, at once burst into Boeotia and occupied the country. He was eager to entice Sulla to battle, disregarding the protests of Archelaiis, and giving it out that in the previous battle so many myriads had not perished without treachery. Sulla, however, turning swiftly back, showed Dorylaiis that Archelaiis was a man of prudence and best acquainted with the Roman valour, so that after a slight skirmish with Sulla near Tilphossium, he was first of those who thought it expedient not to decide the issue by a battle, but rather to wear out the war by dint of time and treasure. Nevertheless, Archelaiis was much encouraged by the nature of the country about
Orchomenus, where they were encamped, since it was most favourable as a battle-field for an army For of all the plains of Boeotia superior in cavalry. this is the largest and fairest, and beginning from the city of Orchomenus, it spreads out smooth and treeless as far as the marshes in which the river Melas loses itself. This rises close under the city of Orchomenus, and is the only Greek river that is moreover, it copious and navigable at its sources increases towards the time of the summer solstice, like the Nile, and produces plants like those which Its grow there, only stunted and without fruit. course is short, however, and the greater part of it disappears at once in blind and marshy lakes, while a small portion of it unites with the Cephisus, somewhere near the place in which the stagnant water 1 is reputed to produce the famous reed for flutes. XXI. When the two armies had encamped near each other, Archelaiis lay still, but Sulla proceeded ;
1
ii.
The Boeotians
excelled with the flute.
See Akibiades,
4-G.
393
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rd(j)pov<;
pecov
Kal
ifcarepcoOev, 07n»?, el BvvaiTO, tcov
ek
cocreiev
fiiovs fievcov,
aAV
ivTovcos Kal
tcl
eXrj.
tcov Be ov/c dvacryo-
dcfyeiOrjaav vtto tcov (TTpaT^ycov, pvBrjv eXavvovTcov, ov /jlovov ol rrepl a>9
epya tov XvXXa BiecrKeBdaOrjcrav, dXXa Kal tov irapcLTeTayixevov GVveyyQr) to TrXelaTov cf>vy2 ovtos. evOa Brj XvXXa? avTos diro7rr]B}]aa<; tov L7T7TOV Kal C77]}XeioV dvapTTcicTaS CO06LTO Bid TCOV tcl
"
Ej/iol fiev cf>evyovTcov et? roi>? iroXepbiov^, (3ocov ivTavdd ttov KaXov, co 'Pco/iacoi, TeXevTav, vfiel^ Be Tot? TrvvOavofjL&vois ttov irpoBeBcoKaTe tov
avTOKpaTopa, /jLe/jLvrjiievoi eppd^etv &)? iv '0/?^otovtovs T€ Br) to prjdev iirecrTpe^re, Kal tcov iirl tov Begtov K&pcos aireipcov Bvo
fievco."
a? eirayaycov TpeireTai n-pocT€(3orj9r]aav ) 3 n'oXefJLtov^. dvayaycov Be fiiKpov oTricrco, r
Bov<; dpicTTOV
tovs Kal
avTOts, avOis direTafypeve tov yd-
paKa tcov iroXefiicov. ol Be av6i<$ iv Ta^ei fjuaXKal AioyevTjs Xov fj irpoTepov irpoaecpepovTO. t?}? 'ApyeXdov yvvaiKos f/09 dpiaTevcov fiev IttI
tov Be^iov
nrepioirTco^ eirecrevy ol Be To^oTai,
eK/3ia^ofxevcov, ovk eyovTes dvadQpoois to£? qLgtoIs €k xeipb? tbtnrep iraiovTes dveKOirTov avTovs, reXo? Be glcpecTL KaTaKkeiaQ evTes eh tov ydp aKa fJ^X^VP^ V7ro l BievuKTepevcrav. rj/juepas TpavfjiaTcov Kal cpovov Be irdXiv tco ^apa/a tov? o~TpaTLCOTa<; irpoaayaei;eX06vTa<; Be tov<; ycov 6 %vXXa<; direTacppevev. 7roXXov<; co? eirl fidy^v crvp,f3aXcov TpeireTai, Kal
tcov
^Vcofxaicov
cTTpocprjv
4
1
394
Bekker adopts Reiske's correction to
SULLA,
xxi.
1-4
trenches on either side, in order that, if he might cut the enemy off from the solid ground which was favourable for cavalry, and force them into the marshes. The enemy, however, would not suffer this, but when their generals sent them to dig
possible,
forth, charged impetuously and at full speed, so that not only Sulla's labourers were dispersed, but also the greater part of the corps drawn up to protect them was thrown into confusion and fled. Then Sulla threw himself from his horse, seized an ensign, and pushed his way through the fugitives against the enemy, crying '* For me, O Romans, an honourable death here but you, when men ask you where :
;
you betrayed your commander, remember to tell The fugitives rallied at them, at Orchomenus." these words, and two of the cohorts on his right wing came to his aid these he led against the enemy and routed them. Then he fell back a little distance, and after giving his men breakfast, ;
again proceeded to fence the enemy's entrenchments off with his ditches. But they attacked him Diogenes, the again in better order than before, step-son of Archelaiis, fought gallantly on their right wing,
and
fell
gloriously,
and their archers,
being hard pressed by the Romans, so that they had no room to draw their bows, took their arrows by handfuls, struck with them as with swords, at close quarters, and tried to beat back their foes, but were finally shut up in their entrenchments, and had a miserable night of it with their slain and wounded. Next day Sulla again led his soldiers up to the enemy's fortifications and continued trenching them off, and when the greater part of them came out to give him battle, he engaged with them and routed
395
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rbv
i/C€LV(ov (f)6j3ov ovBevb? /juevovTO? alpel /cal KareirX^aav 466 /cpdros to aTparoweBov. airoQviqGKOVTe^ aifxaros ra eXr] ical veicpaiv rr/v \i/jLV7)V, ware p^&XP 1 v ^ v ™°^Xa /3ap/3api/cd ro^a 7T/909
Kara
/cal /cpdvr) /cal
Ocopd/ccov
airdapuara aiBripcov
ical
roU
TeXfiao-iV evpiifi/3e/3a7rTio-pLeva<; onceaOai, a^eBbv ircov BiaKoaiwv dirb Trjs /za^? rd jiev ovv irepl Xcueice'ivr)*; Biayeyovoroov.
pLaxaipas
ical
pooveiav
irpb?
'Op](o/jL€v
roiavra Xeyerac
yeveadai.
XXII. Ktvva
Be ical Kdpftoovos ev
^(o/jLtj
to??
iTrKpaveo-TaToi? dvBpdai Xpco/jLevwv TrapavofMos /cal /3mtto?> ttoXXoI rrjv rvpavvlBa cfyevyovres (bcnrep eh Xi/xeva rov ical
irepl
/cal
yovei.
XvXXa
to arparoireBov /carefyepovro,
avrbv oXlyov %p6vov
MereXXa
/jloXls
0-%77/xa /3ovXr)<; eye-
Bia/cXe-tyacra eavrrjv
rov? iralBas, rj/cev dyyeXXovaa rrjv oiic'iav ai/TOv /cal ra? eiravXeis virb twv eyBp&v epwrre/cal
2 irprjaOaL ical Beofievr) /J,eva>
8'
avrw,
ical
roh
firjre
ol/col /3or)0elv. rrj<;
diropovTrarpiBos dfieXelv
v7ro{ievovTi /caKovjjLevrjs firjre 07ra>? aireio-iv dreXes Xlttcov roaovrov epyov, top MidpiBarifcbv iroXefiov, eirivoovvTi, irapayiverai ArjXiaicbs
epmopos 'Ao%eXaos, eX7riBa<; rivets /cal Xoyovs /cpvfya irapa rov (SaaiXucov ko/jll^cov Ap^eXdov. /cal rb irpdyfia *
XvXXa<; ovrws rjydTrrjaev ware avrbs eh Xoyov? 'ApxeXdw avveXOelv /cal avvrjXOov €7rl OaXdrrr} irepl ArjXiov, ov to lepbv rov 'AttoXX(ovo<; e&Tiv. dpjjafievov Be rov Ap^eXdov Bia-
3 airevaai ra>
*
Xeyeo~dai) /cal rbv 1
^vX\av d^iovvros
depevra rr\v
Plutarch must, therefore, have written this Lift shortly
before 115 a. d,
396
SULLA,
xxi. 4-XX11. 3
them, and such was their panic that no resistance was made, and he took their camp by storm. The marshes were filled with their blood, and the lake with their dead bodies, so that even to this day
many bows,
helmets, fragments of steel breastplates,
and swords of barbarian make are found embedded in the mud, although almost two hundred years have 1 Such, then, are the passed since this battle. accounts given of the actions at Chaeroneia and
Orchomenus. XXII. Now since Cinna and Carbo 2 at Rome were treating the most eminent men with injustice and violence, many of these had fled from their tyranny and were repairing to Sulla's camp as to a harbour of refuge, and in a little time he had about him a semblance of a senate. Metella, also, who had with difficulty stolen herself and her children away, came with tidings that his house and his villas had been burned by his enemies, and with entreaties that he would come to the help of his partisans at home. But while he was in doubt what to do, and could neither consent to neglect his country when she was outraged, nor see his way clear to go away and leave unfinished so great a task as the war with Mithridates, there came to him a merchant of Delos, named Archelaiis, who secretly brought from Archelaiis the king's general certain vague hopes and propositions. The matter was so welcome to Sulla that he was eager to have a personal conference with Archelaiis and they had a meeting on the sea-coast near Delium, where the temple Archelaiis began the conference by of Apollo is. urging Sulla to abandon Asia and Pontus and sail ;
2
Elected consul with Cinna in 85 B.C.
397
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 'Aaiav kcu tov Hovtov
eirl tov ev '^copy iroXepuov xp/ifiara XaftovTa /ecu rpirfpeiq kcu Bvvapuiv oarjv (3ovXono irapa tov (BaaiXews, viroXaftaov 6 XvXXa? MiOpiBaTOV piev dpeXelv eKeXevev, avrbv Be fiacnXeveiv avr eiceivov avp.payov 'Voopaiodv yevopbevov Kal irapaBovra ras vavs.
irXelv,
4
tov
Be
dcpocriovpevov " ElTa," aiav,
'Ap-^eXdou ttjv irpoBow 'Ap^eXae, Ka7rftapffdpov /3ao~iXeco<; SovXos, el "
ecfrr),
irahoKTj^ gov teal Be ftovXei, 0t\o9,
o~v piev,
ov% viropeveis
eirl
ttjXikovtols
ayaOols to ala^pov, epol Be fjyepovi 'Voopaioov ovtl KCti XvXXa ToXpas BiaXeyeaOat irepl irpoBoaias, WGirep ovtc etcelvos cov 'Ap^eXao?, 6 (pvycov fiev €K Xaipcovelas dXiyoarbs dirb puvpidBoov Bvo/caiBefca, KpvcfrOeU Be Bvo rjpuepas ev toZs '0/3-
yppeviwv eXeatv, aftarov Be 5 veKpcov ttXtjOovs diroXeXonroos
fiaXoov
6
'A/r^eA-ao?
Kal
^otcorlav virb
ttjv " ;
e/c
tovtov puera-
7rpoa/cvvrjcra<;
e&eZro
nravcraaOai tov iroXepiOv Kal BiaXXayrjvai irpbs tov MiOpiBdTrjv. Be^apbevov Be tov %vXXa ttjv TrpoKXrjaiv eyevovTo o-vvOrjKat, MiOpiBaTrjv p,ev Ao lav d
j3ap£dvrj,
KaTafiaXelv Be 'Vcopaiocs Bio-x^Xca Bovvai vav? eftBopbrjKovTa ^
TakavTa Kal
HvXXav Krjpeis pi€Ta TTJs ol/ceias TrapaaKevrjs, Be eKelva) ttjv re aXXrjv dpyi^v ftefiaiovv Kal avp,paypv 'PcDpLaicov ^jrrjcfiL^eo'Oai. XXIII. Tovtwv 6pioXoy7]6evTcov
dvao-Tpe^]ra<;
©€TraXta? Kal MaKeBovlas eirl tov *¥XXrjO"jTovTOV e^wv p,e6' avTOV tov 'Ap^eXaov ev e/3dBi%€ Bia
y
1
398
koI Ko7T7r aSo/fias
Bekker, after Coraes
:
KairiraSoiclas.
SULLA,
xxn. 3-xxiii.
1
the war in Rome, on condition of receiving money, triremes, and as large a force as he wished, from the king. Sulla rejoined by bidding him take no further thought for Mithridates, but assume the crown himself in his stead, becoming an ally of the Romans, and surrendering to them his ships. for
And when Archelaiis expressed his abhorrence of such treason, Sulla said " So then, thou, Archelaiis, who art a Cappadocian, and a slave of a barbarian king, or, if thou wilt, his friend, wilt not consent to a disgraceful deed for such great rewards ; but to me, who am a Roman commander, and Sulla, thou darest to propose treachery? as if thou wert not that Archelaiis who fled from Chaeroneia with a few survivors out of one hundred and twenty thousand men, and who lay hid for two days in the marshes of Orchomenus, and who left Boeotia " impassable for the multitude of dead bodies :
!
Archelaiis changed his tone, and as a humble suppliant besought him to desist from the war and be reconciled with Mithridates. Sulla granted the request, and terms of agreement were made as follows Mithridates was to renounce Asia and Paphlagonia, restore Bithynia to Nicomedes and Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, pay down to the
Upon
this,
:
Romans two thousand talents, and give them seventy bronze-armoured ships with their proper equipment Sulla, on his part, was to confirm Mithridates in the rest of his dominions, and get him voted an ally of the Romans. XXIII. When these agreements had been made, Sulla turned back and proceeded by way of Thessaly and Macedonia towards the Hellespont, having ;
399
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Tififj.
koX vo<J7)(TavTO<; iiriacfraXcbs irepl Adpicraav
&)? evbs twv vir avrbv ravrd re 2 r/yepovcov teal arparrjycov eirefiekrjOr].
eVfCTT^o-a? ttjv iropeiav, Brj
BiefiaXXe to irepl Xaipcoveiav epyov
&)?
ov%l
/caOapcos dycoviaOev, /cal on tol>? aXXov<; MiOpiBaTrj (£t\ou?, 0D9 etyev al^piaXcoTov^, diroBovs 6 SuAAa? Aptarlcjova pibvov tov Tvpavvov dvelXe Std cfrappd/ctov 'A/)%eA,aft) Bid(f)Opov ourw paXtara '
8'
rj
ev
BoOelaa
yrj r
Eu/Sota,
avpp.ayov
virb
to 'Fcopalcov
%u\Xa
avrbv
/cal
irepl
p,ev
dvaypa^>r\vai.
ovv tovtcjv auTO? 6 livXXas ev tols
virop,V}jpLao~iv
a7ro\oyelrai.
ToVe
3
Be
Trpeafievrcov
irapayevopuevoyv
/cal
rd
irapd puev
tov MidpiBaTOV 467
aXXa
(paa/covTcov
Be^eaBav, TLafyXayoviav Be d^iovvrcov pur) d
"Ti
XvXXas, (pare;" elire, "Mt,0pi^a\eirrjva<; Bdrrj^ UacfrXayovLas dvTiiroielTai koX irepl twv vecov etjapvos evTiv, bv eyco irpoa/cvvrjaeiv evo/ac^ov, 6
el tt)v Be^tdv avrq> KaraXeiiroipLi yeipa, Bi i)s* 4 toctovtovs 'PcopLaifov dveTXev ; erepas pevroi idya
'A&iav epuov' vvv Be (j)(ova<; d$?)(jei Bia/3dvTO eh ev UepydpL(p /caOrjpevo*; bv ov^ ecopa/ce Biaarparrjyel iroXepLOV." 01 pbev ovv irpeafteis (froftrjdevTes ^avya^ov, 6 Be 'Ao^eXao? eBelro tov XvXXa /cal Kaieirpdvve tt)v bpyyjv, dirrop,evo<; rf}<; Betjia? Te\o? S' eireiaev diroavrov Kal Ba/cpvcov. * tov at»T09 M.i0piBaT7]v Biairpd^irpbs aTaXrjvai 1
1 airoaraXrivai avrbs Sintenis and Bekker, after The best MS. (Ss) has avrovs.
airoara\7jvai.
400
Emperius:
SULLA, Archelaiis with him,
and
xxiii.
1-4
in honour.
And when Arche-
dangerously ill at Larissa, Sulla stopped his march, and cared for him as if he had been one of his own commanding officers. This raised the suspicion that the action at Chaeroneia had not been fairly fought, as well as the fact that Sulla released the other friends of Mithridates whom he had taken captive, but put to death Aristion the tyrant alone, by poison, who was at enmity with Archelaiis the strongest ground for the suspicion, however, was his gift to the Cappadocian of about two thousand acres of land in Euboea, and his bestowing upon him the title of friend and At any rate, on these points ally of the Romans. Sulla defends himself in his Memoirs. At this time also ambassadors from Mithridates arrived, and when they declared that he accepted the other terms, but demanded that Paphlagonia be not taken away from him, and that as to the ships no agreement whatsoever should be made, laiis fell
:
Sulla
ye
?
flew
into
a passion
and said
:
" What say
Mithridates maintains his claim to Paphlagonia,
and refuses to give the ships, when I thought he would prostrate himself humbly before me if I should leave him but that right hand of his, with which he took the lives of so many Romans ? However, he will quickly talk in another strain after I have crossed into Asia now he sits in Pergamum and directs a war which he has not seen." The ambassadors, accordingly, were frightened, and held but Archelaiis entreated Sulla, and their peace ;
;
tried to soften his anger, laying hold of his right And finally he obtained Sulla's hand and weeping.
consent to send him in person to Mithridates
;
for
401
PLUTARCH'S LIVES eaQai yap 5 ireidoiy
e<£*
0I9 fiovXerai tt)v elprjvrjv, el Be
fir)
eVl tovtois £kavTos avrov. 7T€/jLyjra<; e/celvov avros eh rrjv MaiBiKrjv evefiaXe, Kal tcl iroXXd Bt,airopd)jaa<; irdXiv avkarpetyev eh Mcucehovlav, Kal rov Ap-^eXaov eSe^aro irepl fcreveiv
'
^lXlttttov^ dyyeXXovTa /eaXa>9 irdvra' eyeiv Be iravTws avrw top M.idpi8dTr)v els 6 Xoyof? eXOelv. a'trio? 6" r)v fidXiaTa <&Lfi{3pia<;, 09 rov dirb rrjs erepas aTacreco^ apyovra <£>XdfCfcov
Beladai
dveXwv Kal
tcov MidpcBariKcbv o-TpaTrjycov Kpaavrov eKelvov £/3dBi£e» ravra yap
Trjaas
eV
Belo~a
6 ^jliOptBdrrj^ fiaXXov eXXero
ra>
XvXXa
(piXo? yevecrdai.
XXIV. XvvrjXOov ovv rrj<; TpwdBos ev AapSdvcp, MiOpiBaTrj? fiev e%cov vavs abiodi BiaKoo~las oirXira^ fih ivrjpeLS Kal rr)$ 7re£% Suva/news Sio-fivpLovs, lirireh Be e^a/aa-^Xtof? Kal cvxva twv
Bpeiravr)
S^XXa?
Be
Teaaapa^ aireipas
Kal
BtaKoaLOvs linreh. diravTrjcravTO^ Be tov MiOpiBdrov Kal ttjv Be^iav Trporeivavros, r/pcorr)aev avrov el KaraXvaerat tov iroXefiov ecfS oh aiwrrctiVTO'; Be rov fia(h/jioXoyrjo-ev 'A^o^eXao?* " tcov BeoaiXews, o SuXXa? "'AXXa firjv" ecprf, fievcov iarl to TTporepovs Xeyeiv, Toh Be viKwauv 2 e^apKel to aicoTrciv" errel Be dp^djievos t^? 6 diroXoylas M.i6piBaTr)<; eireipaTO rov 7roXe/iou tcl fiev
0-6 au
eh
Baifiovas Tpenreiv, tcl Be avTovs aLTia-
tov$ 'Pcojiaiov?, v7ro\a/3a)v 6 "ZvXXas ecprj irdXaL jiev erepcov aKOveiv, vvv 8' avTo? eyvwKevai tov MidpiBdTrjv BeivoTaTov ovtcl prjTopeveiv, 0$
402
SULLA,
xxiii. 4-xxiv. 2
he said that he would have the peace ratified on Sulla's terms, or, if he could not persuade the king, would kill himself. Upon these assurances Sulla sent him away, and then himself invaded the country of the Maedi, and after ravaging the most of it, turned back again into Macedonia, and Archelaiis brought received Archelaiis at Philippi. him word that all was well, but that Mithridates Fimbria was insisted on a conference with him.
responsible for this, who, after killing 1 Flaccus, the consul of the opposite faction, and of the Mithridates, was generals overpowering For this marching against the king himself. terrified Mithridates, and he chose rather to seek the friendship of Sulla. chiefly
XXIV. They met,
accordingly, at Dardanus, in Mithridates having two hundred ships there, equipped with oars, twenty thousand menat-arms from his infantry force, six thousand horse, and a throng of scythe-bearing chariots Sulla, on the other hand, having four cohorts and two hundred When Mithridates came towards him and horse. put out his hand, Sulla asked him if he would put a stop to the war on the terms which Archelaiis had made, and as the king was silent, Sulla said "But surely it is the part of suppliants to speak Then first, while victors need only to be silent." Mithridates began a defence of himself, and tried to shift the blame for the war partly upon the gods, and partly upon the Romans themselves. But Sulla cut him short, saying that he had long ago heard from others, but now knew of himself, that Mithridates was a very powerful orator, since he
the Troad,
;
:
1
See chapter
xii.
8 and note.
403
PLUTARCH'S LIVES irpd^eacv ovtw TrovTjpats ical irapavofwts efXoycov e%6vTcov evirpeireiav ov/c r/Troprj/cev.
eirl
eXey^as Be ra
ireirpay/jbeva Trt/cpcos vir avrov teal /caTTjyoprjcras, irdXtv rjpcoTTjaev el iroiel ra avyBi Be iroielv, fceifjLeia
'Apioftap^dvrjv
6 puev ovv TTpoaayaycbv BirjXXa^ev. vavs irapaBov? ica\ MiOpL&drrjs e/3Bop,r]teovra TrevTafcocriovs eh Hovrov direTrXevaev. ro^oras r O Be iLvXXas, alo~06fJLevo<; d^dofievovs tou? a t par hot a<; rfj BiaXvaei (rbv yap eyQiarov twv
/3ao~CXels
BaaiXewv
teal Befcairevre fivpidBas r\p>epa fiia tcov ev 'Acria ^Vcofiaioiv tearao~(f)ayr)vai, Trapaateevd(ravra Beivbv i)yovvTO fiera ttXovtov /cal Xa
t%
XerfXarwv fcal fyopoXoywv BtereXeorev), direXoyelro 7rpo? avrov? 009 ovte av d/ia Qijifipiq teal M.i0piBdrrj
avrov,
iroXe/ne'iv,
el
o~vveo~Tr)crav
dfx^brepoi
/car
Bvvr)6ei<$.
XXV.
'Opfitfcras Be iteeWev eVt
SvareipoL? arparoTreBevovra
^t^piav
ical TrXrjauov
777)0?
teara-
ol feufa?, rd(f>pov rq> arparoireBcp 7repie/3aXev. Be rod <&i/ji/3piov arparicoraL fiovoxirwves etc rov
aTparoireBov it poiovre? rjaird^ovTO tovs eteeuvov koX o-vveXdfiftavov avrols twv epycov TrpoOvficos. bp&v Be 6 <£>i[JL/3pia$ rrjv /jLeraftoXrjv /cal rbv %vXXav &)? dBiaXXatcrov BeBoitea)? avrbs eavrbv ev to) a-TparoireBa) BcecpOeipe. 1 In the late autumn of 88 B.C. The cities of Asia Minor were glad to obey the orders of Mithridates for a general
404
SULLA,
xxiv. 2-xxv.
i
had not been at a loss for plausible arguments to defend such baseness and injustice as his. Then he reproached him bitterly and denounced him for what he had done, and asked him again if he would keep the agreements made through Archelaus. And when he said that he would, then Sulla greeted him with an embrace and a kiss, and later, bringing to him Ariobarzanes and Nicomedes the kings, he reconciled him with them. Mithridates, accordingly, after handing over to Sulla seventy ships and five
hundred archers, sailed away to Pontus. But Sulla perceived that his soldiers were incensed at the peace which he had made they thought it a terrible thing to see the most hostile of kings, who had caused one hundred and fifty thousand of the Romans in Asia to be massacred in a single day go sailing off with wealth and spoils from Asia, which he had for four years continued to plunder and levy He therefore defended himself to them taxes on. by saying that he would not have been able to carry on war with Mithridates and Fimbria too, if they had ;
*
both joined forces against him. XXV. Then he set out from thence against Fimbria, who was encamped near Thyateira, and halting his army near by, began to fortify his camp. But the soldiers of Fimbria came forth from their camp without any armour on, and welcomed Sulla's soldiers, and joined them eagerly in their labours, and when Fimbria saw this change in their allegiance, fearing that Sulla was irreconcileable, he laid violent hands on himself in the camp.
massacre of the resident Romans. Cf. Appian, Mithridates, Valerius Maximus (ix. 2, 4, Ext. 3) gives the number xxii. of slain as 80,000.
vol.
iv.
O
4 °5
PLUTARCH'S LIVES £u\\a?
2
Be
Koivfj
[xev
etypiwae
IBia
Sia/AvpLOLS TdXavTOis,
ttjv
'AaCav
rovs ol/eovs efetwv eirLarad fxevov-
Be
rpL^\rev v/3pec teal irokiopKia
l
twv. eieiaKTO yap etedaTr}<; rj/iepas tcd tearaXyrrj top %evov BiBovai reaerapa TerpdBpa^fia teal itapeyeiv Belirvov avrw teal (fiiXois, 6a o 1^9 clv eOeXr) tcakeZv, \a/jbj3dpetv
raQapyov
t?}?
rj/jiepas,
Be irevrrjKOVTa Bpax/jLa<; eaOrfra Be aXXrjv fiev
aWrjv Be eh dyopdv Trpoepyo/xevo^. XXVI. 'AvaxOeh Be irdaais rah vavalv ef
olteovpcov,
'E^ecrou rpLralo<; ev Tleipcuel teaOcjp/jLiadrj' teal e^elXev eavrw rrjv 'A7reWifecovo<; rov /jivrjdeh Tr]tov /3iJ3\to0rjtcr]v, ev fj ra ir\elcrra rcov 'Apiarore\ov<; teal %eo^)pdarov /3if3\L(ov r)v, ovrreo rore Xeyerai Be era>co? yvcopi^ofieva rots ttoWols. KOfiKjOeiarj^ avrrjs eh 'Pcbp.T)v Tvpavvucova rov ypap,jiaritebv evateevdaaaOai ra, rroWd, teal trap* avrov rov 'PoBiov 'AvBpovtteov evTroprjaavra rcov dvriypdcfrcov eh pbeaov Oelvat teal dvaypd-fyai rovs 2 vvv (pepo/jLevovs irlvateas. ol Be Trpeafivrepoi, HepLTrarrjTiteol fyaivovrai fiev icaO* eavrov? yevoyapievres teal (pikokoyoi, rcov Be ^Aptarore-
fievoi
%eo(f>pdarov ypafifidrcov ovre 7ro\\oh Bt,a rb rbv NrjXico?
Xof?
teal
ovre rov
dtepiftcos evrervyrj/eore^ "2,/crjyjrLov
teXrjpov,
Seocppaaros, eh
<x>
ra
d(pi\orifiov<;
/3i/3\ia teal
teareXiTre
IBioora*;
dv-
Opcoirovs rrepiyeveaOai. 1
iroXiopidq
1 MSS.,Coraes, Sintenis Bekker ,
:
irKeovt^lx after
Solan us. 1
2
Cf. Lucullus, iv. 1. Cf. Strabo, xiii. 1, 54.
406
Scepsis
was a
city of the Troad,
SULLA, Sulla
now
thousand
xxv. 2-xxvi. 2
laid a public fine
talents,
1
and
upon Asia of twenty
utterly
ruined
individual
by the insolent outrages of the soldiers For orders were given that the quartered on them. families
host should give his guest four tetradrachms every day, and furnish him, and as many friends as he might wish to invite, with a supper and that a military tribune should receive fifty drachmas a day, and two suits of clothing, one to wear when he was at home, and another when he went abroad. XXVI. Having put to sea with all his ships from Ephesus, on the third day he came to anchor in Piraeus. He was now initiated into the mysteries, and seized for himself the library of Apellicon the Teian, in which were most of the treatises of Aristotle and Theophrastus, at that time not yet well known to the public. But it is said that after the library was carried to Rome, Tyrannio the grammarian arranged most of the works in it, and that Andronicus the Rhodian was furnished by him with copies of them, and published them, and drew up the lists now current. The older Peripatetics were evidently of themselves accomplished and learned men, but they seem to have had neither a large nor an exact acquaintance with the writings of Aristotle and Theophrastus, because the estate of Neleus of Scepsis, to whom Theophrastus bequeathed his books, came into the hands of careless and illiterate ;
people.
2
and a centre
under the Attalid dynasty of Perof Aristotle and Theophrastus were hidden in an underground cellar by their owners, to keep them from being taken to Pergamnni, and came in a damaged condition into the possession of Apellicon.
gamum.
of learning
The writings
407
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 3
SuXXa 8e 8iarpij3ovTi irepl Ta? 'AOtfva? aXyrjpa vap/ccoBes fiera ftdpovs eh rov? 7r68a<; eveireaev, 6 (pjjaiv 6 Xrpdftcov iroSdypas ^eXXiapbv elvai. 8ia7r\evcra ovv
eh A'cStj-^tov e^prjro to?? Oeppioh vhaai, paOvp&v dfia koX (rvvSirj/iepevcov Tot? irepl top Aiovvcrov Te^virai^. irepi7rarovvTO<; 8k tt/?o? tijv
OdXarrav aXieh
irpoo"i]V€ytcav. &)?
Oofievos 4
"
'AXaiwv;
ef
avrw
rives Z%#{)?
Tray/caXovs
rjaOeh 8e roh 8a)poi<;, " "Rri 'AXwv x yap, ore
ervyyave
irv-
/ecu
yap
elev,
£f)
tis
rrjv
irpbs 'Op^ofxevw fid^Tjv v6vifcr)KC0<; iSlcofce rovs iroXeyu-tou?, a/jua rpeh iroXets t^? BotcoTta?, 'AvQijSova, e(f>7]'
x
t&v 8' dvOpoairwy AdpvfAvav, 'AXa? dvyprj/ccos. inrb Beovs d(f)cova)p yevopuevcov, 8iapL€i8idaa<; e/ceXevcrev dirievai yalpovTas, &>9 ov fiera (f)avX(ov ov8e d^icov rjKovras TrapaiTrjrwv. oXiyaypias 'AXaioi /xev eic rovrov Xeyovai Oappijcravres avOis eh tt)v irbXiv avveXOelv. XXVII. HvWas 8e 8lcl ©eTTaXta? zeal Ma/ec-
zema? %i\,iai$
/Caracas vavcrl
BiafidXXeiv
eh
eVl /cal
ddXarrav irapeaicevd^eTo dirb kvppayiov
Sia/coaLais
'
Bpevrecriov.
8e
r)
AiroXXwvia
iifcr)Giov earl, ical irpb^ avrfj to Nvjic^aiov, tepo? tottos e/c yXoepas vdirrjs real Xeipbcovwv dva8i8ov<;
2 7TVpbs 7rr)yd<; cTTropdBas eVSe\e%a)? piovros. ivravOd tyaai KOiixdijievov aXwvai adrvpov, olov oi
dyQevra 8e
irXdorrai fcal ypatyeh elfcd^ovcnv,
XvXXav epcoraaOai oV elrj' 1
In some passage not
now
:
co?
ttoXXcov ogtls
ov8ev o-vverebs,
'AXwu, 'AXas with Coraes (in notes) 1
408
epp.r)veo)v
dXXa
'AXaiwv, 'A\alas.
extant.
SULLA,
xxvi. 3-xxvii. 2
While Sulla was tarrying at Athens, his feet were attacked by numbness and a feeling of heaviness, which Strabo says 1 is premonitory gout. He therefore crossed the straits to Aedepsus and used the hot waters there, taking a holiday at the same time, and passing his time pleasantly with the theatrical artists. Once, as he was walking along the seashore, certain fishermen brought him some very fine fish. Being delighted with their gift," and learning said he, " is that they were from Halae, * What " man of Halae alive For when he was still ? any pursuing the enemy after his victory at Orchomenus, he had destroyed three cities of Boeotia together, Anthedon, Larymna, and Halae. The men were speechless with terror, but Sulla smiled and bade them depart in peace, since they had brought with !
or despicable intercessors. The men of Halae say that this gave them courage to go back again in a body to their city.
them no mean
XXVII. And now Sulla, having passed through Thessaly and Macedonia down to the sea, was preparing to cross from Dyrrhachium to Brundisium with twelve hundred ships. 2 Near by is Apollonia, and in its vicinity is the Nymphaeum, a sacred precinct, which sends forth in various places from its green dell and meadows, streams of perpetually flowHere, they say, a satyr was caught asleep, ing fire. such an one as sculptors and painters represent, and brought to Sulla, where he was asked through
many
interpreters
who he
he uttered nothing
was.
intelligible,
And when but with
at last
difficulty
* His fleet had sailed round Peloponnesus from Piraeus. According to Appian (Bell. Civ. i. 79), Sulla crossed from Patras to Brundisium.
409
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Tpayeldp Tipa Kal jjuakiara p,epiyp,epr)p Xitttov re Kal rpdyov pbrjKao-pLO) (f>copr)p dcpePTos,
Xpe/jL€TCcr/j,(p
i/CTrXayevra top
MeWoPTOs
3
Kal hehioTOS
^vXXap
dirohioiropLTTrjaaaOaL.
rovs arparicora^ hia7repaiovpt rr}? 'IraAxa? iiriXafBopepoi Kara,
he
pur)
7ToXei? e/cacTTOL
hiappvcbai,, irpwrov pep oipoaav avrcov irapapevelv Kal piyhep eKovaicos KaKovpyrjcreiv rr)v ^lraXlav, eireira ^prjpdrcov heop,evov 7roX\,a)p opcopres, diri)pyoPTO Kal crvpeiae(fyepov a)? eKacrTOS el^ep eviropias. ov pur)p ehe^aTO rr]P dirapyr)P 6 ZvXkas, aW' eiracpeaas Kal w? fyrjaip avros, eVt Trapoppurjcras hiefiatpep, irepreKaiheKa arpaTrjyovs TroXepiovs irePTr\KOPTa Kal rerpaKoalas o~ireipa<$ eyoPTas, eK^rfKorara y
dcf)
4
tov deov rd<; euTt^ta? tt poarj paiv'opi o? avTw. OvaavTOS pep yap evdecos y hte^r) irepl Tdpapra,
e^wp 6 Xoflbs axpOrj, Kal hvo KarrjpTrjpbepcop. piKpbp he irpb 46! ep Kapjrapia wepl to TicfraTOP tjJs hiaftdaews opos iipepas cotyOrjciap hvo rpdyoi p,eyd\oi avp,fyepopepoL Kal irdpra Spwpres Kal irda^oPTes 8d(f)P7)<;
(TTecpdpou tvttop
XrjppiaKcop
a
avp,ftaipei pLayopepois dpdpdnrois.
rjp
he
dpa
Kal Kara paKpbp alpopepop diro yy)<; hieaireipeTO iroXka^ov tov depos eihtoXois dpavpols Kal p,er ov ttoXvp 5 opboiop, elra ovtcds r)(f)apLa6t]. XPopop ep tw T07T(p tovtw Maplov tov peov Kal Nopfiapov tov vitaTov peydXas hvpdpeis eirayayoPTCop, 6 ^vXXas ovtc Ta^ip a7rohov<; ovTe Xo^iaas to olkclop aTpaTevpa, pojp,rj he irpoOvKal cf)opa ToXpL*]? diro^pi^adpievos pia<$ koipy]<s (f)do~p,a,
1
any
In the spring of 83 B.C. The main part of his forces, at rate, must have landed at Brundisium.
410
SULLA,
xxvii. 2-5
emitted a hoarse cry that was something between the neighing of a horse and the bleating of a goat, Sulla was horrified, and ordered him out of his sight. When Sulla was about to transport his soldiers, and was in fear lest, when they had reached Italy, they should disperse to their several cities, in the first place, they took an oath of their own accord to stand by him, and to do no damage to Italy without and then, seeing that he needed much his orders money, they made a free-will offering and contribution, each man according to his abundance. Sulla, however, would not accept their offering, but ;
thanking them and rousing their courage, crossed over to confront, as he himself says, fifteen hostile commanders with four hundred and fifty
after
cohorts.
But the Deity gave him most unmistake-
For after he had able foretokens of his successes. sacrificed at once where he landed at Tarentum, 1 the victim's liver was seen to have an impression of a wreath of laurel, with two fillets hanging from it. 2 And a little while before he crossed over from Greece, there were seen on Mount Tifatum in
day time, two great he-goats and doing everything that men do when they fight a battle. But it proved to be an apparition, and gradually rising from earth it dispersed itself generally in the air, like vague phantoms, and then vanished from sight. And not long after, 3 in this very place, when Marius the younger and Norbanus the consul led large forces up against him, Sulla, without either giving out an order of battle or Campania, in the fighting together,
forming his own army in companies, but taking advantage of a vigorous general alacrity and a 8
The
typical triumphal crown.
*
In 83 b.o.
411
PLUTARCH'S LIVES tov$ jroXepLLovs kcu KareKXeicrev €t? Kairvrjv iroXiv top Nopfiavov, eirTaKia^CKiov^ rovro acriov avTco yeveaOai (prjal 6 aTrofcreivaS' eVyoei/raro
rov fjur) BtaXvOrivau tovs o-TpaTicoTas Kara TroXeis, dXXci avpupuelvai kcu KCLTCKppovrjcrcu tcov evavTicov iroXXairXaalwv ovrcov. iv Be ZiX/Slco
Hovriov
0eo
evTV^elv
ai/Tco Xe-
yovTa irapa rf}<; 'Evvov? tcpdros iroXepov teal vlktjv dirayyeXXeiV el Be p,r) cTirevaetev, epareTrpr)aeaOcu to KairiTcoXiov b kclI o-vfi/3r)vcu ttj? rjpepas €K€Lvr)$ 979 6 avOpcoiros Trporjyopevcrev' yv Be avTTj irpb pia<; vcovcov KvvtiXicov, a? vvv 7 'loiAia? KaXovpev. en, Be Map/cos AcvkoXXos, el?
tmv
V7rb
XepLtcov
%vXXa
aTparrjryovvTcov, irepl QiBevTiav 77-009 irevTi]K0VTa tcov irop,ev rfj dvTira)(6el<; irpoOvpiq tcov
eK/cauSe/cd
cnreipciLs
GTptiTicoTcov eiriGTevev, avoirkovs Be tou9 7roX\ov %X&v co/cvei. ftovXevopevov Be clvtov kcu clirb tov irXrjcrlov ireBiov Xetpucova k'xovTOs avpa cpepovaa p,aXaKrj iroXXc\ tcov dvOecov iireftdke ttj OTpaTicL /ecu fcaT&cnreipev, avTopaTcos eiripbevovTa kcu Trepnr'nrTovTa Tot? Ovpeol? /ecu Tot? Kpdveaiv clvtcov, coaTe cj>aivea6cu toIs iro-
BiapeXXovTos,
8
Xepioi? eaTecpavcopevov*;. yevbpevoi Be virb tovirpoOvpLOTepoi crvve/3aXov /ecu vi/crjcravTes oktclkict'XlXIovs eirl pLvpiois direKTeivav /ecu to ovtos o AevKoXXos a8e\(f)b<> cTTpaTOTreBov elXov.
tov
AeVKoXXoV
TOV
ML0ptBdTf]V VLTTepOV /cal Tiypdvrjv KaTairoXep.r)(yavTO<$. XXVIII. O Be %vXXas e.Ti ttoXXol? arTpaToTreBois kcu pieydXeus Bvvdpecn TTepi/ceyypbevovs Y)V
f
412
SULLA,
xxvii. 5-xxviii. 1
transport of courage in them, routed the enemy and shut up Norbanus in the city of Capua, after slaying seven thousand of his men. It was on account of this success, he says, that his soldiers did not disperse into their several cities, but held together and despised their opponents, though these were many times more numerous. He says, moreover, that at Silvium, a servant of Pontius met him, in an inspired state, declaring that he brought him from Bellona triumph in war and victory, but that if he and did not hasten, the Capitol would be burnt this actually happened, he says, on the day which the man foretold, namely, the sixth day of Quintilis, ;
which we now call July. 1 And still further, at Fidentia, when Marcus Lucullus, one of Sulla's commanders, with sixteen cohorts confronted
fifty
cohorts of the
enemy, although he had confidence in the readiness of his soldiers, still, as most of them were without But while he was arms, he hesitated to attack. waiting and deliberating, from the neighbouring plain, which was a meadow, a gentle breeze brought a quantity of flowers and scattered them down
upon his army they settled of their own accord and enveloped the shields and helmets of the ;
soldiers, so that to
the
these appeared to be This circumstance made
enemy
crowned with garlands. them more eager for the
fray, and they joined battle, victory, killed eighteen thousand of the and took their camp. This Lucullus was a
won the enemy,
brother of the Lucullus who afterwards subdued Mithridates and Tigranes. XXVIII. But Sulla, seeing that his enemies still surrounded him on all sides with many armies and 1
Cf. Publicola. xv.
1.
413
PLUTARCH'S LIVES avrw
Tot>? iroXeplovs opcov TravTa^oOev tfirrero Bvvdpei Kal BC aTrdrr]^, irpoKaXovpevo^ eh Bia2 Xvaet? tov erepov tcov vttcltcov ^.tcrjirlcova. Be^afievov 8* i/ceivov ovWoyoi fiev eyivovTO Kal KOivo\oylai TrXeioves, del Be Tiva Trapaycoyrjv Kal •Kpbfyaaiv ep,/3d\\cov 6 %vWa<; BiecpOeipe tovs irepl XKr)7ri(Dva roh eavrov (TTpaTicorat^, r)o~K7)Kal yorjTelav airaaav axnrep fjuevoi*; 7T/30? diraTrjv auTO? 6 rjyeficov. elcriovTes yap eh tov yjipaKa tS>v 7ro\ep,i(ov Kal dvapuyvvpuevoi tou? pev ev6v<; dpyvpiw, tovs Be viroayecreaL, tov? Be KoXaKev3 ovres Kal dvaireLOovTe? irpoarjyovTO. TeXo? Be tov livXka fiera aireiposv ei/coat irpoae\66vro^ eyy iff ol puev rjcnrdaavTO tov
Be dvra(nrao~dfjL€Voi irpoae^dipr^aav' 6 Be %K7]7tlcdv ev Tjj
rah
e?Koo~i
cnrelpai? coawep r)0daiv opviai reo~tcov iroXepicov iraXevca^ dirr]-
aapaKOvra ras yayev
eh to
Kdpftcovd
o-TparoireBov
elireXv
airavTas.
ev rfj ^v\\a ^vyf} r?}? d\(07reKo<; dvi&ro puaXkov.
iroXepcov
4
ore Kal
dXdmeKi Kal Xeovrt fcaroLKovaiv
virb
'E/e tovtov irepl ^lyviov Ma/oto? oyBorjKovTa Kal irevre airelpa^ e%cov nrpovKaXeZro %v\\av. 6 Be Kal irdw irpoOupos r)v BiaywvidaaQai Kar eKeivr)v ttjv rjpepav ervyyave yap oyfriv eropaKco^ eBoKei tov yepov.a roidvBe Kara. tou vttvqv?. Mdpiov redvrjKora irakai ra> iratBl Mapl(p irapaivelv (pv\d^aa6aL rrjv ernovcrav r)pepav a>9 peydBia tovto p.ev \rjv a\)TW BvG7V)(iav (pepovaav. Br) 7rp66upo<; 6 "EuXXa^ r)v pdyeaBai, Kal puereirepireTO top AoXofteXXav airwOev arparoire-
414
SULLA, large forces,
xxviii.
had recourse to
1-4
craft as well as force,
and invited Scipio, the other consul, to make terms of peace. He accepted the proposal, and several meetings and conferences were held but Sulla con;
some pretext
for gaining time, and gradually corrupted Scipio's soldiers by means of his own, who were practised in deceit and every
tinually interposed
kind of jugglery, like their general himself. For they entered the camp of their enemies, mingled freely with them, and gradually won them over to Sulla's cause, some at once with money, others with promises, and others still with persuasive flatteries. And finally, when Sulla drew near with twenty cohorts, his men greeted those of Scipio, who answered their greetings and went over to them. Scipio, who was left alone, was taken in his tent, but dismissed while Sulla, who had used his twenty cohorts as decoy-birds to catch the forty cohorts of the enemy, led them all back to his camp. It was on this occasion, too, that Carbo is said to have remarked that in making war upon the fox and the lion in Sulla, he was more annoyed by the fox. After this, at Signia, Marius, with eighty-five ;
Now Sulla was cohorts, challenged Sulla to battle. very eager to have the issue settled on that day ; for he had seen a vision in his dreams, as follows. He thought he saw the elder Marius, who was long since dead, advising his son Marius to beware of the ensuing day, since it would bring him a great calamity.
For this reason, then, Sulla was eager to and was trying to get Dolabella, who
fight a battle,
was encamped at some distance, to join him.
But
415
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 5 Bevovra.
roov Be TroXepbiwv ecpLara/^evcov rats airofypcLTTOVTwv ol rov XvXXa irpoap,ayopbevoi /cal oBoTroiovvres etcctfivov ical ttoXv<$ ofi/3po<; afJLCL Tot? epyois einyevopLevo^ puaXXov i/cd/ccoaev avTOvs. oOev ol ra^lapyoc 7rpocrt6vre<; tw %vXXa eBeovro rrjv p^dyrjv dvaftaXeaOai, /cal
6Bol<;
BeucvvvTes dfia rov? en pandoras ippip,p,evov<; viro koitov /cal irpoaavairavofievovs yapud^e rots 6v6 peots KGKkipbevoi,*;. eirel Be. avveyooprjaev axcov /cal 7rp6crTayp,a /caTa^ev^ecos eBco/cev, dpyopbevcov avrcov rov
ydpa/ca fidXXew
M.dpco<; irpolirirevbov a>9
puevovs
/cal
rafypov opuaaetv cro^apco? 6 drd/crow; ica\ TeOopvftrj-
o-rpaTOTTeBeias,
rrjs
irpb
eirrjXavve
evravOa
Bcaa/ceBdaoov.
%vXXa
rap
rrjv
Kara rov? virvovs cfxovrjv 6 Balpuwv avvereXei. opyrj yap avrov rot? a r par loot ais irapearr], fcal iravcrdpievoL roov epyoov tou?
TTi^av
cvvaXaXd^avre^
ev
airacrdpuevoi Be
7 ol Be ov iroXvv vireo-rrjo-av ypovov,
ttoXvs (fiovos avroov rpairevrcov. yoov
eh Ylpacvearbv
p,eva
eavrbv a)V teal
/caXcoBlov Be
/care-
vcrcrov<;
piev
ra ft>?7 ical yepcrlv rjaav tmv iroXepLioav.
€7rl t?} rdeppop,
rjBr]
dXXd
ra? irvXas evpe
dvoodev depeOevro?
dve\rj(f)07) 777509
to
recyo<;.
yiverat Be
Mdpio?
/ce/cXet-
eV£a>cr<29
evioi Be
§aaiv>
&aiveo'Te'Wa eo~TLv, ovBe alaOeaOai t^9
(
p,dyr)$ rov Vldpiov, dXX! e£ dypvTrvicov teal /co7rcov vtto a Kid tivi yapual /cara/cXivevTa rov GwQr\-
/xaro9 Bo9evro<$ evBovvai 7rpo9 virvov, elra p,oXi<; ev ravrrj rfj (f>vyr/<; yevop,evi]<;.
8 e^eyeipecrOai
t%
'ZvXXa? cpyalv el/coairpeis piovovq a7roj3aXelv, diroKTeivai Be roov TroXepblwv Bicrpuv plovs KaX Xa-
p>dyr)
ftelv ^ayvras 6/craicLcryCXLov*;.
416
/cal
TaXXa
Be opioid)?
SULLA,
beset the roads and hemmed Sulla in, were worn out with fighting to open Much rain also came upon them while
the
enemy
and
his soldiers
a passage.
xxviii. 5-8
they were at work and added to their
distress.
The
tribunes therefore came to Sulla and begged him to defer the battle, showing him the soldiers prostrated with weariness and resting on their shields, which Sulla yielded they had laid upon the ground. reluctantly, and gave orders to pitch a camp, but just as his men were beginning to dig a trench and throw up the rampart before it, Marius attacked them confidently, riding ahead of his lines, and hoping to scatter his enemies while they were in disorder and confusion. There the Deity fulfilled the words which Sulla had heard in his dreams. For Sulla's rage
imparted itself to his soldiers, and leaving off their work, they planted their javelins in the trench, drew their swords, and with a general shout came to close These did not hold quarters with their enemies. their ground long, but took to flight, and were slain Marius fled to Praeneste, but in great numbers. found the gate already closed. A rope was thrown
down
to him, however, and after fastening this around his waist, he was hoisted to the top of the But there are some who say, and Fenestella wall. is one of these, that Marius knew nothing of the battle, but was forced by loss of sleep and weariness to cast himself upon the ground in a shady place when the signal for battle was given, and there gave way to sleep, and was then roused with difficulty
when the
rout took place.
In this battle Sulla says
he lost only twenty-three men, but killed twenty thousand of the enemy, and took eight thousand His other plans were carried out with like prisoners.
4W
PLUTARCH'S LIVES evrv^etro hid rcov arparrjycov, TLop,7rr)tov, YLpanovhev yap rj pu/cpd (tov, MereXXov, XepoviXiov. irpoo-Kpovaavre^ ovroi pueydXas avverpi^av hvvdT(OV TTOXefJLlCdV, cb(TT6 TOV fJLaXuTTCL TT)V fJL€l
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2
418
avrov aXXovs re 7roXXovs koX evyevr) /cal dyadbv avhpa,
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Cf. Plutarch's Cf. Plutarch's
Pompey, vi.-viii. Crasms, vi.
SULLA, success
by
his generals,
xxviii. 5-xxix. 3 1
Pompey, Crassus,
2
Metellus,
For with few or no reverses these annihilated large forces of the enemy, so that Carbo, the chief supporter of the opposite faction, ran away from
and
Servilius.
own army by night, and sailed off to Libya. XXIX. In Sulla's last struggle, however, Telesinus the Samnite, 3 like a third wrestler who sits by to his
contend with a weary victor, came near tripping and throwing him at the gates of Rome. For he had collected a large force, and was hastening, together with Lamponius the Lucanian, to Praeneste, in order to relieve Marius from the siege. But when he learned that Sulla to his front, and Pompey to his were hurrying up against him, since he was being hemmed in before and behind, valiant and highly experienced soldier that he was, he broke camp by night, and marched with all his army And he came within a little against Rome itself. of breaking into the city in its unguarded state indeed, he was only nine furlongs from the Colline gate when he bivouacked against it, highly encouraged and elated with hopes at the thought of rear,
;
having outgeneralled so many great commanders. And when, at day-break, the noblest youth of the city rode out against him, he overwhelmed many of them, including Appius Claudius, a man of high birth and character. There was a tumult in the city,
and shrieking of women, and running hither and thither, as though the city were taken by storm, when Balbus, sent forward by Sulla, was first naturally,
8 At the close of the Social war, in 89 B.C., the Samnites and Lucanians alone persisted in their hostility to Rome. The Marian party had conciliated them, but they regarded
Sulla as their bitterest foe.
419
PLUTARCH'S LIVES XuXXa
€7rraKoaiOL<;.
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IBpcora tcov
'iTTTrcov,
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teal
tovs
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fir]
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exOicTTa
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n
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42O
SULLA,
xxix. 3-6
seen riding up at full speed with seven hundred horsemen. He paused just long enough to let the sweat of the horses dry off, and then quickly bridled them again and attacked the enemy.
At
this juncture, Sulla also
made
his appearance,
and ordering his vanguard to take food at once, proceeded to form them in order of battle. Dolabella and Torquatus earnestly besought him to wait a while, and not to hazard the supreme issue with his men fatigued and spent for they were to contend not with Carbo and Marius, but with Samnites and Lucanians, the most inveterate enemies of Rome, and the most warlike of peoples. But he put them by, and commanded the trumpets to sound the charge, though it was now getting on towards four In the struggle which o'clock in the afternoon. followed, and no other was so fierce, the right wing, where Crassus was posted, was brilliantly successful but the left was hard pressed and in a sorry plight, when Sulla came to its assistance, mounted on a white horse that was mettlesome and very swift. By this horse two of enemy recognised him, ami Sulla himself now, poised their spears for the cast. did not notice this, but his groom did, and with a ;
;
1
f
*
cut of the lash succeeded in sending Sulla's horse along so that the spear-heads just grazed its tail and fixed themselves in the ground. There is also a story that Sulla had a little golden image of Apollo from Delphi which he always carried in his bosom when he was in battle, but that on this occasion he took it out and kissed it affectionately, saying " O Pythian Apollo, now that thou hast in so many struggles raised the fortunate Cornelius Sulla to glory and greatness, can it be that thou hast brought :
421
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 7
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XXX. toO
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ical
422
SULLA, him to the gates of
down
there,
to
xxix. 6-xxx. 2
his native city only to cast
perish "
most shamefully with
him his
Thus invoking the god, they fellow-countrymen ? say, he entreated some of his men, threatened others, and laid hands on others still but at last his left wing was completely shattered, and with the ;
fugitives he sought refuge in his many friends and acquaintances.
camp, after losing
Not a few
also of
who had come out
of the city to see the battle were trodden under foot and killed, so that it was thought that all was ever with the city, and that the siege of Marius in Praeneste was all but raised indeed many of the fugitives made their way thither and urged Lucretius Ofella, who had been appointed to conduct the siege, to break camp with all speed, since Sulla had fallen, and Rome was in the hands of the enemy. XXX. But when the night was now far advanced, messengers came to the camp of Sulla from Crassus, to fetch supper for him and his soldiers for after conquering the enemy, he had pursued them into Antemnae, and was encamped before that city. When, therefore, Sulla learned this, and also that the greater part of the enemy had been destroyed, he came to Antemnae at break of day. There three thousand of the inhabitants sent a deputation to him to sue for mercy, and he promised them safety if they would do some mischief to the rest of his enemies before coming to him. So they, trusting to his promise, attacked the rest of the people in the city, and many were slain by one another's hands. However, the survivors of both parties alike, to the number of six thousand, were collected by Sulla in the circus at Rome, and then the senate was those
;
;
423
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XXXI. Tov 424
Be
^vXXa
717509
to a^drreiv rpa-
SULLA,
xxx. 2-xxxi.
i
summoned by him to meet in the temple of Bellona, and at one and the same moment he himself began to speak in the senate, and those assigned to the task began to cut to pieces the six thousand in the The shrieks of such a multitude, who were circus. being massacred in a narrow space, filled the air, of i course, and the senators were dumbfounded but /Sulla, with the calm and unmoved countenance with which he had begun to speak, ordered them to listen to his words and not concern themselves with what was going on outside, for it was only that some Criminals were being admonished, by his orders. This gave even the dullest Roman to understand that, in the matter of tyranny, there had been an 1
;
Marius the elder, exchange, but not a deliverance. any rate, had been naturally harsh at the outset, and power had intensified, not altered, his disposition but Sulla had used his good fortune moderately, at first, and like a statesman, and had led men to expect in him a leader who was attached to the aristocracy, and at the same time helpful to the common people. Furthermore, from his youth up he had been of a at
;
merry temper, and
moved
easily
to
tears of pity.
Naturally, therefore, his conduct fixed a stigma upon offices of great power, which were thought to work a change in men's previous characters, and render
them
capricious, vain,
and
cruel.
However, whether
a change and reversal of nature, brought about by fortune, or rather a revelation, when a man is in authority, of underlying baseness, were matter for determination in some other treatise. XXXI. Sulla now busied himself with slaughter, this
1
is
Both the circus
(Flaniinius)
and the temple were
in the
Campus Martins. 425
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Kal
7ro/jL6vov
cf>6vcov
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3 ecpr)
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4
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426
SULLA,
xxxi. 1-4
and murders without number or limit filled the city. Many, too, were killed to gratify private hatreds, although they had no relations with Sulla, but he
\
gave his consent in order to gratify his adherents. At last one of the younger men, Caius Metellus, made bold to ask Sulla in the senate what end there was to be of these evils, and how far he would proceed before they might expect such doings to cease. "We do not ask thee," he said, "to free from punishment those whom thou hast determined to slay, but to free from suspense those whom thou hast determined to save." And when Sulla answered that he did not yet know whom he would " " let us Well, then," said Metellus in reply, spare, know whom thou intendest to punish." This Sulla said he would do. Some, however, say that it was not Metellus, but Fufidius, one of Sulla's fawning
Be creatures, who made this last speech to him. that as it may, Sulla at once proscribed l eighty persons, without communicating with any magistrate ; in spite of the general indignation, after a single day's interval, he proscribed two hundred and twenty others, and then on the third day, as many more. Referring to these measures in a public harangue, he said that he was proscribing as many as
and
))
R f
j
he could remember, and those who now escaped his memory, he would proscribe at a future time. He also proscribed any one who harboured and saved a proscribed person, making death the punishment for such humanity, without exception of brother, son, or parents, but offering any one who slew a proscribed
A
1 list of the persons proscribed was posted in public, and those whose names were on the list might be killed by any one who chose to do it.
427
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Bvo TaXavra TTjv kclv
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81
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6 Oepfid.
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*A\j3ava> %(Qpiov.
Kal f3pa^v irpoeXOoov virb
twos
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XXXII.
eXOcov irpwTa p,ev IBia kclt dvBpa Kpivcov €koXa^ev, etTa &>? ov cr%oXf}<; ovar)<; irdvTcv; dOpowq eU tclvto avvayaycov, fivpiov<; Kal Blo"^lXlovs ovtcls,
428
eKeXevaev diroa^aTTeLV,
puovcp
too
%ev(p
SULLA,
xxxi. 4-xxxii.
1
person two talents as a reward for his murderous deed, even though a slave should slay his master, or a son his father. And what seemed the greatest injustice of all, he took away all civil rights from the sons and grandsons of those who had been proscribed, and confiscated the property of all. Moreover, proscriptions were made not only in Rome, but also in every city of Italy, and neither temple of God, nor hearth of hospitality, nor paternal home was free from the stain of bloodshed, but husbands were butchered in the embraces of their wedded wives, and sons in the arms of their mothers. Those who fell victims to political resentment and private hatred were as nothing compared with those who were butchered for the sake of their property, nay, even the executioners were prompted to say that his great house killed this man, his garden that man, his warm baths another. Quintus Aurelius, a quiet and inoffensive man, who thought his only share in the i general calamity was to condole with others in their misfortunes, came into the forum and read the list of the proscribed, and finding his own name there, said, j
j
I
j
/ /
y
Ah woe is me my Alban estate is prosecuting " And he had not gone far before he was !
!
/me.
who had hunted him down. XXXII. Meanwhile Marius the younger, at the
dispatched by some one
'
1 point of being captured, slew himself; and Sulla, at first gave each man there to Praeneste, coming a separate trial before he executed him, but afterAwards, since time failed him, gathered them all together in one place there were twelve thousand of hem and gave orders to slaughter them, his host
—
—
5 1
According to Appian {Bell. Civ. i. 94), as he was trying from Praeneste by an underground passage.
to escape
429
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 6 Be evyevco<s irdvv (prfcras 7rpo? BiBovs ciBeiav. o>9 ovBeirore o~coTr)pLa<s X^P LV ciaeTai, tco
avrov
2 K0TT7]
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Tr}? TraTplBos, dvapbiyQeis e/ccov avy/careTOLS TroXlTCLlS. k'Bo^e Be KCLIVOTCLTOV yevkto irepi AevrcLOV KaTiXtvav. ovtos yap
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rr)V fiev
XvWa
tco
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tco
'AttoWcovos iyyvs ovtl irpoaeXOcov Ta? xeipas.
direvtyciTO
XXXIII.
"Efft> Be tcov cpovi/ccov ical tcl \onrd dv6 pcoirovs ekvirei. BiKTUTopa puev yap eavrbv dvrjyopevcre, BS ctcov ercaTov eifcocri tovto
tou?
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to
2
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^
irpdaeif; tcov BeBrjfjLev/jLevcov oXkcov ovtco? virepr]/cal eiroieiTO BetnroTiiccos eirl @r)iiaTo<; cfrdvcos
KaOe^ofJLevoS) cocrTe tcov dcpaipetrecov eiraxOeo-Tepas elvat, kclL yvvaiQv evp-opcpois
avTov Ta? Bcopeas KaX XvpcoBoLS
\ev6e pilots fievov
irpocroBovs,
3 l^evyvvixevcov 1
430
teal
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Kal
real
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evioi?
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KaOapfiaaiv
ical
Be
iroXecov
$ with Bekker, after Reiske
'
aKOVcrLux;
ydfiovs
Yiofiirrjiov
etje-
ya? 1 ^
ye toi fiov:
£.
47i
SULLA,
xxxii. i-xxxiii. 3
But this man, with a receiving immunity. Sulla that he would never owe his 6afety to the slayer of his country, and joining his countrymen of his own accord, was cut down with (alone But that which Lucius Catiline did was N them. thought to be most monstrous of all. This man, namely, had killed his brother before the civil struggle was decided, and now asked Sulla to proscribe the man, as one still living; and he was Then Catiline, returning this favour of proscribed. Sulla's, killed a certain Marcus Marius, one of the opposite faction, and brought his head to Sulla as he was sitting in the forum, and then going to the lustral water of Apollo which was near, washed the blood off his hands. XXXI 1 1. But besides his massacres, the rest of noble
spirit, told
Sulla's proceedings also gave offence. For he prohimself dictator, 1 reviving this particular office after a lapse of a hundred and twenty years.
claimed
Moreover, an act was passed granting him immunity for all his past acts, and for the future, power of life and death, of confiscation, of colonization, of founding
or demolishing cities, and of taking away or bestowHe conducted the ing kingdoms at his pleasure. sales of confiscated estates in such arrogant and imperious fashion, from the tribunal where he sat, that his gifts excited more odium than his robberies.
He
bestowed on handsome women, musicians, comic and the lowest of freedmen, the territories of nations and the revenues of cities, and women were married against their will to some of his favour-
actors,
ites.
In the case of
1
In 81
2
The
himself
Pompey the
Great,
2
at least,
B.C.
title of (cf.
Great was
Pompey,
first
bestowed on him by Sulla
xiii. 4).
431
PLUTARCH'S LIVES \6fjb€vo<$ OL/c6iO)craa6ai
tov "Mdyvov,
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fiev
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pov dvyarepa teal MereWr)? rrj? eavrov yvvaiKo^, diroairdaa^ Mavwv TXaftplcovos eyKVfxova, avv(pKiaev 4
direOave Be rj tcoprj irapa tw TiKTOvaa. AovtcprjTtov Be 'O^eXXa
avT(p*
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auTO? eVl ftyfiaros ev t& Atoo-teovpelrp teal rbv avwOev. twv Be dv6 pwirwv tov
tovs dopvfiovvTa? tov etcarovTap^v
dfyelvai nrpocreTa^ev. 'O /nevTOL Spiapifios avTov ttj ttoXvTeXeia teal KatvoTrjTi tcov fiacriXi/ccov Xa(f)vp(ov
XXXIV.
aoftapb? yevo/Jbevo? fiei^ova kogjaov eaye teal oi yap evBo^oTaToi tcaXbv Oea/ia tov? (pvydBas. BuvaTcoTaTOi t&v ttoXitwv eaTecpavcofievot teal trapeiirovTO, acoTrjpa teal iraTepa tov XvXXav diroteaXovvTes, aTe Br) BS e/eeivov eh Trjv iraTpLBa teaTiovTes ical 2
rjBr)
Be
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GirovBfj ra? evTv^la? teal
pidpelTO, rot? E^Tf^/}
432
irepcis
r)
Ta? dvBpayaOias
eteeXevaev eavTov
irpoaayopeveadat'
tovto
teaTrj-
eirl
tov-
yap
o
SULLA, xxxm.
3-xxxiv. 2
wishing to establish relationship with him, he ordered him to divorce the wife he had, and then gave him in marriage Aemilia, daughter of Scaurus and his own wife Metella, whom he tore away from Manius Glabrio when she was with child by him and the young woman died in childbirth at the house of 1 Pompey. Lucretius Ofella, who had reduced Marius by siege, gave himself out as a candidate for the consulship, and Sulla at first tried to stop him but when Ofella came down into the forum with a large and eager following, he sent one of the centurions in his retinue and slew him, himself sitting on a tribunal in the temple of Castor and beholding the murder from above. The people in the forum seized the centurion and brought him before the tribunal, but ;
;
cease their clamour, and said that this deed, and commanded to let the centurion go.
Sulla bade
them
he himself had ordered
them
*
XXXIV. His triumph, however, which was imposing from the costliness and rarity of the royal a greater ornament in the noble spectacle spoils, had For the most distinguished and inof the exiles. fluential of the citizens, crowned with garlands, followed in the procession, calling Sulla their saviour and father, since indeed it was through him that they were returning to their native city and bringing with them their wives and children. And when at last the whole spectacle was over, he gave an account of his achievements in a speech to the people, enumerating the instances of his good fortune with no less emphasis than his deeds of valour, and finally, in view of these, he ordered that he receive the surname of Fortunate (for this is what the word 1
Cf. Tlutarch's
Pompey,
ix. 2.
433
PLUTARCH'S LIVES pudXiara ftovXerai BrjXovv avrbs Be Tot? "EiWrjCTL rypd(f>a)V KCU Xpr)fJLCLTl%G)V kdVTOV 'E7Ta<&riki%
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KaOevBeiv
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rrerroi7)Kori
Kara aavrov
rovro fiev ovv rbv dvrayayvurrrjv." SuXXa? 474 direOeainae' 6 oioirep ra%v yap i%v(3piaa<; Ae7rc-
434
SULLA,
xxxiv. 2-5
u Felix " most But he himself, in nearly means). writing to the Greeks on official business, styled himself Epaphroditus, or Favourite of Venus, 1 and on his trophies in our country his name is thus inLucius Cornelius Sulla Epaphroditus. Bescribed sides this, when Metella bore him twin children, he named the male child Faustus, and the female Fausta for the Romans call what is auspicious and joyful, " faustum." And to such an extent did he put more confidence in his good fortunes than in his achievements, that, although he had slain great numbers of the citizens, and introduced great innovations and 2 changes in the government of the city, he laid down his office of dictator, and put the consular elections in the hands of the people and when they were held, he did not go near them himself, but walked up and down the forum like a private man :
;
;
;
person freely to all who wished to call him to account. Contrary to his wishes, a certain bold enemy of his was likely to be chosen consul, Marcus Lepidus, not through his own efforts, but owing to the success which Pompey had in soliciting And so, when Sulla votes for him from the people. saw Pompey going away from the polls delighted with his victory, he called him to him, and said s " What a fine policy this is of thine, young man, to elect Lepidus in preference to Catulus, the most unstable instead of the best of men Now, surely, it is high time for thee to be watchful, after strengthening thine adversary against thyself." And in sayfor ing this, Sulla was something of a prophet
exposing
his
:
!
;
chapter xix. 5 and note. 2 Sulla restored the ancient powers of the senate, and reduced those of the tribunate. He resigned the dictatorship 3 in 79 b.o. Cf. Pompey, xv. If. 1
Cf.
435
PLUTARCH'S LIVES So?
eh
iroXepuov
Kariarrj
to??
irepl
tov JJofi-
irrj'iov.
XXXV.
'KttoOvwv Be
rrj<;
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fcal
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436
SULLA,
xxxiv. 5-xxxv. 4
Lepidus speedily waxed insolent and went to war with Pompey and his party. 1 XXXV. On consecrating the tenth of all his substance to Hercules, Sulla feasted the people sumptu-
and his provision for them was so much beyond what was needed that great quantities of meats were daily cast into the river, and wine was drunk that was forty years old and upwards. In the midst of the feasting, which lasted many days, Metella lay And since the priests forbade Sulla sick and dying.
ously,
go near her, or to have his house polluted by her funeral, he sent her a bill of divorce, and ordered her to be carried to another house while she was
to
still
living.
In doing this, he observed the strict but the law ;
letter of the law, out of superstition limiting the expense of the funeral,
which law he had himself introduced, he transgressed, and spared no outlays. He transgressed also his own ordinances limiting the cost of banquets, when he tried to assuage his sorrow by drinking parties and convivial banquets, where extravagance and ribaldry prevailed. A few months afterwards there was a gladiatorial spectacle, and since the places for men and women in the theatre were not yet separated, 2 but still promiscuous, it chanced that there was sitting near Sulla a woman of great beauty and splendid birth she was a daughter of Messala, a sister of Hortensius the orator, and her name was Valeria, and it so happened that she had recently been divorced from her husband. As she passed along behind Sulla, she rested her hand upon him, plucked off a bit of nap ;
On
the death of Sulla, in 78 B.C., Lepidus headed an and attempted to overthrow the constitution. Pompey adhered to the senatorial party (Cf. Pompey, xvi.). 2 As they were in the time of Augustus. 1
insurrection,
vol.
iv.
p
437
PLUTARCH'S LIVES rov ifMiTiov airdcraaa iraprjXOev eirl ttjv e/x^Xe^ravTo^ Be rov IvXXa Kal " OvBev" " Beivov, avroOavfidaavTos, e(f>rj, Kparop, dXXd povXopLai t?}? o~r\ 9 Kayw fii/epbv e\JTW)(ia<; iieTaXaftelv" tovto rjKovcrev ovk dr/Boi^ o Z
5
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Soo-649,
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6
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433
SULLA,
xxxv. 4-xxxvi. 2
from his mantle, and then proceeded to her own When Sulla looked at her in astonishment, place. she said: "It's nothing of importance, Dictator, but I too wish to partake a little in thy felicity." Sulla was not displeased at hearing this, nay, it was at once clear that his fancy was tickled, for he secretly sent and asked her name, and inquired about her family and history. Then followed mutual glances, continual turnings of the face to gaze, interchanges of smiles, and at last a formal compact of marriage. All this was perhaps blameless on her part, but Sulla, even though she was ever so chaste and reputable, did not marry her from any chaste and worthy motive; he was led away, like a young man, by looks and languishing airs, through which the most disgraceful and shameless passions are naturally excited. XXXVI. However, even though he had such a wife at home, he consorted with actresses, harpists, and theatrical people, drinking with them on couches all day long. For these were the men who had most influence with him now Roscius the comedian, Sorex the archmime, and Metrobius the impersonator of women, for whom, though past his prime, he continued up to the last to be passionately fond, and made no denial of it. 1 By this mode of life he aggravated a :
disease which was insignificant in its beginnings, and for a long time he knew not that his bowels were ulcerated. This disease corrupted his whole flesh also, and converted it into worms, so that although
man}' were employed day and night in removing them, what they took away was as nothing compared with the increase upon him, but all his clothing, 1
Cf. chapter
ii.
4.
439
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ire pi
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ev
440
yap
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t%
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Lacaiapyeia GiaaidtpvTas BiaXXdga?
toi>9 vo/jlov
475
SULLA,
xxxvi. 2-xxxvn. 3
baths, hand-basins, and food, were infected with that of corruption, so violent was its discharge. Therefore he immersed himself many times a-day in water
flux
and scour his person. But it was of no use; for the change gained upon him rapidly, and the swarm of vermin defied all purification. We are told that in very ancient times, Acastus the son of Pelias was thus eaten of worms and died, to cleanse
in later times, Alcman the lyric poet, Pherecydes the theologian, Callisthenes of Olynthus, who was kept closely imprisoned, as also Mucius the jurist; and if mention is to be made of men who had no excellence to commend them, but were notorious for other reasons, it is said that the runaway slave who
and
headed the servile war in Sicily, 1 Eunus by name, was taken to Rome after his capture, and died there of this disease.
XXXVII. Sulla not only foresaw his own death, may be said to have written about it also. For
but
he stopped writing the twenty-second book of his Memoirs two days before he died, and he there says that the Chaldaeans foretold him that, after an honourable life, he was to end his days at the height of
good fortunes. He says also that his son, who had died a little while before Metella, appeared to him in his dreams, clad in mean attire, and besought his father to put an end to anxious thoughts, and come with him to his mother Metella, there to live in peace and quietness with her. However, he did not For instance, cease to transact the public business. ten days before he died, he reconciled the opposing factions in Dicaearchia, 2 and prescribed a code of
his
1
B.C.
2
An
134
;
earlier
cf.
Diodorus, xxxiv.
name
2, 23.
for Puteoli.
441
PLUTARCH'S LIVES eypayjrev avrols /cad* ov rroXirevaovrai' rrpb puas Be f)/j,€pa<; Trvdo/ievo? rbv apyovra Tpdviov, &>?
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avafievei rrjv
eU to Bcofjudriov teal 7repco~ri]cra<; tou? e/ceAefcre Trviyeiv, rfj Be /cpavyrj koX rw virrjperas
av6p(OTTOV
to diroar^fia /oqfa? TrXrjQos ai'/Aaros i/c Be rovrov t?}? Bwdfiecos emXiTzovBiayaycbv rrjv vv/cra fiox&VP&S air Wave, Bvo
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ere
t?}?
ovrco 'PcofzaloL
XXXVIII. aweary) a av /crjSeias
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opevova iv. ovv iroXXol teal fjuev KeinBov a>? eip^ovres rb awp,a
ir poo-ay r/
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roaovro
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2
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442
Be
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rbv ve/cpov.
SULLA,
xxxvu. 3-xxxviii. 3
laws for their conduct of the city's government ; and one day before he died, on learning that the magistrate there, Granius, refused to pay a debt he owed the public treasury, in expectation of his death, he summoned him to his room, stationed his servants about him, and ordered them to strangle him but with the strain which he put upon his voice and body, he ruptured his abscess and lost a great quantity of ;
In consequence of this his strength failed, blood. and after a night of wretchedness, he died, leaving two young children by Metella. 1 For it was after his death that Valeria gave birth to a daughter, who was called Postuma, this being the name which the Romans give to children who are born after their father's death.
XXXVIII. Many now joined themselves
eagerly
to Lepidus, purposing to deprive Sulla's body of the usual burial honours ; but Pompey, although offended
at Sulla (for he alone, of all his friends, was not mentioned in his will), diverted some from their purpose by his kindly influence and entreaties, and
others by his threats, and then conveyed the body to Rome, and secured for it an honourable as well as a safe interment. And it is said that the women contributed such a vast quantity of spices for it, that, apart from what was carried on two hundred and ten litters, a large image of Sulla himself, and another image of a lictor, was moulded out of costly frankincense and cinnamon. The day was cloudy in the morning, and the expectation was that it would rain, but at last, at the ninth hour, 2 the corpse was placed upon the funeral pyre. Then a strong wind smote 1
2
Cf. chapter xxxiv. 3. I.e. in the middle of the afternoon,
443
PLUTARCH'S LIVES KaravyicravTO*; els ttjv irvpav kgX (j)X6ya 7roXXr)V eyeipavTO^ e(pOr] to aco/jLa avyKOfitaOev oaov ijBrj
kcu tov nrvpo? diuovTos /cat KaTciayelv a^pi vvktos, ware rrjv Tvyjqv avrov Bonelv to crco/xa avvdaiTTeiv irapafxevovaav. to fiev ovv /jLvrj/xelov iv tco ireBLcp tov "Apecu? io~Ti' to Be 67TLypa/jLfj,d clvtov ov KCLTdXiTrelv, (j>aaiv v7roypa-yjrdfjbevov /ce^dXatov iaTiv co? ovTe tcov cplXwv Tt? clvtov ev 7roL(*)v ovt€ TOiv i^dpcov KCLKO)? V7T€pe/3d\eTO. t?}? 7rvpa<; iiapaivofiivrj^
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AY2ANAPOY KAI 2YAAA SYrKPlSlS I.
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dp%r)v \a/3ovai p,eydXoL<; yelBlov Be virrjp^ev, dfMpoTepois
av^?]ae(o<;
kowov AvadvBpov to
veoQai
twv
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kcl\
vyicuvovTwv 6Va? evyev dpyas Xaftelv, /3idcraoQai Be pajBev d/covTcov fArjB io"xyacLL irapa 1
TOl/9 VOfJLOVS.
2
'Ei>
Be
Bi-)(oo-Taairj
real
6
TrdynaKOS eXXa^e
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/cal
444
SULLA,
xxxviii. 3-4
the pyre, and roused a mighty flame, and there was time to collect the bones for burial, while the pyre was smouldering and the fire was going out, when a heavy rain began to fall, which continued till Therefore his good fortune would seem night. to have lasted to the very end, and taken part in his funeral rites. At any rate, his monument stands in the Campus Martius, and the inscription on it, they say, is one which he wrote for it himself, and the substance of it is, that no friend ever surpassed him in kindness, and no enemy in mischief. just
COMPARISON OF LYSANDER AND SULLA I.
And now
also, let us
since we have completed this Life at once to the Comparison. In this
come
respect, then, they were alike, namely, that both were founders of their own greatness; but it was a peculiar virtue in Lysander that he obtained all his high offices with the consent of his fellow-citizens, and when affairs were in a sound condition ; he did not force anything from them against their will, nor did he acquire any power which was contrary to the laws.
" But in a time of sedition, the base honour,"
man
too
is
in
1
in Rome at that time, since the people was corrupt and their government in a distempered state, men of various origin rose to power. And it was no wonder that Sulla held sway, when such men as
and so
A
1 proverb in hexameter verse, attributed to Callimachus of Alexandria. Plutarch uses it also in the Nicias, xi. 3, and in Morals, p. 479 a.
O
445
PLUTARCH'S LIVES Xaropvivoi MereXXou? rfkavvov ck
t»}? 7roXea>?, vttcltcov Be cLTreafyaTTOVTO iralBes ev eKKXr)crLai<$, ical yjpvaiw ra oirXa 7rapeXdp./3avov tou? arpciTevofievovs, irvpl Be /ecu aiBrjpa) tov$ v6pLov<; erlOeaav ftia^opevoL tou? avTiXeyovras. ovk alrccofiat Be tov ev tolovtois
dpyvpiw Be oovovfievot 3
irpdjfiaai pueyiaTov layvo-ai Biairpa^dfievov, dXXd arjpielov ov TiOepiai tov /3eXTio~Tov elvai to ye-
veaOai irp&TOV ovtco
Trovrjpd irpaTTOvarjf; tt}? Be dirb tt}? *£irapTr)<; evvofiov/juevr)? tot€ pidXiaTa kcli acoeppovovo-r)? eVl t<x? p,eyio~Tas
o
7roXea)?.
ifCTre/jLTrojjLevos
kcll
i)y€p,ovla<;
irpd^ei^
ayeBbv
apiorTwv apio~TO<; iicpiveTO /cal irpcoTwv 7rpa>T0<;. 4 oOev 6 jjuev 7roXXa/a? ttjv dpy)iv diroBovs Tot? ttoXitcus dveXafie TroWd/cis* Biefieve yap rj ti/jltj rr}? aperi]? eypvo~a to irpcoTelov 6 Be dira^
aTpaTevpuaTOS
alpeOels Beica,
eavTov,
efievev. y II. E7T€Xupyo-e
fiev
er^
r/yepioov,
fiev vttcltov, vvv Be del Be cbv Tvpavvos,
vvv
ovv
6
avvex
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tols
ottKois
AvaavBpos,
go?
tcl irepl ttjv iroXiTeiav irpaoel'prjTai, fieTaaTrjaaL Tepov Kcti vopLpucdTepov rj SuXXa?* ireiOol yap,
irdvTa crvXXi]{3Br)V dvaipcov, dXX' avTrjV eiravopOovpievo^ Trjv KaTao-Taenv tcov (BaaLXewv h koX §vaei irov B'waiov eBoKBi, tov ef dpiaTwv dpiGTov apyew ev TToXei t^? 'EXXaSo? rjyovpievr) oY dpeTrji', ov ov
Bl
(oenrep
ottXcov ovBe efcetvos,
coairep yap Kvvrjyb? ov ^rjTel to evyeveiav. kvvos, dXXa tcvva, koX ittttlkos ittttov, ov to ef Xirirov tL ydp, ay ef Xirirov rjp,LOvos yevr]Tai;
2 Bi
i/c
446
LYSANDER AND SULLA,
i.
2-11.
2
Glaucia and Saturninus drove such men as Metellus city, when sons of consuls were butchered
from the
in assemblies, when silver and gold purchased arms and men to wield them, and laws were enacted with fire and sword in defiance of all Now I opposition. do not blame the man who, in such a state of affairs, forced his way to supreme power but I cannot regard his becoming first man, when the city was in such an evil plight, as a proof that he was also the best man. Whereas Lysander, since Sparta was at the height of good government and sobriety when she sent him forth upon the greatest commands and undertakings, was virtually decided to be first of her first men, and best of her best. Lysander, therefore, though he often surrendered his power into the hands of his fellow- citizens, as often received it back again, since the honour accorded to virtue continued to rank highest in the state but Sulla, when he had once been chosen leader of an army, remained in arms for ten years together, making himself now consul, and now dictator, but always being a usurper. ;
;
II. I
is true, indeed, that Lysander attempted, as said, to change the form of government, but
It
have
was by milder and more legal methods than Sulla's; by persuasion, namely, not by force of arms, nor by subverting everything at once, as Sulla did, but by amending merely the appointment of the kings. And it seemed but natural justice, in a way, that the best of the best should rule in a city which had it
the leadership in Hellas by virtue of his excellence, his noble birth. For just as a hunter looks for a dog, and not the whelp of a certain bitch, and a horseman for a horse, and not the foal of a certain mare (for what if the foal should prove to be a mule?),
and not of
447
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 6 iroXn i/cb
ovtcos
teal
pbera yevov? aTifiov, ovS* dperrj Bi a<£' eavrrjs evripbov.
evyeveiav,
dXX* 3
4
At TOIVVV aXP L ^ l ^ cov
aSlKLCLL
Tft)
£7r pu-X@ rl (Tav
/16V
V7T€p
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'
AoXo/3eXXa
ttjv
vavap^iav
Sovs d^eXeaOai, kcli Aovfcprfrcov dvrl 7roXXcov /cat pieyaXcov virarelav O
Xprjp,ara airovBr] Bei/cvvai rov puev r/yepLovi/crjv, tov Be TvpavvLKr]v ttjv irpoaipeaiv ovaav. 6 fiev yap ovBev d/coXaarov ovBe p.eipaxicoBes iv ifjovalq teal
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dXX\
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ical
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2 6 Be ovre veos
cov irepl
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Bid ttjv ireviav ovre yripdaas Bid
448
ttjv
rjXiiciav,
LYSANDER AND SULLA, so the statesman quires, not
whom he
what is
makes an
sort of a
descended.
n. 2-111. 2
utter mistake if he en-
man the ruler is, And indeed the
but from
Spartans themselves deposed some of their kings, for the reason that they were not kingly men, but insignificant nobodies. And if vice, even in one of ancient family, is dishonourable, then it must be virtue itself, and not good birth, that makes virtue honourable. Moreover, the acts of injustice which one wrought, were in behalf of his friends ; while the other's extended to his friends. For it is generally agreed that Lysander committed the most of his transgressions for the sake of his comrades, and that most of his massacres were perpetrated to maintain their power and sovereignty but Sulla cut down the number of Pompey's soldiers out of jealousy, and tried to take away from Dolabella the naval command which he had given him, and when Lucretius Ofella sued for the consulship as a reward for many great services, ordered him to be slain before his eyes, causing all men to regard him with fear and horror because of his murdering his dearest friends. ;
in their pursuit of riches and discover that the purpose of one was more befitting a commander, that of the other more For Lysander appears to characteristic of a tyrant. have perpetrated no act of wantonness or youthful III.
Still further,
pleasures
we
while he enjoyed such great authority and power, if ever man did, he avoided the praise and re* Lions at home, but foxes proach "of the proverb abroad ; so sober, Spartan, and restrained was the way of life which he everywhere manifested. But Sulla allowed neither the poverty of his youth to set bounds to his desires, nor the years of his old age, folly
nay,
:
449
PLUTARCH'S LIVES dXXa tou?
irepl ydpucov kclL o~a)(f)poo~vvr]<; elcrrjyetTO TOLS 7TO\tTCM9 CLVTOS ipCJV Kal pLOl^eVCOV, VOfJLOV^ oOev ovtco t^v ttoXlv W9 (prjao 2
iTTwyi^v Kal KevrjV eirolr^ae Xprj/xciTcov coorTe rais avfJLfJLa'Xicn zeal (fiiXais iroXeaiv dpyvpiov irwXelv
eXevOeplav Kal ttjv avTovopiav, /cairoi rou? TroXvapyvpcordrov^ oIkovs Kal pLeylaTOvs bcn]p,epai ri]v
3
8r]fj,evovTO<;
fierpov ovSev yovpuevcov
eh
kcli a7T0Kr]pvTT0VT0<;. dXXa tcov pi7rrovpL€vo)V Kal Kara^opi]tou? KoXaKas. Tiva yap et/co? elvai
avTov r)v
Xoyiapbv r) c^etBcb 7T/0o? m? Trap* olvov avvovaias 477 avrov Kal yapnas, 09 ev
ovalav pbeydXrjv BtainTrpdaKwv Tt/zr;? eh eva tcov cpiXcov i/ceXeve /cara-
Tvypvo"Y)<$
KripvaaeiVy erepov he tt)v Tipurjv
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Kal tov Kr)pvKo<$ to irpoaTeOev " Aeivd w hiriyavaKTrjae,
4
ye,
dyopevaavTO? iroXlTat,,
Kal
TvpavviKa irdo-yo}? (fidpievos, "el to, e/xd puoi Xdcpvpa BcaOeaOai firj e^eaTiv &)? ftovXopai," AvcravBpos Be Kal Ta? avTco Bo0etaa<; Bcopeds pi€Ta Kal ovk tcov dXXcov aTreTrefjLyjre Toh iroXiraL^. eiraivco
tcov
to epyov
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tcra)?
ttjv
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5
cplXoi,
yap e^Xa^e
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ovtos
tt)
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ttjv 'VcopLijv eKelvos'
ovk
dXXa
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Kal 7roXvTeXr)<; eacocppovi^e Toi)<; 7roXtVa9, AvtravBpos 8' cov avTos direi\e.TO iraQcov eveTrXrjtre tt)v ttoXiv, coaTe dpLapTaveiv tov puev avTov ovTa yelpova twv IBicov voptcov, tov Be avTov yeipovas direpya^bp.evov tovs TroXiTas' BelaOac yap eBlBatje
45°
LYSANDER AND SULLA, m.
2-5
but continued to introduce marriage and sumptuary laws for the citizens, while he himself was living in lewdness and adultery, as Sallust says. In these courses he so beggared and emptied the city of her wealth that he sold to allied and friendly cities their
freedom and independence for money, although he was daily confiscating and selling at public auction the wealthiest and greatest estates. Nay, there was no measuring what he lavishly squandered and threw away upon his flatterers. For what calculation or economy could be expected in his convivial associations and delights, when, on a public occasion, with the people standing about, at the sale of a large property, he ordered the crier to knock it down to one of his friends at a nominal price, and when another bidder raised the price and the crier announced the advance, he flew into a rage, saying u It is a dreadful wrong, my dear citizens, and a piece of usurpation, that I cannot dispose of my own spoils But Lysander sent home for public use as I wish." even the presents which had been given to him along with the rest of his spoils. Not that I commend what he did for he, perhaps, by his acquisition of money for Sparta, injured her more than Sulla injured Rome by robbing her of it but I offer this as a proof of the man's indifference to riches. Moreover, each had a peculiar experience with his own city. Sulla, who knew no restraint in his extravagance, :
;
;
tried to bring the citizens into ways of sobriety; while Lysander filled his city with the passions to
which he himself was a stranger. The former erred, therefore, in falling below the standard of his own laws the latter, in causing the citizens to fall below his own standard, since he taught Sparta to want ;
45i
PLUTARCH'S LIVES 2,7rdpTt]v wv avros epuaOe firj TrpoaBelcrOai. Kal ra /nev ttoXltiko, tclvtcl. IV. HoXe/Mov Be ayaxTL teal crTpaTTjyitcais irpd^eat, /ecu irXrjOet Tpoiraiwv Kal p,eykdei kcvBvvcov ao-vjfcpiTOS 6 *ZvXXa<;. 6 fievToc ye Bvo vUas etjijvey/caro vavfiaxlcu? Bvai' TTpoaOrjcro) Be avra> ttjv 'A6r)v£>v iroXiopKiav % epyqy p,ev ov ttjv
Be
Bo^y
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fieydXrjv,
2
ra
K
ev
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Botama
/cat
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eo?
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a)?
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to
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452
LYSANDER AND SULLA, m. what he himself had learned not
5-iv.
to want.
4
Such was
their influence as statesmen. IV. But as regards contests in war, achievements in generalship, number of trophies, and magnitude of dangers encountered, Sulla is beyond compare. Lysander, it is true, won two victories in as many naval battles ; and I will add to his exploits his siege
of Athens, which was really not a great affair, although the reputation of it was most brilliant. What occurred in Boeotia and at Haliartus, was due, perhaps, to a certain evil fortune ; but it looks as though he was injudicious in not waiting for the large forces of the king, which had all but arrived from Plataea, instead of allowing his resentment and ambition to lead him into an inopportune assault upon the walls, with the result that an inconsiderable and random body of men sallied out and overwhelmed him. For he received his death wound, not as Cleombrotus did, at Leuctra, standing firm against the enemy's onsets, nor as Cyrus did, or Epaminondas, rallying his men and assuring the victory to them ; these all died the death of kings and generals. But Lysander threw away his life ingloriously, like a common targeteer or skirmisher, and bore witness to the wisdom of the ancient Spartans in avoiding assaults on walled cities, where not only an ordinary man, but even a child or a woman may chance to smite and slay the mightiest warrior, as Achilles, they say,
was
slain
by Paris at
the gates. In Sulla's case, at any rate, it is no easy matter even to enumerate the pitched battles which he won and the myriads of enemies whom he slew; Rome itself he captured twice, and he took the Piraeus of
453
PLUTARCH'S LIVES /caddirep AvcravBpos,
d\Xd
ttoXXol?
dycocri
koi
'
iieydXois, eicfiaXcov
Ap^eXaov
OdXarrav, Karia^ev. 'Avtio^ov
icvftepvrjTrjv,
arav
Be pueya teal to tcov
QiXorcXea tov 'AOrjvalcov e^air-
ical
Brj/jiaycoyov,
"ABoi^ov,
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oD? ovk av 5
tt}? yr)<; iirl rrjv
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ecrri
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777)0?
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tva tov<s
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V. To Be ttovtcov pueyiaTov, eo? eyco vojuL^co, tcov elprjfievcov i/celvo ecTTiv, oti AvaavSpo? puev KaTCopOov irdvTa tcov oXkoi crvvaycovi^ofMevcov,
SuXAa?
Be cpvyds cov teal KaTeaTaaiaafxevo^; viro
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avTOS
ev
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2 So?,
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454
478
LYSANDER AND SULLA,
iv.
4 -v.
2
Athens, not by famine, as Lysander did, but by a series of great battles, after he had driven Archelaiis from the land to the sea. It is important, too, that
we
For consider the character of their antagonists. think it was the merest child's play to win a seafight against Antiochus, Alcibiades' pilot, or to outwit Philocles, the Athenian demagogue, I
"
whose only Inglorious foe, " x tongue
is
weapon
a sharpened
;
men as these Mithridates would not have deigned compare with his groom, nor Marius with his lictor. But of the dynasts, consuls, generals, and demagogues
such to
who
lifted
themselves against Sulla, to pass by the
who among the Romans was more formidable than Marius ? who among the kings was more powerful than Mithridates ? who among the Italians was more warlike than Lamponius and Telesinus ? And rest,
yet Sulla banished the first of these, subdued the second, and slew the others. V. But what is of more weight, in my opinion, than any thing yet mentioned, Lysander achieved all his successes with the co-operation of the authori-
home
whereas Sulla, though he was overhostile faction, and an exile, at a time his wife was being driven from home, his house
ties at
;
powered by a
when
being demolished, and his friends being slain, when he himself, too, was confronting countless myriads of enemies in Boeotia and risking his life for his country, set up his trophy of victory and not even when Mithridates offered him an alliance and forces to wield against his enemies at Rome, would he make ;
1 An iambic trimeter of 2 Trag. Grate. Frag. p. 921).
unknown authorship (Nauck, 455
PLUTARCH'S LIVES fxaXa/cbv eveBvfcev ovBe fyiXdvOpwirov, d\V ovBe irpoaelirev ovBe rrjv Be^iav eve/3a\e irporepov r) TTvOeaOai rrapovro^ on /cal rrjv *Ao~iav a$ir)<ji
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on
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r)
tov
avraywvtarrjv direnTelv, rore
4 7r/)09 ttjv rcov IBlcov d/juvvav
eirl iraai copfjurjo^ev. Be koX to irepl Ta? 'A^?;Va? eyei rivd porrr]v et r/6ovs avyKpLcnv ecye fiev virep
XvWa?
MiOpiBdrov
8vvd/jL€Q)<;
/cal
rjyefiovia?
t%
ir6\ep,rj-
aacrav avra> rr\v ttoKiv e\cov eXevOepav dfyrjKe avrovofiov, AvaavBpos Be roaavrrj^ r\yepuovla^ /cal dp'yfj^ e/cireaovo-av ovk a)KT€ipev, /cal /cal
dWa
rrjv
Brj/ioKpariav
d^eXofxevo^
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avrrj
tea)
Trapavofiovs arreBeil^e tol>9 rvpdvvovs. 5 "£lpa 8rj o-/co7T€LV, jxr) ov tto\v rdXrjOovs Blafiaprdvcofiev diro<^aivb}xevoi ir\eova fiev Karon p0o)/cevai %vWav s eXarrova Be i^7jjj,aprr}Kevai /cal tw fiev eyfcparelas /cal crax^poavvr)s, ro3 Be Q-Tpajriylas /cal dvBpeia? airoBiBovre^
AvaavBpov,
to irpwrelov.
456
LYSANDER AND SULLA,
v.
2-5
any concession whatsoever, or show him kindness even nay, he would not so much as greet him or give him his hand, until he heard him say personally that he would relinquish Asia, hand over his ships, and restore Bithynia and Cappadocia to their rightful No act of Sulla's whatsoever appears more kings. honourable than this, or due to a loftier spirit, because he set the public interests before his own, and, like dogs of noble breed, did not relax his bite or let go his hold until his adversary had yielded, and then only did he set out to avenge his own private wrongs. And besides all this, their treatment of Athens is of ;
some weight
in
a comparison of their characters.
Sulla, after taking the city, although it had fought against him to support the power and supremacy of
Mithridates, restored her to freedom and independence whereas Lysander, although she had fallen from such a great supremacy and empire, showed her no pity, but took away her democratic form of government, and appointed most savage and lawless men to be her tyrants. We may now consider whether we shall err very much from the truth in pronouncing our verdict that Sulla won the more successes, while Lysander had the fewer failings and in giving to the one the ;
;
preeminence
in self-control
other, in generalship
and
and moderation, to the
valour.
457
A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OP PROPER NAMES
459
A PARTIAL DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES Abydos, 105, a city of Mysia, on the eastern shore of the Hellespont, nearly opposite Sestos on the
European
side.
Acastus, 441, mythical king of Iolcus in Thessaly. He was one of the Argonauts, and took part in the Calydonian boar-hunt. Aedepsus, 409, a town on the N.W. coast of Euboea, nearly opposite Thermopylae on the mainland. Aegospotami, 107. a stream on the western side oi the Hellespont, nearly opposite Lampsacus, with a town of the same name upon it. Agatharchus, 43, of Samos, prominent at Athens as a theatrical scene-painter, 460-420 B.C. Alcman, 441, the greatest lyric poet of Sparta, who lived from about 670 to about 630 B.O. He was a
Lydian by birth, and was brought to Sparta as a slave. Alcmene, 313, wife of Amphitryon king of Thebes, and mother of Heracles by Zeus. After the death of Amphitryon she married
Rhadamanthus. Amphictyon8, 363, officers of the Amphictyonic League, which comprised the peoples whose common sanctuaries were the temple of Apollo at Delphi and that of Demeter at Anthela, near Thermopylae. Amphitryon, 313, mythical king of Thebes, and husband of Alcmene.
PLUT.
IV.
Anaxagoras, 263. of Clazomenae in Ionian Asia Minor, prominent at Athens as an advanced thinker from about 460-432 B.C., when the enemies of Pericles brought about his banishment. Anaxandrides, 281, the Delphian, probably of the third century B.C., author of a work on the plundered offerings of Delphi. Andronicus, 407, the Rhodian, head of the Peripatetic school of philosophy at Rome in the middle of
the
first
century B.C.
Antemnae, 423, an ancient city of Latium, some three miles south of Rome, just below the junction of the Anio with the Tiber. Anthesterion, 373, the eighth month of the Attic calendar, corresponding to the latter part of February and first part of March. Antigonus Doson, 143, a grandson of Demetrius Poliorcetes, and king of Macedonia 229-221 B.c Antllochus, 283, otherwise unknown. Antimachus, 283, of Colophon, a celebrated poet of Lysander's " " clarus poeta in time, called Cicero, Brutus, 51, 191. the Antisthenes, 3, Socratic, a pupil of Gorgias and friend of Socrates. Antium, 149, 163, 167, 171, 181, 215, a city of Latium, on the seacoast about forty miles south of
Rome.
13, 151, an influential politician at Athens, afterwards
Anytus,
461
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES one of the principal accusers of Socrates, after whose death he
was
sent into exile by the Athenians. Apellicon, 407, of Teos, a Peripatetic philosopher, and a great
collector of books by foul means and fair. He was obliged to fly from Athens to save his life, but returned to be prominent under the tyrant Aristion. He was not living when his library was taken
to Rome. Archestratus, 43, 285, perhaps the choral poet mentioned in the Aristides, i. 4, as flourishing during the Peloponnesian war. Arginusae, 249, a group of three small islands between Lesbos and
the mainland. Ariobarzanes, 335, 337, 399, 405, became king of Cappadocia in 93 B.C., but was soon afterwards expelled by Tigranes, king of Armenia.the son-in-law of MithriAristion, 361, 367, 401, illegitimate son of an Athenian Peripatetic
philosopher named Athenion, to whose property and citizenship he succeeded. He also taught philosophy. He was sent as an ambassador of Athens to Mithridates, in whose confidence he established himself, and on returning to Athens in 88 B.C. made himself tyrant of the city through the patronage and in the interest of that monarch. Aristophon, 43, a distinguished Athenian painter, brother of the great Polygnotus. Aglaophon,
was probably the however, author of the painting here spoken of. Arsaces, 335, Arsaces IX. in the succession of Parthian rulers bearing this name. He seems to have asked for and obtained an alliance with Rome. Asia, 359, 397, 399, the country on the west coast of Asia Minor out of which the Romans formed the province of Asia in 129 B.C. Aspendus, 77, a city of Pamphylia
462
in southern Asia Minor, river Eurymedon.
Aulis, 309, a
town
on the
of Boeotia, on
the strait of Euripus, nearly opposite Chalcis in Euboea. It was the rendezvous for the expedition of the Greeks under Agamemnon against Troy.
B Battus, 143, Battus II., the third king of Cyrene, on the north coast of Africa His reign began
583 and ended soon after 570 B.C. 187, an ancient town In Latium, of uncertain site. Bocchus, 329, 331 333, 337, a king of Mauritania, who betrayed Jugurtha to the Romans in 106 B.C. Bosporus, 359, the kingdom of this name the extended along northern shore of the Euxine sea, on either side of the strait between that sea and Lake Maeotis, the strait called the Cimmerian Bosporus. in
Bola,
,
Cappadocia, 335, the eastern district of Asia Minor, between Pontus on the north and Cilicia on the south, and bordering on Armenia. Callisthenes, 441, of Olynthus, a philosopher and historian, who attended Alexander the Great on his expedition in the East until put to death by him in 328 B.C. Capua, 413, the capital city of Campania, finally subdued by the Romans in 211 B.C. Carbo, 397, 415, 419, 421, Cnaeus Papirius, one of the leaders of the Marian party. After his flight to Libya (p. 419) he was taken prisoner by Pompey and cruelly put to death (Pompey, chapter x.). Catiline, 431, Lucius Sergius, the
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES famous conspirator in the consulship of Cicero, 03 B.C. (Cicero, chapters x.-xxii.). Censorinus, 337, Caius Marcius, prominent among the leaders of the Marian party and in many
with Sulla. He was taken prisoner and put to death by Sulla in 82 B.C. Cicero speaks of him (Brutus, 07, 237) as well versed in Greek literature. Chalcedon, 85, 87, 89, a Greek city in Bithynia, opposite Byzantium. Chalcis, 389, 391, a city in Euboea, on the Btrait of Euripus. nearly opposite Chalcis in Boeotia. Chersonese, 243, 255, 257, 203, the Thracian Chersonese, or peninsula, on the west of the Hellesconflicts
finally
pont. Choerilus. 281, of Samos, 479-399 B.C., author of an epic poem on the Persian wars. China, 357, 397, Lucius Cornelius, leader of the Marian party during Sulla's absence in the East (8784 B.C.). He was consul in 87, He was slain in 80, 85, and 84. a mutiny of his soldiers at Brunwhere he hoped to predisium, vent the landing of Sulla. a town of Latium, on Circeii, 185, the sea-coast about eighty miles S.E. of Rome. Cithaeron Mt., 311, a range of ?
mountains separating Attica and Boeotia.
Clazomenae, 81, an Ionian city on the southern shore of the bay of
Cyzicus, 07, 81, 83, a Greek city on the Propontis, in Mysia.
Dalmachus, 203, 207, perhaps the same person as the Dalmachus of Plataea (Comparison of Solon and Publicola. Iv.
1),
a historian
who
flourished in the latter part of the fourth century B.C. Dionysius, 237, the Elder, tyrant of Syracuse from 405 to 307 B.C. Dodona, 305, a town in Epirus, famous In earlier times for its oracle of Zeus, the influence of which among the Greek states was subsequently assumed by the oracle of Apollo at Delphi. Dolabella, 415, 421, 449, Cnaeus Cornelius consul in 81 B.C., and afterwards proconsul of Macedonia. In 77, he was prosecuted by Julius Caesar for maladministration of his province (Caesar, iv. 1).
Duris, the Samian, 93, 281, historian and for a time tyrant of Samos, a pupil of Theophrastus. He lived about 350-280 B.C. He was an extravagant and sensational writer. Dyrrhachium, 409, a city on the coast of Ulyricum, known in Greek history as Epidamnus. It was a free state, and sided with the Romans consistently.
Smyrna. Cleanthes, 15, of Assos, a Stoic philosopher, who succeeded Zeno as head of the school at Athens in 203 B.C. His Hymn to Zeus is still extant. Cleon, the Halicarnassian, 303, 305, a rhetorician who flourished at the close of the fifth and the beginning of the fourth centuries B.C. Critias, 97, 113, a brilliant follower of Socrates, like Alcibiades, and later one of the Thirty Tyrants.
He was
elegiac
author of tragedies and poems.
Ephorus, 95, 277, 291, 305, 319, of Cym6, pupil of Isocrates with Theopompus, and author of a rhetorical of highly history Greece from earliest times down
to 340 B.C., in which year he died. Epidaurus, 303, a city on the east coast of Argolis in Peloponnesus, famous for its shrine and cult of Aesculapius. Eumolpus, 309, a mythical Thracian bard and warrior, called in to aid Eleusis against Athens, and slain
by Erechtheua.
463
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES Evagoras, 261, king of Salamis in Cyprus, extravagantly praised, in the oration of lsocrates bearing his name, as a mild and just ruler. He was a constant friend of Athens from the time here mentioned till his death in 374 B.O
Fenestella, 417, a Roman historian who flourished during the reign of Augustus. Fidentia, 413, a town of Cisalpine
Gaul (now northern Italy), on the Via Aemilia, south of the Po.
Gelo, 155, tyrant of Syracuse 485478 B.C., and victor over the Carthaginians at Himera in 480 B.C.
Glaucia, 447, Caius Servilius, praetor in 100 B.C., a partizan of Marius, and partner of Saturninus in the popular
year. ninus.
tumults of that
He
perished with SaturCicero compares him to
Jugurtha, 329, 331, 337, king of Numidia 112-106 B.C., when he was brought a prisoner to Rome, and starved to death in 104.
Lamponius, the Lucanian, 419, 455, one of the principal leaders of the Italians in the war with Rome (90-88
B.C.).
Lampsacus, 107, 255, a famous Greek city on the Asiatic side of the Hellespont, opposite Aegospotami. Larissa, 401, an important city in
N.E. Thessaly. Laverna, 341, of unknown site. Lavicum, 187, an ancient town in Latium, of uncertain site. Lavinium, 189, an ancient town of Latium, near the sea-coast, about seventeen miles S.E. of Rome. Lepidus, 435, 437, 443, Marcus Aemilius, father of the triumvir He was driven from Italy by
Pompey in 77 B.C., and died shortly afterwards in Sardinia.
the Athenian demagogue Hyperbolus (Brutus, 62, 224).
Heraea, 295, a city of northwestern Arcadia in Peloponnesus.
M Maedi, 403, a powerful people in the west of Thrace. Maeotis, Lake, 359, the modern Sea of Azov, north of the Black Sea.
Malea, Cape, 359, the S.E. extremity of Laconia in Peloponnesus, now Cape St. Angelo. Marsi, 331, a warlike nation in Isocrates, 27, the celebrated Attic orator and rhetorician, 436-338 B.O.
Juba, 381, Juba
ship Metellus,
king of MauriHe lived from 50 B.C. to tania. about 20 a.d., was educated at Rome, and became a learned and II.,
voluminous writer. Among his works was a History of Rome.
464
central
Italy,
often
victorious
over the Romans. They were finally subdued soon after 89 B.C., and admitted to Roman citizen341,
Caecilius,
343,
419,
Quintus
surnamed Pius, consul in 80 B.C., and one of
with Sulla his
most
successful
generals
After Sulla's death in 79 B.C., he went as proconsul to Spain to prosecute the war against Ser-
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES It torius (Crassus, chapter vi.). has been shown that Metella, the wife of Sulla, was not the daughter of Metellus Pius, but of Metellus Dalmaticus, his uncle. Metellus, 447, Quintus Caecilius,
sumamed Numidicus,
consul in of 109 B.C., and conqueror Jugurtha. As censor in 102 n.c, he attempted to expel Saturninus and Glaucia from the senate, but was prevented from doing so and himself expelled and driven into exile for a year (100-99 B.C.). Meton, 45, the astrologer, the most
famous mathematician and astro-
In 432 B.C., he published a new calendar with a cycle of nineteen years, intended to reconcile the lunar and
nomer
of his time.
solar years. Mithridates, 335, 343, 351, 359, the sixth king of Pontus bearing this name, commonly called Mithri-
dates the Great, 120-63 B.C., the most formidable enemy of the Romans in the East. Mucius, 441, probably Publius Mucius Scaevola, consul in 133 B.C.
Munychion, 273. the tenth month in the Attic calendar, corresponding to the latter part of April and first
part of May.
5 Nieeratus of Heracleia, 283, otherwise unknown.
Nicomedes, 399, 405, the third king of Bithynia bearing this
name.
He was
reseated on his
B.C. by the Romans, and reigned ten years
throne In 90 and 84
after the second restoration till his death in 74 B.C. Nola, 351, 353, an ancient and important town in Campania, some twenty miles S.E. of Capua. Norbanus, 411, 413, consul in 83 After his defeats by Sulla B.C. and Metellus. he fled to Rhodes, where he put an end to his life.
Panactum, 33, a fortress of Attica on the confines of Boeotia, betrayed to the Thebans in 420 B.C. (Thuc, v. 3, 5). Pedum, 187. an ancient town of Latium, of uncertain
Pergamum, of
Mysia
site.
359, 401, the chief city in Asia Minor,
from
3(>:i
to 133 B.C., the seat of the Attalid dynasty. The last Attalid bequeathed his kingdom to the
Romans. Pharnabazus, 67, 81-89, 111, 113. 115, 285, 287, 289, 301, satrap of the Persian provinces about the Hellespont from 412 till 393. Pherecydes, 441, of Syros, a writer
on
cosmogony and mythology
who flourished about the middle of the sixth century B.C. Philippi, 403, a city of Macedonia on the river Strymon, formerly called by Crenides, renamed Philip the father of Alexander the Great. Phocaea, 243, the most northerly of the Ionian cities in Asia Minor. Phyle, 291, 311, a fortress on Mt. Parnes commanding the road from Athens and Eleusis to Thebes, some sixteen miles from Athens. Pompeius, Quintus, 343, 351, surnamed Rufus, tribune in 199, praetor in 91, and consul with Sulla in 88 B.C. Sulla left him In charge of Italy on setting out for the East, but he was murdered by the soldiers of Pompeius Strabo who had been assigned to his
command.
Pontus, 305, 359, 397, the district extending along the S.E. shore of the Euxine Sea, the seat of the
kingdom of Mithridates. Praeneste, 417, 499, 423, 429, an ancient city of Latium on a spur of the Apennines about twentythree miles east of Rome. Proconnesus, 81, an island In the western part of the Propontis. Ptolemy, Lathyrus, 143, Ptolemy VIII., king of Egypt 117-81 B.C., sumamed also Soter and Philometor.
465
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES Rhadamanthus, 313, mythical son of Zeus and Europa, brother of Minos the king of Crete. He lied from Crete to Ocaleia in Boeotia, where he married Alcmene. He became one of the judges in the lower world. Roscius, 439, a great actor, from whom Cicero learned much, and of whom he often speaks in high terms of praise (cf. pro Archia, 8, 17).
S 451, 86-34 B.C., historian of the Conspiracy of Catiline, of the Jugurthine War (111-106 B.C.)
Sallust,
and
a work that is lost, of portions of the Civil Wars. Saturninus, 447, Lucius Appuleius, a
also, in
Roman noble who allied himself
with
Marius
and the popular
party, tribune in 102 and 100 B.C. in which year he perished at the
.
hands of a mob. Selymbria, 87, 89, a Greek city on the northern shore of the Propontis, some forty miles west of
Byzantium. 419, Publius Servilius Vatia Isauricus, made consul by Sulla in 79 B.C. In the following year he was sent as proconsul to Cilicia to clear the sea of pirates. He was successful, and received the surname of Isauricus from one of the robber tribes which
Servilius,
he subdued. Sestos, 107, 109, 255, 257, 269, the chief town of the Thracian
Chersonese, opposite
Abydos on
the Asiatic side of the Hellespont. Signia, 415, an ancient city of Latium, now Segui, some thirtyfive miles S.E. of Rome, in the Volscian mountains. Silvium, 413, a town in the interior of Apulia, of uncertain site. Sphacteria, 35, an island stretching in front of the harbour of Pylos, on the western coast of Peloponnesus.
466
Tarentum, 411. a great and powerful city in S.E. Italy, at the head of the gulf to which it gave its name. Taureas, 43, competed with Alcibiades as choregus in a dithy-
rambic contest at the Greater Dionysia (cf. Demosthenes, Or. xxi. 147).
Tectosages, 331, a dwelling at the
Celtic
foot
people the
of
Pyrenees in Gallia Narbonensis. Tegea, 319, an ancient and powerful city in southern Arcadia of Peloponnesus. Theophrastus, 25, 267, 285, 407, the
most famous pupil of Aristotle, and his successor as head of the Peripatetic school at Athens.
He
was born at Eresos in Lesbo3, and died at Athens in 287 B.C. at the
age of eighty-live.
Theopompus,
95, 277, 319, of Chios,
a fellow-pupil of Isocrates with Ephorus, historian of Greece from 411 to 394 B.C., and of Philip of Macedon (360-336 B.C.). He is always censorious of Athens and her popular leaders. Theopompus, the comic poet, 269, an Athenian poet of the Old and Middle Comedy, who wrote as late as 380 B.C. Theramenes, 3, 91, 271, a brilliant naval commander who cooperated successfully with Alcibiades in the closing years of the Peloponnesian war. He was one of the Thirty Tyrants and favoured a moderate course, but fell a victim to the jealousy and hatred of Critias. Thyateira, 405, a large city in the north of Lydia, about forty-five miles S.E. of
Pergamum.
Timon, 43, the misanthrope, an Athenian of the time of the Peloponnesian War. He is attacked by the comic poets as a man-hating solitary. Plutarch devotes chapter lxx. of his Antony to a sketch of the man. A dialogue of Lucian bears his name.
DICTIONARY OF PROPER NAMES Timotheus, 339, from 375 to 354 B.C. one of the most popular and successful Athenian commanders. Tolericum, 187, an ancient town in Latium, of uncertain site Torquatus, 421, perhaps the Manliu8 Torquatus who was propraetor of Africa about 70 B.C. Troad, 403, a district in the northwestern angle of Mysia, bordering on the Hellespont and the Aegean Sea, named from ancient Troy. Tyrannio, the grammarian, 407. a native of Amisus in Fontus. lie
was brought as a captive to Rome by Lucullus in 72 B.C. (Lucullus, xix. 7). There he became a was patronized and teacher, praised by Cicero, and amassed wealth.
Velitrae, 145, a city of Latium, on the southern slope of the Alban hills, about thirty miles S.E of
Rome.
467
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Cicero: Cicero:
1th Imp., Vols. II.
picum Cicero: Pro Caecina, Pro Lege Manilia, Pro Cluentio, Pro Rabirio. H. Grose Hodge. (3rd Imp.) Cicero: Pro Caelio, De Provinciis Consularibus. Pro Balbo. R. Gardner. Cicero Pro Milone, In Pisonem, Pro Scauro, Pro Fonteio. Pro Rabirio Postumo, Pro Marcello, Pro Liqario, Pro Rege Deiotaro. N. H. Watts. (3rd Imp.) Cicero: Pro Quinctio, Pro Roscio Amerino, Pro Roscio Comoedo, Contra Rullum. J. H. Freese. (3rd Imp.) Cicero: Pro Sestio, In Vatinium. R. Gardner. Cicero Tusculan Disputations. J.E.King. (4th Imp.) Cicero: Verrine Orations. L. H. G. Greenwood. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 3rd Imp., Vol. II. 2nd Imp.) Claudian. M. Platnauer. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Columella: De Re Rustica. De Arboribus. H. B. Ash, E. S. Forster and E. Heffner. 3 Vols. (Vol. I. 2nd Imp.) Curtius, Q.: History of Alexander. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Florus. E. S. Forster and Cornelius Nepos. J. C. Rolfe. (2nd Imp.) Frontinus Stratagems and Aqueducts. C. E. Bennett and M. B. McElwain. (2nd Imp.) Fronto: Correspondence. C. R. Haines. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.) 3 Vols. (Vol. I. 3rd Imp., Vols. II. and Gellius, J. C. Rolfe. III. 2nd Imp.) Horace: Odes and Epodes. C. E. Bennett. (14th Imp. :
:
:
revised.)
Horace: Satires, Epistles, Ars Poetica. (9th
Imp.
H. R. Fairclough.
revised.)
Jerome: Selected Letters. F. A. Wright. (2nd Imp.) Juvenal and Persius. G. G. Ramsay. (Sth Imp.) Livy. B. O. Foster, F. G. Moore, Evan T. Sage, and A. C. 14 Vols. Schlesinger and R. M. Geer (General Index). (Vol. I. 5th Imp., Vol. V. 4th Imp., Vols. II.-IV., VI. and VII., IX.-XII. 3rd Imp., Vol. VIII., 2nd Imp. revised.) Lucan. J. D. Duff. (4th Imp.) Lucretius. W. H. D. Rouse. (1th Imp. revised.) Martial. W. C. A. Ker. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 6th Imp., Vol. II. 4th Imp. revised.) Minor Latin Poets: from Publilius Syrus to Rutilius Namatianus, including Grattius, Calpurnius Siculus, " Aetna " and the Nemesianus, Avianus, and others with "Phoenix." J. Wight Duff and Arnold M. Duff. (3rd Imp.)
Ovid:
(Uh Ovid: Ovid: Ovid:
The Art of Love and Other Poems.
J.
H. Mozley.
Imp.) Fasti. Sir James (2nd Imp.) Heroides and Amores. Grant Showerman. (1th Imp.) Metamorphoses. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. lith
G. Frazer.
Imp., Vol.
II. 10th
Imp.)
Ovid: Tristia and Ex Ponto. A. L. Wheeler. (4th Imp.) Persius. Cf. Juvenal. Petronius. M. Seneca Atocolocyntosis. Heseltine, W. H. D. Rouse. (9th Imp. revised.) Plautus. Paul Nixon. 5 Vols. (Vol. I. 6th Imp., II. 5th Imp., III. Uh Imp., IV. and V. 2nd Imp.) Pliny: Letters. Melmoth's Translation rovised by W. M. L. Hutchinson. 2 Vols. (1th Imp.) Pliny: Natural History. H. Rackham and \V. H. S. Jones. H. Rackham. Vols. VI. and 10 Vols. Vols. I.-V. and IX. VII. W. H. S. Jones. (Vol. I. Uh Imp., Vols. II. and III. 3rd Imp., Vol. IV. 2nd Imp.) Propertius. H. E. Butler. (1th Imp.) Prudentius. H. J. Thomson. 2 Vols. Quintilian. H. E. Butler. 4 Vols. (Vols. I. and IV. ill Imp., Vols.
II.
and
III. 3rd
Imp.)
Remains of Old Latin. E. H. YVarmington. 4 vols. Vol. I. (Ennius and Caecilius.) Vol. II. (Livius, Naevius, Pacuvius, Accius.) Vol. III. (Lucilius and Laws of XII Tables.) (2nd Imp.) (Archaic Inscriptions.) Sallust. J. C. Rolfe. (Uh Imp. revised.) Scriptores Historiae Augustae. D. Magio. 3 Vols. (Vol. I. 3rd Imp. revised. Vols. II. and III. 2nd Imp.) Seneca: Apocolocyntosis. Cf. Petronius. Seneca: Epistulae Morales. R. M. Gummere. 3 Vols. (Vol. I. Uh Imp., Vols. II. and III. 3rd Imp.) Seneca: Moral Essays. J. VV. Basore. 3 Vols. (Vol. II. Uh Imp., Vols. I. and III. 2nd Imp. revised.) Seneca: Tragedies. F. J. Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. Uh Imp. Vol. II. 3rd Imp. revised.) Sidonius: Poems and Letters. VV. B. Anderson. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 2nd Imp.) 2 Vols. Silius Italicus. J. D. Duff. I. 2nd (Vol. Imp. Vol. II. 3rd Imp.) Statius. J. H. Mozley. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Suetonius. J. C. Rolfe. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 1th Imp., Vol. II. 6th Imp. revised.) Tacitus: Dialogues. Sir Wm. Peterson. Agricola and Germania. Maurice Hutton. (1th Imp.) Tacitus: Histories and Annals. C. H. Moore and J. Jackson. 4 Vols.. (Vols. I. and II. Uh Imp. Vols. III. and IV. 3rd Imp.)
Terence. II. 1th
John Sargeaunt.
2 Vols.
Imp.)
(Vol.
I.
8th Imp.,
Vol.
Tertullian: Apologia and De Spectaculis. T. R. Glover. Minucius Felix. G. H. Rendall. (2nd Imp.) Valerius Flaccus. J. H. Mozley. (3rd Imp. revised.) 3
De Lingua Latin a.
Varro:
R. G. Kent.
2 Vols.
(3rd Imp.
revised.)
Velleius Paterculus and Res Gestae Divi Auousti. (2nd Imp.) H. R. Fairclough.
F.
W.
Shipley.
Virgil.
\4tth Imp. Vitruvtus:
2 Vols.
(Vol.
I.
19th Imp., Vol. II.
revised.)
De Architectura.
F. Granger.
2 Vols.
(Vol.1.
3rd Imp., Vol. II. 2nd Imp.)
Greek Authors Achilles Tatius. S. Gaselee. (2nd Imp.) Aelian On the Nature of Animals. 3 Vols.
Vols.
:
I.
and
II.
A. F. Scholfield.
Tacticu3, Asclepiodotu3 and On as and eb. The Illinois Greek Club. (2nd Imp.) Aeschines. C. D. Adams. (3rd Imp.) Aeschylus. H. Weir Smyth. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 1th Imp., Vol. II. 6th Imp. revised.) Alciphron, Aelian, Philostratus Letters. A. R. Benner and F. H. Fobes. Andocides, Antiphon, Cf. Minor Attic Orators.
Aeneas
Apollodorus. Sir James G. Frazer. Apollonius Rhodius. R. C. Seaton.
The Apostolic Fathers. 8th Imp., Vol. II. 6th
Uh
(5th
(
3rd Imp.)
Imp.) 2 Vols.
(Vol.
I.
4 Vols.
(Vol.
I.
Imp.)
Roman History.
Appian:
2 Vols.
Kirsopp Lake.
Horace White.
Imp., Vols. II.-IV. 3rd Imp.)
Aratus. Cf. Callimachus. Aristophanes. Benjamin Bickley trans.
Rogers.
3
Vols.
Versa
(5th Imp.)
Aristotle: Art of Rhetoric. J. H. Freese. (3rd Imp.) Athenian Constitution, Eudemian Ethics, Aristotle: Vices and Virtues. H. Rackham. (3rd Imp.) Aristotle: Generation of Animals. A. L. Peck. (2nd Imp.) Aristotle: Metaphysics. H. Tredennick. 2 Vols. (Uh Imp.) Aristotle: Meteorolooica. H. D. P. Lee. Aristotle: Minor Works. W. S. Hett. On Colours, On Things Heard, On Physiognomies, On Plants, On Marvellous Things Heard, Mechanical Problems, On Indivisible Lines, On Situations and Names of Winds, On Melissus, Xenophanes, and Gorgias. (2nd Imp.) Aristotle: Nicomachean Ethics. H. Rackham. (6th Imp. revised. )
Aristotle:
Oeconomica and Maona Moralia. G. II.). (Uh Imp.)
C.
Arm-
strong; (with Metaphysics, Vol.
Aristotle:
On the Heavens.
W. K.
C. Guthrie.
(3rd Imp.
revised.)
Aristotle:
W.
S.
On the
Hett.
Soul, Parva Naturalia, (2nd Imp. revised.)
On Breath.
—Categories, On Interpretation, Prior (3rd Imp.) — Aristotle: Organon Posterior Analytics, Topics. H. Tredennick and E. Aristotle: Organon — On Sophistical Refutations. Aristotle:
Analytics.
Organon
H. P. Cooke and H. Tredennick. S. P'orster.
On Coming to be and Passing Away, On the Cosmos. E. IS. Forster and D. J. Furley. Aristotle: Parts of Animals. A. L. Peck; Motion and Progression of Animals. E. S. Forster. (4th Imp. revised.) Aristotle: Physics. Rev. P. Wicksteod and F. M. Cornford. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 2nd Imp., Vol. II. 3rd Imp.) Aristotle: Poetics and Longinus. W. Hamilton Fyfo; Demetrius on Style. W. Rhys Roberts. (5th Imp. revised.) Aristotle: Politics. H. Rackham. (4th Imp. revised.) Aristotle: Problems. W.S. Hott. 2 Vols. (2nd Imp. revised.) Aristotle: Rhetorica Ad Alexandrum (with Problems. Vol. II.). H. Rackham. Arrian: History of Alexander and Indica. Rev. E. Iliffo Robson. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.) Deipnosophistae. C. B. Gulick. 7 Vols. Athenaeus: (Vols. I.-IV., VI. and VII. 2nd Imp., Vol. V. 3rd Imp.) St. Basil: Letters. R. J. Doferrari. 4 Vols. (2nd Imp.) Callimachus: Fragments. C. A. Trypanis. Callimachus, Hymns and Epigrams, and Lycophron. A. W. Mair; Aratus. G. R. Mair. (2nd. Imp.) Clement of Alexandria. Rev. G. W. Butterworth. (3rd Imp.) COLLUTHUS. Cf. OPPIAN. Daphnis and Chloe. Thornley's Translation revised by J. M. Edmonds; and Parthenius. S. Gaselee. (4th Imp.) Demosthenes I.: Olynthiacs, Philippics and Minor Orations. I.-XVII. and XX. J. H. Vince. (2nd Imp.) Demosthenes II.: De Corona and De Falsa Legatione. C. A. Vince and J. H. Vinco. (3rd Imp. revised.) Demosthenes III.: Meidias, Androtion, Aristocrates, Timocrates and Aristogeiton, I. and II. J. H. Vince (2nd Imp.)
Demosthenes IV.- VI.: Private Orations and In Neaeram. A. T. Murray. (Vol. IV. 3rd Imp., Vols. V. and VI. 2nd Imp.) Demosthenes VII. Funeral Speech, Erotic Essay, Exordia and Letters. N. W. and N. J. DeWitt. Dio Cassius: Roman History. E. Cary. 9 Vols. (Vols. I. and II. 3rd Imp., Vols. Ill .-IX. 2nd Imp.) Dio Chrysostom. J. W. Cohoon and H. Lamar Crosby. 5 Vols. (Vols. I.-IV. 2nd Imp.) Diodorus Siculus. 12 Vols. Vols. I.-VI. C. H. Oldfather. C. L. Sherman. Vol. VII. Vols. IX. and X. R. M. Geer. Vol. XL F.Walton. (Vol. 1. 3rd Imp., Vols. II.-IV. 2nd Imp.) Diogenes Laerttus. R. D. Hicks. 2 Vols. (5th Imp.). Dionysius of Halicarnassus Roman Antiquities. Spelman's translation revised by E. Cary. 7 Vols. (Vols. I.-V. 2nd Imp.) :
:
W. A. Oldfather. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.) A. S. Way. 4 Vols. (Vols. I. and IV. 1th Imp., Vol. Imp., Vol. III. 6th Imp.) Verse trans.
Epictettts.
Euripides. II. Sth
Eusebius:
Ecclesiastical
J. E. L. Oulton.
2 Vols.
History. (Vol.
I.
Kirsopp
Lake
and
3rd Imp., Vol. II. 5th Imp.)
Galen On the Natural Faculties. A. J. Brock. (4th Imp.) The Greek Anthology. W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. (Vols. I.-IV. :
V. 3rd Imp.)
5th Imp., Vol.
Greek Elegy and Iambus Edmonds.
2 Vols.
(Vol.
with the Anacreontea. J. M. 3rd Imp., Vol. II. 2nd Imp.) Bion, Moschus).
I.
The Greek Bucolic Poets (Theocritus, J.
M. Edmonds.
(1th
Imp.
revised.)
Greek Mathematical Works.
Ivor Thomas.
2 Vols.
(3rd
Imp.)
Herodes. Cf. Theophrastus Characters. Herodotus. A. D. Godley. 4 Vols. (Vol. I. :
II.
and
III. 5th
4th Imp., Vols.
Imp., Vol. IV. 3rd Imp.)
Hesiod and The Homeric Hymns.
G. Evelyn White.
H..
(1th Imp. revised and enlarged.) Hippocrates and the Fragments of Hfbacleitus. Jones and E. T. Withington. 4 Vols. (Vol. I.
Vols. II.-IV. 3rd Imp.) Homer: Iliad. A. T. Murray.
2 Vols.
(1th
W. H.
S.
4th Imp.,
Imp.)
Homer: Odyssey. A. T. Murray. 2 Vols. (Sth Imp.) Isaeus. E. W. Forster. (3rd Imp.) Isocrates. George Norlin and LaRue Van Hook. 3
Vols.
(2nd Imp.)
John Damascene: Barlaam and Ioasaph. Rev. Woodward and Harold Mattingly. (3rd Imp. revised.)
St.
Josephus.
H.
Vols. I.-VII.
St. J.
Thackeray and Ralph Marcus.
G. R.
9 Vols.
(Vol. V. 4th Imp., Vol. VI. 3rd Imp., Vols. I.-IV.
and VII. 2nd Imp.) Julian Wilmer Cave Wright. 3 Vols. (Vols. I. and II. 3rd Imp., Vol. III. 2nd Imp.) Lucian. A. M. Harmon. 8 Vols. Vols. I.-V. (Vols. I. and II. 4th Imp., Vol. III. 3rd Imp., Vols. IV. and V. 2nd Imp.) Lycophron. Cf. Callimachus. Lyra Graeca. J. M. Edmonds. 3 Vols. (Vol. I. 6th Imp. Vol. II revised and enlarged, and III. 4th Imp.) Lysias. W. R. M. Lamb. (3rd Imp.) Manetho. W. G. Waddell: Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. F. E. Robbins.
(3rd Imp.)
Marcus Aurelius. C. R. Haines. (4th Imp. revised.) Menander. F. G. Allinson. (3rd Imp. revised.) Minor Attic Orators (Antiphon, Andocides, Lycurgus, Demades, Dinarchus, Hypereides). K. J. Maidment and J. O. Burrt.
2 Vols.
(Vol.
I.
2nd Imp.)
Nonnos: Dionysiaca. W. H. D. Rouse. 3 Oppian, Colluthus, Tryphiodorus. A. W.
Non -Literary
Vols.
Mair.
(2nd Imp.) (2nd Imp.)
Selections. A. S. Hunt and C. C. 2 Literary Selections. Vols. (2nd Imp.) D. L. Page. (3rd Imp.) (Poetry).
Papyri. Edgar.
6
Parthenius. Cf. Daphnis and Chloe. VV. H. S. Jones. 5 Pausanias: Description of Greece. Vols, and Companion Vol. arranged by R. E. Wycherley. (Vols. I. and III. 3rd Imp., Vols. II., IV. and V. 2nd Imp.) 10 Vols. Vols. I.-V.; F. H. Colson and Rev. G. H. Philo. Vols. VI.-1X.; F. H. Colson. Whitakor (Vols. I-II., V.VII., 3rd Imp., Vol. IV. 4th Imp., Vols. III., VIII., and IX. 2nd Imp.) Philo: two supplementary Vols. {Translation only.) Ralph Marcus. Philostratus: The Life of Appollonius of Tyana. F. C. Conybeare. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 4th Imp., Vol. II. 3rd Imp.) Callistratus Descriptions. Philostratus: Imagines; A. Fairbanks. (2nd Imp.) Lives of the Sophists. Philostratus and Eunapius: Wilmer Cave Wright. (2nd Imp.) Pindar. Sir J. E. Sandys. (8th Imp. revised.) Plato: Charmides, Alcibiade3, Htpparchus, The Lovers, Theages, Minos and Epinomis. W. R. M. Lamb. (2nd Imp.) Plato: Cratylus, Parmenides, Greater Hippias, Lesser Hippias. H. N. Fowler. (4th Imp.) Plato: Euthyphro, Apology, Crito, Phaedo, Phaedrus. H. N. Fowler. ( 1 Ith Imp.) Plato: Laches, Protagoras, Meno, Euthydemus. W. R. M. Lamb. (3rd Imp. revised.) Plato: Laws. Rev. R. G. Bury. 2 Vols. (3rd Imp.) Plato: Lysis, Symposium Gorgias. W. R. M. Lamb. (5th Imp. revised.) Plato: Republic. Paul Shorey. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 5th Imp., :
Vol. II. 4th Imp.)
Plato: Statesman, Philebus.
Lamb.
H. N. Fowler; Ion.
W.
R. M.
(4th Imp.)
Plato: Theaetetus and Sophist. H. N. Fowler. (4th Imp.) Plato: Timaeus, Critias, Clitopho, Menexenus, Epistulae. Rev. R. G. Bury. (3rd Imp.) Plutarch: Moralia. 14 Vols. Vols. I.-V. F. C. Babbitt. Vol. VI. VV. C. Holmbold. Vol. VII. P. H. De Lacy and B. Einarson. Vol. X. H. N. Fowler. Vol. XII. H. Cherniss and W. C Helmbold. (Vols. I. -VI. and X. 2nd Imp.) Plutahcii:
The Parallel
Lives. 11 Vols. B. Perrin. VI., VII., and XI. 3rd Imp., Vols. III.-V. and 2nd Imp.) W. R. Paton. 6 Vols. (2nd Imp.) History of the Wars. H. B. Dewing. 7 Vols. (Vol. I. '3rd Imp., Vols. II.-VII. 2nd Imp.) Ptolemy: Tetrabiblos. Cf. Manetho. Quintus Smyrnaeus. A. S. Way. Verse trans. (3rd Imp.) Sextus Empiricus. Rev. R. G. Bury. 4 Vols. (Vol. I. 4th Imp., Vols. II. and III. 2nd Imp.) Sophocles. F. Storr. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 10th Imp. Vol. II. 6th Imp.) Verse trans. (Vols.
1., II.,
VIII.-X. Polybius. Procopius:
Strabo: Geography. Horace L. Jones. 8 Vols. (Vols. I., V., and VIII. 3rd Imp., Vols. II., III., IV., VI., and VII. 2nd Imp.) Characters. J. M. Edmonds. Herodes, Theophrastus A. D. Knox. (3rd Imp.) etc. Theophrastus Enquiry into Plants. Sir Arthur Horb, :
:
Bart.
2 Vols.
(2nd Imp.)
Thucydides. C. F. Smith. 4 Vols. (Vol. I. 5th Imp., Vols. II. and IV. 4th Imp., Vol. III., 3rd Imp. revised.) Tryphiodorus. Cf. Oppian. Xenophon: Cyropaedia. Walter Miller. 2 Vols. (Vol. I. 4th Imp., Vol. II. 3rd
Imp.
)
Xenophon: Hellenica, Anabasis, Apology, and Symposium. C. L. Brownson and O. J. Todd. 3 Vols. (Vols. I. and Hi 3rd Imp., Vol. II. 4th Imp.)
Xenophon: Memorabilia and Oeconomicus.
E. C. Marchant
(3rd Imp.)
Xenophon: Scripta Minora.
IN
E. C. Marchanfc.
(3rd Imp.)
PREPARATION
Greek Authors Aristotle: History op Animals. Plotinus: A. H. Armstrong.
A. L. Peck.
Latin Authors Babrius and Phaedrus.
Ben
E. Perry.
DESCRIPTIVE PROSPECTUS ON APPLICATION
London Cambridge, Mass.
WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS
HLutarchus.
Plutarch's lives.
?A 3612 *P9* vol.4'