Phonological Theory and the Dialects of Italy (Current Issues in Linguistic Theory)

•!

|

*SON-3_

SYNCOPE

"

*

•

•SON-2

MAX

•

. D E P _ •COMPLEX

*

[reta]
1|

*;

•COMPLEX]

| *

input /rsa/

[rta]

MAX j PEP

•!

[rsa]

input /rta/

•SON-2

* *

j

Finally, in language Z, SYNCOPE outranks even *SON-3.

•

234

JEAN-PIERRE MONTREUIL

(37) Language Z: outputs tola], [psa], [pta] [vta] [rsa] and [rta] 1 SYNCOPE

input /reta/

J [rta] input /rta/ [reta] [rta]

*SON-3

MAX j

DEP

*CQMPLEX

DEP

*COMPLEX

*!

[reta] \

SYNCOPE

*

*

*SON-3

MAX

*

*!

* *

|

*

On the basis of the limited data summarized in Table 8, which again did not include some NC» clusters or sC~ clusters, we arrive at a typology based on ordering, within which our Raeto-Romance and Gallo-Italic languages take their place. • Language U typifies Italian or Spanish. It does not correspond to any of the Raeto-Romance and Gallo-Italic languages, since all of them allow at least clusters like [ps]. • Neither do Language V and Language W, since they all allow -1 clusters.8 • Language X typifies Bravuogn Romansch and Romagnolo. • Language Y typifies Lombardo and Piemontese. • Language Z typifies Comelicano. The fact that Raeto-Romance and Gallo-Italic dialects are accurately characterized in this fashion shows that the notion of sonority differential can be an accurate predictor of cluster well-formedness. There is no need, in this particular case, to appeal to featural content or even to absolute sonority. Only the differential, i. e., the relative sonority of two segments, matters. 4.

Conclusion The consonant clusters of Standard Italian have been well documented and analyzed, and it is a measure of the conservative character of Italian phonotactics that initial clusters do not diverge very far from their Latin ancestors. In contrast, the five Romance dialects studied in this limited survey display singular phonotactic patterns, which invite more comparisons with Gallo-Romance than with Italo-Romance. 8 However, Language V would have been instantiated had our database extended to other, more conservative varieties of Raeto-Romance, like Gardenese, for instance (Bammesberger 1974). If, on the other hand, we had included in our data NC clusters derived from VNC, which abound in the language, then even Gardenese would pattern after Language Y.

SONORITY AND DERIVED CLUSTERS

235

The properties of derived clusters have been shown to differ widely from those of underlying clusters. In analyzing these properties, two concerns have been addressed. (Î) The first concern has to do with structure, and specifically with showing the motivation behind a structural representation favoring readjunction. Several theoretical approaches were discussed, and even though in each case arguments were given as to why a particular structural representation should be preferred over another, the fact remains that such arguments are more dependent upon theoretical preassumptions than dictated by phonetic realizations. (2) The second concern has to do with the concept of sonority differential and leads to the following question: when structural differences are put aside and only surface forms are being considered, is it necessary to appeal to various aspects of melodic information (including absolute sonority), or is it sufficient to compare the relative sonorities of the two members of a cluster? The answer that emerges does not rule out the possibility that additional featural information may be required, but it does suggest that the concept of sonority differential can elicit useful classifications and accurate characterization, indicating that, in derived clusters, sonority is very much - and possibly foremost - a matter of contrast REFERENCES Baertsch, Karen. 1998. "Onset Sonority Distance Constraints Through Local Conjunction". Chicago Linguistic Society 34.1-15. Bagemihl, Bruce. 1991. "Syllable Structure in Bella Coola". Linguistic Inquiry 22.589-646. Bammesberger, Alfred. 1974. "Le parier ladin dolomitique du Val Gardena". Bulletin des jeunes romanistes 20.5-74. Battisti, Carlo. 1988 [1914-1921 ]. Testi dialettali italiani in trascrizione fonetica. Bologna: Arnaldo Forai. Bearesi, Luigi. 1982. Piccolo dizionario del dialetto piacentino. Piacenza: Libreria editrice Berti. Bruni, Francesco, ed. 1992. Vitaliano nelle regioni. Torino: UTET. Carnie, Andrew. 1994. "Whence Sonority? Evidence from Epenthesis in Modern Irish". MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 21.81-108. Clements, George. 1990. "The Role of the Sonority Cycle in Core Syllabification". Papers in Laboratory Phonology 1.283-334. New York: Cambridge University Press. Cortelazzo, Manlio & Carla Marcato. 1992. Dizionario etimologico dei dialetti italiani. Torino: UTET.

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de Lorenzo Tobolo, Elia. 1977. Dizionario de dialetto ladino di Comelico Superiore Bologna: Tamari. Downing, Laura J. 1993. "Unsyllabified Vowels in Aranda". Chicago Linguistic Society vol. 29 ed. by Katharine Beals, et al., 171-187. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Eckman, Fred & Gregory K. Iverson. 1993. "Sonority and Markedness among Onset Clusters in the Interlanguage of ESL Learners". Second Language Research 9.234-252. Fortina, Peppo, et al. 1992. Vocabolario del dialetto di Oleggio. Torino: Edizione dell'Orso. Gorra, Egidio. 1890. "Fonetica del dialetto di Piacenza". Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie 14.113-159. Hammond, Michael. 1997. "Optimality Theory and Prosody". Optimality Theory: An overview ed. by Diana Archangeli & Terence Langedoen, 33-59. Oxford: Blackwell. van der Hulst, Harry & Nancy Ritter, eds. 1998. The Syllable: Views and Facts. Berlin: Mouton De Gruyter. Jespersen, Otto. 1904. Lehrbuch der Phonetik. Leipzig & Berlin. Lauefer, Christiane. 1991. "Syllabification and Resyllabification in French". New Analyses in Romance Linguistics ed. by Dieter Wanner & Douglas Kibbee, 19-36. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Lekach, A. Farmer. 1979. "Phonological Markedness and the Sonority Hierarchy". Papers in Syllable Structure, Metrical Structure and Harmony Processes: MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 1. Lutta, C. Martin. 1923. "Der Dialekt von Bergün und seine Stellung innerhalb der Rätoromanischen Mundarten Graubündens". Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für Romanische Philologie 71.1 -356. Mattioli, Antonio. 1986 [1879]. Vocabolario romagnolo-italiano. Bologna: Arnaldo Forni. Morelli, Frida. 1998. "Markedness Relations and Implicational Universals in the Typology of Onset Obstruent Clusters". ROA-251 (Rutgers Optimality Archive http://ruccs.rutgers.edu/roa/html). Padgett, Jaye. 1991. Stricture in Feature Geometry. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Massachusetts, Amherst. Plangg, Guntram. 1973. Sprachgestalt als Folge und Fügung. Zur Phonologie des Dolomitenladinischen (Badiot) und seiner Nachbarn. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Rialland, Annie. 1994. "The Phonology and Phonetics of Extrasyllabicity in French". Phonological Structure and Phonetic Form, Papers in Laboratory

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Phonology (vol. 3) ed. by Patricia Keating, 136-160. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rice, Keren. 1992. "On Deriving Sonority: A structural account of sonority relationships". Phonology 9.61-99. —. 1993. "A Re-examination of the Feature [sonorant]: the status of sonorant obstruents". Language 69.308-344. Rubach, Jerzy. 1993. The Lexical Phonology of Slovak. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rubach, Jerzy & Geert Booij. 1992. "Resolutions of Extrasyllabicity in Slovak". Linguistics 30.699-729. Selkirk, Elizabeth. 1982. "The Syllable". The Structure of Phonological Representations (vol. 2) ed. by Harry van der Hulst & Norval Smith, 337-383. Dordrecht: Foris. . 1984. "On the Major Class Features and Syllable Theory". Language Sound Structure ed. by Mark Aronoff & Richard Oehrle, 107-137. Cambridge, Mass.: The MIT Press. Shaw, Patricia. 1993. "The Prosodic Constituency of Minor Syllables". West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics 12.117-132. Steriade, Donca. 1994. "Complex Onsets as Single Segments: the Mazateco pattern". Perspectives in Phonology ed. by Jennifer Cole & Charles Kisseberth, 203-293. Stanford: CSU. Tagliavini, Carlo. 1926. "Il dialetto di Comèlico". Archivum Romanicum 10.1200. Truckenbrodt, Hubert. 1994. "The OCP, Underspecification and Articulatory Faithfulness". MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 21.227-275. Yip, Moira. 1989. "Feature Geometry and Co-Occurrence Restrictions". Phonology 6.349-374.

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

NAOMI NAGY University of New Hampshire

0.

Introduction Faetar is a Francoprovençal dialect which is spoken in two small southern Italian villages, Faeto and Celle, located in the mountains on the western border of Apulia in the province of Foggia. They were settled approximately 600 years ago by emigrants from what is now southeastern France. Due to contact with Italian, Faetar has adapted many properties of Italian (Nagy 1996). However, one way in which it remains distinct from standard Italian is that the vowel schwa frequently appears in unstressed syllables. The phonemic status of schwa structure is unclear. This paper explores three possible accounts of the of Faetar which are intertwined with the status of schwa. The first, the Marked Stress Hypothesis (§3.1), is that primary word stress prosodic is marked in the lexicon. In that case, vowel quality (full vs. reduced vowel) is predictable: tonic vowels are never schwa, post-tonic vowels categorically reduce to schwa, and pretonic vowels (variably) reduce to schwa. Under this analysis, schwa is not phonemic. The second possibility is the Marked Quantity Hypothesis (§3.2): vowels are lexically marked as long or short (bi- or monomoraic). Under this hypothesis, we can observe that stress appears on the rightmost long (bimoraic) vowel, and short (monomoraic) vowels may reduce to schwa. The lack of a moraic difference between vowel and schwa in Faetar will be shown by the existence of Raddoppiamento Sintattico in Faetar. The Marked Quality Hypothesis (§3.3), that vowel quality is lexically marked (schwa as a mid-central vowel vs. other vowels), is one other possible alternative. In that case, the location of word stress is fully predictable: it always appears on the rightmost non-schwa vowel Schwa, then would be phonemically distinct from other vowels: the mid-central vowel would be a phoneme. The

240

NAOMI NAGY

word-position distribution of vowels undermines this hypothesis: if schwa were a phoneme, why would it be the only vowel with the privilege of appearing post-tonically? Like many nonstandard languages and dialects, Faetar has no systematic orthography, long-term historical record, or native speakers trained as linguists. This eliminates many of the tools often used by linguists to determine underlying structure. Therefore, other methods are required to choose among these three hypotheses (§2). I present several arguments to support the first hypothesis, and contradict the latter two (§3). Before presenting these arguments, I provide necessary background information about Faetar and the languages with which it is in contact (§ 1). 1. 1.1

Background Phonological Information Faetar Consonants and Vowels The vowels and consonants shown in (la) and (2a) exist in Faetar ((lb) and (2b) are discussed below). The shading indicates distributional differences between Faetar and standard Italian: phones which are shaded exist in Faetar but are not Italian phonemes, and empty shaded boxes indicate phonemes which exist in Italian but not Faetar (though the sounds may exist as allophones of other phonemes). Faetar has five tense vowel phonemes, shown between slashes. The four lax vowels of Faetar, shown in square brackets, are not phonemes, but allophones of the corresponding tense vowels. They appear optionally in closed syllables, in free variation with the tense forms, but they never appear in open syllables (Hoffman 1968:13). As the phonemic status of schwa is at issue, it appears here in parentheses. Schwa is distinct from the four lax vowels in that it appears in both open and closed syllables, but never in stressed syllables. a. Faetar vowels (Nagy 1996:1190 Front Mid High /i/ [I] Mid Id [ε] (e) Low /a/

b. Apulian vowels (Valente 1975:12)1 Front Mid Back

(1)

Back [ü] /u/ [c] /o/

High Mid Low

i(j) e s

d

c

u(w) o

a

* Although Valente (1978) provides a non-phonemic source for schwa, he lists it as a phoneme in Apulian. It is unclear which phones are phonemic in his analysis, thus I have not distinguished between phonemes and allophones in the Apulian charts.

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

241

The phonemic inventory of Faetar consonants is shown in (2a) (Kattenbusch 1982:151-168). Additionally, Faetar has phonemic geminate consonants word-internally (Nagy 1994). There are contrastive geminates for all the consonants except /n/, /y/, /v/ and the affricates. (2)

Stop Fricative Affricate Nasal Liquid Trill

a. Faetar consonants (Nagy 1996:116) Labial Labio- Dental Palatal Velar dental p b t d k g f v s ƒ ts t d3 m

n

n

1

y

r

b. Apulian consonants2 (Valente 1975:12) Labial Labio- Dental Palatal Velardental t d c f k g P b f V s z ƒ ts dz n m 1 r

1.2

Faetar Stress Stress always appears on the rightmost non-schwa vowel of a word. The stressed syllable is always one of the last three syllables in the word. However, stress is not on a fixed syllable, counting from the left or from the right, nor is it consistently on either an odd or an even syllable. Furthermore, stress may be on either an open or closed syllable, as shown in (3). (3) Possible stressed syllable positionsWord From end From start [bro.kala] antepenult 1st penult 1st [Tra.ra] [am.'inap.pafe] antepenult 2nd [kut.'tejs] penult 2nd penult [am.bu.'lan.za] 3rd penult [am.mattuf.'fli.jg] 4th [am.ma.tün/ta] final 4th [am.mun.tu.nam.'men] final 5th

Italian forchetta fratello caspita cotello ambulanza accumulare ammaccare ammasso

'fork' 'brother' 'interjection' 'knife' ' ambulance' 'to accumulate' 'to bruise' 'accumulation'

2 Valente (1975) does not include a palatal liquid in the inventory but uses it in a number of words. 3 Transcriptions throughout are broadly phonetic and make use of certain allophones which are not part of the phonemic inventory. For example, /s/-->[z]/[+vd, +cons] in Faetar.

242

NAOMI NAGY

In Faetar, any vowel except schwa may be stressed, and any vowel may appear in an unstressed syllable, as shown in (4). (4) Possible stressed and unstressed vowels

i

Stressed Word [a'vi]

I

[djә 'linnә]

oggi gall(in)o

Unstressed Word

Italian 'today'

[tfin'nl] [rәmir'ri]

'rooster'

Italian sfacciato

'saucy'

guardato

'looked'

u

[a'lunnә]

alunno

'student'

[kut'tejә]

cotello

'knife'

u

[mokkә]

mucca

'cow'

[ammatün'ta]

ammaccare

'to bruise'

e

[kut'tejә]

cotello

'knife'

[vekkar'dun]

vecchio

'old man'

s

[bu'fεttә]

tavola

'table'

[allεr'dji]

allergia

'allergy'

o

[hrokәlә] [bal'dcrjә]

forchetta gaiezza

'fork'

[kontftfettә]

Concetta

'gaiety'

[cr'majә]

ormai

'Concetta' 'henceforward'

a

[frarә]

fratello

'brother'

[a'vi]

9

—

oggi gall(in)o

'rooster'

0

[dg3 linnә]

'today'

These facts can be accounted for in a straightforward manner. One binary foot, a generalized trochee (Kager 1993), is built at the right edge of the word. 4 Some words have one extrametrical syllable at their right edge, but no more than one. Thus the possible structures for the right edge of Faetar words are shown in (5). (5) a. Antepenult stress F

b. Penult stress F

/\

| σ

cr cr

|||

/\

||

μw |||

V

F

/\

σ σ <σ> μs

c. Final stress

e

μ 9

μs

μw

|| V e

μs | V

μw

(5) shows only the assignment of vowels to syllable nuclei. The strong (left) branch of any foot may have a coda consonant, the weak branch may not. The limitations of one extrametrical syllable and a binary-branching foot restrict stress to one of the rightmost three syllables of the word.

4 The absence of other feet in the word is indicated by the lack of syllable-by-syllable alternation between full vowels and schwa in the pretonic syllables.

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

243

Nagy & Reynolds (1997:44-5) show that the variable process of wordfinal deletion (of segments and syllables) is more likely to occur in Faetar words with antepenultimate stress than in words with penultimate or final stress. This can now be explained as deletion of unfooted segments/syllables, a less costly deletion than for footed segments/syllables, supporting the analysis that extrametrical syllables exist in words with antepenultimate stress. Such extrametrical vowels reduce to schwa as an intermediary step in the deletion process. Similarly, pretonic vowels, all unfooted, may reduce to schwa. An unassociated mora appears in the structure for (all?) final stressed words, which satisfies the requirement that a trochee be binary-branching. The source of the unassociated mora may be from analogy with Italian, or it may exist for historical reasons. Faetar exhibits much variable word-final deletion, a synchronic symptom of the diachronic process of increasing apocope mentioned above. Final unassociated moras may be remnants of word-final segments present at an earlier stage. Apulian Phonology While distinctions between Faetar and standard Italian have already been highlighted, the relevant comparison is to the local Apulian dialect, as this is the variety with which Faetar speakers have regular contact. The principal source used for this description of Apulian is Valente (1975), and his findings are confirmed by recordings of speakers from towns neighboring Faeto (Nagy 1996). Valente (1975:64) writes, "Apulia represents a unified and continuous linguistic area that has its center of gravity and of dissemination in the region of Bari [my translation]." The most distinctive trait of the dialect is that Latin A in both stressed and final syllables is intact, that is, not reduced (Valente 1975:54). All other unstressed vowels reduce to [9] (Valente 1975:36). In Apulian, stress is always on one of the last three syllables (Valente 1975:29). From the data available, it seems to have the same stress system as standard Italian. The phonemic inventories of Apulian, are given above in (lb) and (2b). Shading in these two figures indicates differences between the inventories of Apulian and Faetar. 1.3

1.4 Raddoppiamento Sintattico Like many southern Italian dialects, Faetar exhibits a process of wordinitial consonant lengthening following a word-final stressed vowel, known as Raddoppiamento Sintattico (RS). I adopt Repetti's (1991:307) analysis of RS: "raddoppiamento is caused by an empty mora which is present in the underlying representation (not added by a rule) ... [the mora] is now filled by spreading

244

NAOMÏNAGY

from the initial consonant of the following word." If there is an empty mora that needs to be associated to an element in the following word, then the vowel in that syllable can be linked to only one mora to begin with. That is, the structure of a word-final stressed open syllable is that shown in (5c). As in Italian, this provides the necessary structure for RS to apply. In §2.3, acoustic evidence that RS does occur in Faetar is presented. I make use of the presence of RS to illustrate that the Marked Stress Hypothesis is viable and the Marked Quantity and Marked Quality Hypotheses are not. 2.

Empirical Evidence ofRS in Faetar In this section, I first illustrate the existence of historical sources for RS in Faetar, an important point since Gallic Francoprovençal is not documented to exhibit RS. I then present data showing that Faetar speakers do exhibit RS. This fact supports the prosodic analysis presented above. 2.1 Historical Source for RS Jaberg & Jud's (1928-40) transcriptions provide evidence that lexically triggered RS occurs in the Apulian dialects surrounding Faeto. (6) shows forms elicited by fieldworkers for several phrases which contain words that trigger RS (Bertinetto 1985:612, Dulcibella 1934, Grandgent 1927). These forms show a strong tendency to be transcribed with a double initial consonant in most southern Italian data points. I have chosen three representative points for comparison: the two towns closest to Faeto and the closest city. The data from Napoli, the next closest city, show RS applying categorically in these words. (6) RS in the neighboring towns and closest cities (Jaberg & Jud 1928-40) Entry Italian Colle Sannita Ascoli Satriano Bari 519 va a cacccia [va a kkat ] [vat e a kkat ] [va:j a kkat ] 647 a dormire [addor'mi] [a ddcrme] [a kkclkese] 1584 a scegliere [jt e kka'pa] [a kka'pa] [a kka'pa] 646 è andata [s ε ggju:t] [e ju:t] [e u:t] 668 èvestito [s εvv estu:te] [e vәstu:tә] [s a vvәsturte] 1340 èbuono [e bbo:nә] [je bbu:nә] [je bbwe:nә] 1602 è cattivo [e mmalә'mεntә] [je kkat'ti:vә] [je ffәεnt]

'go hunting' 'to sleep' 'to choose' 'went' 'was dressed' 'is good' 'is bad'

The phrases in (7) give more recent evidence of lexically triggered RS in Apulian. They are extracted from narratives recorded in three southern locales and transcribed in Valente (1975:66-69). The list includes phrases which have

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

245

contexts for RS, but includes some instances where the lengthening did not occur, or at least was not transcribed. (7) RS patterns in near-by dialects (Valente 1975:66-69) San Marco

MS? Yes

Foggia [e rәsortә]

'(he) came out'

[e kki]

'and that' 'and who'

Yes

[e kuan]

'and when'

No

[e llsvә]

' and lift'

Yes

'and said'

Yes

[e lu] [ke fannә]

No 'and the' 'what (he) does' No

[e ffatgfvә ] Bari

[pә ffa]

'(for) to do'

Yes

[a ffa] [a ppezzә]

' (for) to do' 'to pieces'

Yes Yes

[e kkuddә]

RS? No

[a da]

'to give'

No

[a pprimә] [e ffasulә]

'for first'

Yes

'and beans'

[e pәsiәddә]

'and peas'

Yes No

[e 11 amm]

'and to them give'

Yes

2.2

Design of Experiment The experiment described in this section forms part of a corpus of material collected by the author during three summers of fieldwork in Faeto, during which interviews, direct elicitation, and quantitative analysis techniques were developed and used. The full corpus consists of approximately 50 hours of recorded speech from more than 100 speakers, recorded between 1992 and 1994 The relevant portion of the corpus, produced in order to have a directly comparable quantity of speech data from many different speakers, was gathered by recording 60 speakers, ranging in age from six to 87 years. Speakers were asked to name objects pictured in a children's book (Amery & Cartwright 1987) and then describe the scenes pictured on ten pages. This allowed for the elicitation of a careful pronunciation of each word in isolation and then, ideally, several repetitions of the word in sentence context.5 5 In conducting this experiment, it was necessary to choose between recording naturallyoccurring speech and eliciting carefully-selected isolated sentences. There are advantages to both methods, but I believe the importance of analyzing language the way people actually speak it outweighs the advantages to be gained by a strictly controlled lab experiment. The variety of words and contexts used here is meant to cancel out any biasing effects of particular independent variables. Furthermore, in a non-written language it is difficult to design a traditional cued experiment as oral cues or a written representation of the language could influence the subjects' speech. Transcription may also confuse the issue due to an ongoing conflict in Faeto: proponents of developing a Faetar orthography are at odds about whether the orthography should represent the true phonetic status of the language or show its etymological relations. Finally, there are Faetar speakers who do not read at all and who do not speak any language except Faetar, making a sentence elicitation task with natural-sounding data well nigh possible.

246

NAOMI NAGY

For this experiment, the durations of word-initial consonants in various contexts were examined in the speech of one representative speaker: a 29 year old woman recorded in 1994. 87 segments were measured: all of the clearly recorded instances of word-initial /m/ and If/ in the storybook recording. After transcribing the speech in full, transcriptions were searched for all appearances of word-initial /m/ and /f/.6 A list of the phrases examined and the relevant consonant duration for each appear in the appendix. Recordings were digitized and the duration of the initial segments measured from on-screen spectrograms using Xwaves on a Unix Sparcstation in Mark Liberman's lab. The measurements were grouped according to the class of the preceding segment: consonant (C), full vowel (V), or schwa (9). 2.3

Results of Experiment There is a significant effect of preceding segment. Table 1 and Figure 1 show that word-initial consonants are longer following V than following [ә] and C. (The two graphs show durations for the two target segments examined.) Statistical significance was determined by Kruskal-Wallis One-Way Anova, a non-parametric test which assumes neither normal distributions nor equivalent variances for the samples being compared, and which can operate on small samples, necessary assumptions for this analysis. The statistical analysis was carried out in Systat 6 with the excellent assistance of Suzanne Mitchell. These data illustrate two points. The first is that RS occurs in Faetar. This is shown by the difference between length of word-initial consonants which follow RS-triggers (V) and those following non-triggers (C, [9]). The second is that V triggers RS and [9] does not, indicating a difference in prosodic structure between syllables with schwa and those with other vowels. Target Trigger segment segment C /f/

3

V C /m/

3

V

N 5

Average duration

17 20 6 8

Standard deviation

Significance of difference from V

0.07

0.03

0.07

0.03

p = 0.089 p= 0.003 (sig.)

0.11

0.07

Total N for /f/ =42

0.09 0.06 0.12

0.12 0.06 0.16

p = 0.087 p= 0.006 (sig.)

Total N for/m/ = 45 31 Table 1. Durations according to environment (in seconds) 6

/m/ and /f/ were chosen because they are easy to spot in spectrograms and were plentiful in the transcriptions.

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

247

Preceding segment Figure 1. Average duration according to different preceding segments

2.4

Discussion of Experiment The difference in average duration between V and [ә] is significant (at the p = 0.05 level) for both target consonants examined, indicating that V triggers RS and [9] does not. The difference in average duration between V and C is significant only at the p = 0.1 level, due to the small number of consonant-final words in the corpus. However, even in these cases, the trend is in the necessary direction to support the hypotheses. These data indicate that RS occurs in Faetar following stressed vowels but not following schwa. This is explained as the initial consonant linking to an empty mora in the final stressed syllable of the preceding word (Repetti 1991). As syllables can contain no more than two moras, only one mora may underlyingly be linked to a stressed vowel, so there cannot be a difference in association of moras to stressed vowels and schwa (as shown in (5)). Since RS does not apply when there is a word-final schwa, the difference in stressed and unstressed syllable and foot structure shown in (5) is motivated. Therefore,

248

NAOMI NAGY

stress is marked in the lexicon, and vowel quality/quantity need not be marked in order to account for Faetar's patterns. 3.

The Problem Unlike standard Italian, Faetar has many words in which [ә] appears word-internally (and word-finally). The question arises as to whether the segment has phonemic status or is the reduced allophone of some other vowel(s) in unstressed position. This issue is crucially linked to the analysis of stress. There are three ways to think about the interaction of stress and schwa in Faetar. 3.1

The Marked Stress Hypothesis The first hypothesis proposes that stress is lexically marked and vowel length is not. Specifically, certain words have an extrametrical final syllable marked in the lexicon. A binary-branching trochee is built at the right edge of each word, as shown in (5). All vowels in the weak branch of the foot surface as schwa, accounting for the fact that immediately post-tonic vowels are schwa. All vowels in the strong branch surface as a full vowel (not schwa). Pretonic vowel quality is unpredictable: a given speaker may produce a given word at one time with a full vowel and at another time with a reduced vowel. I have heard, for example, [tawә'linә] and [tawo'linә] 'table' (dimin.), and [piә'rann] and [pia'rann] 'grandfather'. If we assume that only one foot is built on each word (at the right edge), this accounts for the allophonic alternations between schwa and non-schwa vowels in pretonic position: these vowels are not footed, so there is no requirement that they be either schwa or not schwa.7 Support of lexically marked stress is found in the marking of particular morphological classes, such as past participles and many infinitives, by wordfinal stress. Examples are given in (8). Such forms cannot be analyzed as words ending in underlying long vowels because RS applies to these forms when they appear in the appropriate context, and, as discussed in §2.4, RS would not apply if the vowel were long. Rather, these words must have a bimoraic final syllable, where one mora is not underlyingly associated to a segment.

7 There is no evidence that any pretonic vowel is either categorically unreduced or categorically reduced. One way to determine this would be to conduct an acceptability judgment test with native speakers.

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR (8)

Past participles and Infinitives 'grew/to grow' 'went/to go' [krә'fi] ' stayed/to stay' [a'la] [arrama'ne] 'married/to marry' [ma'ri] 'married/to marry' [fpu'za]

249

Past participles [a'ßi] 'had' [u'le] 'wanted' [tә'ni] 'held' [mun'd3a] 'ate'

Historical evidence also supports lexically marked stress: Francoprovençal, the source language of Faetar, has lexically marked stress. Although Francoprovençal requires that stress be on one of the last two syllables, there are minimal pairs like ['8ata] 'sing, 2nd sg. imperative' vs. [8a'ta] 'sing, 2nd pl. imperative' (Martin 1990:673). There is no way that stress could be predicted to appear on different syllables of the two members of this pair, as they are otherwise identical. For a number of words, comparison with the Italian source form of borrowings into Faetar indicates that a final segment or syllable has been deleted since the Italian word was borrowed into Faetar, without affecting the stress pattern. Apparently, stress appears on the last syllable of the word in the Faetar word because that is the syllable marked for stress in Italian. Such diachronic evidence is not available to a speaker's grammar, so stress must be lexically marked for these words. (9) Italian borrowings with final stress in Faetar (transcriptions from Minichelli 1994) Faetar Possible Italian source allergia /aller'djia/ 'allergy' /allεrd3i/ /alie'ri/ 'happiness' aliegria /alle'gria/ /anә'ma/ /ani'male/ animale 'animal' /ar'ka/ arcata /ar'kata/ 'arcade' /au'ta/ altare /al'tare/ altar' /bar'ri/ harile barrel' /ba'rile/ /bәkkjә'ra/ hicchierata /bikkje'rata/ glassful' /kande'da/ /kandi'dato/ candidate' candidate /kapat'ta/ capitale /kapi'tale/ capital' /kartfe'ri/ carceriere /kartfe'rjsre/ prison warden'

3.2

The Marked Quantity Hypothesis A second potential analysis is the Marked Quantity Hypothesis: that vowels are marked as short or long in the lexicon (distinguishing short schwa from other, long, vowels), and then stress is predictably assigned to the

250

NAOMI NAGY

rightmost long vowel. The problem with this analysis is that the difference between schwa and other vowels in Faetar cannot be accounted for moraically, and cannot be lexically marked. A phonemic distinction in vowel length would have to be represented by different associations between segments and moras for schwa vs. non-schwa vowels. The prosodic structures presented in (5) do not allow for any leeway: both long (i.e. non-schwa) vowels and schwa must be associated to exactly one mora. Furthermore, this hypothesis is contradicted by the fact that only schwa appears in post-tonic syllables. If schwa were a phoneme, there is no reason why only it would appear in this position. Similarly, the alternations between schwa and other vowels in pretonic position could not be accounted for. Finally, if the difference between schwa and other vowels were that other vowels were bimoraic (lexically marked as long) and schwa were not, then RS would not be expected to apply: there would be no unassociated mora in wordfinal full vowels. §2 shows that RS does apply when there is a full vowel, and not when there is a schwa, supporting the Marked Stress Hypothesis. 3.3

The Marked Quality Hypothesis One alternative approach is that Faetar vowel quality is lexically marked. The vowel phonemes are then /i, u, e, o, a and 9/. By rule or constraint, stress will be placed on the last syllable with a non-schwa vowel. While apparently descriptively adequate, such an approach cannot account for alternation in verb paradigms. Many paradigms contain pairs as listed in (10): some verb forms have a stressed full vowel in the last syllable of the root and other forms have an unstressed schwa in the same position (Giuliani 1995:147). Presumably, the underlying root forms of various elements of a paradigm are identical. (10) [ijә i Vint] 'he comes' [djid3ә'leva] ' I lift'

~ ~

[nus na vә'nunnә] 'we come' [nus na lәVunnә] ' we lift'

Second, if we assume that vowel quality is marked in the lexicon, there is no way to correctly assign stress by rule or constraint in Faetar, given the diversity of word types shown in (3). For example, if we take a common Faetar word, ['brokәtә] 'fork', there is no way to predict that it is pronounced ['brok9l9] rather than [brәkә'le] or [br9'kel9]. A regular right-to-left trocheeforming grammar would produce the latter form, rather than the appropriate one, if schwa were a phoneme.

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

4.

251

Conclusion Several arguments have shown that Faetar is a language in which stress is lexically marked and schwa is not a phoneme, but rather a reflex of some other vowel(s) in unstressed position. Support for the Marked Stress Hypothesis (and against the other hypotheses) includes: the vowel alternations in many verb paradigms, the existence of RS in Faetar, the retention of historically-motivated stress assignment, the alternation of vowel and schwa in pretonic position, the categorical absence of non-schwa vowels in post-tonic position, and the restriction of stress to the three final syllables. APPENDIX Word list for RS experiment /f/ initial words Consonant Duration 0.036 0.045 0.070 0.086 0.113 0.026 0.035 0.041 0.041 0.044 0.045 0.049 0.052 0.055 0.065 0.070 0.078 0.089 0.096 0.108 0.110 0.110

Preceding Segment C C C

c c ә ә ә ә ә ә 9 9 ә ә 9 ә ә 9 9 ә ә

Phrase (Preceding & Target words) anfan forsә sun fiaws in fttә kristian forsә in fatti atә fij kattә fiann ands fεrma attә fij dә favolεt kworrә fors stunds fors ss firmatә firmats firmats kontә firma uns famiAs stεssә f amiyә atә fiaw atә fen ands fa atә fen ats fen

English Gloss child maybe his son in fact people maybe in fact other daughter four children have stopped other daughter of story runs maybe (they) are maybe (he) stops stops stops sure thing a family same family other son other woman did other woman other woman

252 0.063 0.065 0.067 0.069 0.078 0.084 0.085 0.089 0.092 0.092 0.092 0.093 0.095 0.099 0.123 0.124 0.146 0.151 0.231 0.336

NAOMI NAGY

V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V

/m/ initial words Consonant Preceding Segment Duration 0.028 0.031 0.049 0.052 0.057 0.330 0.025 0.033 0.034 0.036 0.037 0.042 0.046 0.192

e ferma u fonds la fermats sta famiÅ sta fiÄ sta famiyә sta famiÅ sta famiy n a fenns n a fets

trefijaw kifa i fa la fermats

is closed at the bottom the stop this family this girl this family this family this family a woman a party a party a family a party the girl this girl drinks maybe three children that do he does the stop

Phrase (Preceding & Target words)

Gloss

n a fets na famiÅs n a fets la fiyjs sta M s baij forsә

English

C C

anfan m e papanon mamanon

c c c c

sun mari un mufil anfan m e anfann m e

more children grandpa grandma her husband a kitten more children more children

9

esta mәtann pә mεt lә m a n lә m a n n bambols makәnotsv kakә maijә kakә maijә bit fiktεttә mototfikεttә

this morning (in order) to put the hand the hand dolls, cars some more some more bicycle- scooter

9 9 ә 9 9 9 9

STRESS AND SCHWA IN FAETAR

0.018 0.041 0.044 0.044 0.051 0.052 0.063 0.067 0.072 0.077 0.080 0.081 0.082 0.082 0.082 0.084 0.087 0.087 0.089 0.090 0.095 0.097 0.098 0.103 0.121 0.122 0.180 0.233 0.401 0.889

V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V V

a mi/ du mart/ a piεd u mwen du martf a pied u mit/ bu me mê me dapoi mәnd3a bume sa mar sa mar sa maÄija la msnnzota sa mar i rrrindg la makkana sa mar sa mar na motqfikktt sa mar e marra u mit/s sa marra sa msAijs errøAi su mar per o mank 9 umar u mwenn domwen

253

in the middle on the sidewalk the man on the sidewalk in the middle bit more more more after eathing bit more the mother the mother his wife the shelf the mother he eats the ear the mother the mother a scooter the mother and mother in the middle the mother his wife and wife his mother but (is ) missing the mother the man some men

REFERENCES Amery, Heather & Stephen Cartwright. 1987. The first hundred words. Tulsa: Educational Developmental Corporation. Bertinetto, Pier Marco. 1985. "A proposito di alcuni recenti contributi alla prosodia dell'italiano". Annali della Scuola Normale Superiore. Classe di Lettere e Filosofia (Serie UI) 25.581-643.

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Dulcibella, J. W. 1934. The Phonology of Sicilian Dialects. New York: AMS Press. Fiorelli, Piero. 1958. "Del raddoppiamento da parola a parola". Lingua Nostra 19.122-127. Giuliani, Francesca. 1995. Ricerche sul francoprovenzale di Faeto e Celle San Vito (in provincia di Foggia). Ph.D. dissertation, University of Florence. Grandgent, Charles. 1927. From Latin to Italian: An Historical Outline of the Phonology and Morphology of the Italian Language. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. Hoffman, Robert Joseph. 1968. The Franco-Provençal Dialect of Faeto. Ph.D. dissertation, Ohio State University. Jaberg, Karl & Jakob Jud, eds. 1928-1940. Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der südschweiz. Zofingen: Ringier. Kager, René. 1993. "Shapes of the Generalized Trochee". Proceedings of the 11th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics ed. by Jonathan Mead, 298-312. Palo Alto: CSLL Kattenbusch, Dieter. 1982. Das Frankoprovenzalische in Süditalien: Studien zur synchronise hen und diachronischen Dialektologie. Tübingen: Gunter Narr. Martin, Jean-Baptiste. 1990. "Französisch: Frankoprovenzalisch". Lexikon der Romanistischen Linguistik (vol. 2). ed. by Gunter Holtus, Michael Metzeltin, & Christian Schmitt, 671-685. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Minichelli, Vincenzo. 1994. Dizionario francoprovenzale. Celle di San Vito e Faeto. Alessandria: Edizione dell'Orso. Nagy, Naomi. 1994. "Language Contact: Italian (?) Geminates in Faetar". Belgian Journal of Linguistics 9.111-428. —. 1996. Language Contact and Language Change in the Factor Speech Community. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Pennsylvania. Nagy, Naomi & Bill Reynolds. 1997. "Optimality theory and variable wordfinal deletion in Faetar". Language Variation and Change 9.37-56. Repetti, Lori 1991. "A Moraic Analysis of Raddoppiamento Fonosintattico". Rivista di Linguistica 3.307-330. Saltarelli, Mario. 1970. A Phonology of Italian in a Generative Grammar. The Hague: Mouton. Valente, Vincenzo. 1975. Puglia (Profilo dei dialetti italiani, vol 15). Pisa: Pacini.

VOWEL LENGTHENING IN MILANESE* PILAR PRIETO I VIVES Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona 0.

Introduction Modern Milanese displays a very interesting set of vowel length contrasts, with long vowels usually surfacing in word-final stressed syllables before underlyingly voiced consonants: ['nœ:v]~['nœ:f] 'new.ms' vs. ['nœva] 'new.fs'; [Vi:v]~['vi:f] 'alive.ms' vs. [Viva] 'alive.fs'. Recent analyses of Milanese synchronic vowel length alternations have relied on a combination of a Bimoraic Enforcement condition (every stressed syllable has to be heavy) together with a moralc distinction between voiced and voiceless consonants. However, these analysis leave unexplained the fact that vowel lengthening occurs exclusively in the final syllable of the word and not in syllables in penultimate and antepenultimate positions. The present article offers a different interpretation of these alternations and claims that the distribution of short and long vowels in this dialect can be successfully accounted for by resorting to the following optimization constraints (Prince 1990, McCarthy & Prince 1993, Mester 1994). (1)

a. FT-BIN: Feet should be analyzable as binary b. HNUC: A higher sonority nucleus is more harmonic than one of lower sonority c. FILL: Syllable positions are filled with segmental material

The first principle, FT-BlN, is one of the essential constraints at play in this proposal and motivates the fact that monomoraic feet are prone to be repaired. In the trochaic system under consideration, monomoraic feet are found in word-final The article has benefited from my participation in the following research groups: 'Laboratori de Fonètica-IEC' (project 1997SGR0Q290) and 'La estructura de las unidades prosodicas' (project PB-96-1199-C04-04). I would like to thank Lori Repetti and an anonymous reviewer of this article for very helpful comments on an earlier version.

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PILAR PRIETO I VIVES

stressed syllables, precisely the syllables that tend to be lengthened. The second constraint, HNUC, evaluates which segment should rescue a given moralc unit, deciding the cases in which the vowel will be lengthened. Thus, it will be shown that an optimality approach can straightforwardly account for a phenomenon that was not satisfactorily handled within derivational models. Also, the present analysis provides further evidence of the crosslinguistic applicability of the three constraints employed. The article is organized as follows. The first section presents a detailed description of the distribution of short and long vowels in Milanese. Section 2 revises previous analyses of the Milanese facts, and section 3 presents an optimality analysis of the data. 1.

Vowel Length Distribution in Milanese Milanese is a Gallo-Italian dialect spoken in the northern Italian province of Milan (Lombardy region) which belongs to the Western Lombard dialectal area1. As in other northern Italian dialects, vowel length is distinctive in Milanese. The set of vowels that can appear in stressed positions is shown in (2). 2 (2)

i

y (e)

u s

i: c

œ a

y: e:

u: (s:) œ:

(o:) a:

In (3) we find minimal (and quasi-minimal) pairs illustrating vowel length contrasts in stressed word-final position. The examples in (3b) show a case of morphologically conditioned lengthening: while the infinitive form of a given verb ends in a final short vowel ([por'ta] 'to bring', [fi'ni] 'to finish'), the masculine past participle form ends in a final long vowel ([por'ta:] 'brought.ms', [fi'ni:] 'finished.ms'). (For presentation of the data, I follow IPA conventions throughout the article.) 1 According to Merlo (1960: 2) and Sanga (1984: 8), Western Lombard dialects comprise the following areas: the provinces of Milan, Como, Varese, Sondrio and the northern part of the Pavia province (plus the Canton Ticino in Switzerland and the eastern part of the Novara province). Linguistic features characterizing Western Lombard dialects as opposed to Eastern dialects are: 1. Proto-Romance [u] became [y]; 2. Word-final [r, 1] were deleted after tonic vowels; 3. Vowel length is distinctive in word-final stressed positions (Sanga 1984:60-61). 2 The examples given throughout the article come from the following sources: Cherubini (1839) = Ch; Gökcen (1991) = G; Lepschy (1978) = L; Montreuii (1990) = M; Nicoli (1983) = N; Pavia (1928) = P; Salvioni (1975) = Sal-75; Salvioni (1884) = Sal; Sanga (1984) = S-84; Sanga (1988)= S.

VOWEL LENGTHENING IN MILANESE (3) a.

['si]

'boy' (N:46) 'to take' (S:293) 'sun' (N.41) 'mine.ms' (S:293) 'foot' (N:39) 'yes' (S:293)

[fjœ:] [toe:] ['su:] ['me:] [pε:] ['si:]

'girl' (N:46) 'your.p' (S:293) 'I am'(N:41) 'mine.mp' (S:293) 'feet' (P:207; N:39) 'seven* (S:293)

[an'da] [por'ta] [gana'sa] [fi'ni] [ves'ti] [ri'dy]

'to go' (S:292) 'to bring' (P.207) 'to eat eagerly' (N:37) 'to finish'(S:293) 'to dress' (N:39) 'to reduce'(N:39)

[an'da:] [por'ta:] [gana'sa:] [fi'ni:] [ves'ti:] [ri'dy:]

'gone.ms' (S:292) 'brought.ms' (P:207) 'devoured.ms' (N:37) 'finished.ms' (S:293) 'dress* (N:39) 'reduced.ms' (N:39)

[fjoe] ['toe] ['su] ['me] ft*]

257

In unstressed positions, vowels are always short: (4)

The data in (5) illustrate the process of vowel reduction in Milanese. When in unstressed position, /ε, c, œ/ become [e, u, u], respectively, and the rest of the vowels (/a, e, i, u, y/) maintain their vocalic quality (Pavia 1928:16, Nicoli 1983:46). (5) [ga'nasa] ['asen] [ba'las] ['tern] ['pes] Tbel] Tfjœ] Tvin] ['tus] ['mo sa]

'jaw' 'donkey' 'artful' 'earth' 'fish' 'beautiful' 'boy' 'wine' 'cough' 'movement'

[gana'sa] [as'nin] [balu'set] [te'rε] [pe'sit] [be'lsdza] [fju'let] [vi'net] [tu'si] [mu'seta]

'to eat eagerly' (N:37) 'donkey.dim'(N:110) 'artful dim' (N:47) 'terrain' (N:50) 'fish.dim' (N:38) 'beauty' (N:38) 'boy.dim' (N.46) 'wine.dim' (N:46) 'to cough' (S:296) 'movement.dim' (N:50)

Vowels are always short in unstressed positions, as the derived words in (6) show.

PILAR PRIETO I VIVES

258 (6) [tfi'ta:] [mala:] ['pe:s] [mes'te:] [ves'ti:] [par'ti:]

[tfita'dina] [mala'din] [pe'za] [meste'rin] [vesti'din] [parti'don]

'city' 'sick' 'weight' 'skill' 'dress' 'party'

'city.dim'(N:109) 'sick.dim'(N:109) 'to weigh' (S:39) 'skill.dim'(N:109) 'dress.dim' (N:39) 'party.augm' (N: 109)

Apart from these underlying contrasts, Milanese displays a productive alternation between long and short vowels. Vowels surface as long when in wordfinal stressed syllables before underlyingly voiced obstruents (7a) and as short when in stressed penultimate positions (7b). The examples in (7b) also show the optionality of the rule of devoicing of word-final obstruents (Nicoli 1983:52-53; Montreuil 1990:45). (7) a.

['nœ:v] ~ ['næ:f] [Vi:v] ~ [Vi:f] ['tu:z] ~ ['tu:s]

'new.ms' 'alive.ms' 'boy'

b.

[nœva] [Viva] ['tuza]

'new.fs' (S:296) 'alive.fs' (S:296) 'girl' (N:63)

(8) exhibits the difference in behavior between vowels preceding word-final voiced obstruents ([z, g, d, g]) and vowels preceding word-final voiceless obstruents ([f, s, t, k]). While vowels preceding voiced obstruents are long (8a), vowels preceding voiceless obstruents are short (8b). The examples listed below are from Nicoli (1983:45,50), Sanga (1988) and Montreuil (1990:38).3 (8) a. ['na:z] ~ ['na:s] [la:g] ~ [la:k] ['fi:g] ~ ['fi:k] ['re:d]~['re:t] ['se:t]

3

'nose' lake' 'fig' 'net' 'thirst'

[na'za] [lage'tin] [fi'ge:] [re'dina] [se'dafa]

'to smell' 'lake.dim' 'fig tree' 'net. dim' 'thirst.augm'

Similar vowel length alternations obtain in Friulian. Vowels are long before underlyingly voiced consonants and short before voiceless consonants. One of the major differences between Milanese and Friulian is the obligatoriness of the final obstruent devoicing rule in Friulian. (All data are taken from Hualde 1990.) [la:k] lake' [la'gune] 'lagoon' 'ship' [navi'ga:] 'to navigate' Pna:f] [fa'mo:s] 'famous.ms' [fa'moze] 'famous.fs' ['la:t] 'gone.ms' ['lade] 'gone.fs' ['lu:f] 'wolf [lu'vin] 'wolf. dim' But: ['mat] 'mad, crazy, ms' ['mate] 'mad, crazy.fs'

VOWEL LENGTHENING IN MILANESE

[myf] [pεs] ['spεs] ['pas] ['tas] ['gat] ['set] ['sak]

'mouldy.ms' 'fish' 'dense, ms' 'step' 'taxes' 'cat' 'seven' 'sack'

['myfa] [pe'sam] ['spεsa] [pa'sa:] [ta'sa:] [ga'tc] ['sεte'mεz] [sa'ket]

259

mouldy.fs' quantity of fish' dense.fs' to pass' to tax' big cat' ancient coin' sack, dim'

As we have already mentioned, vowels are always short in penultimate position (9a) and in antepenultimate position (9b). ['pever] [fever] [noeva] [viva] [tuza] ['rnosa] ['tern] Ipa'dsla] ['strolega] ['unika] [pegura] ['nivula]

'pepper'(Sal-75:4) 'fever' (Sal-75:4) 'new.fs' (S:296) 'alive.fs' (S:296) 'girl' (N:63) 'movement' (N:50) •earth'(N:50) Trying pan' (N:38) 'gypsy' (N:47) 'unique.fs' (N:47) 'sheep' (N:38) 'cloud'(N:83)

Even though the general trend for word-final voiced consonants is to trigger lengthening of preceding vowels, underlying /l/ and /n/ behave in a special way. Before these consonants, vowels can be either long or short. (10a) and (10b) show instances of long and short vowels, respectively, before word-final [1].4 (10)

a.

[pe:l] ['fe:l] ['mœ:l] ['ku:l] ['fi:l] [ka:l] [ba:l]

'hair' (M:39; S:291) 'faithful.ms' (S:292) 'mass' S:295) 'strainer' (S:295) 'son' (G:25) 'drop, fall'(M:39) 'bales'(L:208)

b.

[pεl] [fel] ['mol] ['kcl] ['stil] [kal] [bal]

'skin'(M:39;L: 208) 'do i t 3s' (S:292) 'soft.ms' (S:295) 'neck' (S:295) 'style' (S:292) 'corn' (M:39) 'dance'(L:208)

The different outcome is due to the etymological origin of the consonant. As Sanga (1988:291) points out, "avanti liquida semplice originaria abbiamo sempre vocale lunga"

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PILAR PRIETO I VIVES

The examples in (11) illustrate the fact that vowels can be long or short before word-final underlying in/. Like in the case of final /1/ (10), final /n/ can be preceded by a short vowel (11a) or by a long nasalized vowel, in which case the nasal consonant is also deleted ( 1 lb). 5 (11) a.

['kan]'reed.p' (cf. [ka'nin] 'reed.dim' (Ch:206))

b. ['kä:]*dog' (cf. ['kani] 'dog.p' (Ch:200))

['pan]'cloth' (cf. [pa'ncs] 'cloth.dim' (Ch: 1068))

['pa]'bread' (cf. [pana'tεl] 'breaddim' (Ch: 1064))

[dcn]'woman' (cf. [do'nat] 'effeminate' (Ch:436))

['ma:]'hand' (cf. [ma'nina] 'handdim' (N:58)) [se'rε:] 'serene.ms' (cf. [sere'nisim] 'serene, super' (N: 128))

In contrast to the behavior of vowels preceding final ill and /n/, vowels preceding word-final /r/ are always long (12). Vowel lengthening before [r] might have been due to a generalized phonetic effect caused by syllable-final rhotics, a common process reported in many northern Italian dialects (Prieto 1994). (12)

['pe.r] ['ka:r] [to:r] ['u:r]

'pear'(S:293) [fer] 'cart; dear.ms' (G:255; S:292) ['sc:r] 'tower' (G:246) [do:r] 'hour'(S:292) [du'lu:r]

'iron' (S:37, G:255; Sal:37) 'soft.ms* (S:293) '(it) hurts' (S:291) 'pain*(N:54)

5 The difference between long and short vowels in this environment can be traced back to the historical difference between geminate and simple nasals: short vowels show up before Latin geminate nasals and long vowels before single nasals: CANNAS > ['kan] 'reed.pl' (S:292), CANE> ['ka:] 'dog' (S:292). Milanese also displays a productive morphophonemic alternation between masculine and feminine forms ending in underlying /n/. While in the masculine form the final nasal deletes, in the feminine form it does not (examples are from Nicoli 1983:57-8 and Lepschy 1978:208): ['bu:] 'good.ms' I ['bon] 'good.fs', [upur'ty:] 'opportune.ms' / [upur'tyn] 'opportune.fs', [kwaj'dy] 'someone.ms' / [kwaj'dyn] 'someone.fs'. Syllable-final [n] is deleted in word-internal stressed positions (['sidik] 'mayor', [zgü:fi] 'swollen.ms', [Vy:des] 'eleven'), but is never deleted in unstressed syllables (['azen] 'donkey', ['kardin] 'hinge', [Verdjin] 'virgin', [dzjuvin] 'young.ms', ['orgen] 'organ', [ba'ritun] 'baritone', ['urdin] 'order', [tran'vaj] 'train', [ande'ge:] 'antiquarium', [ven'dyda] 'sold.fs'). According to Tuttle (1991), this pattern of nasal deletion is very common across northern Italian dialects. Other nasal consonants (bilabials and palatals) never delete or nasalize preceding vowels (['lym] 'lamp', flam] 'flame.p', f'om] 'man', ['soji] 'sleep', f'lsji] 'wood', ['pyji] 'fist', ['psji] 'ledge'. Similarly, syllable-final [ij does not delete(fdugka] 'therefore', faigka] 'also', [Vagga] 'spade', [luqk] 'long.ms', ['tjîigk] 'five', ['bjarjt] 'white.ms', ['sagg] 'blood'). (The abovementioned examples are from Nicoli 1983:58-59.)

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Vowels before word-final consonant clusters can also be long or short, depending on the voicing properties of the cluster. In general, vowels are short before voiceless clusters [sk, st, stj] (13a), and vowels tend to be long before clusters consisting of a liquid plus an obstruent (13b). In the latter case, we find some degree of variation (['kyrt] ~ ['ky:rt] 'short.ms'; ['kyrv] ~ ['ky:rv] 'curved.ms'; see Sanga 1988:192, 293) 6 . Again, vowels in this environment are short when in penultimate syllables: ['a:1t] (S-84:66) 'tall.ms' / ['alta] 'tall.fs', ['d3a:lt] 'yellow.ms' / [djalda] 'yellow.fs'. (13)

6

a.

voiceless cluster [Tjask] 'bottle' (M:40) ['risk] [rost] 'roastedms' ['past] [Tyst] 'trunk' (M:40) ['pest] ['ristj] 'risk' b. voiced cluster i. long vowel ['se:rk] [pc:rk] 'pig'(S:293; P:35) ['kc:rp] 'body' (P:35) ['spa:rg] ['mc:rt] [a'vε:rt] 'open.ms'(P.33) [To:ftf] 'scythe' (S-84:63; P:35) ['ka:dd] ['ne:rv]~['ne:rf] 'nerve' (S:293; P:33) [la:rg] ~ [la:rk] long.ms' (N:53; S:292) [Ve:rd] ~ [Ve:rt] 'green.ms' (B:251; S:293; G:250) ii. short vowel ~ long vowel ['kyrt] ~ ['ky:rt] 'short.ms' (S-84:62) ['kyrv] ~ [ky:rv] 'curved.ms' (S-84:62) iii. short vowel [sfils] 'strings' (S-84:62) ['puls] 'wrist' (S-84:62) [Vulp] 'fox' (S-84:62) ['crp] 'blind.ms' (N:51; P:35) [dis'tyrp] 'trouble' (S:293) ['durd]~['durt] 'thrush' (S:293)

'curl' (S:293) 'grazeland' 'poundedms'

'circle'(G:255) 'asparagus' (P:32) 'dead.ms'(P:35) 'hot.ms' (S-84:62)

According to Sanga (1984), there is a contrast between the behavior of high and non-high vowels before word-final liquid plus consonant clusters. While high vowels [i, y, u] are short, non-high vowels [s, c, e, a, œ] are long. Although this might reflect a general tendency in Milanese, we have to admit that this is the only study that describes this behavior. Other descriptions of the phenomenon point out that vowels preceding such clusters are generally long. I only found the following counterexamples to Sanga's observations: ['pert] 'opened.ms' (G:255), ['perd] 'to loose' (Sal:58; G:255), [Tals] 'false.ms' (N:62).

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2.

Previous Analyses of Milanese Vowel Lengthening: The Role of Weight and Sonority Authors such as Salvioni (1884), Nicoli (1983) and Sanga (1988:294) have already acknowledged the role that voicing properties play in the synchronic vowel length alternations found in Milanese. (See Gokçen 1990 for a review.) Within the autosegmental framework, Montreuil (1990) has worked out the details of an analysis that relies on both the role of sonority and syllable structure.7 (See also Prieto 1993.) In order to account for the Milanese distribution of long and short vowels, Montreuil assumes that word-final voiced and voiceless consonants have different underlying weight properties. He argues that Milanese words have two possible lexical moraic representations, depending on whether long vowels show up in the phonetic representation. (14)

Moraic analysis of Milanese vowel length (Montreuil 1990:42) 1. Syllables with short vowels are underlyingly bimoraic (15a) 2. Syllables with long vowels have the underlying structure given in (15b)

(15) Milanese Underlying Coda Contrasts (Montreuil 1990:43) a.

σ

σ

A μ

μ

| kas 'case' b.

σ

A μ

|

μ

H f ys 'moated.ms'

A

JA JA

|

JA JA

| p an 'cloth'

σ

σ

σ

A

σ

|I p εs 'fish' σ

|||| JA

\\ kaz 'house'

JA

\\ fyz 'melted.ms'

μ

l\ pan bread'

μ

l\ pez 'weight'

Montreuil claims that a process of Bimoraic Enforcement is active in Milanese, as Saltarelli (1983) and Chierchia (1986) had proposed for Standard

7

Montreuil frames his analysis in a moraic view of the syllable structure. Even though he uses the moraic tier for syllabic representations, he points out that this assumption should not interpreted as an argument against other possible intrasyllabic constituents.

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VOWEL LENGTHENING IN MILANESE

Italian.8 By virtue of this constraint, every stressed syllable becomes bimoraic and, in a later process, the empty moraic unit is rescued by the vowel, thus becoming long. (16a) illustrates the underlying contrast between words with word-final nonmoraic (voiced) and moraic (voiceless) consonants (/kaz/ vs. /kas/). (16b) shows the application of the Bimoraic Norm: indeed, the rule is only applicable in cases where final consonants are non-moraic (/kaz/ and /pan/). It cannot apply in the case of /kas/ because the bimoraic constraint is already fulfilled. Finally, (16c) shows the filling procedure whereby vowels link to the empty mora added through Bimoraic Enforcement. (16) Montreuil's Analysis of Vowel Lengthening in Milanese a. Underlying representations σ cr cr | A ! JA

JA JA

JA

l\ || w p an k az kas b. Bimoraic Stress Norm and Parasitic Delinking cr σ cr A A A JA JA

JA JA

| || kas k az c. Filling Operation from the Vowel cr A

8

JA JA

|| p an σ A

JA JA

JA JA

| p an

II p an

σ

A JA JA

JA JA

|/ k az d. Output ['ka:z] 'house

σ A

n. a. ['kas] 'case'

|/ p an ['pa:n] 'bread'

n. a. ['pan] 'cloth'

Two phonological processes present in Standard Italian, open-syllable lengthening and Raddoppiamento Sintattico, have been generally interpreted as processes triggered by a rule of Bimoraic Enforcement on stressed syllables. The two processes represent two different repair strategies to reach an ideal bimoraic syllable, namely, lengthening of the stressed vowel or lengthening of the following consonant.

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To account for the nasalization process in the word 'bread' (pronounced ['pä:] and not *['pa:n]), Montreuil introduces the rule of nasal spreading in (17), a process that applies to underlying representations and spreads nasality only 'inside' the mora. (17)

Nasal spreading: Nasalize inside the mora (Montreuil 1990:45)

The rule in (17) ensures that nasalization can only spread when the nasal consonant shares a moraic unit with the preceding vowel (see Montreuil's representation of monomoraic /pan/ 'bread' in (15b)); however, the rule cannot apply to bimoraic /pan/ 'cloth', as the two segments in the rime license two separate moras. Finally, Montreuil's analysis would also need a later rule of nasal deletion. Even though the Bimoraic Enforcement approach correctly handles the basic facts of Milanese vowel length alternations, we should point out some of its weaknesses. On the one hand, the process of Bimoraic Enforcement predicts that all stressed vowels in open syllables should be long: instead, we find a clear contrast between vowels in word-final syllables (which are long) and vowels in penultimate and antepenultimate positions (which remain short). How, then, would words such as [Viva] 'alive.fs' or ['nœva] 'new.fs' ever be able to avoid the Bimoraic Enforcement rule? We will argue that we are not dealing with a process of optimization at the syllable level (through Bimoraic Enforcement), but at a higher level, namely, at the level of the foot. Montreuil's analysis has another drawback. By lexically marking voiceless segments as moraic, such a proposal is in direct contradiction with the crosslinguistic tendency to represent sonorant and voiced consonants as having more prosodic weight than less sonorous segments. For example, in Classical Greek Osthoff's Law had the effect of shortening long vowels before rimes containing sonorants: gno:-nt-es — > gnontes 'knowing.nom.pl' (cf., gi-gno:sko:); e-phan-e:-nt —> ephanent —>ephanen 'appear.aorist.pl' (cf., e-phan-e:-n). Both Zec (1988) and Steriade (1990) interpret the Greek example as an argument in favor of distinguishing sonorants from non-sonorant consonants with respect to weight licensing. As sonorants are mora-bearing in Greek, an application of the Bimoraic Enforcement principle forces vowels to shorten. Other instances of this type of behavior have been reported in languages such as Kwakiutl and Nootka, which treat CVS syllables (S=Sonorant) as heavy and CVO syllables (0=Obstruent) as light for stress assignment purposes. For more arguments dealing with stress attraction and stress assignment and shortening processes, see Zec (1988) and Steriade (1990).

VOWEL LENGTHENING IN MILANESE

265

Repetti 's (1992) analysis for Milanese and Friulian offers a solution to the 'weight adequacy' problem by positing that word-final voiced consonants (voiced obstruents and sonorants) can constitute degenerate syllables, in contrast with voiceless consonants, which cannot. She considers long vowels to be the underlying units (/bandiid/ [ban'di:t] 'banditms 5 , /viiv/ ['vi:f] 'alive-ms'), and postulates a rule of vowel shortening in non-final syllables in order to account for Friulian words such as [ban'dide] 'bandit.fs', ['vive] 'alive.fs'. "In derived words, the consonant remains voiced (from the underlying form) and the vowel surfaces as a short vowel because of the metrical rule in Friulian that allows long vowels in final stressed syllables only" (Repetti 1992:170).9 This proposal recognizes the moraic properties of voiced and voiceless consonants and nicely accounts for cases where short vowels appear before word-final underlyingly voiced consonants: ['mjεtf] 'half.ms', ['mjεdje] 'half.fs'. Similarly, the proposal explains recent loanwords that never reflect a CVVC structure with a voiceless final C in the underlying representation (generally, the final consonant becomes voiced if it is preceded by a long vowel). Yet, the analysis is also stipulating a shortening process in open penultimate and antepenultimate syllables precisely where we would expect a lengthening effect. Such a rule runs against the well-known crosslinguistic tendency for vowels to lengthen in open stressed syllables. (For a more detailed analysis of the 'degenerate syllable' proposal applied to the Friulian data, see Repetti 1994). Finally, Hualde's (1990) analysis of the synchronic vowel length alternations in Friulian relies on the Final Devoicing rule in this language. This phonological process delinks the moraic unit of the voiced consonants and the result crucially feeds a rule of compensatory lengthening: the empty mora is filled by the preceding vowel, making it bimoraic. However, this proposal completely loses its motivation when applied to Milanese, where the rule of Final Devoicing is only optional. 3.

Vowel Lengthening in Milanese: An Optimality Approach The analysis presented here is framed in the Optimality Theory (OT) defended by Prince & Smolensky (1993). As Archangeli & Pulleyblank (1994) put it, "the optimization hypothesis is that grammars prefer relations between representations that are defined in formal and grounded terms as optimal: synchronic and diachronic processes should gravitate towards optimal relations". Following Prince & Smolensky (1993) and McCarthy & Prince (1993), I assume 7

As Repetti points out, the vowel shortening rule has some exceptions in Friulian, namely, a group of words where the long vowel comes from the deletion of the first consonant of an onset obstruent cluster: NIGRU> ['ne:ri] 'black.ms'.

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PILAR PRIETO I VIVES

that Universal Grammar is defined by a set of constrains on structural wellformedness, and that these universal constraints are not inviolable. Each grammar resolves conflicts between universal constraints in a language-particular way: certain constraints can be prioritized over others in a strict dominance hierarchy in a way that a given constraint has absolute priority over all the others lower in the hierarchy. The present analysis claims that vowel lengthening in Milanese is the result of a composite action of the following three constraints on representational wellformedness. (18)

a. FT-BIN: Feet should be analyzable as binary b. HNUC: A higher sonority nucleus is more harmonic than one of lower sonority c. FILL: Syllable positions are filled with segmental material

FT-BIN (18a) expresses the crosslinguistic tendency to avoid monomoraic feet. If this constraint is highly ranked, and requires that the smallest foot should be bimoraic. It has been repeatedly shown that monomoraic feet are very highly marked and tend to be repaired or reanalyzed in various ways. In Latin, for example, monosyllabic words consisting of only one short vowel are completely ungrammatical (cf. fe 'thing', spe 'faith', *re, *spe), even though they are stable in polysyllables {lege 'he/she read.imp', anima 'soul'; Mester 1994). Mester (1994) has suggested the following prosodic well-formedness scale of foot types: "bimoraic trochees ([σμμ] or [σσ]) have the highest degree of harmony, followed by trimoraic trochees [σμμσ], and with monomoraic trochees [σ] ranking lowest on the harmony scale, i. e.: [μμ] > [ΜΜ Μ] > [Μ]" In the OT framework, the ban against monomoraic feet has been expressed with the so-called binarity principle (FT-BIN) formalized by Prince (1990) and McCarthy & Prince (1993). (19)

Foot Binarity (Prince 1990:6): FT-BIN: Feet should be analyzable as binary

As with most of the Romance languages, Milanese has a trochaic stress system. Stress falls in one of the last three syllables of the word, and typically antepenultimate stress is only possible when the penultimate syllable is light. This analysis assumes that word-final syllables in proparoxytones have to be marked as extrametrical at the lexical level. (20)

/noev/ 'new.ms'

/nœ va/ 'new.fs'

/uni/ 'unique.fs'

267

VOWEL LENGTHENING IN MILANESE

In (21), two possible output candidates are evaluated against the input forms /nœva/ and /unika/. Being bimoraic, the candidates [('nœva)] and [('uni)ka] do not violate FT-BIN, while [('nœ:va)] and [('u:ni)ka] do violate the constraint. Thus, the output forms that best satisfy this constraint are [('nœva)] and [('uni)ka]. (21)

FT-BIN

/nœva/

*!

a. [('nœ: va)] b. [('nœva)]

/unika/

|

FT-BIN

a. [('u:ni)ka]

*•'

b. [(u:ni)kal

In the case of oxytones, the difference between the behavior of vowels before voiced and voiceless obstruents cannot be obtained by resorting exclusively to the FT-BIN requirement. Neither ['(næ:)v] nor ['(næv)] violate FT-BIN, as the two moras can be filled, in one case by a long vowel (['(nœ:)v]), and in the other by a short vowel and a consonant (['(næv)]). The same is true of pairs such as ['(my:)f] and ['(myf)], as we can see in the following graphic representation. (22)

JA JA

\! n œ: v

JA JA

|

JA JA

| n œv

\/ m y: f

JA JA

|

| m uf

The difference between /nœv/ and /myf/ can be explained if we consider the following. First, let us assume that certain consonants at the end of the word contribute an underlying mora to the structure. Only voiced consonants will be able to license a moraic unit, with the exception of special cases like final /n/ or/1/), in line with the crosslinguistic observation that sonorous consonants tend to have more prosodic weight (Zec 1988, Steriade 1990). (23)

JA JA

μ

/n œv/

/m y f/

Second, the mora unit contributed by voiced consonants will have to be parsed into the structure. We argue that the principle called Nuclear Harmony

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PILAR PRIETO I VIVES

Constraint (HNUC) (proposed by Prince & Smolensky 1993:16) will determine, through a process of harmonic evaluation, which segments constitute the best candidate for rescuing the empty mora. (24) HNUC: A higher sonority nucleus is more harmonic than one of lower sonority

In general, vowel elements will be preferred over any consonantal elements, as they are the most sonorous segments and will most likely represent an overall increase in the sonority of the nucleus. In the constraint tableau, the candidate that best satisfies HNUC is the output [(nœ:)v], (as opposed to ['(nœv)]), as it constitutes the most harmonic nucleus. Another possible candidate, ['(noe)v], is ruled out because it violates the FT-BIN constraint (25) μ |_ /nœv/ a. [(nœ:v)] b. [(nœv)] [ c. [(næ)v]

FT-BIN

HNUC

|

| œ-œ oe - v *!

œ

_

Finally, one of the basic constraints from the faithfulness family, FILL, will play a crucial role in selecting the optimal output candidate for forms such as /myf/. PARSE and FILL are both representatives of the set of constraints demanding a tight relation between input and output Both principles ensure that the initial input structure will be fully parsed and filled. The FILL constraint expresses the idea that every node in the input structure must be filled properly (Prince & Smolensky 1993:250). We will interpret this constraint in a general way so that it is able to ban any situation in which the input structure is either unfilled or overfilled. (26) FILL: Syllable positions are filled with segmental material

Tableau (27) evaluates three possible candidates for the underlying form /myf/. The candidate ['(my:)fj crucially violates FILL, as the segment ['y:] is adding segmental and prosodic material in the output that is not present in the input structure. Instead, the winning candidate, ['my:f], does not add any unnecessary material to the structure.

VOWEL LENGTHENING ÎN MILANESE

(27) /myf/

|

*!

a. [(my:)f] b. [('my)f] c.

FT-BIN

FILL

269

HNUC

j

y-y *!

[('myf)]

y

y-f

Similarly, word-final vowels in oxytones do not lengthen (cf. vesti [ves'ti] ' to dress') because, unlike vowels before word-final voiced obstruents, no moraic unit from the following consonant is available in the input structure. This set of examples represent an argument for the relative ordering of FT-BIN and FILL, showing that FILL has to be ranked higher than FT-BIN. In this case, the winning candidate [ves'ti] is chosen over [ves'ti:] because the lengthening of the final long vowel represents a violation of the higher-ranked principle FILL.10 (28)/vesti/ a. [ves'(ti)l Lb. [ves'(ti:)]

|

FILL

FT-BIN

*

*

As we know, the output [ves'ti:] 'dress' is also a well-formed word in Milanese. In this case (and in all cases of oxytones with final long vowels) we assume that the input forms have an underlying long vowel (cf. /vesti:/). In sum, we claim that the analysis presented here successfully accounts for the productive vowel length alternations in Milanese. Residual phenomena such as the set of cases where word-final in/ or /l/ are preceded by short vowels can just be obtained through lexical marking (i. e., /n/ or ill will not be mora-bearing). Thus, the vowel length difference between ['pa:] 'bread' and ['pan] 'cloth', both underlyingly /pan/, will come from the fact that the former has an underlying mora in the lexical representation, while the latter does not (cf. [pa'ncos] 'cloth.dim' and [pana'tεl] 'bread.dim' (Ch: 1064)). Similarly, the unusual presence of short vowels before word-final voiced obstruents (['fred] 'cold', ['gœb] 'hunchback', ['mez] 'half) will be treated in a similar way: such consonants will be specifically marked not to license a moraic unit. 4.

Conclusion This article has claimed that the productive alternation of long and short vowels in Milanese can be successfully accounted for by resorting to three basic constraints on representational well-formedness. A universal binarity constraint on 10 We do not deal with the possible candidate [Vesti] (an ouput which satisfies both the FT-BIN and FILLrequirements) because it would involve stress assignment constraints.

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foot structure (FT-BlN) and two other constraints: HNUC (the tendency for nuclei to increase their sonority level) and FILL (the demand that the input structure is respected). These three constraints, which have been shown to be active in different languages, are the key factors in deciding the optimal outputs and in successfully predicting vowel length distribution in this dialect. In contrast with previous proposals based on a process of Bimoraic Enforcement (Montreuil 1990), I believe that the present analysis has the advantage of accounting for the vowel length distribution in a way that is crosslinguistically motivated. The analysis offers a principled motivation for the fact that vowels are only lengthened in final syllables. In particular, the FT-BIN constraint explains why vowels are lengthened in this context and stay short when in penultimate or antepenultimate positions. The difference between the behavior of vowels in penultimate vs. word-final syllable positions has been reported in other northern Italian dialects (Prieto 1994). For example, in the Lombard dialect spoken in Valle Spluga stressed vowels are long before word-final /r/ plus consonant clusters (cf. ['tc:rt] 'twisted.ms', ['kc:rp] 'body', ['ta:rt] Mate', [inVε:rrn] 'winter') and stay short in penultimate syllables (cf. ['porta] 'door', ['barba] 'beard', ['kwerta] 'covered.fs'; data are taken from Zahner 1989). Similarly, in the Canton Ticino dialect of Sonogno there is also a tendency to lengthen vowels before nasal consonants only in word-final syllables (['bja:nk] 'white.ms', [ve:nt] 'wind', ['gra:nt] iarge.ms', ['sa:nt] 'saint.ms' vs. [ma'renda] 'snack', ['djanda] 'acorn', ['santa] 'saint.fs' (data come from Salvioni 1886, Saunders 1975, 1976, Jaberg & Jud point 42). In the cases above, the foot binarity constraint, FT-BIN, is ranked higher than the syllable binarity constraint (i. e., lengthen every stressed syllable), that is, optimization at the foot level has priority over the optimization at the syllable level. Optimization at one level in some cases applies at the expense of another level: the evolution of French syllable structure, for example, represents an instance of syllable structure becoming more complex due to the pressure to optimize different foot types (Jacobs 1992). In the case of Milanese we have also witnessed the competition and interplay between two different optimization requirements: on the one hand, the pressure to optimize foot structure (FT-BIN) and, on the other, the pressure to optimize the prosodic representation of segments, as more sonorous segments tend to increase their prosodic weight. REFERENCES Archangeli, Diana & Douglas Pulleyblank. 1994. Grounded Phonology. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.

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Cherubini, Francesco. 1839. Vocabolario Milanese-Italiano. Milano: Regia Stamperia. (Ristampa Anastatica Rusconi Libri). Chierchia, Gennaro. 1986. "Length, Syllabification and the Phonological Cycle in Italian". Journal of Italian Linguistics 8.5-34. Gökcen, A. 1990. "Delia quantità nel vocalismo milanese". Quaderni d'italianistica 2.238-264. Hualde, José Ignacio. 1990. "Compensatory Lengthening in Friuiian". Probus 2.31-46. Jacobs, Haike. 1992. "The Interactions between Syllable Structure and Foot Structure in the Evolution from Classical Latin to Old French". Theoretical Analyses in Romance Linguistics ed. by Christiane Laeufer & Terrell A. Morgan, 55-79. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Jaberg, Karl & Jakob Jud. 1928-40. Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der Südschweiz. Zofingen: Ringier. Lepschy, Giulio C. 1978. Una fonologia milanese del 1606: Il Prissian da Milan della parnonzia Milanesa, Bologna: II Mulino. McCarthy, John & Alan Prince. 1993. Prosodic Morphology L Technical Reports of the Rutgers University Center for Cognitive Science 3. Merlo, Clemente. 1960. "I dialetti lombardi". L'Italia Dialettale 24.1-12. Mester, Armin. 1994. "The Quantitative Trochee in Latin". Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 12.1-62. Montreuil, Jean-Pierre Y. 1990. "Length in Milanese". New Analyses in Romance Linguistics ed. by Dieter Wanner & Douglas A. Kibbee, 36-47. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Nicoli, Franco. 1983. Grammatica milanese. Busto Arsizio: Bramante Editrice. Pavia, Luigi. 1928. Sulla parlata milanese e suoi connessi. Nuovi studi fonicografici, filologici, storici, comparativi. Bergamo: Presso L Autore. Prieto, Pilar, 1993. "Historical Vowel Lengthening in Romance: The Role of Sonority and Foot Structure". Issues and Theory in Romance Linguistics ed. by Michael Mazzola, 87-108. Washington D.C.: Georgetown University Press. . 1994. Vowel Lengthening in Romance: A Case for Segmental and Prosodic Optimization. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Illinois at UrbanaChampaign. Prince, Alan. 1990. "Quantitative Consequences of Rhythmic Organization". CLS. Papers from the Parasession on the Syllable in Phonetics and Phonology ed. by Karen Deaton, Manuela Noske & Michael Ziolkowski, 134. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society.

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Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in a Generative Grammar. Ms., Rutgers University and University of Colorado, Boulder. Repetti, Lori. 1992. "Vowel Length in Northern Italian Dialects". Probus 4.155182. . 1994. "Degenerate Syllables in Friulian". Linguistic Inquiry 25.186-193. Saltarelli, Mario. 1983. "The Mora Unit in Italian Phonology". Folia Linguistica 17.7-24. Salvioni, Carlo. 1884. Fonetica del dialetto moderno delia cìttà di Milano. Roma: Ermano Loescher. . 1886. "Saggio intorno ai dialetti di alcune vallate all'estremità settentionale del Lago Maggiore". Archivio Glottologico Italiano 9.188-260. . 1975. "Fonetica e morfologia del dialetto milanese (ed. by Dante Isella)". L'Italia Dialettale 38.1-47. Sanga, Glauco. 1984. Dialettologia lombarda: lingua e culture popolari. Pavia: Dipartimento di Scienza delia Letteratura dell'Università. . 1988. "La lunghezza vocalica nel milanese e la coscienza fonologica dei parlanti". Romance Philology 3.290-7. Saunders, Gladys E. 1975. A Comparative Study of the Gallo-Italian Dialects. Ph.D. dissertation, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. . 1976. "Evolution of Vowel Length in Gallo-Italian". General Linguistics 18.14-27. Steriade, Donca. 1990. "Moras and Other Slots". Proceedings of the First Meeting of the Formal Linguistics Society of Midamerica ed. by Denise Meyer, Satoshi Tomioka & Leyla Zidani-Eroglu, 254-280. Madison, Wisc: University of Wisconsin, Madison. Tuttle, Edward F. 1991. "Nasalization in Northern Italy: Syllabic Constraints and Strength Scales as Developmental Parameters". Rivista di Linguistica 3.2392. Zahner, Gérard. 1989. Il dialetto delia Val San Giacomo (Valle Spluga). Pubblicazioni delia Universite Cattolica del Sacro Cuore. Zec, Draga. 1988. Sonority Constraints on Prosodie Structure. Ph.D. dissertation, Stanford University.

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES? EVIDENCE FROM EMILIAN AND ROMAGNOL DIALECTS*

LORI REPETTI State University of New York, Stony Brook

Left foot. Right foot. Feet. Feet. Feet. Oh, how many feet you meet! The Foot Book by Dr. Seuss

0.

Introduction There has been much discussion in the recent literature as to the exact nature of the metrical foot in quantity-sensitive trochaic systems. Some argue that this type of foot consists of two moras ('moraic trochee') which may be part of a single heavy syllable (H) or a sequence of two light syllables (LL). In a different approach, this type of foot defines three groupings of syllables ('uneven trochee'): a single heavy syllable (H), or two syllables, the second one being light: (LL) or (HL). The two types of trochaic feet characterize the sets of syllables in

(1)

a. b.

moraic trochee: (H), (LL) uneven trochee: (H), (LL), (HL)

I would like to thank Mark Aronoff, Christina Bethin, Ellen Broselow, John Hajek, and Peter di Ludlow, as well as audiences at the Incontro di Grammatica Generativa XXIV, the Firenze, and the Università di Padova for helpful comments and suggestions. I would also like to thank my informants for their time and invaluable assistance. An earlier versions of this work is published in Repetti (1998). 1 Most recent studies acknowledge the existence of all foot structures, although some are Università considered 'less harmonic'. For example, Prince (1992) sets up the following scale: (H), (LL) » (HL) » (L).

274

LORI REPETTI

Both models predict the same footing of a heavy syllable, (H), and of a sequence of two light syllables, (LL). The controversy involves a heavy-light sequence of syllables. According to the moraic trochee analysis, these syllables are parsed as a monosyllabic (H) foot followed by a single light syllable. According to the uneven trochee analysis, these syllables together form a single foot: (HL). To see which model (the moraic trochee or the uneven trochee) can best account for the metrical processes in languages with quantity-sensitive trochaic feet, linguists have examined stress patterns and other metrical processes such as shortening, syncope, etc. After examining various metrical patterns, some have concluded that the moraic trochee is the best way to represent the metrical foot in quantity sensitive trochaic systems (Hayes 1995, Kager 1993, Mester 1994, Prince 1992, Prince & Smolensky 1993, and references therein), while others argue for the uneven trochaic foot (Bullock 1995, 1998, Jacobs 1990, 1997, 2000, Kenstowicz 1994, Lahiri, et al. 1999, Mazzola 1997, Thornton 1996, and references therein). In this article, I provide information on metrical patterns observed in the dialects of northern Italy, and specifically those of the Emilia-Romagna region (henceforth, E-R), to see if the uneven trochaic foot or the moraic trochaic foot can best account for these processes.2 Proof that these dialects have a quantity sensitive trochaic foot comes from stress patterns. Stress assignment in the E-R dialects is only partly predictable. Stress can fall either on the final or penultimate syllable. (Antepenultimate stress is extremely rare.) If a word ends in a long vowel or a superheavy syllable (CVCC or CV:C), stress invariably falls on the final syllable. If the word ends in a CV or a CVC syllable, stress falls either on the final or penultimate syllable. We can account for the patterns in (2a) with either the moraic trochee or the uneven trochee model: a trochaic foot is constructed at the right edge of the word, and stress is assigned to therightmostfoot. The patterns in (2b) consist of words ending in a CVC syllable. Whichever model of the trochaic foot we adopt (moraic or uneven), words with this configuration should have final stress. Therefore, words with penultimate stress ending in a CVC syllable must be marked in the lexicon for irregular stress assignment. Stress assignment is not predictable in words ending in a light syllable (2c): both the moraic trochee model and the uneven trochee model predict penultimate stress in these cases, so we can conclude that words ending in a light syllable with final stress must be marked in the lexicon for stress assignment.

2 See Hajek (1997) for a description of the main characteristics of these dialects, and Repetti (to appear a) for a study of their prosodic structures.

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES?

(2) a.

b.

final stress attested σJ.CV:# σCV:C# predicted σ.CVCC# attested σ.CVC# predicted attested σ.CV# not predicted (exceptional)

275

penultimate stress not attested notpredicted attested (only in anaptyxis dialects) not predicted (exceptional) attested predicted |

The information in (2) shows that stress patterns in the E-R dialects can best be accounted for if we assume that these dialects have a quantity sensitive trochaic foot. However, we cannot decide between the uneven trochee model and the moraic trochee model because both make the same predictions about stress assignment and account for the patterns in (2) equally well. In the following paragraphs I show that in some dialects we find constraints that apply to heterosyllabic adjacent consonants within the same foot; a foot with a (CVC.C V) shape is, by definition, an uneven trochee (§ 1). I also show that some words are characterized by the presence of a metrical template which is part of the lexical representation of the word, and the template is an uneven trochee (§2). 1. 1.1

Phonological Processes and the Uneven Trochee Uneven Trochees in the Dialect of Coli In the dialect of Coli word-internal onset clusters and coda clusters are prohibited, and only a restricted set of clusters is permitted word-initially and word-finally (for example, [grps] 'big' and [u:rs] 'bear'). 3 An unacceptable word-final cluster is eliminated through the insertion of an epenthetic vowel wordfinally ('paragoge') or in penultimate position ( 'anaptyxis'). (3) Coli paragoge ['fe:rmә] 'still' ['ne:rvә] 'nerve' [ka.rgә] loaded' [sa:rzә] 'willow' ['te:vdә] 'tepid' [tœzgә] 'poisonous'

anaptyxis ['ma:gar] 'thin' ['kwa:tәir] 'four' [pe.gәr] 'sheep(pi)' [veday] 'widower' ['kwe:daz] fifteen' F3u:vsn] 'young'

3 Coli is in the province of Piacenza. Data come from Jaberg & Jud (1928-1940) and field research.

276

LORI REPETTI

The position of the epenthetic vowel (in final or penultimate position) is determined by the sonority contour of the word-final consonant cluster. If the cluster has falling sonority, the two consonants may be adjacent, and the epenthetic vowel is inserted at the end of the word. If the cluster has rising sonority, the two consonants may not be adjacent, and the epenthetic vowel is inserted between them. To account for the data, we must posit the following constraints. (4) SonCon - Sonority Contour - a coda must be more sonorous than the following onset. This constraint on the sonority contour of adjacent consonants falls out from general principles of syllabification: an intervocalic consonant cluster of rising sonority will form an onset cluster, while an intervocalic consonant cluster of falling sonority will be heterosyllabic. (See Vennemann 1988.) (5) Align-RTFt, PrWd) - the right edge of the prosodic word must be aligned with the right edge of the main foot. (6) Align-R(C, PrWd) - the right edge of the prosodic word must be aligned with a consonant. (This is a constraint of the Anchor family requiring the prosodie word to end in a consonant. )

The constraints above allow us to account for the patterns exemplified in (3). (7) coda cluster of falling sonority /ferm/ Align('Ft) SonCon a. ('fe:r.ma)

*! *!

b. ('fe:r)m9 c. ('fe:rә)m

|

Align(C)

!

* *

(8) coda cluster of rising sonority /magr/

,

b. ('ma:g)ra c. ('ma:.gә)r

SonCon

*! *!

a. ('ma:g.rә) |

Align('Ft)

* *

Align(C)

* *

The SonCon constraint does not apply to any of the candidates in (7) since in (7a) and (7b) coda /r/ is more sonorous than the following onset /m/. SonCon

277

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES?

does apply to candidates (8a) and (8b) since coda /g/ is less sonorous than the following onset /r/.4 Now consider the following data with an unacceptable word-initial consonant cluster. (9)

a. b.

/dman/ /dman matεn/

> >

[әd'man] [dema'tεn)5

'tomorrow' 'tomorrow morning'

The question arises as to why the SonCon constraint does not apply to (9a), [ad.'man], eliminating it from the competition (since coda /d/ is less sonorous than onset /m/), and resulting instead in the output * [da.'mal)]. In the tableau in (10), we see that this is precisely what the constraints, as formulated above, would predict. [(l0)/dman/ a. (әd)('man)

SonCon |

Align-R('Ft, PrWd)

Align-R(CPrWd)

*!

b. (dә)('man) ©

We need to refine the SonCon constraint so that it applies to forms like * ['ma:g.rә], eliminating them from the competition, but not to foms like [ad.'mag]. We can do this by limiting the domain of application of this constraint to heterosyllabic consonants within the same trochaic foot. In this way, the SonCon constraint does not apply if the two consonants are in different feet. (11)

SonCon-2 - a coda must be more sonorous than the following onset in the same foot.

This new formulation of the SonCon constraint (SonCon-2) does not apply to either of the candidates in (10): in (a) the two consonants are in different feet, and in (b) the two consonants are not adjacent. Therefore, the tableau in (10) does not give us a result: candidate (10b) must be eliminated from the competition. We can do this by introducing the low ranking Foot Binarity (FtBin) constraint which bars feet that are not binary at some level of representation (bimoraic or disyllabic). Given these constraints, the correct output is selected.

4

A candidate such as ['ma.grs] is ruled out because of a ban on word-internal onset clusters. There is also a full version of this phrase: [әdman) ma.'tεnl]. I will assume that the reduced form, [dema'tsi)], is derived by the deletion of the first of two (nearly) identical syllables. 5

278

LORI

REPETTI SonCon-2

(12)/dman/ a. (әd)('man) d.(dә)('man)

FtBin

|

*!

There is further evidence that the domain of application of SonCon-2 is the trochaic foot supporting the formulation of the constraint as given in (11) rather than (4). We have seen that [ad.'mag] does not violate SonCon-2; however, in (9b) we find [de.ma'tεn] and not *[әd.ma.ftsg] because the latter violates SonCon-2 and is eliminated from the competition.6 (13)/dman matεn/

SonCon-2

a. (әdma)('tεn) b. (әd)(ma)('tεn)

FtBin

*! *

c. (dә ma)('tεn) d. (dә)(ma)('tεn)

**

The data in (14) provide additional support of the formulation of SonCon as given in (11). 7 (14)

a. b.

/511: vn/ > /3u:vn + ct/ >

[3u:vәn] [3uv'nct]

'young (mas)' 'young (dim)'

In (14a) we find [('3u:.vi)n] and not *[05u:v.n9)] because of SonCon. In (14b) we find [(3uv)(nct)] which violates the SonCon constraint as originally formulated (without reference to foot structure), but it does not violate the SonCon-2 constraint which makes reference to foot structure.8 These data clearly show that SonCon must be formulated in such a way as to apply to forms like *[('3u:v.ng)] and *[(edma)('fë]g)] (eliminating them from the competition), but not to forms such as [(3uv)('not)] and [(ed)('mai))]. We can

6

We cannot attribute the choice of [dә.ma.'tsï)] over *(әd.ma.'teij] to a preference for an [(LL)('H)] configuration over an [(HL)('H)] configuration since we also find forms such as [әn. vu:d]/[dn.mld&ijL| 'nephew'/ '(dim.)'. The form |әn.vu.'dsεn] has an [(HL)('H)] configuration (and crucially does not violate SonCon), and it is selected over *[nә.vu.'dεn)jj with an [(LL)(!H)] structure. 7 The feminine form, [('ju:v.na)], violates SonCon. We do not find *[('3u:.va)na] because of the ban on words with antepenultimate stress. 8 The candidate *[(5u.v3)('not)] is eliminated because of a low ranking DEP violation.

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES?

279

best do this by restricting the domain of application of SonCon to the metrical foot. (15) a. b. c. d

*[('3u:v.nә)] *[(edma)('t£i))] [(әdX'man))] [(5uv)('nct)]

SonCon (4) (no reference to foot structure) * * * *

SonCon-2 (11) (applies within domain of foot) * *

What we get for free from this analysis is that the revised SonCon constraint forces a particular configuration of trochaic feet: they must be uneven (and not moraic) since the first syllable of the foot ends in a consonant, i. e., it is heavy. The uneven trochaic model permits (HL) feet, while the moraic trochaic model does not. If, instead, we assume that trochaic feet are moraic trochees, we could no longer formulate the SonCon constraint to apply within a particular phonological domain. For example, there would be no explanation for the presence of wordinitial epenthesis in [әd.'man)], but not in *[3d.ma.'tsg]. 1.2

Uneven Trochees in the Dialect of Vediceto Vediceto is a town approximately 10 km from Coli.9 The dialects of these two towns are, for all intents and purposes, identical, specifically with regard to the patterns illustrated in (3). However, there is one significant difference: while nonhomorganic nasal clusters are permitted in the dialect of Coli, such clusters are not allowed in the dialect of Vediceto (Repetti to appear b). (16)

Coli ['gcrmdә] ['mangә] ['stomgә]

Vediceto ['gumәdl ['manag] ['stumәg]

'elbow' 'handle' 'stomach'

These data suggest that there is a constraint banning non-homorganic clusters in Vediceto. Given an input /gumd/, the Nasal Homorganicity constraint rules out a candidate *[('gum.d9)], and the form [('gu.m9)d] is selected. (17)

9

NasHom - Nasal Homorganicity - non-homorganic nasal clusters are not permitted

Vediceto is in the province of Piacenza. Data come from Zörner (1989) and field research.

280

LORI REPETTÎ

However, we do find non-homorganic nasal clusters pre-tonically: [әm.'te] 'you (pl) put', [әm.'dy.ra] 'thrashing9. Why doesn't the Nasal Homorganicity constraint rule out these forms? As with the SonCon constraint, it appears that the Nasal Homorganicity constraint applies within the domain of the foot, the uneven trochee, (18)

NasHom-2 - non-homorganic nasal clusters are not permitted in the same foot

The revised Nasal Homorganicity constraint applies to forms like *[('gum.dә)], eliminating them from the competition, and resulting in the output [(gu.mә)d], but it does not apply to forms like [(9m)('te)] and [(9m)('dy.ra)] since the non-homorganic nasal clusters, /mt/ and /md/, are contained in different feet. The revised Nasal Homorganicity constraint makes sense only if we admit uneven trochaic feet in the foot inventory. If, instead, we assume that trochaic feet are necessarily moraic trochees, i. e., if (HL) feet are not permitted, we could no longer formulate the Nasal Homorganicity constraint to apply within a particular phonological domain so that it applies to *[('gum.da)], but not to [(9m)('te)]. 2. 2.1

Epenthesis and the Metrical Template Epenthesis Patterns The E-R dialects divide into two groups based on the position of the epenthetic vowel needed to syllabify word-final consonant clusters. 'Paragoge dialects' have epenthetic vowels that are paragogic (in final position), and 'anaptyxis dialects' have epenthetic vowels that are anaptyctic (in penultimate position).10 (I will not discuss here the 'mixed dialects' like Coli and Vediceto in which the position of the epenthetic vowel varies depending on phonotactic constraints. See§I.) (19)11 a. b.

paragoge dialects ['fe:rmә] ['ma-grә]

anaptyxis dialects ['fe:rәm] ['ma:gәr]

'still' 'thin'

Since the presence, position, and quality of the post-tonic vowel in (19) are predictable, we can assume it is epenthetic. Its presence is required because the words end in an unacceptable consonant cluster (determined independently for each dialect; see Repetti 1995, 1996), its quality is that of the epenthetic vowel 10 The post-tonic vowel in (19) is represented as schwa, but its quality varies from dialect to dialect. 11 The feminine forms for all dialects are the same: ['fe:rma], ['ma:gra].

281

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES?

found in other contexts, and its position is predictable based on the constraints given below. Therefore, we can posit an input form which does not contain a posttonic vowel, and a series of constraints which determine its presence, position, and quality. The constraints that allow us to derive the correct outputs are the alignment constraints given in (5) and (6), plus a high ranking constraint banning deletion of material from the input: MAX. The key difference between the paragoge dialects and the anaptyxis dialects is the relative ranking of the two alignment constraints. In the paragoge dialects Align-R('Ft, PrWd) is ranked higher than Align-R(C, PrWd), while in the anaptyxis dialects Align-R(C, PrWd) is ranked higher than Align-R('Ft,PrWd). (20) paragoge dialects /ferm/ | a. ('fe.r.m) ә b. ('fe:r)mә c. ('fe:.rә)m d.('fe:r) (21) anaptyxis dialects /ferm/ | a. ('fe:r.nә) b. ('fe:r)m3 c. ('fe:.rә)m d ('fe:r)

Align-R('Ft, PrWd)

MAX

*! *!

*! MAX

Align-R(C, PrWd)

* *

! Align-R(C,PrWd)

*! *!

1 Align-R('Ft, PrWd)_

* *

*!

The grammars in (20) and (21) allow us to account for all the data with an unacceptable word-final cluster, as well as the absence of certain types of forms, such as the following. (22)

2.2

paragoge dialects *[fe:rәm] * ['ma: gәr]

anaptyxis dialects *[fe:rma] * ['ma: grә]

The Trochaic Template There is a group of words that is exceptional in both the paragoge dialects and the anaptyxis dialects. The forms in (23a) are exceptional in the paragoge dialects because of the presence of a final vowel. In these dialects, unstressed final

282

LORI REPETTI

vowels are strictly prohibited unless they are morphemes or epenthetic vowels (see (19)). Why do we find ['ka:rgә] instead of *[ka:rg] (since [la:rg] is an acceptable form)? The forms in (23a) are exceptional in the anaptyxis dialects because of the presence of an unstressed vowel: in these dialects, syncope is productive. Why do we find ['ka:rәg] instead of *[ka:rg] (since [la:rg] is an acceptable form)? Furthermore, these words exhibit the irregular stress pattern described in (2b). Why do we find ['ka:rәg] instead of *[ka'rәg]? (Note that lexical schwa can be stressed: ['pәs]/['pәska] 'fish'/'s/he fishes'.) (23) a. b. (24)

paragoge dialects 'ka:rgә la:rg

anaptyxis dialects 'ka:rәg la:rg

'loaded' 'wide'

exceptional features of words in (23a): ['ka:rgә J (paragoge dialects) • no apocope • no syncope ('ka:rәg] (anaptyxis dialects) • irregular stress assignment

We can account for the forms in (23a) either by assuming that the vowel in the final syllable is lexical or by assuming it is epenthetic. If we assume that the vowel in the final syllable is lexical, then these words must be marked so as to block apocope in the paragoge dialects and syncope in the anaptyxis dialects, and they must be marked for irregular stress assignment in the anaptyxis dialects. If we assume that the vowel is epenthetic, these irregularities disappear. We do not find apocope in the paragoge dialects because the final vowel is epenthetic, and we do not find syncope in the anaptyxis dialects because the unstressed vowel is epenthetic. In addition, we do not need to mark these words for exceptional stress assignment in the anaptyxis dialects because the vowel in the final (heavy) syllable is epenthetic. A high-ranking Head-DEP constraint bans stress assignment on epenthetic vowels (see Alderete 1999): the final vowel in these words is epenthetic, so stress predictably falls on the rightmost lexical vowel. According to this analysis, stress assignment is now predictable for words in category (2b). Further evidence in support of the analysis of the vowel in the final syllable in (23a) as epenthetic comes from that fact that both the quality and the position of that vowel is consistent with the quality and position of an epenthetic vowel (compare (19) and (23a)). If we assume that the vowel in the final syllable in (23a) is epenthetic, we need to account for the reason that an epenthetic vowel is needed in that position.

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES?

283

In other words, why not say *[ka:rg]? I would like to suggest that the input consists of the melody /karg/ plus a disyllabic metrical template ( σ σ ) 1 2 The monosyllabic input must become disyllabic in the output in order to satisfy the requirements of the template, so an epenthetic vowel is added. 13 The quality and position of that vowel are determined by the constraint hierarchy described above in §2.1. (25) paragoge dialects /karg/, (σσ) | MAX Align-RfR, PrWd) a. ('ka:r)g b. ('ka:r,gә) c. ('ka:r)gә d. ('ka:.ra)g

Align-R(C, PrWd)

*

[*!(σσ)

* *|

*

*!

|

(26) anaptyxis dialects /karg/, ( ) i 1 MAX \ Align-R(C, PrWd) Align-R('Ft, PrWd) a. ('ka:r)g | *! (σσ) b. ('ka:r.ga) c. (fka:r)ga ! d. ('ka:.P3)g

j

*

*! *!

* *

Evidence that the template is a disyllabic foot (i, e., a trochee) and not simply a disyllabic minimum requirement comes from words with a disyllabic input like /bazilg/ 'basil' plus a template. If the requirement were simply that the output be disyllabic (with no reference to foot structure) (27a), we would expect an output *[ba'zi:lg]. This word is disyllabic, has stress (as predicted) on the superheavy final syllable, and ends in an acceptable coda cluster. However, this is not the form found in most E-R dialects. It is found only in those dialects with forms like [ka:rg] in which the template is no longer part of the input (see footnote 13). The

12 The presence of templates in Romance languages is well attested: Davis & Napoli (1994), Lipski (1991), Pharies (1986), Thornton (1996), and Benincà & Vanelli (1975) who do not discuss 'templates' per se, but analyze certain patterns using the notion of templates. See Inkelas (1994) for an OT analysis of exceptional stress patterns in Turkish. Inkelas argues that a template based account of the data is superior to one based on output constraints, and concludes that there is no principled reason not to posit metrical templates in the input. 13 It should be noted that in some E-R dialects the output is [ka.rg]. In these dialects, the disyllabic template has been eliminated from the input. The input form, /karg/, does not have a template associated with it, so the output form is monosyllabic jka:rg].

284

LORI REPETTl

actual output forms are [ba'zi:lәg]/[ba'zi:lgә] proving that the output must contain a disyllabic foot and not simply be a disyllabic word (27b). 14 (27) a. /bazilg/, crcr (template consists of disyllabic minimum requirement) *[ba'zi:lg] found only in dialects with no template (see fn. 13) b. /bazilg/, ('σσ*) (template consists of disyllabic trochaic foot) [ba'zi:lgә]/[ba'zii:lәg] output forms

If the metrical template is a disyllabic trochee, and not just a minimum disyllabic requirement, is there any evidence whether the trochaic template is a moraic trochee or an uneven trochee? The disyllabic template must be an uneven trochee and not a moraic trochee as shown by the tableau in (25). The output form in (25b) contains an uneven trochee, while the most similar form with a moraic trochee in (25c) was not selected. In the next section we will see why some words are characterized by the presence of a metrical template — /karg/, ('crcr) — while others are not — /larg/. The metrical template is a means of encoding information contained in the original Latin form. Even though the melody has changed, the metrical structure has not. 2.3

Latin Proparoxytones Words like those in (23a) have something else in common: they all derive from Latin proparoxytones (words with antepenultimate stress). 15 E-R words deriving from Latin proparoxytones, regardless of whether or not the final cluster would otherwise be acceptable, have penultimate stress (28).

14

We find a form like *['ba:zilg] because penultimate stress is not permitted in words ending in a superheavy syllable, nor do we find *['ba:zilgai]/*[,ba:zilag] because antepenultimate stress is not permitted. 15 In many Romance varieties, words deriving from Latin proparoxytones have a different metrical structure from words deriving from Latin paroxytones. See Rohlfs (1966) for data from other northern Italian dialects (Piedmontese, Ligurian, Lombard), and Cremona (1955) for an argument that the post-tonic vowel in Gascon words deriving from Latin proparoxytones is etymological (and not epenthetic).

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES? (28) Latin CARICU SALIGE TEPIDU QUATTUORDECI QULNDECI TO[ks]ICU NU:BULU

anaptyxis dialects (Gazzoli16) [kar.әg] ['sa:lәzj [te:vәd] [kwa'torrctez] [kwëxtez] ['tœsәk] ['ny:v9r]

285

paragoge dialects (Busana17) [karge]

fsalje] [tevde] [kwa'tor^e] ['kwin%e] ['tcjge] [nyvle]

loaded' 'willow' 'tepid' 'fourteen' 'fifteen' 'poisonous' 'cloud'

We know that in these dialects all Latin words underwent apocope, so at some point in their history all E-R dialects had the following forms (after intervocalic voicing of obstruents and reduction of unstressed, non-low vowels to [a]). (See Schurr 1974) (29)

LARGU > 'larg CARICU > 'karәg

In order to retain stress on the penultimate syllable in ['karәg], metrical information had to be included in the lexical representation of the word. So the template originated as a means of indicating an irregularly stressed syllable. In the paragoge dialects, a form like ['karәg] was restructured as ['karg9], possibly because of the effects of the high ranking constraint Align-R('Ft, PrWd) which selects [('kargә)] over [('karә)g]. At that point the E-R dialects divided into the two familiar groups: paragoge dialects with ['ka:rg9] and anaptyxis dialects with ['kairøg]. 3.

Conclusions The data from the E-R dialects provide support for the hypothesis that the trochaic foot is uneven and permits the structures in (lb). Evidence comes from many aspects of the grammars of these dialects. First we saw that in some dialects (Coli and Vediceto) constraints apply to heterosyllabic consonants in the same foot. The best way to describe this domain is as a trochaic foot which, by definition, is uneven since the first syllable contains a coda consonant. We also saw that some words are characterized by the presence of a metrical template as part of the lexical input. It was shown that the template is a disyllabic foot (and not 16

Gazzoli is in the province of Piacenza. Data come from field research. Busana is in the province of Reggio Emilia. Data come from the unpublished linguistic archives of the Atlante Linguistico Italiano housed at the University of Torino, Italy. 17

286

LORI REPETTI

a disyllabic minimum requirement), and the foot is an uneven (not. moraic) trochee. The template is satisfied by epenthesizing a vowel in post-tonic position, and the quality and position of that vowel is determined by the constraint hierarchy. This analysis also shows that the input form of some words can contain information not only about the string of phonemes but about metrical structure as well.

REFERENCES Alderete, John. 1999. "Head Dependence in Stress-Epenthesis Interaction". The Derivational Residue in Phonological Optimality Theory ed. by Ben Hermans & Marc van Oostendorp, 29-50. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Benincà, Paola & Laura Vanelli. 1975. "Morfologia del verbo friulano: il presente indicativo". Lingua e contesto 1.1-62. Bullock, Barbara E. 1995. "The Uneven Trochee in French". Rivista di linguistica 7.273-292. 1998. "The myth of equivalence: Where two lights do not make a long". Theoretical Analyses on Romance Languages: Selected Papers from the 26th Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages (LSRL XXVI) ed. by José Lema & Esthela Trevino, 53-70. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Cremona, J. 1955. "Le problème des voyelles d'appui dans la réduction des proparoxytons en Gascon". VII congreso internacional de lingüistica românica (tomo II) ed. by A. Badía, A. Griera, & F. Udina, 673-678. Barcelona. Davis, Stuart & Donna Jo Napoli. 1994. A Prosodic Template in Historical Change: The Passage of the Latin Second Conjugation into Romance, Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier. Hajek, John. 1997. "Emilia-Romagna". The Dialects of Italy ed. by Martin Maiden & Mair Parry, 271-278. London: Routiedge. Hayes, Bruce. 1995. Metrical Stress Theory. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. Inkelas, Sharon. 1994. "Exceptional Stress-Attracting Suffixes in Turkish: Representations vs. the Grammar". Paper presented at the Workshop on Prosodic Morphology, Utrecht University, 1994. Jaberg, Karl & Jakob Jud. 1928-1940. Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der Südschweiz (8 vols.). Zofingen: Ringier. Jacobs, Haike. 1990. "On Markedness and Bounded Stress Systems". The Linguistic Review 7.81-119. . 1997. "Latin Enclitic Stress Revisited". Linguistic Inquiry 28.648-661.

UNEVEN OR MORAIC TROCHEES?

287

. 2000. "The Revenge of the Uneven Trochee: Latin Main Stress, Metrical Constituency, Stress-Related Phenomena and OT". Analogy, Levelling and Markedness: Principles of Change in Phonology and Morphology ed. by Aditi Lahiri. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Kager, René. 1993. "Alternatives to the Iambic-Trochaic Law". Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 11.381-432. Kenstowicz, Michael. 1994. "On Metrical Constituents: Unbalanced Trochees and Degenerate Feet". Perspectives in Phonology ed. by Jennifer Cole & Charles Kisseberth, 113-131. Stanford: CSLI. Lahiri, Aditi, Thomas Riad, & Haike Jacobs. 1999. "Diachrony". Word Prosodic Systems in the Languages of Europe ed. by Harry van der Hulst, 335-422. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. Lipski, John M. 1991. "Metathesis as a Template-Matching: A Case Study from Spanish". Folia Linguistica Historica 12.127-145. Mazzola, Michael L. 1997. "From Stress in Latin and Romance to Lexical Stress in Italian". Certamen Phonologicum III: Papers from the Third Cortona Phonology Meeting, April 1996 ed. by Pier Marco Bertinetto, et al., 229-246. Torino: Rosenberg & Sellier. Mester, R. Armin. 1994. "The Quantitative Trochee in Latin". Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 12.1-61. Pharies, David A. 1986. Structure and Analogy in the Playful Lexicon of Spanish. Tübingen: Max Niemeyer. Prince, Alan. 1992. "Quantitative Consequences of Rhythmic Organization". CLS 26: Papers from the 26th Regional Meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society: The Parasession on the Syllable in Phonetics and Phonology (vol. 2) ed. by Michael Ziolkowski, Manuela Noske, & Karen Deaton, 355-398. Chicago: Chicago Linguistic Society. Prince, Alan & Paul Smolensky. 1993. Optimality Theory: Constraint Interaction in a Generative Grammar. Ms., Rutgers University and University of Colorado, Boulder. Repetti, Lori. 1995. "Variazione nella sillabificazione: il caso dei dialetti emiliani e romagnoli". Rivistaitaliana di dialettologia 19.41-56. . 1996. "Syllabification and Unsyllabified Consonants in Emilian and Romagnol Dialects". Aspects of Romance Linguistics: Selected Papers from the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages XXIV, March 10-13, 1994 ed. by Claudia Parodi, et al., 373-382. Washington, D. C : Georgetown University Press. . 1998. "Uneven Trochees in Latin: Evidence from Romance Dialects". University of Venice Working Papers in Linguistics 8.95-119.

288

LOW REPETTI

. to appear a. The Prosodic Structures of Northern Italian Dialects Amsterdam: Kluwer. . to appear b. "Non-Homorganic Nasal Clusters in Northern Italian Dialects" Current Issues in Linguistic Theory: Selected Papers from the Linguistic Symposium on Romance Languages XXIX, Ann Arbor, April 8-11, 1999 ed. by Diana Cresti, et al. Amsterdam & Philadelphia: John Benjamins. Rohlfs, Gerhard. 1966. Grammatica storica delta lingua italiana e dei suoi dialetti: Fonetica. Torino: Einaudi. Schiirr, Friedrich. 1974. La voce della Romagna. Ravenna: Edizioni del Girasole. Thornton, Anna M. 1996. "On Some Phenomena of Prosodic Morphology in Italian: Accorciamenti, Hypocoristics and Prosodie Delimitation" Probus 8.81-112. Vennemann, Theo. 1988. Preference Laws for Syllable Structure and the Explanation of Sound Change. Berlin: Mouton. Zörner, Lotte. 1989. Die Dialekte von Travo und Groppallo. Wien: Der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften.

INDEX OF NAMES

A. Absalom, Matthew: 112, 114, 131 Agostiniani, Luciano: 192, 195, 196, 199,207 Albano Leoni, Federico: 131 Alderete, John: 282, 286 Alibert, Lois: 179, 187 Amery, Heather: 245, 253 Andalo, Adriana: 47, 56, 57 Anteil, Stephen: 78, 85 Archangeli, Diane: 59, 77, 85, 93, 101, 109,265,270 Ard, Joshua: 78, 85 Arvaniti, Amalia: 132 Ascoli, Graziadio Isaia: 3, 10, 60, 85 Avesani, Cinzia: 134 B, Baertsch, Karen: 213,235 Bafile, Laura: 47, 56, 57, 138, 140, 143, 161, 165, 201, 203, 206, 207 Bagemihl, Bruce: 225,235 Bais, Maurizio: 13,25,43 Bammesberger, Alfred: 234,235 Baroni, Marco: 5, 6, 13, 43 Basbøll, Hans: 150, 165 Battaglia, Salvatore: 201, 207

Battisti, Carlo: 179, 187, 211, 222, 235 Bearesi, Luigi: 221,235 Beckman, Jill: 57, 73, 74, 85 Belletti, Adriana: 10 Bender, Byron: 123,131 Benincà, Berendsen, Egon: 138, 165 Bertinetto, Pier Marco: 57, 115, 286 131, 152, 165,244,253 Bichelli, 57 Paola: 3, 10, 132, 283, Bickmore,Piro: Lee: 112, 131 Blasco Ferrer, Eduardo: 179, 180, 181, 184, 187 46, 47, 49,165 52, 53, Bolognesi, Roberto: 138, Bonet, 186, 187 Bonucci, Paola: 207 Booij, Eulàlia: 225, 237 Bosoni, Giorgio: 120, 121, 122, Geert: 127, 132 Bottiglioni, Gino: 174, 176, 180, 138, 141, 165, 223, 187 Broselow, Ellen: 20, 43, 44, 113, 117, 118, 129, 132 Brugmann, Karl: 170, 187 Bruni,

Francesco: 211, 221, 235

290 Bucci, Cataldo: 106, 109 Bullock, Barbara: 45, 46, 52, 57, 274, 286 Burzio, Luigi: 203, 206, 208 C. Calabrese, Andrea: 5, 7, 8, 10, 59, 50,61,68,69,71,72, 73, 76, 80, 85-86, 200, 208 Camilli, Amerindo: 150, 165 Capozzoli, Raffaele: 140, 165 Cardinaletti, Anna: 197, 208 Garnie, Andrew: 213, 235 Carpitelli, Elisabetta: 194, 208 Cartwright, Stephen: 245, 253 Casali, Roderic: 98, 109 Castellani, Arrigo: 1, 10, 143, 165 Castellani, Riccardo: 124, 125, 132 Castelli, Margherita: 207 Cennamo, Michela: 179, 187 Chapallaz, Marguerite: 118,132 Chen, Matthew: 121, 132 Chen, Su-I: 132 Cherubini, Francesco: 256, 271 Chierchia, Gennaro: 192, 201, 195, 208, 262, 271 Chomsky, Noam: 71, 86 Clements, George: 63, 86, 94, 97, 109, 170, 187, 213, 235 Cohn, Abigail: 170, 171, 187 Cole, Jennifer: 68, 86 Connell, Bruce: 132 Contini, Gianfranco: 144, 165 Cortelazzo, Manlio: 3, 10, 211, 235 Crawford, Penny: 35,44 Cremona, J.: 284, 286

INDEX OF NAMES

Davis, Stuart: 283, 286 de Lorenzo Tobolo, Elia: 217, 220, 236 De Mauro, Tullio: 1, 10 Dessau, H.: 144, 165 Diehl, Randy: 22, 35, 43, 44 D'Introno, Francesco: 89, 109 Dixon, Robert: 186, 188 Djamouri, R.: 78, 87 Donegan, Patricia: 170, 188 Downing, Laura: 225, 236 Dresher, B. Elan: 145, 165 Dressier, Wolfgang: 60, 86, 132, 138, 140, 165 Drigo, Marina: 210 Dulcibella, J. W.: 244, 254 Durand, Jacques: 132 E. Eckman, Fred: 212,236 Engstrand, Olle: 129,132 F. Fanciullo, Franco: 45, 47, 48, 49, 52, 56, 57, 192, 195, 208 Fanti, Renata: 184, 188 Farnetani, Edda: 23,43 Fava, Elisabetta: 116, 132 Féry, Caroline: 112, 132 Fiorelli, Piero: 150, 165, 254 Flechia, Giovanni: 163, 165 Formentin, Vittorio: 137, 140, 165 Fortina, Peppo: 218, 222, 236 Fowler, Carol: 134 Francescato, Giuseppe: 123, 131, 132 Frau, Giovanni: 123, 132 Frauenfelder, U. N.: 134

291

INDEX OF NAMES

G. Gaeta, Livio: 131 Ghini, Mirco: 159, 165 Giannelli, Luciano: 132, 192, 195, 196, 207, 208 Gioscio, Joseph: 179, 188 Giuliani, Francesca: 250, 254 Gokçen, A.: 256, 271 Goldsmith, John: 201, 208 Gorra, Egidio: 218, 221, 224, 236 Grammont, Maurice: 170, 184, 188 Grandgent, Charles: 244, 254 Grassi, Corrado: 3, 10 Greenberg, Marc: 123, 132 Guarnerio, Pier Enea: 156, 166 Guidi, Guido: 192, 193,208 H. Haiman, John: 132 Hajek, John: 111, 112, 114, 116, 122, 123, 125, 127, 128, 131, 132, 274, 286 Halle, Morris: 59, 63, 82, 86, 205, 207, 208 Hammond, Michael: 230, 236 Haraguchi, Shosuke: 206, 208 Hargus, Sharon: 145, 165 Harris, James: 205, 208 Hayes, Bruce: 5, 10, 18, 43, 66, 81, 86, 98, 109, 111, 112, 113, 133, 202, 207, 208, 274, 286 Heilmann, Luigi: 4, 10 Helsloot, Karijn: 201, 209 Hoenigswald, Henry: 170,188 Hoffman, Robert Joseph: 240, 254 Holtus, Günther: 133

Hualde, José: 6, 10, 13, 17, 18, 19, 22,43,59,86, 123, 133, 258, 265, 271 Hubbard, Kathleen: 113, 117, 118, 133 Huffman, Marie: 132 van der Hulst, Harry: 164, 166, 223, 236 Hume, Elizabeth: 63, 86, 97, 109, 170, 187 Hyman, Larry: 122, 133 I. Iannáccaro, Gabriele: 194,208 Iannucci, James: 47, 48, 57 Inkelas, Sharon: 56, 57, 138, 153, 166, 283, 286 Iverson, Gregory: 212,236

J. Jaberg, Karl: 188, 244, 254, 270, 271,275,286 Jacobs, Haike: 203, 204, 209, 270, 271,274,286-287 Jespersen, Otto: 213,236 Jetchev, Georgi: 131 Jud, Jakob: 188, 244, 254, 270, 271,275,286 K. Kager, René: 76, 86, 202, 205, 209, 242, 254, 274, 287 Kaisse, Ellen: 145, 166 Katamba, Francis: 132 Kattenbusch, Dieter: 241, 254 Kayne, Richard: 200,209 Kaze, Jeffrey: 68, 86

292 Keating, Patricia: 22, 27, 32, 43, 44 Kenstowicz, Michael: 19, 43, 52, 57, 131, 152, 166, 201, 209, 274, 287 Kingston, John: 35, 43 Kiparsky, Paul: 27, 43, 140, 166, 170, 172, 182, 186, 188, 203, 209 Kirchner, Robert: 56,57 Kisseberth, Charles: 27, 43, 153, 166 Kluender, Keith: 22,44 Kori, Shiro: 23, 43 Kuen, Heinrich: 156, 166 L. Labov, William: 32, 44 Ladefoged, Peter: 59,86, 113, 133 Lahiri, Aditi: 274, 287 Lauefer, Christiane: 215, 236 Lausberg, Heinrich: 179, 180, 188, 206, 209 Laver, John: 113, 133 Lehiste, Ilse: 32,44, 133 Lekach, A. Farmer: 212, 236 Lepschy, Anna Laura: 118,133 Lepschy, Giulio: 118, 133, 256, 260, 271 Lindau, Mona: 32, 44, 59, 77, 87 Lipski, John: 283, 287 Lisker, L.: 34, 44 Lombard, Alf: 175, 176, 188 Lombardi, Linda: 140,166 Loporcaro, Michele: 57, 60, 61, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 87, 131, 137, 138, 144, 150, 152, 153, 154, 155, 156, 163, 166-167, 192, 195, 198, 209

INDEX OF NAMES

Lüdtke, Helmut: 60, 87, 137, 167 Lutta, C. Martin: 219,236 M. Maddalon, Marta: 134 Maddieson, Ian: 23, 44, 59, 86, 113, 117, 118, 133 Magno Caldognetto, Emanuela: 116, 132 Maiden, Martin: 4, 5, 9, 10, 68, 87, 118, 133, 169, 171, 174, 178, 182, 186, 188 Malagoli, Giuseppe: 175, 188, 192, 209 Malkiel, Yakov: 183, 184, 188 Maraschio, Nicoletta: 132 Marcato, Carla: 211,235 Marchetti, Giuseppe: 133,162, 167 Marotta, Giovanna: 118, 134, 191, 195, 199,201,205,209 Martin, Jean-Baptiste: 249, 254 Mascaró, Joan: 156, 167 Mattioli, Antonio: 223, 236 Mazzola, Michael: 133, 274, 287 McCarthy, John: 20, 44, 97, 104, 109, 112, 133, 255, 265, 266, 271 Melillo, Michele: 89, 109 Menéndez Pidal, Ramón: 176,188 Merlo, Clemente: 176, 188, 256, 271 Mester, Armin: 52, 57, 94, 110, 255, 266, 271, 274, 287 Metzeltin, Michael: 133 Michacls, David: 131 Minichelli, Vincenzo: 249, 254 Monachesi, Paola: 138, 140, 167

INDEX OF NAMES

Montreuil, Jean-Pierre: 211, 256, 258, 262, 263, 264, 270, 271 Morelli, Frida: 212, 236 Morin, Yves-Charles: 113, 123, 133 Moser, Alessandro: 210 Muljacid, Zarko: 150, 167 N. Nagy, Naomi: 239, 240, 241, 243, 254 Napoli, Donna Jo: 283, 286 Nespor, Marina: 142, 143, 147, 149, 150, 151, 153, 157, 167, 192, 195, 199,201,206,209 Nicoli, Franco: 133, 256, 257, 258, 260, 262, 271 O. Ohala,John: 170, 189 P. Pace, A.: 137, 167 Padgett, Jaye: 212, 236 Paradis, Carole: 71, 87 Parry, Mair: 4, 10, 133 Pavia, Luigi: 119, 120, 124, 125, 133,256,257,271 Peperkamp, Sharon: 138, 140, 141, 143, 145, 147, 148, 151, 158, 167 Perkell, Joseph: 59, 87 Pernicone, Vincenzo: 201, 207 Pharies, David: 283, 287 Pieri, Silvio: 192, 209 Pittau, Massimo: 182, 189 Plangg, Guntram: 217, 236 Poggi Salani, Teresa: 132

293

Polgardi, Krisztina: 59, 87 Port, Robert: 35, 44 Posner, Rebecca: 170, 171, 172, 173, 187, 189 Prieto i Vives, Pilar: 133, 255, 260, 262, 270, 271 Prince, Alan: 20, 44, 53, 57, 74, 87, 112, 133, 255, 265, 266, 268,271,272,273,274,287 Prinzhorn, Martin: 132 Pulcini, Walter: 176, 189 Pulleyblank, Douglas: 59, 77, 85, 101, 109,265,270 R. Rennison, John: 132 Repetti, Lori: 1, 5, 6, 10, 13, 17, 19,20,21,22,26,44, 46, 58, 111, 123, 134, 163, 167, 243, 247, 254, 265, 272, 273, 274, 279, 280, 287-288 Reynolds, Bill: 243, 254 Riad, Thomas: 287 Rialland, Anne: 78, 87, 236, 224 Ricca, Davide: 118, 134 Rice, Keren: 213, 237 Rietveld, A. C. M.: 134 Ringger, Kurt: 133 Ritter, Nancy: 223, 236 Rizzolatti, Piera: 123, 134 Roca, Iggy: 205, 210 Rohlfs, Gerhard: 47, 49, 58, 60, 65, 87, 173, 174, 176, 178, 179, 189, 192, 210, 284, 288 Romito, Luigi: 115, 134 Ronjat, Jules: 176, 189 Rubach, Jerzy: 223, 225, 237

294

S. Saltarelli, Mario: 4, 10, 254, 262, 272 Salvioni, Carlo: 256, 262, 270, 272 Salza, Pier Luigi: 118, 134 Salzmann, Zdenek: 123,131 Sanga, Glauco: 119, 134, 256, 258, 259,261,262,272 Saunders, Gladys: 270,272 Savoia, Leonardo: 192, 195, 196, 198,208,210 Scalise, Sergio: 149, 168 Scerbo, Francesco: 138, 167 Schein Barry: 81, 87, 98, 110 Schiaffini, Alfredo: 144, 167 Schmidely, Jack: 181,189 Schmitt, Christian: 133 Schurr, Friedrich: 285, 288 Selkirk, Elisabeth: 9, 10, 49, 50, 56, 58, 212, 214, 237 Shaw, Patricia: 226, 237 Simone, Raffaele: 134 Sluyters, Willebrord: 150, 167, 201,204,210 Smolensky, Paul: 53, 57, 74, 87, 265, 268, 272, 274, 287 Sobrero, Alberto: 3, 10 Soffietti, James: 4, 11 Stampe, David: 147, 167, 170, 188 Stehl, Thomas: 93, 110 Steriade, Donca: 73, 74, 81, 87, 94, 96, 98, 110, 212, 237, 264, 267, 272 Stevens, Kenneth: 59, 86 Stewart, John: 59, 87 Svantesson, Jan-Olof: 78, 87

ÏÏNDEX OF NAMES

T. Tagliavini, Carlo: 220, 237 Taverdet, Gérard: 113,134 Tekavcic, Pavao: 60, 87, 173, 189 Telmon, Tullio: 3, 10 Thornton, Anna: 274, 283, 288 Togeby, Knud: 171, 186, 187, 189 Tranel, Bernard: 134 Truckenbrodt, Hubert: 212,237 Trumper, John: 114, 119, 124, 125, 134 Tuttle, Edward: 260, 272 U. Urbanczyk, Suzanne: 53, 57, 58 V. Valente, Vincenzo: 240, 241, 243, 244, 245, 254 Vanelli, Laura: 5, 6, 11, 13, 14, 17, 18, 19, 22, 23, 24, 27, 32, 36,44, 123, 134,283,286 Vaux, Bert: 59, 63, 77, 78, 79, 82, 86,88 Vayra, Mario: 115, 134 Vedovelli, Massimo: 132 Vennemann, Theo: 276, 288 Vergnaud, Jean-Roger: 205, 207, 208 Vignoli, Carlo: 178, 189 Vogel, Irene: 45, 46, 58, 116, 135, 142, 143, 145, 147, 149, 150, 151, 153, 157, 167, 168, 192, 195, 199, 209, 210

295

INDEX OF NAMES

w. Walsh Dickey, Laura: 57 Wanner, Dieter; 181, 189 van de Weijer, Jeroen: 164, 166 Westbury, John: 27, 44 Weston, Rosemary: 89, 109 Wolfe, Andrew: 63, 82, 86 Wright, Beverly: 22,44 Wunderli, Peter: 179, 189

Y. Yamamoto, S.: 13, 24, 25, 44 Yip, Moira: 170, 189,212,237 Young, Diane: 111, 135 Z. Zahner, Gérard: 270,272 Zannier, Irene: 210 Zee, Draga: 138, 145, 157, 168, 264, 267, 272 Zörner, Lotte: 279, 288

INDEX OF TERMS & CONCEPTS

A. Affricates: 15, 19, 20, 24, 25, 214, 219, 220, 222, 241 Assimilation: 81, 137, 142, 144, 146, 147, 148, 170, 171, 173, 176, 182, 195, 196, 197, 198 Vowel/Consonant Assim.: 7, 89,97 C. Catalexis: 203, 204 Clitics: 7, 9, 50, 52, 108, 137-143, 148-161, 163, 164, 169, 173186, 192, 197, 200, 201 Clitic Group: 7, 137, 138, 143, 151, 157, 161, 164 Cliticization: 7, 137, 139, 140, 153, 154, 157, 158, 164 Enclisis/Enclitic: 7, 137, 138, 140, 143, 155, 157, 163, 164, 175, 201 Clusters: 7, 14, 45, 56, 154, 155, 156, 158, 159, 163, 211-229, 231, 232, 234, 235, 260, 261, 265, 270, 275, 276, 277, 279, 280,281,283,284 Compensatory Lengthening: 14, 18, 22, 35, 36, 52, 112, 216, 265

Constraint-and-Repair Model: 8,60, 71 Constraints: 5, 6, 9, 19, 20, 25, 27, 28, 36, 52, 53, 54, 55, 60, 61,69,70,71,74,76, 77, 7985, 138, 147, 160, 195, 198, 202, 205, 206, 212, 229-232, 250, 255, 256, 263, 266-270, 275-283, 285, 286 D. Degemination: 3, 146, 147 Diphthong: 60, 67, 70, 81, 111, 114, 118, 119, 123, 128 Diphthongization: 8, 60, 6470, 80, 81, 83, 85, 89, 114, 115, 124 Dissimilation: 9, 169-174, 176, 177, 181-187 Double Prosody: 9, 46, 52, 53, 54, 57 E. Epenthesis: 7, 54, 139, 147, 154159, 163, 204, 213, 214, 215, 224, 226, 228, 229, 279, 280 Anaptyxis: 275, 280, 281, 282, 283, 285 Paragoge: 275, 280, 281, 282, 283, 285

298

INDEX OF TERMS & CONCEPTS

Extrametricality: 7, 161, 203, 206, 207

Unary: 207 see also Metrical Structure

F. Features: Advanced Tongue Root ([ATR]): 7, 8, 59, 60, 61, 63, 64, 66, 68, 69, 70, 74, 76-80, 8 4 , 8 5 , 9 3 , 9 4 , 9 6 , 9 7 , 9 9 , 109 Back: 8, 67, 68, 90, 91, 92, 93, 94, 97, 100, 101, 102, 109, 240 Dorsal: 90, 91,92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 98, 99, 100, 101, 102, 108, 109 High: 32, 59, 61, 64, 67, 68, 69,70,73,74,77,84, 90, 91, 92, 94, 95, 96, 97, 99, 109, 163, 240 Labial: 8, 60, 63, 64, 85, 90104, 106, 107, 108, 173, 241 Low: 8, 68, 69, 73, 77, 90-97, 102, 107, 108, 109, 240 Round: 60, 61, 64, 67, 72, 73, 74, 77, 79, 80, 84, 85, 90, 97, 98, 104 Feet: Binary: 6, 52, 53, 192, 202206, 242, 243, 248, 255, 266, 269, 270, 277 Degenerate:7, 192, 201, 202, 203 Iamb/Iambic Foot: 203-206 Ternary: 6, 205, 206 Trochee/Trochaic Foot: 6, 52, 203, 205, 206, 242, 243, 248, 250, 255, 266, 273, 274, 275, 277-281,283-286

G. Gemination: 8, 9, 45-49, 51, 52, 55,56,68, 114 Geminate Consonants: 3, 18, 23, 47, 45, 55, 91, 112, 146, 147, 241 Geminate Inalterability: 61, 81 L. Lexical Phonology: 140, 145, 153 Lexicon: 3, 7, 19, 45, 145, 194, 239, 248, 249, 250, 274 M. Marked(ness): 7, 59, 71-77, 193, 204, 206, 207, 214, 229, 239, 244,248-251,266 Marking Statements: 60, 61, 72-80, 84, 85 Metaphony: 59, 66, 67, 68, 70, 89, 92,99 Metrical Structure: 6, 7, 192, 199, 201,202,207,284,286 see also Feet Mora: 5, 18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 53, 54, 56, 111, 112, 113, 115, 116, 117, 129, 130, 202, 204, 225, 226, 229, 243, 244, 247, 248, 250, 267, 268, 269, 273 Bimoraic: 5, 9, 20, 21, 46, 50, 51, 52, 53, 55, 56, 57, 112, 113, 114, 116, 117, 118, 122, 128, 129, 239, 248, 250, 262267, 270, 277

INDEX OF TERMS & CONCEPTS

Bimoraic Norm / Bimoraic Enforcement: 111, 112, 255, 262, 263, 264, 270 Monomoraic: 9, 57, 112, 113, 116, 118, 122, 128, 225, 239, 255, 264, 266 Mora-Splitting: 117, 118, 129, 130

Moraic Theory/Phonology: 18, 22, 111, 112, 113 Trimoraic: 5, 6, 21, 26, 112, 113, 114, 118, 124, 126, 128131,266 Morphology: 3, 9, 46-51, 56, 169, 171, 172, 174, 176, 182, 183, 185, 194, 196 Morpho-Syntax: 3, 49, 56, 193, 194 O. Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP): 89, 97-102, 104-109, 170 Optimality Theory (OT): 5, 6, 76, 140, 152,229,265,266 Orthography: 25, 26, 29, 142, 143, 144, 146, 162, 240, 245 P. Prosody: 46, 57, 157, 191, 224, 230 Phonological Phrase: 7, 137, 138, 141, 143, 151, 155, 157, 158, 159, 161, 162, 164, 206, 207 Prosodic Domain: 7, 138, 145, 149, 151, 153, 155,224,228

299

Prosodic Hierarchy: 7, 138, 157, 164, 195 Prosodie (Phonological) Word: 7, 46, 50, 64, 137-143, 147155, 157-164, 206, 207, 224, 225, 276 Prosodie Phonology: 143, 153 Prosodie Structure: 9, 50, 53, 55, 117, 138, 141, 203, 239, 246, 250 see also Clitic Group, Double Prosody R. Raddoppiamento (Fono)Sintattico /Rafforzamento Fonosintattico (RS)/(RF): 8, 9, 45, 46, 47, 49-57, 150, 191, 192, 195, 196, 198, 199, 200, 239, 243248,250,251 Rules: 7, 8, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 25, 27,28, 36, 52, 55, 60, 66-71, 73, 75, 76, 80-83, 85, 94, 96, 98, 111, 113, 137, 139, 141, 143, 145-160, 162, 164, 171, 182, 185, 195, 198, 202, 205, 215, 228, 243, 250, 258, 263, 264, 265, 268 Rule Ordering: 18, 24, 27, 28, 36, 195 S. Sonority: 6, 7, 163, 211-219, 223226,229, 231, 234, 235, 255, 262, 266, 268, 270, 276

300

INDEX OF TERMS & CONCEPTS

Stress: Antepenultimate (Proparoxytonic) Stress: 6, 7, 8, 60, 61, 85, 116, 117, 140, 160,241, 242, 243, 266, 274, 278, 284 Final (Oxytonic) Stress: 6, 7, 8, 9, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20, 45, 46, 53, 107, 116, 119, 121, 140, 191, 192, 193, 195, 196201, 203, 204, 206, 207, 241244, 247, 248, 249, 255, 256, 258, 265, 266, 267, 269, 274, 275, 283 Penultimate (Paroxy tonic) Stress: 8, 64, 65, 66, 69, 140, 191,200, 241, 242, 243, 258, 274, 275, 284, 285 Secondary Stress: 107, 195 Stress Shift: 138, 139, 140, 153, 159, 163 Stress Stability: 7, 137, 139, 140, 154, 158, 159, 164 see also Syllable Position Substratum: 3, 59, 60 Syllable Position: Antepenultimate: 6, 8, 60, 61, 68, 69, 83, 85, 241, 255, 259, 264, 265, 270 Final: 6, 13, 15, 16, 17, 45, 50, 51, 53, 56, 57, 66, 111, 114-117, 119, 121, 241, 243, 244, 247, 248, 249, 250, 255256, 258, 260, 264, 265, 266, 270, 274, 282, 283

Penultimate: 6, 8, 60, 64, 65, 66, 69, 114, 115, 116, 118, 119, 128, 160, 205, 206, 241, 255,258, 259, 261, 264, 265, 266, 270, 274, 285 Posttonic: 8, 64, 250 Pretonic: 8, 64, 242 Stressed/Tonic: 6, 8, 14, 15, 16,20,45,53,60,61, 64, 65, 6 6 , 6 9 , 7 3 , 7 4 , 8 0 , 8 1 , 84, 85, 90-93, 111-119, 129, 130, 137, 140, 150, 240, 241, 243, 244, 247, 255, 256, 258, 263, 265, 270, 274, 275, 283, 285 Unstressed/Atonic: 6, 8, 45, 64, 67, 70, 74, 80, 84, 85, 9093, 111, 116, 118, 140, 149, 230, 239, 242, 247 see also Stress Syllable Structure: Closed Syllable: 8, 14, 15, 22, 23,25,50,60,61,68, 69, 83, 85, 111, 114, 116, 117, 119, 120, 129,240,241 Coda: 14, 15, 18, 19, 22, 5255,66,69,81, 111, 117, 154, 158, 163, 217, 242, 244, 262, 275, 276, 277, 283, 285 Degenerate Syllable: 20, 21, 22, 26, 265 Nucleus: 6, 52, 61,80, 81, 82, 85, 124, 197, 226, 242, 255, 266, 268, 270 Onset: 7, 30, 40, 45, 47, 82, 111, 117, 129, 130, 154, 197, 215, 217, 219-227, 229, 275, 276, 277

INDEX OF TERMS & CONCEPTS

Open Syllable: 8, 13, 14, 22, 23, 50, 53, 60, 64, 65, 66, 68, 69,84,85, 111, 114-120, 128, 129, 240, 241, 244, 263, 264, 265 Superheavy Syllable: 112, 118, 121, 128,274,283,284 see also Mora Syntax: 4, 9, 56, 153, 199, 200 T. Template: 6, 216, 202, 275, 280, 281,283,284,285,286 Toponomastics: 3 U. Underspecification Theory: 93 Universal Grammar (UG): 5, 60, 79, 266

301

V. Vowels: Vowel Alternation: 7, 8, 89, 217,251 Vowel Fronting: 7, 8, 59, 60, 61,63, 64, 67, 76-81, 83, 84, 85 Vowel Harmony: 7, 59, 139, 163, 164 Vowel Length(ening): 5, 6, 1337, 89, 53, 54, 65, 111-116, 119-131, 142, 204, 248, 250, 255, 256, 258, 260, 262-266, 269, 270 Vowel Raising: 7, 59, 67, 70, 77, 108, 139 Vowel Reduction: 8, 89-93, 95, 96, 97, 99-102, 104, 106, 107, 108, 109, 257 Reduced Vowel: 45, 51, 239, 248