Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish Author(s): Andreas Tietze and Gilbert Lazard Source: Oriens, Vol. 20 (1967), pp. 125-168 Published by: BRILL Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1580400 Accessed: 26/10/2010 19:25 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp. JSTOR's Terms and Conditions of Use provides, in part, that unless you have obtained prior permission, you may not download an entire issue of a journal or multiple copies of articles, and you may use content in the JSTOR archive only for your personal, non-commercial use. Please contact the publisher regarding any further use of this work. Publisher contact information may be obtained at http://www.jstor.org/action/showPublisher?publisherCode=bap. Each copy of any part of a JSTOR transmission must contain the same copyright notice that appears on the screen or printed page of such transmission. JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

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PERSIAN LOANWORDS IN ANATOLIAN TURKISH by

Andreas Tietze Los Angeles, Calif. In collaborationwith GilbertLazard,Paris

It is well known that Ottoman Turkish literature from its very beginning to the early part of this century was strongly influenced by the classical Persian literature. Knowledge of the Persian language and letters was a sine qua non of Ottoman education. No wonder that the dictionaries of Ottoman abound in poetic, but also prosaic, Persian loanwords. The prosaic ones include a large amount of househould terminology, which markedly differs from the high-level poetic terms by its stronger assimilation and integration in the Turkish language. These terms for domestic objects and concepts must have been borrowed at an early stage, however difficult it may be to state when. It is also difficult to assess the role which was played by erudite snobbery in their borrowing, although we may assume that it was not large. Less attention has been paid to the Persian loanwords which are not representedin the standard language, but are being used in the dialects of Anatolia. With some of these our present study intends to deal. All materials presented here have been extracted from the Soz derleme dergisi (DD, see Works cited in abbrevation, at end of article) which only lists those words that can be regarded as completely assimilated. In this, our study follows a number of earlier studies (AndreasTietze: 'Griechische Lehnworter im anatolischen Tiirkisch', Oriens, vol. 8, I955, pp. 204-257; 'Slavische Lehnworterin der tiirkischenVolkssprache', Oriens, vol. Io, 1957, pp. 1-47; 'Direkte arabische Entlehnungen im anatolischen Tiirkisch', Melanges Jean Deny, Ankara, I958, pp. 255-333;

'Einige weitere griechische Lehnwirter im anatolischen Tiirkisch', Nemeth armagans, Ankara, I962, pp. 373-388).

The material presented in this article is arranged in the alphabetical order of the etyma. Each entry begins with the ModernPersian etymon, often followed by remarks about is formation, dialectical variants, and the distribution in geographically significant areas; a colon then leads

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Andreas Tietze

over to the Anatolian Turkishvariants (Designation of language has been omitted both for the etymon and for the borrowings in the Turkish dialects). If a variant of the term is also representedin Standard Ottoman or Standard Azerbaijani,this is indicated separately. A unified system of transliteration has been used in general, but for the Turkish words the spelling of the sources has been retained. In this spelling there is no systematic distinction between d and e, k and q, h and x, and between long and short vowels. The word list is followed by an Index Rerum in which the material is presented in view of the meanings of the loanwordsin dialectal Turkish. Here the types are arrangednot so much according to logical definition, but rather in groups representing various practical fields of human activity. In spite of the incompleteness of our material, it is interesting to see the relative importance of the broad area of basic economic activities (agriculture, gardening, irrigation, animal husbandry) on the one hand and that of various domestic subjects (cooking, clothing, family life) on the other hand. The terms representing a higher level of social life and culture are mostly suspect of having been introduced through an earlier layer of the standard language. Indices of all the words treated and a table for bibliographicalreference will be found at the end of the article. PHONOLOGICAL CHANGE

Vowels:

Although our sources for the Turkish borrowings do not indicate vowel length, we can safely assume that in the dialectal material all long vowels have become short. This assumption is corroboratedby the fact that Persian a and i are often representedin our material as e and i, thus by vowels which cannot be lengthened. Persian e and o, which today have become i and u, ordinarily appear as e and o or o, a fact which establishes the early date of these borrowings.The vowel in Persian xwa occursin our material as a, o, and u, but the examples are too few to be significant. As in the borrowings in Standard Ottoman the short vowels are ordinarily put into the palatal category, but also words containing a or i often appear in this category throughout as can be seen from the following examples: a: 6. *afzdr > evcer(siz); I3. dvang > hevenk; I6. dzana > ecene; 32. caryak > erik; 35. cauganc > oggen; 40. ddn > den; 41. ddna > dene; > giimen; 59. harifdna > herfene; 69. kdbin > kebin; 76. 53. gumn kaskdv > keskef; Io2. sagbdn > segmen; II4. Sana > sene; 126. ydrdn > yeren.

Persian Loanwords

in Anatolian

Turkish

I27

u: 54. guina > gdne;58. gfzga > ciice; 78 k4ca > kiiFe;I30. zalf > zeli; I3I. zambwrak > zenbildek.

In these examples we see the effect of the Turkish rule of vowel harmony. Both palatal and labial harmony were effective in the change duirbzn> diilbiin(46.). An example in which both alternatives of palatal harmonization were realized is Persian araqcin (Io.) which appears as arakgtn and as erehcinas well as in several transitional variants. The Persian diphthong au (today pronounced ou, ow) is represented by o in our material: 35. caugan > fogen; 71. kausgar > kosker. A frequent feature, also of Standard Ottoman, is the labialization of the vowel in the neighborhood of a labial consonant. Examples of progressive labialization: 2. durez > havruz; 86. mzrdu > imrul; I27. ydva > yavu; and possibly 31. carpaddr> alpatur. Examples of regressive labialization: 26. cambar> omber; o09. sipdra > supara; II2. adbds> foba; II6. tdbxdna > tovhana; II7. tabxxdna >tokhana;

I35. zihgir >

ziifkiir. Also delabialization of a rounded after a non-roundedvowel is found in Standard Ottoman. In our material there are these examples: 7. dxur > axsr; I30. zali > zeli. This phenomenon also occurs after a

labial consonant: 4. afsiin > avssn. Delabialization even occurs in first syllables: 98. pustavdn > pestivan; iII. sumtirds > santzra.

Since Turkish does not have liquids or nasals in initial position, a prothetic vowel may be used to avoid this feature in borrowed words. Our material includes several examples for this: 80. ldfzan > yslabazan; 89. ndtad > anasta; 99. rang > ireng; 0oo. rasta > arasta; IOI. rzsta >

eriste. The opposite development, perhaps caused by hypercorrection, is found in o1. araqc'n > ra?qzn. Epenthetic vowels which serve to break up intrasyllabic consonant clusters are common in Standard Ottoman (They are also common in some Persian dialects, notably in the Khorasan). There are also some instances in our material: 34. catr > fetir; 70. kaf > kevis. There are several instances for the droppingof a middle vowel in words of three or more syllables: 8. dlica > alfa; 47. firomdnda >fermana; 57. yalladdn >kaldan; 59. harffdna > harfene; 85. me-sna > mesne; I07. sdyavdn > sayvan;

o09. szpara > sspra. This seems to be a typical

phenomenon, although there are two cases which seem to present the opposite development (39. dahra > tahara, and 80. ldfzan > yzlabazan and Standard Ottoman lafazan). There is one unquestionable case of dropping of a final vowel: 50. gazang4 > gezen. There are three cases of aspiration of an initial vowel: 2. abrez >

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Andreas Tietze

havrtz; 13. dvang > hevenk; IOI. ri?ta > eriste > heriste. There is also one case in which the initial aspiration was dropped: 59. harifdna > erfane.

Consonants: The only Persian phoneme which is normally not represented in Turkish is z. In our material it only occurs in one type and there is representedby g: I6. daana > acene. The phoneme y in Turkish cannot occur initially. In our material Persian initial y appears only once; in the loanword it is replaced by q: 57. yalladdn > kaladan.

Initial g in Turkish only occurs before front vowels; before back vowels it is desonorizedto q: 53. gumdn > kuman. Desonorization also normally takes place in Turkish when a voiced consonant appears in syllable-final (word-final) position or as a segmental feature in consonant clusters. In our material the following cases occur: Word-final b > p: 38. cob > 9op. Word-final v >f: 76. kaskdv > keskef; II5. Sev > sef. Word-final d > t: 55. gunda > kiint. Syllable-final g or y > k or q: 37. cirdypd > 9zrakpa; 56. gung > kiink; 6I. xarsang > hersek; 83. mary > merk; 99. rang > irenk; I29. zdaya > zak9a; I32. zang > zenk. g > k after unvoiced consonant: 71. kafsgar > kosker; I35. zihgir >

*zihkir > zikir. Word-final g > c: 17. bag > pap; III. sumtirds > sunturaf. Apart from these regular features, desonorization also takes place typically in the initial consonant: Initial b > p: 17. bag > pa; 23. b6y > poy. Initial d > t: 39. dahra > tahra; 41. ddna > tene. Initial z > s: I29. zsayca > sakFa; I3I. zambiirak > sempirek. Initial g > k: 48. ganduma > kendime; 52. girda > kirde; 55. gunda > kiinde; 56. gung > kiink.

Other cases of desonorization: b > p: v >f: d > t: g > k: y >x: rauyan >

69. kdbin > kepin; I3I. zambarak > sempirek. 5. iftava > aftafa; I07. sayavan > sayfan. 3I. cdrpdddr > Falpatur; 49. gazanda > gezente. 20. barga > berke; 75. kargas > kerkez. I8. baybdn >bahmant; 37. cirdypa > Fraxpa; mumurxan.

88.

mum-

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I29

Sonorization may occur under various circumstances. Our material presents the following cases: p >b: II8: taxtapdo>tahtaboS, probably under folk-etymological influence. Preconsonantal f > v: 4. afsan > avsun(lamak); 6. *aftar > avcar; 70. kaf? > *kavS > kevis.

t > d: 43. dastdr > dasdar; 94. pa-taxta >pedahta; IOO. rdsta > arasda; IOI. ri'ta > erisde; 120. taSt > deft. Initial s > z: IO6. sarbdr > zelber;Io9. sipdra > zipra.

Final s > z: 28. cap-rdst > fapraz; 75. kargas > kerkez;9I. palas > palaz. Postnasal q > g: zarin-qadah> zerengade. Initial and internal 6 > g: 25. cdh > cag, cak; 26. cambar> cember; 29. carb> cerp; 38. o6b> cob; 8. dlaza > aluca; Io. araqc-n > arakcun; 45. d6c1a> dolca; 66. xwdnca > honca; 78. kMia> kiice; IO6. *sarbdr6a > serverce; I29. zdyca > zaca.

Spirantizationmay in many cases already have taken place dialectally in Persian. The following cases occur: Internal b >v (f): 50. gazangubin> gezengevi; 69. kdbfn > kevin; Io6. *sarbdrca> serverce;II6. tabxdna > tovhana,tafana; II7. tabxxdna > tavana, tafana. q > x before unvoiced plosive: IO. araqisn > arahf,n; II9. tdqea >

tahca. Despirantization of x occurs initially and in postconsonantal position 63. xaygina > kaygsna; 66. xwdnca > gonfa; II. daxdna > askana; 30. carx > fark; 96. pe-sxwdn> peskun, pesgun. Initial aspiration and the dropping of initial aspiration has been mentioned above (see Vowels). The phoneme h in internal and final position is often dropped; sometimes it is transformedinto an f, a glide, or a y. Dropping of internal h: 39. dahra > tara; I35. zihgir > zikir. In the first of these two examples already Persian has a variant without h, but the Turkish variant may have developed independently. Here belong also cases of x > h > 0 (II, II6, II7).

Dropping of final h: 25. cdh > fa(ltk); 97. pzh > pi; I34. zarsn-qadah> zerengade(dropping of final h after long vowel is common in colloquial Persian, too, and the records show that the phenomenon is old). h >f (and x > h >f): 7. axur > afr; 59. harifdna >ferfene; I35. zihgzr > ziifkiir. h > glide: 97. pih > piy; I35. zihgir > zeykir. h >y: Oriens 20

25. cdh > ag.. 9

Andreas Tietze

I30

A typical Turkish feature is the transformation of intervocalic or syllable-final g into a glide, and the interchangeablenessof this glide and of y with v. g > glide: 35. caugdn > f6gen; I02. sagbdn > seymen. v > y or glide, and vice versa: I27. ydva > yaga; 35. caugdn > f6ven; I02. sagbdn > sevmen.

Nasalization of the labial plosive is frequent; usually it seems to take place under the influence of a following n (a phenomenon found also in Turkish words in the eastern part of the Ottoman-Azerbaijanidialect area): I8. bdybdn > bagman; 2I. bl >mel; 37. cirdypd > zrahma, fzrakman; 6o. xarbanda > harmanda; I02. sagbdn > seyman.

Substitutions among liquids and nasals are common, especially lamdacism of the r: r >1: 3I. carpdddr > alpatur; 39. dahra >dehle; 46. dirbbn > 88. mimn-rauyan > mumnlgan; Io6. diilbiin; 59. harifdna >felfana; sarbdr > zelber; I3I. zambirak > zenbildek; I36. zer-zamin > zelzeme. I > n: 25. cal > fan. 82. lauzsna > nevzine. n > 1: 46. diirbin > diildiil. m > n: 2. adnd > asma(lkk); 37. cirdypa > fzrakma > fzrapna; iii. sumtiras > sunturaf; I36. zer-zamin > zerzene.

In a few cases a syllable-final half-consonant is replaced by 1: 86. mzrau > imral;

I02.

sagmdn > seymen > selmen. One case of substi-

tution of m for the glide may be based on extraphonetical reasons: 103. sdliydn > salman.

Within the range of the sibilants the change from s to c occurs in three different positions: III.

sumtirds > sunturaf; 112. sadbads > oba;

I20.

tast > teft. The opposite development is represented by Io. araqczn> rasqin. In the change s > s in 3. afsar > afsar folk-etymologicalinfluence may have been instrumental. There are a few instances of direct consonantal assimilation: I0. araqctn > araccin, araccun; 37. cirdypd > firappa, 9zrappa.

Some consonantal changes may be explained as dissimilation: 5. dftdva > aktafa; 33. casma > tesme; 117. tabxxdna > tokhane.

We have in our material only a single case of consonantal gemination: 53. guman > hiimmen. Consonantal metathesis is frequent: o0. araqcin > arafkzn; 12. dsnd > asnaltk > aslansk; 28. cap-rdst > farpaz; 39. dahra > derhe; 103. sdliydn > saytlan, saylan; 105. sdrvdn > savran; io6. sarbdr > zebler. In two cases the shift takes place between a consonant and a vowel: 86. mirdu > imrav; 88. milm-rauyan > mumurgan.

Dropping of a consonant usually brings about the simplification of a

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

i3i

consonant cluster. This can be said for the dropping of the f in 87. muft > mut, mot, of the t in I20. tast > tes, and probably of the n in 6I. xarsang > hersek, and in 99. rang > irek. But often the dropping of a consonant in one word is counterbalancedby the insertion of the same consonant in another word. E.g., preconsonantal r is dropped in 75. kargas > (ak)kekesand in io6. sarbdr > zeber, but r is inserted in 25. cdh > farh and I02. sagbdn > sermen, probably for hypercorrection. Similarly, a d is dropped in i. dukand > aukan and 47. firomdnda > fermana, but an inorganic d appears in I3I. zambirak > zenbildek;and a t is droppedin I00. rdsta > arasa and I25. ustun > iisiin, but in a case resemblingthe first example for the droppingof d, an inorganict is added: I8. bdybdn,bdyvdn> bagvant,bahmant.The droppingof half-consonants, usually in syllable-final position, is not surprising (86. mfrdu > mzra; II6. tabxdna> toxene,tohana; 36. cirdy > fira, ~zra;88. mim-rauyan > mumuran; I29. zayca > zaca). Also the development of a b after m (I36. zer-zamfn> zerzembi)can be easily explained. But there is a number of cases of dropping or insertion which cannot be explained easily on the phonetical level. In some cases we have to question the correctness of the recording. Unexplained cases of consonant dropping: I05. sdrvdn > arvan. Dropping of initial s does not occur otherwise. The entry is based on a single record. It needs verification. II2. sabas > saba. The form is well attested. Dropping of final g needs clarification. 136. zer-zamin> erzem. The mutilation of the beginning is perhaps due to a tendency to shorten and to dissimilation. Unexplained cases of consonantal addition at word end: 4I. ddna > denem. This development is explainable on the morphophonemic level. 45. dolca > dolcek.Probably, this development, too, can be explained on the morphophonemiclevel. 58. guga > ciicen.

60. xarbanda > harmandal. The development may be due to folketymological influence. II7. tabxxdna > tokanak.

i. dbkand,dukand 'any hollow channel excavated by the rushing of a torrent; a place where water collects and stagnates; a pond' (Steingass, s.v.), from db, dw, du 'water' and the stem form of kandan 'to dig': avkant (Antalya), avgant (Antalya, Konya, Usak), avkan (Rize), avgan (Usak, Kiitahya, Denizli, Balikesir,Aydin, Isparta, Istanbul, Afyon, Kastamonu,

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Andreas Tietze

Ankara) 'channel; underground water pipe; tunnel; water reservoir lined with masonry, cistern' (DD 1.127, I28, AD I.I8).

2. dbrez,durez'a vessel used in baths for pouring water over the head and body; a bucket; a water-pipe, a spout; a drain, a ditch; a watercloset, privy' (Steingass,s.vv.), from db, dw, du 'water' and the stem form of rextan 'to pour': I. abrez (Kars: Aynm urugu) 'watercloset' (DoguIl 231); 2. avruz (Izmir: muhacir), havruz (Amasya), havrtz (Gaziantep), hevriik (Kastamonu) 'chamber-pot' (DD I.I30, 723, AD I.I63, AnadAgiz

233, GazAgzl 3.396). The second type is widely spread and is also known in Istanbul and in the standard language; it occurs as a Turkismin some of the Balkan languages (e.g., Bulgarian, Bosnian). 3. afsar 'headstall' (Steingass, s.v.), 'halter; bridle' (Miller, s.v.), in Kurdish, often with sonorizationof the first consonant, but only recorded with initial aspiration: hefsar,hdvsar,h'dvsar (hevsar)'halter' (Kurdeov 315, Bakaev 413, 424, Farizov s.v. nedouzdok): avsar (Bursa) 'halter'

(DD 1.131). The change from s to ? may be due to folk-etymological influence (influence of the name of the Avshar tribe). 4. afs7n 'an incantation, a fascination, verses used in spells; fraud, deceit' (Steingass, s.v.), Manichaean Mid. Pers. 'pswn "spell, incantation": avszn (Klrsehir, Urfa, Gaziantep) 'the practice of reciting a spell and blowing over a sick person; the practice of pronouncinga spell over a person in order to make him immune against animal poison', with the verbal derivatives avsunlamak(Icel, Nigde), avsmnnamak (Urfa) 'to engage in these practices', and avsunlatmak(Burdur) 'to deceive; to get rid of' (DD I. 131, 4.1618, GazAgzl 3.57, UrfaAgzl 93). Standard Azerbaijani

has the form ovsun (and derivatives), Standard Ottoman afsun. 5. dftdba,dftdva "a water-pot; a ewer; traveller's bottle" (Steingass, s.vv.), from db "water" and tdba "pan": aftafa (Kars: Karakoyunlu urugu), aktafa (Kars) 'water-pot, pitcher, ewer' (DD 1.85, Doguil 3, 231). The first form is identical with Standard Azerbaijani aftafa id. The Iranian loanwordappearsin Turkish already in the IIth century (Atalay: Divanii lugat-it-tiirk dizini s.v. aftabl). 6. afzdr "a tool, an implement" (Haim, s.v.), with variants avzdr, auzdr "tools; spiceries, hot seasonings" (Steingass, s.v.), "a tool" (Haim, s.v.), and abzdr "a tool; spices, seasoning" (Haim, s.v.), Pahl. afcdr "Instrument, Gerat", with Arm. aucan, aucar "Hilfsmittel, Arznei" (Nyberg, s.v. afcdr): avcar (Seyhan, Diyarbekir, Maras,Gaziantep) 'tool; hunting materials like gunpowder, bullets, small shot, cartridges, etc.' (DD 1.126);

avcar (Kayseri, Maras, Gaziantep, Seyhan, Nigde, Kars)

'spices; spices used in the preparation of dried meat (pastzrma);taste, flavor' (DD 1.126, AD 1.17, KaysS6z 7), with the derivatives avcarlamak

Persian Loanwordsin AnatolianTurkish

I33

(Itel) 'to spice (food) in order to prevent corruption' (DD I.I27) and avcarsiz, evcersiz (Nigde) 'rude, unpolished (person), inconsiderate (talker); incoherent (talk)' (DD I.I26 f. s.v. avcar, 127, AnadAgiz 204).

The origin of the Turkish forms is not the standard Persian form afzdr, but a dialectal form *afgdr, *afzdr, which may perhaps be recognized in A?tiyani owzdr "beam (of plough)" (Kiya, Giiyi? i Astiyan io). The relation between the two meanings "tool" and "spices"is not quite clear. 7. dxur "a stall for horses" (Steingass, s.v.), "a manger, a stall" (Haim, s.v.), Pahl. dxvar id. cf. Arm. axur, Kurd. axyl (axil), axoi id. (Kurdoev 4I, Bakaev 14, Farizov s.v. khlev), but Kurdish has also a variant afyi (afir) 'manger' (Jaba-Justi I3, Kurdoev 39, Bakaev 33, Farizov s.v. yasli), cf. Georg. axori 'hay-rack': axor (Kars), axtr (Gaziantep), ahzr (Mugla),afur (Kastamonu, Giresun, Ordu) 'stall for a horse; stable' (DD 1.79, Dogutl I50, 23I, GazAgzl 3.34, AnadAglz 201, KuzeyDogu

43, 305); ahir (Izmir, Bursa: muhacir), afur (Kastamonu, Sinop, Zonguldak) 'manger' (DD 72, 79). The first type ('stall; stable') was as axor, modern ahir, the Standard Ottoman term, whereas the second type ('manger') corresponds to Standard Azerbaijani axur. Because of the interference of the standard word, the listings in dialect dictionaries are quite sketchy. A third semantical type, designating a drinking basin for animals at a fountain (ahzr, agzr, ahur, DD 74, 79, 80, I604) seems to be

a blending of this word with the synonymous axar (ahar,akar DD s.vv.), an aorist derivative of Turk. aq-, ax- 'to flow' (possibly, it is found in Persian as Turkish loanword, see the listing in Steingass). The Iranian loanword is recorded in Turkish in the IIth century (aqur,Atalay: Divanfi lugat-it-tiirk dizini s.v. akur). Ottoman has been a center of diffusion of the word (cf. Arab dxir 'ecurie' DozySuppl I.I; Greek cXo6p,Andriotis 30, HistLex 3.384, I6th c. Moravcsik ByzTurc 2.83; Bulg. Serb. Lokotsch no. 36, etc.) 8. dluica"damson or prunella" (Haim, s.v.), "prunella;mirabelleplum, small plum" (Miller,s.v.), from dli 'plum' with the diminutive suffix -6a: aluf (Elaziz), aluca (Diyarbakir), alfa (Elaziz, Van) 'wild plum; green plum' (DD 1.94, 4.I6I0, GiineyDogu 262, Anadil 218). Standard Azerbaijani has alca. The word is not known in Standard Ottoman.

9. angusta 'a fork for winnowing grain' (Steingass, s.v.), from angu?t 'finger' and the denominal formans -a: engiiste (Tokat) 'tongs' (DD 2.538). Io. araqcin 'a handkerchief, napkin, sudary; a little cap' (Steingass, s.v.), from araq (from Arab. 'araq) 'sweat' and fin, the stem form of fidan 'to gather': arakf9n (Ankara, Malatya, Tokat, Kiitahya, Manisa), arakcmn (Ankara, Erzurum,

Kastamonu,

Sivas),

arahcm (Kayseri),

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AndreasTietze

arapon(Samsun), araccin (Trabzon),rasktn, rasqzn (Ballkesir) 'skullcap, nightcap; skullcap of pink cambric; velvet skullcap with embroidered edges' (DD I.I08, 4.I615,

AD 1.12, 2. 117, AnadDial I.I99, TrabFolk

260); arakzin (Sivas, ?orum, Izmir, Konya, Denizli, Malatya), arahzsn (Kayseri), araccun(Amasya), arask (Kars; perhaps erroneousfor araskin, which would be close to the Standard Azerbaijaniform), erehcin(?orum) 'high ornamentalheadgearworn by the bride at the wedding' (DD 4.I615, AD 1.126, 2.7); arakctn (Afyon) 'richly ornamented scarf worn by the bride' (DD 4.I615); arafkzn (qanakkale) 'loosely woven head scarf' (DD 4.I614); erakcin (Kayseri) 'bridal crown plaited with ears of wheat' (AD 2.54); arak9zn, erakgin (Kayseri) 'bride's wedding dress made of ears of wheat' (KaysSoz 6, 34); arafkzn (Istanbul) 'beret' (DD 4.I614).

Standard Ottoman knew the term araqgzn'a linen cap worn under a turban' (Redhouse, s.v.), which has become obsolete together with the Sache, but Standard Azerbaijani still uses aragein, araSgin 'skullcap' (Hfisejnov, s.vv.). The formation of the Persian word must have been conditioned by the Arabic term (recorded in the IIth century, cf. DozySuppl., s.v.) 'araqiya for several kinds of headgear. II. dsxdna 'a kitchen, a cook's shop' (Steingass, s.v.), from as 'soup, etc.' and xdna 'house': asana (Ordu),asene (Amasya), askana (Erzincan) 'kitchen' (DD 1.122, AD 2.8, KuzeyDogu 307). The word is also used in Standard Ottoman (ashdne)and Standard Azerbaijani (asxdnd). 12. asnd 'a friend, companion, comrade, acquaintance', with the derivative asndi 'friendship, acquaintance' and the phrase dsndi dddan 'to give signs of recognition, to make oneself known to each other as acquaintances,after intercoursehaving been interrupted' (Steingass, s.vv.), Pahl. dsndk:asna (Mus: Terekeme agzl) 'friend, acquaintance' (Anadil 220); asmaltk (Maras,Seyhan), aslantk (Urfa) 'joking, plaisanterie' (DD 4.1618, AD 2.8). The Persian loanword is found in the two literary langu-

ages, Ottoman (dsind)and Azerbaijani (dsnd),and the derivedform dsndi is paralleled by the Turkish derivative in -luk,-lhg. It is likely that the variants with the meaning'joking,plaisanterie'originatefromthe standard language; but this can hardly be assumed for the unsuffixed variant. I3. dvang 'a line on which clothes or bunches of grapes are hung up to dry' (Steingass, s.v.), a derivative of the root of avextan "to hang": hevek(Kayseri, Corum,Ankara, Gaziantep), hevenk(Gaziantep)'bunches of grapes, pears, apples, pomegranates, etc., suspended on a rope or stick to keep them for the winter' (DD 2.723, KaysSoz 44, GazAgzi 3.400). The variant hevenk is used in Standard Ottoman.

The initial aspirationmay be due to a blendingof the word with another

PersianLoanwordsin AnatolianTurkish

I35

Persian loanword, Pers. hdvan'mortar',from which is derived Ott. havan, but also, with blending, Azerb. hdvdng. I4. dvdra 'lost, annihilated; ruined; scattered; destitute of name or character; an exile, outcast, vagabond, vagrant' (Steingass, s.v.): avara (Bolu, Samsun, Seyhan, Manisa, Konya, Zonguldak, Izmir, Kars, Kiitahya, Bilecik, Ankara, Nigde, Klrsehir, Kastamonu, Sinop, Malatya, Gaziantep) 'poor, infertile soil; bad, weak; inactive, idle' (DD 1.126, GazAgzl 3.56). The last meaning, occurring in a saying (cf. GazAgzl 2.I24), may be derived from Standard Ottoman. In Standard Azerbaijani (dvdra,dvdra) and in Standard Ottoman (avdre)the word means 'idle; idler, vagabond'. I5. ayvdn 'a sofa; a portico, open gallery, verandah, balcony on the top of the house, for the benefit of the prospect and fresh air; a palace' (Steingass, s.v.): ayvan (Erzincan, Diyarbekir, Elaziz, Ankara, Itel, Giresun, Erzurum, ?ankir, Rize, Kocaeli, Balikesir, Kars; Sivas: Karapapah agzl), eyvan (Malatya, Elaziz, Van, Corum, Bitlis) 'balcony; roof balcony; flat roof; platform; three-walledhut or room, open on one side; drying loft for fruit, etc.; verandah; hall, military depot' (DD 1.142, 2.567, AD 2.56, SivasTokat 219, GiineyDogu 264, AnadIl 237, 238).

The term, today obsolete, is recorded in older sources of Standard Ottoman. I6. dzana 'a tool for notching millstones' (Steingass, s.v.), a derivative of dSadan, daidan "to prick, pierce, sew": acene (Kayseri), ecene (Sivas,

forum, Ankara, Klrsehir, Ordu, Burdur), ecine (Kayseri) 'tool for cutting a hole in wood or metal; tool for cutting a hole in a scythe for insertion of the handle; tool for punching holes in leather; stonemason's chisel' (DD 1.67, 2.505, AD 1.115, KaysSoz 3,

32).

17. bag 'tribute; toll levied by the road-patrol' (Steingass, s.v.), Old Pers. bdfi- "tribute": pa9 (Afyon, Elazlg, Maras, Gaziantep, Seyhan)

'tax, tribute; share; capital', with the derivative paFcz (Gaziantep), bacszc (Giimishane, Yozgat) 'collector of tax or tribute' (DD 3.1127, 4.1621,

GazAgzl 3.546). The term bdc was common in older Ottoman; it

is obsolete in the modern Standard Ottoman-Turkish,but still used in Standard Azerbaijani. I8. bdyban, bdyvdn 'a gardener; a vine-dresser' (Steingass, s.vv.), from bdy 'garden; vineyard' and -ban, -vdn 'keeper, guardian': bagvan (Van), bagman(Mus:Terekemeagzl; Kars: Ayrm agzl), bagvant(Kayseri), bahmant (Eskisehir), and, with a Turkish suffix, bagvanci (Van), bagmancs

(Kars: Terekeme agzl) 'gardener;keeper of a vineyard; vineyard guard' (DD I.I55, 4.1622, Dogull 1.233, Anadtl 221). The variant bagman (Giresun) 'garden; kitchengarden' (DD 4.1622, KuzeyDogu 307) can be

Andreas Tietze

I36

explained as derived from the overcharacterizedvariant in -cz. Standard Azerbaijani has bdybdn 'gardener'; this form was also used in older literary Ottoman. For the development of the final -t in some variants, we can point to a Standard Ottoman parallel: pazvant 'watchman',from Pers. pdsbdn, pasvdn id. 19. bdrddn'a large wallet; a cloak-bag, a portmanteau, etc.' (Steingass, s.v.), from bar 'burden, load, baggage, pack' and -ddn 'container of': bardan (Erzurum) 'large sack of goat's hair, for carrying straw' (DD 1.165).

Standard Azerbaijani bcrddnis glossed as 'large sack for fibrous raw materials like cotton, wool, silk, etc.' 20. barga "something suggestive of a leaf", barga i zarddlu, hulii "dried apricots, or peaches, cut in lobes" (Haim, s.v.), from barg "leaf" and the suffix -a: berge(Sivas, Afyon, Amasya, Malatya), berke(Erzurum) 'apricot; wild apricot (zerdali)' (DD I.I92, I93, SivasTokat

220),

with

the compound bergefiri (Sivas) 'dried apricot' (SivasTokat 220); berge (Sivas) 'peach' (DD I.192). Apricots are preserved and marketed in dried form, thus the term for the dry fruit can easily become a Wanderwort. For a parallel, compare Russian orjuk, urjuk 'dried apricot', a Turkic loanword (Kirg. iriik, Uzb. urik, Bashk. orok, KazanTat. orek, etc.), or English raisin, from French raisin 'grape'. 21. bel 'a shovel, spade' (Steingass, s.v.): bel (Kayseri, Gaziantep; Anatolia), bil (Ankara), mel (Ordu) 'spade; gardener's pickaxe; narrow hoe' (DD 3.1048, AD

1.3I,

KaysS6z

ii,

GazAgzl 3.86), with the compound

otbeli (Konya) 'shovel for ashes' (DD 4.1701), the expression bel depmek (Gaziantep) 'to work over with a spade' (GazAgzl3.86), and the derivative bellemek(Gaziantep) 'to dig over with a spade' (GazAgzl3.88). The variant bel is used in Standard Azerbaijani and Standard Ottoman. 22. belca 'small shovel, small spade', from bel 'shovel, spade' and the diminutive suffix -ca: belfe(recordedin Antalya, from a native of Kerkiik) 'shovel' (DD I.I84).

boy 'odour, fragrance, perfume; scent, spice' (Steingass, s.v.), cf. boy-afzdr, bozdr "spice, seasoning" (Steingass, s.v.): boy (Bursa, Icel, Giresun, ;orum, Maras, Isparta, Giimiisane, Kayseri), poy (Tekirdag; Istanbul: muhacir) 'a preparation of ground cumin seeds and other spices, used as coating for meat preserve (pasttrma);cumin seeds' (DD 23.

1.220,

3.162,

KaysS6z I3).

24. eddar 'a tent, pavilion; a mantle, scarf; a veil; a sheet; a shroud, winding-sheet; a table-cloth' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. cdtur, Astiyani eddera (Kiya 42): fadzr (Malatya, Teke) 'tent', (Malatya, Sivas) 'sheet

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I37

(as woman's outer garment, or bed sheet)', (Edirne, Izmir, Teke) 'umbrella' (DD 4.I640,

AD 1.6I, SivasTokat 223), with the compounds

fadzrbezi (Zonguldak) 'cambric', and fadsretegi (Ankara) 'rain cloud covering the whole sky' (DD 4.I640). Standard Azerbaijaniand Standard Ottoman have the meaning 'tent'; therefore the dialect dictionaries do not reflect the full distribution of this meaning. Another type belonging to the same root is attested by Standard AzerbaijaniCadra,Kurd. cadrd(Bakaev 437), Russ. cadra, etc., 'woman's outer garment', which is also dialectically recorded in Anatolia: fadira (Manisa) id. (DD 1.29I).

'a well, pit' (Steingass, s.v.), also Kurd. cah (fah) 'pit; well' 25. Cdah (Kurdoev 148): fah (Erzincan, Giimiisane, Samsun, Malatya), faha (Kastamonu), farh (Elazlg, Istanbul), Fag (Konya, Giresun, Elazlg, ;anakkale, Kayseri, Ankara, Bursa, Sivas, Afyon, Tokat, Klrsehir, Kastamonu), cag (Nigde, Konya, Zonguldak, Tokat, Canakkale, Ordu, Amasya, Kars, (orum, Bursa, Elazlg), cak (Kayseri), cal (Erzurum), fal (Van), falh (Erzincan), fan (Malatya), with the derivatives fagltk (Amasya, Ankara, Cankin, Eskisehir, Bursa, Giresun, Kastamonu, Samsun), falsk (Bursa), 'kitchen sink with water tap, drain, and sewer or cesspool, or any part of this installation; installation for washing hands and face; washroom (gusiilhane) with floor drain' (DD 1.244, 245, 29I, 292, 293, 296, 30I, 306, 4.I64I, I642, AD 1.49, 6i, 66, KaysS6z I9),

also in the compounds fagevi (Nigde), faghlkbucags(?ankin) 'washroom (gusiilhane)'(Ad 1.6I). The washroom for complete ablution (in Turkish gusiil) is required in every Muslim household. It is, furthermore,customary to gather the water from the kitchen sink and the water from the toilet in two separate cesspools in order to protect remnants of bread (which is venerated as God's gift) against defilement. The variants with I have to be connected with Pers. cdl, dala,cdli "pit, hollow" (Haim, s.vv.), Kurd. c'al (cal) 'pit' (Kurdoev 148).

26. cambar 'a kerchief, collar, necklace' (Steingass, s.v.): ,ember (Trabzon, Gaziantep, Kastamonu, Ankara, Edirne, Seyhan, Sinop, Kocaeli, Konya, Ballkesir, Bilecik, Manisa, 1eel, Istanbul, Amasya, Izmir, Rize), 9omber(Trabzon),cember(Isparta, Ordu, ?ankir, Antalya, Kiitahya, ?anakkale, Ankara, Icel, forum), cenber (Ankara, Bolu, Seyhan), felber (Avsar dialect) 'headkerchief, scarf' (DD 1.252, 321, AD I.70,GazAgzl 3.I53, KuzeyDogu 314).

Possibly, another type has to be connected with this one: fanpzr (Mugla)'head scarf made of white material (hiimayun)'(DD 4.I643), with fampzr (Kiitahya), fanpur (Konya), sampszr(Sivas) 'cambric' (DD I.30I,

I38

Andreas Tietze

303, 3.1273). However, the unvoiced labial stop and the vowel are hard

to explain. 27. -ang 'the expanded hand, the fingers somewhat hooked; the claw of a wild beast; talon of a bird' (Steingass, s.v.), also Kurd. cdng, cdtng (geng) 'paw' (Kurdoev 158, Bakaev 447): Fenge(Bitlis) 'paw', (recorded in Istanbul from a native of Kerkiik) 'the open hand, the palm' (DD 1.324).

The type belongs to Standard Azerbaijani c'ngd 'the open hand with the five fingers'. 28. caprdst, caprds 'a silk button; a buckle, breastplate, badge; unsteadiness (a turning from left to right and vice versa)' (Steingass, s.v.), from cap 'left' and rdst 'right' with Kurd. capraz (9apraz) 'iron breast-plate' (Kurdoev I50): Fapras (Amasya), Fapraz, Farpaz (Sivas) 'hook or buckle in front of dress; silver ornament in front of dress' (DD 4.1643, SivasTokat 69, 224); Farpaz (Tunceli, Van, Bitlis; Mus:

Terekeme agzl) 'crosswise, transversal, diagonal' (GiineyDogu 270, Anadll 228); Fapras(Gaziantep), 9arpaz (Konya) 'a horse's having white socks on the right front leg and the left hind leg, or vice versa' (DD 4.1643, AD I.66); Farpaz(Istanbul) 'screw for tightening smith's pliers' (AD 1.66); parpaz (Kayseri) 'mixture of rye and wheat' (AD I.66); 9apraz (Ankara) 'snow mixed with rain' (DD 1.305), with the expressions ala9aprak (Diyarbekir),alaFarpak(Van) id. (DD 1.88). Standard Ottoman

has Fapraz'waistcoat fastened by frogs; crossing, crosswise'; therefore, the recordingsin the dialect dictionaries are incomplete. 29. carb 'fat, greasy', Pahl. carp: cerp (Isparta) 'layer of grease on bouillon' (DD 4.1632). 30. carx 'wheel; spinning-wheel', Avest. caxra-: park (Izmir, Antalya) 'winding-wheel' (DD 1.306). Since the word is a common loanword

(Standard Azerb. carx, Standard Ottoman Fark),the dialect dictionaries do not reflect its distribution. 3I. cdrpdddr, cdrvdddr 'a carrier; a muleteer; a driver of beasts of

burden; a sumpter' (Haim, s.vv.), from cdrpd 'quadruped' (cdr, cahdr 'four' and pd 'foot') and -ddr 'having, possessing'; also Kurd. carvadar (9arvedar) 'groom' (Kurdoev 151): Falpatur (Kars) 'leader of a caravan, muleteer' (DD I.299). Standard Azerbaijani has carvadar 'keeper of

pack-animals'. 32. cdryak 'one fourth; a quarter', cdrak 'a quarter' (Haim, s.vv.), from car, cahdr 'four' and yak 'one': Ferik (?orum, Giresun, Nigde, Erzincan, Giimiisane) 'a measure for grain, equalling 4 okkas; a measure for grain equalling 24 okkas; a measure for grain, equalling 60 okkas; a measure for grain, equalling one sinik (i.e., a quarter bushel); oo00

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I39

dirhems; 50 dirhems' (DD 4.I646). The 'quarter', Standard Azerb. 6drdk, Standard Ottoman Geyrek,is a general loanword applying to various matters. 33. aslma'a fountain, source, spring', from caSm 'eye' and the suffix -a, with the Kurdish variant &eSma(,esme) 'toilet, privy' (Kurdoev I65): fesme (Gaziantep)'toilet, privy' (GazAgzl3.I56); tesme (Izmir) 'fountain, spring' (DD 3.1348). The form with initial t-, perhaps to be explained as dissimilation, is also found in Syrian Arabic tasme 'latrines' (Barthelemy 85), where it is a loanword from Turkish. 34. 6atr 'an umbrella, parasol', Sanskrit chattra-'parasol', with Kurd. Cdtyr(fetir) id. (Kurdoev 162): getir (Kars: Terekeme agzl) 'umbrella' (DD 1.329, DoguIl 239). The variant belongs to the area of Standard

Azerbaijani cditirid. 35. caugdn "a stick with one end bent, used in a game at ball; the game of polo or horse-shinty; a crooked drum-stick; a stick having one end arched, to which is suspended an iron or steel ball, carried as an ensign of royalty" (Steingass, s.v.), with an arabicized variant gaukdn (Steingass), Pahl. C6pakdn"polo-stick; the game of polo", a derivative of cob "wood; stick", with Kurd. cidwgan(9ewgan),cogan (Fogan)'stick; crutch; the game of polo' (Kurdoev 162, 172) and Armenian googan 'stick, crook': cogen ((orum), ,ogen (Urfa), o-gen(Kastamonu, Antalya, Diyarbaklr, Konya, Urfa, Erzincan, Ankara, Malatya, Gaziantep, Giimiisane), 0oggen(Konya), oiven (Gaziantep) 'stick, cane, shepherd's crook; hooked stick for bending down high branches; yoke for carrying water pails' (DD 1.285, 375, AD 1.83, GazAgzl 3.I75, UrfaAgzi I03). The Persian loanword is found as fevgdn in older literary Ottoman

sources as the term for 'polo-stick'. 36. cirdy 'a lamp; light; the wick of a candle' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. c'yra (9ira), c'yray (Firax) 'lamp' (Kurdoev I69, Bakaev 451): fzrag (Denizli), ,ira (Bahkesir), p,ra (Gaziantep, Kayseri, Klrsehir, Ankara, Seyhan, Konya, Kastamonu) 'oil or kerosene lamp; light' (DD 1.340, KaysSoz 23, AnadDial I.I60, I6I, GazAgzl 3.I61), with the com-

pound foban tzrasz(Istanbul) 'asparagus', (Tokat) 'a certain plant used as firewood' (DD 4.1650) and the derivatives 9iralk (Konya) 'lampstand', (;orum) 'small metal kerosene lamp' (DD 4.1648) and ,zralamak (Izmir) 'to light (a fire)' (DD 4.I648). Standard Azerbaijani has cirdg 'lamp', whereas Standard Ottoman 9tra has the meaning 'resinouswood for kindling a fire'. The Standard Ottoman doublet 9zrakmeans 'apprentice'. 37. cirdypd 'foot of a lamp; portable lamp; candle-stick' (Steingass, s.v.), from cirdy 'lamp' and pd 'foot', with Kurd. c'yrap'e (firape) 'lamp-

I40

Andreas Tietze

stand' (Kurdoev I69): Fzrakpa (Bitlis), szrappa (Klrsehir), fzrakma (Ankara,Kayseri, KlrSehir,?anakkale, Nigde, Bolu, Gaziantep), firahma (Bursa, Bolu, Nigde, Ankara, Giresun, (Klrsehir,Nigde, Bolu), zarakman Kocaeli, Sivas, Bilecik, Mugla, Yozgat, Samsun) 'lampstand; candlestick' (DD 4.1647, 1648, AD 1.75, GazAgzl 3.161; ilustrations in Alaca-

Hoyiik, pl. VII no. 38, pl. IX no. 64); firappa (Konya), fzraxpa (Van), zarapna(Izmir), ztrakma(t9el, Konya, Manisa, Klrsehir, Aydin, Izmir, Kayseri), szrakla(Yozgat), zsrakman(Kayseri, Balikesir) 'small oil or kerosene lamp' (DD 1.340, 357, 4.1647, 1648, AD 2.34, KaysSoz 23, Anadtl 229); firakma (Istanbul: muhacir), ,zrakman (Edirne), 9zrak

(Isparta) 'saddler'sor tanner's tripod; tripod for shoeing oxen or waterbuffaloes' (DD 1.340, 4.1648); frakma (Istanbul?) 'minaret' (DD 4.1647);

qzrakman(?anakkale, Edirne) 'pile of sesame sheaves' (DD 4.1648); zsrakman (Ankara) 'waterfall' (DD 1.340, 4.1648); zarahba (Giimiisane),

Vtrahma (Klrsehir), fzrakman (tIel; Istanbul: muhacir) 'boys' game consisting of landing a spool in a hole by hitting it with sticks' (DD 1.340); zrakman (Ankara) 'apprentice' (AD 1.75 f.). The last-mentioned variant has to be associated with Standard Ottoman 9zrak'apprentice', which derives from Persian cirdy 'client, dependent'. The semantical development underlying the types designating 'waterfall'and the boys' game is not clear. Among the fishermenof Istanbul, the term fzrakmanis used for 'beaconlighted to attract fish by night'. A problem is posed by the widely distributed variant ending in -n: Are we here confronted with an internal Turkish development? Or do these etyma go back to another Persian etymon? Standard Azerbaijani has crdaybdn'illunlination', obviously a loanword from Persian (from which word?), but semantically remote. Persian cirdybdna'lamp-stand; candle stick' fits semantically, but not in form. (The isolated variant ;zrabana 'fire-place', from Istanbul: muhacir, quoted in DD 1.340, can hardly be connected with it). It, therefore, seems safer to assume a Turkish development. 38. cob 'a log; wood; a tree; a staff, rod, baton, stick; a drum-stick, etc.' (Steingass, s.v.): oop(Izmir), cop (Anatolia), cob (SouthernAnatolia, Bolu, Afyon, Ankara, Klrsehir) 'thick stick with knob' (DD 1.283, 369,

AD I.58); cop (?anakkale) 'woodenpeg which holds the parts of a wheel's felloe together' (DD 1.285); cob dikmek (Southern Anatolia) 'a game in which sticks are thrust into soft ground or mud' (AD I.59). Modern Standard Ottoman has cop 'truncheon, policeman's baton'. The voicedness of the majority of variants requiresclarification. Perhaps, an intermediary language has to be assumed for the borrowing, e.g., Armenian t'sub 'stick'.

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I4I

39. dahra, ddra 'scythe, sickle; reaping-sickle; a pruning-hook; a farrier's instrument for paring horses' hoofs; a small two-edged, sickleformed, sharp dagger' (Steingass, s.vv.), with Kurd. dehre'spade' (JabaJusti, s.v.): dehre(Amasya, Karak6se, Giresun,ElAzig,Malatya, Giimiisane, Van, Urfa), derhe (Malatya), dehle (Ankara), dahra (Konya, Ankara, Kayseri, Nigde, Corum, Amasya, gankin, Tokat, Gaziantep, Maras, Kirsehir), darha (Ankara),tahra (Ankara,Denizli, Tokat, Konya, Aydin, Izmir, Tekirdag, Trabzon, Bursa, Kiitahya, Kastamonu, Zonguldak, I9el, Afyon, Eskisehir, Istanbul, Rize, Bilecik, ?oruh, Isparta; Manisa: muhacir; Bahkesir: muhacir), tahara (Trabzon), tara (Aydin, Balkesir, ?anakkale, Izmir, Manisa, Mugla; Istanbul: muhacir) 'sicklelike tool

with handle, used for pruning trees or vines, cutting fire-wood, etc.' (DD 1.394, 404, 412, 420, 3.I300, 1315, AD 1.89, 364, AnadDial 1.205, GiineyDogu 272, GazAgzl 3.181, TrabFolk 294, UrfaAgzi I05); tahra (Zonguldak) 'reaping-sickle' (DD 3.I300, AD 1.364); dehre (Erzincan,

Sivas), dahra (Ankara, Gaziantep, Malatya), tahra (Konya, Ankara) 'butcher's knife; iron tool for breaking bones; tool for pounding meat' (DD 1.394, 412, 3.I300); tare (Eskisehir) 'stone-mason's tool shaped like a butcher's knife' (AnadIl 279).

Standard Azerbaijani has ddhrd 'chopping-knife,cleaver'. In modern Standard Ottoman the type does not exist, but it is recorded as dahra, tahra 'pruning-sickle' in sources of the XVI-XVIIIth centuries (cf. TTS, vols. 2-4, s.vv.).

40. ddn 'grain', also Kurd. dan 'grain' (collectively) (Jaba-Justi 172, Kurdoev I80): den (Siirt) 'wheat cleaned of the bran', (Erzincan) 'seeds

of vetch', (Karak6se) 'grains (of maize, pomegranate, etc.)', (Giimiisane) 'bread crumbs, remnants of food' (DD 1.416). Standard Azerbaijani has dan 'grain'; in Standard Ottoman the type is missing. 4I. ddna 'grain; a berry; stone of fruit, seed of grain or fruit', (Steingass, s.v.), also "piece (counting word)", from ddn 'grain' and -a: ddnd (Balikesir, Isparta, Afyon), dene (Giimiisane, Sinop, Gaziantep, Ankara,

Konya), ddni (Denizli), tdnd (Manisa), tene (Gaziantep, i9el, Urfa; Southern Anatolia), denem (Mugla) 'grain, seed; berry; piece (counting word)' (DD 1.416, 3I.339, AD 1.376, AnadDial I.I63, GazAgzl 3.663, UrfaAgzl 136, GiineyBatl I07, 122), with many derivatives and com-

pounds. The distribution of this general loanword is not fully reflected in the dialect dictionaries (StandardAzerbaijaniddnd,Standard Ottoman ddne, tdne). 42. darz 'a joint, the joining of the skull, a suture, a seam; a rent in a garment which has been sewed up' (Steingass, s.v.), "a crevice, an interstice" (Haim, s.v.), also Kurd. ddrz (derz) 'split, rift, flaw; scratch;

I42

Andreas Tietze

scar, seam' (Kurdoev 197): derz (Kayseri) 'crevice between two rocks', (Konya) 'fissure between bricks, etc.', (Tokat) 'layer of mortar between stones or bricks' (DD 1.421).

43. dastdr 'the sash of fine muslin cloth wrapped round the turban; a handkerchief,napkin; a towel; an apron' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. ddstar (destar)'white scarf wound around the head by men' (Kurdoev I93): dastar (Tokat, Giresun, Sivas, Erzurum, Samsun, Kars, Denizli, Konya, Aydin, Amasya) 'head scarf; table napkin; napkin for covering food or dough; thin woolen rug, blanket, or curtain' (DD 1.405, 4.I653),

with the compounds dasdar kilim (Giresun) 'kind of rug' (KuzeyDogu 314) and bas dastarz (Isparta) 'woman's head scarf' (DD 4.1625).

44. ddya 'a nurse, foster-mother; a midwife' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. ddyak: taya (Sivas) 'wet-nurse' (DD 1.1325

f.), with the derivative

tayada? (Ankara, Giimiisane, Maras, Konya, Itel, Klrsehir, Kayseri, Sivas, Urfa, Bahkesir, Adana) 'coetaneous, coeval, equal, peer, companion' (DD 1.1326).

Standard Azerbaijani has taya 'wet-nurse'. In Ottoman, the term ddye is restricted to the older literary language. The voiceless initial is found in some north-western Iranian dialects, Gilaki tdye (Sootoodeh, Farhang i gilaki 49), Astiyani tdyya (Kiya, Gfiyisi Astiyan 26). 45. dolca 'a leathern bucket' (Steingass, s.v.), from dol (from Syr. daula) and the diminutive suffix -ca: dolca (Kars, Bursa, ?ankin), dulFe (Erzurum) 'scoop, dipper; drinking-mug' (DD 1.455, 472); dolcek

'well-bucket' (DD 1.464). Standard Azerbaijani has dolca 'jug; large milk-pail'. Cf. Georg. tolca 'pitcher, jug'. 46. dirbin 'far-sighted; a telescope', from dir 'far' and the verbal element -bin 'seeing': diilbiin (Sivas), diildiil (Antalya, Malatya; Southern Anatolia; Ankara: Tiirkmenler) 'telescope' (DD 1.482, AD 1.112, SivasTokat 229). Older Ottoman and Standard Azerbaijani have the form dirbin, modern Standard Ottoman diirbiin.In the meaning 'farsighted', the Persian word is old: as a term for 'telescope' it may be an Ottoman creation; it occurs in Ottoman sources of the I7th century. Since the modern term is of common usage, the dialect dictionaries do not reflect the distribution of the type. 47. firomdnda 'broken, weak, fatigued, tired, dejected, depressed, oppressed; helpless; without relief; bewildered, amazed; defective' (Steingass, s.v.), from firo 'down, downward' and mdnda, participle of the verb mdndan 'to remain; to be fatigued': fermana (Sivas) 'weak' (DD 2.574). The immediate source is probably literary Ottoman fiirymdnde'exhausted'.

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I43

48. ganduma 'a kind of grain deprived of the husk' (Steingass, s.v.), "gruau de froment ou semoule" (Desmaisons,s.v.), from gandum'wheat' and the individualizing suffix -a: kendime(Kars) 'brokengrains of pounded wheat (bulgur)'(DD 4.1686). 49. gazanda 'biting, stinging; injurious, hurtful; venomous, noxious; a venomous reptile or reptiles' (Steingass, s.v.), 'a biting creature, a stinger' (Haim, s.v.), active participle of the verb gazzdan 'to bite; to sting': gezente (Edirne, Ankara; Southern Anatolia), gezenti (Tekirdag; Edirne: muhacir), kezenti (Denizli) 'pest, an insect infesting vegetables, melon plants, and in particular broad-beans; person who moves around too much' (DD 2.624, 893, AD I.I44). The last-mentioned meaning is a folk-etymological interpretation associating the word with the Turkish verb stem gez- 'to wander around'. 50. gazangubzn(and gazangu, Steingass, Vullers) "manna", from gaz "tamarisk" and angubin "honey": I. gezengevi(Elazig, Diyarbaklr, Mardin)', II. gezengi (Elazig), gezen (tIel) 'manna' (DD 2.624). 5I. girau 'a wager, stake, bet; a pledge, pawn, deposit, earnest; a contract' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. grav, cf. girau dddan "to put in pledge, to pawn" (Miller, s.v.), with Kurd. gyrav (girav), gyrev (girev) 'pawn' (Kurdoev 282, 283, Bakaev io6): girav (Malatya) in the expression girava vermek'to pawn, to mortgage' (DD 2.638). Standard Azerbaijanihas girov 'pawn'. 52. girda 'a kind of round cake, but not thin' (Steingass, s.v.), also "a loaf" (Haim, s.v.), from gird 'round; circle' and the suffix of concretization -a: girde (Konya), kirde (Kiitahya) 'a kind of bread; a kind of bread; a kind of unleavened cake with poppy-seeds or cheese' (DD 2.638, 4. I692).

Standard Azerbaijani has girda 'round', but the term for 'kind of round cake' is found in Anatolian literary sources of the I4th-I8th centuries (cf. TTS, vols. I-4, s.v. kirde). 53. guman 'doubt, suspicion, surmise; opinion, fancy, supposition, imagination; conceit, pride, haughtiness' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. guman, with Kurd. goman, gumnan'hope, faith; opinion; thought; doubt' (Kurdoev 292, Bakaev Ioo): guman (Ankara, Zonguldak, Klrsehir, Kayseri, Trabzon), guman (Trabzon, Ankara), giiman (Adana, Mara,, Van; Eastern Anatolian nomads), giimen (Seyhan, Ankara, Denizli, ICel, Antalya, Urfa, Sivas; Eastern Anatolian nomads), kuman (Ordu), iimmen (Manisa) 'hope, illusion; thought, opinion, guess; surmise, suspicion' (DD 2.685, 759, AD I.I53, 2.65, 66, SivasTokat 240, OrtaAnad 242,

GiineyDogu 287, DoguIl 255, KuzeyDogu 333, AnadIl 250, TrabFolk 62, 272). The type, which in the form giimdn occurs in the two standard

I44

AndreasTietze

languages, is not very common in Standard Ottoman, for which reason it is not overlooked by the dialect dictionaries. 54. gina 'colour; species; form, figure, external appearance, mode, manner, kind' (Steingass, s.v.), from gun 'colour, form manner, etc.' and -a: gone (Tekirdag?) 'color; kind, quality' (DD 2.659). 55. gunda "a lump of dough" (Steingass, s.v.), with a variant yunda id., Pahl. gund(ak)id., Arm. gund, gundak "sphere, ball", Avest. gunda"Mehlteig, Teigballen" (Bartholomae, Altir. Worterbuch 525): kiinde (Afyon, Kars, Kerkiik), kiint (Van, Erzurum, Erzincan, Bitlis, Kayseri, Ankara, Kars) 'lump of dough ready to be baked into one loaf; potter's clay' (DD 2.1008, IOIO, AD 1.259, KaysSoz 63, Dogutl 264); kunt (Giimiisane,Erzurum) 'lump of dough for the preparation of flat bread' (DD 2.993). To this belongs Standard Azerbaijani kiindd 'lump of dough'.

56. gung 'dumb; one who converses by signs; stupid' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. gung, with Kurd. kung 'mute' (JabaJusti 344): kiink (Denizli) 'tongue-tied; having a poor memory, unintelligent (child)' (DD 2.oo009). 57. yalladdn' a granary', from yalla, borrowed from Arabic, 'corn, grain' and the element -dan 'container of': kaladan (Samsun, Sinop), kaldan (Samsun) 'small storage unit within a granary' (DD 2.815, 4.1672, AD I.I96, I97).

58. gugia 'a chicken, a poult' (Steingass, s.v.): ciice (Samsun, Sivas, ?orum) 'chicken' (DD 4.I639). To this type, possibly, also belongs ciicen (Giresun, Ordu) 'chick' (DD 4.1639). Standard Azerbaijani has giidg 'chick'. 59. harifdna 'in a companionablemanner', from harzf,borrowedfrom Arabic, 'associate, companion, mess-mate' and the suffix -ana, an action modifier: harfene (Gaziantep), herfene (Kars, Erzurum, Isparta, Kayseri, Sivas), halfene (Gaziantep),ferfene (Karak6se, ?anki, Ankara, Kayseri), felfana (Nigde), erfane ((ankir), erfene (Tiirkmenagzl), dlfdnd (Antalya, Isparta) 'a feast or picnic where each participant contributes his share' (DD 4.I665, AD I.I35, 2.54, 70, KaysS6z 35, GazAgzl 3.384, 390, AnadDial 1.167, 2.146, OrtaAnad 236). The Literary Ottoman term is herifdne,but already Meninski (I680, vol. 2, p. 3198) lists variants: 'drifdne, zrfdne, refene 'Zech, Urte, einem

jeden seine Portion'. The modernstandardform is drifdne.The loanword seems to have entered Anatolian Turkish through Standard Ottoman. 60. xarbanda 'an ass-owner, muleteer' (Steingass, s.v.): harmanda (Seyhan, Gaziantep, Maras), harmandal (Adana) 'servant who looks after someone's pack-animals; caravan-leader's assistant; servant, groom' (DD 2.706, GazAgZi 3.39I).

6I. xarsang 'a large rough stone; heaps of gravel (rendering a road

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I45

disagreeable to travel on); obstacle, stumbling-block' (Steingass, s.v.), from xar 'ass' and sang 'stone': hersek(?anakkale) 'stony country, stony field' (DD 2.722). The Turkish recordis isolated, thereforethe etymology has to be regarded as tentative in spite of the good phonological and semantical agreement. 62. xdcdk 'chips, leaves, sprigs, shoots, suckers, young grass, small bits of wood, shavings, parings, or refuse of any kind; also dust, motes, straws, or anything similar which gets into the eye or liquors; rubbish, siftings' (Steingass, s.v.), a derivative of xds 'rubbish, chips, etc.': hasak (Bursa: muhacir) 'rubbish, chips, crumbs, filth mixed with dirt and dust' (DD 2.707).

There is only this single record for the Anatolian variant, and we are not told where the immigrant (muhacir)had come from. 63. xaygina, xagina 'a fried egg' (Steingass, s.v.), 'scrambled eggs, also omelet' (Haim, s.v.), a derivative of xdya "egg": kaygmna(Denizli), kaygana (Adana, Izmir; Tiirkmen agzl; Avsar agzl), gaygana (Gaziantep) 'dessert consisting of a kind of bread or cake soaked in syrup' (DD GazAgzi 3.309), with the diminutive derivative kayganaczk(Sivas) 'a kind of beets' (DD 4.I683). 2.856, AD

1.212,

The variants with -a- as second vowel are widely spread; the variant kaygana is known in Istanbul as 'omelette'. Standard Azerbaijani has gayyanag 'fried eggs'. 64. xist 'a javelin, dart, spear, halberd, pole-axe' (Steingass, s.v.), Old. Pers. arsti-, with Kurd. xyst (xist) 'wedge, blade; bayonet; javelin; mace' (Kurdoev 373), Georg. xigti 'bayonet': xzst (Malatya), hzst (Erzincan, Kars), hist (Erzincan) 'dagger; iron rod with sharp point (especially, the kind used by dervishes for self-infliction of wounds); fishingspear' (DD 2.733, 737, AD I.I70).

65. xiStak "a gusset" (Steingass, s.v.), also "seat (of trousers)" (Haim, s.v.), from xist "brick" and the diminutive suffix -ak, compare xigti "shaped like a brick or lozenge; diamond-shaped" (Haim, s.v.): hzstek (Malatya, Kars), histek (Elazlg, Urfa) 'gusset, triangular piece sewn in the armpit of a garment; arm-pit; field of trapezoidal shape' (DD 2.733, 737). 66. xwdnca, xunca "a small table, like a tea-board; a tray; meats sent from a marriage feast to an absent friend" (Steingass, s.v. xunca) from xwdn "a table, covered table, and the meat upon it; a spacious tray" (Steingass, s.v.) and the diminutive suffix -ca; with Kurd. xunc'd (xunfe) 'cup, bowl; tray' (Kurdoev 381), Georg. xonca 'wooden tray': honfa (Samsun, Bursa, Tokat, ?orum, Bitlis, Yozgat, Klrsehir, Kayseri, Konya, Ankara), hanfa (Kayseri), hunfa (Kars, Van), gonfa (Isparta), Oriens 20

Io

I46

Andreas Tietze

honca (Kayseri) 'food sent as a gift to the house of the bride; wedding presents brought by those invited; food sent as gift from the bride's house to the groom'shouse; tidbits offered to bride and groom; ceremony of betrothal; things secretly sent by the wife to her mother's house; present, award; award given for good tidings; food or present given by the owner to the shepherd when he announces the birth of a lamb or other animal' (DD 2.644, 700, 742, 757, KaysSoz 46); hon9a (Malatya)

'dried fruits', (Klrsehir, Nigde) 'round table used for the preparation of dough, and occasionally for eating', (Istanbul) 'a dish consisting of roasted chicken and bread' (DD 2.742, AD 2.72).

67. ispanddn, sipanddn "the seed of the wild rue; mustard; nasturtium" (Steingass, s.vv.), with variants asbatdn,istabdn "seed of the wild rue" (Steingass, s.vv.), ispatdn "graine de moutarde" (Desmaisons, s.v.), istibdn "semence de rue sauvage" (Desmaisons, s.v., after Johnson and Su'iri), a derivative of ispand "wild rue"; the variants asbatdn,istabdn, etc., seem to be turkicized forms of ispanddn: ispatan (Denizli), zspatan (Maras, Hatay, Seyhan), zstapan (Qankmr)'the wild mustard plant; wild cress' (DD 2.776, 798). 68. iskina 'bread crumbled into broth' (Steingass, s.v.), Manichaean Mid. Pers. 'skng: iskene (Diyarbaklr, Elazlg) 'broth; bread soaked in broth', with the derivative iskeneli (Elazlg) 'containing much broth or gravy (food)' (DD 2.799).

69. kdbin 'matrimony,or rather the ratification of it before the judge; a marriage-portionor settlement which a husband is obliged to pay to his wife if he divorces her without sufficient cause' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. kdpen, with Kurd. kdbin (JabaJusti, s.v.) and Georg. k'ebini 'marriagemoney': kebin (Gaziantep), kepin (Mus), kevin (Kayseri) 'wedding ceremony' (DD 2.863, 879, OrtaAnad 249). Standard Azerbaijani has kdbin 'wedding ceremony'; in Literary Ottoman kdbinis 'bride-money'(recordsof kebin 'bride-money;marriage ceremony' from sources of the I4th to I6th centuries are found in TTS 1.440, 3.429).

70. kafs 'a shoe, sandal, slipper, high-heeled and shod with iron' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. kafs, with Kurd. k'dws (kews)id. (Kurdoev 435): kevis (I1el) 'boot, shoe' (DD 4.I690). Perhaps, the Kurdish variant is the immediate source of the Turkish variant. 7I. kafsgar,kausgar'shoemaker',from kaf? 'boot' and -gar 'maker of': kosker(Antalya, Amasya, Isparta, Kayseri,Ankara, Nigde, Afyon, Maras, Seyhan, Qankirl,Klrsehir,Izmir, Konya, Gaziantep,Tokat, Sivat) 'shoemaker, cobbler', with the derivatives k6skerce(Maras)'a shoe resembling a slipper' and, with over-characterization,koskiircii(Burdur) 'cobbler',

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I47

and the compounds koskerignesi (Maras) 'shoemaker'sawl' and kosker (or kosiger)tavass 'a cold dish made of creamed yoghurt, bread, garlic, and mint powder' (DD 4.I697, AD 1.25I, 2.97, KaysSoz 62, GiineyDogu 294, GazAgzl 3.465).

72. kag, kaz 'coarse silk of little value' (Steingass, s.vv.), Pahl. kaG with Kurd. kaz (kej) 'raw silk' (Kurdoev 424); also, Pers. kag' 'raw silk from the cones' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. kdzi 'band, ribbon' (JabaJusti 333): keci (Erzurum, Urfa, Konya) 'silk; silk shirting' (DD 2.862, UrfaAgzl II6); kec (Van), keci (Manisa, Ankara) 'thread, yarn; string' (DD 2.863, AD 1.215); kec (Malatya), keci (Gaziantep, Hatay; Southern Anatolia) 'silkworm; cocoon' (DD 2.863, AD 1.215, GazAgzl 3.440 f.).

73. kagaba, kagava, kazdba,kazdva 'a camel-litter for women' (Steingass, s.vv.), with Kurd. kdzavd(kejave)id. (Kurdoev424): kecaba(Kars), kejova(Kars: Terekeme agzl), kejava (Sivas: Terekeme agzl) 'litter; litter in which the bride is carriedto her husband's house' (DD 2.863, Dogull 28, 263, SivasTokat 249).

74. kapca, kabca, kafca 'a ladle, skimmer' (Steingass, s.vv.), from kafc id. and -a, Pahl. kapcak, cf. Kurd. kdvc'i (kev9i),kdfc'i (keffi) id. (Kurdoev 423, 432, Bakaev I89): kepFe (Bursa, Istanbul, Ballkesir,

Edirne, Bolu, Canakkale) 'share-beam (of a plough)'; (Ankara) 'a part of the mill-wheel', (Maras; Southern Anatolia) 'concave gold coin as bridal ornament worn on the temples', (Afyon) 'shovel for the fire-place' (DD 4.1687, AD 1.221, 2.88), with the compounds eyrikepfe (Kars) 'tadpole' (DD 4.1658), kepfegaga(Nigde) 'a kind of duck' (AD 2.88), etc. Since Standard Ottoman has kep;e 'ladle, skimmer', the dialect dictionaries do not reflect the distribution of this type. 75. kargas 'a vulture' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. karkds: kerkez (Kars: Terekeme agzl) 'kind of bird' (Doguil 262), with the compound akkekes (Konya) 'a kind of falcon with white head and black wing tips' (DD 4.I606). Standard Ottoman kerkenez'hawk; kind of vulture' with the Anatolian variants kelkerez(Kayseri, Elazlg), kelkenez(Kayseri), kelkekez (Gaziantep),and kerkenek(recordnot located) id. (DD 4.1686, AD 1.223, 2.87, GazAgzi 3.444) seem to go back to another variant of the Persian etymon. Standard Azerbaijanikdrkingdk'small hawk', to which belongs the Anatolian variant kerkencik(Bilecik) 'a kind of hawk' (DD 2.883), possibly can be related to the same type. 76. kaskdb,ka?kdv, 'barley-water, barley-broth; a ptisan' (Steingass, s.v.), from ka?k 'barley' etc., (see the following paragraph), and db 'water': keskef (Klrsehir) 'a dish made of pounded wheat, baked in the oven' (DD 2.889 f.). 77. kaskak 'barley or wheat, especially boiled whole with meat till

I48

Andreas Tietze

it has become soft' (Steingass, s.v.), from kaSk'sour milk dried; a kind of thick pottage made of wheaten flour or barley meal with sheep's-milk, to which is added flesh or wheat; barley; barley-water' and the diminutive suffix -ak: keskek, kdskdk (Klrsehir, Bursa, Samsun, Sinop, Ordu, Kiitahya, Kayseri, Ankara, Bilecik, Konya, Bahkesir,Corum,Urfa) 'dish made of pounded wheat and meat' (DD 2.890, AnadDial I.I86, AnadAgiz 239, UrfaAgzl II7).

78. kica 'a narrow street; a lane, slum, row, passage; a street, square, market-place' (Steingass, s.v.), from ki 'a broad street, square, marketplace; a narrow street, an alley' and the diminutive suffix -ca, with Kurd. k'ucd' (kFe) 'street; alley' (Kurdoev 455): kii9e (Diyarbakir, Urfa), kiice (Diyarbakir) 'street; blind alley' (DD 4.I699, AD 2.99). Probably connected with this one is the type hiikfe, hokfe (Diyarbaklr) 'street' (DD 2.75I, 758). Standard Azerbaijanihas kiicd 'street'. 79. kura, kira 'a smith's forge' (Steingass, s.v.), Manichaean Mid. Pers. qwrg,with Kurd. k'urd (kure)(Kurdoev 455, Bakaev 216), Georg. k'ura 'hearth': kire (Kastamonu, ?orum, Yozgat, Klrsehir, Ankara) 'stove for the preparation of grapejuice molasses (pekmez)',(Malatya) 'bellows' (DD 2.1012, AD 1.260). Standard Azerbaijanihas kiird 'hearth, forge'. The term kiire 'furnace' is attested in Ottoman sources of the I4th-I8th centuries (TTS, vols. 1-2, S.V.).

80. ldfzan 'a boaster, braggart' (Steingass, s.v.), from ldf 'praise; bragging' and the verbal element -zan 'striking, casting', stem form of zadan 'to strike, to cast': yslabazan(Bolu) 'alert, agile, quick' (DD 3.1524). Standard Ottoman has ldfazan 'great talker, boaster', which has to be regarded as the immediate source of the Anatolian variant. 8I. langari 'provisions distributed to the poor; a kind of drinkingglass' (Steingass,s.v.), "a kind of tray or large plate properto the langar" (Farhang i Anandarag, s.v.), with Tajik tabaqi langari 'large plate, platter, dish', from langar "alms-house" (Steingass, s.v.), "a place where food is given to people every day; monastery" (Burhan i Qati', Farhang i Anandarag, s.v.) and the adjectival suffix -I, also Kurd. Idngdri (lengeri)'copper bowl, copper plate' (Kurdoev 495, Bakaev 227), Arm. langeris glossed as 'cremaillere'(Ohannesian,s.v.): lengeri (Nigde) 'large copper platter for rice, etc.' (AD 1.264); lenger (Kayseri, ?ankiri, Afyon) 'large copper plate' (AD 1.264). Standard Ottoman has lenger 'large copper plate'. 82. lauzina "a confection of almonds; any food in which almonds form a part" (Steingass, s.v.), from lauz "almond" and the suffix -na, Pahl. lauzenak: nevzine (Klrsehir, Kayseri, Ankara) 'a sweet confection

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

made of flour, butter, and sugar' (DD 3.I078, OrtaAnad 252).

AD 2.I07,

I49 KaysSoz 68,

83. mary 'a species of grass of which animals are exceedingly fond' (Steingass, s.v.), also "meadow" (Haim, s.v.), Avest. maraya-"meadow", with Arm. marg id., Kurd. merg (merg)id. (Kurdoev 533, Bakaev 236), cf. also Georg. margi 'bed, plot': merk (Erzincan) 'bed, plot in a garden' (DD 3.Io54).

84. mdya 'the female of any animal, a female camel in particular' (Steingass, s.v.), variant of mdda id., Pahl. mdtak: maya (Antalya, Izmir, Ankara, Itel, Diyarbaklr, Amasya, Canakkale, Mugla, Konya, Klrsehir, Denizli, Qorum,Manisa, Isparta, Hatay, Seyhan, Ordu, Gaziantep, Antalya, Yozgat, Aydin, Erzurum, Urfa; WesternAnatolia) 'female camel of good quality (being a crossing of a male Bactrian and a female Arabian camel), with light-colored long fur, regarded as the best packanimal' (DD 3.I043,

AD 1.273, 2.I04,

AnadDial I.I89, DoguIl 266,

GazAgzl 3.489, UrfaAgzl 126); maya (Qorum,Ankara, Kayseri, Klrsehir, Yozgat, Nigde, Qankmi) 'she-ass' (DD 3.I043,

AD 1.273, KaysS6z 66).

In the meaning 'she-camel' the term is found in Standard Azerbaijani and Standard Ottoman, and its use is attested in literary sources of the I4th-I8th centuries (TTS, vols. 1-2, s.v.). 85. meszna 'a flock of sheep' (Steingass, s.v.), from mes "sheep" and the suffix -na: mesne (Elazlg) 'sheep' (DD 3.I055).

86. mirab,mirdu 'the superintendentof a river or other public reservoir for watering fields (when water is allowed to run through a certain opening for a time specified)' (Steingass, s.v.), from mir 'prince, lord, chief' (from Arab. amir) and db, du 'water', with Kurd. mirab (mirab),mirav (mirav) 'supervisor of irrigation waters' (Kurdoev 53I, 532, Bakaev 246):

mirav (Erzurum, Konya), mzra (Nigde), merav (Konya), imrav, imral (Kayseri), imrul (Tavulsun [vilayet ?]) 'supervisor of irrigation waters' (DD 3.1065, AD I.I86, 279, 28I, 2.76, I04, KaysSoz 48).

In Standard Azerbaijanithe term is mirab. 87. muft 'gratuitously, without payment, gratis' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. moft (muft) id. (Kurdoev 550): mut (Zonguldak, Afyon, Ankara), mot (Seyhan) 'gratis' (DD 3.I068, AD 1.284). Standard Azerbaijanihas miiftd 'gratis', the ending being the Turkish dative suffix (compare Pers. ba muft "gratis"). This form is also found in Ottoman in older literary sources (records for the I7th century: mifte satzlmak,TTS 4.582; miifte gitmek,Meninski,s.v. miift). 88. mim-rauyan 'wax and oil mixed, used for polishing furniture' (Steingass, s.v.), from mom, mum 'wax' and rauyan 'oil, butter, fat': mumurgan (Diyarbaklr), mumurhan, mumurxan (Gaziantep, Malatya,

Andreas Tietze

I50

Afyon, Isparta), momurhan(Malatya), mumzrhan(Gaziantep),mumuran (Konya), mumhgan (Denizli) 'a concoction of wax, olive oil, almond oil, lemon juice, etc., used as an ointment for chapped hands' (DD 3.I07I, AD 1.270, 283, 2.io6,

GazAgzl 3.500).

89. ndstd 'hungry, having an empty stomach; fasting' (Steingass, s.v.): anasta (Kerkiik) 'empty-stomachedin the morning' (AD I.Io). go. nava 'a grandchild' (Steingass, s.v.), cf. Old Pers. napd id., with Kurd. ndvi (nevi) id. (Kurdoev 567, Bakaev 260): neve (Bitlis, Van) 'grandchild' (DD 3.I077, AnadIl 266), and, with a diminutive suffix, nevcik (Bitlis) 'great-grandchild' (DD 3.I077).

Standard Azerbaijanihas ndvd 'grandchild'. 9I. palds 'coarse woolen cloth worn by dervishes; a woolen carpet; sackcloth' (Steingass, s.v.), variant paldh (Jud.-Pers.), with Kurd. p'alas (palas) 'old rug; rag' (Kurdoev 585, Bakaev 298): palas (Kayseri, Giresun, Afyon, Gaziantep, Elazlg, Giimiisane, Ankara, Klrsehir, Samsun), palaz (Erzurum, Klrsehir, Malatya, ?ankir, Kayseri, Giimiiuane, Kars, Konya, Erzincan, Giresun,Adana, Izmir, Maras, Gaziantep), pala (Bitlis, Klrsehir, Eskisehir, Ankara, Afyon, Edirne, Bursa) 'rug; old rug; coarse rug; goat-hair rug of solid color; narrow woven rug' (DD 3.II28, II29,

AD 1.306, 307, GazAgzl 3.547); palaz (Zonguldak, Klrsehir), pala

(?ankir, Kocaeli, Konya, Yozgat, Bursa, Zonguldak, Bolu, Edirne, Ankara, Eskisehir, Kirsehir, Bahkesir, Kiitahya, Istanbul, Seyhan) 'rag; dish rag' (DD 3.1128, II29 f., AD I.3o6, AnadDial I.I95); palaz (Manisa)

'loincloth, bath-towel', (Zonguldak, Izmir) 'old, worn, patched' (DD 3.II29 f.); pala (Izmir) 'napkin, handkerchief', (Seyhan, Bolu, Ankara, Bilecik) 'beddings' (DD

3.II29).

Standard Azerbaijanihas palaz 'a kind of rug'. 92. par 'a wing; a feather; a leaf; the sails or paddles of a mill' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. p'ar (per) 'feather; wing; blade (of an oar); paddle (of a paddle-wheel)' (Kurdoev 595, Bakaev 298): per (Adana, Seyhan, Giresun, ?anakkale, Malatya, Gaziantep), peri (Malatya, Sivas, Sinop, Seyhan) 'paddle-wheelof a mill or steamer; paddles or spokes of a paddlewheel' (DD 3.II43,

II44, AD I.3o0,

GazAgzl

3.552);

per (Erzurum)

'iron device put between millstones to prevent them from touching each other' (DD 3.II43).

Standard Azerbaijani has par 'wing; wings of a

wind-mill, etc.'. 93. parctn 'curved, crooked, bent; nails driven through anything and then clenched at the points; a hedge of briars; thorns placed on a wall as a fence; a shed; a hovel constructed of sticks, leaves, etc.' (Steingass,s.v.), with Kurd. p'drPin (pergin) 'rivet, clinch, cramp' (Kurdoev 596): perfin (Malatya, Urfa) 'hedge; wall' (DD 3.II43).

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I5I

Standard Ottoman perfin and Standard Azerbaijani pdreim have the meaning 'rivet'. 94. pd-taxta 'a shoe of undressed leather; the treadle of a weaver's loom' (Steingass, s.v.), from pa 'foot' and taxta 'board, plank': pedahta (Izmir) 'pedal of a hand-loom' (DD 3.II39). 95. p?a 'art, skill; work, craft, trade', Pahl. pesak "social class; profession", with Kurd. p'eSd (pese) 'art, craft, trade' (Kurdoev 6II, Bakaev 296): pese (Malatya) 'ruse, a lie invented to cover up guilt or shame' (DD 3.II46). Standard Azerbaijanihas pesda'trade, craft, profession'. 96. pjgxwdn "counter" (Haim, Miller, s.v.), from palxwdn 'a gift; a table', pisxi7n 'a table, a bench' (Steingass, s.v.), from pRe 'before, front' and xwdn 'a dinner-table', with Kurd. peSxun (pesxutn)'dinnertable' (Kurdoev 6II, Bakaev 284):pesgin, peskin (Kars),pegiin (Malatya), pi4gon (Nigde), peskiin (Erzincan, Erzurum), peskun (Kayseri, Edirne, Kars, Erzincan) 'low wooden dinner-table; dough-board with legs, which can be used as dinner-table;round metal tray used as dinnertable; wooden support which carries the dinner-table top' (DD 3.II46, AD 1.3I4); pe,gun, pesgiin (Giresun)'largeplatter on which food is served' peqkiin (Izmir) 'school-bench', (Istanbul: muhacir) 'counter in a shop', pesgiin, peskiin (Sinop) 'installation for washing up' (DD 3.II46). 97. pih 'fat, grease, tallow' (Steingass, s.v.): pig (Kars), piy (Van), pi (Sivas) 'tallow' (DD 3.1152, 1158, AD 2.II5). Standard Azerbaijanihas piy 'fat, tallow'. n , ustvdn 'a prop; a buttress; the bar putibn, n, 98. puStbd puutvd of a door' (Steingass, s.vv.), from pu?t 'the back' (or a derivative of it) and -bdn 'protector of', Mid. Pers. pu?tik-pdn,cf. Kurd. pystdvan (pi4tevan) 'protector, defender' (also the Persian variants have this meaning) (Kurdoev 620): pustuvan, pestivan (Isparta) 'a kind of rafter' (DD 3.II47, II70).

99. rang 'stratagem, fraud, imposture; insincerity, perfidy, disloyalty; playfulness, innocent delusion or frolic, ridicule' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. rang 'color': ireng (Konya), irek (Itel) 'ruse, stratagem' (DD 2.794); ireng (Mugla, Isparta), irenk (Konya, Burdur, Manisa, Isparta, Izmir), irek (Seyhan), ilenk (Denizli) 'ill-treatment, torture, oppression', with the expressions ireng etmek (Mugla, Isparta), irenk etmek(Denizli), irek etmek(Seyhan) 'to ill-treat, torment, oppress' (DD 2.794, 795, 4. I669). Standard Azerbaijani (rang) and Standard Ottoman (renk) have borrowedthe Persian word in the meaning 'color'. oo00.rdsta 'a market-place; a level road' (Steingass, s.v.), "a row; a series of shops; a section or part of the market-place" (Haim, s.v.), cf.

I52

Andreas Tietze

Kurd. arase 'corn-market'(recordedin JabaJusti 281) (however,this word seems to be borrowedfrom Turkish): arasta (Bahkesir, Konya, Samsun, Trabzon), arasda (Trabzon)'bazaarquarter; street in the bazaar devoted to one trade' (DD 4.I615,

AnadDial I.I49, KuzeyDogu 306, TrabFolk

260); arasa (Diyarbaklr,Maras,Gaziantep) 'bazaarfor the corn and fruit trade; name of Gaziantep's largest bazaar' (DD 4.I6I5, GazAgzl 3.46, GfineyDogu 262).

In the form arasta,the term was also used in earlierStandard Ottoman. IOI. rista 'thread, anything twisted, as a match, candle-wick,linstock; slices of paste put in soup, macaroni' (Steingass, s.v.), past participle of the verb ristan, rYstan'to spin, to twist", with Kurd. iyStd (riste) 'thread;

string; noodles, macaroni' (Kurdoev 643): eriste, dristd (Konya, Ankara, Istanbul, Manisa, Klrsehir, Kayseri, Kiitahya, Icel, ?oruh, Bahkesir, Nigde, Maras),erisde (Elazig), heriste(Kerkiik) 'hand-madethin noodles' (DD 2.545 f., AD I.I66, AnadDial I.I68, AnadAglz 220, GiineyDogu 277,

278); eriste (?anakkale, Izmir) 'sea-weed' (DD 2.545 f.). In the first meaning, the term is found in StandardAzerbaijani(arista)and Standard Ottoman (eriste);it is recorded in the I6th century (Meninski,s.v.) and has been borrowed by Serbo-Croatas jIeriste'noodles'. In the meaning 'seaweed', the term is recorded, without the prothetic vowel, in a I7th century Ottoman text (quoted in LFL, bottom of page 392). 102. sagbdn 'a dog-keeper' (Steingass, s.v.), from sag 'dog' and -bdn 'keeper of', with Kurd. sdgman (segman) 'hunter; warrior; footsoldier, infantryman' (Kurdoev 655): seyman (Urfa), seymen (Bolu; Bursa: muhacir) 'watchman, guard' (DD 3.1213); seyman (Balikesir, Aydm,

Mugla, Manisa, Eskisehir), seyman, seymen (Kiitahya, Afyon, Antalya, Gaziantep; Southern Anatolia), seymen (Gaziantep, Klrsehir, Canakkale, Kayseri, Manisa, Bursa, Bahkesir, Bolu, Maras,Konya), segmen(forum, Seyhan, Konya; Anatolia), sevmen (Malatya), selmen, selmen, semen, sermen (Gaziantep), semen (Seyhan, Nigde, Ankara, Antalya), seymene, saymana (Manisa)'at a wedding, armed young men riding on horse-back, who go and bring the bride in a procession to the groom's house; bridal cortege; the leader of the bridal cortege; groom's companion at the wedding' (DD 3.I203, I204, 1212, 1213, 4.1702, AD 1.33I, 336, 2.121, KaysAgzl 77, AnadAglz 252, GazAgzi 3.586); seymen (Gaziantep)

'group of horsemen who would meet the pilgrims returning from Mecca and would lead them into the town in solemn procession' (AD 1.336). In the Ottoman military organization before the Igth century, the segbdnswere one of the subgroups of the Janissary corps. 103. sdliydn 'annual; an annual pension' (Steingass, s.v.), a derivative of sdl 'year', with Kurd. sdlydn (recordedin JabaJusti 233), saylan

Persian Loanwordsin AnatolianTurkish

I53

(Kurdoev 653) 'tax, capitation tax'; Pers. sdliydna 'annual; an annual pension' (Steingass, s.v.): salyan (Giresun,9oruh, Kars, Erzincan, Tokat, Sivas, Hatay, Nigde, Giimiisane, Amasya, Kastamonu, Gaziantep), saylan (Seyhan), sayzlan (Kayseri), salyana ((ankir) 'tax; amount of tax alloted to an individual by the local authority in order to raise the total which is levied on the community', with the derivative salyancs (Giresun, Ordu, Kars, Malatya, Kayseri, Kastamonu, Gaziantep) 'tax collector' (DD 3.II86,

II97, AD 1.325, KaysAgzi 76, AnadAgiz 252,

GazAgzl 3.576); salyan (Gaziantep),salman (Isparta; Western Anatolia) 'alms collected by certain itinerant dervishes through the chanting of hymns; also, this manner of collecting alms', with the expression salman etmek(Southern Anatolia) 'to mendicate with the chanting of hymns, as a dervish' (AD 1.325, 2.119, GazAgzl 3.576).

The terms sdliydn, sdliydne 'tax levied on a community' were used in Standard Ottoman. An equivalent to this term, which might be regarded as a folk-etymological adaptation of it, is derived from the verb sal- 'to cast; to impose, to levy': salgin (Burdur, qorum, Ankara) 'tax levied on a community', with salgzncs (Seyhan, Bolu, Amasya, Konya, Ankara, Samsun, Isparta, ?orum, Burdur; Western Anatolia) 'tax-collector' (DD 3.II83,

AD 1.324, 2.II9, AnadDial

1.200).

The second meaning of the Anatolian variants seems to have developed from the first; however, the development is not sufficiently clear, and the possibility remains that the two types should be separated from one another. The Kurdish variant saylan may be borrowedfrom Turkish. I04. sang'a'a balance, scales; a weight' (Steingass, s.v.), from the stem form of saxtan, sangzdan'to weigh' and the suffix -a: szncz(Giimiisane) 'sensitive scales' (DD 3.I230). I05. sdrbdn,sdrvdn 'a camel-driver',from sdr 'head' and -bdn 'keeper

of': savran (Denizli, Mugla, Maras, Kayseri, Aydin), arvan (Ankara), and the compoundsavran basz(Maras)'camel-driver;leader of a caravan' (DD I.II8, 4.I702, AD 1.329,

2.120,

KaysSoz 76, AnadDial

1.20I).

Standard Azerbaijani has sarban, sarvan 'camel-driver'. The variant without initial s, a hapax, may be an erroneousrecording. io6. sarbdr'a bundle on the top of a load; a load carried on the head' (Steingass, s.v.), also 'a surcharge; an overcharge' (Haim, s.v.), variants sarbar, sarvar (Desmaisons, both after Su'uri), from sar 'head' and bar 'load', with Kurd. sdrbar (serbar) 'supplementary load' (Kurdoev 66I):

zelber (Gaziantep, Ankara, Klrsehir, Antalya), zelber, zebler (Southern Anatolia, Eastern Anatolia), zeber(?ifteler k6yii [vilayet ?]) 'a load which is put over the two bales carried by a pack-animal; extra load; excessive

Andreas Tietze

I54

load' (DD 3.I569, 1570, AD 1.434, GazAgzl 3.78I);

zelber (Kayseri,

I9el, Gaziantep, Seyhan, Klrsehir, Nigde) 'burden, annoyance, discomfort' (DD 3.I570,

AD 1.434); zelber Fuvals (Ankara) 'large sack to be

carried by an animal without pack-saddle' (DD 3.I570). A Persian word *sarbdrca,*sarbarca,a diminutive form in -ca of sarbdr,sarbar,is attested by the following Anatolian Turkish type: serverce(Mugla),selverce(Izmir, Mugla, Antalya), zelverce(Tekirdag) 'felt blanket, pad, or cushion, put under the wooden frame (hamut) on a pack-camel's back, in order to prevent rubbing; the pack-camel's wooden frame (hamut) itself; rope connecting the camel's pack-frame with the girth' (DD 3.1204, I2II, I570).

107. sdyabdn, sdyavdn 'a canopy, umbrella, parasol; a shade formed by foliage or by any other projection; a tent, pavilion' (Steingass, s.vv.), from sdya 'shade, shadow' and -ban 'keeperof': sayvan (Amasya, Oorum, Bolu, Bilecik, Kastamonu; Southern Anatolia), sayvant (Seyhan, Afyon, Isparta, Istanbul, Itel, ?anakkale, Denizli, Burdur, Yozgat, Ankara, Bursa, Samsun), sayfan (Giresun,Ordu) 'watchman'shut on a field or in a vineyard; hut for drying raisins; covered place with open sides; sheepfold; trellis with vine; hall in a house; loft, attic; storage room' (DD 3.II97,

4.I702,

AD 1.330,

2.120,

AnadAgiz

252).

Records of the use of

sayvan 'canopy, parasol' in Ottoman sources of the I4th-I5th centuries are found in TTS, vols. I-4, s.v.

o08. seldb 'an inundation, current, flood' (Steingass, s.v.), from sel 'flood, torrent' (borrowedfrom Arab. sail) and db 'water', with Kurd. selaf (selaf), selav (selav) 'torrent; downpour; inundation' (Kurdoev 677, Bakaev 326), Tajik sel "torrential rain", selob "torrent formed by rain": selav (Kars) 'depressed ground' (DD 3.1202). I09. szpara, sipara 'one portion of the thirty into which the Qur'an has been divided' (Steingass, s.vv.), from s{ 'thirty' and para 'piece': sipara (Maras), supara (Giresun, Trabzon), szpra (Anatolia), zspra (Manisa) 'section of the Koran; case or pocket in which the Koran section is carried to school; first reading book', with the compound

szptr kesesi (Izmir) 'book-case made of cloth' (DD 3.I218, 1578, 4.I702, 1703, AD 2.122, TrabFolk 292).

In Standard Ottoman the term was usually supara. IIo. sozanak'gonorrhea',with Kurd. suzenekid. (recordedin JabaJusti 247): siizenek (Kars) 'gonorrhea' (DD 3.I269).

The Eastern Anatolian variant corresponds to Standard Azerbaijani siizdndkid. III. sumtirds'an instrument for paring horses' hoofs' (Steingass, s.v.), from sum 'hoof' and -tarda 'shaving; paring', with Kurd. symt'diaS,

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I55

symt'dras (simteraf) 'farrier' (Kurdoev 68i, Bakaev 343): suntura9 (Edirne, (anakkale, Klrsehir, Afyon, Izmir), suntureF(Isparta), santtraf (Corum)'knife for paring hoofs' (DD 3.I256, AD 2.II9). 112. sdbds 'bravo! excellent!; money thrown about at marriages or given to singers' (Steingass, s.v.), from sad bd?! 'be joyful!', with Kurd. ?aba? (sabaf), sava? (savas) 'exclamation with which bride and groom are honored at the wedding; the ceremony of scattering money over bride and groom; money given to the musicians at a wedding' (Kurdoev 692, 693, Bakaev 462): saba (Maras,Gaziantep), Foba(Seyhan) 'money collected by the musicians' (DD 1.364, 3.I270, GazAzil 3.63I), with the

derivative sabalamak(Seyhan) 'for a musician, to play in front of a person in order to receive a present from him' (DD 3.I270).

The following

notations may be inaccurate renderings: saba (Maras)'eulogist', sababas (Maras)'present given to a eulogist' (GiineyDogu 306). II3. ?ahr, sar 'a town', with Kurd. sar (sar) 'town; land' (Kurdoev 694): sar (?orum, Kayseri; Southern Anatolia) 'town' (DD 3.I276, AD 1.358, KaysSoz 8I).

Standard Azerbaijanihas sdhdr,Standard Ottoman sehir, but the form sar is frequently found in older sources (for records from the I4th to the I7th centuries, see TTS, vols. 1-4, s.v.) and in Anatolian place-names. II4. Sana 'a comb; a hay or corn fork', sana 'a corn-fork with five prongs for winnowing' (Steingass, s.vv.), with Kurd. gand (sane), ?dnd (sene) 'comb; corn-fork; winnowing-fork' (Kurdoev 694, 700, Bakaev 466): sana (Kars; Agri: muhacir), sene (Van, Bitlis) 'pitchfork; winnowing-fork' (DD 3.1274, 1281).

Standard Azerbaijanihas Sana 'pitchfork'. I5. sev, seb, ?ib 'a descent, declivity; wet ground made uneven and rugged by the trampling of men, and afterwards hardened by the influence of the sun' (Steingass, s.vv.): sev (Tokat, Kayseri, Afyon), sef (Aydin) 'slant, slope, declivity; trapezoidal piece of land; crooked, contorted tree' (DD 3.I279,

1282,

KaysSiz 8I).

Standard Ottoman has sev 'slope; bevel'. II6. tdbxdna'a hot-house; a winter habitation; a warm bath; summer quarters; a house entirely glazed' (Steingass, s.v.), from tab 'heat' and xdna 'house': tafana (Klrsehir, Kayseri, Konya; Izmir: muhacir), toxene (Sivas), tohana (Gaziantep, Kayseri), tovhana (Tekirdag) 'winter room, room which contains a warming arrangement (tandzr)consisting of a brazier surrounded by seats; hall, large room' (DD 3.1298, I37I, I388,

SivasTokat 265). In older literary Ottoman, the term tdbhdnedesignated a commonkind of charitable institution functioning as a hostel, poor-house,or infirmary.

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II7. tabxxdna 'a cook's shop; a kitchen' (Steingass, s.v.), from tabx 'a cooking' (borrowed from Arab. tabx id.) and xdna 'house': tafana (Konya, Klrsehir), tavana (Nigde), tokhane, tokana (Kayseri), takana (Kayseri, Ankara), tokanak (Istanbul) 'kitchen; kitchen and pantry; pantry' (DD 3.I298,

1302,

1324, I373, AD 1.37I). In literary Ottoman,

the term tabhhdnewas used to designate the kitchen buildings of the imperial seraglio (tabhhdne-idmire). II8. taxtapo?'stage, wooden floor' (Steingass, s.v.), from taxta 'board, plank' and -pos 'covering, dressing': tahtabos(Kiitahya, Nigde, Konya) 'balcony; small room' (DD 3.I300). Standard Azerbaijani has taxtapfs 'shutter, wooden cover'. In Standard Ottoman tahtabos'raised platform on a roof', the second element is folk-etymologically connected with Turk. bos 'empty, hollow'. II9. tdqca 'a little window; a niche' (Steingass, s.v.), from tdq 'arch, vault, window' (borrowed from Arab. tdq, which itself goes back to Pahlavi tdk) and the diminutive suffix -ca, cf. Georg. t'axca 'recess with shelves, niche': takfa (Nigde) 'small window' (DD 3.I302, AD 1.365); tahFa(Kars: muhacir) 'small niche in the wall' (DD 3.I299). Standard Azerbaijani has taxca 'niche, shelf'. 120. tast 'a basin, a salver; a ewer-stand' (Steingass, s.v.), tast "a large basin, ewer, cup, bowl" (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. ta?t,with Kurd. t'd?t (teSt) 'tub, basin; manger' (Kurdoev 746, Bakaev 368), cf. Arm. dasd, Arab. (Syria) tdst 'basin': test (Maras, (orum, Kayseri, Erzurum, Tunceli, Klrsehir, Gaziantep), testi (Erzurum, ?oruh), tesd (Malatya), dest, kesk (Kayseri), te9t (I~el), tes (Sinop, Seyhan), teF (Eskisehir, Erzurum, ?ankin, Afyon, Kayseri, Kastamonu, Itel, Ankara,Denizli, Izmir, Giimiisane, Isparta, Konya, 9orum), tec (Kastamonu) 'large copper basin, wash-tub, dough-trough; cauldron for boiling molasses (pekmez);milk-pot; a corn measure' (DD 3.1328, I329, 1347, I348, AD 1.379, 383, 2.43, KaysSoz 28, 56, Dogull 280, GiineyDogu 309, GazAgzi 3.667). I2I. tez 'sharp, cutting; acute, pointed; bold, impetuous, vehement; swift, prompt; tart, acrid' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. tiz (ttz) 'shrill; swift' (Kurdoev 755): tez (Isparta) 'rancid; acidity of butter or cheese'

(DD 3.I35I, AD 1.379), with the expression tez yaki (Denizli) 'an upset stomach' (DD 3.I353); tez (Gaziantep) 'fast, swift' (GazAgzi 3.668),

with the derivatives tezce (Izmir) 'a cattle disease which kills fast', tezlemek (Tekirdag:muhacir) 'to hurry', tezlik (Istanbul) 'hurry' (DD 3.I352, I353), and the compounds tezbasan (Ankara) 'early (crop)', tezpisen (Konya, Afyon; Tokat: muhacir) 'a kind of sweet dessert (literally, fast-cooking)' (DD 3.I35I,

I353).

In the meaning 'swift', tez is a common loanword in both Standard

Persian Loanwordsin AnatolianTurkish

I57

Azerbaijani and Standard Ottoman; therefore, the dialect dictionaries do not indicate its distribution in Anatolia. Standard Ottoman has also tz "high-pitched'. 122. tola 'a hound that hunts by the scent; a whelp' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. t'old (tole),t'uld (tile) 'pup' (Kurdoev766, 770): tola (Ankara), tula (Kars, Van, Erzincan, Bitlis, Agn; Kars: Terekeme agzl; Amasya: yabancl) 'pup; small dog; strong, fearless dog; hound' (DD 3.I375, I395, AD 1.39I, 2.132, Dogull 25, 282). The hapax tale (Bursa: muhacir) 'pup' (DD 3.I307) may be an erroneous recording.

Standard Azerbaijani has tula 'dog'. 123. tin 'the stove of a bath' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. tin with Kurd. t'un (tOn) 'cave; stove, oven; furnace' (Kurdoev 770), cf. Georg. t'uni 'kiln': tun (Afyon) 'the opening of an oven; the surface, upper part of an oven' (DD 3I.397 f.). I24. turg, turus 'acid, tart, sour; morose, stern, cynical' (Steingass, s.v.), Pahl. turus,with Kurd. tyrS(tirs) 'sour' (Kurdoev763, Bakaev 356): tiri (Kars) 'sour' (DD 3.1368). Standard Azerbaijani has tur? 'sour'. The vowels of the Anatolian variant correspondto the vowel of the Kurdish variant. I25. ustun, ustun 'a column, prop, beam, mast' (Steingass, s.vv.), by addition of a prothetic vowel from an older stun, Pahl. stun, cf. Kurd. stun (stun) 'column, pillar; beam, rafter' (Kurdoev 690, Bakaev 341): ustun (Bursa, Ankara, Ordu, Balikesir, Eskisehir, Kocaeli, Cankin, Hatay, Samsun, Istanbul, Edirne), iistiin (Bolu), iisin (?anakkale) 'beam; floor or ceiling beam; rafter; tie-beam, ridge-pole, or king-post (?) of the roof; board supporting the roof-tiles; ceiling; shelf' (DD 3.1421 f.,

1438, AD 1.404).

Standard Azerbaijani and Standard Ottoman have siitin 'column', pillar', borrowed from the Persian variant sutun with epenthetic vowel. 126. yadrn 'a friend; a polite, well-spoken man; a jovial, agreeable companion' (Steingass, s.v.), a derivative of ydr 'friend': yaren (Kiitahya, Ankara, Afyon), yeren (Urfa, Gaziantep; Kars: muhacir) 'friend, companion' (DD 3.I517, AD 1.416, AnadDial 1.2II, Dogull 286, GiineyDogu 313, OrtaAnad 262, GazAgZ13.752), with the derivative yarenlik, yarenlik

(Malatya, Afyon, Burdur), yerenlik (Urfa, Gaziantep), yerennik (Gaziantep) 'friendly conversation, joking chat; (Burdur only) 'weekly social evenings' (DD 3.I5I7, AD 1.416, 2.I40, GazAgzl 3.752), often in the expression yarenlik etmek (Erzurum, Kars, Tokat, Klrsehir, Elazlg,

Sivas, Giimiisane, Diyarbaklr, Nigde, Giresun, Kayseri, Samsun, Izmir, Ankara, Zonguldak, 19el, Canakkale, Denizli, Bilecik, Balikesir, ?orum), yarennik etmek (Erzurum) 'to be friends with; to have a friendly chat;

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I58

to engage in light conversation; to play jokes on someone' (DD 3.I483), and with the compounds ydren kilidi (Konya) 'a certain design of dying the hands with henna, used by women', yaren otu (Balkesir: muhacir) 'tobacco' (DD 3.I483). Although the term ydren 'friends, companion' is obsolete in modernStandard Ottoman, the derivative ydrenlik'friendly chat, joking conversation' and the expression ydrenlik etmek 'to engage in friendly chat, to have a joking conversation' are common. Literary Ottoman ydrdn'friends'is borrowedfrom Pers. yardnid., the pluralof yar. 127. ydva 'lost, ruined; vain, foolish, futile, absurd, stupid; men or things whose origin is not known; fictions, foolish expressions' (Steingass, s.v.): yava (Konya, Ankara), yavu (Sinop, Ordu) 'lost (cattle), stray (animal)' (DD 3.I494,

1496); yaga (Klrsehir), yava (Agn), yavu

(Bolu, Bahkesir, Malatya) 'wandering around idly, idle; lazy; shy; unsociable' (DD 3.I45I,

1494, I496); yava (Seyhan) 'a newcomer (to

the village), a settler who does not belong to the original stock' (DD 3.I494); yavw(Eskisehir, Ankara), yavi (Izmir: muhacir), yavu (Ankara, Kastamonu, Bolu) 'stupid, silly; tactless, inconsiderate, indiscreet; ugly', with the derivative yavalk (Maras) 'joke, jest' (DD 3.I494, I496).

Standard Ottoman has ydve 'foolish talk'. Old Ottoman had the expression yavu kzlmak 'to lose' and yavu varmak 'to be lost' (records, mostly from the I4th-I6th centuries, are found in TTS, vols. I-4, s.vv.). I28. zdy 'a crow, raven, rook; a sort of pidgeon' (Steingass, s.v.): zag, in the compound karazag (Giimiisane, Gaziantep) 'black crow, raven; a kind of small bird' (DD 4.I680). I29. zdyca ' a small crow, a daw' (Steingass, s.v.), from zdy 'crow' and the diminutive suffix -ca: zaca (Malatya), zakfa (Maras), sakfa (Eskisehir, Kayseri, Klrsehir; Istanbul[?]) 'crow; black crow; jay; a black bird' (DD 3.II8I, 1563, I565).

Standard Azerbaijanihas zayca 'jay, jackdaw'. I30. zali 'a leech': zeli (Ankara) 'leech' (DD 3.I570).

Standard Azerbaijanihas zdli id. I3I. zambirak 'a cross-bow; a small cannon; a camel-swivel; a kind of very sharp weapon' (Steingass, s.v.), from zambir 'bee; camel-swivel' and the diminutive suffix -ak: zenbildek (Zonguldak, Samsun, Bolu), sempirek(Zonguldak)'bow or sling with which children shoot after birds' (DD 3.I204,

1571, AD 1.435). In modern Standard Ottoman zemberek

means 'small spring (of a watch, etc.)', but in the I5-I7th centuries the term designated a crossbow or a similar, but larger, ballistic machine. 132. zang 'rust; gumminess in the cornersof the eyes' (Steingass, s.v.), with Kurd. zdng (zeng)'rust' (Kurdoev 802, Bakaev I69): zenk (Seyhan) 'mildew of vines' (DD 3.I57I).

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I59

I33. zardak 'a carrot', from zard 'yellow' and the diminutive suffix -ak: zerdek (Bursa) 'carrot' (DD 3.I57I). I34. zarin-qadah 'a white and yellow narcissus' (Steingass, s v.), from

zarin 'golden' and qadah (borrowedfrom Arab. qadah id.) 'cup, goblet': zerengade(Kocaeli) 'narcissus' (DD 3.I57I). The word is listed as zerfnkadeh in some Standard Ottoman dictionaries (Redhouse also lists the vulgar variants zerenkada, zeremkada), and through Ottoman the term has entered some of the Balkan languages (Mod. Gr. epvaxoc?S, Serbo-

Croat. zelenkada,Roum. zarnacadea;for the latter cf. Lokotsch no. 2204, with a different derivation). I35. zihgfr 'a ring, generally of bone, worn by archers on the thumb,

to save it from being cut by the bow-string, a thumb-stall' (Steingass, s.v.), from zih 'bowstring' and the verbal element -gir 'seizing, keeping, holding': zikir (Seyhan), zekir (Bursa: muhacir), zeykir (Ankara, Nigde, Eskisehir, Malatya, Maras, Gaziantep) 'kind of finger-ring; finger-ring with stone, broad finger-ring worn by women on thumb' (DD 3.I570, 1573, 1582, AD I.435, GiineyDogu 315); zifkiir (Tekirdag: muhacir) 'thimble' (DD 3.I589). Although obsolete today, the term was known in

older Standard Ottoman; in the I7th century (cf. Meninski, s.v.) the vulgar form zekir 'thumb-stall' is recorded. This form was borrowed by by Serbo-Croatian, where it has become zecir 'finger-ring'. 136. zzr-i zamin, zer-zamin 'an underground cellar or cave' (Steingass, s.v.), from zzr, zer 'under, below' and zam[n 'ground, land, soil', with Kurd. zerazdmin (zerezemin) (Kurdoev 809), also zerdzami (cf. Jabajusti,

s.v. zdmin) 'cellar, basement': zerzemi(Nigde, Kars, Istanbul), zerzembi, zerzenbi,zelzemi, yerzem, erzem (Kayseri), zerzembe(Erzurum), zerzama (Gaziantep),zerzamba(Maras,Gaziantep), zerzene(1eel), zergeni(Konya), zelzeme,zenbine, zelzem (Seyhan), zerzem(Seyhan, Afyon), and the derivative zemlik (Bursa), 'cellar, basement; dark underground store-room for food; coal-cellar' (DD 2.548, 3.I520, I570, I571, I572, AD 1.435, DoguIl 287, GiineyDogu 215, 315, GazAgzl 3.782); zerzemi (Kayseri) 'kitchen' (DD 3.I572). Semantically not clear is zerzemi (Giresun) 'landslide, cave-in' (DD 3.I572).

Standard Azerbaijani has zirzdmi 'cellar, basement'. The Kurdish, Azerbaijani, and Anatolian borrowings without final -n have to be derived from a Persian variant formed with zamz (cf. Steingass, s.v.), a variant of zammn.

i6o0

6AndreasTietze INDEX

RERUM

(In this index, the meanings of the Turkish borrowings are considered.) Nature (Weather, Soil, Topography): 28. 6aprast. 55. gunda. 6i. xarsang. 62. xdav&k. io8. s8ld~b. II5, S'b.

Water Supply, Irrigation: i. Tibkand. 2. 35. 6augAn. 45. d65lCa.86. mirTb.

hbrfz. 5. aftaba. 25.

ah. 33. 6a?ma.

Agriculture (and the Mill): i6. diana. 28. 6aprdst. 32. 6dryak. 40. din. 4I. ddna. 48. ganduma. 49. gazanda. 57. yalladdn. 74. kap6a. 92. par. II4. Sana. 120. ta't. I32. zang. i vang. i8. bdybdn. 20. barga. 21. b8l. 22. b8l6a. 35. 6augan. Gardening: 8. d1fi6a. 13. 39. dahra. 50. gazangubin. 67. ispand;.n. 83. mary. 93. par6in. 133. zardak. 134. zarin-qadahli.

Animal Husbandry and Transportation: 3. afsar. 7. dxur. ig. bdrddn. 27. cang. 28. Eapr.st. 31. 6drp~ddr. 35. 6augdn. 38. 66b. 58. gilga. 6o. xarbanda. 73.

kagdba. 84. maya. 85. meina. 105. sarbd.n. io6. sarbdr. iII. sumtira'. 122. t6la. Hunting: 6. afzdr. 46. dflrbin. 64. xi"t. 75. kargas. 128. zay. i29. zdy6a. I3I. zam-

bfirak. House, Construction: iig.

ayvan. 39. dahra. 42. darz. 98. pu'tbdn. ii8. taxtap6x4.

15.

tdqcva. I25. ustun. i36. zir-i zamin.

Fire and Light: 9. angu'sta. 36. Ciray. 37. Cirdypd. 79. kflra. ii6. tThbxdna.I23. thin. Cooking: 6. afzar. ii. dsxdna. 23. bMy. 25. Uffh. 29. 6arb. 39. dahra. 40. dan. 52. girda. 55. gunda. 63. xaygina. 68. i'kina. 74. kap6a. 76. kaskTh. 77. kaSkak. 79. kfira. 8i. langar-1 82. lauzina. 96. pe.4xwdn. 97. pih. ioi. rista. II7. tabxxdina. I20. ta'st. I24. tur'S. Textiles and Clothing, Shoes, Ornaments: io. araq6In. 24. C'ddar.26. Cambar. 28. caprdst. 30. 6arx. 34. -atr. 43. dast5r. 65. xi'tak. 70. kaf'. 71. kaf'gar. 72. kag. 74. kap6a. go. palds. 94. pa-taxta. I35. zihglr. Sickness and Healing: 4. afsfin. 88. m-im-rauyan. iio. s6zanak. I30. zalul. Family, Family Life: 44. daya. 66. xwdn6a. 69. kTbIn. go. nava. 102. sagbatn. Social Life: 12. d'nan. I4. dvdra. 59. harifdna. 112. 'Sbbd', I26. yaran. 127. yava. Commerce: 51. girau. 87. muft. I04. sanga. The Community and the State: 17. bM. 78. kli6a. 0oo. rasta. I03. saliyani. 113. 'ahr. Culture: io9. sipara. Abstract Concepts and Adjectives: 14. avdra. 28. Eaprast. 47. firbmdnda. 53. gumdn. 54. g-ana. 56. gung. 89. niiStd. 95. p8Sa. 99. rang. 121. t z. WORD

A rabic axudr

7

au6'an au6ai

INDEX

6 6 120 55

xna a'xxna aSna avara avardi

12

amir caraq

86 10

da'd gund

caraqIya yalla harif

io 57 59

gundak gogan langer

55 35 8i

iri'tsi bdybdn Mg

marg

83

barddn

19

bel 6adir 6adra carx carvadar Cianga 3rak 6tir

21

qadalh

sail tabx tdq ta'me (Syria) ta't (Syria)

134

io8 ii6 119

33 120

Armenian

axur

t 'sub

Azerbaijani (Standard) aftafa 5 axur 7 8 al6ac arag6in

7

38

aras in

110

10

14 14

IO0

i 17 24 24 30 3' 26 32

34

i6i

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish lrdag

&lrayban dahra dan dana dola gayyanag girda girov gilman

giiga

havang kabin karkingak kiiv'a kiinda kura -lig

maya mirab miifta nava

CXo6)PL

39 40 40

tepvaxamcS

Georgian axori xisti xon6a k'ebini k'ura margi tolla t'ax6a t'uni Oriens 20

afir aft afyr axil axor

5i

53 53 58 Q 69 75 78g I2 84 86 87

7 134

axyl arase adra 3 ah, 9ah 6'al, 9al arvadar, 9arve5 dar tang '7ang, datyr 6awgan 9eng 6es?ma,9esme

90

9etir

9I

9ewgan 6ogan, 9ogan

92

gira

4

lirax 93 9irap6 95 yra 97 97 'yray 99

kef9i kej

74

kejave

73 74 70 78 56 73

7 7 7 7 7 100

merg, m8rg mirav, mirav moft

25

27 3

muft navi nevi

40 42

salyan sarbar

I03

43 39

saylan segman

I03

43

selav, s8lav

118 44 44

girav girev

51 51

serbar simteras

12I 122

goman guman

53 53

stun, stfun suzenek

I 24 124

gyrav

51

symt'aras,

gyrev

51 3 3 3 64 66 64 69 74 74

t'aras sabas, gabas sana, sane sana sar, sar savas, savas sene t'ast test tirs

70 72 73

tiz, tiz t'ola, tole ula, tule

114 113 II9

129

I36

7 64 66 69 79 83 45 119 i23

I

havsar, h'avsar hefsar

hevsar xist xun6'a, xun9e xyst kabin kaf5'i kav6'i k'aws kaz kazava kazi

90 90 9I 92

p'alas, palas P p'ar p'ar6'in per per9in p'esa, pese pesxfn, p8sxiun pistevan pystavan riste rysta sagman

selaf, s81af

Io10

83 86 86 87 87

35 27 27 33 34 35 35 36 36 37 36 36 37

42

105 I25

8i 81

mirab, mirab

6'yrap'e dan darz dastar dehre derz destar

I05

72

kev9i kews k'u6'a, kfge kung k'ura, kiure langari lengeri

Kurdish

45 63

ovsun

palaz par parCim pesa piy rang sarban sarvan siutun sizanak sana sahar taxca taxtapfiu taya tez tula turs zay?a zali zirzami

Greek (Modern)

36 37

72

t'un, tun

93 92

93 95 96 98 IOI IOI IOI 102

Io6 102

Io8 Io8 Io6 III 125

IIO

symIII 112 II4

II4 113 112

II4 120 120 I24 121 122 122 I23 II

Andreas Tietze

i62 tyrs zang zeng zerazami zerazamin zerezemin

I24 132 132

136 136 136

Persian Old Persian, Avestan arsti64 bajiCaxra-

17 30

gundamaraya-

55 83

napa

90

Manichean Middle Persian 'pswn qwrg 'skng Pahlawi afcar axvar asnak 6arp 6atur 66pakan dayak grav guman gund(ak) gung kad kafs kapcak kapen karkas lauzenak matak pesak pustik-pan rang stun tak tast tun turus

I

abzar *afgar (dial.)

4 79 68 6 7 12 29 24

35 44 5I

53 55 56 72

70

74 69 75 82

84 95 98 99 I25 119 120 I23 I24

52, 54, 74, I04 I, 2, 5, 76, 86, io8

2

b6y-afzar bozar

6

-Ca 8, 22, 45, 66, 78,

6

23 23 io6, 119,

I29

afsar afsfun aftaba

3 4 5

,adar adera (dial.) cah

aftava afzar

5

6har

6 6 7

dal 6ala

25

calu 6ambar 6ang

26

*afzar (dial.) axur -ak

65, 131, I33

alu alufa -ana

8 8 59

cap capras

angubin

50

Caprast

angust angugta

Modern Persian -a 9, 20, 33, 4I, 48, ab

abkand abrez

9 9

dar Carak

24 24 25

3I,

32

25 25 27

28 28 28

3I, 32 32

araq

1o0

arb

29

araq6in asbatan a

Io 67

carx carpa

30 31

II 1I 12

carpadar crvadar caryak casm

31

asxana

31 32 33

as'ma

33

asna asnai asnai dadan au

12 I2

I, 2, 86

6atr

34

35

aukand

I

caugan

aurez auzar avang avara avextan

2

6idan cin ciray ciraybana Ciraypa

6 I3 14 13

6

avzar aw

I, 2

cb

I1 10 36, 37 37 37

35, 38 39

ayvan azadan

15 16

dahra dan -dan

azana azidan ba muft

I6 i6 87

dana -dar dara

bay

18

darz

42

bayban bayvan bag

I8 I8

dastar daya d61

43 44 45

d61la duir dfirbin

45 46 46

47 47

-ban bar

7 i8, 98, IO2, 105, 107 19, Io6

40, 41 19, 57 41 31

39

bardan

I9

fir6

barg barga bel belCa

20 21, 22 22

fir6manda yalla yalladan gandum

57 57 48

-bin

46

ganduma

48

boy

23

-gar

71

20

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish 50 49 50 50 49

kargas kask kaskab kaskak kaskav

75 76, 77 76 77 76

135 51

kausgar kaz

71

51 52 52 53 54 54 55 55 56 35 58 59 59

kazaba kazva ki kfia kura kira 1af lfzan langar langari lauz lauzina mada

73 73 78 78 79 79 80 80 81 8i

havan

13

manda

xagina

63

mandan

gaz gazanda gazangi gazangubin gazidan -gir girau

girau dadan gird girda guman gun guna gunda yunda gung gaukan iiga harif harifana

xana xar

72

pustban pustiban pustivan pustvan qadah rang rast

82 84 47

santa

47

sangIdan

104 104 106

82

sar sar

xarbanda xarsang xas

60 6I 62

83 84

mes mesina mir

85 85 86

srban sarbar sarbar

xasa'k

62

mirab

86

*sarbar6a

86 88 87 88 88 89 go90 6

*sarbiara sarvan sarvar saya sayaban sayavan sl s1ab i sS sipandan

xaya xaygina xist xistak xistI xun6a xwan xwInca -i -I -ina

117

63 63 64, 65 65 65 66 66, 96 66 8i 8I 82, 85

ispand

67

ispandan

67

ispatn iskina

67 68

kabca kabin kaf6 kaf6a

74 69 74 74 70, 71

kafs

mirau m6m muft mfm mfim-rauyan nasta nava owzar (dial.) 31, 37, p~ pa palah (Judeo-

I34 99 28

IO0 88

mary maya

ii6,

98 98 98 98

rasta rauyan rextan rista ristan ristan sag sagban saxtan sal saliyan saliyana sang

6I

ii,

163

94

2

IOI IOI I10 I02

102

104 I03

103 103 6I

I05

105 I06

106 Io6 106

105 I06

107 107 107 08 Io8 IO 1O9 67

g 9

sipara

I09

sipara

109

92

109

sozanak stun

125

par in pasbin pasvan paxwan

I8 I8 96

sum sumtir sutun sabas

pa-taxta

94

sad ba112 sana

I13 II4

Persian)

palas par para

ahr

IIO II

III I25 II2

kafsgar

7I

pes96

kag

72

pesa

95

96

sana

II4

97

sr

113

kagba

73

pesxwan

kagava kagI kandan

73 72 I

plh

kapca

74

96

?b

115

-pS

I 8

?ev

115

pust

98

sib

I15

pisxun

Andreas Tietze

x64 tTb tdba tabx tdbxdna tabxxana taxta taxtap6' tdq

I 16

5 I17 Ii6

zali zambiir zambirak zami zamin -zan zang zard zardak zarin zarin-qadah zer

z8r-zamin zih zihgir zir zir-i zamin Roumanian zarnacadea Russian 6adra Sanskrit chattra-

jerite

I0I

zedir zelenkada

135 I34

II7

94, ii8 ii8

-tari? ta't ta't taye (dial.) tayya (dial.) t~z t6la tin tur' turu' ustun ustfin -van yak yir yaran yava zadan 128, ziy

arasda

Serbo-Croatian

119 II9

III

Syriac daula Tajik sel selob tabaqilanga

45 io8

io8 8i

arasta

aragk (?) *araJkln

ariffne aryan asana a?ene a?h&ne d?ina

a?kana aslanik aqmahk 44 aqna 44 Turkish 121 avara 1 avare x22 I2 Middle Turk ish, Khakani avcar I23 2 aftabi 5 avcarlamak 7 avcarslz x24 24 aqur avgan I25 I5 sta,ndard and avgant 5 Ottoman, I25 avgan dialects avkan 2 arkant abrez 32 32 I6 acene avruz I26 afsun 4 26 avsln aftafa 5 avslnnamak I27 127 afur 7 8o 80 avsunlamak agir 7 avsunlatmak 129 ahar ahir 7 avsar 129 ahlr 7 13o ayvan ahur 7 bac '3I 13 ax7 bacici I3I 7 axar 136 bdgbdn axir 7 bagman 136 axor 80 LO 7 bagmanci akar 7 I32 bagvan akkekes 13 75 I33 bagvanci aktafa 5 I33 bagvant 28 28 alagaprak bahmant 34 28 28 alagarpak bardan 134 8 al9a bas dastarn 136 8 8 aluca bel I36j 36 aluga 135 bel depmek anasta 89 bel9e aqbellemek 136 IO 136 araccin berge IO araccull berge 9iri IO aragm berke IO aragkmn I34 bil IO arahcm bog Io arahgmn I20

I20

24

arakcm

34

arakCmin araqcmin arasa

ri

Io

I00 100 I0 IO

59 I05 II II II 12 II I2 I2 I2

14 I4

6 6 6 I I I I 2

4 4 4 4 3 I5 I7

17

r8 i8 i8 i8 i8 i8 '9 43 21 21 22 21 20 20 20 21 118

boy

23

cag

10

cak

25 25

ioo

cal

25

0o

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish cember cenber cerp cob cob dikmek cop cogen c6p ciice cicen 9adlr 9adira 9ag 9agevi 9aghk 9aglik bucalg 9ah 9aha 9al 9all 9allk 9alpatur 9amplr 9an 9anpir 9anpur 9arh 9ark 9elber 9ember 9erik 9esme 9etir 9evgan 9eyrek 9lra 9lrabana 9irag 9lrahba 9irahma 9iraxpa 9irak 9irakla 9irakma 9irakman 9lrakpa 9iralamak l9rahk 9irapna lirappa 9ira 9irappa 9oba 9oban irasi

26

9op

26

96gen

29

9ogen

38 38 38 35 38 58 58

96ggen 96mber 96ven dahra dane darha dasdar kilim

24 24 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 25 31

dastar daye dehle dehre den daina dene denem dani derhe derz degt

26

dolca

38 35 35 35 26 35 39 4I 39 43 43 44 39 39 40 41 4I

41 4I

39 42 120

45 45 45 46 46 46 46

25

dolcek

26 26

dulge dfrbin

25 30 26

diilbiin dillduil diirbiin

26

ecene

32

ecine

33 34 38

alfain engiiste erakcin

32

erak9in

I0

erehcin erfane erfene arista eriste erzem evcersiz eyrikepge eyvan felfana ferfene fermana fiirfmande gaygana gezgezen gezengevi

I0

36 37 36 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 37 36 36 37 37 36 37 I12

36

i6 16

59 9 10

59 59 101 IO0

136

6 74 I5 59 59 47 47 63 49

gezengi

50 50 50

gezente

49

gezenti girav girava vermek girde gonga gone guman giiman guiiman giimen halfene han9a harfene harmanda harmandal haSak havan havnz havruz herfene herifane herilte hersek hevek hevenk hevriik hl?t

xist histek hist histek honca hon9a h6kge hun9a hiikge hiimmen irfane ispatan istapan ilenk imral imrav imrul irek irek etmek ireng ireng etmek irenk irenk etmek ispatan iSkene iskeneli kabin

i65 49 5I 5I 52

66 54 53 53 53 53 59 66 59 60 60 62 13 2 2

59 59 IOI

6I I3 I3 2

64 64 65 64 65 66 66 78 66 78 53 59 67 67 99 86 86 86 99 99 99 99 99 99 67 68 68 69

i66 kaladan kaldan karazag kaygana kayganaclk kaygina kebin kec kecaba keci kejava kejova kelkekez kelkenez kelkerez kendime kep9e kepgegaga kepin kerkencik kerkenek kerkenez kerkez kesk keskef kaskak keskek kevin kevis kezenti kirde k6sger tavasi kosker ko6kerce k6sker ignesi k6oker tavasi k6skiircii kuman kunt kiice kii9e kiinde kiink kiint kiire lafazan lenger lengeri -hk maya mel merav merk mesne

Andreas Tietze 57 57 128

63 63 63 69 72

73 72

73 73 75 75 75 48 74 74 69 74 75 75 75 120

77 77 77 69 70 49 52

7I 7I 71

7I 7I 7I 53 55

78 78 55 56

55 79 80 81 81 12

84 21

86 83 85

mira mirav momurhan mot mumlrhan mumhgan mumuran mumurgan mumurhan mumurxan

mut miifte gitmek miifte satllmak nevcik neve nevzine otbeli pa9 pa9ci pala palas palaz pazvant pedahta per per9in peri pese pesgin pesgun pesgun peskin peskun peskiin pestivan pi

86 86 88 87 88 88 88 88 88 88 87 87 87 90 90 82 2I

salyana salyancl santira9 savran savran bal sayfan sayllan saylan saymana sayvan sayvant segban segmen selav selmen selmen selverce

I7

semen

102

I7

semen

9I 9I

Sempirek sermen serverce sevmen seyman seymen seymene sinci sipara sipir kesesi sipra suntura sunture9 supara siitin siizenek saba

102 131

9I

I8

94 92

93 92

95 96 96 96 96

96 96 98

pisgon piy

97 97 96 97

poy

23

pustuvan raskin rasqm refene renk sak9a salsalgm salgnmc

98 Io0

pig

saliyan

saliyane salman salman etmek salyan

I03 I03

III 105 I05 107 I03 103 102 107

107 I02

102

108 102

I02

o06

102 I06

102 I02 102 I02

04 I09 o09

109 III II I09

I25

I o 112

sababas

I12

sabalamak

I12

26

sampir1

II14

sana sana114 sar sef s0ehir

59 99II5

sene sev

Itbhane 9I3 03 103 i0o3 I03

tabhhane tabhhane-i tafana tahara

amire 16,

I13 I5 13 I14 15 116 I17 II7 I17 39

103 103 103

tahca

I19

tahra tahtabos

39 I 8

I13

takana

I17

Persian Loanwords in Anatolian Turkish

I67

tak9a

119

tovhana

116

zebler

1o6

tale tane tara tare tavana

122 41 39 39 II7

tula tun ustun istiin iisiin

122 123 125 125 125

zekir zelber zelber 9uvalh zeli zelverce

135 io6 O6 130 Io6

yaga yaran

127 126

zelzem zelzeme

136 136

yaren yaren yaren kilidi yarenlik yarenlik yarenlik etmek yArennik etmek

I26 126 126 126

136 131 136 13I 136

I26

zelzemi zemberek zemlik zenbildek zenbine zenk zerdek

yaren otu

126

zeremkada

134

I27

126

zerengade zerenkada zergeni zerinkadeh zerzame zerzamba zerzem zerzembe zerzembi zerzemi zerzenbi

I34 134 136 134 136 136 I36 136 136

124

yava yave yavalik yavi yavi yavu yavu kllmak yavu varmak yeren yerenlik yerennik

tohana t6xene

116 16

yerzem yilabazan

136 80

zerzene zeykir

136 135

tokana tokanak tokhane tola

II7 117 II7 122

zaca zag zakga zeber

129 128

zipra zikir ziifkiir

IO9 135 135

taya tayadas tec te9 tegt tana tene tes tesd

tesme test tegti tez tez yaki tezbasan tezce tezlemek tezlik tezpigen tiz tiris

44 44 120 I20

120 41

41 120 120

33 120 120 121

I2I I2I I2I I2I 12I

I2I I2I

126 126

127

I27 I27 127 I27 I27 127 126 I26

129 io6

132

133

136

136

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i68

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I958.

Nyberg Henrik S. Nyberg: Hilfsbuch des Pehlevi. 2 vols., Upsala, I928-I93I. OrtaAnad A. Cafero'lu: Orta-Anadolu agizzlarindanderlemeler. Istanbul, 1948. Redhouse James D. Redhouse: A Turkish and English lexicon. Constantinople, 1890.

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Steingass

F. Steingass: A comprehensivePersian-English dictionary. 2nd edition,

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TTS