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SAMMLUNG WISSENSCHAFTLICHER COMMENTARE

PINDAR'S NEMEANS A SELECTION

K G · SAUR MÜNCHEN

LEIPZIG

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PINDAR'S NEMEANS A SELECTION

EDITION AND COMMENTARY BY W. B. HENRY

K

G

SAUR M Ü N C H E N · L E I P Z I G 2 0 0 5

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Bibliographische Information der Deutschen Bibliothek Die Deutsche Bibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation in der Deutschen Nationalbibliografie; detaillierte bibliografische Daten sind im Internet über http://dnb.ddb.de abrufbar. © 2 0 0 5 bv Κ. G. Säur Verlag GmbH, München und Leipzig Printed in Germany Alle Rechte vorbehalten. All rights Strictly Reserved. Jede Art der Vervielfältigung ohne Erlaubnis des Verlags ist unzulässig. Gedruckt auf alterungsbeständigein Papier. Gesamtherstellung: Druckhaus ..Thomas Müntzer" GmbH, 9 9 9 4 7 Bad Langensalza ISBN 3 - 5 9 8 - 7 3 0 2 8 - 4

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PREFACE This book is based on a doctoral thesis completed in 2001. If I were starting afresh, I might well have preferred to include all the Nemeans, but the addition of the remaining odes at this stage would have entailed a considerable delay, and I have preferred to publish what is ready. There is at any rate nothing unusual in a work of this kind: it is some time since a commentator writing in English tackled a whole book of the epinicians. And of course the individual books were not organized by the poet as units. Three of my odes (4, 6, and 8) commemorate athletic victories won by Aeginetan boys. These have a number of features in common, not least their single-stanza introductions and their mythical narratives concerned, as expected, with Aeacus and his line. But they do not follow a single pattern. While in the first two of the group, Pindar introduces his victor straight after the proem, in N. 8, he moves at first into myth, and the victors are not mentioned until near the end of the first epode. Indeed that ode gives little space altogether to the victors and their family. No names are given apart from those of the victors themselves, father and son. In N. 4 and 6, by contrast, numerous family members are introduced, and the victor's family takes up a considerable part of each ode. When we consider structural elaboration, on the other hand, it is N. 4 that stands out from the group. Whereas the other two odes are organized on a fairly simple plan, N. 4 displays considerable virtuosity in its central section, with the poet skilfully maintaining suspense by creating and frustrating expectations: one may suspect that he was encouraged to compose in a more exploratory vein here by the knowledge that the victor's family included amateur musicians who could be expected to listen receptively to a production more ambitious than any provincial poet would have attempted. The remaining two odes, N. 10 and 11, are from the appendix to the Nemeans (originally the last book of the epinician odes), containing odes which, though felt to belong with the epinicians, were not composed to commemorate victories in the great games. M i l , for the inauguration of a local official on Tenedos, shares material with N. 6, and is naturally studied alongside that ode. Ν. 10 stands alone among the extant epinicians as being for an Argive victor. It includes, besides a long catalogue of Argive mythical glories, the only extended narrative in the odes assembled here, the famous myth of the Dioscuri, notable not least for its extensive use of direct speech, an element otherwise unrepresented in this selection. This ode may serve as a specimen of Pindar's composition on the grandest scale. It is impossible at this stage in Pindaric criticism to discuss everything that has been published on any ode. I have been selective, but not, I hope, excessively so. The student of Pindar is well served by published bibliographies: see especially D. E. Gerber, A Bibliography of Pindar 1513-1966, Cleveland 1969; his Emendations in Pindar 1513-1972, Amsterdam 1976 (supplemented at Entretiens Hardt 31, 1985, 22-5); and his 'Pindar and Bacchylides 1934-1987', Lustrum 31, 1989,97-269 and 32, 1990,7-98, 283-92 (index); also E. Thummer,

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VI

PREFACE

'Pindaros, 5. Bericht ( 1 9 8 0 - 1 9 9 2 ) ' , AAHG 4 9 , 1996, 1 - 6 8 . Among more recent publications, two items of particular relevance are Gerber, 'Pindar, Nemean Six: A commentary', HSCP 9 9 , 1999, 3 3 - 9 1 , and the treatment of N. 4 in Μ. M. Willcock (ed.), Pindar, Victory Odes, Cambridge 1 9 9 5 , 4 0 - 3 , 9 1 - 1 0 9 . For the convenience of readers, I have included texts of the odes treated. T h e only non-interpolated medieval manuscripts containing all five odes are Β (Vat. gr. 1312; late xii AD) and D (Laur. 3 2 , 5 2 ; early xiv AD). For N. 4 . 1 - 6 8 and 6 . 3 8 - 4 4 , there is also V , called Ρ in the scholia (Paris, gr. 2 4 0 3 ; late xiii AD). I have used Turyn's reports, together with those of Mommsen and Snell. Only one papyrus has so far been published, Π 41 (P. Berol. inv. 16367; i BC), containing parts of N. 6 . 2 5 - 3 5 , but it is expected that further papyri of the epinicians will appear in a future volume of The Oxyrhynchus Papyri. An apparatus o f testimonia is included, but I have not attempted to make a complete collection. Titles are preserved in D for the first two of my odes, and titles of similar form have been devised for the remainder. These do not go back to the poet, and I have not felt obliged to adopt them here. T h e metrical schemes included in the commentary are accompanied by brief discussions of the stanza forms. In the case of N. 6, where there are many controversial points, I have added a series of notes on individual lines of the scheme. T h e metrical abbreviations are for the most part those of West, GM xi f., but I have used docP for W e s t ' s dod , and wil for wilamowitzianus, W e s t ' s gl. Related sequences are vertically aligned as far as possible, as in Snell's schemes for the aeolic odes. I have received invaluable advice and support from the supervisor o f my doctoral work, Dr. M. L. West. My examiners, Dr. Armand D'Angour and Professor James Diggle, also made helpful comments. At a later stage, Professor G. O. Hutchinson made some suggestions for the revision of my commentary on N . I I . I am grateful to them all. While I was revising the work for publication, Dr. West and Dr. A. S. Hollis most generously arranged for me to have access to unpublished work on Pindar by the late Mr. W. S. Barrett. This has been of great value to me; a number of points drawn from B a r r e t t ' s work will be found below with due acknowledgement. My work on the dissertation in which this book originated was supported by a three-year postgraduate studentship awarded by the Arts and Humanities Research Board and by a Prize Scholarship awarded by Merton College, Oxford. T h e revision of the dissertation was one of the projects on which I worked while holding a British Academy Postdoctoral Fellowship: I am most grateful to the Academy for the award, and to the Provost and Fellows of Oriel College, Oxford, for giving me a college association during the period of the Fellowship (2001-^1). Finally, it is a pleasure to thank Frau Dr. Elisabeth Schuhmann of Saur for agreeing to publish the book, and the Herculaneum Society, and in particular Dr. Dirk Obbink and Professor David Armstrong, for allowing me the time to put the finishing touches to it.

Oxford, January 2005

W. Β . H.

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CONTENTS Abbreviations, etc. Text Commentary

IX 1 23

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ABBREVIATIONS, ETC. I refer by editor's name alone to the main editions of Pindar, listed on p. χ of the first volume of the latest version of the Teubner text ('post Brunonem Snell edidit Hervicus Maehler', Leipzig 1987; ii, 'edidit Hervicus Maehler', Leipzig 1989); also to the editions by C. W. Ahlwardt (Leipzig 1820), A. Negris (Edinburgh 1835) and O. Höman (Leipzig 1876) and the edition of the Nemean and Isthmian odes by C. A. M. Fennell (Cambridge 1883, 2 1899). In the commentary on N. 6, 'Hermann" refers to the notes of G. Hermann in Heyne's 1798 edition, 'Hermann 2 ' to those in Heyne's 1817 edition, and 'Hermann 3 ' to his separate edition of the ode, first published in 1844 (Opuscula viii, Leipzig 1877, 68-75). 'Schroeder' refers to Otto Schroeder's large edition of 1900 with the 1923 appendix. References to the scholia vetera are accompanied by Drachmann's page and line; the volume number is omitted in the case of references to scholia to the Nemeans in volume iii. Classical authors and texts are generally abbreviated as in LSJ and its Revised Supplement and the Oxford Latin Dictionary, journals as in L'Annie Philologique. For fragmentary works, I have used the standard editions: for Pindar and Bacchylides, Snell-Maehler; for Sappho and Alcaeus, Voigt; for other lyric poets, Page and Davies; for elegy and iambus, West; for Hesiod, Merkelbach-West; for early epic, Bernabe and Davies; for comedy, Kassel-Austin; for tragedy, TrGF\ for Callimachus, Pfeiffer; for Posidippus' epigrams, Austin-Bastianini; for Nicander, Schneider; for historians, Jacoby; for early mythographers, Fowler; for the Presocratics, Diels-Kranz. Abel Barrett, Dionysiaca

Bowra Buck-Petersen

Chantraine Denniston Diggle, Euripidea Diggle, Studies DNP

E. Abel (ed.), Scholia vetera in Pindari Nemea et Isthmia, Berlin 1884 W. S. Barrett, 'The Oligaithidai and their victories (Pindar, Olympian 13; SLG 339, 340)', in R. D. Dawe et al. (edd.), Dionysiaca: Nine Studies ... Presented to Sir Denys Page, Cambridge 1978, 1-20 C. M. Bowra, Pindar, Oxford 1964 C. D. Buck and W. Petersen, A Reverse Index of Greek Nouns and Adjectives, Chicago 1945 P. Chantraine, Dictionnaire etymologique de la langue grecque, Paris 1968-80 J. D. Denniston, The Greek Particles2, Oxford 1954 J. Diggle, Euripidea, Oxford 1994 J. Diggle, Studies on the Text of Euripides, Oxford 1981 H. Cancik and H. Schneider (edd.), Der neue Pauly, Stuttgart and Weimar 1996-2003

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χ

ABBREVIATIONS, ETC.

Drachmann, MP Fehling

Forssman Frankel, D. u. Ph. Friederichs Gygli-Wyss Headlam KB

KG LfgrE LGPN

LIMC LSAG LSJ

Maas, Resp.

Mezger Mommsen, Parerga Paley

A. B. Drachmann, Moderne Pindarfortolkning, Diss. Copenhagen 1891 D. Fehling, Die Wiederholungsfiguren und ihr Gebrauch bei den Griechen vor Gorgias, Berlin 1969 B. Forssman, Untersuchungen zur Sprache Pindars, Wiesbaden 1966 H. Frankel, Dichtung und Philosophie des frühen Griechentums2, Munich 1962 C. Friederichs, Pindarische Studien, Berlin 1863 B. Gygli-Wyss, Das nominale Polyptoton im älteren Griechisch, Göttingen 1966 W. Headlam, On Editing Aeschylus, London 1891 R. Kühner, Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache, 1. Teil besorgt von F. Blass, Hannover 1890-2 The same, 2. Teil besorgt von B. Gerth, Hannover 1898-1904 B. Snell et al. (edd.), Lexikon des frühgriechischen Epos, Göttingen 1955P. M. Fräser and E. Matthews (edd.), A Lexicon of Greek Personal Names, Oxford 1987Lexicon Iconographicum Mythologiae Classicae, Zurich etc. 1981-99 L. H. Jeffery, The Local Scripts of Archaic Greece2, Oxford 1990 H. G. Liddell and R. Scott, A Greek-English Lexicon, 9th edition revised by Sir Henry Stuart Jones, Oxford 1925-40. 'Rev. Suppl.' refers to the Revised Supplement, edited by P. G. W. Glare, Oxford 1996. P. Maas, Die neuen Responsionsfreiheiten bei Bakchylides und Pindar i and ii, Berlin 1914 and 1921 (= JPhV 39, 1913, 289-320 and 47, 1921, 13-31) F. Mezger, Pindars Siegeslieder erklärt, Leipzig 1880 T. Mommsen, Parerga Pindarica, Progr. Frankfurt 1877 F. A. Paley (tr.), The Odes of Pindar, London and Edinburgh 1868

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ABBREVIATIONS, ETC. Passow-Crönert

RE

Risch, Kl. Sehr. Robert Roscher

Schmid, GGL

Schulze, Kl. Sehr Schwyzer(-Debrunner)

SGO

Slater Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' Threatte Thummer Vanschoonwinkel

Verdenius,

Comm.

Von der Mühll, Kl.

Sehr.

Wächter Wackernagel, Kl. Sehr. West, Aeschyli

tragoediae

XI

Passow's Wörterbuch der griechischen Sprache, bearbeitet von W. Crönert, Göttingen 1912-14 G. Wissowa et al. (edd.), Paulys RealEncyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart etc. 1893-1980 E. Risch, Kleine Schriften, Berlin and New York 1981 C. Robert, Die griechische Heldensage, Berlin 1920-6 W. H. Roscher (ed.), Ausführliches Lexikon der griechischen und römischen Mythologie, Leipzig and Berlin 1884-1937 W. Schmid, Geschichte der griechischen Literatur (with Ο. Stählin), i.l, Munich 1929 W. Schulze, Kleine Schriften2, Göttingen 1966 E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik i, Munich 1939; ii, vervollständigt u. hrsg. von A. Debrunner, Munich 1950 R. Merkelbach and J. Stauber (edd.), Steinepigramme aus dem griechischen Osten i, Stuttgart and Leipzig 1998; ii-, Munich and Leipzig 2001W. J. Slater, Lexicon to Pindar, Berlin 1969 Β. Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus', in the Teubner edition of Pindar (as above), ii.178-88 (cited by section number) L. Threatte, The Grammar of Attic Inscriptions, Berlin and New York 1980-96 E. Thummer, Pindar, die isthmischen Gedichte, Heidelberg 1968-9 J. Vanschoonwinkel, L'Egee et la Mediterranee orientate ά la fin du deuxieme millenaire, Louvain-la-Neuve 1991 W. J. Verdenius, Commentaries on Pindar CMnem. Suppl. 97 and 101), Leiden 1987-8 P. Von der Mühll, Ausgewählte kleine Schriften, Basel 1976 R. Wächter, Non-Attic Greek Vase Inscriptions, Oxford 2001 J. Wackernagel, Kleine Schriften, Göttingen 1953-79 M. L. West (ed.), Aeschyli tragoediae, Stuttgart 1990

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XII

ABBREVIATIONS, ETC.

West, Catalogue West, West, West, West,

East Face GM Studies in Aesch. Studies in El. & /.

Wilamowitz Young

id., The Hesiodic Catalogue of Women, Oxford 1985 id., The East Face of Helicon, Oxford 1997 id., Greek Metre, Oxford 1982 id., Studies in Aeschylus, Stuttgart 1990 id., Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus, Berlin and New York 1974 U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Pindaros, Berlin 1922 Douglas Young, 'Some types of scribal error in manuscripts of Pindar', GRBS 6, 1965, 247-73 = W. M. Calder III and J. Stern (edd.), Pindaros und Bakchylides (Wege der Forschung 134), Darmstadt 1970,96-126

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ΝΕΜΕΑ IV I.

5

II. 10

15

III.

20

"ApicToc εΰφροούνα πόνων κεκριμένων ΐατρότ, αϊ δέ Γοφαί Moicav θύγατρεο άοιδαί θέλξάν νιν άπτόμεναι · ούδέ θερμόν ΰδωρ xocov γε μαλθακά τεύχει γυΐα xoccov ευλογία φόρμιγγι ουνάοροο. ρήμα δ' έργμάτων χρονιώτερον βιοτεύει, ö τι κε <:ύν Χαρίτων τύχαι ykäcca φρενδο έξέλοι βαθείαο. τό μον θέμεν Κρονίδαι τε Δί και Νεμέαι Τιμα£άρχου τε πάλαι ΰμνου προκώμιον ε'ίη • δέξαιτο δ' Αΐακιδάν εύ(ρύ)πυργον εδοο, δίκαι ξεναρκέι κοινόν φέγγοί. εί δ' ετι ζαμενεΐ Τιμόκριτοο άλίωι coc πατήρ έθάλπετο, ποικίλον κιθαρίζων, θαμά κε τώιδε μέλει κλιθεί^ υίόν κελάδηοε καλλίνικον, Κλεωναίου τ' απ* άγώνοο δρμον οτεφάνων πέμψαντα και λιπαραν ευωνύμων άπ' Άθαναν, Θήβα κ τ' έν έπταπύλοκ οϋνεκ' 'Αμφιτρύωνα άγλαόν παρά τύμβον Καδμείοι νιν ούκ άέκοντεο άνθεα μείγνυον Aiyivac εκατι· φίλοια γαρ φίλοο έλθών ξένιον aero κατέδρακεν Ήρακλέο<: όλβίαν πρόο αΰλάν.

5

10

15

20

25

30 35

1 sch. Pind. Ν. 2.21b 4-5 (ευλογία) Tzetz. passim: Epist. 13 (23.1-2 Leone), Exeg. II. 129.7-8 Lolos, Hist. 7.73 sqq., sch. Ar. Nub. 1046 4-5 (γυΐα) Plut. De tranq. an. 6 p. 467D 3 θύγατpεc E. Schmid: θυγατέρεο codd. 4 τεύξει vel τέγξει codd. Plut. 7 κε| περ VBS 8 έξέληι Matthiae 9 Δί Hermann: διι codd. 12 εύ<ρύ)πυργον West: εΰπυργον codd.: ήύπυργον Ε. Schmid 16 υίόν Bergk: ϋμνον codd. 20 οϋνεκ' Tricl.: οΰνεκεν BD, οϋνεκεν V 23 κατεδράκη Barrett

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2 IV. 26

30

V. 35

40 VI.

45

PINDARI ούν ώι ποτε Τρωίαν κραταιόο Τελαμών πόρθησε και Μέροπαο και τον μέγαν πολεμιοτάν εκπαγλον Άλκυονή οΰ τετραορίαο γε πριν δυώδεκα πέτρωι ηρώάο τ' έπεμβεβαώταο ίπποδάμουο ελεν δίο τόοουο · άπειρομάχαο έών κε φανείη λόγον ό μή ουνιείο, έπεί ρέζοντά τι και παθεΐν εοικεν. τά μακρά δ' έξενέπειν έρύκει με τεφμόο ώραί τ' έπειγόμεναι, ίυγγι δ' έλκομαι ήτορ νεομηνίαι θιγέμεν. εμπα, κει περέχει βαθεία ποντιάο οίλμα μέοοον, άντίτειν' έπιβουλίαιο · οφό§βα δόξομεν δαϊων υπέρτεροι έν φάει καταβαίνειν · φθονερά δ' αλλοί άνήρ βλέπων γνώμαν κενεάν οκότωι κυλίνδει χαμαΐ πετοΐοαν · έμοι δ' οποίαν άρετάν εδωκε Πότμοο άναξ, εΰ οίδ' οτι χρόνοο έρπων πεπρωμέναν τελέοει. έξύφαινε, γλυκεία, και τόδ' αύτίκα, φόρμιγξ, Λυδίαι ούν άρμονίαι μέλοο πεφιλημένον Οίνώναι τε και Κύπριοι, ενθα Τεΰκροο άπάρχει 6 Τελαμωνιάδαο, άτάρ Α'ίαο €αλαμιν' εχει πατρώιαν ·

40

45 50

55

60

65

70

75

31-2 sch. II. 5.97-8 (bT), 24.7bl (T); sch. Soph. El. 1026; Theophil. Ad Autol. 2.37; Stob. 4.5.8 32 Sud. s. v. είκόο 35 sch. Theoc. 2.17 25 ούν Boeckh: ξύν codd. Τροΐαν ed. Moreliana κραταιόο Ε. Schmid: κ α ρ τ ε ρ δ ο codd. 31 ουνιείο Boeckh (unus interpol.): ξυνιείο codd. 31-2 έπηρεάζοντά τι sch. Soph. cod. L, Stob. 36 κει περέχει Henry post Donaldson (κεϊπερ εχει), Ahrens (και περέχει): καί περ εχει codd. 37 έπιβουλίαιο V: έπιβουλίαι BD δόξομεν Tricl.: δόξωμεν codd. 46 υπάρχει B'D1

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ΝΕΜΕΑ IV VII. 50

55

VIII.

60

IX. 66

70

έν δ' Άξένωι πελάγει φαεννάν Άχιλείκ. vracov · Θέτκ" δέ κρατεί Φθίαι · Νεοπτόλεμο«: δ' απείρων διαπρυοίαι, βουβόται τόθι πρώνεο έξοχοι κατάκεινται Δωδώναθεν αρχόμενοι πρίκ Ίόνιον πόρον • Παλίου δέ παρ ποδι λατρίαν Ίαολκόν πολεμίαι χερί προτραπών Πηλεύί παρέδωκεν Αΐμόνεοαν, δάμαρτοο Ίππολύταο Άκάοτου δολίακ τέχναια χρηοάμενοο · τάι Δαιδάλου δέ μαχαίραι φύτευε οί θάνατον έκ λόχου Πελίαο παΐο, αλαλκε δέ Χείρων · καΐ το μόροιμον Διόθεν πεπρωμένον εκφερεν, πυρ δέ παγκρατέο θραουμαχάνων τε λεόντων Svυχαc όξυτάτουο cχάcaιc και δεινοτάτων άκμάν οδόντων εγαμεν ΰψιφρόνων μίαν Νηρε'ίδων, εΐδεν δ' εΰκυκλον ε§βαν ταο οΰρανοΰ βααλήεο πόντου τ' έφεζόμενοι δώρα και κράτοο έξέφαναν έγγενεα αύτώι. Γαδείρων το πβό< ζόφον οΰ περατόν · απότρεπε αύτιο Εΰρώπαν ποτι χέροον έντεα vaoc · άπορα γαρ λόγον Αϊακοΰ παίδων τον απαντά μοι διελθεΐν.

51-3 sch. Pind. Ν. 7.95a Naz. Epist. 173.4

3 80

85

90

95 100

105

110 115

69 sch. Pind. I. 4.21b; sch. Eur. Hipp. 744; Greg.

49 Άξένωι West: εύξείνωι codd., εύξένωι Tricl. 53 ΐώνιον Β Ε. Schmid: λατρείαν codd. ΐαωλκόν BD 55 προτραπών Heyne: codd. 62 θραουμαχάνων Hermann: θραουμαχαν codd. 62-3 δεινοτάτων άκμάν Kayser: άκμάν τε δεινότατων cxacau codd. Rittershusius e sch.: ic γενεσχ codd.

54 λατρίαν προοτραπών οχάοακ και 68 έγγενέο

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4

PINDARI

Χ.

Θεανδρίδαια δ' άεξιγυίων άέ^λων κάρυξ έτοΐμοί εβαν

75

Όλυμπίαι τε και Ίοθμοΐ Νεμεαιτε ουνθέμενοο,

80

ενθα πεϊραν εχοντεο οΐκαδε κλυτοκάρπων οΰ νέοντ' άνευ οτεφάνων, πάτραν ιν' άκούομεν, Τνμάοαρχε, τ εάν έπινικίοκιν άοιδακ πρόπολον έμμεναι. εΐ δέ τοι μάτρωι μ' έ'τι Καλλικλεΐ κελεύεκ

XI.

85

II. 90

95

(τάλαν θέμεν Πάριου λίθου λευκοτέραν, ό xgDcoc έψόμενοί αΰγάο έδειξεν amxcac, ϋμνοί δέ των αγαθών έργμάτων βααλεΰαν κοδαίμονα τεύχει φώτα - κεΐνοο άμφ' Άχέροντι ναιετάων έμάν γλόχχαν εΰρέτω κελαδήτιν, Όρητριαίνα νν' έν άγώνι βαρυκτύπου θάληοε Κορινθίοιο οελίνοκ · τον Εΰφάνηο έθέλων γεραιδο προπάτωρ άεΰεται, παΐ, ό coc. άλλοια δ' άλικε«: άλλοι, τά δ' αΰτίκ άντιτύχηι ελπεταί τιο εκαοτοο έξοχώτατα φάοθαι. οίον αΐνέων κε Μεληάαν έριδα οτρέφοι ρήματα πλέκων, άπάλαιοτοο έν λόγωι ελκειν, μαλακά μεν φρονέων έςλ,οΐε, τραχικ δέ παλιγκότοκ εφεδροτ.

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94 (ρήματα πλέκων) Choric. Gaz. 172.20,295.7 F. 77 πάτραν ϊν' Hermann: πάτρανιν Dac, πάτραν νιν BD** 86 O p c u p i a i v a Lobel: ό ρ ^ τ ρ ί α ι ν α codd. (-τρίαινα Ceporinus) 90 άείοεται, παΐ, ό coc Mommsen: ό coc άείcετaι, παΐ codd. 91 άντιτύχηι Mingarelli: αν ric τύχηι codd. 93 εριδαί sch. 151a 95 μαλακά Ε. Schmid: μαλθακά codd.

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ΝΕΜΕΑ VI I.

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"Εν ανδρών, εν θεών γένοο, έκ μιοκ δέ πνέομεν ματρόο αμφότεροι - διείργει δέ παca κεκριμένα δύναμκ, οχ τό μεν ουδέν, ό δέ χάλκεοο άοφαλέο αίέν εδοο μένει ουρανό:, άλλά τι προοφέρομεν εμπαν ή μέγαν νόον ήτοι φύοιν άθανάτοκ:, καίπερ έπαμερίαν οΰκ είδότεο ουδέ μετά νύκταί αμμε Πότμοτ αντιν' εγραψε §ραμεϊν ποτι ετά^μαν. τεκμαίρει και νυν Άλκιμίδαο τδ ουγγενέο ΐδεΐν αγχι καρποφόροιο άρούραιαν, αϊ τ' άμειβόμεναι τόκα μέν ών βίον άνδράοιν έπηετανδν έκ πεδίων έδοοαν, τόκα δ' αύτ' άναπαυοάμεναι cGevoc εμαρψαν. ήλθέ τοι Νεμέαο έξ έρατών άέφλων παΰ: εναγώνloc, öc ταύταν μεθέπων Διόθεν aicav νΰν πέφανται ούκ άμοροι: άμφι πάλαι κυναγέταο, ί'χνεειν έν Πραξιδάμαντοο έόν πόδα νέμων, πατροπάτοροο όμαιμίου · κεΐνοο γαρ Όλυμπιόνικοο έών Αϊακίδακ έρνεα πβώτοο άπ' Άλφεοΰ (άγαγεν), και πεντάκκ Ί<:θμοί οτεφανακάμενοί, Νεμέαι δέ τρίο, λάθαν έπαυοεν Cωκλείδa\ öc ϋπέρτατοο Άγηαμάχοι' υίέων γένετο·

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1 - 2 Clem. Strom. 5.14.102.2; Euseb. Praep. evang. 13.13.27; Themist. 6.78a; Stob. 2.7.13; fPlut. | Pro nobil. 20.10 4-5 sch. Eur. Med. 1224 2 γαοτρόο Stob., ματρόο πνέομεν αμφω Clem. 3 αίέν Hermann: αίει BD 6 έφ- 8 καί νυν Ε. Schmid: δέ και νΰν BD 10 άνδράαν Hermann: ανδρεοαν BD 13b νΰν Tricl.: νΰν τε BD 14 αμοροο Hermann: αμμοροο Β, αμοιρο£ D 16 όμαιμίοιο Schroeder 18 suppl. Barrett 19 κθμοΐ Tricl.: ΐοθμώ Β: ΐοθμοΐώ D 20 λάθαν έπαυcεv Ahlwardt: έπαυοε λάθαν BD 21 ί ω κ λ ε ί δ α ' Mommsen: οωκλείδα BD 22 Άγηαμάχοι' Maas (Ά- iam Hermann): άγηαμάχω Β, -ωι D υΐέων Tricl.: υιών BD: ΰέων W. Schulze γένετο Tricl.: έγένετο BD

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PINDARI

II. 25

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έπεί οί τρείο άεθλοφόροι πρόο άκρον άρεταο ήλθον, οϊ τε πόνων έγεύοαντο. euv θεοΰ δέ τύχαι ετερον οΰ τινα οίκον άπεφάνατο πυγμαχία (πλεόνων) ταμίαν οτεφάνων μυχώι Έλλάδοο άπάοαο • έλπομαι μέγα είπών οκοποΰ άντα τυχεΐν ώτ' άπό τόξου ίείο. εΰθυν' έπί τούτον, άγε, Μοΐοα, ούρον έπέων εύκλέα · παροιχομένων γαρ άνέρων άοιδαί και λόγοι τά καλά οφιν έργ' έκόμιοαν · Βαοοίδαιοιν α τ' οΰ οπανίζει· παλαίφατοο γενεά, ϊδια ναυοτολέοντεο έπικώμια, Πιερίδων άρόταιο δυνατοί παρέχειν πολύν ΰμνον αγέρωχων έργμάτων ένεκεν · και γαρ έν άγαθέαι χείρα«: ίμαοι δεθείο Πυθώνι κράτηοεν άπό ταύταο αίμα πάτραο χρυοοπλ,οκάμου ποτέ Καλλίαο άδών

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έρνεοι Λατοΰο, παρά Καοταλίαν τε Χαρίτων έοπέριοο όμάδωι φλέγεν · πόντου τε γέφυρ' άκάμαντοο έν άμφικτιόνων ταυροφόνωι τριετηρίδι Κβξοντίδαν

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τίμαοε Ποοειδάνιον αν τέμενοο, βοτάνα τέ νίν ποθ' ά λέοντοο νικώντ' ήρεφε δαοκίοκ Φλειοΰντοο ΰπ' ώγυγίοιο ορεοιν.

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28 (ω τ' - ίείο) Eust. Prooem. p. 294.24 sq. Dr. 25 suppl. e sch. E. Schmid 27 οκοποΰ άντα τυχεΐν Heyne: (οκοποΰ) ά ν τετυχεΐν sch.: (ει]πων) οκο[που Π41: άντα οκοποΰ τυχεΐν D: άντα οκοποΰ τετυχεΐν Β 28 ωοτ Π41 εΰθυν'Ε. Schmid: εΰθυν BD 30 άοιδαί και λόγοι Pauw: αοιδοί και λόγιοι BD (αοιδοί και λο[ Π41) έκόμιοαν Tricl.: έκόμιξαν BD 3 3 παρέχει V 35 ίμάοι δεθείο Henry: ίμάντι δεθείο Tricl.: ίμαντωθείο BDV 36 χρυοοπλοκάμου Hermann: χρυοαλακάτου BDV 37 καοταλία BD 38 φλέγειν DacV 43 νικώντ' Mingarelli: νικάοαντ' BDV ήρεφε Hermann: έρεψε BDV

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ΝΕΜΕΑ VI III. 46

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πλατεΐαι πάντοθεν λογίοιχίν έντι πβά οδοι vac ον εύκλέα τάνδε κοφεΐν, έπεί c φιν Αίακίδαι έπορον εξοχον aicav άρετάο άποδεικνύμενοι μεγάλαί , πέταται δ' έπί τε χθόνα και δια θαλάοοαο τηλόθεν δνυμ' αυτών · και ec Αϊθίοπαε Μέμνονοο ουκ άπονοοτήοαντοο επαλτο · βαρύ δέ c
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ΝΕΜΕΑ VIII I.

5

"Ωρα πότνια, κάρυξ Άφροδίταο άμβροοιάν φιλοτάτων, ά τε παρθενηϊοκ παίδων τ' έφίζοιοα γλεφάροιο τον μεν ήμέροιο άνάγκαε χεροί βαοτάζεκ:, ετερον δ' έτέρακ. άγαπατά δέ καιρού μή πλαναθέντα Jigoc έργον εκαοτον των άρειόνων έρώτων έπικρατεΐν δύναοθαι.

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οίοι καΐ Δ loc Aiyivac τε λέκτρον ποιμένεο άμφεπόληοαν Κυπρίαο δώρων · έβ^αοτεν δ' υίίκ Oivcovac βααλεΐκ χειρι καν βουλαΐί äpicxoc. πολλά νιν πολλοί λιτάνευον ίδεΐν · άβοατι γαρ ηρώων άωτοι περιναιεταόντων ήθελον κείνου γε πείθεοθ' άναξίαιο έκόντεε,

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οι' τε κρανααΐο έν Άθάναιοιν άρμοζον οτρατόν, ο ϊ τ ' άνά (Ιπάρταν Πελοπηϊάδαι. l ^ a c Αϊακοΰ οεμνών γονάτων πόλιά: θ' υπέρ φίλαο άοτων θ' υπέρ τωνδ' άπτομαι φέρων Λυδίαν μίτραν καναχηδά πεποικιλμέναν, Δείνιοο δκχών οταδίων και πατβόο Μέγα Νεμεαΐον άγαλμα, ούν θεώι γάρ τοι φυτευθεκ ολβοο άνθρώποια παρμονώτεροο ·

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2 παρθενηιοιο Hermann, παρθενηίοια Β, παρθενίοιοι D γλεφάροΐί Heyne: βλεφάρου: BD 3 ήμέροκ Schroeder: άμέροκ Β: άμάραο D 9 άβοατι Tricl.: κάβοατι BD 10 άναξίαιο Abresch: άν ά ξ ί α κ BD 12 Π ε λ ο π η ϊ ά δ α ι Brubachius: πελοπηίδαι BD 14 φίλων D 16 Νεμεαΐον Pauw: νέμειον BD

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PINDARI δοπερ και Κινύραν eßpice π^ούτωι ποντίαι εν ποτε Κύπρωι. ΰταμαι δή ποοοί κούφοιο, άμπνέων τε πρίν τι φάμεν. πολλά γαρ πολλαι λέλεκται, νεαρά δ' έξευρόντα δόμεν βαοάνωι EC ε λ ε γ χ ο ν , änac κ ί ν δ υ ν ο ο · δ ψ ο ν δ ε λ ό γ ο ι φθόνωι ε ϊ ά ν ,

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ά π τ ε τ α ι δ' έολων ά ε ί , χ ε ι ρ ό ν ε ο α δ' ο υ κ έρίζει.

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κεΐνοο και Τελαμώνοο δάψεν υίόν, φαογάνωι άμφικυλίοαιο. ή τιν' άγλωοοον μεν, ήτορ δ' άλκιμον, λάθα κατέχει έν λυγρώι νείκει · μέγκτον δ' αίόλωι ψεύδει γέραο άντέταται. κρυφίαια γαρ έν ψάφοκ 'Οδυοοή Δαναοί θεράπευσαν · χρυοέων δ' Ai'ac οτερηθειο δπ^ων φόνωι πάλαιεεν. ή μάν άνόμοιά γε δάιοιαν έν θερμώι χρόί ελκεα ρήξαν πελεμιζόμενοι ύπ' άλεξιμβρότωι λόγχαι, τά μεν άμφ' Άχιλεΐ νεοκτόνωι, άλλων τε μόχθων έν πολυφθόροιο άμέραιο. έ χ θ ρ α δ' ά ρ α πάρφαοιο ή ν κ α ι π ά λ α ι , α ί μ ύ λ ω ν μύθων όμόφοιτοο, δ ο λ ο φ ρ α δ ή ο , κ α κ ο π ο ι ό ν δνειδοτ · ä τό μεν λ α μ π ρ ό ν β ι ά τ α ι , των δ' ά φ ά ν τ ω ν κΰδοο ά ν τ ε ί ν ε ι caQgov.

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21 (δψον) -22 sch. Soph. Ai. 154a; (δψον - φθονεροί) Sud. s.v. φθόνοί 18 ώοιερ D 20 πολλαι Pauw: πολλά BD 21 φθόνωι είαν Vauvilliers: φθονεροκιν BD, φθονεροκ sch. Soph., Sud. 22 άεί Tricl.: αΐεί BD, om. sch. Soph. 24 λάθαν D 24-5 κατέχει έν Hermann e sch.: κατέχει τε Β: κατέχειν D 29 πελεμιζόμενοι Wakefield e sch.: πολεμιζόμενοι BD 31 έν πολυφθόροιο Boeckh: πολυφθόροιοιν έν BD 33 αίμυλίων BD, corr. Tricl.

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ΝΕΜΕΑ VIII III. 36

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ε'ίη μή ποτέ μοι τοιούτον ήθοο, Ζεΰ πάτερ, άλλα κελεύθοιο άπλόαιο ζωαο έφαπτοίμαν, θανών ώο παια κλέοο μή τό δύοφαμον προοάψω. χρυοόν εύχονται, πεδίον δ' ετεροι άπέραντον, έγώ δ' äcuoic άδών και χθονί γυΐα καλύψαι, αΐνέων αΐνητά, μομφάν δ' έπιοπείρων άλιτροΐο. < ) δ' άρετά χλωρακ έέpcaic
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37 χρυοόν δ' Β 38 καλύψαι Wackernagel: καλύψαιμ' BD 40 αΰξεται ante δ' praebent BD, del. F. Vogt 40-41 äxcctx (έν) Boeckh: äiccei BD 44 πιοτόν Mommsen e sch.: πιοτά Β, πιοτάν D 46 τ' έλαφρόν Cookesley: τε λάβρον D, τε λαΰρον Β

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ΝΕΜΕΑ Χ I.

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Δαναοΰ πόλιν άγλαοθρόνων τε πεντήκοντα κοραν, Χάριτεο, "Αργοο "Hpac δώμα θεοπρεπέο υμνείτε· φλέγεται δ' άρεταΪΓ μυρίαιο έργων θpacέωv ενεκεν · μακρά μεν τά Περοέοο άμφι Μεδοίοαο Γοργόνοο, πολλά δ' Αΐγυπτωι {τά) κατώικιοεν άετη ταΐο Έπάφου παλάμανο · οΰδ' Ύπερμήοτρα παρεπλάγχθη, μονόψαφον έν κολεώι καταοχοΐοα ξίφοο · Διομήδεα δ' άμβροτον ξανθά ποτε Γλαυκώπιο εθηκε θεόν · γαία δ' έν Θηβαίο ΰπέδεκτο κεραυνωθεΐοα Aioc βέλεαν μάντιν Οίκλείδαν, πολέμοιο νέφοο. και γυναιξί καλλικόμοιαν άριοτεύει πάλαι · Ζεύε έπ' Άλκμήναν Δανάαν τε μολών τοΰτον κατέφανε λόγον • πατρι δ' Άδράοτοιο Λυγκεΐ τε φρενών καρπον εΰθείαι ευνάρμοξεν δίκαι· θρέψε δ' αίχμάν Άμφιτρύωνοο δ δ' δλβωι φέρτατοο ϊκετ' έο κείνου γενεάν, έπει έν χαλκέοκ οπλοκ

15

Τηλεβόα^ εναρεν, τώι δ' δψιν έειδόμενοο αθανάτων βααλεικ αΰλάν έίήλθεν, ίπέρμ' άδείμαντον φέρων Ήρακλέοο· οΰ κατ' "Ολυμπον άλοχοο "Ηβα τελείαι παρά ματέρι ßaivoic* έοτί, καλλίοτα θεών.

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5 (τά) κατώικίίεν Boeckh: κατώικιοθεν BD 6 ύπερμνήοτρα D μονόψαφοο Hecker 8 βέλεϊ D 11 τοΰτον B'D1: τον BD 12 δ' D': τ' BB'D 14 έο έκείνου Β 15 τώι δ' Mingarelli (τώι), Hermann: τί oi BD

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II. 20

βραχύ μοι οτόμα πάντ' άναγηοαοθ', öccov Άργεΐον έ'χει τέμενοο μοΐραν έcλώv · &τι δέ και Kopoc ανθρώπων βαρίκ άντιάοαι • άλλ' ομαχ εϋχορδον εγείρε λύραν, και παλαιομάτων λάβε φροντίδ' • άγών τοι χάλκεοί δαμον ότρύνει ποτΐ βουθυοίαν "Hpac ά έ ^ ω ν τε κρίοιν, Ούλία nalc ένθα vucacaic öic ecχεν Θεαΐοί εύφορων λάθαν πόνων.

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έκράτηοε δέ καί ποθ' "Ελλανα cxpatov Πυθώνι, τύχαι τε μολών καΐ τον Ίοθμοΐ και Νεμέαι οτέφανον, Moicaici τ' εδωκ' äpocai, Tpic μεν έν πόντοιο πύλαια λαχών, τρκ: δέ και cεμvoΐc δαπέδου έν Άζραοτείωι νόμωι. Ζεΰ πάτερ, των μάν εραται φρενί, α γ α ι οί οτόμα· πάν δέ τέλο<: έν τιν έργων · ούδ' άμόχθωι καρδίαι προοφέρων τόλμαν παραιτείται χάριν. γνώτ' άείδω θεωι τε και ίκτιο άμιλλαται περι έοχάταιο άεθλων κορυφαίο · ϋπατον έοχεν n i c a Ήρακλεοί τεΟμόν. άδεΐαί γε μέν άμβολάδαν έν τελεταΐο öle Άθαναίων νιν όμφαί κώμαοαν • γαίαι δέ καυθείοαι πυρί καρποο έλαίαο έμολεν "Hpac τον εύάνορα λαον έν άγγεων ερκεον παμποικίλοκ:.

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22 Hesych. s. ν. άγών χάλκεκκ 25 ("Ελληνα οτρατόν) Lesbon. 12.6 sq. Blank; sch. II. 24.58a (A); Eust. 1339.7 22 χάλκεον Bs 24 ά λ ί α (sscr. -ου) D Θεαΐοο Hermann: θ ε ι α ΰ κ BD εύφορωνI εύφρόνων Bs: utrumque sch. 29 μάν Ε. Schmid e sch.: μέν BD 32 έοχάταιο nol. Schroeder: έ ο χ ά τ ω ν BD ϋπατον Homan: ϋπατον δ ' Β: ίκτατον δ' D 33—4 άδείαι... έν τελεται ν. 1. ap. sch. 34 νιν Boeckh: μιν Β: om. D

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ΝΕΜΕΑ Χ III.

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επεται δέ, Θεαΐε, ματρώων πολυγνώτωι γένει υμετέρων εΰάγων τιμά Χαρίτε<-τί τε και cuv Τυνδαρίδακ θαμάκΐΓ. άξιωθείην κεν, έών Θραούκλου Άντία τε djyyovoc, "Αργεϊ μή κρύπτειν φάοο ομμάτων · νικαφορίακ γαρ öcaic Προίτοιο τόδ' ίπποτρόφον αοτυ θάληοεν · Κορίνθου τ' έν μυχοΐο, και Κλεωναίων npoc ανδρών τετράκκ:,

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(ακυωνόθε δ' άργυρωθέντεο ούν οίνηρακ φιάλαιο άπέβαν, έκ δέ Πελλάναί έπιείχάμενοι νώτον μαλακαΐοι κρόκαιο · άλλα χαλκόν μυρίον οΰ δυνατόν έξελέγχειν—μακροτέραο γάρ άριθμί^αι <:χολα<:— ον τε Κλήτωρ και Τεγέα και 'Αχαιών ΰψίβατοι πόλιεο και Λύκαιον παρ Διόο θηκε δρόμωι fuv ποδών χειρών τε νικαοαι οθένει.

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KacTopoc δ' έλθόντοο έπί ξενίαν πάρ Παμφάη και καοιγνήτου Πολυδεύκεοί, οΰ θαΰμα οφίαν έγγενέο εμμεν άεθληταΐο άγαθοΐοιν · έπεί εΰρυχόρου ταμίαι Cnaptat άγώνων μοΐραν Έρμαι και cuv Ήρακλεΐ διέποντι θάλειαν, μάλα μεν άνδρών δικαίων περικαδόμενοι. και μάν θεών πκ:τόν γένοο.

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38 (Χαρίτεοα - Τυνδαρίδακ) sch. Pind. Nem. 10.91 Alex. De trinit. 322 (39.788B Migne)

54 (και - γ έ ν ο ο ) Did.

37 Θεαΐε Hermann: θειαΐε BD πολυγνώτωι γένει Ε. Schmid: πολύγνωτον (-το D) yivoc BD 38 ούν om. BD, suppl. Ε. Schmid e sch. 41-2 Προίτοιο τόδ' ίπποτρόφον άοτυ Boeckh: ίπποτρόφον άίτυ τό Προίτοιο BD 43 (Ιικυωνόθε Ε. Schmid: -θεν BD 47 Κλήτωρ Wilamowitz: Κλείτωρ BD 48 θήκε Morel duce Tricl. (θηκεν): εθηκε BD χειρών τε Ε. Schmid: τε χειρών τε Β, τε χειρών D 49 πάρ Ε. Schmid: παρά BD 54 θεοΰ γένοο πιετόν άεί Did. Alex.

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16

PINDARI

IV. 56

μεταμειβόμενοι δ' έναλλάξ άμεράν τάν μεν παρά πατρί φίλωι Δι νέμονται, τάν δ' ύπό κεύθεα γαίαc έν γυάλοκ Θεράπνα<τ, πότμον άμπιπλάντεο όμοΐον • έπεί τοΰτον, ή πάμπαν Geöc εμμεναι οΐκεϊν τ' ούρανώι, εί'λετ' αίωνα φθιμένου Πολυδεύκηο Kacxopoc έν πολέμωι. τον γάρ "Ιδαο άμφί βουαν π οχ χολωΘε1<ι ετβωεεν χαλκέαο λόγχαο άκμαι.

60

65

70

105

110

άπό Ταϋγέτου πεδαυγάζων 'ιδεν Λυγκεΰε δρυόο έν οτελέχει ήμένουο • κείνου γάρ έπιχθονίων πάντων γένετ' όξύτατον δμμα· λαιψηροΐο δε πόδεοαν άφαρ έξικέεθαν, και μέγα έ'ργον έμήοαντ' ώκέοχ , και πάθον δεινδν παλάμαιο Άφαρητίδαι Διόο · αΰτίκα γάρ ήλθε Λήδαο παΐο διώκων · τοι δ' εναντα οτάθεν τύμβωι οχεδόν πατρωίωι·

115

ένθεν άρπάξαντεο άγαλμ' Ά'ίδα, ξεοτδν πέτρον, εμβαλον οτέρνωι Πολυδεύκεοο · άλλ' ου νιν φλάοαν οΰδ' άν exact αν · έφορμαθείο δ' άρ' άκοντι θοώι, ήλαοε Λυγκέοο έν πλευραΐοι χαλκόν. Ζείκ. δ' έπ' "Ιδαι πυρφόρον πλαξε ψολόεντα κεραυνόν· άμα δ' έκαίοντ' έρημοι, χαλεπά δ' epic άνθρώποιο όμιλεΐν Kpeccovcov.

125

120

130

135

) -

61 Paus. 4.2.7; sch. Ar. Plut. 210; Sud. s. ν. Λυγκέοκ όξυωπέοτερον βλέπειν 65 (Άφαρητίδαι) Et. Gen. AB α 1443, Et. Sym. α 1601, EM α 2147 L.-L. 67 Sud. s. ν. αγάλματα 55 άμεραν Henry: άμέραν BD 56 Δί Hermann: δι'ι BD 57 άμπιμπλάντεο D 60 άκμάι Pauw: αΐχμαι BD 61 πεδαυγάζων Tricl.: πόδ' αΰγάζων BD1, πέδ' αύ γάζων D 62 ήμένουο Boeckh: ημενοο BD, ήμενον Aristarchus, ήμένοο Didymus 64 έμήοαντ' Ε. Schmid: έμνήοατ' Β, έμνήοαντ' D 66 πατρωίωι Ε. Schmid: πατρώωι BD 69 άνέχαοοαν Wakefield: άνέχαοαν Β, άνέοχαοαν D 72 δ' έκαίοντ' Ceporinus (δε καίοντ'), Boeckh: δε κέοντ' BD

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ΝΕΜΕΑ Χ V. 75

80

85

90

ταχέωο δ' έπ' άδελφεοΰ βίαν πάλιν χώρηοεν ό Τυνδαρίδ^, καί νιν οΰπω τεθναότ', άοθματι δέ φρΰχοντα πνοακ έκιχεν. θερμά δή τέγγων δάκρυα οτοναχαΐο δρθνον φώνηοε· 'Πάτερ Κρονίων, xic δή λύαο κχεται πενθεων; καί έμοί θάνατον <:ύν τώιδ' έπίτειλον, άναξ. οϊχεται τιμά φίλων τατωμένωι φωτί · παΰροι δ' έν πόνωι πκτοι βροτών καμάτου μεταλαμβάνειν.' ok έννεπε· Ζεύο δ' άντίοο ήλυθέ οί, και τόδ' έξαΰδαο' επoc · ' 'Ecci μοι υίόο· τόνδε δ' επειτα Jiocic οπέρμα φνατόν ματρι τεαι πελάοακ οτάξεν ηρακ, άλλ' άγε τωνδέ τοι εμπαν αί'ρεαν παρδίδωμ' · εΐ μεν θάνατον τε φυγών καί γη pac άπεχθόμενον αύτόο Ουλυμπον θέλεκ (ναίειν έμοί) cvv τ' Άθαναίαι κελαινεγχεΐ τ' "Αρει, ε<ιτι τοι τούτων λάχοί • εΐ δέ κααγνήτου πέρι μάρναοαι, πάντων δέ νοεΐο άποδά<χαοθαι 'icov, ήμι<:υ μεν κε πνέοιο γαίαι: ΰπένερθεν έών, τίμιου δ' ούρανοΰ έν χρυοεοιο δόμο it ιν.' toe άρ' αΰδάοαντοο ού γνώμαι διπλ,όαν θέτο βουλάν, άνά δ' ελυοεν μεν όφθαλμόν, επειτα δέ φωνάν χαλκομίτρα Κάοτοροο.

17

140

145

150

155

160

165

170

74 νιν Mommsen: μιν BD φρίοοοντ' άμπνοάο Β, φρίοοοντ' άναπνοάο D: corr. Ε. Schmid 75 δή Ε. Schmid: δέ BD 76 φώνηοε Mommsen: φώναοε BD 77 έπίτελλον Β 79 έ'ννεπε Heyne: ήνεπε Β, ενεπε D άντία Β 82 οτάξεν Pauw: έοταξεν BD 84 Ουλυμπον θέλειο Tricl.: δλυμπον έθέλεκ: BD suppl. Boeckh e sch. «οίκεΐν έμοί) iam Benedictus) 85 τοι Wilamowitz: coi BD 90 χαλκομίτρα byz. (c. sch.): χαλκεομίτρα BD

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ΝΕΜΕΑ XI I.

5

Παΐ 'Ρέαο, ά τε πρυτανεία λέλογχαο, Έοτία, ΖηνοΓ υψίστου καηγνήτα και όμοθρόνου "Hpac, εύ μεν Άριοταγόραν δέξαι τεόν έt θάλαμον, εύ δ' έταίρουο άγλαώι οκάπτωι πέλαο οϊ οε γεραίροντεο όρθάν φυλά<χοκ:ιν Τένεδον,

10

πολλά μεν λοιβαΐαν άγαζόμενοι πρώταν θεών, πολλά δέ Kvicai· λύρα δέ c
15

άνδρα δ' έγώ μακαρίζω μεν πατέρ' 'Αρκείίλαν, και τό θαητόν δέμα^ άτρεμίαν τε εύγγονον · εΐ δέ TIC ολβον εχων μορφαι παραμεύίεται αλλουο, εν τ' άέφλοκιν άρκτεύων έπέδειξεν βίαν, θνατά μεμνόκθω περκτέλλων μέλη, και τελευτάν άπάντων γαν έπιε<χόμενοο •

5

10

15

20

9 sch. Pind. Nem. 11 inscr. a 1 πρυτανείο D 4 πύλαο Β 7 c
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20 II.

20

25

30

PINDARI έν λόγο it δ' άοτών άγαθονοί νιν αϊνεΐοθαι χρεών και μελιγδούποιπ δαιδαλθέντα μελίζεν άοιδαΰ. έκ δέ περικτιόνων έκκαίδεκ' Άριοταγόραν άγλααι νΐκαι πάτραν τ' εϋώνυμον έοτεφάνακαν πάλαι και μεγαυχεΐ παγκρατίωι. έλπίδεε δ' όκνηρότεραι γονέων παιδία βίαν εοχον έν Πυθωνι πειραοθαι καΐ Όλυμπίαι άεθλων. ναι μά γαρ "Ορκον, έμάν δόξαν παρά Καοταλίαι και παρ' εΰδένδρωι μολών δχθωι Κρόνου κάλλιον αν δηριώντων ένόοιηο' αντιπάλων, πενταετηρίδ' έορτάν Ήρακλέοε τέΟμιον κωμάοαιο άvδηcάμεvόc τε κόμαν έν πορφυρεοιο ερνεαν. άλλα βροτών τον μεν κενεόφρονεο αύχαι έξ άγαθών εβαλον, τον δ' αϋ καταμεμφθέντ' άγαν ϊίχύν οικείων παρέοφαλεν καλών χειρόο ελκών όπί<χω θυμόο άτoλμoc έών.

25

30

35

40

) -

22-3 sch. Pind. Nem. 11 inscr. a 17 άγαθοΐοι Tricl.: άγαθο^ BD νιν Mommsen, μιν Mingarelli: μεν BD 18 μελίζεν Pauw: μελιζέμεν BD 21 μεγαυχεΐ Ε. Schmid: μεγαλαυχεΐ BD 22-3 om. D 26 δηριόντων W. Schulze 28 άνδηοάμενοο Tricl.: άναδηοάμενο£ BD 30 ελαβον Β

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ΝΕΜΕΑ XI III. 35

ουμβαλεΐν μάν εϋμαρέο ήν τό τε Πεκάνδρου πάλαι αίμ' άπο Γπάρταο—Άμύκλαθεν γαρ εβα (ύν 'Ορέτται, Αίολέων ίτρατιάν χαλκεντέα δεΰρ' άν άγων— και παρ' Ίομηνοΰ ροαν κεκραμένον έκ Μελανίπποιο μάτρακχ · άρχαΐαι δ' άρεταί

40

άμφέροντ' άλλαοοόμεναι γενεαΐο ανδρών οθένοο έν εχερώι δ' οΰτ' ών μέλαιναι καρπδν έδωκαν άρουραι, δένδρεά τ' οΰκ έθέλει πάοαιο έτέων περόδοιο άνθοο εΰώδεο φέρειν πλούτωι 'icov, άλλ' έναμείβοντι. και θνατόν οΰτακ εθνοο άγει

45

μοίρα, το δ' έκ Aioc άνθρώποιο οαφκ ούχ επεται τέκμαρ · άλλ' εμπαν μεγαλανορίακ έμβαίνομεν, εργά τε πολλά μεvoιvώvτεc · δέδεται γάρ άναιδεΐ έλπίδι γυΐα, προμαθείαο δ' άπόκεινται ροαί. κερδέων δέ χρή μέτρον θηρευέμεν· άπροοίκτων δ' έρώτων όξύτεραι μανίαι.

21

45

50

55

60

40 (πέροδοΟ Eust. Prooem. p. 294.9 Dr.; sch. Dion. Thrac. 443.7 Hilg. 33 μάν Pauw: λίαν BD 35 χαλκεντέα Ε. Schmid: χαλκεντέων D, χαλκε τε (= χαλκέων τε) Β 36 Ίομηνοΰ Wilamowitz: ϊομηνοΰ Β, ίομινοΰ D ροαν Bergk: ροάν BD 39 έν οχερώ D (Β legi nequit): ένοχερώ Heyne (έν οχερώ byz.) 40 περόδοκ Ε. Schmid, confirmatum ab Eust., sch. Dion. Thrac.: περιόδοιο BD 41 πλούτωι om. Β 42 οΰτοχ εθνοο Heyne e sch.: οϋτω cGdvoc BD

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COMMENTARY ΝEMΕ AN A Occasion The ode was composed for the victory of Timasarchus of Aegina in the boys' (90) wrestling at Nemea. There is little evidence for the date. Melesias, who trained Timasarchus (implied by 93), also trained Alcimedon, whose victory of 460 BC is celebrated in O. 8, but his career will have been a long one: the victory celebrated in O. 8 was the thirtieth won by a pupil of his (65f.), and there is no reason to think that it was the last. The complimentary reference to Athens as the venue for an earlier victory of Timasarchus (18f.) would not suit a time when the city was at war with Aegina, but is otherwise of no assistance: this was not the place to mention any tensions that may have existed. For some opinions, see Bowra 409. Composition of the Ode Pindar begins with a stanza containing general reflections on the uses of sung praise in soothing pain and preserving glory. This is marked off as the ΰμνου προκώμιον (11) as he introduces the victory to be celebrated (9-13). The victor's dead father would frequently have sung of his son's victories, applying himself to the present ode (13-16). These victories are listed in the third strophe, particular prominence being given to one obtained in the Theban Herakleia (19-24), and Pindar goes on in the fourth strophe to sing of Heracles' achievements in the company of Aeacus' son Telamon (25-32). He is unable in the time available to devote any more of his space to these great deeds, and is eager besides to join in the celebrations of the new moon at which the ode was performed (33-5), but he will persevere nonetheless, confident that his superior poetic talent will become clear: others look on in envy, but Pindar's άρετά will achieve what is laid down for it (36-43). He continues by promising a song dear to Aegina and Cyprus, where Teucer rules, while Ajax remains on Salamis (44-8). He goes on to mention Achilles, Thetis, and Neoptolemus, together with the places with which they were associated (49-53). He adds Iolcus, which Peleus sacked and handed over to the Thessalians (54-6) when he had suffered at the hands of Hippolyta and Acastus (57-60). He went on to overcome Thetis' determined resistance and marry her (61—5); the gods attended the wedding, presented him with gifts, and revealed the future power of his line (66-8). At this point, Pindar calls a halt to the myth: he cannot tell of all the achievements of the sons of Aeacus (69-72). He has come to celebrate victories of the Theandridae, Timasarchus' πάτρα, who are said to be devoted to victory songs (73-9). He goes on to praise the Isthmian victory of Timasarchus' maternal uncle Callicles, now dead (79-88), of whom the boy's old grandfather Euphanes would be glad to sing (89f.). Men belong to various generations, and each expects to speak with greatest skill of what he encounters himself (91f.). Euphanes would give a memorable performance if he

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24

NEMEAN 4

were to praise Melesias, being unrivalled as a speaker, kindly to the good, but a formidable opponent to his enemies (93-6). The ode is clearly articulated, with three stanzas preceding the Telamon myth, three following the Peleus myth, and six in the middle. The importance of units of three is not unexpected in the work of a poet used to composing in triads:' so in P. 6, a monostrophic ode of six stanzas, the Antilochus myth starts at the beginning of the fourth stanza.2 (There are no other monostrophic odes in Pindar or Bacchylides in which the number of stanzas is a multiple of three.3) Each of the first four stanzas is concerned with a single theme: following the introduction, the second stanza gives the essential information concerning Timasarchus' victory (festival, event, victor's homeland, names of victor and father), and the third lists his earlier victories. The fourth is concerned with Telamon's adventures in the company of Heracles; a gnomic sentence is appended. The pattern is then disrupted for the first time, with the material of the fifth stanza spilling over into the sixth as the poet speaks of the futility of his rivals' plotting and confidently asserts his own superiority: emphasis is thus accorded to the runover phrase χαμαι πετοϊοαν (41), an addition to a sentence already complete from the syntactical point of view. The poet makes a fresh start in mid-stanza (44) with an apostrophe to his lyre, requesting a song dear to Aegina and Cyprus, ενθα Τεΰκροο άπάρχει (46). This sounds like the typical myth-introduction; and when Telamon's other son is mentioned (47f.), the expectation is reinforced that Pindar will go on to narrate at some length the story of how the half-brothers' contrasting fates, to which he has briefly alluded, came about. The following pause at stanza-end will naturally be taken to be that preceding the myth proper: cf. for the pattern e. g. P. 10.30 ec Ύπερβορέων άγώνα θαυματάν όδόν at stanza-end, followed by the story of Perseus' visit to the Hyperboreans; P. 11.15f. έν άφνεαΰ: αρουραίοι Πυλάδα I νικών ξένου Λάκωνοο Όρέοτα at triad-end, followed by a myth concerned with Orestes and his family; P. 12.6-8 τέχναι, τάν ποτε I Παλλάο έφεΰρε θραοειάν (Γοργόνων) I οΰλιον θρήνον διαπλέξαιο' Άθάνα at stanza-end, followed by the Perseus myth. In the present ode, one may refer to the end of the third stanza, Ήρακλέοο όλβίαν πρίκ αύλάν, followed in the fourth stanza by a myth concerned with Heracles and Telamon. This last comparison is particularly suggestive as there are grounds for taking the stanzas of this ode to be grouped in threes: see above. As the second 'triad' began with the Telamon myth, so, we are led to suppose, the third will begin with a myth concerning his sons. But our expectation is frustrated: instead of expanding on the allusion to Teucer and Ajax, Pindar turns to the other branch of the family, Peleus' line: Achilles, Thetis, and finally Neoptolemus. Only in the case of Peleus himself, to whom Pindar turns

1 The metrical scholiast indeed analyses the ode, perversely enough, as a triadic composition, with an epode identical to the strophe. 2 One may think also of Hor. C. 1.12, in whose fifteen stanzas W. Christ and others (e. g. A. Hardie, HSCP 101, 2003,384ff.) have found five 'triads'; against, see H. D. Jocelyn, Sileno 19, 1993, 108-15. 3 Lobel on P. Oxy. 2442 fr. 32 col. ii wondered whether the fragmentary ode represented there ('Pae.' 21) might be monostrophic, though it is set out as triadic in the papyrus: but at the start of 21 would then have to be taken as Aeolic base, of which it is not an acceptable form.

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ΝEM Ε AN A

25

next, does he finally settle down to tell the story connecting him with the place together with which he is mentioned. It is just possible that Pindar had at first intended to proceed as the end of the sixth stanza suggests, whether or not he actually composed such a continuation. But it is easy to see why he did not follow this path in the ode as we have it. The Peleus myth, with its unequivocally happy ending, is plainly more suitable on general grounds than the story of Teucer and Ajax. It also provides an effective counterweight within the ode to the earlier myth concerning Telamon, another son of Aeacus: that myth ended by contrast with a grim recital of the losses sustained by Telamon and Heracles when they faced Alcyoneus, losses, we were told, of a kind only to be expected in such cases. Conversely in N. 8 a potentially rather gloomy main myth is offset by contrasting mythical material in the first triad: see the introduction to that ode. The myth that we have been led to expect for the third 'triad' begins, then, five lines late (54), and is concerned not with Telamon's sons but with Peleus, who is named at last in the final line of the seventh stanza (56). The eighth stanza continues with the events that preceded and then those that followed the military victory with which the myth began. It is the first stanza to end with the syntax requiring an addition: an additional emphasis is thus lent to the reference to Peleus' wedding at the start of the next stanza, the climax of the story and a happy contrast to the hero's earlier trials, described in the preceding lines. In the final three stanzas, in which the poet returns to the task at hand, he continues with the freer approach to stanza-boundaries introduced in the central section: Euphanes is introduced at the start of the last stanza, which he dominates, but the section preserving the memory of the victor's maternal uncle, Callicles, apparently inserted at the victor's request, begins shortly before the start of the stanza which it fills (the eleventh). A similar development is found in N. 8, 10 (61-90 n.), and 11. The central section of the ode consists, as we have seen, of two mythical narratives separated by an interlude. The arrangement in N. 5 is similar to some extent: Pindar emphatically abandons the first myth (9-13) when he is about to reach the death of Phocus (14-16), and, having explained what sort of material he would prefer to treat (16-21), resumes with the wedding of Peleus and its background (22-37). So in N. 3 the myth with which Pindar begins the central section of the ode (23-6) is cut short, this time on grounds of irrelevance: Pindar should be concerning himself with the Aeacidae, not Heracles (26-32). After brief allusions to the deeds of Peleus and Telamon, he finally introduces Achilles, with whom the third triad of that ode is concerned. In these two odes, then, the poet checks himself, having taken a false turning, before resuming the mythical section. At no point is there any serious doubt as to the general course that the poem will take: we are merely left wondering which story Pindar will take up next. The mythical section of N. 4, for all its superficial similarity of technique, is clearly distinct. The first myth, unlike those in the other odes, proceeds uninterrupted to its conclusion. It appears for a time as though the poet will now turn away from myth altogether: to treat such a great subject as Aeacid history in the time available would be too great a task, and besides, he longs to take part in the new-moon festivities (33-5). But he soon makes clear his determination not

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26

ΝEMΕΑΝ 4

to be swayed by these considerations: he will take on the challenge, and carry it off in a blaze of glory. An audience could hardly fail to attend closely to what Pindar introduces in such terms. Any suspicion that an ode for such an occasion will be merely run-of-the-mill, the poet's best work being reserved for grander commissions, would plainly be out of place: it is by his performance on this occasion that he will confound the envious and prove his pre-eminence once and for all. Metre 1

2

a wil docf I awi7 II

—v_/ —w w —

λη><7

(J—uuVJ—WW—w-

«/HI

U—VJ—uw-

\J —

4 5

U——VJVJ-

*_/ — W V-/ —

-υυ—υ-V V—w-u—u—uu-

7

8

wil tel I wi7 r II

VJ\J VJV—u~υυ—vj-i.

II

(-49,81) (-42,90;- 10 η. p., 66) 75 η. p.; - 59, 75,91)

(-21, 53, 69, all η. p.;-5, 13,617,77?) (- 22,46,78, all n. p.; - 70 n. p.)

gl Ii ie/ ia Λ

The stanza falls into three parts, consisting of lines 1-3, 4 - 5 , and 6-8. In the first, each verse begins with awi7: in verses 1 and 3, this is immediately followed by a variation, shorter (1) or longer (3) by one syllable at the start, while in verse 2, it stands by itself. The second part opens with a new colon, gl, paired with its variant, r; then in verse 5, wil is paired with a further variant on gl, tel. Pindar concludes with a variation on this sequence of two pairs of cola, in which the opening cola of the two pairs exchange positions. He introduces further variety by making the second pair of cola thus produced, gl tel, into two independent verses, and expanding the final tel with the addition of a bacchiac at the end. The three parts of the stanza correspond to the three main sense divisions in the first strophe. By choosing this arrangement, Pindar ensures that the metrical organization of the stanza is easily grasped on its first appearance: cf. below on the strophe of N. 8. This is one of Pindar's simplest aeolic stanzas. Its simplicity is perhaps to be connected with the fact that the victor's family included amateur musicians. His father would frequently have performed the ode (13-16), and his π ά τ ρ α was devoted to epinician songs (77-9); Euphanes, his grandfather, would gladly sing of Callicles, his uncle (89f.). Perhaps members of the victor's family wished to display their musical attainments by participating in the first performance, and Pindar was asked, or felt it advisable, to restrict himself to a simple stanza that would not be too taxing for them. The same circumstance would explain Pindar's use of monostrophic form, when the number of stanzas chosen was compatible with the introduction of an epode, and there are indeed traces of an underlying

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triadic form (see above): less rehearsal would be required for a song with only one stanza form. Of course these features might also be explained by the hypothesis that Pindar was aiming to produce a song that could easily be performed on subsequent occasions by amateurs without extensive preparation (cf. 13-16); but it would perhaps be surprising if a family so eager to boast of its musical accomplishments played no part in the first performance of the ode.

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1 - 8 . Good cheer is the best doctor for toilsome exertions once finished: songs charm them away; praise accompanied on the lyre soothes limbs more than a hot bath; and a word lives longer than deeds, if drawn from a deep mind with the favour of the Graces. Such sententious openings are found in P. 5, N. 6 (also a single strophe in length), /. 3, B. 14; cf. also Pi. fr. 169a. For the healing powers of song, cf. N. 8.48-50 with n. Ale. 358.1-3 seems to make for wine a similar claim to that made here for εΰφροούνα: οί-Ινον φάρμακον ]οίδ' äpic[tov] εμμεναι I πόνων (Liberman's text, after Vogliano). There the πόνοι will be 'exertions' in general, as at E. Ba. 283 οΰδ' εοτ' αλλο φάρμακον πόνων (sc. than wine); nor does anything here point to athletic toil in particular (cf. 3 n.). 1. κεκριμένων: 'decided, ended' (LSJ II.2b): cf. II. 2.385 κρινώμεθ' apTi'iand other examples cited by LSJ. There is no reason to see here (with Slater s. v. a) an instance of the technical term of medicine (Hp. A f f . 8, vi.216.4f. Li.), for which the generalized πόνοι are hardly a suitable subject. 2. ί α τ ρ ό ο : similar metaphorical uses at Alcm. 1.88f. πόνων ... ΐάτωρ, A. Cho. 698f. βακχείαο κακηο I ίατρόο, fr. 255.2f. των άνηκέοτων κακών I ίατρόο, where see Radt's note, E. El. 69f. ουμφοραο κακηο I ίατρόν. οοφαί: of skill in medicine: cf. P. 3.54 κέρδει και οοφία δέδεται (of Asclepius). Though poets are frequently called οοφόο, and Pindar uses the adjective of wise words (έπέων) at P. 4.138 and Dith. 2.24, I doubt whether songs could be described as οοφαί apart from the personification found here (pace R. Renehan, ICS 27-8, 2002-3, 107, who revives the view that the adjective is to be taken with άοιδαί, Μοιοαν θύγατρεο being in 'inserted apposition'). It is true that Pindar (if the attribution is correct: see N. 8.48 n.) ap. comm. in Alcm. 13(a).8-10 has ] άντίφαριν Λάκωνι τέ-Ι[κτον- πα]ρθενίων οοφών Άλκμα-Ι[νι, but οοφόν or οοφώι (cf. Ρ. 3.113f. έπέων κελαδεννών, τέκτονεο οία οοφοί I αρμοοαν) would be the easiest of changes. 3. Μοιοαν θύγατρεο: a common figure (O. 2.32 άμέραν ... παΐδ' άελίου, 11.2f. ουρανίων υδάτων, I όμβρίων παίδων νεφέλαο, 13.10 Ύ β ρ ι ν , Κόρου ματέρα, Ρ. 5.27Ϊ. τάν Έπιμαθέοο ... I όψινόου θυγατέρα Πρόφαοιν, Ν. 9.52 αμπέλου παΐδ'). θέλξάν ν ι ν : 'charm them (i. e. the πόνοι: so Didymus ap. sch. 5, 64.13-20) away': cf. Hymn. Horn. 16.1—4 Άοκληπιόν ... κακών θελκτήρ' όδυνάων, Α. Cho. 670f. και θερμά λουτρά και πόνων θελκτηρία I οτρωμνή, and for νιν referring to a plural object, Pi. fr. 7, B. 1.76, 9.15 (W. Headlam, CR 19, 1905, 148). Aristarchus (ap. sch. 5, 64.8-11) took νιν to refer rather to εΰφροούνα, but θέλγω in the sense 'produce by charms' which this interpretation appears to call for (so Mezger, LSJ s. v. 5) occurs only in Adaeus Garl. 40 (AP 9.544.4) θέλγω άνηνεμίην. The view that νιν refers to a singular victor, not mentioned in what precedes but to be supplied from πόνων (Boeckh), is certainly to be rejected: Pindar says nothing to imply that the labours are those of a single man or that they are athletic in nature, and anyway θέλξαν in conjunction with άπτόμεναι, which in this context has medical connotations (see next note), ought to mean 'charm away (pain)' rather than merely 'enchant': cf. Friis Johansen-Whittle on A. Su. 57If.

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άπτόμεναι: for the doctor's (Fennell) touch, cf. Sol. 13.61 f. τον δέ κακαΰ: νούοοια κυκώμενον άργαλέακ τε I άψάμενοο χειροΐν αιψα τίθη<:' υγιή, Ar. PI. 728 και πρώτα μεν δή τηο κεφαλήο έφήψατο, and other passages quoted by Headlam, loc. cit., 148f. 4f. τόοον γε ... t6ccov: cf. Call. h. 2.94 οΰδέ πόλει τόο' ενειμεν όφέλχιμα, xocca Κυρήνηι, fr. 388.7f.; τ oca for oca also at B. 1.147 and apparently 16.11 (cf. Call. fr. 384.57, h. 2.81,4.246). 4. τεύχει: Plutarch in his quotation of ούδέ — γυΐα (De tranq. an. 6, 467D), besides placing the adjective μαλθακά with its substantive, makes the verb future to fit his context (parallel to διάξειο and βιώοηι in what precedes); in some of his manuscripts, it appears as τέγξει, but Plutarch cannot have written this, for, apart from other arguments, he goes on to add
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τύχαι, 6.24 cvv θεοΰ ... τύχαι. For the role of the Charites in inspiring the poet to memorable utterance, cf. especially P. 9.89a f. Χαρίτων κελαδεννάν I μή με λίποι καθαρόν φέγγοο; Ν. 6.37f. n., 10.1 n. 8. «ppevöc ... βαθείαο: references to depth are common in this connection in early writers: cf. βαθύφρων {Ν. 7.1, Sol. 33.1), Ο. 2.54 βαθεΐαν ... μέριμναν, Α. Su. 407 βαθείαο φροντίδοο, Sept. 593 βαθεΐαν άλοκα δια φρενόο καρπούμενοο; F. Zucker, Philol. 93, 1938,55f. = Semantica, Rhetorica, Ethica, Berlin 1963,28. 9f. Pindar dedicates his opening to Zeus, Nemea, and Timasarchus' wrestling, the first of a succession of groups of three items in the ode. Similarly he mentions victories of Timasarchus at Nemea, Athens, and Thebes (17-24). Telamon in the company of Heracles defeated Troy, the Meropes, and Alcyoneus (25-30). Aegina, Cyprus, and Salamis, the three islands with Aeacid associations named in 46-8, are balanced in 49-53 by Leuke, Phthia, and Neoptolemus' kingdom. In order to win Thetis, Peleus must overcome fire, claws, and teeth (62-4). (There are also the three Panhellenic festivals mentioned at 75.) In three of these examples, the third element receives extended treatment (17-24, 25-30, 49-53), as often in the tricolon. 9. Κρονίδαι τε ΔΙ καΐ Νεμέαι: for similar pairings, cf. Ο. 9.6f. Δία τε φοινικοετερόπαν οεμνόν τ' έπίνειμαι I άκρωτήριον "Αλιδοο, P. 4.2f. δ φ ρ α κωμάζοντι ct>v Άρκεοίλαι, I Moica, Λατοίδακιν όφειλόμενον Πυθώνί τ' αΰξηιο οϋρον ΰμνων. Possibly the transmitted Διί could be tolerated (cf. West, GM 12), but since there is epigraphical support for the form Δί (CEG 419.2 (Melos, late vi BC), LSJ s. v. Zevc), it seems safer to restore this where a monosyllable is required (here, O. 13.106, P. 8.99, N. 1.72, 10.564), with Hermann, De dialecto Pindari observationes, Leipzig 1809, x = Opuscula i, Leipzig 1827, 253 (but the change at O. 13.106 is due to Boeckh). 11. προκώμιον: 'the portion preceding the celebration (of the victory)': for the formation, only here, cf. προοίμιον. κώμο<τ is used by Pindar of victorycelebrations, of which sung praise is an important element. O. 4.9f. need not indicate that the κώμοο can be merely a poetic composition, though it is in virtue of Pindar's contribution, the έπικώμιοο (έγκώμιοο) ΰμνοο {Ν. 6.32 n.), that the κώμοο in question there is described as χρονιώτατον cpaoc εΰρυοθενέων άρεταν; nor does the meaning 'ode' appear to be required in the other passages cited by LSJ s. v. κώμοο II. See also Braswell on N. 1.7. l l f . Αΐακιδαν I ευ(ρυ}πΌργον ϊδοο: i. e. Aegina: similar periphrases at P. 2.6f. Όρτυγίαν ..., I ποταμίαο εδοο Άρτέμιδοο, 12.2 Φεροεφόναο εδοο (Acragas). εύ(ρύ)πυργον is due to West. One may compare for the sense anon. FGE 1546 (v/iv BC) έν 'Ιλίου εύρέι πύργωι, and for the corruption, besides Pi. O. 1.73 Εΰ (ρυ (τρίαιναν (corr. Moschopulus), A. R. 4.269 εύρΰρροοο Meineke: έύρ(ρ)οο€ codd., Q. S. 12.234, 246. E. Schmid emends to ήύπυργον, but ήυ(-) is a rarity in lyric, found only in the Homeric ήύκομοο (Pi. O. 6.91, P. 5.45) and ήύί (Simon. (P. Turner 3) S337.3; but at |Pi.| O. 5.16, Boeckh's ευ δε (τυ)χόντεο is 4

At I. 8.35f., f A u t μκγομέναν I ή Aiöc παρ' άδελφεοΐαν, the unmetrical ΔΓι is probably to be replaced by Ζην! (Tricl.) rather than by Δί (τε) (Hermann), τε ... ή being a rare combination, perhaps never found in poetry: at S. Tr. 445, cited by Denniston 514, the Oxford and Teubner editors accept Schaefer's γ'.

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rightly preferred to Hermann's ήύ δ' εχοντεο). It is unsafe to introduce it by conjecture here or at B. 17.80 (εΰδενδρον: ήύ- Kenyon). See R. Führer, NAWG 1976,189f. (who, however, considers Schmid's conjecture probable), δ ΐ κ α ι ξ ε ν α ρ κ έ ι : 'in righteousness that protects foreigners': cf. O. 8.26f. (Aegina) παντοδαποΐαν ... ξένοιο I κίονα δαιμονίαν, /. 9.5f. (the Aeginetans) οΰ θέμιν οΰδέ δίκαν ξείνων ΰπερβαίνοντεε, Pae. 6.131 τάν θεμίξενον άρετ[άν (of Aegina), and in general Ν. 3.2f. τάν πολυξέναν ... Αΐγιναν, 5.8 (Aegina) φίλαν ξένων αρουραν. The adjective is found only here and as a personal name, whose bearers include the father of the Aeginetan praised in P. 8 (19, 72); P. 3.6 γυιαρκέοί is another hapax. κοινόν: 'common' to all: cf. O. 8.26f. (quoted above), and for the use of the adjective N. 1.32f. κοιναι γαρ ερχοντ' έλπίδεο I πολυπόνων ανδρών, 7.30f. κοινόν γαρ ερχεται I κΰμ' Άίδα. 13. φέγγοο: 'a source of light', i. e. comfort, with perhaps a suggestion of 'glory' also. The metaphor is common in Pindar and elsewhere: see Slater s. v. b and s. v. cpaoc b, LSJ s. v. II. 1 and s. v. <paoc II.la. For its application to Aegina, cf. Pae. 6.125f. Aioc Έλλανίου φαεννόν acxpov.

13f. ζαμενεΐ ... άλίωι I ... έθάλπετο: Homer refers to the 'light' of the sun in such periphrases for 'live' (open cpaoc ήελίοιο II. 18.61, etc.: so too perhaps Mimn. 14.11, but see West, Studies in El. & I. 176): for its 'strength', cf. Pi. P. 4.144f. cGevoc άελίου χρύοεον I λεύοοομεν; μένοο (όξέο<ι) ήελίοιο //. 23.190, etc. ( L f g r E iii. 142.58-65). It is relevant to the choice of expression here that 'light' has just been mentioned in another connection. Leonidas of Tarentum echoes these lines at HE 2461f. (AP 7.731.3f.) τί τοι χαριέοτερον, ει (Salmasius: ή Ρ) τρεΐο I ή πίουραο ποίαο θάλψει (Αρ. Β.: -ψαι Ρ) ύπ' ήελίωι;, where Meineke's ετ' (for ύ π ' ) produces the same construction as is found in our passage, ζαμενήο is not found in lyric outside Pindar, who has eight instances. (Slater wrongly gives it the sense 'inspired' in four passages (s. v. a): against, see Β. K. Braswell, Glotta 57,1979,182-90.) 14. cöc π α τ ή ρ : for the shift to the second person without accompanying vocative, cf. perhaps /. 8.16-21 χρή δ' έν έπταπύλοια Θήβακ τραφέντα I Αίγίναι Χαρίτων άωτον προνέμειν, I πατρό< οΰνεκα δίδυμαι γένοντο θυγατρεο Άοωπίδων {θ') I όπλόταται, Ζηνί τε άδον βα<:ιλέι. I δ τάν μεν ... I..., I οέ δ' kc νάοον Οΐνοπίαν Ιένεγκών κοιματοΙ, where the metre is most plausibly restored by writing ενεγκ' έκοίμα τε 5 (and accepting at 41 Hermann's εύθύ{ο}). 6 Β. 10.9-13 appears to have contained a transition of the same type, though the reading at the start of line 9 is not certain: see Maehler. The use of the third person at 1. 21 below is sufficiently accounted for by the intervening reference to the imagined song of Timocritus in honour of 'his son' (16); the same mediating

5

So approximately Hermann (but with κοιμαι), Bergk 1 ( ε ν ε ι κ ' έ κ ο ί μ α τε). Maas restored the missing vocative by writing ε ν ε ι κ ε ν , Α ί γ ι ν α , but apart f r o m other arguments, the unvaried repetition of the n a m e at such a short distance is unlikely in Pindar (cf. 6 5 n.), and hardly to be introduced by conjecture. See also Schroeder 527. 6 O. 14.20 < εΰ ε κ α τ ι would be another e x a m p l e if the victor, named at 17, rather than Thalia, addressed at 15-17, were meant; but even if one admits the possibility of such an unmarked change of the object of address, the phrase is better suited to a divinity. See further Ζ Ρ Ε 143, 2003, 11 n. 8.

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role is performed by άγνάν Χαρίτων (8)7 in the transition from second to third person in the first strophe of O. 14. Cf. also A. Ag. 1473f. with Fraenkel's note. See in general for such transitions Sier on A. Cho. 366.

14f. ποικίλον κιθαρίζων, I θαμά κε: the position of κε (second word in its colon, though not in the sentence) is not, as Fennell supposes, a sufficient ground for taking ποικίλον κιθαρίζων with εί... έθάλπετο (so sch. 21c, 67.13f.), to the detriment of the sense: see I. Hajdu, Über die Stellung der Enklitika und QuasiEnklitika bei Pindar und Bakchylides, Lund 1989, 59. For further examples of the musical use of ποικίλο«:, see Μ 8.15 η. 15. κ λ ι θ ε ί ο : 'applying himself to', literally 'resting on'. Cf. for a similar metaphor [Theoc. | 21.61f. ερειδε I τάν γνώμαν with Gow's note. The late usage of προοκλίνω for 'incline towards, be attached to one' (LSJ s. v. Ill) seems clearly distinct.

16. υΐόν κελάδηοε καλλίνικον: the manuscripts have ΰμνον κ. κ., but although comparable locutions are found at Pae. 7b. 10 (κελαδήοαθ' ΰμνουο) and Thren. 5(a).2f. = (b).6f. (δ]ρθιον ϊάλεμ[ον I κελαδήοατ [), ΰμνον here, besides duplicating μέλει, does not suit πέμψαντα. It also creates a difficulty concerning the reference of viv (21), as Timasarchus has not been mentioned elsewhere since 1. 10. Bergk's υίόν is to be preferred. The corruption, at the beginning of colon 26 in the manuscripts, may have been caused by the proximity of ΰμνου (11) at the beginning of colon 17: cf. Thr. 3.6-8 α μεν άχέταν Λίνον αϊλινον ΰμνει, I α δ' Ύμέναιον, <δν) έν γάμοια χροϊζόμενον I νυκτί ούν πρώται λάβεν εοχατοο ϋπνοο, where the manuscript has in 8 εοχατ ΰμν(οιε), from 6, corrected at ZPE 128, 1999,14. καλλίνικον: eight instances in Pindar (of persons at P. 1.32, 11.46; of a song at P. 5.106); the only other lyric instance is at [Arch.] 324.1. 17. Κλεωναίου ... ά π ' άγώνοο: an alternative designation for the Nemean games, which were controlled by Cleonae at the time: see N. 10.42 n. δρμον οτεφάνων: cf. Dith. 3.7 ] πλόκον ο[τεφά]νων κκχίνων. 18f. For the use of two epithets in asyndeton with the name of a city, cf. perhaps fr. 169a.47f. καίόλαο[ο έ]ν έπταπύλοια μένω[ν κλυταΐο I Θήβακ] (ΖΡΕ 143, 2003, 13f.). 18. λ ί π α ρ α ν : a frequent epithet of places in lyric poets (Simon. 511 fr. l(a).7 (Pytho), Pi. O. 13.110 (Marathon), 14.3f. (Orchomenos), P. 4.88 (Naxos), 2.3 (Thebes), where see sch. inscr., ii.31.19-24), elsewhere specially associated with Athens (Ar. fr. 112, Ach. 639 with Blaydes' note), to which it is applied by Pindar also at /. 2.20 and fr. 76.

19. ευωνύμων: see N. 8.47 n. θ ή β α κ τ* έν έπταπύλοιο: the old punctuation after this phrase produces an illogicality: 'from' would be required (with πέμψαντα), not 'in' (cf. sch. 30, 68.8f.). Rather, the phrase is to be taken with what follows, as suggested by J. G. Gurlitt, Der Teutsche Merkur 1785, iv.8 n. 8.

20. Άμφιτρύωνοο άγλαόν παρά τύμβον: i. e. at the festival of the Herakleia, held in the Iolaeion, which was situated by the joint tomb of 7

For the epithet, restored by Kayser (<:εμνάν codd.), see ZPE 143, 2003, 11.

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Amphitryon and Iolaus (sch. 32, 69.5-12) and at the Proitides gates (Paus. 9.23.1). The site is given as 'Ιολάου I τύμβοο at O. 9.98f.; note also P. 9.89f. tote ι (sc. Heracles and Iphicles) τέλειον έπ' εύχαι κωμόκ:ομαί τι παθών I έολόν, where the scholiast plausibly finds a reference to a victory in these games (156a-b, ii.235.8-15). /. 1.55f. οέθεν, Άμφιτρύων, I παϊδαο in this connection will indicate Heracles and Iolaus (sch. 79a, 208.16-19), though the latter was Amphitryon's grandson. The scholia frequently refer to Ίολάεια instead of or in addition to 'Ηράκλεια (see Drachmann's index, p. 352), but the title is not found elsewhere, and may be due to confusion with the site (Didymus ap. sch. N. 4 cit., referring to δ περί αγώνων άναγραψάμενοο). The references in P. 9 and I. 1 appear less easily compatible with the hypothesis of A. Schachter (Cults of Boiotia (BICS Suppl. 38) i, London 1981, 30f.; ii, London 1986, 25-7) that the games were held at the Herakleion in Pindar's day and only later moved to the Iolaeion: see also 24 n.

21. Καδμείοι: see Ν. 8.51 η. δνθεοι μείγνυον: cf. Ν. 1.17f. 'Ολυμπιάδων φΰλλοιο έλαιαν χρυοέοιο I μιχθέντα, 2.22 όκτώ οτεφάνοιο εμιχθεν. For the vocalization of the verb (μ(ε)ιrestored by Schroeder), see Schwyzer 697. 22. Aiyivac £κατι: 'for the sake of Aegina', with ούκ άέκοντεο. Η. Maehler, Hermes 101, 1973, 380-2, takes the phrase to mean rather 'nach Aiginas Willen' or 'mit Aiginas Beistand'; and since 'in accordance with Aegina's will, they were happy to crown him' is nonsense, he is obliged to take the words to mean that 'Timasarchos hatte auch in Theben gesiegt... weil Aigina ... ihm die Kraft zum Sieg gab' (381). But the sentence is concerned with the crowning, not the victory, a point that Maehler himself recognizes when he states that the following sentence explains 'nicht, warum Timasarchos siegte, sondern warum die Thebaner ihn "bereitwillig" ... bekränzten' (382). φ ί λ ο ΐ α ... φίλοα cf. e. g. A. Cho. 354 φίλοο φίλοια; Gygli-Wyss 67 with η. 5 (add CEG 600 ('saec. IV?') .3 (suppl.)). 23. ξένιον δοτυ: explained by 25ff. κατέδρακεν: since Pindar has in the aorist participle of the simple verb the forms δρακείε (fr. 123.3), δρακέντεο (Ν. 7.3), δρακεΐο' (Ρ. 2.20; the expected δ]ρακοΐοα already in Stes. SI35.9), and no other aorist forms are preserved, there is something to be said for Barrett's proposal to write κατεδράκη. But Pindar may have used δρακείο (etc.) rather than δρακών (etc.) in the participle in order to avoid confusion with forms of the substantive δράκων, indistinguishable in strophic song from those of δρακών. There was no danger of such a confusion outside the participle. On the origins of the form δρακείο, see now M. Peters, 'On some Greek «/-formations', in J. H. W. Penney (ed.), Indo-European Perspectives: Studies in Honour of Anna Morpurgo Davies, Oxford 2004, 266-76, with further bibliography. 24. Ήρακλέοο όλβίαν ... αΰλάν: i. e. the Herakleion (Dissen) at the Elektrai gates (Paus. 9.11.4). There is no implication that the tomb of Amphitryon and Iolaus was near it, as Schachter thinks (op. cit. (20 n.), ii.25; cf. 27). 2 5 - 3 0 . This sequence of three victories again at /. 6.27-35. Telamon's involvement in the sack of Troy (Robert 552) is mentioned briefly at N. 3.36f.,

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the attack on the Meropes (for which cf. |Hes. | fr. 43(a).61^4; also the Meropis, PEG i. 131-5; Robert 561-4) narrated at greater length in a hymn (fr. 33a). For Alcyoneus, see 27-30 n. 25. cuv: the manuscripts have ξύν (also given for ούν by Π1 at O. 1.110), and at 31 ξυνιείο (cdv- only in Mommsen's η', an interpolated manuscript); the Pindaric forms were restored by Boeckh. See Schroeder 32 (§ 64). Τ ρ ω ί α ν : the medieval manuscripts regularly give in this word either Τροί- (Ο. 2.81 (+ pap.), N. 2.14; also B. 9.46 (pap.)) or Τρωί- (here, N. 7.41,/. 8.52 (D only)) or both (Ν. 3.60 τροίαν BD, τρώϊαν V; /. 6.28 τροίαν B'D, τρωίαν Bs; Pae. 6.75 τρωια[ with οί added above the line), never Τροί-; at /. 4.37b, there are variants τρώανδ' and τρώων δ ' (influenced by the preceding Έ λ λ ά ν ω ν ) . The scansion required is always either - or E. Schmid accordingly printed Tpoifor the diphthong, 9 Τροί- elsewhere, perhaps rightly; but it seems possible that Τρωί- was regarded as the correct Doric orthography where two syllables are wanted. P. Oxy. 2619 of Stesichorus gives xptoac at S89+90.11, for Tpcoiac (West, Z P E 4, 1969, 141), and at SI 18.6 t]ponac (suppl. West, ibid.: 'Τρωί- or Τρφ-'), and Τρωί- is transmitted in tragic lyric at A. Cho. 363 and restored with various degrees of confidence at S. Aj. 424, 1190, E. Andr. 305, El. 440. The same scansion may have been found in lost works of Doric lyric.10 It is not certain that Pindar himself distinguished in writing between ο and ω; but the fact that his ο was sometimes retained in the masculine accusative plural termination -5c (Ν. 10.61f. n.), where the later orthography requires ου, does not seem relevant to the question, as Braswell on P. 4.14(d) appears to imply, κ ρ α τ α ι ό ο : the manuscripts have καρτερά«:, corrected by E. Schmid; cf. e. g. Mimn. 14.10 (Stob. 3.7.11), where κραταιήε is found as a variant for κρατερής, καρτερ- is transmitted for κρατερ- at I. 5.31, B. 18.40, fr. 20A.19 (v. 1.), and in some manuscripts at Pi. P. 11.18 (the opposite error in single manuscripts at P. 4.239 (Vac), O . 1.112, /. 7.10), but (ό) κρατερ<χ (Hermann) unnecessarily introduces a freedom of responsion. 27-30. Cf. /. 6.32f. τον βουβόταν οΰρεϊ 'icov I Φ λ έ γ ρ α κ ι ν εύρων Άλκυονή. The scholiast (43b, 71.3-11; d, 71.13-19) assumes a different version: see Robert 512f.; 564f. (on Pindar's version); T. Gantz, Early Greek Myth, Baltimore 1993, 419-21; for artistic representations, R. Olmos and L. J. Balmaseda, L1MC i.l (1981) s. v. Alkyoneus, cat. A; K. Danali-Giole, Archaiologika Analekta ex Athenon 20, 1987 [1991 ], 159-66 (cf. J.-J. Maffre, REG 107, 1994,671f.).

8

At fr. 172.4, Boeckh replaced the transmitted Τρώων α μ π ε δ ί ο ν with Τρώϊον α μ π ε δ ί ο ν , giving more usual metre, but we should expect Τ ρ ω ι κ ώ ν in this sense (M. Campbell on Q. S. 12.19). A n y w a y , the metrical irregularity is hardly objectionable (cf. N. 8.40 n.), and the genitive plural is amply paralleled (//. 11.836, 15.739, Od. 11.513, Ale. 283.13). Pindar does not have Τ ρ ώ ύ χ or Τρωϊκόο elsewhere in any form. 9 But at /. 4.37b, he kept Morel's Τ ρ φ α ν δ ' ; Τ ρ ο ί α ν δ ' is due to Hermann (1798). 10 Pap. 12 of the Iliad (iii BC) has τ ρ ω η at 21.375 and τ ρ ω ι η ν at 23.215 f o r the expected Τ ρ ο ί η ( ν ) given by the other sources of the text. S. West, The Ptolemaic Papyri of Homer, Cologne and Opladen 1967, 155, refers also to the reading of Od. pap. 31 (iii BC) at 10.40, but there xponr|c may have been meant as the adjective.

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35

27. A similarly elaborate description at I. 6.32f. (quoted above), πολεμιοτάν and εκπαγλον are epic words, occurring twice and five times respectively in Pindar, not elsewhere in lyric. 28. τετραορΐαο: an exclusively Pindaric word (four instances), but τετράοροι is Homeric (Od. 13.81). 'Twelve four-horse chariots' conveys the extent of the destruction more effectively than 'twelve άρματα' would have done. Four-horse chariots and 'twelve' occur together also at O. 2.50 τεθρίππων δυωδεκαδρόμων. 29. ήρωοκ: for the internal correption (six times in Pindar), cf. Tyrt. 17, Ibyc. S151.19; Braswell on Pi. P. 4.58(a). έπεμβεβαωταο: this form at II. 9.582 οΰδοΰ έπεμβεβαώο; δίφρου έπεμβεβαακ [Hes.] Sc. 195, 324. Not elsewhere in lyric. ΐπποδάμοικ: common in epic; the only other lyric occurrences are at fr. 183 and Ibyc. SI66.17. ελεν has as its object both the chariots and their occupants, as at II. 11.328 έλέτην δίφρον τε καΐ άνέρε δήμου άρίοτω. 30. άπείρομάχαο: = άπειροο μάχαο, only here. Compounds in άπειρο- do not occur before the fifth century; this is the only example in lyric. For the formation, cf. e. g. άϊδροδίκαο (Ν. 1.63); A. Debrunner, Gr. Wortbildungslehre, Heidelberg 1917,42f. 31. ουνιεκ: see 25 n. 32. Sch. 50b, 72.12, compares S. fr. 223b τον δρώντα γάρ τι καΐ παθεΐν οφείλεται. Variations on this thought are common: cf. [Hes.| fr. 286 ε'ί κε πάθοι τά τ' ερεξε, δίκη κ' ίθεΐα γένοιτο with Merkel bach-West (ed. maior). 33. το μακρά: 'these great deeds': see N. 10.4 n. τεθμόο: cf. for the usage with reference to song I. 6.19-21 ΰμμέ τ', ω χρυοάρματοι Αίακίδαι, I τέθμιόν μοί φαμι οαφέοτατον εμμεν I τάνδ' έπιοτείχοντα vacov ραινέμεν εύλογίαic. Pindar must not spend more time (cf. 34) than is appropriate on any one element of the ode: cf. P. 10.53f. έγκωμίων γάρ άωτοο ϋμνων I έπ' άλλοτ' άλλον ώτε μέλι<χα θύνει λόγον. 34. &ραί τ' έπειγόμεναι: cf. Ρ. 4.247 μακρά μοι νεΐοθαι κατ' άμαξιτόν· ώρα γάρ ουνάπτει. 35. ιυγγι: used metaphorically for 'longing', as at A. Pers. 987. The use of the wryneck in love-magic is mentioned by Pindar at P. 4.213-17 and by Theocritus 2.17 (etc.), where the same verb is used as here: see Gow on the latter passage, νεομηνίαι θιγέμεν: 'to enjoy (the festival of) the new moon', like P. 4.2% ήουχίαι θιγέμεν. The more swiftly Pindar can bring his ode to a conclusion, the sooner he will be able to participate in celebrations of the new moon organized by the victor's family, the setting for the performance. For such celebrations, see West on Hes. Op. 770. Aristarchus' explanation (ap. sch. 53a, 72.20f.), eic νουμηνίαν έπιοΰοαν ΰποκείμενόν έοτιν αΰτώι άποδοΰναι τον έπίνικον (cf. sch. 56b, 73.19-74.2), imports without justification the idea of handing over the epinician; the view that νεομηνία could mean 'sollemnia epinicia' (Boeckh ap. Dissen in Boeckh's large edition) gains no support from the false interpretation of N. 3.2 ίερομηνίαι at sch. N. 3.4,42.11-13. 36f. κεί περέχει βαθεΐα ποντιάο άλμα I μέοοον: 'even if the deep sea brine is round your waist', i. e. 'though you have a large quantity of material to

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get through'. For the poet's immersion in a sea of material, cf. O. 13.114 άγε (Ahlwardt: άλλα codd.) κούφοιαν εκνεικον (Maas: έκνεάκαι codd.) Jiociv. The manuscripts have και περ εχει, but καίπερ is not joined with an indicative in classical Greek. Anyway, εχει μέοον, 'holds (you by) the waist' (cf. Ar. Ach. 571, etc.), could hardly be said of the sea. 'Lies between you and Aegina' (sch. 58c, 74.1 Of.) might be, but no parallels for the brachylogy have been produced, and the relevance of the idea to this context is quite unclear. Ahrens's και περέχει (Philol. 16, 1860, 57) solves both problems without altering a letter: for περ-, cf. P. 3.52 περάπτων, Ν. 11.40 περόδοιο, fr. 314 περιέναι." But Pindar is more likely to have written κει (attested in fr. 4 = sch. /. 5 inscr. b, iii.241.15f.), since he does not have the form a i elsewhere (aiY P. 4.78). J. W. Donaldson, Journ. of Class, and Sacred Philol. 1, 1854, 220, conjecturing κεϊπερ εχει, noted transmitted examples of καίπερ with an indicative at PI. Smp. 219c, where a papyrus has restored the truth, and Thphr. Char. 2.3, variously emended: see now Diggle on the latter passage, εμπάο at A. Cho. 691 is a false conjecture of O. Müller, not supporting the conjecture εμπαο ε'ίπερ (Paley (1880) on S. Aj. 563) in our passage: see G. Björck, Das Alpha impurum, Uppsala 1950,123f. η. 1. 36. ποντιάο άλμα: cf. Ε. fr. **330b Cέpιφoc άλμηι ποντίαι περίρρυτοο. ά λ μ α is common for 'sea' in Pindar (also P. 2.80, 4.39, N. 6.64, Dith. 1.16; possible in Pae. 7c(d).5, fr. 140a.73). Its other lyric occurrences are in late pieces (Tim. 791.64f., 85, 'Arion' 939.3 (?)). 37. άντίτειν' έπιβουλΐαιε: 'resist conspiracies', i. e. 'do not give up, though faced with a formidable task'. Any flagging on Pindar's part would be seized on by those jealous of his pre-eminence. The plural (V, text and lemma, 74.16) seems more natural than the singular (BD, text and lemma, 74.13 app. crit.: correct Snell), since there is no reason to suppose that Pindar has any one particular plot in mind, έπιβουλία does not occur elsewhere in poetry, nor in prose until much later (D. S. 26.15; v. 1. in 'Hp.' Ep. ix.368.12, 374.10 Li.). 37f. 'We shall surely seem to reach our goal superior to our enemies, bathed in light.' 37. c
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37

Lobel here), Aeolic for ήλεόο (cf. Ale. 229.2 with Voigt), but this is not known to be a Pindaric form, while αλλοο άνήρ is a regular phrase (Hes. Op. 478, etc.), and there is nothing to be said against it here. 40. γνώμαν κενεάν: cf. for the adjective S. Ant. 753 tic δ' £cz' απειλή πρόο κενάο γνώμαο λέγειν;, where κενάο (c' έμάο Lloyd-Jones) appears to be confirmed by ών φρενών αΰτόο κενά: in the following line. οκότωι: contrasting with φάει (38); cf. N. 3.41 ψεφεννόο άνήρ. κ υ λ ΐ ν δ ε ι : for the usual όρμαίνει: cf. perhaps Plut. Pyrrh. 30.3 έλπίδαο έξ ελπίδων άει κυλίνδων. 41. χ α μ α ΐ κετοΐοαν: such expressions are commonly used elsewhere of speeches: cf. O. 9.12 οΰτοι χαμαιπετέων λόγων έφάψεαι, P. 6.37 χαμαιπετέο δ' άρ' εποο οΰκ άπέριψεν, Ar. V. 101 If. with Blaydes' note. 42. Πότμοο: personified, as at P. 2.56 (7 n.), 3.86, N. 5.40, 6.6b, /. 1.39. Cf. West, Studies in Aesch. 162f. δναξ: for the use with reference to a personified abstraction, cf. frr. 33 ανα(κτα) τον πάντων υπερβάλλοντα Χρόνον μακάρων, 169a. 1 Νόμοο ό πάντων βαοιλευο, 205.2 ώνacc' Άλάθεια. 43. £ρπων: commonly used of time in Pindar: cf. O. 6.97 χρόνοο ... έφέρπων, P. 1.57 τον προοέρποντα χρόνον, Ν. 7.67f., Pae. 2.26f. 44. έξύφαινε: cf. for the metaphor fr. 179 υφαίνω δ ' Άμυθαονίδαιο(ιν) ποικίλον άνδημα (of a poem), Β. 5.9, 19.8, Pi. P. 4.141 with Braswell's note (c). γλυκεία ... φόρμιγξ: for the apostrophe, cf. P. 1.1 χρυοέα φόρμιγξ, Β. fr. 20B.1-3; Nisbet-Hubbard on Hör. C. 1.32 (p. 359).

45. Λυδίαι cbv άρμονίαι: see Ν. 8.15 n. πεφιλημένον: cf. for the tense [Hes.] fr. 25.32 = 229.12, Pi. P. 1.13, Theoc. 3.3, 11.6. 46. Οίνώναι: an older name for the island of Aegina: see N. 8.7 n. Κύπρωι: when he returned from Troy without Ajax, Teucer was banished by their father Telamon; he settled in a new Salamis on Cyprus. The story is implied by A. Pers. 895-7, and was no doubt the subject of Sophocles' Teucer (frr. 576-9b). Cf. E. Hel. 148-50, Hor. C. 1.7.28f; F. Prinz, Gründungsmythen und Sagenchronologie, Munich 1979,56-78; Vanschoonwinkel 295-301. άπάρχει: perhaps merely 'rules': see Fraenkel on A. Ag. 1227; D. Asheri, Quaderni storici 76, 1991,46f. 12 (Wilamowitz 475 conjectures άπάρχειν, which he takes to mean 'rule away from home', at Pae. 4.37 (for αΰταρχεΐν): against, see Schroeder 534.) 47. Τελαμωνιάδαε: this epic patronymic only here and at I. 6.26 in lyric. 48. Ο α λ α μ ΐ ν ' ... πατρώιαν: contrasted with that founded by Teucer on Cyprus. έχει: of a local hero, as at P. 5.82f. 49-53. These lines, in which Pindar turns for the first time to Peleus' side of the family, are not what one might have expected to follow on 46-8: see the

12 But the interpretation of απαρχή in the great list of θεωροί at Thasos, to which Fraenkel and Asheri refer, is controversial. A. J. Graham, Collected Papers ort Greek Colonization, Leiden 2001, 396f., takes it to refer to an offering of first-fruits.

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discussion in the introduction. But there is nothing jerky about the transition. Achilles' home is an island, like Aegina, Cyprus, and Salamis; the fact that the verb εχει must be supplied in 49f. from the previous sentence provides another connection with what precedes. Achilles leads naturally to Thetis and Neoptolemus, and the sentences devoted to them are connected in a similar way by being made to share a verb. The lines on Neoptolemus' realm provide a climax: while the previous geographical references have been concise, that in Thetis' entry consisting of the single word Φθίαι, the vastness of Neoptolemus' kingdom is evoked in a description stretching over two-and-a-half lines. 49f. According to some accounts, Achilles was snatched from his funeral pyre by Thetis and taken to the island of Leuke (Aeth. Arg. p. 69.2If. B. = p. 47.27f. D.), first here located in the Black Sea, or to an unnamed μακάρων vacoc (Pi. O. 2.70-80; cf. IL Parv. fr. dub. 32.2f. Β. (N. 8.28-30 n.)): see Robert 1194; H. Hommel, Der Gott Achilleus, Heidelberg 1980, 13, 18; Μ. L. West, CQ 53, 2003, 13; S. West, GR 50, 2003, 156, 162-4. 49. Ά ξ έ ν ω ι : the older form of the name, attested at P. 4.203 ( Ά ξ ε ί ν ο υ ) . It reflects Old Persian axsaina- 'dark-coloured', used in the sense 'northern': see R. Schmitt in E. Yarshater (ed.), Encyclopcedia Irartica iv, London 1989, 310, and in W. Leschhorn et al. (edd.), Hellas und der griechische Osten:... Festschrift für Peter Robert Franke ..., Saarbrücken 1996, 219-24 = Selected Onomastic Writings, New York 2000, 158-63. The later form with Εύ- for Ά - , a euphemistic alteration, is given by the manuscripts here, but Pindar is unlikely to have used both forms, and I have little hesitation in adopting M. L. West's conjecture (cf. also S. West (49f. n.), 157). The same corruption is found in the manuscript C at P. 4.203, and in several places in Euripides, where consistency is restored by Markland and Cobet. -ξέν- (Tricl.) is to be preferred to -ξείν-: there is no certain example of a long in this position (the penultimate syllable of Κλεωναίου (17) may be short through correption), though a similar freedom of responsion is found in str. 2. φ α ε ν ν ά ν : no doubt so called on account of the name Leuke (sch. 79a, 76.18f.). εύαγ[έ]α vfjcov is transmitted in what is generally taken to be a reference to an Isle of the Blest at Simon, eleg. 22.8; the epithet is defended (against Parsons' εύαέα) e. g. by G. B. D'Alessio, S1FC 13, 1995, 179 n. 73. 50f. For the Thetideion near Pharsalus, see F. Stählin, RE vi A (1936), 205f. 51-3. Neoptolemus was king in Molossia for a short time after the Trojan War. For the story presumed, see Pae. 6.105-10 and N. 7.36-9 with Radt's note on the former passage (p. 158). 51. άπεΐρωι: not in use as a proper name at this period: see N. G. L. Hammond, Epirus, Oxford 1967,492. S t a n p u c i a i : apparently 'far-stretching' (LSJ II. 1): cf. perhaps IL 17.747f. coc τε πρών κ χ ά ν ε ι ΰδωρ I ύλήεκ:, πεδίονο διαπρύαον τετυχηώο. The sense in Stes. S22.7, the only other lyric occurrence, cannot be determined. 52. 'Where forelands, outstanding cattle-pasturers, lie down'. β ο υ β ό τ α ι : the area was famous for its cattle: cf. [Hes.| fr. 240.1-3; Hammond (51 n.), 41. βουβότοκ occurs in alphabetical Greek only here and at /. 6.32 (of Alcyoneus), but Mycenaean has qo-u-qo-ta (KN L 480) and qo-qo-ta-o (PY Ea

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ΝEM Ε AN 4

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270+, gen. sg. or pi.)·13 The Homeric adjective βούβοτοι was available but might have been taken as 'grazed by cattle' rather than 'cattle-pasturing': cf. LfgrE s. v. and s. v. ίππόβοτοα Leonidas of Tarentum has in an epigram for a dedication made by an Aeacid Neoptolemus, HE 1969 (AP 6.334.4), αιγιβοτην ( xctv Suda) ... οκόπελον, though the metre would have admitted the Homeric αΐγίβοτον in place of the hapax α ΐ γ ι β ό τ η ν . Perhaps the formation was influenced by the present passage: cf. HE 2016 (AΡ 7.440.3) ξανθαϊοιν ... Χ α ρ ί τ ε ο α (~ Pi. Ν. 5.54); 13f. n. above. Ιξοχοτ: 'outstanding', as everywhere in Pindar (twelve other instances). The sense 'standing out, jutting' that LSJ (s. v. I) find in the present passage appears not to be reliably attested: in II. 3.227 εξοχοε Άργείων κεφαλήν ή δ ' εύρέοκ ώμουο, the accusatives make all the difference. In any case, 'standing out' as a description of πρωνεο would contribute little. κατάκεινται: the personification suggested by β ο υ β ό τ α ι is continued in the verb, for whose use 'of land' LSJ cite only this passage (s. v. 8). Cf. Hor. C. 1.17.11 Vsticae cubantis with Nisbet-Hubbard's note. 53. Λωδώναθεν Αρχόμενοι: the southern limit of the Molossian territory: see Hammond (51 n.), 491. In Pae. 6.109, in a similar connection, Pindar mentions instead Tomarus, the mountain of Dodona. Ί ό ν ι ο ν πόρον: i. e. the Adriatic: for the fifth-century use of the term, see Hammond (51 n.), 452f. with 452 n. 1. The same designation occurs at P. 3.68 Ί ο ν ί α ν ... θάλα<χαν, Ν. 7.65 'Ioviac ... άλόο. 14 54-68. The basic story presumed is as follows. Acastus, king of Iolcus, purified Peleus when he had accidentally killed Eurytion. His wife Hippolyta attempted to seduce their guest, and on failing to do so informed her husband that he had made advances towards her. Acastus, hearing this, determined to have Peleus killed. After going hunting with him on Pelion, he left him asleep on the mountain and hid his magic knife, the gift of Hephaestus, so that he could be killed by the Centaurs, but Chiron found the knife and saved him. Peleus, in revenge, sacked Iolcus, and went on to marry Thetis. Details are discussed in the notes which follow. The same sequence of events was narrated in the Hesiodic Catalogue (frr. 208-11); another Pindaric account in N. 5.22-37. See in general A. Lesky, RE xix (1937), 277-84 (Peleus and Acastus), 284-302 (Peleus and Thetis). 5 4 - 6 . Cf. N. 3.34 öc κ α ΐ α ο λ κ ό ν είλε μόνοο άνευ cxpatiac with sch. 57, 51.10-13, δόξει δε ό Πίνδαροο δ ι α τον Αίγινήτην χαρίζεοθαι τώι Π η λ ε ΐ · ού γαρ μόνοο είλε την Ίωλκόν, ά λ λ α μετά 'Iacovoc και των Τυνδαριδων,
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ΝΕΜΕ AN 4

substantive λατρεία. Such errors are fairly common (Schroeder 27f.). Ίαολκόν: there is little to choose between this form (V) and -αω- (BD): see Μ. West, Glotta 41, 1963,278-82; Braswell on P. 4.77(b). 55. προ{ο}τραπών: there is no authority for the sense 'approach (as an enemy)' which LSJ 1.2 assign to the transmitted προετραπών in this passage; it would be expected to mean 'entreat' (LSJ 1.1). προτραπών (Heyne) could perhaps mean 'having caused to yield', as the middle means 'yield' at II. 6.336 εθελον δ' αχεϊπροτραπέοθαι: for the principle involved, see N. 10.69 n., and for the regular confusion of προο and προ-, cf. e. g. S. fr. 844.3. The use of the verb at S. El. 1193 tic γάρ c' ανάγκην τήιδε προτρέπει βροτών; would be parallel if rightly explained by Jebb, but the text is in doubt. J. P. Postgate, Mnem. 53, 1925, 383f., proposes instead προοτραχών, but provides no evidence for the existence of such a form. 56. Αίμόνε<χιν: i. e. the Thessalians, first so called here. 57. Ίππολύταο: so called also at N. 5.26; Apollod. 3.13.3 gives the name as Astydameia. See Lesky (54-68 n.), 283. 57f. δολίαιο I τέχναιοι: explained in detail at N. 5.26-31. 58. χρηοάμενοο: i. e. 'having been subjected to' (LSJ s. v. χράω (Β) C.III. 1; add Ε. Μ 88 (άπλοίαι), 89 (άπορίαι), frr. 228a. 19 (άπαιδίαι), 257). The verb could hardly mean by itself cic πρόφααν τιμωρίαο ... άποχρηϋάμενοί (sch. 92b, 79.24-80.1; cf. 92c, 80.3f.). Other views: (1) E. Schmid, proposing χρηοαμένηο (sic), makes Hippolyta herself the user of her δόλιαι τέχναι: but then we miss the essential point that the τέχναι were used against Peleus, and oi in the next sentence cannot easily refer to Peleus if he has not been mentioned in the previous clause. (2) Heyne finds evidence for a variant reading in the note on line 59 in sch. 95b, 80.9-11, Δαιδάλου μάχαιραν τον δόλον είπε τμητικόν γεγονότα ek άπώλειαν, παρόοον δολίαι τέχνηι χρηοάμενοο έπεβούλεικεν. On this basis, he suggests that the scholiast had in his text at 57 "Ακαοτοα He notes that if this reading is adopted, δάμαρτοο (57) and Πελίαο παΐο (60) will have to be taken as the beginning and end of the sentence. It will also be necessary to alter δέ (59) to τε: so Schroeder, who proposes " A K O C T O C as his own conjecture, making no reference to the scholion. But while one may admit that the scholiast's choice of expression in the note quoted above has been influenced by 57f., it would be rash to require the poet's text to conform to what the scholiast says in what is after all an explanation of another phrase; and Πελίαο π ate (60), which serves in the transmitted text to mark the change of subject, would be a pointless addition in the text as emended (cf. Wilamowitz 176 n. 0). (3) χρηοαμένου, proposed by A. Köhnken, Die Funktion des Mythos bei Pindar, Berlin and New York 1971, 202, is also unacceptable. Anyone hearing line 57 would take Άκάοτου as a possessive genitive with δάμαρτοο; the genitive absolute construction that Köhnken proposes to introduce could simply not be understood. (4) Tuiyn has in his apparatus 'χακάμενοο Triclin.1"". What the note in question actually says is τινέο δέ διορθοΰνται οΰκ άπιθάνακ, άντί τοΰ χρηοάμενοο χακάμενοο γράφοντεο (quoted by Mommsen in his large edition; sch. 92 in his Scholia recentiora Thomano-Tricliniana in Pindari Nemea et Isthmia, Leipzig 1865, 16). The conjecture will have been based on sch. 92c, 80.2—4, χολωθεκ talc

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ΝΕΜΕ AN A

41

γενηθείοαιο έξ Άκάοτου γυναικοο δολίαιο τέχναιο και ταΰταιο eic πόρθηαν τήο Ίωλκοΰ αΐτίαι χρτ^άμεν<χ, as Schroeder observes. The verb is not found in lyric except at Stes. S91.3, Pindar (x 4) and Bacchylides (χ 1) preferring to use the middle and passive of χολόω. 59f. Cf. [Hes.] fr. 209 (quoted by sch. 95b, 81.1-5). On two Attic black-figure vases of the late sixth century, Peleus is shown taking refuge in a tree with wild animals below (LIMC Peleus 9, 10); on the second of these, he has the knife in his right hand. 59. ται Δαιδάλου ... μαχαίραι: [Hes.] fr. 209.2f. μάχαιραν ... ην οί ετευξε περικλυτόο Άμφιγυήειο. Δανδαλοο as a name of Hephaestus occurs on a Tarentine vase of about 350 BC (LIMC Ares 73 (with plate) = Hera 319), noted by Welcker in Dissen's commentary (in Boeckh's large edition). It is perhaps to be recognized also in E. Here. 471 ξύλον ... Δαιδάλου (δαίδαλον Bothe (1802)), ψευδή öociv (Kirchhoff's punctuation), compared by Bergk, since the club was according to D. S. 4.14.3 a gift of Hephaestus: see C. Robert, RE iv (1901), 1995f. For traditions concerning the knife, see Lesky (54-68 n.), 283. The scholiast, failing to understand the reference of Δαιδάλου, proposes an absurd explanation (95a, 80.5-9; b, 9-18); Didymus (ap. sch. 95b, 80.21-3; cf. c, 81.6-9) would read δαιδάλωι, not certainly found as an adjective before A. Eum. 635, but some further specification seems required, and the use of the article would be surprising.

59f. φυτευέ oi θάνατον I έκ λόχου: cf. Od. 2.165 xoicöecci φόνον και κηρα φυτεύει, 17.82. The expression seems sufficiently vague to suit the indirect method adopted by Acastus in the Hesiodic account (cf. 54-68 n.), and need not suggest an attack by Acastus himself (so Lesky (54-68 n.), 282). 60. &λαλκε: this epic form is transmitted at O. 10.105 (text doubtful), where the object is also θάνατον. It is not found elsewhere in lyric. Χειρών: so the manuscripts here and elsewhere in Pindar. There is no need to restore Χίρων (Schroeder), although this may be the older form: for discussion, see Wächter 263f. 61. 'And he brought about the fate laid down for him by Zeus.' Peleus is shown to be the subject by what follows, the reference being to his marriage to Thetis. For accounts of Zeus' decision to grant her to Peleus, see N. 5.34—7,/. 8.27-47; Lesky (54-68 n.), 292-5. τό μόροιμον: the same phrase at P. 12.30, N. 7.44; for other authors, see Headlam 31. πεπρωμένον: an adjective, as always in Pindar (eight other instances), το πεπρωμένον occurs first in tragedy; in Pi. fr. 232, it probably belongs to the quoting author, Plutarch, who has eight other examples. έκφερεν: cf. II. 21.450f. οτε δή μκθοίο τέλοο πολυγηθέεο ωραι I έξέφερον; LSJ s. v. II.2. 62-4. Cf. Ν. 3.35f. ποντίαν Θέτιν κατέμαρψεν I έγκονητί. The motif is popular in art, being found first perhaps in the seventh century (R. Vollkommer, LIMC vii.l (1994), 268f.). The present passage and S. fr. 150.2 (λέων δράκων τε, πυρ, ΰδωρ) are the earliest references in literature to Thetis' metamorphoses. See in general Lesky (54-68 n.), 289f.

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62. παγκρατέο: cf. Dith. 2.15f. ό παγκρατηο κεραυνοί άμπνέων I πυρ. θραουμαχάνων: Hermann's conjecture appears unavoidable. The word is otherwise found only at O. 6.67, of Heracles, and as a doubtful conjecture at Simon. 575.2.15 63f. δνυχαο όξυτάτουο οχάοαιο I και δεινότατων άκμάν όδόντων: the manuscripts have δ. ό. άκμάν τε δεινότατων c%äcaic όδόντων, with τε standing in a position which is otherwise always occupied by a long syllable (not in itself a fatal objection), and which is shown by brevis in longo at 23 and 47 to be the first of a period and so not suited to an enclitic.16 Ahlwardt's καί for τε answers these objections, but produces doubtful word order, the only guaranteed instances of the postponement of copulative καί in Pindar (leaving aside Ahlwardt's own άδελφεούο και (for τ') έπαινήοομεν at P. 10.69 and Schroeder's conjecture at N. 6.64, where see my note on 64f.) being those in which it stands between a preposition and its case (0. 7.26 νΰν έν καί τελευτάι, Ρ. 10.58 έν άλιξι ... έν καί παλαιτέροιο, Ν. 7.31 άδόκητον έν καί δοκέοντα (?)) or a preverb and its verb (/. 7.30 ζώων τ' άπό καί θανών).17 Anyway, άκμάν in this position would naturally be taken as an accusative of respect. I have preferred to adopt the conjecture of C. L. Kayser, Jahrbücher der Literatur 105, 1844, 100. άκμή and όξύο or όξύτηο are so often found in close conjunction that it is by no means incredible that a scribe should accidentally have repeated άκμάν after όξυτάτουα indeed the very phrase την άκμήν οξύτατοι is used of teeth by Ael. ΝA 4.21. Then οχάοαιο was restored in place of the wrong άκμάν; finally an intelligible text was produced by replacing καί with τε. One need not accept Wilamowitz's contention (176 n. 0) that Kayser's conjecture gives inferior word order. 63. δνυχαο όξυτάτουα cf. Hdt. 3.108.4 εχων δνυχαο θηρίων πολλόν πάντων όξυτάτουο, of the (unborn) lion. cx<£caic: 'having caused to relax', by maintaining a firm grip, the fire, claws, and teeth with which Thetis strove to attack him. There is no reason to find here a metaphor from rowing (so sch. 101b, 82.14-16): the usage seen at P. 10.51 κώπαν c%acov and elsewhere is only a particular application of the sense 'make relax' (cf. LSJ s. v. οχάζω 4). 64. δεινότατων ... όδόντων: cf. [Hes.| Sc. 146f. (Phobos) τοΰ καί όδόντων μεν πλήτο οτόμα λευκαθεόντων, I δεινών, άπλήτων. 65. ΰψιθρόνων μίαν Νηρε'ίδων: for the use of 'one' of a particular member of a group, cf. II. 14.275f. Χαρίτων μίαν όπλοτεράων, I Πααθέην; Headlam 45f. 15

The latter part of the entry in LSJ Rev. Suppl. belongs to θροκύαιγκ. Β. Gentiii, in L. Torraca (ed.), Scritti in onore di ltalo Gallo, Naples 2002, 338, would eliminate the brevis in longo by assuming 'la geminazione delta nasale in κατέδρακεν (v. 23) e della liquida in άτάρ (v. 47), come in altri casi in Pindaro', but the occasional licence to which he refers, by which a final consonant before a vowel may be given a syllable-closing pronunciation, is not used by Pindar in the case of rho: see Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' D. 1; N. 10.31-3 n. 17 This is not to deny that it is postponed more freely in later poetry. Page on 'Anacr.' FGE 501 (A Ρ 6.134.4) Kiccov και εταφυλήν πίονα και χίμαρον refers to Phld. Garl. 3272 (AP 5.112.5) ήνίκα και νΰν, for και νΰν ήνίκα. Numerous other examples, not all convincing, are collected by M. Haupt, Observationes criticae, Leipzig 1841, 61ff. = Opuscula i, Leipzig 1875, 134ff. See also Gow on ITheoc.l 8.23; F. Lapp, De Callimachi Cyrenaei tropis etfiguris, Diss. Bonn 1965,49. 16

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NEMEAN 4

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Thetis was mentioned by name at 50: similar variation in N. 3 (35 Θέτιν, 57 Νηρέοο θύγατρα), 5 (25 Θέτιν, 36 τίνα Νηρείδων), and /. 8 (27 Θέτιοο, 34 ποντίαν θεόν, 43 Νηρέοο θυγάτηρ, 47 Θέτιοο). See C. Ritter, De Pindari studio nomina variandi, Diss. Straßburg 1885, 37 = Dissertationes philologicae Argentoratenses selectae 9, 1885, [275J. ΰ ψ ι θ ρ ό ν ω ν : also at I. 6.16, applied to Clotho; next in a Pisidian hexameter inscription of ii AD (SGO iv. 18/04/02.5), applied to Zeus. See in general on -θρονοο adjectives Ν. 10.1 n. 6 6 - 8 . Cf. P. 3.93-5 καΐ θεοί δαίοαντο παρ' άμφοτέροιο (sc. Κάδμωι καΐ Πηλεΐ), I και Κρόνου παίδαο βαοιλήαο ΐδον χρυοέαν έν εδραίο, εδνα τε I δέξαντο. The presence of the gods at the wedding is commonly mentioned: cf. also N. 5.22-5, II. 18.84f„ 24.62f„ |Hes.l fr. 211.9, Cypr. Arg. p. 38.5 B. = p. 31.7f. D. and fr. 3 B. = D., Ale. 42.6, etc. For other references to their gifts, see Lesky (54-68 n.), 292. 66. εΰκυκλον ϊδραν: so the γέροντεο in the trial scene on the Shield of Achilles ε'ιατ' έπί ξεοτοΐοι λίθοιο ίερωι ένί κΰκλωι (//. 18.504). 67. ταc ... έφεζόμενοι: cf. for the construction S. Ph. 1123f. καί που πολιαο πόντου θινόο έφήμενοο, Α. R. 3.1000f. νηόο ... έφεζομένη. Härtung proposed and rejected τάν, meant as an internal accusative: but εΰκυκλοο, unexceptionable of a seat, does not suit a sitting, and έφ- is left unaccounted for (so Härtung), since one can hardly supply 'mensis' (with H. van Herwerden, Jahrbücher für classische Philologie Suppl. 13, 1882, 27; Studio critica et epicritica in Pindarum, Utrecht 1884, 49). Anyway, έφέζομαι and εφημαι sometimes have an accusative object, and there is nothing here to indicate that the accusative restored is to be taken otherwise, nor any reason to prefer the accusative if so understood to the transmitted genitive. 68. έ ξ έ φ α ν α ν : better suited to κράτοο than to δώρα (zeugma): cf. O. 13.18f. ται Διωνύοου πόθεν έξέφανεν I... χάριτεο ...;, the only other lyric instance; LSJ s. v. II. 1. έγγενέο: restored by Rittershusius from sch. 110a (83.11, 14) in place of the unmetrical έο γενεάο of the manuscripts: cf. N. 10.50f. ού θαΰμα ccpiciv I έγγενέο έ'μμεν άεθληταΐο άγαθοΐοιν, the only other lyric instance. Wilamowitz, 402 n. 2, prefers έγ γένοο (έο γένοο η' 8 , Fulvius Ursinus), which he refers exclusively to Achilles, but does not give any parallels for the use of έν or είο to mean 'für' in the sense required. The text so emended ought rather to mean, if anything, 'his power in relation to his descendants': cf. P. 2.86. 6 9 - 7 2 . The poet breaks off from the myth, as at P. 10.51—4, where again a nautical metaphor is used, O. 13.93-5, P. 11.38-40, /. 6.56; cf. also O. 8.53, 9.80-2, where Pindar moves on to a new theme following the myth without making a transition. See Drachmann, MP 265-8,325 (Latin summary). 69f. Cf. O. 3.43-5, N. 3.20f., I. 4.11-13, where men who are said to have reached the limits of human achievement are advised not to attempt to sail further than the Pillars of Heracles. Pindar seems to have associated the Pillars with Cadiz: cf. fr. 256 πύλαο Γαδειρίδαο. See in general T. Braun in K. Lomas (ed.), Greek Identity in the Western Mediterranean: Papers in Honour of Brian Shefton, Leiden 2004, 301f.

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69. πρόο ζόφον: ποτί ζόφον ήερόεντα //. 12.240, Od. 13.241, πρόο ζόφον Od. 9.26. 70. Εύρώπαν: in h. Αρ. 251 and 291, the only examples of the geographical use of this name in earlier poetry, it refers to mainland Greece, distinguished from the Peloponnese and islands. Here the later use with reference to the continent is to be assumed. For the early history of the name, see e. g. West on Hes. Th. 357; G. Pfligersdorffer in Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum vi, Stuttgart 1965, 965f. The apposition is paralleled e. g. by Ε. Hipp. 763 απείρου ... yac, where see Barrett. έντεα ναόο: cf. h. Ap. 489 εντεα VT|OC έίοηο. 71. ftnopa: used in similar sentences at O. 1.52 έμοί δ' απορα γαοτρίμαργον μακάρων τιν' είπεΐν, 10.40 (-ον). 73f. Similar statements of the poet's purpose following a mythical section at O. 9.82f. προξενίαι δ' άρεται τ' ήλθον I τιμάοροο Ίοθμίαια Λαμπρομάχου μίτραιχ, 13.96f. Moicaic γαρ άγλαοθρόνοιχ εκών I Όλιγαιθίδαιάν τ' εβαν έπίκουροο, Ν. 6.57f. έκόντι δ' έγώ νώτωι μεθέπων δίδυμον αχθοο I αγγελοο εβαν, /. 6.57f. Φυλακίδαι γαρ ήλθον, ώ Moica, ταμίαο I Πυθέαι τε κώμων Εΰθυμένει τε. 73. άεξιγυίων: only here. Compounds in -yuioc are common in lyric poets, five others occurring only in Pindar (άγλαό- Ν. 7.4, δεξιό- Ο. 9.111, έκατόγ- fr. 122.19, θραού- Ρ. 8.37, νεό- Ν. 9.24, fr. 123.12); there are also ύψί- ((0.1 5.13), ένί- (Ibyc. 285.3), εΰ- (Β. 11.1 Of.), ίμερό- (Β. 13.137), and perhaps άρκε<:ί(Philox. (?) 832 ap. Antiph. 205.7). 75. Όλυμκίαι τε και Ίοθμοΐ Νεμέαι τε: the construction as at Ο. 3.15 των Όλυμπίαι... άέθλων. Ούλυμπίαι, conjectured here by Ε. Schmid, cannot be shown to be a Pindaric form (Schroeder 12). The initial anceps of the first colon of str. 3 is represented elsewhere by a long syllable, but in the same colon in its appearances at the beginnings of str. 1 and 2, both - and ^ are found in the initial position. 76. κλυτοκάρπων: 'with glorious fruit', i. e. 'profit', the compound only here. 77. νέοντ': this verb six times in Pindar, not elsewhere in lyric, πάτραν: for Pindar's use of this term, see the introduction to N. 6. 79. πρόπολον: apparently 'devoted to', only here with a dative referring to a thing. 79-88. Praise of Callicles. The athletic achievements of the victor's father's line will already have been commemorated in epinician odes (78f.): Pindar need not mention the details. Instead, he gives prominence to an Isthmian victory obtained by a relative of the victor on his mother's side, which might otherwise have been forgotten. 80. μάτρωι: no doubt 'maternal uncle', the usual sense.'8 Pindar uses the plural more generally of relatives on the mother's side (0. 6.77, N. 10.37), and this more

18

J. Bremmer, 'The importance of the maternal uncle and grandfather in archaic and classical Greece and early Byzantium', Z P E SO, 1983, 173-86, suggests on the basis of this passage and others in Pindar that maternal uncles had an important role in the education of their nephews (179f.), but there is no real evidence for this.

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ΝEM Ε ΑΝ Λ

45

general sense is found even in the singular in relation to figures of legend, where there is no risk of confusion (grandfather, O. 9.63; a distant ancestor, Ν. 11.37; cf. πάτρω' of the great-great-grandfather in Stes. 228), but it would be needlessly perverse to use it in relation to a living person: cf 91f. n. See in general O. Szemer6nyi, AI 16,1977,55. 81. οτάλαν: for the metaphor, see N. 8.47 n. Παρίου λίθου λευκοτέραν: cf. Theoc. 6.37f. των δέ τ ' οδόντων I λευκοτέραν αΰγάν Παρίοκ: ύπέφαννε λίθοιο, Alexis 22 with Kassel-Austin on 1. 3. For a collection of hyperbolical comparisons of this kind in Greek literature, see W. Bühler, Zenobii Athoi proverbia v, Göttingen 1999, 231-5. 82-8. There is no formal apodosis. Instead, with an easy ellipse, Pindar gives his response to the request: 'As gold being refined shows all its brilliance, so a song in honour of great deeds makes a man as fortunate as kings. Let him find in me a celebrator of his Isthmian victory.' 82. έψόμενοο: cf. Simon. 592 χρικόν έφθόν (απεφθον Herwerden). Elsewhere άφέψω is used (χρικόν ... απεφθο[ν Ibyc. S151.42f.). 84. έργμάτων: Β gives the word a rough breathing, but see 6 n. βαοιλεΰοιν: Ο. 1.113f. τό δ' εοχατον κορυφοΰται I βααλεΰα. ίοοδαίμονα: here a possessive compound, 'like-fortuned': cf. e. g. O. 9.64 ΐοώνυμον 'like-named'. At A. Pers. 634 and Ariphron 813.4, the sense is 'godlike': cf. ίοόθεοο. 85-8. 'Dwelling beside the Acheron, let him find my tongue a celebrator (of the place) where ...' Pindar might have written merely 'let me celebrate [κελαδήοομεν or the like] his Isthmian victory'. Instead a more complicated sentence is used. The fact that Callicles has died, not explicitly mentioned before, is briefly alluded to in a participial phrase; then, set against the reference to his present home by the Acheron, there is a longer evocation of the games at the Isthmus, where he was once a victor, and it is with a reference to his being garlanded there that the stanza ends. His 'flourishing' then (θάληοε, 88) gives a strong contrast with his present condition. In a similar way, the description at the end of O. 14 of the garlanding of the victor Asopichus at Olympia is set against a reference earlier in the same sentence to the black-walled house of Persephone, where his father is to learn of his victory. The ϊνα-clause is taken as above by F. Heimsoeth, Addenda et corrigenda in commentariis Pindari i, Bonn 1840, 5If., who compares for the elliptical form of the expression /. 2.3-5 ρίμφα παιδείουο έτόξευον μελιγάρυαο ΰμνουο, I Ö C T I C έών καλόο είχεν Άφροδίταο I εύθρόνου μνάοτειραν ά δ κ τ α ν όπώραν. κ ε λ α δ ή τ ι ν (only here) is predicative (so Ε. Myers (tr.), London 1874: 'Let Kallikles ... find in my tongue a minstrel of his praise, for that at the games ...'): cf. with this verb P. 11.52f. των ... άνά πόλιν εύρίοκων τά μέοα μακροτέρωι I ολβωι τεθαλότα, Ν. 6.53f. ταΰτα ... παλαιότεροι I όδόν άμαξιτόν εΰρον. The alternative understanding 'let him find my celebrator-tongue' is to be rejected: 'find' does not mean 'hear', and even if it did, I should be reluctant to credit Pindar with the notion that his compositions could be heard from beyond the grave. At O. 8.81-4 and 14.20-4 it is personified abstractions, 'Αγγελία and 'Αχώ, and not odes of Pindar, whose task it is to convey news of victories to the

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46

ΝΕΜΕΑΝΛ

Underworld; nor are the dead kings of Cyrene said to hear performances taking place among the living (P. 5.101). But if γλακχαν εύρέτω κελαδήτιν is to be understood as I have argued, the ϊνα-clause must be taken with κελαδήτιν. Callicles is to find in Pindar not merely a celebrator, but a celebrator of his victory at the Isthmian games: so in the simpler expression of the thought mentioned above, we should have expected to find not κελαδήοομεν alone, but κελαδήεομεν Ίοθμόν or the like. Some scholars have taken exception to ϊ ν α , and I have considered the possibility that IN(A) following OPCOTPIAINA is due to a dittography antedating the introduction of colometry. One might then replace it, for example, with Rauchenstein's öc (Zeitschr. für die Altertumswiss. 3, 1845, Suppl., 62 n. *); but with this in the text we should lose the specification of κελαδήτιν given by the ίνα-clause and required by the sense as explained above. There are no good grounds for doubting the word. 85. ναιετάων: the present participle also at O. 6.78 and P. 4.180; cf. N. 8.9 περιναιεταόντων. These are both epic words, not found elsewhere in lyric. 86. O p c v t p i a i v a : an exclusively Pindaric word. Pindar has also Άγλαοτρίαινα (Ο. 1.40) and Εύτρίαινα (Ο. 1.73), neither of which is attested elsewhere; cf. Pae. 7(f). 1 ]τριαινα[. Otherwise there is only Χρυοοτρίαινα (Stes. PMGF i App. fr. 72.7 (suppl.), IG i3.828.3 (CEG 266.2, Athens, dated to 'ca. 480-475?'), Ar. Eq. 559, 'Arion' 939.2 (cj.)). Though these compounds have nom. and voc. sing, in - a and acc. sing, in -άν, the gen. sing., only here, has the -a expected in a masculine α-stem in Pindar. See further Threatte ii.89 (on Χριχοτρίαινα). Opco- is given by the mediaeval manuscripts here and at O. 8.48 and P. 2.12, but at Pae. 9.47, Grenfell and Hunt's Όρο[οτ]ρίαινα is clearly too long for the space in the papyrus, and their alternative suggestion Opc[i-, for which they compare the Pindaric όροίκτυποο and όροινεφήο, is to be preferred; the same form is restored by Lobel in the other places (first ap. Snell2 (1955), 336, in the 'Index nominum propriorum'; named in Snell ii3 (1964), 187). opco- in the form of the word attested in the epinicians is generally taken to be the equivalent of όροι-,19 as also in the name of the daughter of Deiphontes and wife of Pamphylus, Opcoßia (Paus. 2.28.6). But -co- in place of the expected -ci- is very rare in early Greek, where it is virtually confined to μειξο- compounds: see Schwyzer 442; E. Risch, IF 59, 1944, 48f. = Kl. Sehr. 48f. opco- would naturally be connected rather with *öpcoc = öppoc:20 cf. Chantraine s. vv. oppoc, όρ^δάκνη, öpco(K)pT|, όροολόπκ. 21 87. βαρυκτύπου: of Poseidon also at Hes. Th. 818, Pi. O. 1.72, Pae. 4.41; not elsewhere in lyric.

19

Otherwise Schulze, Kl. Sehr. 655 with n. 1, and J. L. Garcia Ramön, in M. Alganza Roldän et al. (edd.), ΕΠΙΕΙΚΕΙΑ: studia Graeca in memoriam Jesus Lens Tuero, Granada 2000, 140 n. I, who connect it with Ved. rsvd- , understanding 'high'. But apart from other considerations, 'que tiene ... el tridente en alto' (so Garcia Ramön) does not seem particularly convincing as sense. 20 opcoc, Laconian for όρθόο, can hardly be relevant. 21 όρεόθριξ and όροοθώραξ (Theognost. p. 97.9f.) are of doubtful value as evidence.

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NEMEAN 4

47

88. ceXivoic: the material of the Isthmian crown: cf. O. 13.33, /. 2.16, 8.64. Originally pine was used: see Pfeiffer on Call. fr. 59.5,9. 89f. Euphanes is introduced; praise of him follows at 93-6. 'Boy' and 'old grandfather' are contrasted: cf. P. 11.34f. ό δ' άρα γέροντα ξένον I (Ιτροφίον έξίκετο, νέα κεφαλά. The theme of different ages links this sentence to the next. In the manuscripts, ό coc has been transposed to follow γεραιόο προπάτωρ, with which it agrees. There is no reason to question the transmitted future. It is supported by sch. 144a, 86.7-9 (cf. sch. 144c, 86.16; 148a, 86.22), though the view expressed there that Euphanes was dead is shown to be false by γεραιόο (Ε. Hipp. 1431 ώ γερανού τέκνον Αίγέακ is a special case: see Barrett), and by the compliments paid to him in 93-6. 89. προπάτωρ: 'ancestor', here probably of the victor's grandfather, perhaps on the mother's side (the view reported at sch. 144b, 86.13f.), since it is the victor's maternal uncle whose achievements he would be pleased to celebrate. 91f. A gnome providing a transition to the following description of Euphanes' imagined praise of Melesias: 'Men belong to various generations, and each expects to speak most ably of what he comes across himself.' Dissen (in Boeckh's large edition) considers making Callicles the victor's maternal grandfather (cf. 80 n.) and Euphanes his paternal grandfather, but rejects this view on the grounds that αλικεε need not be used so strictly. In fact, Pindar need not even be implying that the two men were άλικεα the contrast of ages in the previous sentence is enough to account for the use of the word in a general sentence here. 91. ά λ λ ο ι α ... άλλοι: a common type of polyptoton: see Gygli-Wyss 53. άντιτύχηι: restored by Mingarelli in place of the unmetrical άν τ it τύχηι given by the manuscripts and explained by the scholiast (148b, 86.25 οπακ αν τύχηι λέγων; c, 86.26f. απερ δή άν TIC τύχηι θεαοάμενοο; cf. sch. 148a, 86.21f. παρατετυχηκότοο, 86.23 παρατετυχηκώο). The verb occurs elsewhere in lyric only at N. 7.42 άντιτυχόντ': for its use with a neuter pronoun as direct object, not found elsewhere, cf. τυγχάνω (LSJ s. v. B.II.2b). 92. έξοχώτατα: the superlative also at N. 2.18, fr. 106.4; not elsewhere in lyric. 93-6. The subject is Euphanes. Heimsoeth (85-8 n.), 52f., takes it to be x\c (so sch. 151a-c, 86.29-87.12), supplied from the preceding sentence, but the praise at 94-6 indicates that a particular individual is meant (F. W. Schneidewin, Neue Jenaische Allg. Lit.-Zeitung 2, 1843, 1237). In virtuoso fashion, Pindar boldly applies to Euphanes' praise of Melesias a series of technical terms suggested by the latter's profession: for such exuberant play with metaphor in a final flourish, cf. N. 6.64-6 n. 93. otov: an exclamatory 'how' (Didymus ap. sch. 151a, 87.4-7). Aristarchus' interpretation of the paradosis as οίον (ibid., 87.1-3; cf. sch. 151c, 87.10-12) does not suit the context. Μεληείαν: trainer of the Aeginetan boy wrestlers whose victories are celebrated in N. 6 (mentioned at 64-6) and O. 8 (54-66), and no doubt also of the boy (90) Timasarchus. Sch. 155a, 87.25f., states that he was an Athenian (unnecessarily doubted by Wilamowitz, 398 n. 1), and he is duly registered as the second holder of this name in LGPN ii. Η. T. Wade-Gery, JHS 52, 1932, 208-10

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NEMEAN 4

= Essays in Greek History, Oxford 1958, 243-6, identifies him with the seventh, the father of Pericles' rival Thucydides, adducing the metaphors from wrestling used in association with this Thucydides at Ar. Ach. 704, 710, Plut. Per. 8.5 (~ Praec. ger. reip. 5, 802C), 11.1, and the statement at PI. Men. 94c that his sons were excellent wrestlers, trained by the best men available. Wade-Gery may be right, but the evidence does not seem conclusive. R. Kirchner, Altertum 41, 1996, 165-76, following Η. W. Pieket, MNIR 36, 1974, 82 (= Nikephoros 14, 2001 [2003], 175) η. 68, rejects the identification: an aristocrat could not in his view be a trainer. See in general on Pindar's references to trainers Barrett, Dionysiaca 19 n. 27. ί ρ ι δ α οτρέφοι: 'twisting' was an important technique in wrestling. Cf. for this verb Theoc. 24.11 If. öcca δ' άπό οκελέων έδροοτρόφοι Άργόθεν ανδρεο I άλλάλουο οφάλλοντι παλαίομααν, Thphr. Char. 27.14, Poll. 3.115. At Ar. Ra. 957 οτρέφειν εδραν is conjectured by Bergk4 on line 23 of our ode, for οτρέφειν έραν of the manuscripts, but perhaps unnecessarily: see Diggle on Thphr. loc. cit. (486 η. 119). The metaphorical use of the middle in Attic, 'in argument, twist and turn, shuffle' (LSJ s. v. B.II.l), does not seem directly relevant here. Since the reference of έριδα is to Euphanes' own 'contention', the singular, given by the manuscripts and assumed by sch. 151b, 87.9, and 151c, 87.11, is to be preferred to the plural assumed by sch. 151a, 87.2,6. There the verb is explained as meaning καταπαλαίοι καΐ καταγωνίζοιτο (87.3; cf. 87.7), but this sense appears unexampled. (It is not clear in what sense άποοτρέψαι is meant by sch. 151c, 87.12: the sense 'turn to flight' is not attested for the simple verb.) 94. π λ έ κ ω ν : cf. O. 6.85f. πλέκων I ποικίλον ΰμνον; LSJ s. v. II.2. The verb is also used in connection with wrestling. The instruction πλέξον occurs repeatedly in a wrestling manual of ii AD, P. Oxy. 466 (Μ. B. Poliakoff, Studies in the Terminology of the Greek Combat Sports2, Frankfurt am Main 1986, 161-71); cf. also S. Tr. 520 άμφίπλεκτοι κλίμακεο, in a description of the fight between Heracles and Achelous, and the use of ουμπλέκεοθαι (LSJ s. v. II. 1). ά π ά λ α ι ο τ ο α only here: -cxpoc is restored at Strat. AP 12.222.7 and Philogelos 153. Cf. δυοπάλακτοο (A. Su. 468, Cho. 692, etc.) and the metaphorical use of παλαίω (Ν. 8.27 η.). έν λόγωι: 'in respect of speech': LSJ s. v. έν A.I.7. £λκειν: for the use in connection with wrestling, cf. //. 23.714f. τετρίγει δ' αρα νώτα θραοειάων άπό χειρών I έλκόμενα οτερεώο, |Hes.] Sc. 301 f. ο'ί δ ' έμάχοντο I πυξ τε και έλκηδόν. 95f. Similar contrasting pairs at P. 2.83f. φίλον εΐη φιλεΐν· I ποτί δ' έχθρόν ατ* έχθρα: έών λύκοιο δίκαν ύποθεύοομαι, 8.6-12 τύ γαρ τό μαλθακόν ερξαι τε καΐ παθεΐν όμώο I έπίοταοαι ..., I τύ δ' οπόταν tic άμείλιχον I καρδίαι κότον ένελάοηι I τραχεία δικμενέων I ΰπαντιάξαιοα κράτει τιθεΐί I ΰβριν έν αντλωι. 96. παλιγκότοιο: 'hostile': see Fraenkel on A. Ag. 874. έ φ ε δ ρ ο ι used in wrestling of one who waits to fight the winner of a previous contest (LSJ s. v. II.4), here by extension of one ready to fight when the need arises.

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ΝEM ΕΑΝ 6 Occasion No date is transmitted for the ode: all we have is a single date for each of two figures mentioned in it. (1) Melesias, who trained the victor Alcimidas (cf. 64-6), also trained Alcimedon, whose victory of 460 BC is celebrated in O. 8. But his career will have been a long one: Alcimedon's victory was the thirtieth that Melesias had to his credit (0. 8.65f.), and may not have been the last. (2) Alcimidas' grandfather Praxidamas obtained his Olympic victory (17) in 544 (Paus. 6.18.7). For earlier views concerning the date, see Bowra 412. Composition of the Ode Pindar opens with a stanza on the theme of men and gods (1-7), closing with a reference to the uncertainty of our lot (6-7). It is Alcimidas' family history that has led Pindar to these reflections. His inherited qualities, as he now shows, are like cornfields, which produce grain and lie fallow in alternate years (9-11). After Alcimidas' own victory has been commemorated at suitable length, the epode sketches the remainder of the evidence. Alcimidas is following in the footsteps of his grandfather Praxidamas, who obtained victories at Olympia, the first Aeginetan to do so, and at the Isthmian and Nemean games (five and three respectively); Praxidamas' father, on the other hand, would have been forgotten but for his son's achievements. Pindar presents these facts with little poetic adornment, lest he should distract the audience from their function within the triad, that of justifying the claim at the start of the antistrophe, which in turn suggested the material of the opening stanza. It is the pattern that Pindar observes, and the further reflections to which that pattern leads him, that lend a broader significance to this family history. The demonstration is complete with the end of the triad. Pindar now widens his focus to include the oiicoc in general. The transition is made possible by the statement at the end of the first triad that Praxidamas' father became through the victories of his son the most distinguished of the sons of Hagesimachus. The poet can then begin the second triad by saying a little about his brothers: they too were successful athletes. Indeed the house has more boxing victories to its credit than any other in Greece. The Muse is urged to glorify the house in poetry, a request justified by a general statement on the role of song and talk in preserving men's glorious achievements when they are dead: these Bassidae have no shortage of such achievements for poetic commemoration. Following this appeal to the Muse, we expect the passage that follows, on victories of Callias and Creontidas, to be conspicuous for its artistry, and we are not disappointed (34—44 n.) The third and final triad begins with the observation that the Aeacidae have by their great deeds made it easy for story-tellers to glorify Aegina (45-7). Their name has reached remote parts (48f.). Even the far-off Ethiopians have heard of

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them: their king Memnon was killed by Achilles (49-53). These matters have been treated by earlier poets, and Pindar earnestly follows them (53f.), but he has a more pressing concern (55-7): his present duty, willingly carried out, is a double one (57f.), the celebration of the twenty-fifth Panhellenic victory of the Bassidae (58-61) — two more would have been theirs but for a piece of bad luck (61-3) — and of Melesias' skill as trainer (64-6). The close is especially venturesome in its expression, containing what seems at first a very far-fetched comparison with a dolphin, whose point only becomes clear with the last word of the poem (64-6 n.). OIKOC

and πάτρα

No other O I K O C in Greece had more boxing victories to its credit than Hagesimachus' (25f.); the Muse is urged to celebrate it (28-9). But Callias, the first victor to be mentioned in the section that follows, is described not as a member of this OIKOC, but as 'from this π ά τ ρ α by blood' (35-5b), meaning the Bassidae (31). π ά τ ρ α is a term commonly used of patrilineal groups in Pindar's odes for Aeginetan victors. Besides the Bassidae, there are the Blepsiadae (O. 8.75), Meidylidae (P. 8.38), Theandridae (N. 4.73+77), Euxenidae (N. 7.70), Chariadae (N. 8.46), and Psalychiadae (/. 6.63). 22 Groups of this kind, tracing their ancestry back to a figure of the distant past (cf. 31 παλαίφατοο γενεά), would be expected to encompass the male members of several οίκοι: imprecise though that term is,23 it could hardly be stretched to cover more than a few generations of a man's descendants (here, those of Hagesimachus). But it is inconceivable that Pindar, having promised to praise the OIKOC, would mention instead more distantly related figures. It appears then that the men of Hagesimachus' OIKOC were all that remained of this π ά τ ρ α . A sufficiently limiting term (and one in use throughout the Greek world) is required for the 'record' held by the family (25f.), in which reference is made to the OIKOC. But Pindar must also ensure that these victors' ancient π ά τ ρ α receives commemoration: hence the shift in terminology. The victor's father The absence of any reference to Alcimidas' father is surprising. A boy victor's father would ordinarily deserve much of the credit for his victory: he would have arranged training (cf. PI. Men. 94c), and the boy could not travel to festivals without his permission (Pi. Ν. 11.22-4). An ode for a boy victor would then be expected to include the name of his father. 24 Pindar indeed usually records the

22

See R. Parker, Athenian Religion: A History, Oxford 1996, 62f. with 63 n. 26; in general on πάτραι in Greek cities, V. Gabrielsen, The Naval Aristocracy of Hellenistic Rhodes, Aarhus 1997, 141-9 (SEG xlvii.2251); on πάτρα, OIKOC, and γενεά in Pindar, M. W. Dickie, Phoenix 33, 1979, 204-9 (unreliable on N. 6). 23 Cf. D. M. MacDowell, 'The oikos in Athenian law', CQ 39, 1989, 10-21, especially 15ff. 24 A name is given by sch. inscr., 101.13-15 τοΰτον τον Άλκιμίδαν άναγράφεοθαί φηοιν Άοκληπιάδηο άντί Αίγινήτου Κρήτα οΰταχ:· Άλκιμίδοκ Öeiovoc Κρήι:; but it is clear from the ode

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NEMEAN 6

51

father's name even where the victor is not a boy (Drachmann, MP 199). It is omitted only in some of the odes for tyrants ( 0 . 1, P. 3, 4, 5), where the information will have seemed superfluous, in short odes (/. 3, but not the earlier /. 4 for the same victor; O. 4, but not the spurious O. 5 for the same victor; P. 7, 12), and in /. 7, where lines 24-36 are devoted to the victor's uncle, and O. 9: none of these is for a boy victor. According to Dissen (in Boeckh's large edition, II.2.409), Alcimidas' father was left out because he had obtained no athletic victories, a fact that Pindar would be unable to disguise; but the credit due to a boy victor's father would be due to him for the reasons mentioned, whether or not he was himself an athletic victor. Pindar does not shrink from naming Praxidamas' father, himself no athlete (20-2). Nor is it enough to suggest that the boy's father was dead: dead fathers of boy victors are named in O. 14 and N. 4 and 8, and apparently in O. 8 (81). But perhaps Alcimidas' father had died before his birth or in his infancy. The boy will then probably have been made a ward of one or more of his relatives,25 and the credit that would have been due to his father will have been due instead to his guardian or guardians. He may have been formally made a ward of Callias or Creontidas, for example, but there is no suggestion of this. It seems equally probable that a number of his male relatives shared the responsibility.

that Alcimidas was an Aeginetan. The son of Theon is likely to have been another person altogether (so Hermann3). 25 For arrangements at Athens, see A. R. W. Harrison, The Law of Athens i, Oxford 1968, 97-121; C. A. Cox, Household Interests: Property, Marriage Strategies, and Family Dynamics in Ancient Athens, Princeton 1998, 143-8.

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ΝEM ΕΑΝ 6

52 Metre STR.

1 ϊαΛ I gl er II 2

— w — ü u — w -

gl wil II

•u — w — w w — 1 |

3 —w w

—

2 do(P hdocP I

J — W W —I

II

4 5

6

— W W — W W —

ΛΖ?2

II

AdD\

— W W — W W —

D-dtr fr II

7

II

8 er d ia III EP. 1 —WW—wv.

2 3

—I

- w w w w

dDcr I ia (= gl) I - EP d\ D -Ία (= do^) I

4 5 — W W — W W —I

20

w — w——I

"ia pe I

7 W W —

8

w —

(—ί'αΛ) ia I -D 2 !!!

The most striking feature of this metrical scheme is the shift from one category (aeolic) to another (a mixture of dactylic and iambic) effected at str. 3. 0 . 13 displays the same basic technique, with a strophe moving from aeolic to dactyloepitrite, and an epode wholly in dactylo-epitrite; so in B. 3, the strophe is aeolic, the epode dactylo-epitrite. But in the case of our ode, there is more to say. On its first appearance, the development mentioned accompanies reflections on the two categories of men and gods and on how the distinction between the two, stark though it is, can nevertheless be blurred in the case of men possessing exceptional qualities. This opposition would surely be felt to be mirrored on the musical

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ΝEMΕΑΝ 6

53

level. The distinction between the cola of str. 1 - 2 and those of str. 4 - 8 is perfectly clear, and yet the simple transformation carried out in str. 3 can bridge the gap. str. 1. Schroeder, with Christ1, divides after the initial bacchiac, comparing for the trisyllabic verse O. 7 str. 3, P. 5 str. 7 a , and Ν. 1 ep. l b : but the first has four syllables, and the others need not be so divided as to give trisyllabic verses. 26 Pindar commonly begins with a variation on a standard aeolic colon (West, GM 66). str. 3. The transition from aeolic to dactylic is made with the colon which can be assigned to either category (acephalous dodrans Β or acephalous hemiepes). 27 The verse could alternatively be taken as gl D2, but then the shift is more abrupt, even with the series of 'modulations' recognized by West, GM 65. str. 4. έργμάτων ενεκεν separated by period-end (33f.) is paralleled by O. 6.103f. κ α μ ά τ ω ν I έκτό( (Schroeder). Without period-end there, we should have an unusually long period containing the rare sequence D D (see Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus', A.l.d); period-end here is guaranteed by brevis in longo at 48. The α of εμπαν (4) is long: cf. N. 10.82, where it occupies a consistently long linkanceps (West, GM 74 with n. 102). str. 7. This verse, marked off by hiatus on either side (28/28b Μ o k a II ούρον; 13b/14 πέφαντοα II ούκ), was first identified by Ahrens (in Schneidewin's 1843 edition). Boeckh joined it to the preceding verse, removing the hiatus at 28/28b by a complicated transposition; for another proposal, cf. 13b n. The second long is resolved in 28b, 50b (with Hermann's transposition: str. 8 n.), and 57b. C. L. Kayser, Jahrbücher der Literatur 105, 1844, 106, finds no Pindaric parallel for this resolution at the end of a verse, but cf. now Alcm. 1.2; there is no reason why Pindar should have found such a resolution particularly objectionable. ^ and correspond in single-short contexts also in an echo of this verse at the start of the next, and at the beginnings of ep. 6 and 7. Kayser objects also that no Pindaric verse consists of a trochaic metron: but O. 7 str. 3 is quadrisyllable ( - e). str. 8. A resolved cretic, , is transmitted at the start at 29 and 58 and as good as transmitted at 14 ούκ αμοροο (αμοροο Hermann2: αμμορίκ Β, αμοιρ<κ D): cf. Ε. Med. 1395 (αμοροο, variants α μ μ ο ρ ο ο , άμοιροο, αμ**ροο), Hec. 421 (αμμοροι, variants α μ μ ο ι ρ ο ι , αμοροι, ά μ ο ι ρ ο ι ) . 7 ί χ ν τ ι ν ' ε γ - g i v e s an unresolved cretic: the freedom of responsion is the same as that in the previous verse. In 50b and the first half of 51, the manuscripts have veikoc εμπεο' άχιλ(λ)εύ( χα-, Hermann's simple transposition, Άχιλείκ εμπεοε, restores There remains 36 χρυοαλακά-του (... Λατοάκ): — ^ cannot respond to It is true that Β has — ^ at the start of 14, but the four other responding passages indicate that - ^ c t g j s required, and this is easily restored at 14. χρικαλακάτου ... Λατοΰο occurs also at Thr. 3.1, and the epithet

26

Cf. Dith. 2.13-15: Snell marks period-end before and after cüv κλόνωι (his str. 11), but ρ ι ψ α ύ χ ε ν ι ί ϋ ν κλόνωι, έν δ ' ό παγκρατή( κεραυνοί άμπνέων may be taken together as - D ~ e " e - , with synizesis of -πνέων as at P. 4.225 (πνέον). 32 will then be ματέ[ρα or ματέ[ρι. 27 Cf. T. Cole, Epiploke, Cambridge, Mass. 1988, 167.

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has probably come in through comparison with that passage: for this type of corruption, cf. 30 n. H e r m a n n ' s χρυοοπλοκάμου, close enough to suggest the posited comparison, and attested for Leto at h. Ap. 205, restores metrical correspondence. ep. 4. 62 is metrically unambiguous; 40 will respond according to one possible scansion, while 18 is defective (see 17f. n.). Triclinius obtained responsion by shortening 40 and 62 to suit 18 as transmitted. This approach was first rejected by Hermann in 1821 (in Boeckh's large edition), but he emended 18 and 62 to suit a different scansion of 40; Bergk 2 established the correct scheme, ep. 6. Boeckh divided after the initial iambic metron, but the enclitic ποθ' (42) cannot begin a verse. Responsion between 42 and 64 is best produced by restoring κε(ν) (Triclinius) at 64 (64f. n.): for the verse-initial cf. ep. 7; str. 7 n. 20 Νεμέαι δέ τ pic, επαυοε λ ά θ α ν will not respond as it stands, and I have adopted Ahlwardt's λάθαν επαακεν: pairs of words are transposed also at 27 and 50b-51. Alternatively, one could emend τ pic. Hermann 3 conjectures τρεΐ( (sc. viicac), while West suggests recognizing an accusative tpic (<*tpivc): mistaken for τρίο, this would have escaped alteration to τρεΰ:, the form attested elsewhere. But the expression is doubtful. Hermann compares O. 7.82 (των ανθεοι Διαγόρα«: έ<:τεφανάκ:ατο Sic, κλειναι τ ' έν Ίοθμώι τετράκιχ εύτυχέων,) Νεμέαι τ ' α λ λ α ν έπ' ά λ λ α ι , but there no adverb was available. ep. 7. C ( o i ^ i 5 a ' (21) corresponds to I'cov εΐποι- (65); 43 requires emendation (see η.). ^ — at the start varies at the start of ep. 6: for the principle involved, cf. str. 7 η. ^ — w - u - cannot be a glyconic in Pindar: 28 the anapaestic base is unacceptable. 29

28 29

Bacchylides has such a glyconic at the start of ode 18. Snell's analysis of O. 14 str. 8 is wrong: see ZPE 143, 2003, 11.

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55

1-7. Men and gods are descended from one mother, yet men are nothing, while the gods have eternal security; still, we can resemble the immortals, though we never know what Fortune has laid down for us. I have suggested above (under 'Metre') that the thought of this stanza is mirrorred in the metrical scheme. For the sententious opening, cf. N. 4.1-8 n. A particularly suggestive structural parallel is the final stanza of Ν. 11 (8-11 n.). 1. Sv ανδρών, εν θεων γένοο: i. e. 'men and gods are a single race' (sch. 1, 102.7f.). E. Schmid translates 'Vnum hominum, alterum Deorum genus', but εν ... εν can hardly be used for ετερον μεν ... ετερον δέ (cf. Fennell; Frankel, D. u. Ph. 540 n. 6). In Call. fr. 194.75-7 εν μέν ..., εν δέ ..., εν [δ', successive items in a list are marked as distinct by the particles: εν retains the sense 'one'. See also H. Herter in Religion und Religionen: Festschrift für Gustav Mensching, Bonn 1967,64 = Kl. Sehr., Munich 1975,249, with further bibliography. εν ... εν ... μιαο: for 'one' in anaphora, see Fehling 21 If.; add S. fr. 591.If. εν φΰλον ανθρώπων, μί' έδειξε πατρόο και ματρίκ ήμαο άμέρα τοικ πάνταα If. έκ μιαο δέ πνέομεν I ματρόο αμφότεροι: i. e. Gaia. Cf. h. Αρ. 335f. Τιτήνέο τε θεοί ... των έξ ανδρέο τε θεοί τε, Orph. h. 37.If. Ε. Schmid compares Hes. Op. 108 (be όμόθεν γεγάαοι θεοί θνητοί τ' άνθρωποι, but this seems to mean that gods and men 'started on the same terms' (West). No particular theory as to the origin of mankind is implied here. έκ μιαο ... I ματρόα i. e. 'one and the same': cf. M. L. West, Glotta 77, 2001 120031, 130f. Elsewhere this phrase is used of siblings (E. IT 497, Ph. 156, Or. 22-4; cf. II. 3.238, 19.293), an association which produced γαοτρόο for ματρόο in the quotation in Stobaeus (cf. Thgn. 300 ώι κ' έκ yaexpoe ... μιοκ γεγόνηι): cf. the variant έκ μιαο γοκτρόο at Ε. Ph. [111 Κρέων τ' άδελφίχ μητρόο έκ μιαο έφυ (yaexpoe έκ μιαο Burges). 2. παοα κ ε κ ρ ι μ έ ν α : 'wholly distinct': cf. S. Aj. 275 λύπηι nac έλήλαται κακή ι, 519 έν col παο' εγωγε οώιζομαι, 728 πέτροια nac καταξανθείο, ΟΤ 706, Ph. 1341. For the verb, cf. Pi. Parth. 1.6f. τιμαί δέ βροτοκι κεκριμέναι, [Hes.] Sc. 55 κεκριμένην γενεήν (Heracles and Iphicles). 3. ουδέν: i. e. 'insignificant': see A. C. Moorhouse, CQ 15, 1965,31—40. 3f. χάλκεοο ... ούρανόο: the same phrase at II. 17.425, Pi. P. 10.27; οΰρανόν ... πολύχαλκον II. 5.504, Od. 3.2; cf. Pi. I. 7.44 χαλκόπεδον θεών έδραν. For discussion, see West, East Face 139f. 3. άοφαλεε αίεν £6oc: perhaps best taken to be predicative (with μένει), not merely a description in (enclosed) apposition (pace R. Renehan, ICS 27-8, 2002-3, 106): the 'security' of heaven is an essential part of the contrast drawn with men, who have no such security (cf. P. 3.86-8). Cf. Od. 6.42f. Ουλυμπόνδ' οθι cpaci θεών eöoe άοφαλέο αίεί I εμμεναι, Hes. Th. 128. αίέν (Hermann1) is needed before a vowel: cf. B. 13.207, 18.43. 4. προαρέρομεν: 'resemble': cf. fr. 43.1-3 ποντίου θηρδο πετραίου χρωτί μάλιοτα νόον προοφέρων, Trag. Adesp. 453 και παιδί και γέροντι προοφέρων τρόποικ. 4f. ή ... ήτοι: ητοι ... ή is the regular order, but cf. Men. fr. 630 ή νυν ημέρα δίδοκί μοι I ή δόξαν ήτοι διαβολήν with Kassel-Austin; Antiatt. p. 99.2 ήτοι· ουκ άρχον, άλλ' ΰποτααόμενον. Πίνδαρου Θρήνου: (fr. 138).

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μ έ γ ο ν I νόον: elsewhere of gods (Zeus at Hes. Th. 37, Pi. P. 5.122, Theoc. 30.30; Persephone at h. Cer. 37); of men at Sol. 4c.3. Cf. Cor. (West, CQ 20, 1970, 278f.) PMG 692 fr. 7.9 (reference unknown). 5. φύοιν: 'outward form, appearance' (LSJ II.2), as at /. 4.49 ού γαρ φύοιν Ώ α ρ ι ω ν ε ί α ν ελαχεν, Pindar's only other example. Cf. Homeric θεοείκελοο, θεονο έναλίγκιοο αντην, etc. Nothing is gained by understanding 'character' (so Mezger), a sense first attested in the fifth century (LSJ II.4). See in general H. Patzer, Physis, Stuttgart 1993.

6. έπαμερίαν ... ούδέ μετά νύκταο: i. e. 'at no time': cf. Hes. Op. 102 έπ' ήμέρηι, α ΐ δ ' έπί νυκτί with West's note. έ π α μ ε ρ ί α ν : ήμερα has an aspirate only in Attic and related dialects, where it appears to have been established 'after the middle of the fifth century' (Threatte i.500, ii.758). έ π ά μ ε ρ ο ι is transmitted at P . 8.95 and έ π α μ ε ρ ί ω ν in fr. 182 (quotation; έφ- v. 1.), έφ- in these adjectives here and at /. 7.40, fr. 157, B. 3.73, Θ' άμέραιε at P. 4.130. μετά νύκταο: 'by night': cf. μεθ' ήμέραν, and for the plural P. 4.255f. δέξατο μοιρίδιον I άμαρ ή νύκτεο, Nisbet-Hubbard on Hör. C. 1.25.7. 6b f. Lit. 'to what line Potmos has drawn that we run', a mixture of 'what line Potmos has drawn for us (to run to)' and 'what line Potmos has brought it about that we run to'. A straightforward (unmetrical) expression of the latter sense would be given by replacing εγραψε with εθηκε (cf. e. g. fr. 177(a) πεπρωμέναν θήκε μοΐραν μετατραπεΐν). Pindar, using a bolder expression, extends the familiar figure of the finishing-line (see below on ο τ ά θ μ α ν ) by making a personified Potmos (Ν. 4.42 n.) responsible for marking the line, while retaining the construction of a verb of efficient causation, appropriate to a divine agent: 'we' do not have any choice in the matter. J. Chadwick, Lexicographica Graeca, Oxford 1996, 84f„ finds in this passage the sense 'lay down in writing, prescribe a command, rule, etc.' (not elsewhere with this construction), but it seems artificial to deny γράφω used in association with <:τάθμα the sense 'draw'. 7. οτάθμαν: the 'line' on a race-track at which runners started and finished (P. 6.45 π α τ ρ ώ ι α ν μ ά λ ι ο τ α πρόο ο τ ά θ μ α ν ε β α ; Ορρ. Hal. 4.102 οτάθμηο όρμηθέντεΟ, elsewhere γραμμή, as at P. 9.118: see Ε. Ν. Gardiner, Athletics of the Ancient World, Oxford 1930, 133; Olson on Ar. Ach. 483. Similar metaphors at E. El. 954-6 μή μοι τό πρώτον βήμ' εάν δράμηι καλόχ I νικαν δοκείτω την Δίκην, πρίν αν πέραε I γραμμήο ϊ κ η τ α ι και τέλοο κάμψην βίου, fr. 169 έ π ' ακραν ήκομεν γραμμήν κακών. The metaphor is used here of how things will turn out in general, not merely of the final outcome, death: few can be unaware that they are 'running' towards that 'line'. But Pindar is not saying that the course of our lives is determined in every detail, only that certain outcomes are fixed: so in Pae. 6.81-104, the sack of Troy, though pre-ordained, is delayed by the death of Achilles. 8 - 1 1 . Alcimidas shows by his victory that his inherited qualities skip alternate generations, an example of the unpredictability of human affairs (6-7). A similar transition is made between generalizations and material concerning an individual and his family at Ν. 11.37-42, but in the opposite direction. There, the revival of the ancient distinction of Aristagoras' family (33-7) prompts the poet to observe

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that ά ρ χ α ΐ α ι άρεταί do not manifest themselves continuously in every generation of a family; fields and trees are compared (cf. 9—11 n.). So M o t p t x (corresponding to Πότμοο in N. 6.6b) conducts the human race, and Zeus sends no clear sign (42-4: cf. N. 6 . 6 - 7 on the uncertainty of the future). The generalizations begun in this way just before the beginning of the last epode continue until the end of the ode. They soon diverge from those in N. 6 (though cf. Ν. 11.44 ά λ λ ' εμπαν with Ν. 6.4), but their length, just over a stanza in an ode of three triads, is comparable. 8. τ ε κ μ α ί ρ ε ι ... ί δ ε ΐ ν : lit. 'shows ... to see': cf. 0 . 9.74f. δ ε ΐ ξ α ι I μαθεΐν Πατρόκλου βιατάν νόον, S. El. 1458f. κάναδεικνύναι... όραν, ΟΤΊ9\ί. (?). τί> ουγγενέο: 'inborn qualities': cf. P. 10.12 τό δέ ουγγενέο έμβέβακεν ϊχνεονν π α τ ρ ό ί . The adjective is common in Pindar in the sense 'inborn' (six other instances; also ουγγενεΰ: 'kinsmen' at P. 4.133). Sch. 14a and b understand the 'kinship' of men and gods mentioned at the start of the ode (103.13, cf. 103.15f.), but our shared ancestry does not resemble fields as described here: only inherited qualities can be in question. 9 - 1 1 . The alternation in Alcimidas' family is like that seen in cornfields. The same image is used at Ν. 11.37-42, but there the addition of fruit trees introduces the question of degree, not relevant here. Cf. also Arist. Rh. 1390b25-8. Extended similes are rare in Pindar: others occur at O. 10.86-90, N. 3.80-2, P. 2.79f„ O. 7.1-6, fr. 107a (Schmid, GGL 597 n. 3). 9. & γ χ ΐ : cf. the Homeric αγχιοτα with verbs of likeness (//. 2.58, 14.474, Od. 6.152, 13.80). κ α ρ π ο φ ό ρ ο ι ο ά ρ ο ύ ρ α ι χ ι ν : the adjective first here and at P. 4.6; cf. the Homeric πυροφόροο, and for the phrase E. He I. 1484f. α β ρ ο χ α π ε δ ί α καρποφόρα τε yac; [ayp]oc καρποφό[ροο (acc. plur.) is restored at CEG 752.3 (Attica, 'ca. 400-350?'). lOf. τ ό κ α μέν ..., I τ ό κ α δ ' : 'at one time ..., at another'. Doric τ ό κ α is transmitted in Pindar only here and at 0 . 6.66 τόκα μέν ('at that time', with τότ' α υ , 70), elsewhere τότε (commonly); ά λ λ ο τ ε , οτε, ποτε have these forms consistently. I have not ventured to accent τοκά μέν ..., τοκά δ ' , though τοτέ μέν ..., τοτέ δέ would support it. 10. μεν ών: for 'ούν emphasizing a prospective μέν', see Denniston 473f. β ί ο ν ... έ π η ε τ α ν ό ν : cf. Hes. Op. 31 ßioc ... έπηετανόο. For the quadrisyllable scansion of the adjective, cf. Hes. Op. 607, h. Merc. 113, Max. 465. 11. οθένοο ε μ α ρ ψ α ν : i. e. την εαυτών δύναμνν άνέλαβον (sch. 17b, 104.9f.). Frankel, D. u. Ph. 540, translates 'aussetzend ihre Kraft still legen', but strength is more naturally said to be 'regained' as a result of rest (άναπαυεάμεναν) than 'snatched away'; nor did the fields formerly provide precisely οθένοο. 1 3 . τ α ύ τ α ν μεθέπων Διόθεν a l e α ν : 'pursuing this lot from Zeus', i. e. victory in the Nemean games, over which Zeus presided (sch. 21a, 104.21-3); cf. P. 11.50 θεόθεν έραίμαν καλών, and for μεθέπω in this sense O. 3.31. The hunting metaphor is continued in the following lines: cf. Pi. (?), P. Oxy. 2621 fr. 7.11-13 ί]χνεύει δ ' άνήρ I ]οδ' [ό]ξειαν κυνών[ I ]άγώνιον άθ[λον. LSJ Rev. Suppl. s. ν. μεθέπω II. 1 translates 'pursue, follow a course, occupation', but gives only two very late parallels; 'course, occupation' hardly suits a i c a v . The verb is

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used differently at 57: see n. 13b. ν υ ν {τε} π έ φ α ν τ α ι : τε will represent a scribe's attempt to remove the asyndeton in a text from which oc (13) had dropped out by haplography after έναγώνιοο: cf. for the presumed haplography Simon. 541.12, E. Here. 1190, Ar. Ra. 756, 1211. Hermann 3 , joining str. 7 and 8, proposed νΰν οτε πέφαντ', but νυν οτε 'it is now that' is doubtful Greek (West, Studies in Aesch. 115). 15. Cf. for the image P. 8.35 παλαιομάτε<χι... ϊχνεύων ματραδελφεούο, 10.12 τό δε ουγγενέο έμβέβακεν ι χ ν ε α ν πατρότ. Π ρ α ξ ι δ ά μ α ν τ ο ο : see introduction on the occasion. π ό δ α ν έ μ ω ν : cf. S. fr. 269c.36 έπί με πόδα νέμει, Aj. 369 έκνεμήι πόδα, ΟΤ 468 πόδα νωμαν. 16. ό μ α ι μ ί ο υ : '(born) of the same blood', only here (elsewhere ο μ α ι μ ο ο , ό μ α ί μ ω ν ) . Cf. for the formation ό μ ο γ ά ο τ ρ κ κ ' f r o m the same w o m b ' , όμοπάτριοο '(born) to the same father' (E. Risch, Μ Η 2, 1945, 21 = Kl. Sehr. 118); on the origins of -IOC, C. J. Ruijgh, Mnem. 30, 1977, 186f. = Scripta minora i, Amsterdam 1991, 544f. The reference to Alcimidas as following in Praxidamas' footsteps brought out the similarity of their achievements, but offered no explanation: όμαιμίου indicates that grandfather and grandson owe their success to their shared inheritance. Dissen took the point to be that Praxidamas did not gain the title of grandfather by adoption, but this would not usually need to be stated, όμαιμίου in the sense 'brother (of his grandfather)' (Bergk 2 ) would be needlessly ambiguous here. Schroeder's όμαιμίοιο (after N. 2.6f. π α τ ρ ί α ν ... κ α θ ' όδόν) is no improvement, and would naturally be taken to govern πατροπάτοροί.

17f. Αΐακίδαιο I ερνεα npSnoc

άπ'

Άλφεοΰ (αγαγεν): suppl. W. S.

Barrett, 30 comparing 0 . 13.29 οτεφάνων έγκώμιον τεθμόν, τον αγει πεδίων έκ n i c a c , Ρ. 9.75 δόξαν ίμερτάν άγαγόντ' άπό Δελφών. Note also Call. fr. 384.29, Posidipp. Ep. 87.2; in inscribed epigrams for victors, CEG 814.9 (Argos, 'ca. 350-325?'), 862.3f. (Cos, 'ca. 350-300?') Κώιων ό [Ξ]ε[ιν]ο[δ]ίκου Πιοαΐον αεθλον I πρώτοι ελών Μέροποο vacov έοαγαγ[ε]τ[ο], SGO iv.20/14/01.5f. (Sidon, late iii BC), i.03/01/02.1f. (Priene, mid-i'i BC), 8, SEG xix.532.6 (Delos, i BC), and with Αΐακίδαιο, CEG 814.13 Ίναχίδαιο εφερε. Bergk established the metre (ep. 4 n.), supplying ενεικεν after πρώτο«:; but words more often drop out at the end of manuscript cola (cf. Mommsen), as in all manuscripts at 25 below, P. 12.7, Ν. 1.52, 9.17 (?), 10.84, /. 8.13 (cf. O. 11.10, P. 11.57). Words of more than one syllable are omitted in mid-colon by all manuscripts only at P. 5.118 όμοια, I. 2.10,6.36. 18. ερνεα: 'sprigs', i. e. a garland (Ν. 11.29,1. 1.29,66; cf. Pae. 7b.6). 19. ε τ ε φ α ν ω ο ά μ ε ν ο ο : 'having got himself crowned', hence 'having got himself a c r o w n ' : note the addition of έ κ at O. 12.17f. Ό λ υ μ π ί α ι οτεφανακάμενοο καί διο έκ Πυθώνοο. Cf. for the middle Ο. 7.15, 81, S. fr. 535.5; Wackernagel, ZVS 30,1890, 311 = Kl. Sehr. 674.

20f. Νεμέαι δέ τρίο, λάθαν επαυεεν I ίωκλείδα': see ep. 6 n. for the 30

In an unpublished paper referred to by West, GM 61. Cf. now also J. Fenno, 'Praxidamas' crown and the omission at Pindar, Nemean 6.18', CQ 53, 2003 |2004], 338-46.

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text of 20. Socleidas, it is implied, had died without achieving anything notable, and was forgotten until Praxidamas, his son (sch. 30, 105.15; 38b, 106.5-7), ensured by his own victories that he was remembered. Elision in the genitive ending -ao (cf. Mommsen on O. 13.34 [suppl.)) is not found elsewhere, but cf. -oi(o). Triclinius' -δαι with hiatus following the long diphthong has parallels in Homeric prosody, and in Pindar at /. 1.16 Κοκτορείωι ή' (correption between longs would be anomalous: West, G M 11) and 61 Ήροδότωι (-τοι' Turyn) επορεν. But the objective genitive is better paralleled (S. fr. 259.2, Hdt. 8.79.2); the dative would suggest 'reminded Socleidas' (cf. Schroeder). CCD- is paralleled in ίωγένηο (Ν. 7.8,70, 91), and no change is required by the metre: see ep. 7 n., 43 n. 21. υπέρτατο«:: 'the greatest' (so |Plut.] Nob. 20, vii.272.2f. Bern.). The word occurs fourteen times elsewhere in Pindar (including N. 8.43 ΰπερώτατα); 31 where the context is preserved (x 11), this, or else simply 'highest', is the sense, as in Bacchylides (x 3). So ΰπέρτεροο in Pindar means 'superior' (x 3). Sch. 30, 105.19f., understands πρεοβύτεροο, but the use with reference to age is doubtful, ΰπέρτεροί at II. 11.786 γενεήι μεν ΰπέρτερόο έοτνν Άχιλλεύο clearly means 'superior', and Archil. 38 οϊην Λυκάμβεω π α ΐ δ α την ΰπερτέρην, cited for the sense 'younger', need not be taken so (cf. e. g. F. Bossi, Studi su Archiloco2, Bari 1990, 122f.). 22. Ά γ η ο μ ά χ ο ι ' : so Maas for the transmitted -μάχω(ι). The hiatus might be defended at a pinch as suggested above (20f. n.), but the dative with γένετο would suggest 'was born to H.': cf. sch. 30, 105.20f. ό γαρ ίωκλείδηο πρεοβύτεροο ... των υιών γέγονεν Άγηοιμάχωι (-μάχου Β). υνέων: so Triclinius; the transmitted υιών would give contracted biceps (35 n.). Cf. /. 8.25, where (disyllabic) υίέων is probable (following υίέεο), though υιών is found at P. 9.86 (and [O. 5.23]). Homer has correption of υι in υ lot, υιέ, and υίόν. Schulze, Kl. Sehr. 316-20, restores for these υύο, υύ, and υύν, and here υέων, but no certain trace of these forms has survived. The υύο that Schulze 319 recognizes at IG i 3 .865 ('c. a. 460-450?') depends on a doubtful scansion; the inscription may well not be metrical at all. Iruik has a long first syllable at IG i 3 .783.3 (dated to '500-480?'; taken as an addition extra metrum at CEG 240.2) and 791.1 (CEG 258.1, dated to '490-480?'). Cf. Threatte i.340, ii.221. Nor is the correption of υι otherwise unknown: cf. e. g. Anacr. 347.17 θυίοντα; Schulze 318 n. 2, R. Renehan, Studies in Greek Texts, Göttingen 1976, 101. 23f. Lit. 'For three to him |i. e. 'three of his'], who tasted toils, as prize-winners reached the peak of excellence.' Having related how Socleidas became the most distinguished of Hagesimachus' sons, Pindar goes on to explain (note έπεί) Άγηοιμάχοι' υίέων: three others had successful athletic careers of their own. Sch. 38a, 105.22-106.1, takes the three to be sons not of Hagesimachus (so sch. 38b, 106.4f.) but of Socleidas: but oi should refer to the nearer Hagesimachus. Anyway, 'three of his' would have no obvious sense for Socleidas as it does for Hagesimachus (following Άγηοιμάχοι' υίέων), and 'sons' would need to be 31

Slater s. v. ϋπέρτεροε b; add Pae. 2.37f. άλκαι δέ τεΐχοε ανδρών I ύπέρτατον iVxat]ai (ΖΡΕ 135, 2001,32).

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expressed; nor would Pindar have introduced Hagesimachus' other sons if he had nothing to say about them. C. Carey, CQ 39, 1989,7, follows sch. 38a, believing that the sentence must explain how Socleidas attained his pre-eminence, but 17-21 are sufficient explanation. See also 34-44 n. «pöc άκρον άρεταο I ήλθον: cf. /. 4.3 If. εοτιν δ' άφάνεια τύχαο και μαρναμένων, I πριν τέλοο άκρον ίκέοθαι; Hes. Op. 291 eic άκρον ί'κηται, Tyrt. 12.43f. ταύτηο νΰν τ it άνήρ άρετήο είο άκρον ίκέcθαι I πειράοθω, Simon. 579.7 ϊκηι τ' έc άκρον άνδρείαο (-αι Wilamowitz). 24. πόνων έγεύοαντο: cf. Ρ. 10.7 γεύεται γαρ άέθλων. cuv θεοΰ ... τόχαι: 'with divine favour': cf. Ν. 4.7 n. 25f. The house's 'record'. How many of the twenty-five victories mentioned (58) were in boxing, Pindar does not say: only the more impressive overall figure is recorded. 26. μυχωι Έλλάδοο άπάοαο: 'in the interior of all Greece', extending the Homeric μυχώι "Αργεοο Ιπποβότοιο (//. 6.152, Od. 3.263); cf. Hes. Th. 1015 μυχώι νήοων ίεράων. 27. μέγα είπών: of a 'large claim', as at Od. 3.227 λίην ... μέγα εΐπεο, 16.243, S. Aj. 423 εποο έξερώ μέγα; cf. Headlam-Knox on Herond. 6.34. Differently at Pi. N. 5.14 αίδέομαι μέγα ('a grave matter') ειπείν έν δίκαι τε μή κεκινδυνευμένον. 27f. οκοποΰ άντα τυχεΐν I ώτ' άπο τόξου ieic: i. e. 'to have stated the truth'. Cf. A. Ag. 628 εκυροαο όχτε τοξότηο άκροο οκοποΰ, 1194 (cj.), PI. Tht. 194a οίον τοξότην φαΰλον ίέντα παραλλάξαι τοΰ οκοποΰ καΐ άμαρτεΐν, Lgg. 705e, 934b, Antip. Sid. HE 404f. (AP 7.427.9f.) δοκέω δε ποτί οκοπόν ίθύν έλά<χειν I ιόν, Κρηταιεύο ώο τΐί όιετοβόλοε. This familiar metaphor of hitting the target 'like (n. b.] an archer' should be distinguished from the Pindaric use of archery and javelin-throwing in their own right as metaphors for poetic composition: at O. 13.93-5 έμέ δ' εΰθύν ακόντων I νέντα ρόμβον παρά οκοπόν ού χρή I τά πολλά βέλεα καρτύνειν χερονν and no doubt fr. 6a(g) δοκηοενο ού παρ οκοπόν (cf. Lobel on P. Oxy. 2451 fr. 14 i.20ff.), the 'target' is the (proper) subject of an ode (cf. O. 2.89-91). See in general R. Alpers-Gölz, Der Begriff CKOTIOC in der Stoa und seine Vorgeschichte, Hildesheim and New York 1976 (discussion of the Pindaric examples at 26-9, 148-51 (notes), 228-31 (addenda by W. Haase)). Β and D transpose οκοποΰ άντα: cf. 20 (ep. 6 n.), 50b f. (str. 8 n.). B's τετυχεΐν is derived from the ancient variant (οκοποΰ) άν τετυχειν (sch. 45a, 106.20; cf. 107.1 γράφουοι δε καΐ άντα); ]πων οκο[ in Π41 may represent either that variant or Pindar's οκοποΰ άντα τυχεΐν, restored by Heyne (1773 edn.). 28. εΰθυν': cf. Ο. 13.28 Ξενοφώντοο εΰθυνε δαίμονοο ούρον. τούτον: sc. οίκον (Heyne, 1817), not οκοπόν (sch. 48a, b, 107.5-8): we require a specification of the subject of what follows, which οκοπόο as used at 27 does not provide (27f. n.). αγε in Muse-invocations is confined to lyric in Pindar's time and before: cf. Alcm. 14(a). 1, 27.1, Stes. 240, S89+90.5 (G. Schade (ed.), Stesichoros ..., Leiden 2003, 151); M. Campbell, Studies in the Third Book of Apollonius Rhodius' Argonautica, Hildesheim 1983,6.

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28b. οΰρον έπέων: cf. P. 4.2f. δφρα κωμάζοντν ίύν Άρκεοίλαι, I Moica, Λατοίδαιαν όφειλόμενον Πυθώνί τ' αΰξηιο ουρον ΰμνων, of a whole ode. 29f. 'For when men have passed away, songs and talk preserve their fine deeds for them': a favourite sentiment of Pindar's. Cf. especially O. 10.91-6, P. 1.92-4 (30 n.); N. 4.6 n. c
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temenos is highlighted: this was no small-scale affair. In the last, we are reminded of the antiquity of the Nemean games: the celery crown is termed 'the lion's pasture', and the mountains of Phlius are 'ancient'. Geographical references further differentiate the descriptions: in connection with 'goodly Pytho', Pindar mentions the spring Castalia; then the Isthmus is termed πόντου ... γέφυρ' άκάμαντοο, and the shady mountains of Phlius are mentioned in connection with Nemea. Of the Bassidae's twenty-four earlier victories in the major festivals (58-61), only these receive detailed treatment; yet space is found later on for Polytimidas, who had merely deserved to win a victory (61-3). This suggests that Callias, Creontidas, and Polytimidas were still alive, and would expect their achievements to be specified: greater vagueness would be acceptable in the case of the three victorious sons of Hagesimachus (23f.), who were presumably dead. They may have been just as successful, or more so (though none was an Olympic victor): twelve victories of the twenty-five are unaccounted for, and since no other victors are mentioned, it is likely that these twelve were theirs. 34f. ά γ α θ έ α ι I ... Πυθώνι: cf. P. 9.71, B. 3.62, 5.41 (the only other occurrences of the adjective in these poets), Od. 8.80, Hes. Th. 499, fr. 60.2, Hymn. Horn. 24.2. 35. χεΐραο ίμαοι δεθεία boxers of this period wrapped leather straps round their hands for competition. Cf. e. g. 11. 23.684, Eup. 350; Μ. B. Poliakoff, Combat Sports in the Ancient World, New Haven and London 1987, 70. The transmitted ίμαντωθείί gives contracted biceps, a freedom nowhere reliably attested in Pindar (ZPE 143, 2003, 11-16): examples at 22 and 51 are easily eliminated. Ιμαντόω occurs elsewhere only in a definition at Hsch. π 4376. Triclinius' Ιμάντι δεθείε restores the metre, but singular ίμάντι with plural χεΐραο seems indefensible, and I have substituted the plural, ι μ α α δεθεΰ is slightly further from the paradosis, but could still have been displaced by a supralinear gloss ίμαντωθείο mistaken for a correction. 35b. αίμα: 'by blood': cf. the similar use of γένοί (P. 9.14a f. έξ Ώκεανοΰ γένοο η ροκ I δεύτεροο, Od. 15.267 έξ Ίθάκηο γένοο ειμί; LSJ s. ν. 1.1). I owe the interpretation to an unpublished note of Barrett's. According to the usual view, the word stands in apposition to Καλλίαο, but the parallels for αίμα so used of a single person are all much later: cf. e. g. Call. fr. 67.7, SH 254.2, Theoc. 24.73 with Gow. The usage in question may have arisen from misunderstanding of a passage such as this. For the importance of αίμα, cf. 16 above. 36. χρυοοπλοκάμου: see str. 8 n. Cf. Pi. fr. 215(b).8 χρυ[οο]π[ (-π[λόκοιο Snell, with Moicaic[), B. fr. 20E.11 χρυοοπλόκ[. 37. epveci AaiOOc: 'sprigs (i. e. offspring) of Leto': cf. I. 4.45 ε ρ ν ε ϊ Τελεοιάδα, Β. 5.87, Ar. Th. 321 Λατοάκ χρικώπιδοο £pvoc (Artemis), Theoc. 7.44 with Gow. Apollo and Artemis are mentioned in connection with the Pythian games at P. 4.3 (quoted at 28b n.); cf. N. 9.4f. ματέρι και διδύμοιο παίδεοαν ... I Πυθώνοί ανπειναο όμοκλάροιο έπόπταιχ. παρά Καοταλίαν: so V. Β and D have the dative (cf. sch. 64d, 109.12), and παρά Καοταλίαι occurs without variant at O. 7.17 and N. 11.24. It may be correct here; but an accusative has become a dative following παρά 'by' at P.

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12.26 π α ρ ά καλλίχορον ... πάλιν Χαρίτων, where κ α λ λ ί χ ο ρ ο ν (cj. Hermann) is preserved only in the lemma of Theon's commentary (Π 42 ), while the medieval manuscripts have a dative, V also πόλει for πόλιν. 37f. Χ α ρ ί τ ω ν I kcnipioc δ μ ά δ ω ι φ λ έ γ ε ν : celebrations were held on the evening of the victory: cf. O. 9.1-4, 10.73-7, N. 10.33-5; sch. O. 9.1h, i.268.2-5. T h e Graces in Pindar are closely associated with athletic victory and its celebration in song: cf. especially O. 14, for a victor from Orchomenus, where they had a cult; O. 4.9, 9.27, P. 5.45 (quoted below), 6.2, etc. (Gow on Theoc. 16.6; also e. g. Verdenius, Comm. i.103-6). φλέγω 'blaze' of glory is exclusively Pindaric: cf. Pae. 2.66f. 6 δέ καλόν τι πονή[<τ.]αιο ε ύ α γ ο ρ ί α ι α φλέγει; transitive at P . 5.45 CE δ ' ήύκομοι φλέγοντι Χάριτεο; Ν. 10.2,1. l.Tb (both φ λ έ γ ε τ α ι ) . This 'blaze' contrasts with the darkness of the evening: cf. O. 10.73-5 έν δ ' εοπερον I εφλεξεν εΰώπιδοο I czkävac έρατόν
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εκατι μυρία πανται κέλευθ<χ, Β. 5.31-3 και (έ)μοί μυρία πανται κέλευθοο ΰμετέραν άρετάν ύμνεΐ(ν), 19.1f. πάρε<:τι μυρία κέλευθοε άμβροαων μελέων; cf. Β. fr. 27. λογίοιοιν: those 'versed in tales or stories' (LSJ 1.1), as in Herodotus (1.1.1; 2.3.1, 77.1; at 4.46.1 more generally 'learned, erudite'): see F. Jacoby, Atthis, Oxford 1949, 389 n. 5; N. Luraghi in id. (ed.), The Historian's Craft in the Age of Herodotus, Oxford 2001, 156-8. 'Prose writers' (sch. 181b, ii.28.27) need not be meant at Pi. P. 1.94 (quoted in 30 n.): the Herodotean sense is perfectly suitable. 46. c
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51. καταβαίο: so Ε. Schmid, Pauw, restoring the metre (cf. 35 n.)· Pauw thought the transmitted καββάο too recondite to be due to a scribe, but it may have come in from a note. Boeckh printed -aic and -aica elsewhere in the aorist participle, but kept the -βάο of the medieval manuscripts in this verb (1.1 pp. xxxiii f.). Cf. however fr. 140a.65 διαβαίο, Ale. 38a.3 ζ ά β α ψ (Schroeder 501; for Ale., add 129.23, 130.29, 303.2 |?|); an unpublished papyrus from Oxyrhynchus now gives ]ßaic here (Braswell on P. 4.22(c)). 52f. 'When he slew the son of shining Dawn with the point of his raging spear'. The inherited description φαενναο υίον ... 'Aooc is balanced by a phrase of similar form, άκμαι I εγχεοο ζακότοιο; 'raging' at the end of the clause balances 'shining' at the beginning. 52. φαενναο υίον ... 'Aooc: cf. Od. 4.188 'Hoik ... φαεινήί άγλαόο υί<κ, Pi. Ο. 2.83 'AOOC τε π α ΐ δ ' Αιθίοπα. 'AOOC is transmitted here, but the line ends elsewhere; for 'Aooc (E. Schmid), cf. Aatooc (Pae. 5.37), Πυθόι (/. 7.51, P. Oxy. 2442 fr. 51.2 fsuppl.l). ά κ μ α ι : so Pauw (cf. sch. 85a, 111.22, τήι άκμήι τοΰ δόρατοο). The manuscripts' unmetrical α ί χ μ α ι may be due to a reminiscence of the Homeric εγχεοο αιχμή (//. 16.315 |άκμή a late variant], 505, 20.416, Hes. Sc. 365 v. 1.; δουρόο I αιχμή II. 6.319f., 8.494f.; cf. Tyrt. 11.20). The same error is corrected by Pauw at N. 10.60 χαλκέαο λόγχac άκμαι, /. 4.51 ουμπεοενν δ' άκμαι βαρύο. 53. ζ α κ ό τ ο ι ο : 'raging': cf. II. 8.111 ε'κεται, ή καΐ έμόν δόρυ μαίνεται έν π α λ ά μ η it ιν, 16.74f.; West, East Face 371. The word is rare, occurring also at Pae. 9.18 (ΰδατι ζ.) and twice in Stesichorus (PMGF i App. frr. 64(α).2,67(a).5), otherwise only at II. 3.220 and Theoc. 25.83. 53f. 'And men of earlier times found in this a main road.' Pauw's ταΰτα for τ α ύ τ α ν restores strict responsion. For 'road' meaning 'theme for poetic treatment', cf. 45 with n.; also perhaps the epic ο'ιμη (οϊμη?), 'path of song'. άμαξιτ<χ seems to be used similarly at Pae. 7b.l If. 'Ομήρου [ τρι]πτον κατ' άμαξιτόν I ίόντεο [ άλ]λοτρίαιο ά ν ' ίππου:. At P. 4.247f. μακρά μοι νεΐεθαι κατ' άμαξιτόν· ώρα γαρ ουνάπτει- καί τινα I οίμον ΐοαμι βραχύν, the point is different, the 'main road' being contrasted with a 'short cut', i. e. a more concise way of treating the same theme. 54. ηΰρον: the manuscripts have no examples of temporal augment in this or other verbs beginning in ευ-, but their evidence is nearly worthless. Pindar himself may well not have distinguished between ευ and ηυ in writing, and even if he did, ηυ was liable to be turned into ευ at a later stage, when the distinction was no longer familiar: this is what has occurred in the manuscripts of Homer (West (50 n.), p. xxvii). 55. παρ ποδί vaoc: 'by one's foot' is a common expression for 'near' (παρ ποδί Ο. 1.74, παρ ποδόί Ρ. 3.60, 10.62, παρποδίου Ν. 9.38, προ ποδόί I. 8.12), here by extension applied to a ship: cf. E. Hec. 939f. νόοτιμον v a i k έκίνηεεν πόδα, and perhaps 1019f. νεών I λ ΐ κ α ι . . . ο'ΐκαδ' έκ Tpoiac πόδα. The nautical meaning 'sheet' is unsuitable, and we need not look for another part of a ship, such as the rudder (sch. 94a, 113.4f.; 94b, 113.12; not supported by Od. 10.32 πόδα νηόο ένώμων, where the sense may be 'sheet'). Tim. 791.90f. has όρείουο nobac ναόc for 'oars' (cf. Trag. Adesp. 244), but 'oar' is no more appropriate

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here than 'sheet'. 56f. δ ο ν ε ΐ ν I θυμόν: cf. P. 6.36 δονηθεΐοα φρήν, Β. 1.178f. δ ν τ ι ν α κουφόταται θυμόν δονέουα μέριμναι, fr. 12 δονεΐν καρδίαν. 57f. A statement of purpose following the myth: cf. N. 4.73f. n. Since Pindar is justifying his change of subject, his 'double burden' should be two distinct matters that he is to proclaim (as an αγγελοο) in what follows: as it turns out, 58-61 form a proclamation (γαρύων, 58) of the Bassidae's twenty-fifth Panhellenic victory, to which 61-3 are appended, while 64-6 are a separate proclamation (in asyndeton) concerning the trainer Melesias. The scholiast looks further afield, suggesting that Pindar may mean that the ode contains praise both of Alcimidas and of the Aeacidae or the Aeginetans (97a, 113.18-20), but Pindar is not acting as an άγγελοο when praising the Aeacidae or Aegina. For the correct view, cf. sch. 97a, 113.17f.; 97b, 113.22f. 57. μεθέπων: not elsewhere with a burden as its object: cf. P. 6.33f. εφεπεν I κραταιόν εγχο<:, also apparently a unique usage. 59. αγώνων ... τούο ένέποιοιν ίερούο: i. e. the four major festivals: cf. N. 2.4, Theoc. 16.47, 17.112; ιεροί άεθλοι at Pi. O. 8.64, 13.15. 60f. The manuscripts (+ sch. 97d, 114.3-5) give άλκιμίδαο τό γ' έπάρκεοε (κλειται γενεαι) for the expected Ε. Schmid restores the metre with Άλκιμίδα ö γ' έπ. κλειτά γενεά, 'which Alcimidas' illustrious clan has supplied'. For the relative pronoun transmitted with superfluous initial τ, cf. O. 1.57, P. 2.7, 39 (v. 1.), N. 5.13, B. 5.115. The genitive termination -a does not seem to undergo correption elsewhere, but it will not be immune. Hermann3 prefers ο τ', perhaps rightly: γε with the relative is found in Sophocles and Euripides, but not elsewhere in Pindar. Ahlwardt would keep τό and the dative κλειται γενεαι and interpret Άλκιμίδα as a nominative with short a, but while Pindar has such forms as Άγλαοτρίαινα {Ο. 1.40) and βαθυμήτα (Ν. 3.53), he was not likely to substitute this termination for -ac in the name of a living person. As an alternative, Ahlwardt suggests Άλκιμίδα, τό γ' έπάρκεοαο: the vocative with short α (better given as a proparoxytone, with Famell [comm.]) is paralleled by Εΰξένιδα at N. 7.70 and by Maas's Φυλακίδ' (better Φυλάκιδ') άγκειται for Φυλακίδα κείται at /. 5.18. But the resulting phrase would appear to refer to Alcimidas' twenty-fifth victory rather than his clan's, and the vocative παΐ at 62 would not be required if another with the same reference had just preceded: the separation is greater at O. 6.77-80 Άγηεία ... ώ παΐ (Ιακτράτου, and the person addressed is absent from what intervenes. These objections apply also to Maas' Άλκιμίδα, τέ γ' έπαρκέοαι, and others may be added, τέ for ck is unlikely to be Pindaric (τε at O. 1.48 may be the particle), but Turyn's proposal to substitute ci has little palaeographical likelihood. The construction, taken over from Schroeder's Άλκιμίδαν έπαρκέοαι, is also improbable, πέμπτον επί εϊκοίΐ τούτο ... εύχοο in this position should be the direct object of γαρύων rather than of an acc. + inf. subsequently attached to it; anyway, γαρύω is not found with an acc. + inf. construction. 61. μεν: emphatic: cf. Denniston 359ff. Wilamowitz (397 n. 2), accepting Maas' text at 60f., obtains an adversative connection with μάν (Negris), and Denniston (377) gives μέν itself a similar function here. Now if Pindar has just said '(I have

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come proclaiming that) you, Alcimidas, won this victory', he may well continue 'but the κλάροί robbed you, Alcimidas, and Polytimidas of victories at Olympia'; but if, as I have argued, the sense of what precedes is Ί have come proclaiming this twenty-fifth victory of Alcimidas' clan', this adversative continuation is scarcely natural. Κρονίου: the hill of Kronos at Olympia: cf. Ν. 11.25 n. 62. έ ν ό ο φ ι ο ε : cf. for the double accusative construction S. Ph. 683 (text uncertain). Π ο λ υ τ ι μ ί δ α ν : for the little that can be deduced about him, see 34-44 n. 63. κλαροο προπετήο: 'a hasty lot'; reference unknown. Fennel I suggests that 'the number of competitors sent from Aegina was limited by lot'; cf. Schroeder: 'finge animo competi tori bus nimio pluribus nomina professis Olympiae aut Aegina ipsa duos illos magnae spei adulescentes "procaci sorte" certamine excludi'. Alternatively, one could find a reference here to the drawing of lots described at Luc. Herrn. 40 by which competitors were paired and, if there was an odd number of competitors, the identity of the εφεδροο (Ν. 4.96 n . ) w a s determined. Mezger thought that Alcimidas and Polytimidas had not had the advantage of being εφεδροο. This may be right, but the pair would have stronger grounds for complaint if the κλαροο prevented them from talcing part than if they lost to fresher competitors. Cf. Ν. 11.22-9, where Pindar asserts that Aristagoras would have won at the Olympian and Pythian games if his parents had let him compete. A single drawing of lots could have sufficed for both pairing and excluding, if the latter were necessary.32 64-6. 'To the dolphin in regard to its speed through the brine I should pronounce Melesias equal as a charioteer of arms and strength.' 33 A skilled charioteer might be compared to a dolphin, both dolphins and chariots being noted for their speed. Cf. for the dolphin P. 2.50f., fr. 234.2 παρά ναΰν δ' ίθύει τ ά χ κ τ α δελφίο (D'A. W. Thompson, A Glossary of Greek Fishes, London 1947, 52); for the chariot, e. g. O. 1.77, 110, 8.49; 'swift charioteers' at II. 23.262 ίππεΰοιν ... π ο δ ώ κ ε α ν , 287 ταχέεο δ ' Ι π π ^ αγερθεν (unless ταχέεο is predicative: so Aristarchus); dolphins and horses together at P . 4.17 άντί δελφίνων δ ' έλαχυπτερύγων ϊπποιχ άμείψαντεο θοά<:. άνίοχοο used metaphorically of a 'controller' is also unremarkable in itself: cf. e. g. Anacr. 360.3f. τήο έμήο I ψυχηο ήνιοχεύειο, 'Simon.' FGE 805 (Λ. Plan. 2.2) παλανομοούνηο δεξιόν ήνίοχον, anon. FGE 1571 (SH 518.2) Τιμόθεον, κιθάροκ δεξιόν ήνίοχον with Page's note. But by applying to άνίοχοο so used the dolphin simile, Pindar develops the metaphor in another direction. Melesias is not merely a 'controller': in exercising his control over his pupils' movements, he displays the vigour of the swiftest charioteer. Speed of movement and reaction was no doubt important in wrestling, but a trainer could not intelligibly be compared directly to a dolphin:34 the dolphin

32

The fantastic explanation in sch. 104a, 114.6-13, may be ignored. Cf. F. J. Nisetich (tr.), Pindar's Victory Songs, Baltimore 1980, 258: 'Melesias ..., a charioteer equal in speed to a dolphin flashing through the sea.' 34 Sch. 108a and b, 114.16-24, go astray, taking the simile to be complete with Μελτκίαν. The first suggests that Melesias is praised for his speed έπεί τ α χ ύ α ΰ ξ ε ι toi)c ύ π ' αύτοΰ άλειφομένουο και κατάγει ε κ τού< äytovac, the second that Pindar means icov αν εϊποιμι και τον Μεληείαν τωι ταχεΐ 33

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simile is suggested by the literal sense of άνίοχοο. Cf. P. 6.52^4 γλυκεία δέ φρήν και <:υμπόταιαν όμιλεΐν I μελκχαν αμείβεται τρητόν πόνον: the reference to honeycomb brings to mind the literal sense of the familiar metaphor γλυκεία. Each of these expressions falls at the end of its ode: the audience is left to ponder a particularly bold and exquisite piece of verbal art. Cf. for the technique also N. 4.93-6 n. 64f. δελφίνι κεν τάχοο δι' ίίλμαο I icov εΐποιμι Μεληοίαν: so, effectively, the manuscripts (κεν for κε and i'cov for icov are due to Triclinius). for ^ at the start of 64 and ^ for - at the start of 65 are acceptable (ep. 7 n.). Schroeder prints δελφίνι και τάχοο, taking καί from sch. 108b, 114.22f. άντί του icov αν εΐποιμι καί τον Μεληααν κτλ. But Bergk4 rightly considered this unsafe: in one page of the scholia to /. 7, άμνήμονεο δέ και οί άνθρωποι γίνονται (23b, iii.265.1f.) corresponds to άμνάμονεο δέ βροτοί (17) and φέρει δέ και την ... άρετήν οΰκ αίοχύνουοαν την ... εύμορφίαν (30b, 265.19f.) to άγει τ' άρετάν ουκ αΐχχιον φυαο (22). Anyway, the postponed copulative καί is extremely doubtful (N. 4.63f. n.). 65. Μεληοΐαν: for what is known of him, see N. 4.93 n. 66. χειρών τε και ΐοχύοο: cf. Ν. 7.73 αυχένα και οθένοο.

δ ε λ φ ί ν ι τηι τε κ χ ύ ϊ καί τήι τέχνηι. The former view involves substantial additions to the text; the latter substitutes strength and skill for Pindar's 'speed'.

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NEMEAN 8 Occasion The ode celebrates Nemean victories in the stadion obtained by Deinis and his dead (44f.) father Megas (16, where see n.; Ali.). The date is not known, but 1 If. suggest a time when Athens and Sparta were the major powers in Greece, and 36f. would have more point if Pindar had children at the time of the performance. For various opinions, see Schroeder 508, Bowra 412. Composition of the Ode The ode begins with an apostrophe to Hora (1-3), who causes erotic desire of both gentle and violent kinds (3). One must be content to have in one's power desires of the better kind, while observing due measure in everything (4f.). Such were those which attended on the bed of Zeus and Aegina (6f.). Their son Aeacus became king of the island, his influence extending over all the area round about (7-12). Pindar supplicates him on behalf of the city and its people, bringing his song in celebration of the victories of Deinis and Megas (13-16). For good fortune lasts longer when established with divine aid (17). Such was Cinyras' (18). Pindar pauses (19): composing new poetry and letting it be judged is a risky occupation (20f.). Envy feeds on speech, and attacks only the distinguished (21f.). It tore apart even Ajax, causing him to fall on his sword (23). One who lacks eloquence, though brave, is forgotten in a grim struggle, and falsehood is awarded the greatest prize (24f.). For Odysseus was preferred to Ajax in the contest over the arms of Achilles, and Ajax, robbed of them, wrestled with death (26f.). He had been the better fighter (28-32); but it appears that misrepresentation existed in those days also (32-4). Pindar begins the third and final triad with a prayer to Zeus that he may himself avoid deviousness, so that he does not leave his children a bad reputation on his death (35-7). He desires not to be wealthy but to win the approval of his fellow-citizens by bestowing praise on what deserves it and blame on the wicked (37-9). Distinction, like a tree watered by dew, shoots up to the sky among the wise and the just (40-2). Friends perform services of all kinds: those concerned with toil are the most important, but in times of delight also one seeks to place a pledge before one's eyes (42-4). Pindar cannot bring Megas back to life (44f.), but he can easily write a song for his country and clan in commemoration of two victories in the foot-race (46-8). He takes pleasure in providing the praise deserved by achievement; song heals pain also. Indeed epinician songs were composed even before the foundation of the Nemean games (48-51). The overall plan of the ode is quite simple. The opening triad consists of a proem one stanza in length and two stanzas concerning Aegina and the occasion of the ode. Then the second triad contains the myth and a gnomic conclusion, while in the third and final triad Pindar speaks of himself before returning to the occasion and in particular to Megas: only here, in the last available place, does

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Pindar divide a syntactical unit between two stanzas (44f.: cf. for the development N. 4 introduction). But there is some subtlety in the detailed elaboration of this plan. Instead of turning directly to Deinis after the proem, whose subject appears to have an obvious relevance to him (1-5 n.), Pindar makes a connection with the nymph Aegina, beloved of Zeus, and moves on to her son Aeacus, whom he praises at some length, preparing in this way for his prayer to Aeacus on behalf of Aegina and her people, a prayer in the course of which he finally has occasion to refer to the details of the occasion for his ode. The second triad begins with a brief mythical reference introduced by a relative pronoun, which might be taken for the start of an extended narrative. But it straight away becomes plain that Pindar is to take his narrative from elsewhere. He pauses for a moment, speaking of the danger that he faces as a poet striving for novelty and exposed to envy. Envy provides a link to the myth proper, concerning Ajax, which forms a striking contrast to the material concerning Aegina and Aeacus earlier on: there Pindar spoke of the glories of the island's early history, when Aeacus had the respect of the leaders of the most powerful cities in Greece, but now he must tackle the disgraceful treatment of an Aeginetan hero by his fellow leaders, and his resulting death. The choice of this as the principal myth in an Aeginetan ode may seem a bold one: this is perhaps part of the 'novelty' that Pindar implicitly claims for the ode (20). We now see why so much of the opening triad was devoted to mythical material that would bring glory to Aegina: the main myth, while connected with the victors' homeland, is unusually concerned only to a small extent with glorious deeds of her heroes. Rather, Pindar takes the opportunity to defend Ajax against the criticism to which his suicide and its circumstances exposed him. An Aeginetan ode in which this was the only mythical material might well seem perversely unbalanced: it is by transferring to the opening triad the obligatory commemoration of the glories of Aegina's legendary past that Pindar gives himself the freedom to treat this somewhat surprising subject in the main myth. 35 Pindar returns to the occasion of the ode following the myth by way of some lines in which he contrasts his own honesty with the deviousness of Odysseus as seen in the myth: he will praise only the praiseworthy and criticize the wicked. With this thought he can easily make his way back to the occasion of the ode, which could not itself have been related closely to the myth. But the passage is of course not merely transitional. Deinis and his family may congratulate themselves on having employed a poet capable of producing not only exciting novelties but also passionate statements of his moral convictions. The same consideration will have helped to ensure that the poem was well received in Aegina, and indeed elsewhere in the Greek world. Direct praise of the victors and their family has a much smaller part in this ode than in N. 4 and 6. In the portion preceding the myth, the only reference to them is in line 16, where Deinis and Megas are named and the festival and event in which the victories were obtained are specified. Then in the concluding triad,

15

So in P. 8, where the main myth is not directly related to the victor's homeland of Aegina, references to the legendary glories of the island are inserted elsewhere (26f., 99f.). One may also compare the contrasting pair of myths in the middle section of N. 4: see the introduction to that ode.

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only lines 4 4 - 8 refer directly to the occasion. That is not to say that the ode will have been less e f f e c t i v e in preserving the f a m e o f the events that it commemorates than the other two odes. An ode in which the victor and his family have an excessively large part must run the risk of seeming of merely parochial interest. Indeed it is not least their willingness to provide a great poet with the opportunity to commemorate the glories of Aegina and correct slander directed at one of her heroes on such a large scale that will have gained Deinis and his family the praise and respect of their fellow Aeginetans; and anyone of whatever city wishing to be familiar with the ode, perhaps especially for the sake o f Pindar's version of the Ajax myth, a version whose interest and significance the lines immediately preceding it seem to stress, will have learnt of the nature of the achievements that serve as the ode's occasion. Nothing more was required to ensure the immortality of the victories commemorated.

Metre STR.

1 2 3 4 5

- - d - e

ID-II - d II e-±e - e - Dil Λ D - e D - II e^e-e

e-±e e ^ e - III

2) 3) (" 5,44 n. p.) ( - 5, 10, 22?, 27)

EP. 2 3

1

-D e-e II e -DW r^d e\

4 5

- D ^ ell - e - e ^ - l l e-D e II

6 7

(" 13,30)

e-d I

(" 16,33)

e—e—\ e-e^elll

(-17)

T h e strophe falls into two sections, each introduced by a variant on D - e - I D - II. In the first verse, — is substituted for the initial (cf. 4 0 n.), while in the fourth, the acephalous form of D , is used in the initial position, and the link-anceps following e is omitted (cf. Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' A . l . c ) . A s expected, the acephalous D is preceded by the full form, of which it may be regarded as a continuation across the period-end (Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' A.3a, 4). Str. 1 is followed by a development in which e is dominant, e ^ e - e d II, and then a variation on that rhythm, with D for d, while in the second half, following str. 4 , the predominance of e is such that no d or D is admitted. T h e

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clausula thus obtained, e - III, is of a regular type (Snell A.7). Pindar brings out the metrical organization of the strophe on its first appearance by making the main sense division and the main metrical division coincide: cf. above on the metre of N. 4. The epode also shows traces of division into two sections, 1 - 4 and 5 - 8 , but the division is less clear than in the strophe, and it is significant that the point of transition receives no reinforcement on the level of sense in the first triad. The stanza is perhaps better regarded as a continuous development. The unusual sequence D e (Snell A.l.bß) is found in ep. 1 and again in ep. 5, but there is in addition a rare variant at ep. 3, hd e: ad (i. e. follows D at the end of the previous verse, again as expected (cf. above). The verse-division here is uncertain: one may well feel that the development of - D e - e II (1) in e - D II \de\ ( 2 - 3 ) would be set off more clearly if ep. 3 were divided into two verses at I, though there is no certain indication of verse-end. More guidance on the location of verse-ends would also be welcome in the latter part of the epode: see below on 16 αγαλμα. Both ep. and ep. 5 - 8 end with a verse in which e predominates: ep. 4 has as its clausula an extended form unique in the remains of Pindaric dactylo-epitrite. There are enough unusual features in the metrical scheme alone to justify Pindar's implicit claim to novelty at line 20.

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73

1-5. Apostrophe to Hora and gnomic continuation. The opening apostrophe is a frequent element of the epinician ode. Generally it has a clearly perceptible relationship to the victor or to the poet's celebration of the victory. In the first category belong the apostrophes to the personified home-town of the victor (P. 12, /. 1 and I. 7), local divinities (0. 14 and P. 11), the place of victory (0.8), and the god of the games (0. 4), besides those to figures having a more general relevance, Eleithyia (N. 7), Theia (/. 5), and Nika (Β. 11). The second category includes the numerous apostrophes to a Muse or Muses (P. 4, N. 3,9, B. 1; Cleio B. 3, 12) and those to the Charites (0. 14, N. 10, B. 9), Phema (B. 2, 10), and the lyre (P. 1); Hesychia (P. 8) is also associated with the celebration (cf. N. 9.48). The apostrophe to Tyche in O. 12 is connected not directly with the victor but with the affairs of his city (2). In the present case, the reason for the apostrophe is not made clear, but if, as the scholiast suggests (la, 140.14f.), Deinis was ώραΐοο, as the victor of O. 9 is said to be (94; cf. O. 6.76, 8.19, 10.99-105, P. 9.97-100, N. 3.19, 11.12,1. 7.22, B. 9.30f„ 11.14), the connection did not need to be spelt out: see in general P. Von der Mühll, ΜΗ 21, 1964, 168-72 = Kl. Sehr. 231-7. (The scholiast goes on (140.16f.) to speak of Pindar as λέγων την Αϊγιναν δι' ώρακματοο ύπό Διόο άνηρπάίθαι. Pindar does not in fact say anything of the rape of Aegina.) For the hanging vocative, not accompanied by a main clause, cf. the openings of P. 1 and /. 5; Fraenkel on A. Ag. 1470f. (p. 698), Kannicht on E. Hel. 1451-64. Hora is not found elsewhere as a divinity, unless she is to be recognized (with West) at A. Sept. 535, but the personification is of a common type, already established on the one hand for the Horai and on the other for Hebe. 1. "Ωρα πότνια: ω is readily dispensed with in opening invocations and in general where its absence creates neither ambiguity nor an intolerable abruptness (as it would at 44 ω Μέγα and e. g. at P. 4.250 and I. 7.49). Its not infrequent presence in such places is due to metrical convenience: there is no adequate evidence for the view of A. Kambylis, in Χάρις Κωνσταντίνψ I. Βουρβέρη, Athens 1964, 183-8 (on Pindar), and others that it indicates the presence of emotion. See in general E. Dickey, Greek Forms of Address, Oxford 1996, 199-206. For the erotic connotation of ώρα cf. fr. 122.8 μαλθακαο oSpac άπό καρπόν δρέπεοθαι, part of a passage sharing a number of words with the opening of this ode (fr. 122.9 άνάγκαι ~ Ν. 8.3 άνάγκαο; fr. 122.3-5 ματέρ' έρώτων ... Άφροδίταν ~ Ν. 8.1 κάρυξ Άφροδίταί άμβροοιαν φιλοτάτων, 5 έρώτων). κ ή ρ υ ξ Άφροδΐτοκ ά μ β ρ ο ο α ν φιλοτάτων: not 'herald of Aphrodite's ambrosial loves' (sch. lb, 140.18f.) but 'Aphrodite's herald of ambrosial loves', as the word-order indicates: cf. P. 9.39f. κρυπτά! κλαίδεο έντι cotpac I Πειθοίκ ίεραν φιλοτάτων, 'hidden are wise Peitho's keys of holy loves', and other examples in Schroeder 44; Hes. Op. 253 Ζηνόο φύλακες θνητών ανθρώπων. For the expression, cf. A. Su. 1001 καρπώματα οτάζοντα κηρύξει Κύπριο, κ ά ρ υ ξ : for the accent, see West, Aeschyli tragoediae xlviii. 2. & τε: relative: no comma is wanted after γλεφάροκ (Barrett on E. Hipp. 525-6 (p. 259)).

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παρθενη'ίοιο π α ί δ ω ν τ ' ... γ λ ε φ ά ρ ο ι χ : the construction is varied, though π α ι δ ε ί ο ι χ was available. Elsewhere such variation is unavoidable: see J. Wackernagel, Vorlesungen über Syntax ii2, Basel 1928,72f. έ φ ί ζ ο ι ο α γλεφάρονο: of sleep at II. 10.25f. ούδέ γαρ αΰ των I imvoc έπι βλεφάροιαν έφίζανε, 91 f. οΰ μον έπ' δ μ μ α α νήδυμοε ΰπνοί I νζάνεν, Moschus 2.3. Similar expressions are used of Eros: S. Ant. 781-4 "Eptoc ... oc έν μαλακαΐ( παρειακ I νεάννδοο έννυχεύεκ, PI. Smp. 196ab άνανθεν γαρ και άπηνθηκότν και (ώματι και ψυχήν καν άλλων ότωνοΰν ουκ ένίζεν "Epcoc, ού δ' αν εΰανθήο τε καΐ ευώδη c τόποο ήν, ένταΰθα δε καν νζεν καν μένεν. Μ. Davies, Μαία 36, 1984, 15, compares Alcm. 3.71f. -κ]ομοο νοτία Κννύρα χ|άρ]κ [... έπν π]αρ£εννκαν χαίταναν νοδεν. γ λ ε φ ά ρ ο κ : for the erotic associations of eyes, cf. e. g. Ibyc. 287.If. "Epoc αΰτέ με κυανέονονν ύπο βλεφάρονο τακέρ' δμμαον δερκόμενοο, S257a fr. 27.7, Simon, eleg. 22.12 λείβον δ' έκ βλ[εφάρ]ων νμερόεντα [πόθον; West on Hes. Th. 910. γλ- is the Pindaric form of the word, attested at /. 8.45a and fr. 51f(c).8, and with a variant βλ- at O. 3.12, P. 1.8, 4.121, 9.24; it is plausibly recognized at Pi., P. Oxy. 2446 fr. 25.1 ]αγλεφ[. -βλ- is found once in a compound (P. 4.172: -γλSchroeder). Papyrus Λ of Bacchylides has β λ - four times (including νοβλtwice); the evidence of the quotations B. fr. 4.77 and Simon. 579.4 (both βλ-), the latter the only instance in his lyric fragments, is of doubtful value. The occurrence of γλεφάρων at P. Oxy. 2736 fr. 2(b). 17 may indicate that the piece is to be ascribed to Pindar (so Lobel; R. Führer, GGA 229, 1977, 32 n. 325). 3. Cf. Ε. IA 548-51 δίδυμ' ό χριχοκόμαί "Epcoc I τόξ' έντείνεταν Χαρίτων, I τό μεν έπ' εύαίωνν πότμων, I τό δ' έπν ουγχύοεν βνοταο, fr. 929a övcca πνεύματα π ν ε ΐ ί , "Εpox: (whence Cercidas fr. 5 Powell = 2 Livrea); also fr. 661.22-5 (interpolated?). ήμέροιο: manuscripts of Pindar consistently have άμ- in this word (O. 13.2, P. 1.71, 3.6, N. 7.83 (θαμερά Β, θεμερα D), 9.44; άμεpώcαvc /. 4.57), as do those of Aeschylus at Ag. 721, but in the light of the epigraphic evidence for ήμεροι as the correct form assembled by Forssman, 41f., this is probably to be restored in Pindar. Forssman himself argues that the apparently hyperdoric vocalization is due to the false interpretation of εύήμεροο (εΰάμερ<κ) as a compound of ημεροο implied at PI. Tim. 71d. But εύήμεροο is a poetic word, and the fact that Plato misinterpreted it hardly entitles us to suppose that any poet had done so. Pindar has elsewhere the feminine forms of the adjective (Ν. 7.83, 9.44); here, if the manuscripts are to be trusted, he treats it, in a way well paralleled in Greek (see LSJ), as a two-termination adjective. ά ν ά γ κ α ο : for the use of this word in erotic contexts, cf. fr. 122.9 cov δ ' άνάγκαν πάν καλόν, Sem. 7.62 ανάγκην δ' ανδρα πονενταν φίλον (with West, Studies in El. & I. 178; D. Ε. Gerber, Phoenix 28, 1974, 251-3), Aristarch. Trag. 14 F 2.If. "Epanoc öctvc μη πεπείραταν βροτών I ούκ ονδ' ανάγκη
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3.34 δαίμων ... ετεροο; Hes. Op. 344 with West's note, S. Aj. 516 with Lobeck's note, D. 18.85 with Wankel's note; also perhaps Call. fr. 300 = Hec. fr. 51 H. (Schneider). 4. κ α ι ρ ο ύ : not simply 'fitting, right time' (Slater s. v.), but 'what is proper, appropriate, just right' (Barrett on E. Hipp. 386-7, to whom Slater refers). It is to be observed in all matters (πpot έργον εκαοτον), a point frequently made: cf. O. 13.47f. επεται δ ' έν έκάοτωι I μέτρον· vofjcav δέ κανρίκ apicxoc, Hes. Op. 694 κανρόο δ ' έπν παονν äpicxoc with West's note. Pindar is fond of the word (20 examples); it is rare elsewhere in lyric, occurring only twice in Bacchylides (14.17, fr. 25.2). 5. έρώτων: 'desires' in general: cf. P. 10.60, N. 3.30 (where, as here, a 'better' kind is distinguished), Ν. 11.48. 6f. Other allusions to this story at I. 8.21, Pae. 6 . 1 3 7 ^ 1 , B. 9.55f.; it was included in the Hesiodic Catalogue (fr. 205). On the earlier form of the myth, see West, Catalogue 162-4. 6. ο ί ο ι καί: for such phrases introducing illustrations, see Denniston 296 (iv): cf. especially A. Ag. 399 (the start of an epirrhema) ovoc καν Πάριο ..., fr. 451 q. 16 (the start of a stanza) ό χ π ε ρ καν Τελαμω[ν (the preceding lines will have contained a generalization: cf. Radt). λ έ κ τ ρ ο ν ... ά μ φ ε π ό λ η ο α ν : Λα]τώϊον Ά ο [ τ ε ρ ί α I λέ]χοο άμφέπο[ιχ' is restored at 'Pae. 12'.3f. (λέ]χοο is not I think too long). ποιμένεο: the metaphorical use of words from this root is fairly common in Pindar: cf. O. 10.88f. πλοΰτοο 6 λαχών ποιμένα I έπακτόν άλλότρνον, 11.8f. τ ά μεν άμετέρα I γλακχα πονμαίνενν έθέλεν, /. 5.12f. δύο δέ τον ζωόκ άωτον μοΰνα πονμαίνοντν τον αλπνοτον, εύανθεν ούν δλβωι I εϊ τ it εύ π ά ί χ ω ν λόγον έολόν άκούην. See also LSJ s. vv. (At S. Aj. 360 Reiske's πημονάν is likely to be right: so e. g. D. Kovacs, Euripidea altera (Mnem. Suppl. 161), Leiden 1996, 72 n. 1; R. Dawe, ICS 27-8,2002-3, 5.) 7. Kwipiac δώρων: of sexual gratification, as at O. 1.75, h. Cer. 102, Hymn. Horn. 10.2, Thgn. 1332, [Hes.| Sc. 47, Anacr. eleg. 2.3, Ibyc. S257a fr. 29 + 31.4 (M. L. West, Z P E 57, 1984, 30). The phrase is used elsewhere of physical attractiveness: II. 3.64, Thgn. 1304, 1381f„ B. 17.10. Cf. also Stes. 223.2f. ήπνοδώρου I Κύπριδοο. Οίνώναο β α α λ ε υ ε : Aeacus, first named at 13: cf. 23 Τελαμώνοο ... υίόν (27 A'iac); Braswell on P. 4.2(g). Οίνώνα was an old name for the island of Aegina (instances in J. Schmidt, RE xvii (1937), 2251.26-44), also at N. 4.46, 5.16, I. 5.34, according to Pythaenetus, FGrH 299 F 2, after the daughter of a certain Boudion. Here it is used at least in part in order to avoid confusion with the nymph Aegina: so Ο ί ν ο π ί α , another old name for the island, at I. 8.21. Parthenius has Οίνωναΐοι of the inhabitants (SH 632, fr. 20 Li.). 8. χειρί καί β ο υ λ α κ : for analogous pairs in Pindar, cf. P. 3.30, 4.72, 5.119, N. 1.26f„ 9.39; Schmid, GGL 591 n. 0; in general, H. D. Kemper, Rat und Tat:

Studien zur Darstellung eines antithetischen Begriffspaares in der kl. Periode der gr. Lit., Diss. Bonn 1960. The singular χειρί is used here alongside the plural βουλανο for variety: the reverse at N. 9.39 χερον καί ψυχαι.

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πολλά ... λιτάνευον: 'begged earnestly', as at N. 5.3If. πολλάγάρ νιν παντί θυμώι I παρφαμένα λιτάνευεν and in the Iliad (9.581, 23.196; πολλά λί<χει:θαν 5.358, 9.464f„ 584f„ 21.368, 22.91, 239f.). The break in thought as Pindar moves directly from the birth of Aeacus to his rule is marked by asyndeton: similar cases at 11. 13, 19. Cf. also e. g. P. 4.179f. with Braswell's note (b). πολλά ... πολλοί: a common type of polyptoton: cf. 20 πολλά ... πολλάι λ έ λ ε κ τ α ι , Ο. 6.78f. έδώρηοαν θεών κάρυκα λιτανο θυοίακ: I πολλά δή π ο λ λ α ΐ α ν ; Fehling 230. (This passage and Ο. 6.78f. are wrongly regarded by Fehling, 182, as examples of 'Doppelbildungen mit πολύο und παο ... bei denen das erste Glied nur teilweise eine grammatische Deutung zuläßt'.) viv: the Doric form of the pronoun, transmitted here by both manuscripts and probably to be restored everywhere in Pindar, though μιν is in some places the only form attested, a variant in rather more: see Barrett, Dionysiaca 19 n. 29; Braswell on P. 4.79 (e). 9. ά β ο α τ ί : only here and at Hsch. α 154 άβοητί- ραιδίωο (combined by Schmidt with the following entry α 155 Latte = 154 Schmidt t ä ß o a i · εΰχαί to give άβοατί- άβοητί, ραιδίοκ, εΰχερόκ). 'Without a war-cry' (cf. sch. 14a, 141.24f. αμαχητί... και χωρίο του κρατηθηναι μάχη ι) seems more likely to be the sense than 'unsummoned' (so e. g. Slater s. v.): the latter would require us to supply a verb meaning 'they came to Aeacus', and assumes a doubtful weakening of the relevant sense of βοαν, 'shout for help'. For the formation, cf. O. 9.92 ά π τ ω τ ί ; Schwyzer 623; M. Janda, Sprache 40, 1998 [20011, 22f. (with bibliography). &ωτοι: 'the best', as always in Pindar (19 instances, also O. 5.1) and at B. (?) 23.1, Antigenes FGE 35 (AP 13.28.3), A. Pers. 978 (cj.), Su. 666: see Janko on II. 13.599 for one explanation of the word's range of meanings. The singular is used in such expressions where the reference is to a single body of men (fr. 111 a.6f. έ<:τρα[τεύθη I ]άωτοο ήρώω[ν, Theoc. 13.27 θείοι άωτοο I ηρώων; cf. Pi. P. 4.188 ναυτάν aonoc, perhaps B. (?) 23.1).

περιναιεταόντων: see N. 4.85 n. 10. άναξίανο: the manuscripts have αν άξίαιο, the scholia (14b, 142.1) ά ξ ί α κ (Β) or εϋδοξίαιχ (D). The correction is due to F. L. Abresch, in Miscellaneae observationes vi.2, Amsterdam 1735, 398. Cf. Hsch. α 4471 άναξίανβααλείαν. Αίοχύλοο (fr. 283) 1"λιανοίαιο (~ Phot, α 1575): here the sense will be 'rulings', 'decisions' or the like. The term would hardly be appropriately used with reference to the occasion on which the end of a drought in Greece was brought about by Aeacus' intercession with his father Zeus following a request from Greek envoys (sch. 19a, 142.5-7). Paus. 1.39.6 says that the quarrel between Nisus and Sciron over the kingdom of Megara was decided by Aeacus, and there may have been other such stories told on Aegina: Pindar at least says that Aeacus καί I δαιμόνεοα δίκαο έπέκραινε (/. 8.23f.). Wilamowitz, 406 n. 3, unable to think of any 'Äußerungen seiner Herrschergewalt' besides his role in resolving the plague, proposed ά ν α ξ ί α ι : but Pindar shows no awareness of digamma in εκών, once having elision before it (O. 10.29). l l f . Pindar appears to transpose to legendary times the pre-eminence in his own day of Athens and Sparta (named together also at P. 1.76f.). The anachronism is

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supported by reference to the descendants of Pelops, who themselves belong to a later time, though the point would hardly be noticed. 11. K p a v a a t c έν Ά θ ά ν α ι α ν : the phrase (with minor variations) also at O. 7.82, 13.38. For the epithet, cf. A. fr. 371, S. fr. 883, Ar. Αν. 123, Ach. 75, Lys. 480; also the designation of the early Athenians as παΐδεο Κραναού (A. Eum. 1011; Κραναϊδών Ε. Su. 713) or Κραναοί (Hdt. 8.44.2). 12. Πελοπηϊάδαι: also at Theoc. 15.142. 13-16. Prayer to Aeacus. It has been argued on the basis of these lines by Dissen and others that the poem was performed at the Aiakeion on Aegina (cf. R. S. Stroud, The Athenian Grain-Tax Law of 374/3 B. C. (Hesperia Suppl. 29), Princeton 1998, 92f.); but a poet could presumably supplicate Aeacus anywhere on the island, or indeed elsewhere. The prayer for the victor's homeland is a common element in epinician poetry (instances in Thummer i.l04f.). This example is echoed by the composer of O. 5.19-21 ίκέταο οέθεν έρχομαι Λυδίοιχ άπύων έν αύλοΐο, I αίτήεων πόλιν εΰανορίαια τάνδε κλυτακ I δαιδάλλειν. For the asyndeton, see 8 n. 14. φέρων: D's φίλων will come from 13
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two victories of Deinis, ένδο οταδίου or δ ι κ ώ ν οταδίων being supplied with πατρόο Μέγα, gives possible Greek; and Pindar will hardly have left unspecified the number of Megas' victories and the event in which he competed. The scholiast (26, 142.19f.) supposes δκχών εταδίων to refer to the δίαυλο«: , but the periphrasis is neither attested nor probable, and the supplying of δκχών οταδίων with πατρδο Μέγα is open to the objections mentioned above. See also 47f. with n. It appears from the scholia (inscr., 140.11-13) that Didymus was unable to find the names of Deinis and Megas in the Nemean victor-lists (not 'inter victores stadio', as Christ says, p. 294). This is unlikely to be of any significance: the lists available to ancient scholars were defective, as is clear from the failure of the scholia to give dates for the Nemean victories celebrated by Pindar, with the exception of that of Sogenes (sch. inscr. N. 7, 116.6: corrupt), α γ α λ μ α : Boeckh's line-division results here in the placing of a short open vowel at verse-end. This goes against Pindar's usual practice, as is observed by F. Vogt, De metris Pindari quaestiones tres, Diss. Straßburg 1880, 10-55 = Dissertationes philologicae Argentoratenses selectae 4, 1880, 212-57: W. S. Barrett ap. West, GM 61, finds one instance in every twenty verses ending with a cretic, one in every 120 verses ending otherwise. Vogt 29 = 231 proposed to remove the anomaly here by dividing after Μέγα and in the corresponding places. For - w - w - at verse-end, one may compare ep. 4, and for at versebeginning, str. 4 and P. 3 ep. 9 (Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' A.3a, 4). More conventional metre would be given by dividing after 17 φυτευθείο and in the corresponding places, but the resulting verse would be of a length out of keeping with the rest of the metrical scheme; or verse-end may have occurred at both points. The matter seems too uncertain for any revision of Boeckh's linenumbering to be justified. 17. For the sentiment, cf. /. 3.4-6 Ζεΰ, μεγάλαι δ' άρεται θνατοκ έπονταν I έκ ίέθεν · ζώει δε μά<χων δλβοο όπιζομένων, π λ α γ ί α κ δέ φρένεαιιν I ούχ ομάκ πάντα χρόνον θάλλων ομιλεί; W. Headlam, JPh 23, 1895, 274-7 on Ε. fr. 354, referring to Hes. Op. 320-6 and other passages; West, East Face 325. 'Godgiven δλβοο' also at O. 2.36 θεόρτωι... δλβωι, Ν. 9.45 λαχών πρόε δαιμόνων θαυμαοτόν δλβον, Pi. (?: see 2 η.), P. Oxy. 2736 fr. 3.2 ]δοτοί δλβο[ο (see Lobel's note); cf. e. g. Ibyc. SI66.1 If. 18. oacep κ α ί : introducing an example: cf. O. 4.18f. διάπειρά τοι βροτών ελεγχοο· I απερ ..., also with the relative placed at the start of a stanza. (The variant απερ καί in that passage would give a full Aeolic base, of which there are no clear examples in the ode: a possible instance at 22.) The antecedent will be prosperity established with divine aid (so sch. 28, 142.24f.). Nothing is gained by taking it to be the more distant θεώι. Κ ι ν ύ ρ α ν : a legendary king of Cyprus, beloved of Apollo and priest of Aphrodite (P. 2.15-17). His wealth was proverbial (Tyrt. 12.6). For the origin of the name, see West, East Face 57. A similar brief evocation of a myth at /. 1.12f. (R. Rauchenstein, Zur Einleitung in Pindar's Siegeslieder, Aarau 1843, 100). ποντίαι εν ποτε Κύπρωι: for the placing of ποτε between the preposition and its case, cf. P. 2.33 μεγαλοκευθέεοοιν εν ποτε θαλάμοιο, 4.258 (textually

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doubtful), and in later poetry Call. fr. 230 = Hec. fr. 1 Η. Έρεχθέο( εν ποτε γουνώι, fr. 194.6, h. 3.238, 5.57, Theoc. 18.1, CEG 877 (dated 'post 32Γ) .3f. (suppl.), Antip. Sid. HE 608 (AP 6.219.1), Leon. Tar. HE 2161 (AP 9.99.1), Germ. FGE 2094 (AP 9.17.1). The use of πόντιοο with reference to islands is inadequately illustrated by LSJ s. v. 3: add O. 7.13f. τάν ποντίαν I ... παΐδ' Άφροδίταο Άελίοιό τε νύμφαν 'Ρόδον, S. Ph. 269 xfjc ποντίαε I Xpt)CT|c (cited s. v. 2), Ε. fr. 727c.35 ποντία«: άπό χθονόί, 759a. 1594 Λήμνου ποντίαο, Α. fr. **46c.4 (?), Crat. 225 ποντίαν Cdpupov. 19. ΐ ε τ α μ α ι : Ί halt' (LSJ s. ν. κτημι B.II.l). Such expressions are not infrequently used at points of transition: cf. P. 10.5If. κώπαν οχάοον, ταχύ δ' αγκυραν έρεκον χθονί I πρώιραθε, χοιράδοε αλκαρ πέτραε, Β. 5.176-8 λευκώλενε Καλλιόπα, cräcov εΰποίητον άρμα I αΰτοΰ; more distantly comparable are P. 11.38^40, Ν. 4.69f. The break in thought is accompanied by asyndeton, as in the other passages cited: see also 8 n. reoccl κούφοιο άμπνέων τε: 'on light feet and drawing breath'. Cf. O. 13.114 κούφου:w ... nociv, and for the linking of participle and prepositional phrase or the equivalent, J. Diggle, CQ 22, 1972, 242 = Euripidea 52f.; Ν. 11.45 n. 20f. For the importance of novelty, cf. O. 3.4, 9.48f. ('new song' or the like at /. 5.63, Alcm. 14(a).3, B. 19.9). The view of Wilamowitz, 409 (cf. SPAW 1908, 330 n. 2 = Kl. Sehr, vi, Berlin and Amsterdam 1972, 288 n. 2), that Pindar is indicating that, in response to criticism, he has given up his former striving to innovate, has no foundation in the text: cf. e. g. Thummer i.99 n. 87. The explanation of sch. 32c, 143.16f. πολλαί... περί τοΰ Κινύρου καταβέβληνται ίχτορίαι και διάφοροι is obviously wrong: we have left Cinyras behind. Those of sch. 32d, 143.17-19, are still more far-fetched. 20. πολλά ... πολλαι: see 8 n. 20f. νεαρά δ' έξευρόντα δόμεν βαοάνωι I ic ελεγχον, fciac κίνδυνοο: for the form of the sentence, cf. O. 9.37f. τό γε λοιδορήοαι θεούο I έχθρα οοφία, Ρ. 2.94-6 ποτΐ κέντρον δέ τοι I λακτιζέμεν τελέθει I όλιοθηρόο οίμοο; W. Headlam, JPh 21, 1892-3,89 (with Euripidean examples). 20. έξευρόντα: 'finding', of the activity of poets at O. 1.110, 3.4, P. 1.60, N. 6.53f., B. fr. 5.3f., Stes. 212.2; discussion e. g. in W. J. Verdenius, Mnem. 36, 1983, 22f., 54f. βαοάνωι: 'touchstone': for the figurative use, cf. P. 10.67f. πειρώντι δέ και Xpttcoc έν βαοάνωι πρέπει I και vooc όρθόί, 'Pae. 14'.37f. βαοανιοθέντι... χρυοώι with Lobel's note (P. Oxy. 2441 fr. 1 ii 13ff.), fr. 122.16 διδάξαμεν χpυcόv καθαραι βαοάνωι (discussed by Β. A. van Groningen, Pindare au banquet, Leiden 1960, 37-9; Ο. Imperio, Eikasmos 11, 2000, 59-70), Thgn. 417f., 449f., 1105f.; also B. fr. 14. At B. 9.58 and Adesp. Eleg. 22, gold is not mentioned, and the metaphor is hardly felt, as in later authors. See in general G. Thür, Beweisführung vor den Schwurgerichtshöfen Athens, Vienna 1977, 13-15. 21. focac κίνδυνοο: cf. P. 2.65-7 βουλαι δέ πρεφύτεραι I άκίνδυνον έμοί εποί (et) ποτι πάντα λόγον I έπαινεΐν παρέχοντι. δψον δέ λόγοι φθόνωι είοίν: cf. P. 2.55f. ψογερόν Άρχίλοχον βαρυλόγοιο έχθεοιν I πιαινόμενον, Β. 3.67f. öc[tic μ]ή φθόνωι πιαίνεται, and perhaps

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Dionys. Com. *9 = Trag. Adesp. *533 εΐοίν τινεο νΰν οϋο τό βαοκαίνειν τρέφει. The first of these passages suggests that λόγοι here refers to the talk of the envious (so sch. 35, 144.2-4), and not to the compositions of the poets whom they may attack (so Heyne); it is in any case extremely unlikely that λόγοι 'talk' could be understood in such a restricted sense as Heyne's interpretation requires. For the metaphorical use of δψον, cf. A. Ag. 1447 παροψώνημα. The manuscripts have δψον δε λόγοι φθονεροΐαν, but φθόνοο is required as subject in 22f. (cf. sch. 37, 144.5f. άπό των φθονούντων έπι τον φθόνον μετήγαγε τον λόγον), and it is very doubtful whether it could be supplied without warning from φθονεροΐοιν. δψον would naturally be taken to be the subject of 22, leaving κεΐνοο at 23 without reference;36 and even if κεΐνοο followed immediately on φθονεροΐοιν, I doubt whether φθόνοο could be understood. Such cases as S. Tr. 259f. έρχεται πόλιν I την Εϋρυτείαν · τόνδε (sc. Εΰρυτον) etc., in which a noun is supplied from a preceding adjective equivalent to the genitive of the noun, are clearly distinct: see Diggle on E. fr. 774.70f. (Pha. 113f., p. 119), with the supplement at AC 65, 1996, 195. Fennell thinks that the use of viv at N. 4.3 to refer to the victor implied by πόνων κεκριμένων (1) is 'not very unlike', but see my note on the reference of the pronoun there. I have adopted the conjecture φθόνωι eiciv proposed and rejected as too violent by J.-F. Vauvilliers, Memoires de Litterature, tires des registres de l'Academie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 46, 1793, 244 = Traduction poetique des odes les plus remarquables de Pindare avec des analyses raisonnees, Paris 1859, 28If. (τοϊο) φθονερού: might well have been written above φθόνωι as an explanation (cf. sch. N. 4.60b, 74.17 αντιτείνε τοΐο έπιβουλεύουοιν ~ Ν. 4.37 άντίτειν' έπιβουλίαιο) and then mistaken for a correction of φθονωιειο and placed in the text. 22. The idea that only the distinguished suffer the effects of envy is commonly found at all periods: cf. e. g. Parth. 1.8-10 παντί δ' έπι φθόνοο άνδρΐ κείται I άρεταο, δ δε μηδέν έχων υπό οιγαι μελαίναι κάρα κέκρυπται, Ε. Med. 292-305; Ε. Milobenski, Der Neid in der gr. Philosophie, Wiesbaden 1964, 162 n. 97. On φθόνοο in Pindar, see Thummer i.80f. 23-34. The judgment of the arms and the death of Ajax, mentioned in Aeginetan odes also at N. 7.25-7, /. 4.35-6b. Aeschylus treated the contest in his "Οπλων κρίοιο (frr. 174—8) and the suicide in his Θρήιοοαι (frr. 83-5), Sophocles the latter in his Ajax. It is here the Greeks themselves who decide in Odysseus' favour in the contest for the arms, as on the Attic red-figure vases of the early fifth century which are the earliest surviving depictions of the scene (O. Touchefeu, LIMC i.l (1981), 326f.). Cf. S. Aj. 442-9, 1135f„ 1242f.; A. fr. 451 q. 1 If. δίκαι δ' 'Οδυοοήϊ ξυνήιοαν [ I ο]ύκ ΐοο[ρ]ρ[όπ]ωι φρενί (of the Greek leaders). It may be due simply to the requirements of the medium that the ballot as represented by the vase-painters is open and not secret, as Pindar states (N. 8.26) and the accusation of fraud at S. Aj. 1135f. presupposes. In other early

36

C. T. Damm, Versuch einer prosaischen Uebersetzung der gr. Lieder des Pindar iii, Berlin 1771, 89, takes κίνδυνοι to be the subject of 22f. This is at least masculine, but it could only be understood with great difficulty; and it is plainly not danger but envy that attacks only the good and has no quarrel with the worse sort.

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accounts it is Trojans who determine the matter: a contest is held by the ships with Trojan prisoners as judges (the version apparently assumed by Od. 11.544—7: on 547, athetized by Aristarchus, see e. g. Heubeck's note), or Greeks sent to the walls of Troy overhear Trojan girls discussing how much each of the contenders had contributed to the recovery of Achilles' corpse (//. Par v. 2 B. = 2A D.). In both cases, Athena has a hand in the outcome (Od. 11.547 παΐδεο δέ Τρώων δίκοκαν και Παλλάο Άθήνη; //. Parv., the girl favouring Odysseus speaks, according to the scholiast quoting the fragment, Άθηναο προνοίαι). The Aethiopis will have included a version of the story (provided that fr. 5 Β. = 1 D. on the suicide of Ajax is rightly ascribed), but it is not clear that it contained the vote of the Greek chiefs, as C. Robert thought: see Β. B. Shefton, RA 1973,214 n. 3; in general, D. Williams, AK 23, 1980, 137-45; M. Davies, The Epic Cycle, Bristol 1989, 60, 64; G. Hedreen, Capturing Troy, Ann Arbor 2001, 104-10.37 Pindar does not mention Ajax' madness and slaughter of the Greek flocks. These were described in the Ilias Parva (Proclus' summary, p. 74.4f. B. = p. 52.4f. D.), but perhaps absent from the Aethiopis (Shefton 213f. with 214 n. 1). See further 28-30 n. 23. Τελαμωνοο ... υ ιόν: Ajax, first named at 27; cf. 7 n. δάψεν: 'tore apart', like a wild animal. See LfgrE s. v. δάπτω (R. Führer) for the word's usage. φαεγάνωι άμφικυλίοαιο: cf. II. 8.86 κυλινδόμενοο περι χαλκώι. κυλίνδω and its compounds occur eight times in Pindar; elsewhere in lyric there is only Ale. 208a.2. άμφικυλ. is found only here. For the coincident use of the aorist participle with an aorist main verb, see Barrett on E. Hipp. 289-92. 24. αγλακχον: 'a poor speaker', as at Ar. fr. 756: see Kassel-Austin's note. Compounds of γλάκοα form a notable element in Pindar's vocabulary: besides ayXcoccoc, there are παγγλακάα (Ο. 2.87), άδύγλαχχοο (Ο. 13.100), περίγλακοοο (Ρ. 1.42), εΰθύγλωοοοο (Ρ. 2.86), παλίγ/λαχχίκ (Ν. 1.58, /. 6.24, Parth. 2.63f.), έπτάγλοχχoc (Ν. 5.24), and [γλώ]οοαργοο (fr. 140b. 13). Bacchylides has only μελίγλωοοοο (3.97, fr. 4.63); no other lyric poet has any. ήτορ ... αλκιμον: άλκιμον is an epithet of ήτορ in epic (x 8). 25. λυγρωι νείκει: cf. Emp. 31 Β 109.3 νείκεϊ λυγρώι. In the paraphrase at sch. 41a, 144.14, Β gives (έν λυγρώι) γηρει for D's νείκει. This is a late form,38 hardly to be restored to Pindar, as C. L. Kayser, Lectiones Pindaricae, Heidelberg 1840, 82f., argues; anyway, old age is irrelevant here. F. W. Schneidewin, Neue Jenaische Allg. Lit.-Zeitung 2, 1843, 1218, is no doubt right to suggest that γηρει is 'Homerische Reminiscenz aus γηραϊ λυγρώι'. He prefers himself to believe that the scholiast wrote έν λυγραι δήρει. Since δήρκ is a poetic word, it would follow that the scholiast had this in his text of Pindar, as suggested very doubtfully by M. Schmidt, BPhW4, 1884, 1281 (έν λ. δήρι). No dative of δήρκ

37

L. Sbardella, SemRom 1, 1998, 1-18, arguing for Robert's view, strangely thinks that the vases show a secret ballot (8). The one vase-painting in which a secret ballot has sometimes been identified probably has nothing to do with this story (references in Hedreen, 106 with n. 55). 18 γήρο\χ at Hp. Int. 6, vii.182.17 Li., to which LSJ s. v. γήρ<χ, KB i.432, and K. Meister, Die homerische Kunstsprache, Leipzig 1921, 133, refer, is a false reading.

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seems to be attested,39 unless Suda δ 489 δήριο, δήρεωο, δήρει is counted, but this is not a decisive objection: δήριοο at A. Ag. 942 is similarly isolated, as would be Schroeder's δήριαο at E. Andr. 467. Still, Pindar does not use δήριο elsewhere, and it would be rash to restore it here on the basis of a complicated hypothesis of this kind, when a simpler explanation for the variant is available, αΐόλωι ψεύδει: cf. for the adjective O. 1.29 ψεύδεοι ποικίλοι«:; LSJ s. v. αίόλοο II.2. Wilamowitz (SPAW 1901, 1314 n. 1 = Kl. Sehr, vi, Berlin 1972, 281 n. 1; Pindaros 407 n. 1) interpreted the transmitted ψεύδει as ψεύδι, dative singular of the ψεΰδιο attested at N. 7.49, arguing (Pindaros, loc. cit.) that 'Dem äyXcoccoc ήτορ δ' άλκιμοο kann nur eine Person gegenüberstehen', but αίόλοο is not used in this way of persons, and the asymmetry is anyway quite Pindaric (Schroeder 523, comparing 28-34). Schroeder suggests instead that a liar might be called ψεΰδοο, referring to άτα used of persons at S. Ant. 533 and other examples, none very close (see also West on Hes. Op. 191); but the word could hardly be understood in this way without any indication in the context, άντέταται: i. e. 'is offered', not elsewhere in this sense. 'Stretched up' is meant I suppose to indicate obsequiousness: similarly θεράπεικαν in the next line. Another abnormal use of this verb at 34. 26. κρυφίαιοι ... έν ψάφοια cf. P. 1.84 άετών δ' άκοά κρύφιον θυμόν βαρύνει μάλιοτ' έ<:λοΐ<τιν έπ' άλλοτρίοιο. The papyrus printed as fr. 260 contains the adjective at line 2, but the attribution to Pindar is doubtful (ZPE 128, 1999, 14). The implication is that the voters would have been ashamed to be observed preferring the glib talker Odysseus to the superior warrior: the secrecy of the procedure enabled them to give in to φθόνοα Ν. Ο. Brown, ΤΑΡΑ 82, 1951, 15 n. 23, seems mistaken to argue that Pindar would have regarded such a ballot as 'fair, because secret'; it is very doubtful whether the adjective could mean merely 'crooked or fraudulent', as he suggests. 27. χρικέων ... δπλων: cf. //. 20.268 = 21.165 (of Achilles' shield) χρυοόο γαρ έρύκακε, δώρα θεοΐο, Ε. Hec. 110, El. 443f., ΙΑ 1071f.; also perhaps S. Aj. 935f. ήμοο άριοτόχειρ I (χρυοοδέτων) (Musgrave: (χρυοοτύπων) Campbell) δπλων εκειτ' άγων πέρι. At Α. fr. 451q.l0 τευχ[έ]ων seems to require some qualification indicating that the reference is to the arms of Achilles, and χρικέων may have stood at the end of the line: cf. H. J. Mette, Der verlorene Aischylos, Berlin 1963,126. φόνωι πάλαιοεν: similar uses of the verb in LSJ 1.2, to which add A. fr. 78c.7f. (Isthmiastae 43f. Snell = Lloyd-Jones) κακ]ώι τε κοί[τ]ωι και κακακ δ[υο]αυλίαιο I αί]εί παλαίοντ' (the verb read by R. Niinlist, ZPE 129,2000, 15); cf. δυαιάλαιοτοο. One would hardly gather from this line and 1. 23 alone that Ajax himself was responsible for his death; it is presented rather as the inevitable outcome of the situation in which he was placed. Contrast the treatment of the matter in N. 7.25-7,/. 4.35b-36. The suicide is a common subject of art: see Touchefeu (23-34 n.), 330, Hedreen (23-34 n.), 11 Of.; E. Simon, Aias von Salamis als mythische Persönlichkeit, Stuttgart 2003, 16-20. 39

Mitford recognizes τ&ι δ ί ρ ι (sic) in the syllabic inscription ICS 165a, but see the editor's note, supplemented on p. 410.

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2 8 - 3 0 . The battle over Achilles' body, narrated in the Aethiopis: see Proclus' summary, p. 69.16-18 B. = p. 47.21-3 D„ and cf. Od. 5.308-10, 24.37-42. A lost 'Chalcidian' vase-painting of about 550 BC (JL1MC Achilleus 850) shows Ajax stabbing Glaucus as he defends the body against the Trojan onslaught: for discussion, see especially Wächter 312f. Apollod. epit. 5.4 refers to the killing of Glaucus, probably drawing on the Aethiopis (3(IV) B.). Ajax went on to carry the corpse of Achilles back to the Greek ships while Odysseus fought off the Trojans (.Aeth.: see Proclus, as above; II. Parv. 2 B. = 2A D.; cf. sch. A II. 17.719 = Aeth. 3(H) B.). He is commonly shown carrying the body in art: see A. KossatzDeissmann, L1MC i.l (1981), 185-93; Hedreen (23-34 n.), 111-13; J. M. Padgett, 'Ajax and Achilles on a calyx-krater by Euphronios', Ree. Princet. Univ. Art Mus. 60, 2001, 2-17; Simon (27 η.), 11-15. Pindar is unlikely to have known the version of the story according to which Odysseus carried the body, with Ajax defending him (sch. Od. 5.310 (i.275.19-21 Dind.), Ov. Met. 13.284f.). P. Oxy. 2510 (II. Parv. fr. dub. 32 B.) has been thought to give that version, but perhaps wrongly (B. Bravo, QUCC 67, 2001, 49-114); it is in any case unlikely to be a fragment of early epic (M. L. West, CR 16, 1966,22). For Ajax as the best warrior among the Greeks after Achilles, cf. N. 7.27-30, II. 2.768f., 17.279f., Od. 11.469f. = 24.17f., 11.550f„ Ale. 387, carm. conv. PMG 898, Ibyc. S151.32—5. 28. ά ν ό μ ο ι α : cf. II. 1.278f. οΰ ποθ' όμοίηο εμμορε τιμήο I οκηπτοΰχοο βαοιλεύο, etc. θερμωι χρο'ί: the adjective is used of blood in Sophocles (Aj. 1411-13, Ph. 696, OC 622; cf. A. Ag. 1278); cf. Lat. ealidus (Oxf. Lat. Diet. s. v. 3a). 29. ελκεα £>ηξαν: for the lengthening of the final syllable of ε λ κ ε α before initial ρ see Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' D.l; in general, West, GM 15f. πελεμιζόμενοι: an epic word, also restored at O. 9.32, not elsewhere in lyric, πολ- is transmitted in both places in Pindar, as frequently in manuscripts of Homer and Hesiod. The true reading is implied here by the scholiast's διακινοΰντεΓ (48, 145.15, implausibly interpreting the form as middle) and κινούμενοι (attributed to Aristarchus, 145.17). 30. ά λ ε ξ ι μ β ρ ό τ ω ι occurs only here and at P. 5.91 in literature; it and Άλεξιμβροτίδαο are later found as personal names (LGPN i s. vv.). For the sense 'defending men', cf. 'Αλέξανδρος not itself found as an adjective (f. 1. at CEG 798.1 and Menaechm. FGrH 131 F 10 ap. sch. Pi. N. 9.30a, 153.4 and 7). Other compounds in -μβροτοο not attested outside Pindar: πλεκτόμβροτοο (Ο. 6.69), όπιθόμβρο-coc (P. 1.92), μεληοίμβροτοο (P. 4.15), έναρίμβροτοο (P. 6.30, I. 8.53), λυάμβροτοο (Pae. 8.80). 30f. μ ε ν ... τε: τε expresses 'mere addition' (Denniston 374-6): Pindaric examples in Slater s. v. μεν 3.b. 30. νεοκτόνωι: only here. For the sense, cf. the tragic νεοοφαγηα 31f. άλλων τε μόχθων έν πολυφθόροιο I άμέραιο: so at Ν. 9.40-3, after speaking of the battle at the Helorus, Pindar refers summarily to other fighting αλλαιο ά μ έ ρ α κ (42). For the transposition in the manuscripts (πολυφθόροιαν έν), cf. Ν. 6.27f. n., 7.4 άδελφεάν έλάχομεν D: έλάχομεν άδελφεάν Β, 43 δε περκχά Ε. Schmid: περιοοά δέ BD, and other examples in Young 256 = 106. On

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the breathing of άμέραΐΓ, see N. 6.6 n. 32. πάρφαοκ:: 'deceitful speaking': similarly παρφάμεν 'speak deceitfully' (O. 7.66, P. 9.43) and παρφαμένα in an erotic context 'beguile' (Ν. 5.32), the last meaning being paralleled by πάρφααο at II. 14.217 (on Aphrodite's κεοτόο). The other main Homeric sense of the verb, 'advise, persuade', is not found in Pindar. Neither verb nor noun occurs elsewhere in lyric. 33. For the series of phrases in apposition, cf. fr. 109.3f. cxacvv από πραπίδοο έπίκοτον άνελών, I πενίαο δότειραν, έχθράν κουροτρόφον; the other examples assembled by F. Dornseiff, Pindars Stil, Berlin 1921, 89 (O. 2.55f., 13.4f„ P. 1.20,9.64-5, Pae. 6.83-6), are less striking. αίμύλων: not elsewhere in lyric. όμόψοιτοο: only here before Nonnus, who has numerous instances. At Phld. Acad. Ind. xiv.lOf. (T. Dorandi (ed.), Filodemo, Storia dei filosofi, Piatone e I'Academia, Naples 1991, 145), cited by LSJ and in the 'index fontium' of the Teubner edition (under 'Anonym.'), it is a doubtful supplement of Biicheler's. δολοφραδήα also at h. Merc. 282; not again before Nonnus (D. 2.27). κακοποιόν: not again before Aristotle, but κακοποιεΐν already in A. fr. 111. 34. τό ... λαμπρόν βιαται: cf. Com. Adesp. 909.12 npoc γαρ τό λαμπρόν δ φθόνοο βιάζεται. 35-9. Pindar rejects the dishonesty mentioned in the preceding lines and describes his own ideal. Similar moralizing in the final triads of P. 2 and 11: cf. especially P. 2.83f. ου oi (sc. the crafty citizen) μετέχω Gpaceoc (~ N. 8.35 εϊη μή ποτέ μοι τοιούτον ήθο«:). φίλον ε'ιη φιλεΐν- I ποτι δ' έχθρόν άτ' έχθρόί έών λύκοιο δίκαν ύποθεύοομαι (~ Ν. 8.39 αϊνέων αϊνητά, μομφάν δ' έπκπείρων άλιτροΐο), P. 11.54 ξυναΐοι δ' άμφ' άρεταΐο τέταμαι (~ Ν. 8.38 äcxolc άδών), 55-8 εϊ tic άκρον ελών ήουχαι τε νεμόμενοο αΐνάν ΰβριν I άπέφυγεν, ... (he dies) γλυκυτάται γενεαι I εΰώνυμον κτεάνων κρατιόταν χάριν πορών (~ Ν. 8.35-7 κελεύθοιο I άπλόαιο ζωαο έφαπτοίμαν, θανών όκ π α κ ί κλέοο I μή τό δύεφαμον προοάψω). 35. ήθοο: also at Ο. 11.20, 13.13, Ρ. 4.258 ('home'); not elsewhere in lyric. (Anacr. 402(a).2 is corrupt; at Simon. 543.9 ήτορι is to be preferred: see R. Führer, NAWG 1976, 115 n. 49.) 35f. κελεύθοιο I άπλόαιο ζωοο: for the metaphor, cf. Simon. 541.12f. δι' αΐώνοε ociav I ]θεΐν κέλευθον, Β. 10.35-8 ματεύει δ' αλλ[<χ άλλοί]αν κέλευθον, I αντι[να cτ(ε)ίχ]ωv άριγνώτοιο δόξαο I τεύξεται, Ε. Here. 433 βίου κέλευθον, Emp. 31 Β 115.8 άργαλέαο βιότοιο ... κελεύθoυc. See in general R. Vischer, Das einfache Leben: Wort- und motivgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu einem Wertbegriff der ant. Lit., Göttingen 1965. 36. άπλόαιο: for the use of the word with reference to 'persons, or their words, thoughts, and acts', see LSJ II.b; cf. the similar use of διπλόοο to mean 'doubleminded, treacherous' (LSJ IV.2), of which an early example is found at Arch. 196a.36 cu] μεν γαρ οΰτ' άπιοτοο οΰτε διπλόη. 37-9. Pindar expands on the thought of 35-7 by means of a priamel: cf. e. g. Sapph. 16.1-4, where Sappho in a similar way contrasts the preferences of others with her own. See for the form West on Hes. Op. 435-6, with examples; further references in Verdenius, Comm. i.35 on O. 3.42. Cf. also 42^4 below. For the

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sentiment, cf. Theoc. 16.66f. αΰτάρ έγώ τιμήν τε καΐ ανθρώπων φιλότητα I πολλών ήμιόνων τε και ϊππων πρόοθεν έλοίμαν.

37f. χρυοδν εΰχοντοι, πεδίον δ' έτεροι I άπέραντον: parallels for the omission of ετεροι μεν or the like in Wilamowitz on E. Here. 635, Denniston 166 (ii); add Astyd. 60 F 3.4 δύο δέ χρικά, γρύψ, τό δ' ετερον Πηγοκόα 38. καλύψαι: the manuscripts have καλύψαιμ', with elision at verse-end. The correction is due to J. Wackernagel, Vermischte Beiträge zur gr. Sprachkunde, Progr. Basel 1897, 45 n. 2 = Kl. Sehr. 806 n. 2, who compares Ο. 3.9 α τε n i c a με γεγωνεΐν, where npaccei is to be supplied from npaccovxi (7). The scholiast, who paraphrases έγώ δέ εύχομαι τοΐο πολίταιο άρέοαι και τεθνάναι (63, 146.22f.), appears to have had the correct text (so Schroeder). 39. αΐνέων οίνητά: cf. Arch. 128.6 χαρτοϊάν τε χαίρε and other examples in Fehling 268. 40. The manuscripts have αΰξεται δ' άρετά χλωρακ έέροαιο άκ δτε δένδρεον aiccei, with -cei providing the first syllable of 41. Boeckh repaired the breach of verse-end by reading aiccei I (έν): other passages where έν is omitted by one or more manuscripts are collected by Young 253 = 103 (where for W 3.38' read 'N 3.58'). There remain two principal difficulties. (1) The second syllable of the line is long in all the corresponding places. I though unusual, is not unparalleled in dactylo-epitrite, occurring at fr. 172.4 (see N. 4.25 n. with n. 8), fr. 221.2 and B. 13 str. 3. It is sometimes analysed as a hemiepes with contracted first biceps (Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' A.6; West, GM 71), but contracted biceps is not Pindaric (Ν. 6.35 n.). A short syllable in second place is only possible if the sequence is regarded as a pherecratean, unique in dactylo-epitrite (so P. Maas, Greek Metre, Oxford 1962,41; Turyn mentions the possibility in his apparatus, comparing B. 13 str. 3, where he falsely suggests that Snell recognized a pherecratean). (2)
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Ζ Ρ Ε 37, 1980, 138). Anyway, the verb was liable to be misunderstood if placed together with its subject at the head of the sentence, away from the simile. Christ in the apparatus of his large edition suggests instead replacing αΰξεται with ϋ μ ν ο ι α ν , but the resulting word order appears excessively complicated. More probably the lacuna is to be filled by a qualification of ά ρ ε τ ά . Of the possible genitives, ανθρώπων seems more likely in this context than ηρώων: cf. the very inaccurate paraphrase in sch. 68b (147.2f. ή άρετη των ανδρών). Its use in the same sentence as ανδρών (41) might seem unnecessarily awkward, but see 41 f. n. If an epithet is to be preferred, υ ψ η λ ά , which might have suggested the simile, is an obvious choice: cf. O. 2.21 f. οταν θεοΰ μοίρα πέμπηι I άνεκάο δλβον ΰψηλόν, 4.3 υψηλοτάτων ... άέθλων, [5.1] ΰ ψ η λ ά ν άρετάν, Ρ. 3.111 κλέοο ... ΰψηλόν, I. 5.44Ϊ. τετείχιοται... I πύργοο ΰψηλαΐο άρεταΐο ά ν α β α ί ν ε ι ν ; Theoc. 16.98 ΰψηλόν ... κλέοο; also the similar use of μέγαο (Ο. 8.5f. μεγάλαν I ά ρ ε τ ά ν , 11.6 μεγάλαιο άρεταΐο, Ρ. 5.98 μεγαλάν ... άρετάν, 9.76 άρεταί ... μεγάλαι, Ν. 6.47 άρετάο ... μεγάλα«:, /. 3.4 μεγάλαι... άρεταί, fr. 205.1 μεγάλαο άρετάο; Simon. 522.2 αί μεγάλαι... άρεταί). The unattributed quotation at Clem. Al. Paed. 1.94.1 (i. 146.If. St.) άρετά γαρ έπαινεομένα δένδρον coc άέξεται (Β. fr. dub. 56) may be a corrupt version of our passage: if so, the intrusion of α ΰ ξ ε τ α ι may have occurred already by the third century. It is unclear whether the authors of sch. 68a-c (146.25-147.6) had α ΰ ξ ε τ α ι in their texts, since that word in their explanations may be a gloss on aiccei; sch. 68d (only in Β) ώο δένδρον aiccei..., οϋτω καΐ ή άρετή ... αΰξεται (147.7-9) appears to presuppose the text of the manuscripts. An echo of the passage is sometimes found in Hor. C. 1.12.45f. crescit occulto velut arbor aevo I fama Marcelli<s>, but see H. D. Jocelyn, Sileno 19,1993, 120. χ λ ω ρ α ΐ ε : perhaps 'fresh'. The adjective is not elsewhere applied to dew, but cf. Plut. Amator. 21, 767F ΰδατι χλωρώι (separated from the free quotation of E. fr. 1084 contained in the following words by A. Meineke, Vindiciarum Strabonianarum liber, Berlin 1852, 123f.); also the use with reference to rivers at A. Su. 63 χ λ ω ρ ώ ν ποταμών (Hermann, Scheer: χώρων ποταμών τ ' Μ ) , Ε. Hei. 349f. τον ΰδρόεντι δόνακι χλωρόν (Stephanus: χώρον L) Εύρώταν, Ph. 659f. ρέεθρα χλοερά, Anyte HE 683 (AP 7.486.4) χλωρόν ΰπέρ ποταμού χεΰμ' Ά χ έ ρ ο ν τ ο α See in general LSJ III.2; Η. Dürbeck, Zur Charakteristik der gr. Farbenbezeichnungen, Bonn 1977, 110, 284. έ έ ρ ο α ι ο : for the metaphorical use with reference to song, cf. P. 5 . 9 8 - 1 0 0 μεγαλαν δ ' άρετάν I δρόοωι μ α λ θ α κ ά ι I ρ α ν θ ε κ ά ν κώμων ΰπό χ ε ύ μ α α ν , I. 6.63f. τάν Ψ α λ υ χ ι α δ ά ν δέ πάτραν Χαρίτων I άρδοντι καλλίοται δρόοωι; more generally, P. 8.57 'Αλκμάνα ... ρ α ί ν ω ... ϋμνωι, I. 6.21 τ ά ν δ ' έπιοτείχοντα vac ον ραινέμεν εΰλογίαιο, fr. 6b(f) l άρδοντ' άοιδαΐο. The metaphor is only here extended by a simile. ώο οτε δ έ ν δ ρ ε ο ν a i c c e i : cf. II. 18.56 = 437 ö (sc. Achilles) δ ' άνέδραμεν ερνεϊ icoc; also Lucr. 5.786f. arboribusque datumst variis exinde per auras I crescendi magnum immissis certamen habenis, Virg. G. 2.363f. dum se laetus ad auras I palmes agit taxis per purum immissus habenis. 41. ( έ ν ) ο ο φ ο ΐ ο : of the audience at P. 4.295f. εν τε cocpoic I δ α ι δ α λ έ α ν φόρμιγγα βαοτάζων (sc. Damophilus) πολίτακ:; cf. 9.77f. βαιά δ' έν μ α κ ρ ο ΐ α

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ποικίλλειν I άκοά cocpoic. (At Pi. (?), P. Oxy. 2621 fr. 7.10, ]δ' έν ccxpoui is a possible articulation; μάρτικ (7) and πεμφθείο (8) would suit the poet.) For the omission of έν in the manuscripts, see 40 n. 41f. άνδρών ... άνδρών: for other such casual repetitions, see Schroeder 43f. (Pindar); in general, Diggle on E. fr. 773.12 (Pha. 56), supplemented at AC 65, 1996,192. 41. ά ε ρ θ ε ΐ ο ' : 'exalted': cf. /. 1.64f. εΰφώνων πτερύγεοαν άερθέντ' άγλααlc I Πνερίδων, LPae. 14'.40 co
43f. μαοτευει δε και τέρψιο έν δμμαα θέοθαι I πιοτόν: 'but pleasure too seeks to put a pledge before one's eyes'. The greatest pledge of friendship that Pindar could offer would be to bring Deinis' father back to life: that is beyond his ability, but he can easily provide an ode. The reference of πιοτόν cannot be only to commemoration in song. That interpretation would gain some support from the use of the word in O. 11.4-6 εί δέ c/υν πόνωι TIC εύ πράίχοι, μελιγάρυεο ϋμνοι I ύοτέρων άρχά λόγων I τέλλεται και πιοτδν δρκιον μεγάλαιο ά ρ ε τ α ί ο ; but τ έ ρ ψ κ by itself does not suggest achievement calling for commemoration, and Pindar's reference to bringing Megas back to life would

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seem very abruptly introduced if this were not meant as an example of a pledge. For the corruption in Β (πιοτά for πιοτόν, perhaps through assimilation to the gender and case of τέρψιο), cf. the examples of errors in inflectional endings collected by Young 261f. = 112f.; D's πκτάν may be due to a misunderstanding of a written above ov in an earlier copy. The scholiast takes Pindar to be referring to a 'loyal friend' (πιοτόν φίλον, 71b; implied by the quotation of E. Ion 732 at 73, 147.23), but to speak of 'placing' a friend before one's eyes seems very unnatural. 44. £ Μέγα: the apostrophe need not imply that Pindar presumes that the dead Megas can actually hear his song any more than for example that at O. 9.17 indicates a belief that Castalia could hear itself being addressed: cf. N. 4.85-8 n. For ώ, see 1 η. τεάν ψυχον κομίξαι: in a different sense at P. 4.159 εάν ψυχάν κομίξαι: see Braswell's note (d). 45. κενεαν δ' έλπίδων χαυνον τέλοο: cf. Simon. 542.21-3 οΰ ποτ' έγώ το μή γενέοθαι δυνατόν I διζήμενοο κενεάν έο άπρακτον έλπίδα μοΐραν αΐώνοο βαλέω, where κενεάν is to be taken with έλπίδα (as at Hes. Op. 498, A. Pers. 804, etc.) and not with the more distant μοΐραν (Η. W. Smyth, Greek Melic Poets, London 1900, 315). For the form of the sentence, cf. Ν. 11.48 with n. κενεαν ... χαυνον: cf. P. 2.61 χαύναι πραπίδι παλαιμονεΐ κενεά. 46. οεΰ ... πάτραι Χαριάδαιο τ': 'for your homeland and the Chariadae' (sch. 79a, b, 148.2f„ 6f.): cf. P. 6.5-8 Πυθιόνικοο ... όλβίοιαν Έμμενίδαιο (~ Χαριάδαιο) I ποταμίαι τ' Άκράγαντι (~ οεΰ ... πάτραι) και μάν Ξενοκράτει (~ Ν. 8.47f. εκατι ποδών ευωνύμων I διο δη δυοΐν) I έτοΐμοο ΰμνων θηοαυρόο. Some commentators have supposed that πάτραι here, as commonly in Aeginetan odes (see the introduction to N. 6), means 'clan' (see Schroeder's apparatus). Dissen and others take it to signify a kinship group distinct from the Chariadae. But Pindar nowhere else speaks of two distinct kinship groups in this way, and had he done so here, the first no less than the second would have had to be named in a song intended to preserve the fame of those celebrated. If, on the other hand, the reference is to the Chariadae themselves, it will be necessary to accept the deletion of τε proposed by Heyne (Χαριάδαιοι λάβρον), appositional τε being a doubtful usage (Fraenkel on A. Ag. 1526 and 1585). But the specification οεΰ ... πάτραι is superfluous (it is absent in corresponding passages: O. 3.38, 7.93, 8.75, 13.97, P. 6.5, 7.2f„ 8.38, N. 2.18, 4.73, 6.31, /. 4.4, 6.63, fr. 179); P. 8.38 πάτραν Μειδυλιδάν and /. 6.63 τάν Ψαλυχιαδαν ... πάτραν suggest that Pindar would have avoided the awkwardness of οεΰ ... πάτραι Χαριάδαιο(ι), for which no parallel is quoted, by writing Χαριαδαν δε πάτραι or the like. έλαφρόν: B's λαΰρον is a corruption of λάβρον (D), as commonly: for Pindar, cf. O. 2.86, 8.36, P. 2.87, 3.40, 4.244, and αύρόν (D) for άβρόν at N. 7.32 (Young 248f. = 98). λάβρον itself would leave the infinitive without construction: for one can hardly supply δυνατόο είμι (sch. 79b, 148.8) from οΰ μοι δυνατόν in the last sentence but one. Hermann eliminated this difficulty by replacing ύπερεΐοαι with ΰπερείοω. But to judge from the occurrences of λάβροο at O. 2.86-8 οοφόο ό πολλά εΐδώο φυάι· μαθόντεο δέ λάβροι I παγγλωοοίαι

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ΝEMΕΑΝ 8

89

κόρακεε (oc ακραντα γαρύετον I Δνόο πρδε δρνιχα θείον and Ρ. 2.87 παρά τυραννίδι, χώπόταν ό λάβροο cxpaxoc, I χώταν πόλιν οί οοφοί τηρέωντι, Pindar was not likely to use this adjective in a metaphorical reference to a song of his own: W. Headlam, CR 14, 1900, 10, rightly denies that Pratin. PMG 712(b) = TrGF 4 F 6.5-7 πρέπει τοι π α α ν άοιδολαβράκταιο Αϊολκ αρμονία is relevant here. I have adopted W. G. Cookesley's conjecture έλαφρόν (proposed in his edition published at Eton in 1849), for which he compares N. 7.77 εϊρειν οτεφάνοικ έλαφρόν. For confusion of β and φ, see Diggle, Studies 41 f. 47. ύ π ε ρ ε κ α ι λίθον Moicaiov: 'to place a musical stone support underneath', as of a statue, i. e. to raise up by means of song: cf. 41 άερθεΰ:' with n. and the use of ΰψηλόο illustrated at 40 n.; also the metaphorical use of όρθόω to mean 'exalt' (P. 4.60, N. 1.15, /. 4.38, 6.65). For the use of imagery from building with reference to song, cf. O. 6.1-3, P. 6.5-18, 7.3, N. 4.79-81, fr. 194.1-3; also the use of τέκτονεε with reference to poets (P. 3.113, Pi. (?: see 48 n.) ap. comm. in Alcm. 13(a).8f.) or those performing their work (N. 3.4f.). See also W. J. Verdenius, Mnem. 36,1983, 17. 47f. £κατι ποδών ευωνύμων I 5lc δή δυοιν: 'for the sake of the twice victorious feet of two men': for the number of victories, cf. 16 with n. For the juxtaposition 5ic δή δυοΐν, cf. Ν. 1.44 öiccaici δοιοίκ: with Braswell's note. Dissen understands 'because of twice two (i. e. four) victorious feet', but ποδών serves merely to indicate the foot-race (without further specification also at O. 12.15, 13.36, P. 9.115, 10.23, N. 10.48, B. 6.2; cf. P. 10.16), and a numerical qualification is out of place: Pindar is celebrating not 'four feet' but two victorious athletes. 47. εύωνύμων: 'of good name', hence 'glorious': also at O. 2.7, P. 11.58, N. 4.19,7.48,85,11.20. Elsewhere in lyric only Simon. 519 fr. 79.10, perhaps as an epithet of Νίκα (Lobel). 48-50. κόμποο is appropriate when great deeds are performed, while incantations can heal pain. Both functions are performed by Pindar's epinician odes. For the latter, cf. N. 4.1-5 and 3.17f.; also S. lehn. fr. 314.325, Hör. C. 1.32.15 with Nisbet-Hubbard's note 48. πρόοφορον: a favourite word of Pindar's, occurring also at O. 9.81, N. 3.31, 7.63 (both ποτι-), 9.7, Parth. 2.37, and fr. 183.2. Elsewhere in lyric there is only Adesp. ap. comm. in Alcm. 13(a). 10 ω]ν τε μελέων ποτίφορον (Pindar?: see Lobel's note on 1. 8 (P. Oxy. 2389 fr. 9 i.8); West (15 n.), 345 n. 73). 49. έ κ α ο ι δ α ΐ ε : also at P. 3.51, 4.217; not elsewhere in lyric, unless it is to be recognized at Pi. (?: see 2 n.), P. Oxy. 2736 fr. 2{b).9 ]παοι [. See in general G. Lanata, Medicina magica e religione popolare in Grecia fino all'etä di Ippocrate, Rome 1967,46-51. 50. ν ώ δ υ ν ο ν : first in Pindar; also νωδυνία (P. 3.6). Neither occurs elsewhere in lyric. γε μάν: emphatic, as at Stes. 222(έ>).204-7 οΰτε γαρ αίέν όμώο θεοί θέοαν αθάνατοι κατ' αίαν Ιράν I νεΐκοο εμπεδον βροτοΐοιν I οΰδέ γα μάν φιλότατ', and perhaps at Pi. P. 7.19 and /. 3.18b (Denniston 348). έ π ι κ ώ μ κ κ ΰμνοο: see Ν. 6.32 n.

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51. καΐ πρίν γενέοθαι τάν Άδράοτου τάν τε Καδμείων εριν: i. e. before the institution of the Nemean games. These were founded according to legend during the expedition of the Seven against Thebes as funeral games for Archemorus, killed by a snake at Nemea. The story is told by Bacchylides at 9.10-20. See in general M.-C. Doffey, 'Les mythes de fondation des Concours Nemeens', in M. Pierart (ed.), Polydipsion Argos (BCH Suppl. 22), Paris 1992, 185-93. Καδμείων: the normal poetic word for Θηβαίοι (Hutchinson on A. Sept. 1), also at P. 9.83, N. 1.51 (both in legendary contexts), 4.21 (contemporary); cf. /. 1.11 Κάδμου οτρατωι (the contemporary Thebans).

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ΝΕΜΕ AN 10 Occasion The performance took place during a celebration of the Argive festival of Hera (22f.), and in the latter part of an Olympiad, following the Great Panathenaea, at which Theaeus' most recent victory was obtained (33 n.). It is not clear to which Olympiad it is to be assigned: the argument of Wilamowitz (426) that, as Theaeus was from a Tirynthian family, the ode must have been composed after the fall of Tiryns, rests on a doubtful premiss (41 f. n.)· Further references on this question are given by Bowra 411; M. Cannata Fera, in P. Angeli Bernardini (ed.), La cittä di Argo, Rome 2004, 97-9. Composition of the Ode The main divisions of the material fall at triad-ends, a fairly unusual arrangement: odes comparable in varying degrees are O. 7, 13, P. 8, N. 8 (Christ 97). Pindar begins by calling on the Graces to celebrate Argos (If.), a catalogue of whose mythical glories fills the remainder of the first triad. He then announces and justifies a change of subject: the victories of Theaeus form his new theme, which again fills a triad. An implicit prayer to Zeus for Olympic victory is included (29f.). Commemoration of Theaeus' own victories leads naturally to mention of those of his mother's family (third strophe and antistrophe). All owe their success to the favour of the Dioscuri, who once visited their ancestor Pamphaes (third epode). Pindar goes on to explain that the Dioscuri spend alternate days in heaven and beneath the earth at Therapne: Polydeuces chose to share his immortality with his brother in this way rather than to let him die of the wound which Idas had inflicted, angry about cattle (fourth strophe). There follows a narration in sequence of the events of the battle in question (fourth antistrophe and epode), and then a long account of Polydeuces' choice, including speeches of Polydeuces himself and Zeus (fifth triad). The location of the myth at the end of the ode is exceptional, being paralleled only in O. 4, P. 9 and Ν. 1 (cf. Drachmann, MP 205-7). In P. 9, it is implied that the story of Alexidamus, an ancestor of the victor, is included following a special request (103-5), and it seems reasonable to suppose that Theaeus had in a similar way asked for a myth concerning the Dioscuri, whose connection with his family is mentioned at 49-51. In each case, the final myth is balanced by mythical glories of the victor's homeland at or near the start of the ode (in N. 10 a catalogue, in P. 9 the myth of Cyrene; cf. for this pattern the introduction to N. 8). The final myth of O. 4 is rather different, being merely a brief (one stanza) illustration of the gnome at line 18. In the case of Ν. 1, on the other hand, the same explanation for the inclusion of the final myth may perhaps apply as in P. 9

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and Ν. 10, though there is no connection with the victor's family that could have prompted a request.40 Metre STR.

1 2 3 4 5

6 EP. 1 2 3 4 5 6

ο ν, ~ e-D II e-D-D II e-D II e-D-ell e-D~D\\ e-e-e e<±e - e III

e-D-e II e-D-e II D-D II D-e-l e-e-D-l ""e e De - e III

( - 1,73)

4,10?, 22,40) ( ~ 6 5 n . p.) 6,24)

( - 88) 17,71)

The opening of the strophe is remarkable: — — — would naturally be interpreted as a telesillean followed by an iambic metron, but Pindar straight away modulates from aeolic into dactylo-epitrite: the 'iambic metron' is followed by - D. The next verse picks up the rhythm of the latter half of the first verse: we are firmly settled into a new metrical category. The strikingly anomalous opening creates a strong break at the start of each triad, reinforcing the divisions of the material (see above). Indeed each individual stanza is grammatically independent, until the last triad is reached: then Pindar blurs the divisions by having sentences run on from strophe to antistrophe and from antistrophe to epode (cf. 61-90 n.). After the fanfare-like beginning, there are no further surprises or disruptions to the regular flow of the rhythm within the strophe. Each of the subsequent verses begins with e. This uniformity may well have been chosen to suit the catalogue of the opening triad, where each entry begins with a new line, and so all the entries apart from that for Diomedes at the start of the antistrophe begin with the same rhythmical pattern: the structural articulation is reinforced. Ep. 1 and 2 continue the pattern, also beginning with e. Then with ep. 3 Pindar finally abandons this practice: by this point in the first triad, he has left the catalogue form behind, expanding the final entry into a more extended narrative. Only in 40

This explanation was rejected by Aristarchus (ap. sch. 49c, 19.11-13); his argument is not preserved.

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ΝEM Ε AN 10

93

the single triad of Ο. 11 does Pindar show a comparable persistency in the use of e at line-beginning. There every line of the strophe begins with e, and the pattern is abandoned only with ep. 1, which begins with D. e e, without intervening anceps, is found occasionally towards the end of a stanza, as in both str. 6 and ep. 6 of this ode (Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' A. 1 .aa); e D (ep. 6) is rarer but not unparalleled (ib. A. 1 .c).

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1-18. The poet calls on the Graces to celebrate Argos and proceeds to give a catalogue of its glories, including bold deeds (4-9), lovely-haired women (10f.), wise men (12), and Amphitryon and Heracles (13-18). Each of the first two sections is introduced by a statement in the present tense with the city as subject, while a link with the following sections is provided by Zeus, who remains subject for three sentences in lines 11-13. Shorter catalogues of Theban glories, displaying no such division into sections, open 1.1 (1-15) and Hymn 1 (fr. 29). If. For the elaborate series of appositions, cf. the apostrophes at P. 2.If. (Syracuse), Ν. 1.1 —4 (Ortygia), and fr. 76 (Athens), perhaps also the opening of a poem (Bergk).

1. Δαναού πόλιν άγλαοθρόνων τε πεντήκοντα κοραν: the form of expression, in which a city is denoted by πόλιο (or ac-ru) with the genitive of the name of a famous inhabitant, is a common one (//. 2.37 Πριάμου πόλιν, Od. 22.230 Πριάμου πόλιο, II. 14.230 πόλιν θείοιο Θόαντοο, 19.2% πόλιν θείοιο Μύνητοο, Simon, eleg. 15.3 πόλιν Γλαύκοιο, Pi. Ν. 7.30 "Ιλου πόλιν, 35 Πριάμου πόλιν, 10.41f. Προίτοιο ... άοτυ, Pae. 9.44 Ζεάθου πό[λιν), only here extended by a further genitive. Hypermestra is mentioned again at 1. 6 (see n.), while the second marriage of 48 Danaids (no doubt all but Hypermestra and Amymone: so sch. 195b, ii.239.9-12) is narrated at P. 9.112-14. ά γ λ α ο θ ρ ό ν ω ν : 'splendid-throned': also of the Muses ( 0 . 13.96) and the Athenian maidens accompanying Theseus (B. 17.124f.: see D. E. Gerber, ZPE 49, 1982, 3-5). Such adjectives (also ποικιλόθρονοο in Sappho, ϋψίθρονοο in Pindar, εΰθρονοο and χρυοόθρονοο in Pindar, Bacchylides, and Homer) are in early poetry applied always to legendary (as here, O. 2.22f. εΰθρόνοκ I Κάδμοιο κ ο ύ ρ α ι ο , Β. 17.124f.) or divine females. The formations ϋψίθρονοο and όμόθρονοο (Ν. 11.2) indicate that Pindar at least took the second element to mean '-throned': for the view that it contained at one time a reference to Gpovct 'embroidered flowers' (II. 22.441), see e. g. Janko on II. 14.153-5.41 Χάριτεο: also invoked at the opening of B. 9 and at greater length in Pi. O. 14, where they have importance as local divinities of Orchomenos; cf. N. 6.37f. n. For the opening invocation, see N. 8.1-5 n. 2. "Hpac δωμα: i. e. an important cult centre of hers: cf. P. 2.7 ποταμίου εδοο Άρτέμιδοο, Ν. 1.3 δέμνιον Άρτέμιδοο (both Ortygia), P. 12.2 Φεροεφόνοκ εδ<χ (Acragas); a more elaborate example at O. 14.If. Καφιάων υδάτων I λαχοΐοαν αϊτέ ναίετε καλλίπωλον εδραν (the Graces of Orchomenos). θεοπρεπέο: found only here and in late authors, φλέγεται: see N. 6.37f. n. 4. μακρά: i. e. 'great' (οίον υ ψ η λ ά και ένδοξα, sch. 6, 166.13): cf. I. 4.13 μακροτέραν ... άρετάν; τά μακρά Ν. 4.33,1. 7.43. The scholiast mentions two other possibilities, οτι π α λ α ι ά έοτι τά λεγόμενα, οίον άπό πολλοΰ χρόνου μήκουο διΐκται εί( ήμαο (12f.) and μακρά έοτι τά διηγήματα, έάν άρξωμαι είπεΐν τά περί Περοέακ (14f.): the first does not suit the context, and neither 'old' nor 'such as would take a long time to narrate' is attested as a sense of μακρόν

41

Η. Engelmann, ZPE 117, 1997, 18, suggests that Artemis' cult title Πρωτοθρονία is to be connected with θρόνα rather than Bpovoc: against, see J. Mylonopoulos, Kernos 13, 2000, 171.

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ΝΕΜΕ AN 10

95

τ ο Περοέοο: sc. εργαθραοέα. 5. Epaphus, son of the Argive Io, is said by Apollod. 2.1.4.1 to have founded Memphis. The story may have been narrated in the cyclic Danais (so Von der Mühll (next note), 97 = 229 n. 5). See further West, East Face 443-5. ( τ ά ) κ α τ ώ ι κ ι χ ε ν : the manuscripts have the unmetrical κατώικκθεν, rendered by sch. 8 as κατωικίοθηοαν. 42 I have accepted Boeckh's conjecture, giving the sense 'Many (are) the cities that it (Argos) founded in Egypt': the emphasis on Argos' responsibility for founding the cities is desirable, since Epaphus might not otherwise be regarded as an Argive hero, πολλά is predicative, parallel to μακρά in the previous colon, as we should expect. Maas conjectures καταοίκκχν (Resp. i.l 1 n. 2), but the omission of the temporal augment seems doubtful (Schroeder 41), and πολλά can no longer be predicative. The same objections apply to Von der Mühll's καταοικίοατ' (ΜΗ 21, 1964, 97f. = Kl. Sehr. 228-30). Besides, it is further from the transmitted text, and aorist middle for passive (for which usage see Barrett on E. Hipp. 27, Braswell on Pi. P. 4.243(d)) is not found elsewhere in this verb or cognates. Call. fr. 178.33f. έμοο αιών I κύμαοιν αίθυίηο μάλλον έοωικίεατο, mentioned by Von der Mühll (98 = 230), is not an example, since the verb means 'has made its home'. 6. The Danaids were commanded by their father to kill their husbands, the sons of Aegyptus, on their wedding-night; Hypermestra alone spared her husband, Lynceus, either because she had fallen in love with him (|A.) PV 865-8) or because he had preserved her virginity (sch. 10b, 167.20, Apollod. 2.1.5.10; so perhaps E. fr. 228a.4, but see A. Harder, Euripides' Kresphontes and Archelaos {Mnem. Suppl. 87), Leiden 1985, 191f.). The story will have been included in the Danais and formed part of the plot of Aeschylus' Danaides. E. Simon, 'Hypermestra and Lynkeus', in E. Csapo and M. C. Miller (edd.), Poetry, Theory, Praxis:... Essays in Honour of William J. Slater, Oxford 2003, 122-8, identifies a painting on a red-figure Attic kalpis (460-50 BC) as a representation of Aeschylus' Hypermestra with Lynceus as she resolves not to kill him. See in general M. Sicherl, 'Die Tragik der Danaiden', ΜΗ43, 1986,81-110, esp. 106f. ο ύ δ ' ... π α ρ ε π λ ά γ χ θ η : 'was not caused to go astray': cf. for the verb Ο. 7.30f. αί δε φρενών ταραχαί I παρέπλαγξαν και co
42

πολλά δ' ίϊν εϊη λέγειν, οπωο έν τήι Αίγύπτωι κατωικίοθηοαν πόλεκ ύπο των τοΰ Έπάφου χειρών (167.9-11): the gratuitous additions are produced by the attempt to force the sentence into the mould of the previous sentence understood according to the third of the explanations offered (6, 166.15f. μακρά ... αν εϊη λέγειν ... τά Περίέακ και Μεδοιχηε τή< ΓοργόνοΟ.

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μονόψαφοο, but the transmitted -ov (enallage) is to be preferred as making clear that the adjective belongs with what follows, καταοχοΐοα: coincident (N. 8.23 n.). 7. Diomedes' immortalization was mentioned by Ibycus (294, ap. sch. 12a, 168.2). Athena had been about to bestow immortality on Tydeus, but changed her mind when she saw him sucking the brains of his enemy Melanippus. He requested that his son Diomedes be immortalized instead (Theb. 9 B. = 5 D., cf. B. fr. 41; W. Burkert, Kl. Sehr, i, Göttingen 2001, 171). δμβροτον ... θεόν: a regular phrase in epic (//. 20.358, 22.9, 24.460, Od. 24.445, |Hes.I fr. 240.10); cf. Stes. PMGF i App. fr. 37.2 θ]εον άμβροτον, Emp. 31 Β 112.4, Α. Eum. 259. ξ α ν θ ά : of female divinities also at fr. 34, B. 5.92 (both Athena), Pi. N. 5.54 (the Graces), B. 11.51 (Hera), II. 5.500, h. Cer. 302 (Demeter). 8f. Other references to this story at O. 6.14, N. 9.24-7. It was told in the Thebais (cf. 10 B. = 7 D.). 9. Cf. O. 6.17 (also of Amphiaraus) άμφότερον μάντίν τ' αγαθόν και δουρι μάρναοθαι (from the Thebaisl Cf. 10 Β. = 7 D.). μάντιν Οίκλείδαν: cf. Ο. 6.13 μάντιν Οίκλείδαν ... Άμφιάρηον, Α. Sept. 382 μάντιν Οίκλείδην; also Theoc. 24.71 μάντι Εύηρείδα (if sound) and Zenodotus' μάντιο Θεοτορίδηο (for Κάλχαο Θ.) at //. 1.69. πολέμοιο νέφοο: the same phrase at IL 17.243f. πολέμοιο νέφο<: περί πάντα καλύπτει I "Εκτωρ, ήμΐν αύτ' αναφαίνεται αΐπύο ολεθροο (244 deleted by Payne Knight following Heyne); πολέμου ... νεφέλην used differently at 'Simon.' FGE 691 (A. Plan. 26.4). For a general discussion of such metaphors, see Wilamowitz on E. Here. 1140. 10. άριετεύει: a word favoured by Pindar, who has ten or eleven instances. It is not found elsewhere in lyric. With the return to the present tense there comes a return to Argos as subject: cf. 1-18 n. 11. Άλκμήναν: the correct vocalization: see Braswell on P. 4.172(a). Δ α ν ά α ν : the story is alluded to also at P. 12.17f. A different version is attested at fr. 284 (Dith. 4.15 adn.43), but see Schroeder's note. 12. πατρί ... Άδράοτοιο: Talaos. Adrastos is called Ταλαϊονίδαο at O. 6.15, B. 9.19; cf. Pi. N. 9.14 Ταλαοΰ παΐδεα That Talaos was a wise ruler may be implied also by N. 9.15 κρέ<χων δέ καππαύει δίκαν τάν πρόοθεν άνήρ, in reference to Amphiaraus' coming to power. δ', though only found in the lemma in D, is to be preferred to τ', since the latter, occurring here between two instances of τε joining pairs of nouns (the source of the corruption: a similar case at P. 5.111), could hardly be understood in the required way as a sentence-connective. Other examples of this confusion are given by Young 267 = 118f. Λυγκεΐ: husband of Hypermestra. φρενών καρπόν: 'the fruit of his wits', i. e. his decisions. The same phrase is found at P. 2.73f.; cf. fr. 211 πραπίδων καρπόν, A. Sept. 593 βαθεΐαν άλοκα δια φρενίκ καρπούμενοο. 43

For (Snell's) έφθάρθη, read έφθάρη.

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ουνάρμοξεν: sc. Zeus (sch. 21a, 169.19; 21b, 169.21): cf. IL 13.732f. α λ λ ω ι δ ' έν οτήθεοα τιθεΐ νόον εΰρύοπα Ζεύο I έοθλόν, [Hes.| fr. 203 άλκην μεν γαρ εδωκεν Όλύμπκκ Αίακίδηιοι, I νουν δ' Άμυθαονίδακ. Friederichs 85f. takes Argos to be the subject, but there is no indication of a change of subject, and cities are not said to bestow sense on their inhabitants as far as I have observed. 13. θρέψε δ ' αίχμάν Άμφιτρύωνοο: i. e. 'made him a good warrior': cf. for the expression O. 1.11 If. έμοί μεν ών I Moica καρτερώτατον βέλοο άλκαι τρέφει. Zeus remains the subject: cf. II. 9.39 (Diomedes to Agamemnon) άλκην ... οΰ τοι δώκεν (sc. Zeus), 13.727 (Polydamas to Hector) οϋνεκά τοι περί δώκε θεόο πολεμήϊα εργα, 730, [Hes.] fr. 203 (quoted in previous note). Again, some take Argos to be the subject: but while a place may be said by a common metaphor to 'rear' a person who grew up in it (see Slater s. v. τρέφω b; fr. 198a οΰτοι με ξένον ούδ' άδαήμονα Moicav έπαίδευοαν κλυταΐ Θήβαι), there appears to be no parallel for the notion of a city bestowing fighting skill on its inhabitants. It is not certainly found at N. 2.13f. ά CocXc^ic γε θρέψαι φώτα μαχατάν I δυνατόο (quoted by Friederichs 85). For the inclusion of the Tirynthian Amphitryon in a catalogue of Argive glories, see 41 f. n. below. δ δ ' όλβωι φέρτατοο: Peleus and Cadmus, who entered into kinship with divinities rather more directly, by marrying Thetis and Harmonia, are described in similar terms at P. 3.88f. λέγονταν μάν βροτών I δλβον ύπέρτατον ο'ί cχεΐv. For the accent of the demonstrative o, see West, Aeschyli tragoediae xlix. The scholiast (24a, 169.24; 24b, 169.28) takes the description to apply to Zeus, to whom it is appropriate enough in itself (cf. A. Su. 524-6): but ο δ' indicates a change of subject. Even if Argos were the subject of the previous sentence, as the scholiast may presume (no note on that sentence survives), 6 in this position would naturally be taken as the demonstrative, referring to Amphitryon, rather than as the article, with ο δλβωι φέρτατιχ to be understood as a vague periphrasis for Zeus: cf. O. 1.73 Εύτρίαιναν · ö δ' ..., Ν. 1.61 Τειρεοίαν · ö δέ ... 14-17. An earlier account of these events in [Hes.] Sc. 1-56, though Zeus' disguise is only implied there (30 δόλον φ ρ ε α βικχοδομεύων). Pi. I. 7.5-7 χρικώι μεοονύκτιον νείφοντα δεξαμένα (sc. Θήβα) τον φέρτατον θεών, I όπότ' Ά μ φ ι τ ρ ύ ο Λ ^ έν θυρέτροκ I οταθείο αλοχον μετήλθεν Ήρακλείοιο γοναΐί need not imply that Zeus actually took the form of a golden shower. Cf. also Pherecyd. Ath. 13 with Jacoby's note (FGrH 3 F 13). 14. έν χαλκέοιο οπλοκ:: cf. on the one hand N. 1.51 χαλκέοιχ c\>v οπλοκ, 9.22 χαλκέονο οπλοιαν Ιππείοιο τε ούν εντεαν, on the other Ο. 4.22 χαλκέοια ... έν εντεα. έν is regular of clothing: references in J. Diggle, CQ 21, 1971,46 = Euripidea 39; Studies 60. 15. τώι δ ' introduces a second temporal clause, τωι was misread as τιοι, then δ' deleted as in the wrong position. Mingarelli's τώι is accepted by Snell, but the hiatus is objectionable (see N. 6.20f. n.), and τώι without a connecting particle, which would be expected to introduce a new point (see Slater 366f.), is hardly appropriate here. δψιν: for the usual ειδοο only here in lyric, because of the following έειδόμενοα see Headlam on Herond. 1.34. δει ίοΓχρή, uniquely in Pindar, at O. 6.28, for a similar reason, χρή having been used in the previous line.

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έ ε ι δ ό μ ε ν ο ο : cf. Ρ. 4.21 θεώι άνέρι είδομένωι, the only other lyric occurrence of the verb. This is the earliest attestation of έει- for εί- in the present participle, next found in Hellenistic poetry (Biihler on Mosch. 2.158). The form will have been modelled on έειοάμενοο found beside εί<:άμεν<χ in the aorist participle in Homer (on which see e. g. C. J. Ruijgh, Minos 20-2, 1987, 533^44 = Scripta minora ii, Amsterdam 1996, 147-58; Mnem. 46, 1993, 540f.). Homer has in the present participle only εΐδόμεν<χ, though Ζ gives εειδομένη for έειχαμένη in II. 3.389, a poorly-attested line.44 16. άθανάτων β α α λ ε ύ ο : cf. Ο. 7.34 θεών βααλεύο, Ν. 5.35 Ζεύε αθανάτων βααλεύο, 7.82 β α α λ ή α ... θεών, /. 8.18 ΖηνΙ... βαοιλέι. Other lyric instances: Ale. 38a.9 Kpoviöaic βα[αλευ<:, 296a.3, 387, Stes. S14.1f. Δία π α μ [ β α α λ ή α θεών], S18.ll (suppl.), Cor. 654 iii.13; not yet in Simonides or Bacchylides. See in general Fraenkel on A. Ag. 355. 17. οπέρμ' άδείμαντον φέρων: cf. 81 below οπέρμα θνατόν, Ο. 9.61 f. εχεν δε οπέρμα μέγιοτον I άλοχοε, Ρ. 3.15 φ έ ρ ο κ α οπέρμα θεοΰ καθαρόν; οπέρμα not elsewhere in lyric in this sense. The father is seen as providing the 'seed' of the child, a widespread belief: see West on E. Or. 553. For the adjective, cf. I. 1.12f. τον άδείμαντον Άλκμήνα τέκεν I παΐδα, Pi. (?: see Ν. 8.2 n.), P. Oxy. 2736 fr. 2(α).7 Κλυτίον τ' άδειμ[α]ντον μ[,45 the only other lyric instances. 17f. 'Whose wife on Olympus is Hebe, who walks beside her mother, the accomplisher'. Heracles' marriage to Hebe is mentioned also at N. 1.71,1. 4.59f. For earlier references to the apotheosis, see West on Hes. Th. 947-55; cf. M. Winiarczyk, 'La mort et l'apotheose d'Heracles', WS 113, 2000, 13-29; Wächter 293. The usual translation, taking ßaivoic' έοτί as a unit equivalent to βαίνει (cf. sch. 31, 170.13 προϊοίκα πορεύεται), assumes a construction of the present participle not found before Sophocles and Herodotus (instances in Schwyzer-Debrunner 407f.), and the sense is clearly inferior. 18. τελεΐαι ... ματέρι: Hera, now reconciled to Heracles: cf. /. 4.60 γαμβρόο "Hpac. Her title τελεία is associated with marriage: cf. A. Eum. 214, fr. 383 (ap. sch. 31, 170.15), Ar. Th. 973-6; M. P. Nilsson, Gesch. d. gr. Religion i3, Munich 1967,429 with n. 2. έοτί: so the manuscripts (εοτι Ε. Schmid, most editors), rightly, since the word is enclitic (Barrett on E. Hipp., pp. 425f.). κ α λ λ ί ο τ α θεών: such phrases occur frequently in Euripides: cf. fr. 781.19 (Pha. 232) Κύπρι θεών κ α λ λ κ τ α with Diggle's note. 19-24. Pindar explains that, since he cannot mention all the glories of Argos, and his audience would tire of the theme, he will concentrate on wrestling: the Argive Heraea is taking place, at which Theaeus has won two victories in the past. A similar justification for a change of subject at P. 8.29-34 (compared by Drachmann, MP 288 n. 1): the danger of tedium leaves Pindar no leisure to tell 44

Bühler and others state that Herodian (π. μον. λέξ. p. 16.32) has έειδομένη for ε ί δ ο μ έ ν η in Od. 3.372, but ένειδομένη is reported for both his manuscripts (H: P. Egenolff, RhM 35, 1880, 101; V: A. Ludwich, Aristarchs hom. Textkr. ii, Leipzig 1885, 689). 45 The dot over ν noted by Lobel appears to be merely an offset, like the 'speck of ink between ν and μ ' observed and convincingly so explained by R. A. Coles (ap. S. Lavecchia and M. C. Martinelli, ZPE 125, 1999, 19, though they take Coles to be referring to Lobel's expunction dot).

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the whole tale of Aegina's glories (characterized in general terms at 22-8), and so he will sing only of the most recent, Aristomenes' victory. 19. β ρ α χ ύ μοι οτόμα π ά ν τ ' άναγήεοκθ': cf. for the construction /. 7.44 βραχύο έξικέοθαι χαλκόπεδον θεών εδραν. Such confessions of inadequacy on the part of the poet are found also at 11. 2.488-90 and Ibyc. S151.25ff. άναγηοαοθ': used again at I. 6.56 έμοί δε μακρόν πάοαο (άν)αγηοαοθ' άρετάο, and in a different sense at O. 9.80 εΐην εΰρηοιεπήο άναγεΐοθαι. Elsewhere only at Hdt. 5.4.2 όλοφύρονται, öca μιν δει ... άναπλήοαι κακά, άνηγεόμενοι κτλ., where Bekker restores άπ-, Άργεΐον ... τέμενοο refers to Argos as a precinct of Hera, a usage found also at P. 2.2 τέμενοο "Αρεοο (Syracuse), 4.56 τέμενοο Κρονίδα (Libya), and possibly to be recognized at B. (?) 23.2 ]ειον τέμενοο. Cf. the similar use of άλοοο (S. El. 4f. "Αργοο ..., I τήο οϊοτροπλήγοο αλοοο Ίνάχου κόρηο, Ant. 845 Θ ή β α ο εΰαρμάτου άλοοο). 20. μοΐραν έολων: this and κάλων μοίρα are common enough in Pindar and Bacchylides (0. 8.86 καλών μοίραι, I. 5.15 τούτων μοΐρ' ... καλών, fr. 42.3 καλών ... μοΐράν τε τερπνών, Β. 4.20 μοίρα[ν] έοθλών, 5.51 μοΐραν ... καλών), not found elsewhere in literature (but cf. SGO ί.όί/20/21.6 (Miletus, Hellenistic) καλώμ μοΐραν έπιοταμένη, in an epitaph for a priestess of Dionysus). Kopoc: 'tedium', a danger mentioned in Pindar also at O. 2.95, P. 1.82, 8.32, N. 7.52; not in Simonides or Bacchylides. 21. ά λ λ ' δμωο: also at P. 1.85, /. 5.51; not elsewhere in lyric, εΰχορδον: only here. έγειρε: 'rouse', i. e. 'cause to sound': cf. Crat. 171.63 εγείρε ... γλώ[τταν and the corresponding use of verbs meaning 'put to sleep' at 'Simon.' HE 3332f. (AP 7.25.9f.) εκείνον I βάρβιτον οΰδέ θανών εΰναοεν, Α. Ag. 1247 εΰφημον ... κοίμηοον οτόμα, and perhaps Β. fr. 20C.lf. μήπω λιγυαχ[έα κοίμα (Maas)] βάρβιτον. (-)έγείρειν may alternatively have as its object song or the like (O. 9.47 εγειρ' έπέων οφιν οίμον λιγύν, Ψαε. 13'(a).17 (?), S. OC 1777f., Crat. 237.1, Ar. Ra. 370). κινείν has a similar range of usages: cf. E. fr. 773.27f. (Pha. 71 f.) ούριγγαο δ' οΰριβάται κινοΰοιν ποιμναν έλάται with Diggle's note on 72; though he writes that έγείρειν is 'more commonly used of "rousing" musical instruments', I have not found any example of the usage except the present passage. (Id., AC 65, 19%, 194, adds Pi. fr. 140b. 17 αύλών έκίνηο' έρατόν μέλοο, but μέλοο is there the subject.) 22. άγων ... χάλκεοο: the local festival of Hera, held at the Heraion about 10 kilometres north-east of the city: see in general M.-F. Billot in J. de La Geniere (ed.), Hera, Naples 1997, 50-4. The prizes were made of bronze (cf. O. 7.83 6 ... έν "Αργεί χαλκόο). Six are preserved from the fifth century: four hydriai, a lebes, and a tripod (references at SEG xxxix.1061). An Argive inscription of 460-50 mentioning a πενταετηρίο (SEG xli.284, cf. xlviii.407) has been taken to refer to this festival, and the suggestion that the contests were held only every four years at this period gains some support from our ode. If they took place every other year, we should expect Theaeus to have won at least three victories, as he did at the Nemean and Isthmian games: the competition would have been less strong at a local festival. Instead, he has won twice, as he did at the Great Panathenaea,

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held every four years. His two victories at the local festival are no doubt to be assigned to the two most recent celebrations, four and eight years before the performance of the ode. One may well suppose that he would not compete in foreign contests before winning in his local games, and indeed a period of eight years would easily accommodate the other victories mentioned. 23. βουθυοίαν "Hpotc: cf. sch. O. 7.152d (i.231.7-9) Έκατόμβαια δέ ό άγων λέγεται cm πομπήο μεγάληο προηγούνται εκατόν βόεο, oik νόμοο κρεανομεΐοθαι παα raic πολίταια άέθλων ... κρίαν: 'the judging of games', said for 'games which are judged': cf. O. 3.21 μεγάλων άέθλων άγνάν κρίαν, 7.80 K p i c i c άμφ' άέθλοκ. 24. Οόλία: apparently the earliest recorded bearer of this name, next found in Athens in the fourth century (two bearers); not otherwise recorded in the Argolid, which has no Ούλιάδηο, Ουλιοο, or Ουλκ either. See in general O. Masson, 'Le culte ionien d'Apollon Oulios, d'aprfes des donnees onomastiques nouvelles', JS 1988, 173-81 = Onomastica Graeca selecta iii, Geneva 2000, 23-31. The name is considered doubtful by Wilamowitz, 425 n. 1 (cf. Hermes 37, 1902, 314 = Kl. Sehr, iv, Berlin 1962, 155f.), but his own exempli gratia proposal Φυλία appears not to be attested at all. (D gives the corrupt form άλία, corrected to άλίου (perhaps οΰλία was intended), both names being unattested; the latter has produced ηλίου (for B's οΰλίου) in the scholion (39,171.15).) Oeaioc: Θει-, given by the manuscripts here and at 37 below, is nowhere certainly attested in this name. Inscriptions of Argos and Epidauros have Θι(LGPN iii.A s. v.; also 0 i o c , etc.: A. Thumb and E. Kieckers, Handbuch der gr. Dialekte i2, Heidelberg 1932, 113 (2.a)) but Pindar is unlikely to have admitted this dialectal peculiarity (see Schroeder 29, § 56). Θε-, found in Attic inscriptions, first in the fifth century, and elsewhere, is restored by Boeckh in both places in this poem, following Hermann, De dialecto Pindari observationes, Leipzig 1809, χ = Opuscula i, Leipzig 1827,253. εύφορων: 'easily borne': cf. for the point e. g. P. 9.31-2 άταρβεΐ νεΐκοο άγει κεφαλάι I μόχθου καθύπερθε νεάνκ I ήτορ εχοκα. The word does not occur elsewhere in lyric. Schroeder's paraphrase άπόνουο τε και τερπνοΐκ δια την λήθην γενομένου«: gives the word an unattested sense, and I do not see how it accounts for -φορ-, 'Productive, fertile' (so apparently sch. 39, 171.19-21) is a late prose usage (LSJ s. v. II.3), never found with such a noun as jcovoc. The variant εΰφρόνων with πόνων could perhaps mean 'accompanied by a sense of satisfaction' (cf. West, Studies in Aesch. 203 n. 40, on the corrupt εΰφρων πόνοο at A. Ag. 806), if not εΰφραντικών (sch. 39, 171.21), but this is less suitable with λάθαν. δυοφόρων (Ε. Schmid) might possibly be corrupted to εύφορων (cf. E. Hel. 1021, Ba. 263 with Diggle, Euripidea 462 n. 9046), but the suggestion that Theaeus' toils were hard for him to bear is undesirable; the same comment applies to Koraes' δυοφρόνων (ap. G. A. Christodoulou, Platon 37, 1985, 256 = id., Οόμμικτα κριτικά, Athens 1986,96, anticipating Bergk). λάθαν πόνων: cf. P. 1.46 καμάτων ... έπίλααν. 46

In the last line, for Ί 0 5 - 6 ' read Ί 0 4 - 5 ' . Note also A. Pers. 328, where δικκλεώο is among the variants recorded for εύκλεόχ .

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25f. έκράτηοε ... "Ελλανα οτρατόν Πυθώνι, τύχαι τε μολών I κοί τ6ν Ίοθμοΐ καΐ Νεμέαι οτέφανον: effectively, 'he won at Pytho, and also at the Isthmus and Nemea', but the verb is used in two different ways, having as its object in the first case those defeated and in the second the prize obtained, the latter a usage otherwise attested only for the synonym νικάω (cf. 48 with n.). This type of variation is not uncommon: cf. O. 1.88 ελεν δ' Οϊνομάου βίαν παρθένον τε ούνευνον, Ρ. 1.40 ταΰτα νόωι τιθέμεν εΰανδρόν τε χώραν; KG ii.571. 25. "Ελλανα οτρατόν: cf. P. 11.49f. Πυθον τε γυμνόν έπΐ ετάδιον καταβάντεο ήλεγξαν I Έλλανίδα οτρατιάν ώκύτατι, 12.6 Ελλάδα νικάοαντα, /. 4.29 Πανελλάνεοα ... έριζόμενοι, CEG 393.2 (464 BC (?)) "Ελλαναο νικών Πύθι[α. 26. Moicaici τ' έδωκ* άρόοαι: 'and gave the Muses (sc. these achievements) to plough', i. e. 'gave them work to do' (LSJ s. v. άρόω I): similar metaphors at O. 9.26 έξαίρετον Χαρίτων νέμομαι κάπον, P. 6.If. έλικώπιδοο Άφροδίταο άρουραν ή Χαρίτων I άναπολίζομεν, Ν. 6.32 Πιερίδων άρόταιο.47 The scholiast (49a, 171.29) understands τούο οτεφάνουο as the object, but it seems most unnatural to detach τύχαι... οτέφανον in this way from what precedes, to which it is closely joined by τε, and the sense is absurd. 27f. xplc μεν ..., I xpic δέ και: a common type of anaphora: see Denniston 370 (i). 27. πόντοιο πύλαιο: i. e. the Isthmus of Corinth, also Κορίνθου πυλαίο (Ο. 9.86), Πέλοποο λιπαραο vac ου θεόδματοι πύλαι (Β. 1.13f.); see LSJ s. v. πύλη 11.2. 28. δαπέδοια 'grounds' of a precinct, as at N. 7.34 Πυθίοια ... δαπέδου: (= 44 αλοει παλαιτάτωι), Β. 11,24f. ζαθέοιο άγνοΰ Πέλοποο δαπέδοιο; with the same epithet at CEG 414.3 (Paros, dated to 'ca. 500?') οεμνώι ένί ζαπέδωι, IG xii.5.240.2f. (Paros, ii BC). See Barrett on Ε. Hipp. 230. έν Άδραοτείωι νόμωι: cf. Ν. 8.51 with n. νόμοο indicates 'die bestehende, geltende Ordnung (in Verfassung, Recht und Sitte)': see F. Gschnitzer in G. Thür and J. Velissaropoulos-Karakostas (edd.), Symposion 1995, Cologne 1997, 6 = Kl. Sehr, i (Historia Einzelschriften 149), Stuttgart 2001,264 with n. 13. 29-33. An implicit prayer to Zeus for Olympic victory, to be compared with the prayer for Pythian victory at the end of 1.7 (49-51) and that for Olympic victory recognized by P. Maas, DLZ 34, 1913, 2206, at the end of B. 8 (26-32), each addressed to the deity presiding over the games in question. 29f. παν δέ τέλοο I έν iiv έργων: cf. Ο. 13.104f. έ'λπομαι μέν, έν θεώι γε μάν I τέλοο, Hes. Op. 669 with West's note, adding his conjecture at A. Sept. 116/7 (Studies in Aesch. 104f.). 29. πάν: the Doric form (Hdn. ii. 12.22 L.), guaranteed by metre at O. 2.85, and no doubt correctly restored here by Schroeder (BPhW 16, 1896, 223), though παν ερδοντ' is required at I. 4.48, since digamma does not 'make position' in Pindar: 47

LSJ Rev. Suppl. s. v. άροτήρ 2 adds 'fig., cultivator, of poet, [Πιερίδων ά]ροτηρι orac. in SEG 27.678.11 (Ostia, ii/iii AD)', but J. and L. Robert, REG 68, 1955, 293f„ who accept Πιερίδων (Β. Gentili), point out that ά]ροτηρι there must mean 'father'.

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supposed examples are collected in Schroeder's edition (14), all to be rejected (on /. 6.42, see Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' D.l). See also Radton Pae. 6.180. 30. ούδ' άμόχθωι καρδίαι προοφέρων τόλμαν παραιτείται χάριν: 'and with no untoiling heart bringing courage to bear he asks for favour', ούδ' or the like followed by an adjective in α-privative relates only to that adjective: cf. Simon. 543.5-7 ούδ' (Brunck: οΰτ' codd.: see West, BICS 28, 1981, 31; also G. O. Hutchinson, Greek Lyric Poetry, Oxford 2001, 310) άδιάντοιοι παρειαΐο άμφί τε Περοέι βάλλε φίλαν χέρα κτλ. and e. g. Pi. Ν. 4.21 Καδμείοι νιν ούκ άέκοντεο ά ν θ ε α μείγνυον. Heyne's interpretation, 'non autem deprecatur, refugit, decus', still found in LSJ s. v. παραιτέομαι 11.2, besides ignoring this fact, requires the verb to be taken in a sense that it does not bear anywhere in poetry or in prose before Plato. προοφέρων: 'bringing to bear' (LSJ s. v. A.I.I, with parallels). The interpretation of the verb as meaning 'add to' (so e. g. Slater s. v. c) is possible in itself (LSJ s. v. A.I.2), but 'adding courage to his heart' is not plausible sense, τόλμαν: held in high regard by Pindar (cf. O. 9.82, P. 10.24, N. 7.59, 11.32, /. 4.45, fr. 231), elsewhere commonly viewed in a negative light: see W. Schmid, PhW 57, 1937,538. 31-3. γνώτ' άείδω θεώι τε και öcxic άμιλλαται περί I έοχάταιο άέθλων κορυφαίο- ϋπατον εοχεν Πίοα I Ήρακλέοο τεθμόν: γνώτ' άείδω is shown by the absence of any connective to refer to the content of the following sentence: cf. O. 4.17f. ού ψεύδεϊ τέγξω I λόγον διάπειρά τον βροτών ελεγχοο, P. 4.142f. εΐδότι τοι έρέω· μία βοΰί Κρηθεΐ τε μάτηρ I καί θραουμήδεϊ Cαλμωvεΐ, 5.108ff. λεγόμενον έρέω· I Kpeccova μεν άλικίαο I νόον φέρβεται I γλώοοάν τε κτλ., Β. 3.85ff. φρονέοντι ουνετά γαρύω· βαθύο μέν I αΐθήρ άμίαντοο κτλ. Since the sentence to which it refers should stand in asyndeton, as do the corresponding sentences in the passages quoted, Homan's deletion of δ' is to be accepted: for -ov at cf. O. 6.103, P. 11.38, N. 1.51, 69, fr. 169a.7 (see Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' D.l; also West, GM 16 (3)), and for δέ and τε inserted by scribes wishing to avoid an asyndeton, see Schroeder 9 (deleting P. 6.38 and /. 5.27 and reading (/.) 'VII 17/18'), R. Führer, NAWG 1976, 195 with n. 193; also the lists in Young 254f. = 104f. (deleting O. 14.5 and reading Ό 2.94' for Ό 3.94'; Ο. Ί 0 . 9 ' is a false reference). Homan himself punctuates with a high stop after άείδω and a comma after κορυφαίο, but there is no indication of a break in sense before θεώι τε και ocxic κτλ., and the datives are naturally taken with γνώτ'. 31f. γνώτ' ... θεωι τε και οοτιο άμιλλαται περι I έοχάταιο άέθλων κορυφαίο: 'known to the god and to all who compete for the supreme peaks of prizes', i. e. recognized by all concerned with the most important games. Kayser's ov (for θεωι) is palaeographically improbable and gives clearly inferior sense, Theaeus being included already in οοτιο ... κορυφαίο. Another instance of period-end between a preposition and its case is found at O. 10.20/21 ποτι I ... κλέοο. See in general on prepositives at period-end in Pindar W. S. Barrett, Hermes 84, 1956,250 n. 5, and for the accent, West, Aeschyli tragoediae xxxi. 32. έοχάταιο άέθλων κορυφαίο: the manuscripts have έοχάτων, as did the text explained by sch. 57a (173.7) and b (173.10). Sch. 57c however seems

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103

clearly to paraphrase the text given above (173.16f. περί τούτων των άθλων, οι ε κ ι κορυφαί εοχαται των άθλων). This is both syntactically clearer than the text of the manuscripts, in which the genitive would naturally be taken with περί, and preferable as sense, since while εοχατοο 'furthest, extreme' may aptly reinforce κορυφαί used metaphorically in the sense 'the best' (see next note; cf. O. 1.113f. τό δ ' εοχατον κορυφοΰται I βααλεΰοι), it can hardly qualify a noun meaning 'prizes', with which it would naturally be taken in the sense 'last'; the relevant part of the entry in LSJ (I.2.a) gives only instances in which it qualifies an abstract noun (cf. I.2.b), as expected. Schroeder, the only scholar to have considered this reading, rejects it on the ground that 'scite Pind quamvis diversis de causis et hie et Ν IX 9 (έπ' αύτάν ... ίππίων άέθλων κορυφάν) epitheton ad nomen regens attrahere noluit', but the cases are hardly parallel. The paraphrase of sch. 57a and b, περί xfjc κορυφήο των έσχατων (τελευταίων) άθλων, need not be taken to imply a variant κορυφδκ (conjectured by Rittershusius following Melanchthon): the singular may be due to the scholiast's interpretation of the transmitted text as containing a reference to the Olympic games (57b, 173.1 Of. άθλων δέ κορυφή καν τέλοο τά 'Ολύμπια), a false interpretation, since one does not contend for (or about) games but for prizes. The dative of the transmitted text is supported by O. 13.44f. δηρίομαι πολέ<αν I περί πλήθει καλών and Ν. 5.47 έ ε λ ο ΐ π μάρναται πέρι naca πόλιε among other passages (cf. Slater s. v. περί c). See Mommsen, Parerga 25. κ ο ρ υ φ α ί ο : 'peaks', i. e. 'the best', only in Pindar in this sense (instances in Slater s. v. b.ß). 33. Ή ρ α κ λ έ ο α his foundation of the Olympic games is referred to also at O. 2.3f„ 3.1 Iff., 6.67-9, 10.43ff„ Ν. 11.27 (cf. next note). τεθμόν: apparently 'foundation', 'establishment': cf. O. 6.69 τεθμόν ... μέγκτον άέθλων (the Olympic games), 13.40 ά μ φ ι ά λ ο κ ι Ποτειδανο«: τεθμοΐαν, Ν. 11.27 πενταετηρίδ' έορτάν Ήρακλέθ£ τέθμιον; Gschnitzer (28 n.) 5 = 263 with n. 9. 33-5. Cf. Ν. 6.37f. with n. 33f. ά δ ε ΐ α ι ... όμφαί: cf. fr. 152 μελιαοτεύκτων κηρίων έμά γλυκερώτεροί ό μ φ ά , Pae. 5.47f. μελιγάρυϊ ... όμφάι. ά δ ύ ο is not used of voices or song elsewhere in Pindar except in compounds, but cf. Od. 8.64 ήδεΐαν άοιδήν, Hes. Th. 39f. των δ ' άκάματοο ρέει αύδή I έκ οτομάτων ηδεία. 33. γε μεν: adversative: Theaeus has not yet won at Olympia (29-33), but he has now won two victories at the Panathenaea. (The passage is misunderstood by Denniston (387), who erroneously ascribes his explanation to Christ.) ά μ β ο λ ά δ α ν : here 'as a prelude' (cf. h. Merc. 426, Pi. P. 1.4 άγηοιχόρων οπόταν προοιμίων άμβολάο τεύχηic; Μ. L. West, JHS 101, 1981, 122), sc. to Olympic victory. I doubt whether the celebration of these victories could be so described unless (a) Theaeus intended to compete at the next Olympic games, (b) his Panathenaic victories were obtained at the last available celebrations of the Great Panathenaea before those games, i. e. in the third year (see 34 n.) of each of the preceding Olympiads, and (c) his most recent victory was obtained at the Panathenaea. Of these deductions, (a) is also strongly suggested by 29-33, while the combination of (b) and (c) accounts for the otherwise surprising length of the treatment of the Panathenaic victories (contrast the brief mentions of Panathenaic

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victories at O. 7.82, 9.88, 13.38, N. 4.18f., /. 4.25). The scholiast (61) offers two alternative explanations of the adverb, άνατεταμένωο τηι φωνήι και λαμπρώο (174.If.) and οΰκ έφεξήε ..., άλλ' άναβολάδην, τουτέοτιν άναβολήο τινοο γενομένηο μεταξύ (174.9f.): neither is supported by the actual usage of the word. 34. τελεταΐο ... Άθαναίων: the Great Panathenaea, held in the third year of each Olympiad, at which alone, and not also at the Little Panathenaea, games were held (L. Ziehen, RE xviii.3 (1949), 475f.), the prizes being quantities of oil contained in amphoras of a special design (ib. 474f.); recent discussions in DNP ix (2000) s. vv. Panathenäische Preisamphoren (Η. Mommsen), Panathenaia (R. Parker). The scholiast writes ecu δε και οϋτω προενέγκαοθαι άδείαι έν τελεται (61, 174.5f.), implying the existence of a variant τελεται, but the plural is supported by P. 9.97f. τελεταΐο I (bpiaic έν Παλλάδοο. νιν: see Ν. 8.8 n. 35f. Another ornamental description of a prize at O. 9.97f. ψυχραν όπότ' εϋδιανόν φάρμακον αϋραν I Πελλάναι φέρε. 35. γαίαι ... καυθείοαι πυρί: cf. Anaxandr. 6.2f. έν πυρικτίτοιοι yac- I Τιμόθεοο (798) εφη ποτ', ανδρεο, την χύτραν οΐμαι λέγων with Kassel-Austin's note. 36. εύάνορα: 'with noble men': five times in Pindar, not elsewhere in lyric. It occurs in earlier literature only in the Odyssey, where it is applied to wine (4.622) and to bronze (13.19). Its sense there is disputed (LfgrE s. v. εύήνωρ). παμποικίλοιο: only here in lyric. Homer has two instances (//. 6.289, Od. 15.105). 37f. ϊπεται δέ, θ ε α ΐ ε , ματρώων πολυγνώτωι γένει υμετέρων I εΰάγων τιμά: cf. //. 9.513f. πόρε ... Aiöc κούρηκιν επεεθαι I τιμήν, 4.415 τούτωι ... κΰδοε αμ' εψεται, Β. 5.193f. δν α{ν ά)θάνατοι τι[μώcι, τούτωι] και βροτών φήμαν επ[εcθαι. The transmitted πολύγνωτον yivoc is to be emended to the dative, since έπομαι does not take a direct object. The corruption will have arisen through comparison with O. 6.71f. έξ οΰ πολύκλειτον καθ' Έλλαναο γένοο Ίαμιδαν· I ολβοο ίίμ' εοπετο taken with the scholia as a single sentence (sch. 122a (A), i.l80.17f. έξ ού των Ίαμιδών τό γένοο δλβοο αμ' εοπετο· άντι του τώι των Ίαμιδών γένει öλßoc ήκολούθηεεν; cf. sch. 120 (Β C D Ε Q), 180.9-13): cf. Ν. 6.30 with n. C. A. Lobeck (ed.), Phrynichi eclogae ..., Leipzig 1820, 354 n. *, mentions examples of an accusative with this verb at Luc. Asin. 51 and Q. S. 1.341, both easily emended, as is the instance of άκολουθέω with a direct object at Men. fr. 337.3. Other proposals: (1) Höman, p. xxi, followed by Schroeder (1900),48 took πολύγνωτον γένοο to be a parenthesis. There is no indication of this in the Greek. (2) Various replacements for επεται have been suggested, including έφέπει (Bury: εφεπεν Schroeder) and έπέβα (Wilamowitz). Neither of these produces an obviously idiomatic phrase; the latter could only mean 'attacked'. 37. θεαΐε: see 24 n.

Λ

Schroeder fails to mention Höman, whose edition he had reviewed at JPhV 8, 1882,43.

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π ο λ υ γ ν ώ τ ω ι : the adjective only in Pindar (again at Parth. 2.44f.); likewise πολύκλειτ<χ (Ο. 6.71, fr. 194.4). Both are found also as personal names from the fifth century onwards. Cf. the next note. 38. ε ύ ά γ ω ν : only here and as a personal name, first in the fifth century, εΰάεθλοο has a comparable distribution, occurring as an adjective only at I. 6.3 before the Byzantine period and as a personal name first perhaps in SEG xlvii. 1363(3) (archaic). Xapueccv τε κ α ΐ d>v Τυνδαρίδαιο: for the placing of the preposition, cf. 53 below; KG i.550 (3), Friis Johansen-Whittle on A. Su. 311. X a p i t e c c t : see 1 n. Τ υ ν δ ο ρ ί δ ο ι ο : cf. 49-54. θ α μ ά κ κ : 'often', an exclusively Pindaric word (here and at /. 1.28), occurring also in the form θ α μ ά κ ι (Ο. 4.27; not registered by LSJ or its Revised Supplement). 39. ά ξ ι ω θ ε ί η ν κεν: Ί would be thought worthy' rather than 'dignum me haberem ... qui ...' (Dissen and others), in view of the passive; the verb occurs only here in lyric. θ ρ α ο ύ κ λ ο υ : the name only here, but Θραουκλτκ is fairly commonly attested from the sixth century onwards. 40. ' Α ν τ ί ο : common enough as a name from the sixth century onwards; one other holder recorded in the Argolid in the fifth century (LGPN iii.A s. v. 4: Mycenae, ? c. 500-480). eoyyovoc: first attested in Pindar (nine instances) and Aeschylus; not elsewhere in lyric. 40f. "Αργεί μή κρύπτειν φόοο I όμμάτων: cf. Ν. 7.65f. έν ... δ α μ ό τ α κ I δμματι δέρκομαι λαμπρόν. 41. νικαφορίαιο, a word for long only attested in Pindar, occurring certainly in four other places, has now turned up in an epinician ode of Simonides (S339(a)+340.6: Barrett, Dionysiaca 11). 41f. Προίτοιο τ ό δ ' Ιπποτρόφον I Ä C T U : the manuscripts have ίπποτρόφον CXCTU ΤΌ Προί-Ιτοιο, with a breach of period-end. Boeckh's transposition repairs the metre; his τόδ' is confirmed by sch. 76, 176.4-6, Jtocaic γαρ ίπποτροφίαιο (sic)... αΰτη ή πόλιχ οΰκ εθαλλεν ή του Προίτου. A similar transposition is usually thought to be required by the metre at I. 8.32f. (φέρτερον πατ(έ)ροο I ανακτα γόνον Ahlwardt: φέρτερον γόνον ανακτα πατρόο BD); see also Young 255f. = 106. The designation of Argos as Προίτοιο ... αοτυ (for the form of expression see 1 n.) derives from a misunderstanding of |Hes.| fr. 37.10 (οι (sc. Bias and Melampus) δε και είο "Apyoc Προΐ[το]ν πά[ρα δΐον ϊκοντο) or a similar passage: 'in F 129 it is stated that Akrisios was king in Argos, Proitos in Tiryns. But "Argos" is a term that may be used in a broader or a narrower sense. It can include Mycenae and Tiryns (//. 1.30, 2.108, 19.115, al.).' (West, Catalogue 123). The Argive (rather than Tirynthian) Amphitryon at 1. 13 above is a product of the same kind of confusion; cf. also Ephipp. 2.If. Τιρύνθιον I Άργεΐον (sc. Heracles), Hsch. τ 947 Τιρύνθιον "Apyoc · τ a t Μυκηναο Other views, rejecting the evidence found in the scholion: (1) Wilamowitz 426 takes the reference to be to Tiryns, to which he supposes Theaeus' maternal line

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to have belonged; he does not state which reading he prefers.49 F. Kiechle, Philol. 104, 1960, 191 η. 1, who shares his view, proposes to read τόθ' in place of Boeckh's τόδ', accepting his transposition, but this would have no reference. (Snell's proposal θάληοε ίπποτρόφον I acru το Προίτου 'vel sim.', with its unparalleled placing of the article, is perhaps also designed to accommodate Wilamowitz's view.) Tiryns, unlike Argos (see next note), does not appear to have been associated with the rearing of horses. (2) Bergk and Rauchenstein produced various conjectures designed to give a reference here to victories in games at Argos (Bergk) or Tiryns (Rauchenstein), of which Bergk's final proposal Προίτοιό τ' άν' ίπποτρόφον I OCCTÜ θάλη<αν appeared to Maas, Resp. ii.14 n. 1, 'aus inhaltlichen Gründen unausweichlich'; but one expects the Panhellenic victories to be mentioned first. The list of Theaeus' victories begins with those at the local games (24) only because these are the setting for the performance, just mentioned. 41. ίπποτρόφον: ίππόβοτον of Argos fourteen times in early epic (instances in LfgrE s. v.) and in lyric at Β. 11.80; cf. Pi. /. 7.11 "Αργοο ϊππιον. 42. Κορίνθου τ* έν μυχοί«:, καΐ Κλεωναίων πρόο άνδρών τετράκκ:: a new sentence, to be separated from what precedes by a raised stop (Härtung), since νικαφορίαιο ... öcaic would be undesirably vague in the case of the Isthmian victories and awkward if used in combination with the precise τετράκκ: of the Nemean victories. There will no doubt have been only one Isthmian victory. If there had been more, Pindar would have given the number: he could hardly leave τετράκκ: to be supplied from the next entry in the list. Κορίνθου ... έν μυχοΐα cf. Ν. 2.21 έν έολοΰ Πέλοποο πτυχακ, /. 3.11 έν ßaccaiciv Ίοθμοΰ, 8.63 "Ιοθμιον αν νάποα Κλεωναίων πρόο άνδρών: cf. Ρ. 4.66 έξ Άμφικτιόνων, Ν. 2.20 Κορινθίων ΰπό φωτών. Cleonae is mentioned again as controlling the Nemean games at N. 4.17; cf. sch. N. hyp. c (3.16f.), d (5.3), Plut. Arat. 28.5. 43. (Ιικυωνόθε: the CIK- transmitted here and in Pindar's four other instances of the name (0. 13.109, Ν. 9.1, 53,/. 4.26; cf. Simon. 519 fr. 115) is supported by SIG 31.8 = Meiggs-Lewis 27.3 (Dor., 479-8) and other inscriptional examples, and not to be replaced (with Schroeder 30 (§ 56), 500) by CEK-, stated by A. D. Adv. 144.20 to be the local form: see LSJ Rev. Suppl. s. v. ακυών; Wilamowitz, Hermes 44, 1909,475f. = Kl. Sehr, iv, Berlin 1962, 252f. E. Schmid's -θε is to be preferred to the theoretically possible -θεν {δ'}: a connecting particle is required, and the scholiast (76, 176.7 άπό ( ικυώνοε δε κτλ.) appears to have had δ', as Mommsen notes.50 (Ιικυωνόθε again at N. 9.1. This ablatival -θε for -θεν, apparently due to the analogy of ϋπερθε(ν) and the like, is found several times in Pindar, and now also in earlier lyric (Stes., P. Oxy. 3876 (PMGF i App.) fr. 61(b).6 ]τηλόθε; cf. Adesp. 93IT Campbell): see in general M. Lejeune, Les adverbes grecs en -θεν, Diss. Paris 1939, 106-33; C.

49

Cf. now also the arguments of G. B. D'Alessio, in P. Angeli Bernardini (ed.), La cittä di Argo, Rome 2004, 112f., who gives further references. 50 Turyn prints -θε but does not report the reading of the manuscripts, in accordance with the policy announced on p. xiii of his edition.

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Dobias-Lalou, Le dialecte des inscriptions grecques de Cyrene, Karthago 25, 2000(19991, 119. άργυρωθέντεο COV οίνηραΐο φιάλαιο: the silver cups awarded to victors at the Sicyonian Pythia are mentioned also at N. 9.51-3. The verb occurs again at /. 2.8, the only other lyric instance. 44. For the woollen cloaks given as prizes at the Theoxenia in Pellene, cf. O. 9.97f„ Simon. 514 (apparatus); E. Meyer, RE xix (1937), 365.25-59; a recent discussion in M. Osanna, Santuari e culti dell'Acaia antica, Naples 1996, 28If. Pellene is mentioned together with Sicyon in another victory catalogue at O. 13.109 Πέλλανά τε και (Ιικυών; cf. Β. 10.32f. 4 5 f . ά λ λ α χ α λ κ ό ν μ υ ρ ί ο ν ού δ υ ν α τ ό ν I έ ξ ε λ έ γ χ ε ι ν : 'but it is not possible to put the countless bronze to the test', i. e. to attempt to discover where each of their bronze prizes was won. Similar protestations conclude victory catalogues at O. 13.43-6, 112f., N. 2.23, and in epigrams for victors ('Simon.' FGE 826 (AP 13.14.5, after 472 BC), CEG 811.7 (356 BC), etc.). 46. μακροτέραο ... οχολαο: for the parenthesis, cf. P. 4.23 with Braswell's note (b). ο χ ο λ α ο : this and άοχολοο (P. 8.29) and άοχολία (/. 1.2) occur once each in Pindar, always in passages concerned with the poet's performance of his task. They are not found elsewhere in lyric. 47. Κλήτωρ: named (]ετορι), together with Nemea, Tegea, and Pellene, in an agonistic inscription from the Argive Heraeum dated to the end of the sixth century (IG iv.510, J. Ebert, Griechische Epigramme auf Sieger an gymnischen und hippischen Agonen, Berlin 1972, no. 10). Games are attested for the Kopuxcia, in honour of Athena Κορία (/. Trail. 116,IG vii.47; Κόρεια sch. Pi. O. 7.153a (i.231.13: A), e (232.1: Β C Ε Q), in a list of Arcadian festivals, no doubt for Κ ο ρ ι ά ο ι α : L. Robert, RPh 3, 1929, 129 = Opera minora selecta ii, Amsterdam 1969, 1095 with n. 4). Wilamowitz's proposal (427 n. 3) to spell the name of the town with -η- (-εν- BD) is probably to be accepted, though the only direct evidence for the vocalization of the name in Pindar's time, besides the sixth-century inscription mentioned above, is provided by coins, which have first ε and then in the fourth century η (F. Hiller von Gaertringen, IG v.2, 1913, p. 85.73-84). -η- is found in the fourth century also in inscriptions at Tegea (IG v.2.1.52), Argos (SEG xxiii.189 ii.22) and Delphi (CID ii.51.7, 339 BC; but -ειSIG 291, 331-28 BC), but -ει-, the usual form later, is attested already in the first quarter of the century at Olympia (I. Ol. 167). See also P. Charneux, BCH 90, 1966, 230f.; L. Dubois, Recherches sur le dialecte arcadien ii, Louvain-la-Neuve 1986, 207f. Τ ε γ έ α : games attested for the Ά λ έ α ι α , in honour of Athena 'Αλέα (Paus. 8.47.4, sch. Pi. O. 7.153e, i.232.If.; M. Jost, Sanctuaires et cultes d'Arcadie, Paris 1985, 374). Α χ α ι ώ ν ΰ ψ ί βάτοι πόλιεο: perhaps other cities of Achaea besides Pellene. Pindar uses 'Αχαιοί of contemporary Thessalians at I. 1.58f. Πρωτε<:ίλα, τό τεόν δ' ανδρών 'Αχαιών I έν Φυλάκαι τέμενοο ουμβάλλομαι (cf. Ν. 7.64f. Άχαιόί ... άνήρ I 'Ioviac ύπέρ άλίκ οίκέων (sc. in Epirus) with sch. 94a, 128.25-129.1; the uses at /. 1.31 (of the ancient Spartans) and Pae. 6.85f. (of the Greeks at Troy) are

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not relevant); but it would be strangely inconsequential to move from Arcadia to northern Greece and back to Mt. Lykaion in the course of a sentence. Arcadia itself however can hardly be meant here, as Christ (p. 466) and Slater (s. v. Άχαιόο) think: even if the application of Αχαιοί to the Arcadians were to be accepted, we should require a word for 'other'. The adjective is found only here and at S. Aj. 1404 (of a tripod), and as an uncertain supplement at Lyr. Adesp. S458 i.18 (]βατοο πόλκ). 48. Λύκαιον: for the Λύκαια, cf. Ο. 9.95f., 13.108; CEG 814.8 ('ca. 350-325?') with Hansen's note. Διόο: i. e. Zeus Lykaios. The sense 'gave as prizes for athletic victories' is thus expressed in terms not suiting the venues mentioned first, but there is no danger of misunderstanding, especially as the verb is singular. For a similar illogicality, cf. Ν. 11.27-9 n. θηκε ... viicacai: for the epexegetic infinitive with τίθημι, 'set up, of the prizes in games' (LSJ s. v. A.III. 1), cf. //. 23.262ff. Ιππευαν ... άγλά' αεθλα I θηκε γυναίκα αγεοθαι... I καΐ τρίποδ', and for νικάω with an accusative of the prize, cf., besides the use of κρατέω at 25f. above, N. 5.5 νίκη ... οτέφανον, CEG 758.2-4, 811.5-6 (both iv BC), and 'Simon.' FGE 796f. (late Hellenistic?). There is nothing to excite suspicion in this text. Snell's νικώντι (after Wilamowitz, who proposed νικααν (427 n. 3), intended as an equivalent of νικώαν; neither form is Pindaric), besides destroying the idiomatic construction with the infinitive, introduces an unwanted ambiguity, for the participle would naturally be taken with οθένει: indeed it is so taken by F. Ferrari, Ricerche sul testo di Sofocle, Pisa 1983,44. The passage is curiously misunderstood by LSJ s. v. τίθημι B.I.4. δρόμων: 'race-course', as at O. 3.33, P. 1.32, /. 1.57 (Slater s. v. b), a sense for which LSJ (s. v. II.2) cite only instances in Herodotus and Euripides. There is nothing to be said for what appears to be the scholiast's view (87, 176.24-177.2), that δρόμωι is to be taken with what follows rather than what precedes, less natural in itself and producing in δρόμωι... ποδών an improbable expression and in παρ Διόο, 'from Zeus', one which gives no suitable sense: it cannot mean παρά τώι τοΰ Διόο βωμώι (176.24). cbv ποδών χειρών τε ... οθένει: cf. Ν. 5.39 οθένει γυίων έρίζοντι θραοεΐ, Ρ. 10.23f. öc αν χεροιν ή ποδών άρεται κρατήοακ I τά μέγιοτ' άέθλων εληι τόλμαι τε και οθένει, 4.253 γυίων άέθλοιο έπεδείξαντο iv' (Kayser: κρίοιν codd.). 49-54. The favour shown by the Dioscuri to Theaeus' family. The Dioscuri had, as Wanake, an important cult at Argos. Pausanias mentions a shrine in the city and another outside (2.22.5, 36.6); cf. Pi. 'Pae. 18'.If. έν Τυν]δαριδαν ίερώι I τεμέ]νει πεφυτευμένον a[Xcoc, in a composition for the Argives. Surviving dedications include CEG 363 (LSAG 168.3, late vii BC), LSAG 168.6 (c. 590-70?), CEG 364 (LSAG 169.17, 500-480?), LSAG 169.28 (c. 475-50?), SEG xlix.355 (v BC), xxvi.428 (mentioning a τέμενοο; c. 400), xliv.318 (iv/iii), xlix.356 (Hellenistic): note especially CEG 364.If. |? βομόνι]κ[ά^α[ο /Γαν]ά9ον άνέθεκε [? ß<xci]v τε I Αιοχυλλο[ο] Θίοποο τοΐο δαμοοίοιο έν άέθλοκ. See also J.-C. Moretti in Α. Pariente and G. Touchais (edd.), Argos et l'Argolide, Athens 1998, 238f.

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'Tyndaridae' is the regular Pindaric designation of the brothers, though the title Dioscuri is found already in the sixth century: cf. Simon, eleg. 11.30f. with P. J. Parsons in P. Oxy. lix, 1992, p. 35 (on his 1. 9); 80-2 n. 49f. A similar legend at Hdt. 6.127.3 Εΰφορίωνοο τοΰ δεξαμένου ..., dx λόγοο έν Άρκαδίηι λέγεται, τούο Διοοκούρουο οΐκίοια. See in general Nilsson (18 n.), 409; also D. Flückiger-Guggenheim, Göttliche Gäste, Bern 1984, 62-70; Μ. Η. Jameson, 'Theoxenia', in R. Hägg (ed.), Ancient Greek Cult Practice from the Epigraphical Evidence, Stockholm 1994, 35-57. 49. Παμφάη: evidently an ancestor of Theaeus, Thrasyclus, and Antias; not in LGPN iii.A, where three other holders of the name in the Argolid are recorded, the earliest in the fourth century. See also O. Masson, ZPE 110, 19%, 90 = Onomastica ... iii (24 n.), 246. 50f. ου θαΰμα οφίοιν I έγγενέο έμμεν άεθλητακ; άγαθοΐοιν: 'it is not surprising that they have an innate quality as good athletes', i. e. that they inherit athletic excellence. 51. έγγενέο: also at N. 4.68, where see n. 52. εύρυχόρου ... Οιάρταο: a conventional phrase: ε ΰ ρ ύ χ ο ρ ο ν Λακεδαίμονα Od. 13.414, 15.1; Hdt. 7.220.4 (orac. 100.1 Parke-Wormell) Οιάρτηο ... εύρυχόροιο, Β. 20.1 (suppl.), Anaxandr. 42.20, etc. ταμίαι: a similar usage at P. 5.62 ταμίαι Κυράναο (Battos). Pindar has eleven examples of words from this root; none survives in Simonides or Bacchylides. 52f. άγώνων I μοΐραν ... διέποντι: cf. Ο. 3.36 tote (sc. the Dioscuri) ... έπέτραπεν Ουλυμπόνδ' ίων (sc. Heracles) θαητόν άγώνα νέμενν (at Olympia); for Sparta, Paus. 3.14.7 πρόε ... τοΰ Δρόμου τήι άρχήι Διόεκουροί ... eiciv Άφετήριοι. 53. Έρμαι και COV Ήρακλεΐ: see 38 n. on the word order. For Hermes' association with games, cf. O. 6.79 Έρμαν ...
51

To the areas where the title έναγώνιοε is found, pp. 26f., there may now be added Cos: see P. Gauthier, REG 108, 1995, 576-85 (cf. R. Parker and D. Obbink, Chiron 31, 2001, 245f.)

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55f. Cf. P. 11.63f. τό μεν παρ' άμαρ εδραίοι Θεράπναο, I τό δ' οϊκέονταο ένδον 'Ολύμπου. According to the Odyssey (11.302-4), και νέρθεν γηο τιμήν πρόε Ζην6c εχοντεο I άλλοτε μεν ζώουο' έτερήμεροι, άλλοτε δ' αΰτε I τεθνααν. Pindar's version may be that of the Cypria: cf. Proclus' summary, p. 40.23f. B. = p. 31.31 D. Ζεύο αύτοίο έτερήμερον νέμει την άθαναοίαν. 55. άμεραν: see Ν. 6.6 n. for the breathing. The manuscripts accent the word as an accusative singular, but we expect a partitive genitive in an expression of this sort: cf. Ν. 11.29f. βροτών τον μεν..., τον δ'. The accusative singular would naturally be taken with what precedes as the direct object of μεταμειβόμενοι (so apparently sch. 103, 177.23f.): there is no such risk of confusion in passages such as A. Ag. 445-7 εύ λέγοντεο άνδρα τον μεν ώο μάχηο ϊδριο, I τον δ' ... 'praising a man, one as ..., another as ...', where the anacoluthon arises naturally. The distributive apposition found for example in Th. 6.100.1 ή δ' άλλη οτρατιά δίχα, ή μεν ..., ή δε... is of course out of the question here. 56. Δί: see N. 4.9 n. νέμονται: used in similar phrases at O. 2.65-7 παρά ... τιμίοιο I θεών ... άδακρυν νέμονται I αιώνα, fr. 215(b) i.9f. νέ]μομαι παρά[ I Παρ]ναοοίδι. ύπο κεύθεοι γαίαο: this phrase and υπό κεύθεα γαίηο are common in epic (//. 22.482, etc.): cf. E. fr. 781.63 (Pha. 273) with J. Diggle, AC 65, 1996, 198f. γ υ ά λ ο κ : 'hollows', as at P. 8.63 Πυθώνοο έν γυάλοιο, fr. 140a.63 Πάρου έν γυάλοιο, Β. 14B.5f. Θεοοαλία[ο I μηλοτρόφου έν γυάλοκ, etc. Heyne's translation 'sepulcro' (not implied by sch. 103, 177.25f. έν τοΐ«τ υπογείου: (~ υπό κεύθεοι γαίαο) τήο Θεράπνηο), besides lacking parallels, would duplicate ύπο κεύθεοι γαίαο. θεράπναο: cf. P. 11.63 (quoted at 55f. n.), I. 1.31 (Castor) ύψίπεδον Θεράπναο οίκέων εδοο. 57. πότμον άμπιπλάντεο: πότμον άναπλήοαι (βιότοιο) in the sense 'die' occurs at //. 4.170 (v. 1.), 11.263. The form of the verb with apocope is not registered by LSJ or its Revised Supplement. I see no way of determining whether Pindar wrote -πλ- (Β) or -μπλ- (D) and have preferred the former only because the scribe of Β is the more careful of the two; the forms are unlikely to have differed much in pronunciation. 58. ή : 'rather than': see KG ii.303 Anmerk. 2 (add Antiph. 185.3f. έλέοθαι τούτον άν ζην τον βίον I ή την Cελεύκoυ τοΰ βαοιλέωο ΰπεροχήν). 60-4. Cf. for the story Cypria 15 Β. = 13 D. (ap. sch. 114a, 180.1-7); 15(V) B. = 14 D., Pherecyd. Ath. **127A (Castor killed by Idas). 60. άμφί βουοίν πωο χολωθείο: the Apharetidae had gone on a cattle-raid in Arcadia with the Dioscuri. Idas, charged with dividing the plunder, cut a bull into quarters, assigning one to each of the four, and determined that the first to eat his portion should have half the cattle, the second the remainder. He himself was the first to finish eating; he ate in addition his brother's portion, and the pair drove the cattle to their home in Messenia. The Dioscuri responded by driving off all the cattle in question and many more, and lay in ambush for the Apharetidae. The story is told by Apollodorus (3.11.2.3-4), who appears to be drawing on the Cypria (cf. Proclus' summary, p. 40.21 f. B. = p. 31.28f. D. Κάοτωρ μετά Πολυδεύκουο τάο "Ιδα και Λυγκέωο βούο ύφαιρούμενοι έφωράθηοαν); the two

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pairs are shown driving cattle on a metope from the treasury of the Sicyonians at Delphi (LIMC s. v. Apharetidai no. 4, 570-00 BC; E. Köhne, Die Dioskuren in der gr. Kunst von der Archaik bis zum Ende des 5. Jahrhunderts ν. Chr., Hamburg 1998, 29-44). Later sources find the cause of the dispute in the abduction by the Dioscuri of the daughters of Leucippus, said to have been engaged to the Apharetidae: this version is first attested in art in the fourth century {LIMC s. v. Dioskouroi nos. 203, 208), and in literature at Theoc. 22.137-40. Apollodorus however draws no connection between the abduction (3.11.2.1) and the quarrel and says nothing of an engagement. There is no reason to suppose the two incidents to have been connected in the Cypria, though Hilaeira and Phoebe were mentioned in the poem (11 (I) B. = 9 D.). See also A. Hermary, LIMC iii.l (1986), 590f. G. Wentzel, Έπικλήοειο θεών, Diss. Göttingen 1889, v.23, writing before the publication of the Delphic metope, rejects the view that Apollodorus follows the Cypria in this point, arguing that since the two pairs of twins had according to Lycophron (538^5) quarrelled when entertaining Paris, they would hardly go on a cattle-raid together. Now it is true that the entertainment of Paris in Sparta is attested for the Cypria by Proclus (p. 39.12f. B. = p. 31.17-19 D.), but the Apharetidae are not said by him to have been present, and the quarrel is likely to have been invented by Lycophron in order to create a transition to the account of the combat which follows. Wentzel himself suggests (18-29) that the cause of the quarrel given by the Cypria is to be recognized in sch. Lyc. 547a (109.12-14 Leone), according to which the Dioscuri, rebuked by the Apharetidae on the grounds that they had given no bride-price in exchange for the Leucippides, drove off the cattle of Aphareus and gave them to Leucippus: but the cattle stolen in the Cypria are said by Proclus, quoted above, to have been those of Idas and Lynceus, not their father's. The story told in this scholion may be an invention due to a misguided attempt to connect Lyc. 549 άλφήο tfjc άεδνώτου δίκην with the quarrel at the feast, whose cause Lycophron does not specify; Lycophron himself (546-9) appears to follow the same version of these events as Theocritus. Wilamowitz, 428 with n. 1, refers to Wentzel, whose view he had endorsed in Die Textgeschichte der gr. Bukoliker (Philologische Untersuchungen 18), Berlin 1906, 188-90, but his own reconstruction of the Cypria account follows Apollodorus. L. Sbardella, 'Mogli ο buoi? Lo scontro tra Tindaridi ed Afaretidi da Pindaro ai poeti alessandrini', in R. Nicolai (ed.), PYCMOC: Studi ... offerti ... a Luigi Enrico Rossi ..., Rome 2003, 133-50, arguing for a version of Wentzel's reconstruction, attempts to find in Lycophron and Theocritus allusions to the cattle-raid of the Lycophron scholion's account, but without success: at Theoc. 22.150, he must accept the inferior variant άλλοτρίοιο (against, see Gow), while at Lyc. 548 άρπαγαc τε ευγγόνων, he must adopt the view that ευγγόνων is a subjective genitive, with βοών to be supplied from nowhere as an objective genitive. ά κ μ α ι : see N. 6.52 n. 61-90. The narrative proper, marked off from what precedes by asyndeton. The myth falls into two halves. The first consists of a sequence of individual actions.

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Reference is frequently made to the speed of events (63, 64,65, 73). The second half by contrast consists of a single tableau, dominated by two long speeches: abandoning the jerky, disjointed effect of what precedes, Pindar here writes across stanza-boundaries for the first time in the ode. Cf. for this development N. 4 introduction. 61. π ε δ α υ γ ά ζ ω ν : the only instance of (-)αΰγάζω in lyric (except Carm. Pop. 870.2); this compound otherwise only at Philostr. Int. 1.19 (μετ-), in a different sense. The basic meaning of the simple verb is perhaps 'fix the gaze on' a thing (West on Hes. Op. 478); πεδαυγάζω will then mean 'look keenly after' (LSJ s. v. μεταυγάζω I) or the like. (The 1968 Supplement to LSJ gives instead 'keep watch', which seems not very apt as a description of what Lynceus was doing; the Revised Supplement (1996) substitutes 'discern from a distance, spot', which would duplicate ΐδεν.) 61f. δρυόο έν οτελέχει I ήμένουα '(them) sitting in the trunk of an oak', as in the Cypria fragment quoted by the scholiast (60-4 n.). The manuscripts have ημενοο, but apart from other arguments it is clear that the phrase must concern the position of those seen if the following explanation (γάρ) is to be justified. Aristarchus ap. sch. 114a (179.5-8), followed by Apollodorus of Athens (ib., 179.8f. = FGrH 244 F 148; not the author of the Bibliotheca, to which Drachmann refers: see A. Severyns, AC 1, 1932, 265f.), emended to ημενον in order to reconcile the passage with the account of the Cypria, according to which Castor was inside an oak when the incident mentioned in the previous sentence occurred. Didymus, referred to in the same scholion (179.9-16), objected that since both Dioscuri were in the tree, Idas would hardly have seen only Castor, and proposed instead to read ήμένοο, intended as an accusative plural. The argument is a bad one, as there is nothing in Aristarchus' text to suggest that only Castor was seen, not also Polydeuces, and the short-vowel accusative plural termination is not Pindaric (see Schroeder 35, § 73). But an indication of Polydeuces' whereabouts would appear to be required by what follows, and is easily obtained by adopting Boeckh's correction of Didymus' proposal, ήμένουα The same corruption is found at Ν. 1,24f. λέλογχε δε μεμφομένοκ έολο(ύ)ο ΰδωρ καπνών φέρενν I άντίον (corr. Aristarchus ap. sch. 34b, 16.2-8) and 3.24 ΰπερόχο(υ)ο (corr. Moschopulus), and in some manuscripts at O. 1.53. It is easily accounted for if Pindar himself represented the spurious diphthong of this termination by omicron alone rather than ου, as is likely though not quite certain (Wächter 335f.). -ov is preferred by Härtung, Mommsen, Parerga 34f., and others, on no good grounds. (1) Mommsen supposes that Polydeuces was not with Castor in the tree, attributing this view also to the 'Aristarchei', despite the statement in the scholion that Aristarchus' change was made άκολούθακ τήι έν TOIC Κυπρίου: λεγομένηι icxopiai (179.6f.). His arguments are that if both Dioscuri were in the tree, ήλθε (66) is 'minus aptum', and we are awkwardly left wondering 'quid Pollux fecerit, cum frater ab adversario feriretur, num manum conseruerit cum altero Apharetida, an spectatorem certaminis egerit'. The statement about ήλθε, for which no justification is offered, appears false; and Polydeuces is said to respond to the attack of the Apharetidae by immediately going in pursuit of them (65f.).

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(2) Severyns argues that Aristarchus, while accepting that both Dioscuri were in the tree, proposed -ov rather than -ODC on the grounds that the latter 'aurait manque de naturel dans cet ensemble de quatre vers relatifs ä la mort de Tun des deux Dioscures' (op. cit., 268; cf. Christ on 62): but there is no such 'ensemble', since the narrative proper begins in 1. 61 with asyndeton, as noted above. (3) F. Staehlin, Philol. 16, 1903, 189, proposes a quite different argument for Aristarchus' -ov, which he appears to think is the transmitted text. In his view, if Polydeuces had intended to pursue the Apharetidae, a future participle would be required at 66: the present participle indicates that he arrives 'zufällig ..., nicht mit der Absicht zu verfolgen ... Von ihm war also v. 59-64 gar nicht die Rede, sondern nur von Kastor'. Castor alone, he continues, could hardly lie in wait for both Apharetidae, and he can hardly be hiding in a tree out of fear, as that would be shameful; and so δρυδο έν οτελέχεν I ήμενον means 'sitting on the stump of an oak' (190-2). The premiss of this argument does not merit discussion, but the conclusion has been widely accepted (e. g. by G. Huxley, Pindar's Vision of the Past, Belfast 1975, 20f.), though the phrase so understood, besides failing to specify Polydeuces' whereabouts, is absurd in itself, and could not justify the following explanation. Staehlin thinks that Lynceus' sight was remarkable enough anyway if he was able to see Castor at a distance, but there is no mention of distance in the Greek. 62f. Lynceus' keenness of sight is frequently mentioned: see Gow on Theoc. 22.194. 63. λαιψηροΐο ... KoSecciv: cf. B. 7.6 λαιψηρων ποδών, fr. 20C.9 7io]cci λαιψ[η]ρο[ΐ]ο. &φαρ: five examples in Pindar; not elsewhere in lyric, unless it is to be recognized at Adesp. S434.2. 64. μέγα έργον έμήοαντ': cf. Od. 3.261,24.426 (both μήοατ(ο)). 65-90. In Apollodorus' version (3.11.2.5-6), Polydeuces kills Lynceus and pursues Idas, who throws a stone at his head, causing him to fall to the ground unconscious; Zeus then kills Idas with a thunderbolt and takes his son up to heaven. Polydeuces however refuses to be immortal with Castor dead, and so Zeus allows them to spend alternate days among the gods and among mortals (θνητονα νεκρού: Hercher). Wilamowitz, 429, suggests that Pindar is innovating in having Polydeuces unaffected by the stone, so making clear his divine parentage, and that the material of the final triad is entirely Pindar's invention. This may well be correct, but it is not certain that Apollodorus follows the Cypria in every detail. 66. Λήδοκ: παΐε: not ambiguous, since Castor has been mortally wounded; παίί Ζηνόο (dubitanter Christ) on the other hand could refer to any one of a number of persons and would be awkward following παλάμαιο ... Δνόο. έναντα: a fairly rare word (//. 20.67, A. Su. 897 (suppl.), S. Ant. 1299, E. Or. 1479, Ar. Eq. 342, CEG 616 (Attica, 'saec. IV?') .1 (suppl.)); cf. Wächter 286f. 68. Cf. for the pair A. R. 1.62 οΰτέ μιν άγκλΐναι προτέρω οθένον οΰτε δαΐξαι. φλάοαν: not otherwise found in high poetry, but the variant form θ λ ά ω is Homeric (//. 5.307,12.384, Od. 18.97).

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69. άνέχοκχαν: 'caused to retreat', the active only here and in S. fr. 973 (cited by LSJ only s. v. άγχάζω, with an incorrect cross-reference) and X. An. 4.1.16, where it is used for the middle. For the development of causative actives corresponding to intransitive middles, see J. Wackernagel, Sprachliche Untersuchungen zu Homer, Göttingen 1916, 130-4 (132f. on this example); Schwyzer-Debrunner 233f. έφορμαθείο: an epic word (e. g. IL 17.465 έγχει έφορμαοθαι), not elsewhere in lyric. δκοντι θοωι: cf. Od. 22.83 θοόν βέλο<:; ώκίκ is commoner in this connection (βέλοο ώκΰ //. 22.292, etc.; Pi. Ο. 2.83 ώκέα βέλη). 70. Cf. IL 24.421 έν αύτώι (the dead Hector) χαλκόν έλοκχαν; διάπρο δέ χαλκόν έλα<χεν 13.388, etc. 71. πυρφόρον: further examples of this as an epithet of lightning in LSJ s. v. I.a, none earlier than A. Sept. 444; cf. Pi. Dith. 2.15f. ό παγκραττμ κεραυνοί άμπνέωνIπΰρ. πλαξε: regular in this context (Hes. Th. 855; II. 8.455 πληγέντε κεραυνώι, cf. 15.117, Od. 12.416, Hes. Sc. 422). There is no need to give the word here (with Slater s. v. πλaccco a) the otherwise unattested sense 'hurl': 'strike' or 'dash' is equally satisfactory. ψολόεντα κεραυνόν: for epic instances of this and the dative at line-end, cf. Hes. Th. 515 with West's note. The epithet does not occur elsewhere in lyric. 72. έρημοι: i. e. 'without allies': cf. LSJ s. v. 1.2. χαλεπά δ' epic άνθρώποιο όμιλεΐν κρεοοόνων: cf. Ο. 10.39f. veitcoc δέ κρε<χόνων I άποθέοθ' απορον; also S. El. 219f. (text uncertain). For χαλεπά ... όμιλεΐν, 'hard ... to consort with', cf. perhaps S. Aj. 1199-1201 οΰτε οτεφάνων οΰτε βαθειάν κυλίκων νεΐμεν έμοί τέρψιν όμιλεΐν, 'gave me ... to consort with', if rightly so taken, κρείοοονεο is not infrequently used by itself of gods and heroes: cf. [A.| PV 902f. with West, Studies in Aesch. 31 If.; also LSJ s. v. κρεί<χων 1.2, L. Früchtel, ΡhW59,1939,678. 74. viv: see N. 8.8 n. άοθματι: 'panting', commonly mentioned in those on the point of dying: cf. N. 3.47f. οώματα ... άοθμαίνοντα, the only other lyric instance of a word from this root, and several Homeric passages (IL 5.585 = 13.399, 15.241, 21.182, h. Ap. 359). φρίοοοντα: 'causing to shudder', as at P. 4.81 cppiccovxac δμβρουο, Parth. 2.18 (ppicccov Βορέαο, Pi. (?), P. Oxy. 2636 ii.16 χειμώνι cppiccovti. The word appears not to be so used by other authors. 75. θερμά ... δάκρυα: a regular phrase in Homer (II. 7.426, etc.: LfgrE s. v. θερμόο Β 2c), also atThgn. 1206; cf. S. Tr. 919. δη: cf. for the corruption N. 5.15 δή Β: δέ D, and e. g. [E.| Rh. 871 δή Porson: δέ VA: ν[ΰν Af?; the reverse at Pi. P. 11.25 (δέ byz.: δή codd.). Asyndeton occurs in a similar context at B. 17.14 ßoac{έ τ}' Έρίβοια (R. Führer, NAWG 1976, 195). Schmid's emendation is accepted by Führer, ib. 247 n. 30; the freedom of responsion given by the transmitted text would not fall within the category recognized as legitimate by him (246-8; cf. West, GM 73 n. 95).

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NEMEAN 10

115

τέγγων: cf. for the construction S. Tr. 848 τέγγει δακρύων ά χ ν α ν with Jebb's note; S. OT 1279, to which LSJ s. v. 1.2 also refer, is interpolated (M. L. West, BICS 25, 1978, 121). Homer has χέων in this phrase (δάκρυα θερμά χέων II. 16.3, etc.). 76. φώνηοε: the manuscripts present φώναοε here and at O. 13.67, and cpcovacai is the majority reading at Theoc. 2.108 (-ή- only H2). Apart from this, there is no evidence for a verb φ ω ν ά ω , even if this is the form expected for the verb corresponding to φωνά (Forssman 80; cf. Schwyzer 720 n. 10, K. Strunk, Glotta 42, 1964, 167), while φωνέω is attested at P. 4.163, I. 6.51, and B. 1.76, and implied by Pi. P. 4.237 άφωνήτωι, and it seems likely that the forms with -a- are hyperdorisms. -η- is restored by Mommsen in both places in Pindar, (φώναο' is a doubtful conjecture at Sapph. 31.7f., hardly supporting -a- at Theoc. 2.108, as Forssman, 80f., suggests.) 76-9. Another extended prayer for death at B. 3.37-47 (Croesus on the pyre). R. Führer, Formproblem-Untersuchungen zu den Reden in der frühgriechischen Lyrik (Zetemata 44), Munich 1967, 133-5, gives a detailed comparison of these passages, but he produces no good evidence for his conclusion that the Pindaric speech is influenced by that in Bacchylides: cf. S. L. Radt, Gnomon 45, 1973, 413. 76. πάτερ Κρονΐων: speeches opening with vocatives are fairly rare in Pindar, common in Bacchylides: see Führer (76-9 n.), 143f. Κρονίων: this form of the patronymic, exclusive to Zeus (unlike Κρονίδαο, Kpovioc), does not occur in lyric outside Pindar, who has ten or eleven instances, with ϊ certain at P. 1.71 and N. 9.19 and likely at fr. dub. 334a.9, ΐ certain here and at P. 3.57,4.23, N. 1.16,9.28 (correct Slater s. v.). 7 6 - 7 . λύοιο ... πενθέων: cf. I. 8.6 έκ μεγάλων δε πενθέων λυθέντεε. Führer ( 7 6 - 9 n.), 132f., sees here a reminiscence of Anac. 411(a) άπό μοι θ α ν ε ΐ ν γένοιτ' · ού γαρ αν άλλη I λ ύ α ο έκ πόνων γένοιτ' ούδαμά τώνδε, but the phrase is quite conventional, as his parallels (133 n. 21) show. 78f. For the use of a gnome in a speech justifying what precedes, cf. O. 1.81 —4. 7 8 . φίλων τατωμένωι: cf. Ε. Hei. 274 φίλων τητωμένη. The verb is not found elsewhere in lyric; the only earlier occurrence is at Hes. Op. 408, where see West's note.

78f. παΰροι δ' έν πόνων πιοτοι βροτών I καμάτου μεταλαμβάνειν: cf. for the sentiment Thgn. 79-82,645f. παΰροι ... βροτών: cf. Β. 13.62, fr. 25.1 (θνατών); παΰροι alone Pi. P. 3.115, Ν. 9.37, παΰροί τινεο Ο. 10.22, π ] α ύ ρ ο κ I ά ν ] δ ρ [ ά α ν Β. 9.95f. ολίγοι occurs in lyric only at Simon. 541.6. 79. The speech extends a little beyond the end of a stanza: cf. O. 8.45f., P. 4.155, 231, 8.55 (Führer (76-9 n.), 70). Of the remaining seventeen speech-ends in Pindar's epinicians, five (O. 4.27, 6.63, 13.69, P. 4.92, 100) fall at stanza-end (ib. 67), and five (O. 1.85, P. 4.167, 9.65, N. 10.88, I. 6.49) shortly before, with related material filling the remainder of the stanza (ib. 70f.). Such a correlation between speech-beginning and stanza-beginning is found in only seven cases out of twenty-one (ib. 72f.). For a detailed discussion of this subject in relation to Pindar and Bacchylides, see Führer, 66-76.

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καμάτου: a favourite word of Pindar's (twelve instances); elsewhere in lyric only Sapph. 43.6 (]κάματο<:). Ι ν ν ε π ε : for the use of this poetic verb in speech-closing formulae, not found in Homer, cf. Stes. S25 coc ηνε[πε I άπαμε[ιβ, Pi. O. 1.86 toe εννεπεν; also Stes. 222(b).232 toe φάτ[ο] δια γυνά μύθοιο άγ[α]νοκ ένέποιοα, Pi. /. 8.45f. toe φάτο Κρονίδακ I έννέποιοα θεά. See in general Führer (76-9 η.), 23-5; Ε. Risch, ΖΡΕ 60, 1985, 3. The imperfect with long first syllable appears in the form εννεπε(ν) with minor variations at Ο. 1.47,86, 8.41, P. 4.242, 9.96; ήν- is attested here (in Β; ενεπε D) and at Stes. S25.1, and in compounds (προοήνεπε(ν) at B. 15.9 and with minor variations at Pi. P. 4.97, 9.29, ποτήνεπε at Stes. S148 i.2). It is not very likely that Pindar used both εννεπε(ν) and ήνεπε(ν), and since ενν- is the form consistently indicated by the manuscripts of the Olympians and Pythians, in which the tradition is superior, it seems reasonable enough to restore it here (with Heyne), while keeping -ήν- at P. 4.97 and 9.29 (so Schroeder 32f., § 65); but it is by no means certain that this distinction has any authority. 79f. Ζευο δ ' άντί(κ ήλυθέ oi I και τ ό δ ' έξαύδαο' &ioc: cf. Β. 5.76-8 των δ' εναντία I ψυχά προφάνη Μελεάγρου, καί νιν εΰ εΐδώο προοεΐπεν. άντίοο ήλυθέ ol: cf. II. 15.584 öc ρά οί ävxioc ήλθε. 8 0 - 2 . τόδ' ... τόνδε ... τώνδε: see Ν. 8.41 f. n. 80. τόδ' έξαύδαο* &ioc: cf. S. fr. 210.71 πατρώια ... έξαυδ[ώ]ν επη; 89 n. keei μοι υίόα for such emphatic speech-beginnings in Pindar, see Führer (76-9 n.), 144 with n. 46. 80-2. Cf. Epich. 6 (Castor) "Αμυκε, μή κυδαζέ μοι I τον πρεφύτερον άδελφεόν, Theoc. 22.175f. The scholiast (150a, 182.18f.) says that Hesiod (fr. 24; cf. fr. 23(a). 39) made both sons of Zeus, but in Od. 11.298-300 they are both sons of Tyndareus, while according to the Cypria (8 B. = 6 D.), Castor was mortal but Polydeuces immortal. Cf. 49-54 n. G. Norwood, Pindar, Berkeley and Los Angeles 1945, 231 n. 96, suggests that Polydeuces was not previously aware that Zeus was his father, but there seems to be no reason to suppose so; and anyway the question is never raised. 81. οπέρμα θνατόν ματρί τεαι πελάοαιο I ετάξεν ήρωο: a surprisingly concrete but not undignified reference to sexual intercourse. As Castor lies dying, we are reminded forcefully of the act that brought him into being: even at the very beginning of his existence, his present death was destined to occur, for he grew from mortal 'seed' (17 n.). For πελάοαιο, cf. A. Su. 300 ούκοΰν πελάζει Ζεύο ετ' εΰκραίρωι βόΐ; with Friis Johansen-Whittle's note. 82. ά λ λ ' αγε: an epic phrase, rare in lyric (besides this passage, only Stes. S88 i.7, 222(έ>).218, Adesp. 925(d)Λ 3). The use followed by a statement rather than an imperative or the like seems uncommon: Passow-Crönert 75.24-6 refer to II. 21,60f. άλλ' άγε δή και δουρόο άκωκηο ήμετέροιο I γεύοεται, perhaps rather a subjunctive (P. Chantraine, Grammaire homerique ii, Paris 1953, 207), and X. Cyr. 4.2.21 άγετε δή,..., εΰ χρή είδέναι νΰν δτι etc., effectively a command, as is τωνδέ τοι... αϊρεαν I παρδίδωμ' in the present passage. ε μ π α ν : the alpha is long: see N. 6 str. 4 n. α'ίρεαν: first attested in the fifth century; not elsewhere in lyric.

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83. θάνατόν τε φυγών καΐ γηραο: cf. //. 2.401 θάνατον ... φυγείν, etc. (LfgrE ii.971.39-55); comparable phrases in lyric at B. fr. dub. 60.29, Adesp. 925(e). 12. For the addition of old age, cf. e. g. I. 6.15 Ά'ΐδαν γηράο τε δέξαεθαι πολιόν; also the use of άγήρα<χ in conjunction with άθάνατοο in epic, άκεχθόμενον: cf. Sophr. 54 τό ... άπεχθόμενον γηραο. 84. The line as transmitted by the manuscripts, besides containing the superficial errors "Ολυμπον and έθέλειο, is metrically defective, lacking four syllables. The scholiast (153, 183.7f.) has the paraphrase αΰτίκ βούλει τον ούρανόν οίκεΐν ούν έμοί καν Άθηναι καΐ "Αρεν, from which it is clear enough that έμοί (Benedictus) stood in his text bedore ούν, and before it either οίκεΐν (id.) or ναίειν (Boeckh). I see no way of deciding between these: where the choice is metrically indifferent, Pindar has forms of ναίειν at N. 7.91 and /. 4.59 and of οίκεΐν at I. 1.31. The lacuna falls at the end of a line according to the manuscript colometry: cf. N. 6.17f. n. ούν τ ' Ά θ α ν α ί α ι κελαινεγχεΐ τ ' "Αρει: named here as warlike deities congenial to the warrior Polydeuces (E. Schmid). Cf. //. 5.430 (Zeus speaking) ταΰτα (sc. πολεμήϊα εργα) δ' "Αρηϊ θοώι και Άθήνηι πάντα μελήοει, Hymn. Horn. 1 l.lf. Παλλάδ' Άθηναίην ... ηιούν "Αρηϊ μέλει πολεμήϊα εργα. κελαινεγχεΐ: spears and swords are fairly often described as black in tragedy (S. Tr. 856 κελαινά λόγχα, Aj. 231 κελαινοΐο ξίφεοιν, Ε. Βα. 628 ξίφ<κ κελαινόν; μέλαν ξίφοο Hei. 1656, Or. 1472; Or. 1148 φάογανον ... μέλαν); cf. Hes. Op. 151 μέλαο ... άδηροο. κελαινεγχήο occurs only here. Other adjectives in -εγχήο, all hapax legomena, are listed by Buck-Petersen 733: add perhaps πυρ(W. Luppe, Glotta 65, 1987,203f., on Crat. 20: from a dithyramb?). 85. τ ο ι : coi is given by manuscripts of Pindar here and at P. 4.270 and 9.55, coi in a quotation at fr. 155.1.52 Elsewhere τοι is found for the enclitic pronoun (at least eight instances in book-texts and two more in quotations) and τίν for the orthotone (twenty instances in book-texts), and Schroeder (following the warning of Wilamowitz, Hermes 14, 1879, 194 n. 1 = Kl. Sehr, ii, Berlin 1941, 1 n. 2) is no doubt right to replace coi and coi respectively with these better attested forms. Slater s. v. cx> c.ß (p. 475), reverting to the view of Mommsen (supplementary note on O. 9.16f., p. 122 n. *), considers that coi (the enclitic, which he recognizes even at fr. 155.1) was used by Pindar to avoid 'τ-alliteration', and Braswell, persuaded by this argument, adopts Turyn's coi, the enclitic being in his view not a Pindaric form, at P. 4.270 (in his note (g)), though accepting Schroeder's emendation at P. 9.55, where 'there is no need to avoid tau'; he does not mention N. 10.85. Such alliteration is in fact not hard to find in Pindar: cf. P. 12.13 ήτοι τό τε θεοπέοιον, I. 4.37 "Ομηρόο τοι τετίμακεν, 5.56 οΰτοι τετύφλωται, Pae. 6.132 ό πάντά τοι τά τε και τά τεύχων; Schroeder 36, § 76. For the corruption of τοι to coi, cf. e. g. E. Hel. 253; West, Studies in Aesch. 85. 86. μάρναοαι: 'contend, strive' (LSJ s. v. 4), an exclusively Pindaric usage (|O. 5.15], N. 1.25, 5.47,1. 5.54, Pae. 2.39 (?)). Elsewhere the verb is used only of fighting.

52

The instance printed at Pae. 6.153 is produced by a false division: see ZPE 145, 2003,7-10.

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87. γαίοο ύπένερθεν: γοκ ΰπένερθε(ν) fr. 292, Stes. 221 \Od. 11.302 νέρθεν γήί (of the Dioscuri), IL 14.204 γαίηο νέρθε, and commonly later (Thgn. 567f. ενερθεν I yrjc, etc.). 88. For the golden houses of the gods, cf. /. 4.60 χρυοέων οϊκων αναξ (Heracles); West, East Face 112 with n. 32 (where for 'M. Weippert, ΖAW 84, 1972,84' read 'M. Weippert in F. M. Fales (ed.), Assyrian Royal Inscriptions (Orientis Antiqui Collectio, 17), Rome 1981, 84'); E. fr. 781.25 (Pha. 238) with Diggle's note (deleting Pi. P. 3.94; the Stesichorus passage is now S8.3f.). χρύαον at Sapph. 1.8 is probably to be taken with αρμ' in the next line rather than δόμον in the preceding line: see D. L. Page, Sappho and Alcaeus, Oxford 1955,7.53 89. fik &p' αΰδάοαντοο: the same phrase at P. 4.232. The omission of the subject αύτοΰ is unremarkable: see Radt on Pae. 2.64, Mastronarde on E. Ph. 70, Diggle, PCPS 28, 1982, 61 = Euripidea 226. Pindar has this verb six times, and two compounds (έξ-, προο) once each; none occurs elsewhere in lyric. οΰ γνώμαι διπλόαν θέτο βουλάν: cf. on the one hand II. 17.469f. tic τοί νυ θεών νηκερδέα βουλήν I έν οτήθεοαν εθηκε ...; and on the other 13.121 f. έν φρεοι θέοθε emcxoc I αιδώ και νέμεοιν. Similar uses of the verb in Pindar at P. 1.40 ταΰτα νόωι τιθέμεν, 3.63-5 καί τί οί I φίλτρον (έν) θυμώι μελιγάρυεο ΰμνοι I άμέτεροι ΐίθεν. See also LSJ s. v. τίθημι A.II.6. Slater s. v. 3 (d) wrongly takes the verb to mean 'make', with διπλόαν predicative, δ ι π λ ό α ν : four instances in Pindar; elsewhere in lyric only Philox. 836(ί>). 1. Cf. for the sense fr. 213.4 δίχα μοι vooc άτρέκειαν ειπείν, Sapph. 51 οϋκ οίδ' δττι θέω· δίχα (Lobel: δυο pap.) μοι τά νοήματα; LfgrE s. ν. δίχα, διχθά Β Iba. 90. 'rerum naturam vere poeta expressit; ex somno enim experrecti primum circumspiciunt, deinde linguam solvunt' (Christ). Cf. for the pattern S. Ph. 866f. (Ne.) κινεί ... άνήρ δμμα κάνάγει κάρα. I (Ph.) ώ φέγ/oc ϋπνου διάδοχον κτλ. χ α λ κ ο μ ί τ ρ α : the same corruption at Β. fr. 20A.14 χαλκ{ ε }ομίτραν (corr. Snell), of Euenus, the only other pre-Hellenistic instance.

3

S. R. Slings, Mnem. 44, 1991,404-10, takes the other view, but πάτροτ. δε δόμον λίποκα seems a phrase complete in itself, and the view that 'the stanza-end after fjXBec precludes connecting χρύαον with αρμα' (Slings, 405, after W. Theiler, MH 3, 1946, 24 n. 1) is not easily reconciled with Sapph. 16.7-9, a passage mentioned by Slings (405 with 409 n. 22).

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NEMEAN11

Occasion The ode was written for the installation of Aristagoras as prytanis at Tenedos 54 (1-3). As elsewhere in the Aeolid (F. Gschnitzer, RE Suppl. xiii, 1973,733), this position was held by an individual for a year (9f.), to which he will have given his name (Gschnitzer 743-5). The office had by this time been stripped of its original political importance, as in other states: to judge from lines 6 - 9 , the principal remaining duties were to conduct religious ceremonies and to entertain guests of the city (Gschnitzer 740). There may be a clue to the date of the poem in lines 24—9: see n. Another ode for a Tenedian, the encomium of Theoxenus (fr. 123), belongs to the poet's old age (1), but there is no very good reason to link the two compositions (11 n.). Didymus (ap. sch. inscr. a, 184.14-185.8) correctly notes that the ode has no strong title to a place among the epinicians, notwithstanding the lines on Aristagoras' career as a boy athlete, but his own view (following Dionysius of Phaselis) that it belongs with the παροίνια 5 5 (185.6-8) is hardly supported by the character of Pindar's drinking-songs as revealed in the surviving fragments. Composition of the Ode The ode begins with an invocation of Hestia, who is asked to receive Aristagoras and his companions in her chamber; their worship of her is described, together with the hospitality practised in the prytaneion (1-10). Aristagoras is congratulated on his father and on his impressive form and inborn tranquillity (1 If.). If a man is prosperous, handsome, and a successful athlete, he should remember that he is mortal; but he deserves to be praised; and Aristagoras is such a man, having won as a boy sixteen victories in local games (13-21). His parents would not let him compete at Delphi and Olympia, but Pindar is sure that he would have been successful there too (22-9). Some men lose the good things they have through foolish boasting; others, underestimating their strength, are prevented by

54

Little is known of the history of the island at the relevant period. Cf. Μ. N. Tod, A Selection of Greek Historical Inscriptions ii, Oxford 1948, 222 (references in classical authors). See also B. Rutishauer, 'Island strategies: the case of Tenedos', REA 103, 2001, 197-204; E. Specht, 'Tenedos und Tennes: Zur frühen Geschichte der Insel', Hyperboreus 7, 2001, 2 5 - 3 6 (including references to the Turkish archaeological reports). 55 Bergk, noting that the ( κάλια did not form a separate book, substitutes Π α ρ θ ε ν ε ΐ α (sic), accepted by Drachmann in the form Π α ρ θ έ ν ι α ; but it is difficult to imagine why the ode should have been felt to suit this category in particular. S. Schröder, Geschichte und Theorie der Gattung Paian, Stuttgart and Leipzig 1999, who accepts Bergk's conjecture, speculates 'daß Didymos und Dionysios von Phaselis bei einer solchen Gelegenheit einen Mädchenchor oder wenigstens einen gemischten für erforderlich hielten', while admitting that there is no evidence for such a practice (146; cf. 123 n. 2). Snell, Hermes 73, 1938, 438, suggests that έν Παρθενείοκ: in a papyrus scholion apparently citing Anacreon (501.6) might be an instance of the opposite corruption: but see Page ad loc.; Schröder 129 η.

I.

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their timidity from achieving as much as they could (29-32). It was easy to conjecture that he had in his veins the blood of the Spartan Pisander, who came to the island on Orestes' expedition, and of the Theban Melanippus (33-7). Inherited qualities can skip generations, just as cornfields do not produce a crop every year and trees do not produce every year an equal abundance of blossom. Fortune exercises her control over men in the same way; and Zeus sends them no clear sign. But still we embark on grand enterprises, being in the power of shameless expectation, and disregard such foresight as is available to us. But profit is to be hunted in moderation: yearnings for the unattainable lead to severe bouts of madness ( 3 7 ^ 8 ) . The main structural divisions fall at stanza-ends. The prayer to Hestia occupies the first two stanzas. The next four are concerned with Aristagoras, and in particular with his athletic career. At the start of the third triad, Pindar turns to his distant ancestors, moving on to gnomic material just before the end of the third strophe. Each stanza of the first two triads ends with the syntax calling for no addition; in the third triad, by contrast, Pindar divides syntactical units across stanza-boundaries. A similar development was observed in N. 4 (see introduction), 8, and 10. Pindar has no great achievements to celebrate in this ode. Rather, the occasion called for, on the one hand, a prayer that the new prytanis should have a successful year in office, and, on the other, some polite compliments. An extended account of a great heroic achievement from myth would have suggested an invidious comparison with the very modest successes of Aristagoras. The compliments that the poet pays him are filled out and embellished instead by, for example, the account of what he could have accomplished in his athletic career (24-9), and not least by much sententious material. Thus at 13ff. the use of a generalization enables Pindar to insert a gnomic reminder of the inevitability of death (15f.), and at 2 9 - 3 2 the reluctance of Aristagoras' parents to let him compete at major festivals leads the poet to reflect on the twin dangers of overconfidence and excessive diffidence, representing the latter for the sake of the contrast by a single figure combining the parents' diffidence and the son's unrealized potential. Finally, the re-appearance in Aristagoras of the qualities of his distant ancestors suggests an elaborate comparison of human families, in which inherited excellences can skip generations, with cornfields and trees (37-43); then, instead of returning to the initial point of comparison, Pindar extends the generalization, adding that, despite the uncertainty of our lot (42-4), our expectations lead us recklessly to undertake ambitious projects (44-6), and closing with a pair of gnomes on the need for men to keep their desires within reasonable limits. It would be wrong to seek in the last passage a close relevance to Aristagoras in particular, as the scholiast does (sch. 55, 190.24—7; 62b, 191.14-17), or an indication of the poet's state of mind, as do Wilamowitz (SPAW 1909, 835 = Kl. Sehr, vi, Berlin and Amsterdam 1972, 343; Pindaros 432) and others. Its purpose, and that of the other passages mentioned, is to raise the poetic level and interest of this fairly simple composition without distracting the audience unduly from the occasion.

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Metre EP.

STR.

2 3 4 5

e-D^e II e - e - D - II D-Dll e - e - e II dee-dlll

(-1)

2 3 4 5

6

D-D I e - D - e II

(-12)

D-D-II D-de I e - e - e II ee-IDIII

The stanzas are short and simple. The epode has a similar shape to that of the strophe, as shown in the metrical scheme above. It begins with D - D , continuing the dactylic rhythm of the end of the strophe; but ep. 2 is identical to str. 1. Str. 2, a development of str. 1, has no echoing verse in the epode, but str. 3 is very close to ep. 3, which also recalls the opening of the epode itself. Ep. 4 develops this rhythm; then ep. 5, taking up the e of the end of ep. 4, is identical to str. 4. The final verse of the epode is a variation on that of the strophe. This clausula is of a distinctive type: dactyloepitrite stanzas usually end in e or e - (Snell, 'Metrorum conspectus' A.7). Snell compares the end of Ο. 11 str., e - e \ e - e ^ D, and that of Ο. 13 str., ee-d (A.l .aß).

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1-10. Prayer for the new prytanis. Pindar calls on Hestia as goddess of prytaneia to receive Aristagoras with his companions, and ensure that his year in office passes off successfully. An epinician (?) ode of Bacchylides, 14B, also begins with an invocation of Hestia, breaking off shortly afterwards. 1. π α ΐ ' Ρ έ α α cf. Hes. Th. 453-7 'Ρείη δέ δμηθεκα Κρόνωι τέκε φαίδιμα τέκνα I Ίοτίην Δήμητρα και "Ηρην χρυοοπέδιλον I ϊφθιμόν τ' Άίδην ... I ... I Ζήνά τε, h. Vert. 22. πρυτανεία λέλογχαο: an association first attested here: see L. R. Farnell, The Cults of the Greek States v, Oxford 1909, 347-52; also R. Merkelbach, ZPE 37, 1980,77-92 = Hestia und Erigone, Stuttgart and Leipzig 19%, 52-66. Prytaneia are listed and discussed by Μ. H. Hansen and T. Fischer-Hansen in D. Whitehead (ed.), From Political Architecture to Stephanus Byzantius (Historia Einzelschritten 87), Stuttgart 1994, 30-7 (cf. A. Chaniotis, BMCR 6, 1995, 735f.); they suggest that this was in general 'an unpretentious type of building that never developed a fixed architectural form' (37). 2. Cf. Hes. Th. 453-7 (quoted above). Zeus and Hera are mentioned as the most distinguished of her siblings: cf. Barrett on E. Hipp. 15. ύ ψ ί ο τ ο υ : so also at N. 1.60, A. Eum. 28, S. Tr. 1191 (cj.), Ph. 1289: see in general West, East Face 114. Pindar has five instances of the adjective (for the text of Pae. 2.38, see footnote to N. 6.21 n.); it does not occur elsewhere in lyric. The cult of Zeus Hypsistos is not attested until much later: see e. g. S. Mitchell in P. Athanassiadi and M. Frede (edd.), Pagan Monotheism in Late Antiquity, Oxford 1999,81-148. όμοθρόνου: only here in pre-Byzantine Greek. For other adjectives in -Gpovoc in Pindar, see N. 10.1 n. Elsewhere it is 'gods who represent aspects of Zeus' power, or principles guaranteed by him' who are said to sit beside him (West on Hes. Op. 259; cf. id., East Face 305). 3f. εδ μεν ..., I εδ δ ' : a common type of anaphora: see Fehling 198. 3. τεόν kc θάλαμον: i. e. είο το πρυτανεΐον (sch. lb, 186.9). Since the occasion is Aristagoras' installation, there is no reason to think of a 'sanctuary or shrine within the πρυτανεΐον' (Fennell), and no evidence for such sanctuaries is quoted. 4. έταίροτκ: apparently assistants of some kind: see F. Gschnitzer, RE Suppl. xiii, 1973,747. ά γ λ α ω ι οκάπτωι πέλαο: 'close to his splendid sceptre', the first clear indication of Aristagoras' role in the proceedings. The scholiast (lb, 186.1 Of.) explains του οοΰ οκήπτρου πέλαο, but the phrase so understood would duplicate τεόν kc θάλαμον, and though statues of Hestia are attested for prytaneia (nos. 20-3 in the catalogue in LIMC), there has been no suggestion before this point that the goddess is imagined to be physically present in the prytaneion (unless this is implied by δ έ ξ α ι ) . Farnell indeed (Cults (1 n.), 361, and in his commentary) revives A. Preuner's paradoxical view that the phrase could be so explained 'wenn Hestia auch nicht mit Händen greifbar im Prytaneon dargestellt war' (Hestia-Vesta, Tübingen 1864, 182), silently retracted by its author in Roscher i.2647. The Triclinian gloss in the manuscript a , τοακ δνταο πληοίον του <:κήπτρου, ήγουν τήο άρχήο (quoted by Mommsen, Parerga 41), is closer to

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the truth, but there are no grounds for taking the phrase metaphorically. The correct explanation was first proposed by R. Rauchenstein, Neue Jahrbücher für Philologie und Paedagogik 71, 1855, 281. 5. όρθάν φυλόκχοιαν Τένεδον:'keep Tenedos upright'. For the metaphor, cf. O. 2.7 όρθόπολιν; LSJ s. vv. όρθόο III. 1 .a, όρθόω II. 1-2; κλινομένην Sol. 4a.3. 6-9. Comparable festivities and daily meals are recorded for the prytaneion at Naucratis by Hermeias ap. Ath. 4.149d-150a (A. Tresp, Die Fragmente der gr. Kultschriftsteller, Gießen 1914, fr. 112); cf. also Sapph. 203a. See Gschnitzer (4 n.), 805-8. 6f. πολλά μεν ..., I πολλά δέ: another common type of anaphora: cf. O. 13.14-16; Fehling 199. λ ο ι β α ΐ ε ι ν ... Kvicai: a variation on the phrase found at II. 4.49 = 24.70 λοιβήο τε KVVCT|C τε, 9.500 λοιβήι τε κνίοηι τε. 6. άγαζόμενοι: 'honouring': cf. for the sense Hsch. α 243 άγάζεται· οέβεταν, Nie. fr. 74.15 Λεΰκοφρυν άγα<χαμένη, S. fr. 971 άγάοματα. For other instances of the verb, only here in lyric, see Passow-Crönert. πρώτον θεων: Hestia traditionally received the first offering at sacrifices: cf. Hymn. Horn. 29.4-6 ού γαρ άτερ coö I είλαπίναι θνητοΐαν, ϊ ν ' οΰ πρώτηι πυμάτηι τε I Ίοτίηι άρχόμενοο οπένδει μελιηδέα οίνον; Ε. fr. 781.36f. (Pha. 249f.) with Diggle's note (supplemented at AC 65, 1996, 198). For the phrase, cf. II. 17.568 οττί ρά οι πάμπρωτα θεών ήρήοατο πάντων, 19.258 = Od. 19.303 = 20.230, Od. 3.419,14.158 = 17.155. 8. ξενίου Aioc άοκεΐται θέμιο: cf. Ο. 8.21-3 (Aegina) ενθα οώτειρα Διόο ξενίου I πάρεδροο άοκεΐται Θέμιο I εξοχ' ανθρώπων; Α. R. 3.193 ξεινίου αιδείται Ζηνόο θέμιν. For Zeus Xenios in this context, cf. Pyrgio FGrH 467 F 1 ap. Ath. 4.143f (on the Cretan ουοοίτια) ήοαν δέ και ξενικοί θακοι και τράπεζα τρίτη δεξιαο εϊοιόντων εΐο τά ανδρεία, ην ξενίου τε Aioc ξενίαν τε προοηγόρευον. έπαοκέω is used of honouring in song at N. 9.10 and fr. 194.5, while at O. 8.22 (quoted above) and very clearly at P. 3.107-9 ομικρόο έν ομικροΐο, μέγα«: έν μεγάλοic I έπομαι, τον δ' άμφέποντ' αίεί φραάν I δαίμον' άοκήοω κατ' έμάν θεραπεύων μαχανάν, the uncompounded verb is used in a similar way without reference to song. This may then be the sense here also, but since there is no clear evidence of personification in our passage, I have supposed that an audience would be likely to understand 'righteousness is practised', in accordance with the regular usage of the verb (LSJ s. v. II.2), rather than 'Themis is honoured'. It may be added that the genitive 'of Zeus Xenios' is easier to account for with θέμιο 'righteousness', though this would not be an insuperable obstacle if there were good grounds for adopting the other view: cf. for the problem A. Su. 360 ίκεοία Θέμιο Aioc κλαρίου with Friis Johansen-Whittle's note. Pindar has έπαοκέω in a different sense at Parth. 2.71f.; neither verb occurs elsewhere in lyric. 8f. αίενάοιο I έν τραπέζαια cf. άείοιτοο (Passow-Crönert s. v. άέvαoc 2). For the spelling of the adjective, see Schroeder 27, adding 'Pae. 21'.14 to the transmitted examples of άε-; for αίε-, note also Hes. Op. 550, 595, 737 (all vv.

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11.), CEG 822 (Laconia, 'saec. iv?') .1 ailvaoc πηγή, lnscr. Cret. ii.xii.31c.2, iii.iv. 14.9f. (both ii BC). aie- is no doubt also to be read at B. fr. 20E. 16 (ά]ενάωι Lobel) and Simon. 531.9, 581.2. The form άέ (restored by Hermann at P. 9.88), to which W. J. Verdenius, Mnem. 32, 1979, 24 n. 30 = Comm. i.l 14 n. 37, refers in defence of the transmitted form of the adjective in Pindar, has a short a. 9f. ά λ λ α c i v δόξαι τέλοο I δωδεκάμηνον περάοαι ουν άτρώτωι κραδΐαι: the optative given by the manuscripts is supported by sch. 10a, 187.3 την ένιαυοίαν άρχήν διανύοειε. Sch. 10b, 187.5f. παράοχου ... αύτοίο ... έξενιαυτήοαι την πρυτανείαν apparently interprets περαοαν as the aorist infinitive, and περαοαι is given, no doubt fortuitously, by D in the quotation at sch. inscr. a, 184.19; but infinitives of this kind, with 5oc or the like to be supplied, appear not to be found without a vocative or imperative (or its equivalent, as at A. Su. 141-3 (opt.)) immediately preceding: cf. e. g. S. fr. 314.79f. θείκ Τύχη [κ]αΙ δαΐμον ίθυντήριε, I τυχ[ε]ϊν με πράγουο ου δράμημ' έπείγεται; KG ii.22f., J. Μ. Stahl, Kritisch-historische Syntax des gr. Verbums der kl. Zeit, Heidelberg 1907, 600. 10. δωδεκάμηνον: cf. Hes. Op. 752 δυωδεκάμηνον. Pindar has δωδεκα(-) for the trisyllabic form without variant δυωδεκα(-) in book texts at O. 6.75, 10.49, P. 4.25, and with a variant δυωδεκα(-) at O. 3.33, P. 5.33; δυώδεκ' transmitted in a quotation, fr. 171. ούν άτρώτωι κραδΐαι: 'with heart unwounded': cf. O. 2.32f. ήούχιμον άμέραν οπότε ... I άτειρεΐ cuv άγαθώι τελευτάεομεν. Not instrumental, and so not to be compared with P. 2.61 χαύναι πραπίδι, Ν. 6.57 έκόντι... νώτων, Ο. 13.114 κούφου:ιν ... ποείν, 6.37 όξείαι μελέται, 2.92 άλαθεΐ νόωι, which Schroeder takes to cast doubt on this ούν. The presence in the sentence of two unconnected prepositional phrases each introduced by c-όν is not in itself suspicious: cf. /. 6.60f. άραντο γαρ v i m c άπο παγκρατίου I τρεΐο άπ' Ίοθμοΰ, τάο δ' άπ' εύφύλλου Νεμέα«:.56 άτρώτωι: also at /. 3.18b; not elsewhere in lyric. For the metaphor, cf. LSJ s. v. τιτρώοκω 3. l l f . Ί congratulate the man on his father Arcesilas, his impressive form, and his inborn tranquillity'. For the construction (so taken by Friederichs 92f.), cf. Hdt. 1.31.3 έμακάριζον των νεηνιέων την ρώμην, Ar. V. 588 τουτν γάρ τοί et μ(ό)νον (Reiske: οεμνόν, οεμνών codd., cf. 585 οεμνώο) τούτων ών ε'ίρηκαο μακαρίζω, where Reiske's correction, besides improving the sense, supplies the personal object, which can hardly be dispensed with. 11. Ά ρ κ ε ^ λ α ν : so D and the scholia in both manuscripts (13a, 187.8; b, 187.9f.). Β has in the text the unmetrical άγηοίλαν: the same corruption is found at Plut. Cimon 10.5 (Critias Β 8.2), compared by Maas, Resp. i.l3. Maas prefers to emend to Άγεοίλαν, 57 accepting Gaspar's tentative identification of the man with Άγηοίλαε, the father of the Tenedian Theoxenus praised in fr. 123 (15); but %

But Wilamowitz's conjecture at O. 6.43 is to be rejected as introducing a doubtful elision (Schroeder 182, on Λ 1.92). 57 C. Gaspar, Essai de Chronologie pindarique, Brussels 1900, 171, proposed Άγεοίλαν, but the form with rough breathing is to be preferred: see E. Schwyzer, RhM 78, 1929, 216-18 = Kl. Sehr., Innsbruck 1983,831-3.

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the form with -ε- is found only as a metrically convenient alternative in references to Hades in later dactylic verse (Call. h. 5.130, Nie. fr. 74.72, Epigr. Gr. 195.2 Kaib. = GVI 1370.2 (i AD?): E. Schwyzer, RhM 79,1930, 105f. = Kl. Sehr. 836f.; Ath. Agora xvii.150 (iv BC), even if correctly read and restored, is of doubtful value as evidence). It is not likely to have been used by Pindar with reference to a contemporary of his.58 Our Arcesilas is registered by LGPN i only s. v. Άγηοίλοκ (3), where Gaspar's identification is taken for granted, as also s. v. Άριεταγόραο (90). 12. τό θαητόν δέμαο: boys and men praised in epinician odes are also sometimes said to be handsome: see N. 8.1-5 n. άτρεμίαν: first here; not elsewhere in lyric, though Bacchylides has άτρέμ(α) (5.7). Pindar seems to have in mind the ability to remain calm and dispassionate, an important virtue for a man assuming a position of authority. J. G. Schneider's άρτεμίαν (Kritisches Griechisch-Deutsches Handwörterbuch i, Ziillichau and Leipzig 1797, 233) is a word only found in late authors: at'Pae. 12'.3, Grenfell and Hunt's αρτεμιδ[ appears quite as likely a reading as Lobel's αρτεμια[, and a mention of Artemis would suit the context. Anyway, being in good health does not seem a likely subject for praise, ούγγονον: see N. 10.40n. 13-18. A successful man, provided that he does not forget his mortal condition, deserves the praise of his fellow-citizens. Cf. especially I. 3.1-3 ει tic ανδρών εΰτυχήοακ η ούν εύδόξοκ άέθλοιο I ή οθένει πλούτου κατέχει φραοιν αίανή κόρον, I αξιοο εύλογίακ οκτών μεμίχθαι (developed further in the following lines); also /. 5.12-16 δύο δέ τοι ζωαο άωτον μοΰνα ποιμαίνοντι τον άλπιοτον, εύανθεΐ ούν δλβωι I ε'ί tic εύ πόκχων λόγον έολον άκούηι. I μή μάτευε Ζεύο γενέοθαι· πάντ' εχειε, I ει οε τούτων μοΐρ' έφίκοιτο καλών. I θνατά θνατοϊοι πρέπει. More distantly related is Ο. 6.4—7 εί δ' εΐη ... Όλυμπιονίκαο I ... I ..., τίνα κεν φύγοι ΰμνον I κεΐνοο άνήρ, έπικύροακ άφθονων άοτών έν ίμερταΐο άοιδαϊο;: here there is nothing corresponding to N. 11.15f. See further E. L. Bundy, Studia Pindarica, Berkeley 1962 (reprinted with corrections 1986), 54-9. 1 3 f . παραμεύοεται ... έπέδειξεν: the same sequence of (short-vowel) subjunctive and aorist indicative also at O. 7.1-6 ώο εϊ tic ... δωρήοεται... έν δέ ... θηκε, and commonly: cf. e. g. Hes. Op. 224 oY τέ μιν έξελάοουα και ούκ ίθεΐαν ενειμαν with West's note. See also D. E. Gerber, 'Short-vowel subjunctives in Pindar', HSCP 91, 1987,83-90 (84f. on the present passage). 13. παραμεύοεται: 'surpasses': cf. P. 2.50f. θ α λ α « α ΐ ο ν παραμείβεται I 58

G. B. D'Alessio, ZPE 118, 1997,54f., suggests that 'the reading in Β goes back to some lost scholia reporting a conjecture by Dionysios' of Phaselis made 'in order to produce a better foundation' (55) for his view that the ode belongs with the π α ρ ο ί ν ι α (see above on the occasion): 'Dionysios may have wished to join the poem to fr. 123,... assumed to have been an έγκώμιον in Aristophanes' edition, but quite possibly regarded as a π α ρ ο ί ν ι ο ν too by Dionysios' (54). But it is hard to see how the classification could have gained much plausibility in this way; and D'Alessio's statement that 'Dionysios was not above introducing conjectures in Pindar's text in order to produce a better foundation to his classification' (55) gains little support from sch. inscr. P. 2, ii.31.14-19, where the suggestion that τ&ν λ ι π α ρ α ν ά π ' Άθην&ν should be written for τάν λ ι π α ρ ό ν από θ η β α ν at P. 2.3 is founded on the usage of the epithet and is itself the only basis for the view that the ode celebrates a Panathenaic victory in particular (see on this scholion also Schröder (n. 55), I47f.).

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δέλφινα. Pindar has also the uncompounded verb in the future (fr. 23) and aorist (P. 1.45; another example at Alcm. 3 fr. 11.4), and the adjectives άμευαεπήο (fr. 24) and άμεακίποροο (P. 11.38); (-)άμευο for (-)άμειψ- is not found elsewhere in literature before Hellenistic times (Passow-Crönert s. v. αμείβω Fin. (Maas)). The verb is discussed by Wächter 121 f. α λ λ ο υ ε : cf. for the conjecture sch. 16b, 187.18f. των εϊδει παρέρχεται τούο άλλουο. The transmitted άλλων will have been produced by the explanation of άριοτεύων (14) in sch. 16a, 187.14f. ε'ίτίο έοτι πλούαοο, φηοί, και καλοο και έν άέθλοιχ διήνεγκε των άλλων. There are no grounds for recognizing here an otherwise unattested construction of (-)άμείβειν or (-)άμεύειν with the genitive (correct LSJ s. v. παραμεύομαι, KG i.393). 14. A similar phrase is restored at P. 4.253 γυίων άέθλοιο έπεδείξαντο ίν' (Kayser: κρίαν codd. contra metrum). άριοτεύων: see Ν. 10.10 n. 15f. Such a man should remember that he is mortal and not aspire above his station: there is no suggestion that such a man has achieved the highest felicity (so Heyne and others), and Aristagoras, who fits the description given in lines 13f., is said to have achieved much less than he might have (22-9). The warning is developed over two lines, so extending to the close of the triad, though 1. 15 by itself might otherwise have sufficed; then the next triad begins on a contrasting note with the statement that such a man deserves praise. So in the parallel passage at the start of /. 3 (13-18 n.), the strophe ends with the reflection that the unrighteous do not retain their good fortune for long, and the antistrophe begins with two lines on the need to praise those who have achieved great things, resuming 1. 3 and corresponding to II. 17f. of our ode. 15. θνατά ... μέλη: cf. Parth. 1.15 οώμαδ' έοτίθνατόν. περιοτέλλων: also at /. 1.33; not elsewhere in lyric. 16. τελευτάν άπάντων: for the addition of a genitive to an adverbial accusative, Lobeck on S. Aj. 301 compares Aeschin. 2.107 πέραο δέ τοΰ πράγματοο, 3.227 τό πάντων τελευταΐον (cf. 2.46, 3.124), PI. Cra. 395d δικτυχήματα ..., ών και τέλοο ή πάτριο αύτοΰ ολη άνετράπετο, Ach. Tat. 8.10.8. The phrase could alternatively be understood to be in apposition to γαν, but Xenoph. 21 Β 27 eve γην πάντα τελευται provides little support for the view that Pindar is referring to earth itself as 'the End of all Things' (G. West's translation, London 1749). γαν έπιεοοόμενοο: a common combination, first in Ale. 129.17 γ α ν έπιέμμενοι: see Gow on Theoc. Epig. 9.4, Gow-Page on Dioscor. HE 1620. The contrast with the clothes worn by the living man (15) appears to occur only here. (I have replaced Snell's full stop at the end of the line with a raised stop: cf. 13-18 n.) 17. έν λόγοιο δ' άετων άγαθοΐά νιν αΐνεΐοθαι χρεών: the manuscripts and the lemma in D (22a, 187.24) have άγαθοΰ: μεν (αΐνειοθαι), 59 metrically defective and including a pointless and incorrectly positioned μέν. Mingarelli 59

Since the lemma in Β does not extend beyond ά γ α θ ο κ , there is no reason to attach any significance to its omission of μέν in particular, as Snell's apparatus suggests.

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corrects to άγαθοκ(ί) (Tricl.) μιν, which has the advantage of making clear that the subject of the infinitive is to be supplied from what precedes: cf. for the corruption fr. 231 ap. sch. N. 7.87, 127.22f. (τέ μιν Beck: τέ μεν Β, τέ D), Ρ. 9.33 (νιν) μεν G Η (νιν Ηγρ)), 123 (μεν Boeckh: μιν codd.). But the μιν of which μέν is a corruption here and in fr. 231 (and no doubt in P. 9.33) is likely itself to have replaced an original ν ι ν (Mommsen): see N. 8.8 n. Schroeder's άγαθοΐαν έπαινεκθαι assumes a more difficult corruption and leaves the infinitive without an expressed subject: Schroeder compares for the omission, besides his own doubtful conjecture at N. 1.66, only P. 3.103f. εί δε νόωι TIC εχει θνατων άλαθείαο όδόν, χρή πρό< μακάρων I τυγχάνοντ' εύ παοχέμεν, where the subject of the infinitive is easily understood from the protasis. Both scholia on the passage appear to presume a text lacking the pronoun: 22a, 187.25, takes the subject of the infinitive to be τοΐκ αγαθού«:, 22b, 187.26, τούο τοιούτοικ και τοιαύτα ήοκηκόταο άρχονταο. 17f. λόγοιο ... άοιδαΐο: cf. Ν. 6.30 άοιδαι και λόγοι. 18. μελιγδούποιοι: only here, but compounds of μελι- occur frequently in Pindar with reference to song, including μελίγαρυο (x 6), μελίκομποο, μελίρροθοο, and μελίφθογγοο (x 3). The first of these is Homeric (Od. 12.187), but the rest are unattested elsewhere (Μούοαιοι μελι[φθόγγοιοι is restored at SGO i.01/20/39.7 (Miletus, end of ii BC)). See in general J. Schindler, 'Zu den homerischen ροδοδάκτυλοο-Komposita', in A. Etter (ed.), o-o-pe-ro-si: Festschrift für Ernst Risch zum 75. Geburtstag, Berlin 1986, 393^101, esp. 398. For -(γ)δουπ- in this connection, cf. Dith. 2.12 Να'ίδων έρίγδουποι οτοναχαί, Α. Pers. 121 άντίδουπον άιοεται, 1040 βόα νυν άντίδουπά μοι. δ α ι δ α λ θ έ ν τ α : cf. Ο. 1.105 κλυταΐοι δαιδαλωοέμεν ΰμνων πτυχαΐο, Parth. 2.32 δαιδάλλοιο' επεαν. δαιδάλλω occurs also at Ο. 1.29, 2.53, |5.211; neither verb is found elsewhere in lyric. μελίζεν άοιδαΐο: the transmitted μελιζέμεν άοιδαΐο is unmetrical, synizesis of αοι being attested only at Hes. Th. 48, a line regarded as spurious on other grounds (see West's note; an unconvincing defence is offered by W. J. Verdenius, Mnetn. 25, 1972, 244). The noun gains support from N. 6.30, quoted above. The fault is to be located rather in the verb, and is easily remedied by emending to μελίζεν (Pauw): a similar corruption in ζ at O. 2.69, έχέμεν for εχειν; cf. also Pae. 6.119 (vv. 11. κτανεΐν, -έμεν, -έν), Hes. Op. 611 (vv. 11. άπόδρεπε, άποδρέπειν, -εμεν, -εν). The infinitive ending -εν is nowhere else metrically guaranteed in Pindar (transmitted instances at O. 1.3 (+ scholl.), 3.25, P. 4.56, 115 (+ scholl.), Pae. 6.94, 9.36), but since Bacchylides has certain examples (17.41, 88, 19.25; -εν long by position at 16.18 (?)), we need not deny it to Pindar (with Braswell on P. 4.56(c)). I can attach no sense to Hermann's μέλειν έν άοιδαΐο, a more violent alteration, and the change of subject that it is designed to avoid is hardly objectionable: cf. e. g. A. Cho. 291-6; Headlam 116f. 19ff. The application of the preceding generalizations. So in /. 5, following the lines quoted above (13-18 n.), Pindar turns for the first time to the victor: τιν δ' έν Ίοθμώι διπλόα θ ά λ λ ο κ ' άρετά, I Φυλάκιδ', αγκειται. Similarly in I. 3, following 7f., which correspond to N. 11.17f. (15f. n.), Pindar introduces Melissus' victories (9-11): ecxi δε και διδύμων άέθλων Μελί«ωι I μοίρα πρόο

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εΰφροούναν τρέψαι γλυκεΐαν I ήτορ. 19. περικτιόνων: 'those living round about', responsible for organizing local games: so presumably Simonides in an ode for Astylus of Croton (506.3), έν άγώνι περικτιόνων. Cf. Pi. Ν. 6.39—41 (the Isthmus) έν άμφικτιόνων I ταυροφόνωι τριετηρίδι Κρεοντίδαν I τίμοκε; Echembrotus {IEG ii.62) I. 4 Άμφικτιόνων έν αθλοκ (of the Delphic amphictiony, cf. Pi. P. 4.66); B. 12.35 άμφικ[τιόν]ων έν άέθλοι[ο (reference disputed). 20. άγλααΐ νχκοι: cf. Β. 12.36f. άγλααΐαν I vtraic, Antigenes FGE 43 (AP 13.28.11) άγλαάν τε νίκαν; II. 7.203 νίκην ... και άγλαόν εύχοί, Hes. Th. 628, Tyrt. 12.36. πάτραν: 'homeland', as at Ν. 7.85 εΰωνύμωι πάτραι (Aegina). Pindar also uses the word of kinship groups in his odes for Aeginetans (Ν. 6 introduction), but even if the term was used or could at least have been understood similarly on Tenedos, we expect the national significance of Aristagoras' victories to be emphasized here: it is by bringing glory to his homeland, and not merely to his line, that he has earned the respect of the όκτοί. εΰώνυμον: see Ν. 8.47 n. 21. έετεφάνωοαν: for the metaphor, cf. O. l.lOOf. οτεφανώοαι I κεΐνον ίππίωι νόμωι; LSJ II.3. μεγαυχεΐ: cf. for the transmitted form P. 8.15 μεγάλαυχον; the same corruption in most manuscripts at A. Pers. 642 (following 533 μεγαλαύχων). Cf. also |E.| Rh. 452 μέγ' αΰχοΰνταο] μεγαλαυχοΰντοκ V. 22. παιδόο: 'the boy', indicating the category in which Aristagoras competed, rather than 'their son', the relationship being given by γονέων. 23. Pindar mentions only the two most important festivals, but we must assume that Aristagoras did not compete at all in mainland Greece. If he had competed and lost, Pindar's claim in the following lines that he would have won in the two greatest festivals would be obviously incredible. 24-9. The victories that Aristagoras would have obtained. Pindar was not likely to include in an ode a claim of this sort, implying knowledge of the standard of the competition, before his reputation as a poet of epinician was established. If it is further supposed that he must already have composed at least one Olympian and one Pythian ode, it becomes relevant to note that O. 14, for the Orchomenian Asopichus, is placed in 488 (sch. inscr., i.388.2, as emended by Gaspar). None of the other Olympians was composed before 476, the date of the victories celebrated in O. 1-3 and 10-11. 24. vai μα ... "Ορκον: the idea of an oath by Horkos, not found elsewhere, appears to be due to an understanding of the common ορκον δμνυμι 'swear an oath' on the model of θεούο δμνυμι and the like as 'swear by Horkos'.60 Such an interpretation will have been suggested by the frequent personification of Horkos, as at Hes. Th. 231f. "Ορκον θ', öc δή πλεΐοτον έπιχθονίουο άνθρώπουο I πημαίνει, οτε κέν τκ έκών έπίορκον όμόοοηι (quoted by sch. 30a, 188.14f.) and 60

M. Leumann, Homerische Wörter, Basel 1950, 91, indeed argues that the accusative ορκον with this verb was originally of this type, giving the word the meaning 'sceptre', but this view depends on an unacceptable etymology.

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in other passages cited by West in his note on 231 and at East Face 125f., 292 (cf. also A. Eum. 621).61 There appears to be no evidence in Greek for a usage equivalent to the German 'bei meinem Eid' (compared by Goettling on Hes. Op. 219; see also R. Hirzel, Der Eid, Leipzig 1902, 149 η. 2). Other oaths are introduced at O. 2.92,6.20, 13.99 (?); γάι δ' έπιοαίπτων (χέρα) in Bacchylides at 5.42,8.19. γάρ: the sentence explains όκνηρότεραι (22). έμαν δόξαν: 'in my opinion': cf. the Aristophanic use of γνώμην έμήν (V. 983, Pax 232, Ec. 349). 24f. παρά Καοταλίαι I καΐ παρ' ευδένδρωι μόλων δχθωι Κρόνου: 'at Delphi and Olympia, if he had gone'. A similar expression would be given by Headlam's μολών (for βωμών) at O. 10.24f. αγώνα δ' έξαίρετον άεκαι θέμιτεο dapcav Aioc öv άρχαίωι οάματι παρ Πέλοποο I ίβωμώιΙ έξάριθμον έκτίοοατο. 25. ευδένδρωι: of Olympia also at Ο. 8.9 Πίοαο εΰδενδρον έπ' Άλφεώι aXcoc; cf. Simon. 507.2. δχθωι Κρόνου: mentioned also at Ο. 9.3 Κρόνιον παρ' δχθον, 1.111, 5.17, 6.64,8.17, 10.49f., Ν. 6.61. 26. Cf. Ο. 8.68f. έν τετράοιν παίδων άπεθήκατο yuioic I vocxov εχθιοτον, Ρ. 8.83f. tovc (sc. the defeated competitors) οΰτε vocxoc όμώο I επαλπνοο έν Πυθιάδι κρίθη, Ν. 2.24 COV εύκλέι νόοτωι. δηριώντων: the active first here. Pindar has also δηρίομαι (Ο. 13.44), whence W. Schulze's δηριόντων here, and δηριάζομαι (Pae. 6.119 suppl.); none occurs elsewhere in lyric. 27-9. The celebration described is one for an Olympic victory, and the Pythian games, alluded to earlier in the sentence, are forgotten, though strictly speaking the participles should apply equally to both victorious returns. Cf. N. 10.48 Διόο with n. 27. πενταετηρΐδ' έορτάν: also at O. 10.57f. (Olympic), fr. 193.1 (Pythian). Ήρακλέοο τέθμιον: cf. Ν. 10.33 Ήρακλέοο τεθμόν with notes. 28f. πορφυρέοιε I Spveciv: ερνεα of a garland, as elsewhere in Pindar (N. 6.18 n.), but the epithet will refer to the headband commonly worn by victors (cf. I. 5.62 λάμβανε οί οτέφανον, φέρε δ' εΰμαλλον μίτραν): see Ρ. Von der Miihll, ΜΗ 14, 1957,127f. = Kl. Sehr. 194-6. 29. αΰχαι: the only other occurrences are at Ibyc. S220.13, S221.5, and Hsch. α 8503 αύχάν (sic)· καύχηαν. It is not always easy or desirable in words having this root to distinguish pride or self-confidence from their expression. Here the plural seems more readily compatible with the latter (pace Barrett on E. Hipp. 952-5). See also M. Peters, Untersuchungen zur Vertretung der indogermanischen Laryngale im Griechischen, Vienna 1980, 18 with n. 11. 30. έξ άγαθών εβαλον: cf. Thgn. 835f. ανδρών τε βίη και κέρδεα δειλά καΐ ν β pic I πολλών έξ άγαθών zc κακότητ' εβαλεν. 32. χειρόο: 'by the hand': cf. Ar. V. 568f. τά παιδάρι' ... άνέλκει I ... τίμ χειρόο; LSJ s. v. II.3. &τολμοα only here in lyric. For the importance of τόλμα, see N. 10.30 n. 61

But "Ορκον is capitalized by P. Radici Colace at Chocr. SH 323 (her fr. 8) as the first word of a fragment, not to indicate personification (LfgrE s. v. Β II).

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33. μάν: 'emphatic' (Denniston 330, with other Pindaric examples) or perhaps 'progressive' (id. 337, doubtfully, but 'in positive statements this use is almost confined to Plato's writings' (336)); certainly not 'adversative, yet' (Slater s. v. lb), since there is no contrast with the preceding generalization, of which Slater gives an inaccurate paraphrase.

33-7. to te Πειαχνδρου πάλαι i αϊμ' άπό Guxprac ... I ... I και παρ' Ίομηνοΰ £>οαν κεκραμένον I έκ Μελανΐπποιο μάτρωοο: i. e. his descent from Pisander on his father's side and from Melanippus on his mother's. 33. Πειοάνδρου: otherwise unknown. There is no reason to associate him with the Myrmidon of this name (//. 16.193; cf. Roscher s. v. Peisandros (6)), or to accept Wilamowitz's suggestion that he is to be identified with Orestes' son Tisamenus (Aischylos Orestie ii, Berlin 1896, 251 n. 1; Hermes 33, 1898, 519 = Kl. Sehr, iv, Berlin 1962, 30; against, H. Lamer in RE s. v. Teisamenos (1)). 34f. Hellanicus (fr. 32 ap. sch. 43b, 189.25-7) is reported to have written about Orestes' colonization of the Aeolid. In other versions, descendants of his lead the expedition: see A. Lesky, RExviUA (1939), 1008-10; Vanschoonwinkel 405-21. For Tenedos, note also CEG 717 (Cyprus, 'saec. IV ex. vel III in.?') ήν xpovoc ή ν ί κ α τ ό ν δ ε αοφώτατον Έ λ λ ά ο ε κ λ ε ι ξ ε ν I ί α τ ρ ώ μ Φα'ίδαμ π α ΐ δ α Δαμοκχαγόρα, I ώι πατ[ριχ ήν Τέ]νεδοο, πρόγονοι δ ' όνομαοτοί ά π ' [άρχ]ήο I εκγονοι Άτρειδαν Έλλάδοο άγεμόνων, Call. fr. 91 Dieg. iii.lOf. For the parenthesis, cf. P. 4.23 with Braswell's note (b). 34. Ά μ ύ κ λ α θ ε ν : so in P. 11 Orestes is called a Laconian (16) and Agamemnon dies on his arrival in Amyclae (32). Stesichorus (216) and Simonides (549) are also said to have placed Agamemnon's palace έν Λακεδαίμονι: see Lesky (34f. n.), 1007f.; West, Catalogue 132. It is very doubtful whether this conception is implied by Od. 4.514-20, in which Agamemnon encounters a storm at Cape Malea on his way home, or 11. 9.149-53, his offer of seven Messenian cities to Achilles: see S. West's note on the former passage; G. Jachmann, Der homerische Schiffskatalog und die Ilias, Cologne and Opladen 1958, 50, 52; E. Visser, Homers Katalog der Schiffe, Stuttgart and Leipzig 1997,492-501. 35. χ α λ κ ε ν τ έ α : -εντήο only here and in the same adjective at A'. 1.16. D's χαλκεντέων is unmetrical even if scanned as three longs, contracted biceps being foreign to Pindar (N. 6.35 n.). 36. π α ρ ' Ίομηνοΰ βοαν: the manuscripts have ροάν, clearly impossible: the singular ροή is not used of rivers, poav is restored by Bergk.62 The name of the river is to be aspirated, in accordance with contemporary inscriptional evidence (Schroeder 17, following Wilamowitz, Homerische Untersuchungen, Berlin 1884, 320; cf. Hutchinson on A. Sept. 273); Braswell (on N. 9.22) strangely supposes the manuscripts to have greater authority in this point. 3 7 . Μ ε λ α ν ΐ π π ο ι ο : a defender of Thebes against the Seven: see e. g. A. Sept.

62

Of recent editors, only Puech keeps ροάν, translating accordingly. He is followed e. g. by Vanschoonwinkel 414; P. Angeli Bernardini, 'Oreste, gli Orestidi e il ruolo delta Beozia nella migrazione eolica', in J. Bintliff (ed.), Recent Developments in the History and Archaeology of Central Greece: Proceedings of the 6th International Boeotian Conference, Oxford 1997, 71-9 (cf. her translation, 'Presso le correnti dell'Ismeno' (71)). None of these writers mentions Bergk's correction.

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407-16. It is unsurprising to find a Tenedian claiming Theban ancestry: Thucydides writes of Αίολεΰα tofc κτίοαα Botiotoic in relation to the Aeolians of Methymna, Tenedos and Ainos (7.57.5; cf. for the Lesbians 3.2.3,8.100.3). μάτρωοο: cf. N. 4.80 n. 37-43. Inherited qualities are not displayed by every generation of a family to the same degree. Cornfields do not produce grain without interruption, and trees do not bear an equal abundance of flowers every year: so it is with human beings. N. 6.8-11 is closely comparable: see 8-11, 9-11 nn. There, however, it is a simple alternation of athletic success and the absence thereof in successive generations of the victor's family that prompts the comparison with cornfields, which produce grain one year and lie fallow the next. There is no indication of such a neat pattern in Aristagoras' family. Accordingly, Pindar does not suggest here a regular alternation in the case of the cornfields, nor refer explicitly to the periods of fallow, as he does in N. 6. More space is devoted to the second image, which introduces the question, relevant here but not in N. 6, of degree: trees may bear flowers every year, but not in equal abundance. Frankel, D. u. Ph. 541 n. 9, states that fruit trees produce a good crop only every other year, but Var. R. 1.55.3, which he cites, is evidence only for the olive: cf. Col. 5.8.2, 5.9.11, Plin. Nat. 15.12. The vine behaves differently: cf. e. g. Thphr. CP 4.13.5-6. The regularity that Pindar omits to mention in the case of the cornfields is not then implied by the reference to trees. 39. έν οχερώι: so accented in both manuscripts at /. 6.22 (-ρώ; a further instance restored at Ν. 1.69). ένοχερώ is printed at A. R. 1.912, where the manuscripts are divided (see Merkel's apparatus), on the analogy of the Homeric έπιοχερώ (the form prescribed by sch. //. 18.68b, though not consistently transmitted in the manuscripts), which is shared by Apollonius. μ έ λ α ι ν α ι ... αρουραι: cf. Ο. 9.50 χθόνα ... μέλαιναν and the epic γαία μ έ λ α ι ν α ( L f g r E iii.99.9-22); other comparable passages cited by J. Diggle, Eikasmos 9, 1998, 51 (add Sapph. 20.6 (?), [E.l Rh. 962 γαίαc kc μελάγχιμον πέδον). 40. περόδοιο: for περ-, see Ν. 4.36f. η. 42. έ ν α μ ε ί β ο ν τ ι : the only instance of this verb in pre-Byzantine Greek (at Hp. Vict, i, vi.482.1 Li. (CMG i.2.4 p. 132.2), Diels divides επειτεν αμείβει), but έναμοιβαδίο occurs at A. R. 1.380 and is restored at 4.1030 (correct LSJ Rev. Suppl.). θνατόν ... εθνοο: cf. Ο. 1.66 τό ταχύποτμον ... άνέρων εθνοο, Ρ. 10.28 βροτδν εθνοο, Ν. 3.74 βρότεον εθνοο. The noun occurs thirteen times in Pindar; the only other lyric instance is at Tim. 791.138. 43f. Cf. O. 12.7f. ούμβολον δ' οΰ πώ tic έπιχθονίων I πιοτόν άμφί π ρ άξιο t έοοομέναο εύρεν θεόθεν. 44. μ ε γ α λ α ν ο ρ ί α ι α this noun otherwise only in the singular in the epigram Tit. Calymn. 130 C(a).2 (iii BC) and at Mesom. 3.19 H. and f. 1. for μ ε γ α λ α γ ο ρ ί α ν at E. Ph. 184. Sch. 55, 190.23, μεγαληγοροΰμεν may imply a variant μεγαλαγορίαιο here (so Bergk), but the transmitted text is supported by N. 3.20, quoted in the next note. έ μ β α ί ν ο μ ε ν : cf. for the metaphor N. 3.20 άνορέαιο ύπερτάταιο έπέβα; LSJ

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I.5.b. 45. τε might be taken to join the participle to the main verb, but more probably μεγαλανορίαιχ έμβαίνομεν would be felt as the equivalent of βαίνομεν έν μεγαλανορίακ:. The construction is then similar to that found at N. 8.19, where see n. Cf. perhaps also P. 6.45f. πατρώναν μάλκτα npöc οτάθμαν έβα, I πάτρωι τ* έπερχόμενοο άγλα'ναν {εδειξεν) απαοαν (so Bergk: but άγλα'ιαν εδενξεν {απαοαν} byz.). See also Denniston 502 (g). μενοινώντεο: also at Ο. 1.58, P. 1.43, Pi. (?: see N. 8.2 n.), P. Oxy. 2736 fr. 1 Ii. 14; not elsewhere in lyric. δέδεται: i. e. 'is in the power o f , as at P. 3.54 κέρδεν καΐ οοφία δέδεται, fr. 229.1 ννκώμενον γαρ ανδρεο άγρυξίαι δέδενται; cf. Ρ. 4.71 τνο δέ κίνδυνοο κρατερονο άδάμαντοο δήοεν αλοκ;. Elsewhere 'is made powerless, incapable of action', as at E. Hipp. 159f. λύπαν... I εΰναία δέδεται ψυχά, where see Barrett. For the present application of the image, cf. D. Chr. 30.22 ελεγε δέ καν κατ' ανδρα ετερα είναν δεομά, τονο μεν έλάττω, τονο δέ μείζω περικείμενα ώοπερ πέδαο · καλεκθαν δέ ύφ' ημών αΰτάο έλπίδαα 46. έλπίδι: see in general West on Hes. Op. 96, with bibliography, προμαθείαο δ' άπόκεινται βοαί: perhaps 'the streams of foreknowledge are neglected' (cf. West on Hes. Op. 151), i. e., we neglect such foreknowledge as reaches us from time to time and indulge in hopes instead. Nothing is gained by taking the genitive to be governed by the verb, and we should require to be told which streams are meant, as at O. 2.33f. ροαν δ' αλλοτ' αλλαν I εΰθυμναν τε μέτα καν πόνων zc avöpac έ'βαν. 47. Cf. P. 2.34 χρή δέ κατ' αύτόν ανεν παντίκ όραν μέτρον; Hes. Op. 694 with West's note. 48. 'Desires for the unattainable bring madnesses all too acute': cf. for the construction N. 8.45 κενεαν δ' έλπίδων χαΰνον τέλοο. Wilamowitz's translation 'aber die Gier nach unerfüllbaren Wünschen brennt allzuheiß' (431; cf. SPAW 1909, 834 = Kl. Sehr, vi, Berlin and Amsterdam 1972, 342), with its implication that the advice just given is impossible to keep, appears to leave μανίαν unaccounted for, and no parallel is quoted for the use of όξύί, which would naturally be taken to mean 'acute' rather than 'irresistible, overmastering': cf. O. 8.85 όξεναο ... VOCODC, P. 3.97 όξείανον... πάθανο, Ν. 1.53 όξείακ avvavcv, and other passages cited by LSJ II. 1, and for the use with reference to madness, Hp. Prorrh. i, v.514.11 Li. έκμανενοα όξέωο (~ Coac. v.710.1 Li.), Call. fr. 480 άρχόμενον μανίην όξυτάτην έ'χομεν. W. J. Verdenius, ICS 7, 1982, 39 = Comm. ii.l 18, takes the meaning to be that όξύτεραν μανίαν 'belong to the domain of' άπροακτων έρώτων, but it does not seem likely that Pindar or any other author would say that όξύτεραν μανίαν are a kind of desire, or express such a thought in this way (cf. C. Carey, CR 40, 1990,217). άπροακτων ... έρώτων: 'desires for the unattainable', the construction as at N. 3.30 άλλοτρίων ερωτεο, P. 10.60 ετέρου: έτέρων ερωτεο έκννοαν φρέναο (for the text, see ZPE 135, 2001, 32 n. 3); the adjective occurs only here. LSJ s. v. ερακ 1.2, assuming that adjective and noun are in agreement, take the latter to mean "Object of love or desire', a sense not required at Luc. Tim. 14, which they compare, or elsewhere; Verdenius, op. cit. 38 = 116, who also assumes that

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NEMEAN 11

133

adjective and noun agree, translates the former as 'not reaching their end', but cites no passage where (-)ίκνέομαι or a similar verb is used in this way of desires.

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