LIBRARY OF N EW TESTAMENT STUDIES
325 formerly the Joumal for the Stt1dy of the New Testameut Supplement series
Editor Mark Goodacre Editorial Board John M . G. Barclay, Craig Blomberg, Kathleen E. Corley, R. Alan Culpepper, James D. G. Dmm, Craig A. Evans, Stephen Fowl, Robert Fowler, Simon J. Gat hercole, John S. Kloppenborg, M ichael Labahn, Robert Wall, Steve Walton, Robert L. Webb, Catrin H . Williams
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PAUL AND THE DYN AMICS OF POWER
Communication and Interaction in the Early Christ-Movement
KATHY EHRENSPERGER
·" t t tclark
Cop)•right ©Kathy FJmnsp
All rights rcscrvr.d. No part of this publication mar be rrproduc.rd or transmitted in any form or by an}' means> dcctronic or mechanical, including photocopring, recording or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishcn.
Kathy Ehrcnsp
JSBN-1 0: 0-567-04374-6 (hardback) JSBN-13 : 978-0-567-04374-0 (hardback) Typeset by Free Range Book Design & Production limited Printed on acid-free pap
To Bill
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CONTENTS
Preface Abbreviations
:<1
xu1
Chapter 'I. Rc.ading the-Pauline Letters: Pre-suppositions and Conccxrs 1.1
Earlier Studies on Paul and Power
1.2 Hermeneutical Presuppositions o f this Study I .2.1 The Cultura l Embcddedness -Juda ism and its S
Roman Empire 1.3 The Focus o f this Study 1.4 Plan of the Book Chapter 2. Concepts of Power in Contemporary Theory
1 2
3 4
9 11 I4 16
2.1 Definitions of Power 2.2 'Powc.r·ovcr' or Strategic PO\vcr
17 20
2.3 'PowcNo' or Communicative Power
22
2.4 Strategic and Communicati\'C' Concepts of Power in Critic-al Discussion 2.4.1 Critiques o f Arendt: Habcnnas and Feminist Theories
24 24
2.4.2 Transfonnativc Power
27
2.4.3 Powcr·ro and Power-with - a Feminist Conception of Power
2.4.4 AsymmcnJ and Hierarch)' in Po\~t'cr Relations 2.5 Conclusion
Chapter 3. The Exercise of Power - Networking in chc- Early Christ-MO\'<'mcnt 3.1 The Circle of Apostles and P<>ul 3.1.1 Apostles a nd Their Relationship According to
3.2
30
31 34
35 37
1 The-ssalonians 3.1.2 Apostles and Powe-r Dynamics According to Galatians
38
1.13- 2. 14 Paul and Co-Workers in Christ
41 46
3.2.1 I uvfpyoi - Te-rminology and ldcntit}' Issues
47
3.2.2 A&}.<jlOc;, A8!A<jlq - Terminology a nd ldentit)' Issues 3.2.3 Co-Senders of the Pauline Letters 3.2.4 Letter Endings and Paul's Assista nts
48 50 51
\'iii
Coutents
3.2.5 Others Greeted in the- Pauline letters 3.2.6 Moved by Christ - leadership on the Move 3.3 'Eto:}.,f!atat, Paul and the Pauline Cirde3.3.1 letter Writing and Ongoing Communication 3.3.2 'EKKA11ala1 as Communities of Siblings 3.4 Conclusion: ! uvtpyol and 'EKKXT)alal - Asymmetrical Relationships Chapter 4. Powc.r in Action- the D)•namics of Grace 4.1 The Powc.r of the 'Grace and Works of the Law• - Dic.hotonw in Pauline Interpretation · 4.2 Grace and Po\l.ter or Grace as Power 4.3 Grace in Action - the Collec-tion Project (2 Corinthians 8·9} 4.4 The Power of Grace according to the Scriptures 4.4.1 Xap"; and the ]i1110n Debate 4.4.2 The Covenanta Dimension of J;'ii10n 4.5 Conclusion: Grace as Mumal Empowerment Chapter 5. The Grace and Burden of Apostleship: Paul's Perception of ArrotJToAI] 5:1 The Xap1~ of Being Called and Sent - Paul's Call Narrative in Galatians 1-2 5.2 Being Called and Sent According to the Prophets 5.2.1 The Call Narrative in Isaiah 6 5.2.2 The Call Narrative in Jeremiah l 5.2.3 The Call Narrati1•e. in Ezekiel 1-2 5.2.4 Paul's Experience of Xap" in l ight of the Prophets 5.3 Xcipu; and ArrooTo},~ in Romans 5.4 Paul's Perception of Xap1~ in Relation to Arroorol.i\ 5.5 Authority and Power in Prophetic and Apostolic Sending 5.6 Message and Me.ssengcrs lnterm1ned 5. 7 Conclusion Chapter 6. Powc.r in \Xfe.akness - The Discourse of Confrontation and Conflict 6.'1 Troublc.some Beginnings - I Thessalonians 6.2 A Letter of Passionate Concern - 2 Corinthians 6.3 The. Signs of an Apostle - Disputed 6.4 Suffering, Weakness and Power - Related but not Identical 6.5 Entering the Ring of Competition - 'For When I am Weak I am Strong' 6.6 Weak Apostlc.s but Powerful leaders? The Power of Gentleness and Humbleness 6.7 Conclusion
52 53 55 55 57 61
63 63 65 67
71 71 75 78 81 81
83 83 84 84 85 86 90 91 93 96
98 100 101 102
104 106
11 1 114
Coutents
IX
Chapter 7. Power in Interaction - Paul and the Discourse of Education 11 7 7:1 The Ethos of Education in Jewish Tradition 1 19 7.2 Aspects of the Teaching and Lc-.arning Discourse in the Scriptures
120
7.3 Traces of the Teaching and Le.arning Discourse in Second Temple Judaism 7.4 Paul - a Father/Mother of his Communiries 7.5 Parental Images in 1 Corinthians
123 126 128
7.6 Paremal lmagc-.s in 1 Thessalonians 7,7 Paul the Tc-.ach("r and Transformative Power 7.8 Conclusion
13 1 134
Chapter 8. Powc.r in Interaction - The Discourse of Jmitation 8.1 The Perception of Imitation in Pauline lntcrprc:tation 8.2 T he Texture of P;ml's Imita tion Language 8.2.1 Ml~not<; as Copying
135
137 137 138 138
8.2.2 Imitation in the Scriptures
139
8.2.3 Aspects of Mimesis in Contemporary Literary T heory
142
8.3 Content and Structure of Paulinc- Imitation Language
143
8.4 T he Imita tion Discourse in 'I Corinthians (4. 16 and 1 1.1 ) 8.4.1 Again - Pa ul the Father
144 145
8.4.2 Divisions and Diffc.rcnces - Struggles for Power?
146
8.4. 3 The Functionality of Apostleship 8.4.4 Diversity Among Apostles 8.4. 5 Flexible. Hierarchies a nd Apostolic Claims
147 148 150
8.5 Christ as the 'Pattern' - The Deconstruction of Hierarchie.s
15 1
Chapter 9. Power in Interaction - The Discourse of Rcsponsc·abil ity
155
9.1 Obedience as Fa ith and as Submission to God 9.2 Obedience as Hearing and Responding 9.2.1 In Contrast to Judaism?
9.2.2 As Oral Transmission 9.3 Called to Hear and to Do - God and His Pe.o ple 9.3.1 Called into Existence
156 158 158
159 160 162
9.3.2 lnter-Depende.ncc - not Subordination, Submission or 9.4
Obedience Responding as Response-ability
9.4.1 Yno:Koi) and AKoiJ rrlon t:.:Jt; in Romans and Galatians 9.4.2 Guidanc.c to the Called in Corinth 9.4.3 Yna Kot\ in Other Letters 9.5 Submission and Order Discourse (1 Cor. 14.32-34 a nd Rom. 13.1 -7) 9.6 n a paKa.Aw - a Hidden Request for Obedience? 9.7 Conclusion
164 166
166 168 171 172 174 178
Coutents
X
Chapter 10. T he Dynamics of Power a nd the Challenge of
Empowerment "10.1 10.2 10.3
179
Beginnings - Promise and Tmst I 80 The Guiding Parameters- Christ and the Coming Kingdom ofGod 183 Life in the Realm of Christ - 'Already and Not Yet' 186 10.3.1 •Jr Shall Not Be So Among You'- Internal Limitations to Power 186 10.3.2 Ambiguous Leaders - Vulnerable and
Disappointing but Empowering
187
10.3.3 'In This World but not From This World' - Impacts o f 191 the Empire I 0.3.4 Limited Ch<1lknges: Gender Hierarchy and the
[nstirurion o f Slavc.rr 10.4 The Drnamics of Power and the Tunc of Empowerment Bibliographr
Index of Ancient Sources lndc.x of Modern Authors
193 196 20 1 227
233
PR~FACE
A study is the responsibility of the author. This, of course, also a pplies to this book. But it is at the same t ime not merely the fruit of a single mind,
but o f a long journey which included numerous com•crsations wit h many people in a varict)' of contexts; academic and non·acadcmic. Some o f thc.sc conversat ion partners get mentioned in t he. text or in foo tnotes, manr not. Some contributed with their questions and critique to the clarification o f chapters which in draft form were given as papers a t conference-s: Chapter 3 at BNTC 2002 in Cambridge, Chapter 4 a t SBL Internat ional 2004 in Groningen, Cha pter 7 at SBL Internationa l 2006 in Edinburgh, Chapter 8 at SBL Interna tiona l 2003 in Cam bridge, Chapter 9 a t the SBL Annual Meeting 2006 in \Xlashi ngton DC. Part ners in the academic com•crsat ion concerning interpretation have enriched my thinking about Paul and issues o f power b)' their learned a nd thought-provoking writings and k cture.s , s tudents in Switzaland a nd \Vales wit h their que.st ions kept reminding me that a nswers a rc the bc.g inning of new quest ions. Colleagues in the Depa rtment of T heology and Rel igious Studies a t the University o f ·wales l a mpeter and, during study Jea ve from August to Dcc.ember 2006, at the Ccntcr fo r Theological Jnquiry, Princeton Seminary and Princeton University, shared of their time and insights in discussing aspc.cts o f my work~ and provided me. with t he context of a co mmunity of scholars so important for any academic work. But t here \\'ere many people outside the academy who decisively s ha ped more than my thinking and writing a bo ut power. T here were the.sc lovdy and awful 13 - to 16-ycar-old teenagers in dassrooms who did not know about theories of power but about the power of action, interaction, and true communication. T here were the members of the Swiss Reformed congre.gation I had the privilc.ge to serve for 'I 6 years} who invited and appreciated fema le leadership in their congregation. In celebrating and mourning, in st ruggles and reconciliation with and a mongst them [learned much about the a lways prc.s ent dynamics of power. And my three c hild ren, Rahcl, Joachim and Aurelia, taught me about the fragile ba lance. of trust and t he treasure of mutuality inherent even in asymmetrica l relat ionships. I could not have written rhis book without having been involved in all these conversations, without ha \'ing been part o f all these net works, without the treasure of a ll these shared experiences. J am most grateful for all those who travelled with me on this journq•, Most o f all I could not
xii
Preface
have wrinc-n this book witho ut the supporc, patic-.ncc- and encourage-ment of Bill.
Kathy Ehrcnspcrgcr Lampe-ter, February 2007
A BBREVIATIONS
BAGD
BDF
Bib Biblnt BR BTB BWAi'.'T BZ CBQ EuT ExpTim FRLANT HTR IBS ICC Jut }AC }BL }BV }FSR }R JSNT JSi'.'TSup }SOT JSOTSup JSP JSPSup JTS LSJ
\VI. Bauer, W. F. Arndt, F. W. Gingrich, F. W. Danker, A Greek-
E11glisb Lexicon of the Netu Testament and Other Earl)' O.Jristiau Litt,rawre (Chic-ago: University of Chicago Press, 2nd edn 1958l. Friedrich Blass, A. Debrunner and Robert \VI. Funk, A Greek Grammar of tbc New Te..stament and Other Early Christiart Literature (Cambridge: Cambridge Uni\'crsity Press, 1961) Biblica Biblical interpretation: A journal of Contemporary Approaches Bible Review Biblical Theology Bulletin Bc.itr3gc zur Wisscnschaft vom Altcn und Ncucn Testament BiblisdJe Zeitsd>rift Catholic Biblical Quarr.erly EliOJJgeliscbe Tbeologie Expository Times Forschungc.n zur Religion und Litcratur des Altcn und Ncucn Testaments Harvard Theological Rel,ierv Irish Biblical Studies International Critical Commentary Interpretation jahrbuch fiir Antike und Christelltttm joumal of Biblical Uterature joumal of Beliefs and Values Joumal of Feminist Studies iu Religion journal of Religion journal for the Study of the New Tesuwwut joumal for the Study of' the New Testament, Supplement Series joumal for the Study of the Old Testameut Joumal for the Study of the Old Testammt~Supplement Scric.s journal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha joumal for the Study of the Pseudepigrapha, Supplement Series joumal of Theological Studies H. G. Liddell, Robert Scott and H. Stuart jones, Greek- English Lexicou (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 9th cdn, 1968)
xiv
JSR Kul
f_TQ LXX NKJ NovT NovTSup NRSV
i'rrs PT RB RSV
""
SBL SBLASP SBLDS SBLSP SBLSS Scr SerB SJOT SJT SNTSMS SNTIJ THAT
Abbremfltious
Joumal of Scriptural Reasoning Kird~e und Israel Lexington Theological Quarterly Septuagint New King James Bible Novum Testamentum Novum Testamcntttm Supplements New Re.\'ised Standard Version New Testament Swdies Political Theology Reuue Bibfique Revised Standard Version Revised Vusion Society of Bibli..:al Litcraturc SBL Abstracts and Seminar Papers SBL Dissertation Series SBL Seminar Papers SBL Scmcia Studies Scripture Scripture Bul/etiu Scandinavian Journal of the Old Testament Scottish joumal o{Theolog)• Societ)' for New Tc.stament Studies Monograph Scric.s Studicn zum Nc.ucn Testament und seiner Umwd t Ernst Jcnni and Claus We.stcrmann (cds.) Theologischcs HamlwOrterbuch zum Aften Testament (Munich: Chr. Kaiser 1
1971- 76).
TynBul TZ
WBC \VW \1C'UNT ZNT ZN\V
Tymlale Bulletin Tbeologische Zeitschrift World Biblical Commentary Word and World Wisscnschaftlichc Untersuchungen zum Ncuc.n Testament Zeitschrift fiir Nemes Testameut Zeitschrift fiir die neutcstamentliche \f/issenschaft
Chapter 1 READING T HE PAULINE lElTERS: PRESUi>i>OSn"'ONS AND CONTEXTS
Paul was po\~t'CI' conscious. This is hardly a rnancr of controvc.rsial de-bate. It is perceived as almost S<'l f-cvidcnt that Paul had something to do with power and was not narvc concerning it. In recent scholarly debate controversy has arisen whc.n it c.omcs to the evaluation of what is pC'rcdvcd as fact in different readings. Paul~s usc o f po\~t'cr is positively acknowledged when he is attributed the role of the first Christian theologian and church 1c.adcr who provided the basis for the subsequent dcvclopmcnr of Christian doctrine as well as the organization of what cmc.rgcd as the Christian Church, thus legitimizing among other things, strictly hierarchical structurc.s and the exerci-se- of domination and control by church authoritie-s for what was pe-rceived as the bc.n dlt of the- entire- community and the salvation o f the faithful. Paul's usc of power and claims to authority arc challenge-d by othe.rs who se-c- in his letters - which provide-d the foundations fo r both Christian doctrine and church life - the roots for the- importation of the usc of power by establishing hierarchical structures and dominating patterns of authority into a previously egalitarian mm·cmc-nt. I am oversimplifying the positions but these 'extremes• at both c.nds of the spc-ctntm indicate that there is more at stake in the. debate- about Paul and power than mere academic insights. 1 It is a debate which is embedded in, and has a major impact upon, the life of churches and thdr respective- politic.al, social and economic contexts1 both in the past and in the present. It is not a purcl)' theological debate, although there arc- significant theologic-al dimensions m it. Bur it is also not a purdy sociological debate~ although it has significant sociological dimensions. lr is a de-bate- which is inRuc-nccd b)' and which has inRucnc.cd issues concerning civil rights, women's roles in church and socic:tr, and church order, as wdl as issues in relation to other faiths.
I.
If such exist al all. Cf. Rourdicu 2000: 81-2, !llso
128~3 .
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
2
I .1 Earlier Studies on Paul aud Power
Signific.ant studic.s on Paul and power have. b«.n informed b)' debates and thcoric.s of power which have emerged in sociology, political scicm:c and philosoph)• because it has been recognized that the tools pro"ided by such thcorlc.s might contribute in nc.w ways to an analysis of power in the Pauline discourse. John H.Schiitz in his Paul and the Anatomy of Apostolic Authority to my knowledge pr01•ided the first book·lcngth study inionned by soc.iological theories of power. He critical!}' interacted with \X'cbc.r~s and others' theories and proposc,d a model o f power for an analysis of Paul's claims of apostolic authority which he dc.scribc:s as follows ' Power is the source of authority and authority is a version of power as it interprets power and makes it ac.ccssiblc ... Legitimacy on the other hand, is a formalization of authority in those circumstance.s where the shape and texture of the social aggregate allows or demands such formalization.' 2 It was Schiitz' inte.ntion to follow up Kiisemann's perception of Paul's letters as ' ... constantly seeking to establish a basis for aurhoriry'.J and provide an analysis o f the struct ure of that authority..a Schiitz tried to come to an understanding o f Paul's perception of authority 'by locating it within the larger fra mework o f order '.s as expre.ssed in theological vocabulary. Guided by ·weber's d istinction between charismatic> traditional and legal authority he views both Paul and his communities as sharing in the same charismafic expericnce.s>and thus in principle in the same authority in Christ. He concludes 'Where thq• stand "in" the gospel che.y stand in the same power as he docs and the.ir authority is the same as his.'' Bc.ngt Holmberg's stud)' Paul aud Powe-r also presupposed Weber's theorie-s} but in distinc.tion from SchUtz he emphasized the e.n tircly social nature: of authority which he perceived as 'a social phenomenon, not a theological intc.rprctation o f social phenomena'.1 Holmberg views Paul as an apostle who acknowledged that he was parr o f, and dependent on a movement, but nevertheless claimed specific power and control over his communities. Thus in relation to other apostles, Holmberg perc.cives Paul as both viewing himself and also be-ing accepted by other.s as equal with regard to power and authoril)·~• \vhere.as in rdation to his communities he views him as promoting an asymmetrical hierarchy in a stafic sense.' More rc.cently Cynthia Briggs Kittredge in her anal)•sis, Conmumity and Authority: The Rhetoric of Obedience iu the Pauline Tradition, has focused on the impJic.a tions of the discourse of obedience~ presupposing that the Pauline discourse was primarily informe.d by the obedience discourse o f the 2. 3. 4.
5. 6. 7. 8. 9.
SchUrr. 197;:21. Quote in Schl•tz I975: i:oc. Schi"nz. 1975: i:oc. ScbUtz1975: i:oc. Schi"lrz 1975: 181. Holmbe-rg 1978: 104. Holmberg 1978: 194-201. Holmbe-rg 1978: 116. 158.
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters dominating Graeco-Roman imperial d ite culture.") Sandra Hack Polaski's study> Paul aud the Discourse of Porver, is informed by Michel Foucault's perception of power as an often hidden but a ll-pen•asivc discourse of po\~t'er exerc.ised over others. She pays particular attention to the discourse of grace in the Pauline letters as a form of such a hidden discourse of power claims.•• T hese book-length studies from diffe.rcnt pc.rspcctives contribute valuable insights into the discourse of power in the Pauline 1cttc.rs. They each focus on particu lar aspects of that discourse {Polaski, Kittredge), and interpret it from particular he.rmcneutical prc.suppositions {Kinrcdge), or through the lens of
one parricular rheory oi power (Schiitz, Holmberg, Polaski). T hese studies have contributed to the recognition that the Pauline discourse of power is not uniform. Depending on the perspective chosen~ different aspe.ccs of the Pauline claim to, and exercise of, power a rc highlighted- a ll of which have had a major inAucncc in the course of the history of interpretation. T he approach advocated in this study builds on these studies, and is informed by insights they provide. But it presupposes a perspective which d iffers in a number of ways from these. Issues raised by contemporary sociologica l, philosophical a nd politic.a l theories will be taken into account, in that the Pauline discourse will be re.ad in concert with such 1heorics. But 1 do not rely on one particular theory or
model and rhen read the Pauline discourse rhrough the lens of this rheory or modd. To read the Pa uline discourse in conce.rt with, and informed by, comemporary 1heories of power is a frui tful mO\'C but one which also needs to be approached with caution. Since contemporary t.heoric.s of power arc based on data gained through analyses of modern \'V'cstcrn societies a nd/or through the perspective of such~ their appropriateness for an analysis of communities of the first century c1: c.an only be limited. The necc.s sarr dam
cannot be gained by sociological methodology as applied in rhe reS<arch of contemporary societies. but on I)' from fragmentary literary and archaeologic.a l sources. This further limits the possibility of attaining direct sociologic.al insights. Nevcnhdess contemporary theories can provide an illuminating perspective and shed light on aspects of the fragmentary discourse of the Pauline epistolary conversation which would otherwise go unnotice.d.
1.2 Hermeneuticol Presuppositions of this Study
My proposal to read the •fragmentary discourse of the Pauline cpiscolary conversation' in light of contemporary theories of powc.r reveals that 1 have already made a decision concerning 1hc hermeneutical presuppositions o f my reading: 'Fragmentary' indicates that the letters arc se.en as only part of something dsc; 'discourse' indicates that the contents arc influenced by specific c.hoicc.s and intere.sts; 'Pauline' indicates that [his is seen as a label which 10. I I.
KittrtdgC' 1998: .l 7- 51. Polaski 1999: l04--2J.
4
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
might comprise more than one person; 'con\'c:rsation' indicates that the lcttc.rs arc not seen as a means in thcmsdvcs or perceived as theological essays. In agreement with most of contcmpora rr Pauline scholarship, J perceive claims to objective readings, and to the reduction of texts to one correct mc.aning, as a concept of the past. I have prniousl)' arguc,d that interpret ation should rather be seen as a process of ncgorjating mc.aning in and for specific contexts, with a conscious appreciation and open conversation about each interpreta tion's hcrmcnc·utical prcsuppositions. 11
1.2.1 Tile Cultural Embeddedness - judaism and its Scriptures Thus, the reading of a text, panicularlr one like the Pau1inc letters, which e.merges from a context and time not our own, requires a framework of reference and understanding which precedes this veJJ same re.ading. Since the reading of a biblical text in a scholarlr setting is preceded br an act o f translation, rhe re-ader is in a situation which has been described as follows: 'If in order to translate one must make a scrie.s of h)'pothe.sc-s about the deep sense and the purposc.s of a text, then translation is a certain form o f interpretation.' 1 0 This insight leads Eco to the: conclusion that •a translation is made possible b}' a previous interpret ation of a text. ' 14 In light of this any reading of the Pauline lertcrs is seen as informed by some pre-reconstruction of a framework within which the letters arc seen to be located. This framework- or what Eco describes as •Mutmassung iibcr die bcschriebcnc mOgliche. \Vclt' is itself influenced by the perspective. of thC' interpretcr, that is his/her context and choice.s concerning the hermeneutical presuppositions that have been made prior to rcadingt interpreting and translating a text.U Hermeneutical pre.suppositions arc.constructed and constmcr a framework of interpretation which influc.nces the choices necessarily made in the process o f translation. This consc.qucntly implic.s that translation is as much a proce.ss of negotiation as is the process of intcrpretation. 16 Texts such as the New Testament writings and the Pauline letters in particular, which arc written in Greek, give rise to the question of what should be c.o nsidered the relevant cultural c.o mext in which these te.xts arc embedded and with which they resonate. Since. Greek in this c.asc is not the language of a particular people or of a particuJar geographic region, chc.sc parameters can not contribmc to guide an informed hermeneutical choice. Greek culture
12. Cf. J:hrC'nsperg<."r 2004~ : 5-26; PanC"/Grenbolm 2000b. 13. Eco 2004: 113, cf. the GC'rman vC"rsion 'OC'r Ubc:rsC'tZC'r muss dc:u Satz zuniichst ~uf Basis C"inc:r Mutmassung iibc:r die darin bcoschriC'bene mot;li,hc: Wdt umformuliC'un, erst dann kann C'r sich cmscbcidC'n, ihn t.u iibC'rscarn• (2003: 189). 14. Eco 1004: 124. 15. Cf. P.mc:/Grcnholm 2000b: 34-44; also BourdiNI 2000: 138-42. 16. Cf. Eco 2003: 11--11; concC"rning intC'rprctarion :1s nrgoriation S
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters
5
in its various forms and combinations - Graeco-Roman, or Hellenistic - has been proposed as the most likely context for the Pauline letters and thus many interpretations presuppose a Gracco-Roman framc.work for translating and interpreting them, including the traces of the power discourse found within them. t':" T his is one hermeneutica l choice based primaril)' on an interpretation of the usc of the Greek language as a n indication of a primary enculturation in that respective cultural world. But there. is a question which is often overlooked when e.nculturation of the Paulinc lcttcrs in thc Grae.co-Roman is advocated: who is enculturate.d? The addre.ssces or the scndc.r(s), or both? To put it in thc discoursc of translation - is the usc of Gre.ck herc target· or source·oriented or both? 111 In some litera l')' approaches it has been a rgue.d that this question is obsolete or must remain undecided, and so the issuc is not what the scnde.r(s)/author(s} intention was a nd thus what symbolic universe they a rc embedded in, but rathe.r what the- addressees might have heard and understood. Although I consider it important to pay spc.cific attention to rc.ccption hist ory a nd the history of thc cffc-ets that a text which was and is pcrccived as authoritative by a community of faith ma)' have had, I c-annot sce how thc questions of authoria1 intention a nd an author's cultural cmbcddcdncss can be renderc.d obsolcte.'' I am awart . of the limitations of the quest for authorial intc.n tion, and I am certa inly not promoting a q uest for a so·callcd re.a l Paul 1 but to pcrccive the reception of a text as the most, or even onl)', a ppropriate and acc.cssiblc way of intcrprcta tion 10 means ro hand it over to the interpretation of the victorious of history, that is to the dominating voiccs, there b)' silcncing altc.rnativt. voice.s of interpretation of the past (aga in) and possible alternative interpreta tions for lhc prc.sent.2' To rcfrain from promoting a quc.st for thc re-al Paul docs not imply that historical research a nd reconstruc.tion a rc considered irrdc\'ant for the intcrprcta tion of the Pauline lcncrs. Although rhc contemporary d iscourse of historicity and thc viabilit)' of historical re.conscruction cannot be dc.a lt wilh hcrc, 1 am of the opinion that the Paulinc lcncrs arc documents which rclate to some re.a lity outside thcmscl\'e.s. Although thcy al'c. only ac-cessible as texts for contcmporarr readcrs, thc.y arc texts which contain traccs of the livcs a nd thoughts of real people. T hus despite not bcing rcprc.sc.ntations o f 17. Kitfrtdge 1998: 37- 51; Castelli 1991:59-87. IS. Cf. E
6
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
pure historic-al facts the}' relate to and reflect upon a life beyond themselves. Traces of this life, which is the life of real people: at a particular time and in a particula1· place, arc stored in the archives of the traces o f those who lived before us. The difficulties in finding such archives or gcning accc.ss to them docs not excuse the exegete fro m trying to reconstruct a framework
of understanding for his/her interpretation informed by such traces of the past.l! T hus a reconstruction of the possible world within which a text emerged, although it can never be a nything other than a (rc-)construction, must be
informed by as much historical (social , cultural, literary. archaco1ogic.al, linguistic, etc.) knowledge as possible. One significant aSJX.Ct of such historic.al and cultural knowledge has, so far in Ill)' \'iew, not bc.cn seriously recognized in Ne.w Testament interpretation in ge.nc.ral, and in the interpretation of the Pauline lette.rs in particular. It is hardly conte-sted that the historical contc:xc which the c-.ar1y Christ-followers inhabited was first-ccnn1ry Judaism and that Israel's Scriptures were the Scriptures by which the.y lived, and which they quoted and interpreted. But the rheological significance of chis is only slowly bdng recognized. The fact that the Christ-movement in its beginnings was fully pan of the communit)' of the Jewish people and the Jewish faith" is more. than merely a stateme.n t about origins or roots. To ackno\\tlcdge the embcddedness of the c.arly Christ-move.ment within and as part of Judaism implies that the question of primary cnculturation must be taken more seriously. The usc of the Gree.k language, for instance, is then not such a dear indication for an enculturation of the early Chri.st-movcment in the Graec.oRoman 'world'/s)•mbolic universe as has been suggc:sted.24 lt is far fro m scMevident that the Pauline letters should be re.ad with the prc.supposition that they arc embedded primarily in the Grae.co-Roman world. Again in applying translation discourse, u the question of the .source of the Pauline discourse nee.ds to be considered afresh when, what Rolf Rendtorff has recently argued, is take.n seriously: For tht'm !the first gcncr:ttion of Chrisriansl the 'Scripture• is their Bible, the use of which they t'.d:.e for grantcd. requiring no justitic:uion ... Right through lO the: time of
12. Cf. Strecker who in his srimul:uing cssay cond udC's ·Dic GC"Sehichuschreibung stdlt keincn Spiq;d in dic VergangcnhC'it bcrc-it, sie ist ''idmchr cine Pro .xis dcr jc spC7.ilischen Ancignung bcnimmrC'r Brudtstiid:c der Vcrgangcnheit minds planvollrr lnszcnicrung dersdbcn. Die.sc Jnsr.cnierung \'ollzicbt sich indc:s nicht im grenztnlos offcncn Raum litcr:n. ischer Freiheit und Phant:lsie, sir \'OIIt.icht sich unt
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters
7
Christi3n origins, including tht period of the: C'mc-rging New Teu:unem, the~ is thus only one Bible: lst;ld's Bib!<. 1ts .-euthoricy•as Holr Scripture is undispute-d among all Jews., iocluding those th3t formed ~ group of thrir own 3S disciples of jesus.26
It follows from this that a perspective which holds that the primary 'world' of Paul and for the othc.r first Christ-fo llowc.rs was the. Scriptures, including their interpretation within the Jewish world, that is, in conversa tion with t heir fellow Jews, is a viable., even nec.essary, option.17 The information, that Paul was a Pharisee which we get from Philippians 3, facilitate.s a more pre<:ise notion of the world in which he li\'e.d and to which he related. It is unlikdy that he got this Pharisaic education anywhere other than in Je.rusalcm,z11 which means that he 'may have been exposed co the pluriform inRuenc.c of traditions circulating in j e.rusalcmite cirdcs',l" Hogeterp thus concludes that Paul did have. strong connections to Palc.stinian Jewish culn1re and 'It is therefore inadequate to s uppose that Hellenistic Diaspora Judaism constitutes the predominant background to Paul's previous jewish life.' 30 T he frequent references to the Scriptures in the Pauline lcrre.rs thus arc more. than mere proof-texts or ornaments to an a rgument prc"iously made;
they consritutc the world in which he li>'ed and thought. The re~ding put forward in this study is informed by Rendtorff's approach which ad>'ocatcs that ' ... Christian theology docs not begin with the message of the New Tcstament.'3 1 I thus will attempt a reading o f the Pauline d iscourse. taking into account that the Scriptures arc Jsracl's Sc.ripture.s and that they a rc the symbolic uni't·ersc which .shaped the socia l world in whic.h Paul and his colleagues in the apostolate lived and from which they a rguc.d:12 T his is perceived as the 'source' of his writ ing and even though the source might resonate differently with the 'target) audience, this docs not invalidate the
16. Rrndtorff 2005: 742-43. 27. On the difficulties some GC'rm3n Gr«k philologists fo und in tr)·ing to underst3nd P3ul \vith tht'it ·Greek car• S« T:n1bc:s 2004: 3-5. 18. Murphy·O'Connor 1996: 52- 70; F.hr<'nspergC'r l004a: 12 .S-31. For a uscfu1 discussion of Paul's Pharisaism SC't' Overman 2002: 180-93, 29. Hogetcrp 2006: 135. On the implicntions this ma)" have had for his rebrion to wome-n gcner:~lly nnd female 1~dc-rs in the movemc:m in p:m icular sce Han 2006:73-1 10. 30. Hogct<."rp 2006: 135. 31. Rencltorff 1005: 749. The primarr significance of the Old TC1't:unem for undcrsunding the: New Tcst:unrnt was ~ l re.1dy recognized :md advocated br the Swiss Reforme-r Heinrich BullingC'r (1504-1575). He consistently ~ ppl it'd th<se insights in his writings. prc.1ching .-end lecturcs. His comribmion is only now being fully apprcci:ttrd for its diffcr
8
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
It rather require-s that a reading which take-s the non-Christian reading of the Scriptures seriously should be part of~ or even the starring point for a reading o f the Pauline Jcnc.rs. The rc.ading of the traces of the 'sou rcc-~ .JJ
dynamics of power found in the Pauline. letters proposed here. is infomtcd by this presupposition: the people who lived wirh the Scriptures formulated their sclf·undcntanding in conversation with them and perceived them as the
authority for all aspects of Jifc and faith; and this is the context and sourc-e within which the Pauline-letters arc also cmbcddcd.34 The issue gets more difficult when it comes to the target or audience of the letters_,that is, the addresse-es. As gentiles in Christ their primary soc.ializ.ation most 1ikcly took place mainly within the Gracco-Roman cultural, political and religious world. J.s The degree of their ac.quaintancc with the Jewish scriptural and culmral world can on I)' be. a maner of informed gue.ss work. j.(, E\•cn if some of the gentile Christ-followers had previously been wel l acquainted with the &riptures and Jewish tradition this \Vas most likc:ly not the case for all of them. The proclamation of the message of the gospel ro gentiles thus invol\'cd a process of transmission from one cultural context to another (even if there was some overlap between them)..;; It is not difficult to envisage that in this transmission process between source and targe.t something mar have been lost or may have been heard different!}' by the. addressees, 'lost in translation' so to s.ay..u In this study I will focus primaril)' on the aspect of the source in this process of transmission, that is the authors' cmbe.ddcdncss. 3"~ But funher research into the proccss of transmission of the message of the gospd lx-twccn different cultures is rcquircd.-'<~ The presupposition of Paul's embcddedness in a 'world' which was shaped by the Jewish Scriptures and traditions is combined here with the: view that this tradition was not mcrelr a religious 33. See Horsley \o,.·ho notes that "As bttomcs unavoidably C\'ident in the Corinthinn correspondencr . .. Pilul did not share much of a common cultural hr riragc with his t~udience' (2000: 84). 34. In this respect my approoch could be called a "canonical approach• to Pttu1 (informOO by Rendrorff), n:ading Paul in the light of the Hebrew S.:riprures r-..nher than in the light of 1ater New TC'stament traditions. 35. The- rccognition of this most likd)' informed Baur in his per.:eption of Paul as the one who 'trilnslatcd' the mess::tge of rhc gospe-l into ·Hdlensim', and thC't<:br liberated the gospel from the consttaints of Jewish p:trticulorism to iu uni\'t"rSJI truth. Cf.
lding which percei\·es the IC'ttC'1S as theological rrcanscs. 40. On basic i ncom p:~tibi liti<s bctwcen Roman and j ewish JX'tCepcions of dependC'ncy :lnd domination see Bllrrosch 2002: 141.
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters
9
belief system but encompassed all d imensions o f life. The fact chat in ancient societies a separate c.oncept of 'religion' did not exist is taken into ac.count, thus political as wel l as economic factors and the: 'religious' dimension arc seen as inseparably intertwined:• Political and economic factors thus arc seen as having significantly influenced the ('.arlr Christ·movcmcnt:11 1.2 .2 The Social, Political, and 'Religious' Context - The Romau Empire
Jews, induding Christ-followers, whcthc.r they lived in the Roman province of Judac:a~ provinces in its immediate ndghbourhood~ or elsewhere around the Mcditt'.rranc.an basin~ livt'd under the conditions set b}' Roman imp
See Stegemann 1003: 43-69. Cf. c:.g. Freyn.: 1002a: 37-5 1. Also Stegemonn/Stcg.:m:mn 1999: 15- 52. lbhru.sch 2001: 137-41. Bahru.so:h 2001: 48. On the economic realities of Rome's rulr as a poremial source of conflict SC'C Freyne
45. 1002: 136-51. 46. Bahru.sch maintains that this actu:.llly mt"ttns thnt Rome could not .accept rdigious pluralis-m proper at .aU (2001: 118).
10
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
and onl)' God of Israel and the idenrit)'·shaping dimension this loyalt)' had for their wa)' of lifc, \vas actually inc.ompatiblc \vith these goals o f Roman imperial polic)'.4 ':' This was recognized very early on br Cicero who already in 53 sc:F. in his Pro Fiacco claimed that Jewish cult and practice stood in contrast to the splendour of the c.mpirc) the dignity of ic.s name and the order of its anccstors.411 Cicero was wdl aware that rhc religio of the Jews encompassed political dimensions which were incompatible. with the intcrc.sts of the empire. This basic. incompatibility was to lc.ad to increasing tensions in Judac.a but also occasionally bctwcc.n Jewish communities elsewhere. and impe-rial authorities. Tc.nsion d id not constantly burst into open c.onAict but it certainly produced a kind of constantly pervasive insecurity and ambiguity in Roman-Jewish relations. Since the early Christ-movement, including Pauk his collc.ague.s and communitie-s, were part o f the jewish communities throughout rhe empire, these tensions must have had some effect o n the.m as well. In addition to the general incompatibil ity o f Judaism with imperial ideology~ the Christmovement followed one who had died on a Roman cross, that is, they specifically rdated to a Galilean who had been e.xe.cutcd in a clash with Roman imperial power. Thus the context of the Roman Empire fa r from providing the. mere background of the events rc.sulting in the emergence o f the early Christ-movement, is the eva-present foreground the early Christ· fo11owcrs and the Jewish communitic.s had to rdatc to and with which they had to interact. The political dimension inhe.rcnt in the Pauline lette.rs has caught rhe attention o f a number of scholars (R. Horsley, N. Elliott, ~rlicr also D. Georgi}.41 One of the first to draw anention to this dimension in the Pauline discourse was the Jewish philosophe-r Jacob Taubes whose lect ures on Romans in Heidelberg in 1987 were published posthumously in Gem1an in 1993. He maintained that the opening verses o f Romans 'is a political declaration of war' and •... in this sense the Epistle to the Romans is a political declaration of war on the Cacsar.'so Even if I were to e\•aluatc the Pauline language and discourse more moderately, I consider the political and religious dimensions as inevitably inte.mvined in the message of the gospel inasmuch as this was the case in Roman society. In the context of an empire which was organize,d as a stricti)' hierarchical, auroc.ratic structure, 47. Bahrusch notes that not only did such tol-erance- not -exist in the Roman -empir-e, but it was also foreign to Hdlrnis:m, -as only what was: the ~me was: assimilatrd into 1he Hdlrnis:tic p.1nthcon. Wh-at \V"J.S diffe-r-ent could nor be integrated, ·... dcr ji"ldischr Monothrismus w:1r nicht nur inhaltlich vOIIig nnders als dcr hdlenisrischc Polytheismus, er W!lr \'Or allem in besondcrer Weise politis-.::h und gewiss ni.:ht in den hellcnisrichrn GOn<"rhimmd int<"grir rbar.• (2002: 57). 48. ·sua cuique civit-..n i rd igio, Ladi, C"St, nostra nobis. Stantibus Hicrosol)·mis pacatisque 1u
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters
11
a structure embodied by the absolute ruler who claimed and was hailed to be 'the Fathe.r of the Fatherland', Saviour, Pcacemakc.r etc., the mc.re claim to call no one 'father' except God, and to proclaim another Saviour or a peace other than the peace. and justice of Rome was an act of resista nce to the dominant and dominating imperial orde.r.j• It is presupposed in this study that the imperial context had a significant impact on the dynamics o f power to which the Pauline letters bc.a r witne-ss. Still part o f Judaism, with their specific wimess to Christ crucified, the Christ-following communities formed a sub-groupH which proclaimed a message which implkitl)' challenged Roman imperial power. Inasmuch as the.sc groups were a lso living in the context of Grae.co-Roman society the.y were influenced by aspects of this. But to acknowledge such influence is not the same as to propose that they shared these aspects. 1 have: alre.ady mentioned the issue of the usc o f the Greek language. In a similar \'e.in one needs to ask whether the usc of titles and tams dear1r resonating with Roman imperial propaganda indicate.s a sharing in the values promoted by Rome or rather dc.notes that the.y serve a \'cry different purpose. A similar issue arises when Paul's literacy and rhetorical skills a rc naluate.d. Do they indicate, as they would if he were part of Roman society, that he was a mcmbc.r of the upper strata of this society, the 3 per c.c nt of the e.n tirc population of the empire which formed the dite ?H T his is very un1ikcly since most of the Jewish intellectual d itc were not land-owners (which was the decis ive criterion in antiquity by which me.mbcrship in the upper classes was determined) but usually had to work ro make a living, in a variety o f profc.ssions ..« Thus unlike Gracco-Roman literature, ancic.nt jewish literary sources, •do not reflect the upper-class view only but were more varic.gated in their perspective' as Hcszer notes.js Presupposing that the Pauline letters, and in fact all New Testament writings fall into the category of 'ancient Jewish literar)' sources' they do not reflect an elite perspective but most likdy indicate a lower-class perspective~ that is the perspective of people who lived not only economic.a ll)' but a lso ideologica lly at the margins of the empire.
1.3 The Focus of this Stud)' T he all-pervasive patriarchal domination panern of societie-s in antiquity is another issue which is critically discussed, particularly in gender-sensitive
,
51. .
Cf. also Caner 2006: 83- 99 .
Cf. Nanos 1996: 13-10; Esl
53.
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
12
approaches. J have. argued elsewhere that this is the given structure of these socktics, and that Paul and the entire c.arl)' Christ-movement were children of their time even in this respect. However, the .sometimes c.x plicit, and more often implicit, patriarchal pcnpc-ctivc on gender relations (as e.g. in 1 Cor. 11.2-16) should not obscure the reading of other parts of the letters which dearly call for ways of life which differ radically from the values promoted in the dominant society (as e.g. Rom. 14.1 -lS.lJ).u As luzia Sutter Rehmann notc.s 'Much more is involved now than the "question about women" in Paul, more chan a c.r itica1 deconstruction of androccntric writings, more than the contribution made by the female point of vicw.'.s" Moreover, more rc.sc.arch on the implications of androcc.ntrk perceptions and structures on different class levels is needed since they C-C'rtainlr diffcre.d to a significant extent. Also to be noted is the. fact that the idco1ogic.al underpinnings of this androcrntrism wc.rr nor idrntka1 in each socicty..s11 Powc.r issues in rhe Pauline letters arc all-pervasive including, but by no mc.ans limited to, ·women~s issues'. Thus although the focus of this study of the Pauline letters is not particular!)' on the implications of the d)'namics of power for women, I presuppose that, c.xcept where exp1ic.itly stated otherwise, women arc always present as active members of the movement. Thus, for example, the frequent address cXsiA¢101 is taken as referring to both women and men. I am aware €hat this prc.supposition has similarities with the claim that 'women' were/arc included in patriarchal language, but there arc sufficient explicit references in the letters thcmseh·cs to the presc.nc.e and role of women in the Christ·movemem, to substantiate the presupposition of thc.m being present and addressed C\'cn when not explicitly mentioned. The dynamics of power is also not limited (0 the usc of parlkular terms such as E.~ouola, 5uvaplc; or dpx~- \'\lhere.as e-ach of these terms refers to aspects of a power discourse in specific ways and contexts, the dynamics of power of which traces can be- found in the Pauline letters, arc nor restricted to the occurrence of explicit power terminology. These terms in themselve-s oscillate betwc.cn a wide range of meanings, not all of which neadr fit into c-ategories of powu. In a number of chapters I will deal with aspects of the 'power~ terminology as re-levant in its specific tc.xtual and/or historical context, but I will not deal with terminological issues as such, since a thorough analysis of this ferminology would require a study in its own right.·" This smdr docs not pro\'ide a detailed terminological analysis of Greek words usually pcrcc.ivcd as fitting into the-cate.gory of 'powe.r'. M)' particular interc.s-t lies rather with what I would call 'the network of power', that is, with aspects of group dynamics within the earlr Christ·movemcnt in the conrc.xt of Judaism under the conditions of the empire as outline.d above. 56. 57.
For :.1 more dliled discussion of this S« F.hrcnsp«ger 2004:.'1: 27--42. Sunc:r Rehm:lnn 2000: 5. 58. Arriswtlc:'s perception of womC"n diffC"rs r~dically from c:.g. rhc Genesis nour:uivc, (Politica tl54b.ll), cf. F.hrenspcrger 1004:.'1: 93-4. 59. Some :.1sprcts of 'power'. terminology h:.1vc b«'n dealt with in srudies such as Krug 100 I; Horsley lOOOb, 2004a, and 1004b.
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters
13
The wide field of literature of Second Temple Judaism would most likely provide significa nt insights into the study of the dynamics of power in the Pauline letters. But this is a major research project which c.a nnot be undcrtakc.n within the space of this monograph. I will thus focus on the scriptural dimension of the Pauline c.mbeddcdness, being aware that there i.s a field o f research out then;. T his study docs not deal with a theology of power since its focus is not
on the power of God (althoogh it will touch upon the dynamics of power in relation to the divine where this is an issue in the Pauline letters). Nor doc.s this study address the big issue of the relationship between Church and state or ci\•ic powers. The passage which is pcrccive.d as e.x p1icitl)' and in many interpretations as paradigmatically dc.a ling with this relations hip, Rom. 13.1-7, is, in my view, limited, contextual advice given under specific circumstanc.es. It serves a particular func tion under the c ircums tances then prevailing which do not allow us to neatly universalize them into something like •paul's rule concerning the. Christians relationship to the state'.00 As an attempt to understand some of the power dynamics within the early Christ· movement, and ho\V the early Christ-followers related to the Empire, this passage is only of limited significance. T his is not to deny the fact that the earl)' Chris t-movcmc.nt did live under the conditions set by Roman impc.rial power a nd societ}' a nd that this had a decisive influence on the power dynamics within the movement general!)', not only when the relationship between Christ-followers and Empire authorities is e.x plicirly addressed. As mentioned abO\•c (1.2.2}, this is one of the presuppositions which guide this research. T his s tudy docs not sc.r k to extract an ethics of power from the Pauline letters; or to dr\•elop a contemporary ethic.s o f power in light o f the Pauline letters. Rathc.r it seeks to lis te.n into the conversation o f c.a rly Christ-followe.rs, trying to hc.a r what they say about, and hO\v they dc-.al with, issues of power within their movement, embedded in the Scriptures and informed by traditions about Christ. This listening is informed by contemporary iss ues of power which a rc a matter o f concern in churches and societies today. It is driven by the hope. that aspe.cts of the ea rly Christ-followe.rs' conversa tion, without providing d irc.ct guidance, may stimulate and illuminate contemporary com•c.rsations and thus contribute to chc finding o f ways to negotiate. t he drnamics o f power in contempora ry c.h urchcs a nd societies so that thc.y contribute to the life and well -being o f all their members.
60.
Cf. Stubbs 1004, also Flliott 1005b and Horrdl 1005: 151-57.
14
Paul and the Dynamics of Power 1.4 Pla11 of the Book
The second chapter provides an overview of key aspects of the contemporary debate on power. In view of its rcln·ancc for the study o f the. Pauline letters, particular interest will be paid to the: focus on the differentiation of power as power-over, powcNo and power-with. The most significant dimension of this debate is seen in the contribution of scholars such as Hannah Arendt, who c.hallcngc the perception of power as cxclusi\·cly dominating and controlling) that is1 as something which is alwa)'S asymmetrical, and thus limits the options and possibilitic.s of action of others. Although her provocative approach to power as communicative action was widdy dismissed as idc.alistic1 her strc.ss on positive and empowering aspe-CfS of power has had a lasting impact in \'arious more recent approache.s. Thus it is wide!)' acknowlc.dged that the perception of power cxclusi\•dy as power exercised over others is only one. dimension of power, and other aspecrs arc significant when social interactions arc analysed. This is pcrceivc.d as being of great importanc.e for a rc.ading of the traces of the power dynamics in the Pauline letters. Chapter 3 focuse.s on how this dynamics of power was exercised within the \'arious communities/fKKAEolal of the early Christ-movement. Particular attention will be paid to the differen t wa)'S apostles and co-workers in Christ relate to each other on the one hand, and to the communities on the other, in order to create and sustain a network of communities. The letters arc seen as one medium through which this network was maintained despite the distances between the communities and the ua\'dling agents, and it will be discussed if and how the exercise of power between all those involved in this movcme.n t was possible even at a distance. The relationships between the members as communities of siblings is another focus o f attention in this chapter. This needs to be differentiated from the SJX'cific patterns o f relationships between those travelling between the communities - mainly, but not cxclusivel)\ apostles - and the communitic.s themsclvc.s. In Chapter 4 it will be demonstrated through an analysis of the discourse o f grace that the issue of power exerc.iscd through it is not inextricably connected with some inherent or d isguised form of control, or power-over, but rathc.r with the notion of concrete activity on behalf of others, that is, with something thaf resonates with Hannah Arendt's notion of power emerging in communic.ativc action for the enhancement o f the life of all involved in the proc.rs.-s. Chapters 5 and 6 address issues of the Pauline perc-eption of the function of apostle.ship within the movement. Jt will be argued that although this understanding implies daims of specific authority and leadership fu nctions, these arc not restricted to Paul himself, but arc regarded as characteristic for all who arc perceived by the fKt
Reading tbe. Pauline Letters
15
entirely within the parameters of the values of the kingdom, and with the recognition that not e\•e.n the strongest leadership d aims could have ignored the all-pervasive constraints put upon them by the empire. Jn Chapte.rs 7 and 8, aspects of the trans-formative dimension of power will be at the: centre. o f attention, focusing on the role- o f Paul as one who aims at socializing a group into a value S)'Stem which for them is very new, that is the value system of the kingdom/Christ, embe.dded in the Scripture.s and Je.wish tradition. He is thereby seen in the role of a teacher, \vho doc:s exercise power, who doc.s claim to maintain boundaric:s of ethica l orientation, and who seeks consciously to shape their identity. [n good tc-.aching practice he tries!daims to embody the me-ssage he proclaims and the guidance he tc-.ache.s as a trustworthy messenger of the gospel, thus presenting himself as an example from which the communities may learn to live in Christ . Chapter 9 argues that the aim of this teaching of Christ is to guide these newt primarily gentile, Christfollowers into an 'attitude' of hearing and responding to che call of God by embracing/embodying the 'way' within a nd (hrough a ll aspects of thdr lives. T hus the a im of the guidance provided is transformative 1 b<-.ing rooted in a previouslr c:stablished relationship based on trust. T he power operative in this guidance can only be opc.rative inasmuch as the basis of the relationship is not in an}' way in doubt, tha t ist as long as tmst is maintained between all invoh•«l in the relationship. Chapter 10 concludes by emphasizing that the exercise of even transformativc power can only be cffcnive if it is base-d on trust, and thus opcrate.s in conformity to the message proclaimed. The c.x crcise of power in the form o f control or domination) in the vein of oppression and wich the help of force~ is a contradiction in the context of this movement. T his is not to claim that .such exercise was impossible, and that Paul and other apostles, or le.aders and followers of Christ generally were not prone to dominating and controlling tendencies - the exercise of power is alwa)'S dangerous. But being prone to a tc.ndcncy and the perception of the dominating .and contro11ing exercise of power as not only appropriate, but also legitimate) in light of the Christ-event arc two differen t things. Moreovu, it should be remembered that there. were no ways and means by which an)•body in the c.arly Christ-moveme.nt could ha'lc enforced power claims by force or violence:. Rather, as 1 hope to have demonstrated by the e.n d of this sttld)', the exercise of power within the early Christ-movement was guided by the Scripturc:s and the Christ-nent. It was exercised in \'arious forms 1 asymmetrical in certain contexts) and involved in boundary setting in others, but overall aimed at empowering one another fo r a wa}' of life in response-ability co the call of God.
Chapter 2 C ONCEPTS OF POWER IN CONTE~I PORA RY THEORY
The purpose of this chaptc.r is to sketch out aspects of the c.o mc.mporary discussion of ' power' in politic-al and soc.ia l theory as the contc.mporary context and background for this analysis of the dynamics of power in the Pauline lc.ttcrs. However, the intention is not to apply one particular model to the Pauline discourse and interpret from this perspective. Rachcr, the aim is to gain some insight into the issues that arc at stake in the c.ontcmporary debate on power., and then embark on a rt'.ading of the Pauline discourse in light of and in conversation with thc.sc. The term ' power' is frequently used in cvcrydar language where it seems to cause few problems for an understanding. It appc.ars to be clear and obvious what is meant by it, although the valuation that often goes with the usc o f the term ' power' or related terminology can differ widely. Pe:rceptions of power range from viewing it as the ultimate evil) to something neutral or something to be positively appreciatc.d. It is rhus not much of a surprise that upon reflection) what 'power' acn1ally is, is far from clc-.ar. This becomcscvidc.n t when politi~l, philosophical and social-scientific analyses of power arc st udied. It cmc.rgcs that it is a highly contested and vlvidly debated concept/issue not only in r«cnt political and social thcory but also within a long history in political and philosophic.al discourses In \Vcstc.rn tradition.' HistoricaVdiachronic studies, such as those br Michel Foucault) have contributed significantly to the insight into the divcrsit}' of the perceptions of •power' and their cultural and historical contexts. 1 Inasmuch as such historical studies arc necessary and valuable contributions to the debate on •power', they also demonstrate that conclusions from perceptions of the discourse of power in societies and among groups in previous cr.n turics arc to be trc.atc.d with caution. The. data available is limited as is the perception of the rc.searchcr.J Thus, this study 1. My study will focus on this tr::.dition. h takC's imo account the most rC'c
l. Cf. e-.g. Foucault 1971, 1979. Foucault himse-lf was :1\vare of such limitatio-ns: 'It is tnl<' that we h:tve to give up 3. hope of c-~·c-r acceding to a point of viC'W thut could giv< access to a comple-te- ~nd definitive knowledge of what m-ay consrirute our historic~ l limits. And from this po-int of ~·i ew the th<"orc:tical ~nd procric:1l expc"riencc- that we ha\'C" our limits and the possibility of moving beyond them is~ l ways limited nnd det
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
17
will not provide a historic:al acc.ount of power relations in the first century C E but will prcscm a reading of a first-century discourse~ the Pauline letters, in the light of and in conversation with contemporary theories of powc.r. This chapter will thus give an overview of issuc.s raised in c.ontcmpornry debates on power rdcvant to rhis comparative exercise.
2.1 Definitions of Powe-r It ca nnot be ignored that thc recent dcbatc.s on ' power' arc. still shaped or at least influenced by the thought and writings of Max Weber. Although his definition of power is far from bc.ing uncontested, no contc.mporary approach can ignore Weber's contribution. Debates evolve in agreement, \'ariation or diffe-rentiation from ·weber's classical definition of power as' ... the probability that one actor within a social relationship will be in a position co c.arry out his own will despite resista nce, regardless of the basis on which this probability rests.' 4 Although \X'e0Cr asserts that domination is a specific application of power he nevertheless perceives domination to be one of the most important dements o f social interaction. T his perception of power as 'power-over~ has been differentiated a nd challenged from numerous perspectives in the last three decades. I will return to this debate later in the chaptc.r. O ther scholars perceive power as a capacity or ability to do something, to have an effect on something - 'powe-r-to' achine what an individual or a group set om to do. This aspect was particularly highlighte.d in the last century by Hannah Arendt who defined power as 'the human a bility not just to act but to act in concert.'! T his view is supported by taking etymological aspects into account as has been highlighted by Peter Morriss in the introduction to the second edition of his philosophical analysis of power.6 He directs the reader's attencion to the differenc.cs in me.aning of terms in other languages which in English would be rendered by the term 'powe r~ . This is taken as an indication that 'power' act ually is not perceived as being one-dimensional. It is some.thing which seems to be experienced different!)' according to diverse cultural, contextual and situational loc.ations. T hus, Morriss notes that in Russian 'vlast' de.arlv indicates power as ' power-over' , a nd has a n inherently dominating me.mtini,
.l£~ i n' (Foucault 1984:~ :
47). HC' also exp-licitly st:JtC'd th:u hi.s modd of an an:~l ysis of powlted with~ gm«al nnalrtics of C'very possible pow<'r rebtion' (Fouc:Jult t984b: 3801. A simil:1r :.warC'nru and restriction can bC' found in Bourdieu 1000: 94- 127. 4. \'1/ebc-r 1957: 151. Or as he: put it (';lrli« in thC' sam<' work: 'Pow« ffi(';lllS every ch t~nce within :1 social rd:Jtionship co .-.SSC"n one's will ('~·en ago1inst oppo.sirion' \'fC'bcr 192 5:
16.
5. 6.
Ar~'tldt 1970: 44. Morriss 1002: xiv- x\·ii.
18
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
whereas the German 'Macht\ the Frc.nch 'pouvoir', and the Jtalian 'potcrc' arc derived cithc.r from the verb 'vcrm8gcn' (Macht), or the. Latin ·porcrc', 'potc.stas' which all rc:fcr to the concept of being able to do or achieve something. to have an effect on someone. The issue of power-over or domination is a possible secondary mc-.aning which thc.se terms c.an carry but which need not necessarily and always be the c.asc. A similar ambiguity seems to be carried by the English term ' power', which is also rdatcd to the l atin word-stem ' pot' .... Morriss vic.ws these language-related differences as clear indic.a tions that a perception of power in any possible context as always c.arrring the meaning of powc.r-ovcr or of domination c.annor be maintained.' Nevc.rthcle.ss, a definition of power soldy as 'the abilit}' to act in concert~, rhus distinguishing power from authority, strength, force. and viole.ncc:, has bec:n criticized as too limited a perception as well) as it excludes any strategic aspc.cts from an anal)'sis of 'powc.r' referring the.m to these other cate.gories.' Habcrmas and others emphasize that the strategic - or powcr·over - aspc.ct of power cannot be: excluded from a definition and critical discussion of power since thereb}' the dimension which is most troublesome. and which studie.s of power arc often most interc.sted in, would not be addre-ssed at all. Thus concepts which try to acc.ount for both dimensions of power in various combinations have been devclopcd 10 alongside concepts which adhere to the vic.w that power-over and power-to rder to completclr differen t meanings of the term 'power' and that they therefore cannot possibly be subsumed under one and the same definition or the.ory." This first brief overview of the main conte.sted aspects of the contemporary power debate demonstrates that thc.rc is more going on in this debate. than a mere discussion about the proper definition o f a word. Nevertheless, there is one aspect on which most participants in the debate seem to be more or less in agreement: it is barely contested that to speak of power implies a refcrenc.e to social relations and to social interaction. Power is pc:rc.cive.d as relational in that it significantly i nRuencc.s~ or emc-rges out of1 interactions among agents. It exists only in its cxercise.u This applies to perceptions of power as powcr·o\•er as well to perceptions of power as powe.r-to. Moreover) thc.rc is some sort of agreement that the d iscourse of power in societies is not confined to the political sphere but is present wherever 7. See Morriss 2002: xv-xvii, a{so 8-12. Cf also Pitkin who notC'S the e-tymologi-cal rdotion of the English renn ·power' with the French 'pou\·o i r~ and the Larin 'potcrl!'' ' ... power is a some-thing ... which makes or renders somebod}" able to do, <:apabk of doing some-thing. Power is -capacity, potrmial, 01bilirr. or whe-rewithal• l1972: 276). 8. Cf. Morriss 2002: XY-X\'i. He notes ' ... the locution of -pow.:r over.. has~ sp«ific use of its own; it is not th!!' general, and c:errainl)· not rbc main way we talk of power.' l2002: 33J.There arc otht'T aspects which support these linguisti-c ind i~"'3ti on.s which will be dis..:u.s.scd later in this -chapter. 9. See Habrrmas•s distinguished -critique- of Arendt. IHabC'rmas 1986: 3-24 •. 10. Allen t999n and Lukes 2005. 11. So Pitkin 1972 nnd W:1rt<."nbc-rg 1990: 10-21. 12. Allen 2002: 142.
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
19
humans intcract.U The distinction Hannah Arendt tried to draw between public. and private docs not hold, as particularlr Michel Foucault in his many writings on power, and feminist theorists also have demonstrated. The feminist perception of 'the private as the political' and the Foucaultian 'politic.s of everyday life' can hardly be ignorr,d in the analyse-s of power. u The fact that the field oi the definition of power is highly contested and that it is impossible to achic.vc agreement in this, points co an aspen which impacts on anr definition and discussion of pO\vcr. When thinking about concepts of powc.r it has to be taken into acc.o unt that no one approach is neutral or objective. Thus any sn1d)' of powc.r has to ask it.sdf what is the motive and interc.st for focusing on this topic in the first place. WhatC\'C'f conceptions of power we arc dealing with, and in whatever way we arc engaging in such a project- it cannot but be shaped by contexts and rdations which arc. influenced by power.u Although it is beyond dispmc that power can be exercised in a dominating wa)' (as defined by W\nd Alle-n comments on Foucauh ' ... Foucault's call for the end of man is be-st unde-rstood as the c~ll for ., critique of critique, and thus il.S the rc\·darion thor human subjC'Cu arc always embedded in contingently emcrg<'nt (and thus rransformab!cl linguisric, historical, and cuhurnl conditions• t200J: t9Jj. 16. I am inspirC'd here by Amy Allen who norc.s that "'Feminists Jl('('d a conc
20
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
felt empowered for life rather than dominated and restricted. h is with this 'altcrnati~o·c' rc.ading tradition in mind~ that I wish to embark on t his project. 2.2 'Power·Oller' or Strategic Power In the wake of Max Wcbc.r's writings about powcr'l- theories o f powc.r in the social scic.nc.cs focused significant!}' on powc.r as powu -ovcr someo ne - and more specifically o n power as domination. Weber c.crtainlr contributed decisively to the recognition of the significance of power as an aspect of social intc.raction in society, in his pcrcc.ption of domination as c.onstituting a special case. of power which nc.vcnhclc.ss 'is one of the most imponant dements of social action'. 111 T his dtrc.ad of argumentation has bcc.n taken up by scholars such as Steven Luke.s who with his study Power: A Radical Vie~u (1974) triggered a wide and ongoing debate. " Lukes defined power as follows: 'A exercises po\ver over B when A affects Bin a manner contrary to s~s intercsts!!o [n his comments in the second edition Lukes' concedes that in Power: A Radical View he had exclusively addressed issues related to a concept o f power as domination and w the que.stion how the agents in a SUJXrior position secure the compliance of the subordinates. Whereas the e.arlier discussion pcrce.ived of power almost exclusively as power·ovc-.r and equated this with domination, the following d iscussion demonstrated the nee.d for more d ifferentiation in the debate. Thus Lukes~ in the new chaptc.rs of the. second edition~ concedes that domination is one specific aspect o f power - and even o nly one specific aspc.ct of power·over. He now de.sc.ribes power as an "agent's ability to bring about significant effects, specifically in furthe ring the.ir own interests and/or affecting the interests of others, whether positively or negari\•cly'.!l Domination, then, is perceive.d as the abilit}' of an agent to limit the options and choices of others. The mc-.ans to achieve- such domination is through the e.xcrciS<". o f force~ coerciont or by securing the compliance of the subordinates.!! Lukes maintains that this last aspect drives Foucault's massive and influential work. Fouc.ault's approach is thus loc:ated within the power· over paradigm. [n contrast with othc.r approaches, Foucault docs not view power as something which is in the possession of some and thus can be e.xercise.d over others. He maintains that 'power ... is not that which makes a diffc.rc.nce between those: who exclusively possess and retain it, and 1hosc who do not have it and submit to it. Power must be analysed as something which circulates, or rather as something which only functions in the form o f 18. 19. 20. 11. 12.
\'<'rbrr now in l ukrs 1986:28. This led to the publication of an amc:ndc-d second e-dition in 1005. l.ukrs 2005: 30. l.ukrs 2005:65. l.ukrs 2005: 85, nlso \V..utrnbrrg 1990: 93- 96.
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
21
a chain.m Foucault thus 0\'crcomcs to some cxt<'.n t the. dualistic perception of power as simplr creating dominating and dominated agents in that he describes power as a nc.twork of interaction within which individuals arc 'vehicles of power, not its points of applica tion'.u His aim is to discover how within this network subjc.cts arc actually constituted through many dive-rse energies, forces~ desires, influences - and in turn contribute as active agents to the constitution of subjccts.zs Thus power is not merely exercised by a state. or instinnionalizcd authority but is seen as a mobile. set o f force relations thal arc permeating societies as a whole. Foucault thus emphasizes that power is an unavoidable. clement o f social life which has to be accounted for in any analysis of groups and their interaction within societies as well as of societies as a whole. He also warns against visions which depict ide.al social interactions as interaction from which power is absent. Such visions arc at best mere illusions and at rhe.ir worst they arc dangerous as thc.y ignore decisive facto rs of socia1 interaction b)' submerging them into the unnoticed. The problem is not the pre-sence. of power a.s such but rather the hindrance of a free Row of power among its various agents. As long as this Row of power is guaranteed within a group or society and power relations remain variable and unstable and thus mutable., even asymmetry is not a problem. But states of domination arc established when the relations of power arc fixe.d in such a way that they are perpen1ally asymmctrkal and the margin of liberty is c.xtremdr limited. 16 Foucaulf s approach is significant to this study sinc.e he is one of the theorists who raised fundamental criticisms against an understanding of power which presupposes as the paradigmatic model, the relation of a powerful agent who impoS<'.s his will on a powerless subordinate. His e.mphasis on the. all-pcrvasivenc.ss of power and the differentiated perception of asymmetry and hierarchy in social relations deserves further consideration in our reading of the Pauline discoursc.1 7 But his perception still operates within the constra ints of a paradigm of power as power-over>as stratc-gic - as a means by which agents tr)' to determine the choices, behaviour or options of others, cvc.n though this is not necc.ssarily pursued by means of cocrc.ion or C\'en violence. but through the compliance o f willing subjc.cts. Foucault thus docs not pc.rccivc o f power as something bad, but always as something dangc.rous since it can c-.asilr tum into domination.l8 Jn viewing power solely in strategic terms Foucaulrs approach docs not allow for a perception of power whk h has positive and empo\vcring impacts on social relationships. This is one of d1e major c.ritiques of Foucault~s stance which has been raised 13. Foucaub in Lukes 1986: 233-34. 24. Foucault in Lukes 1986:234. 15. Foucault 1986: 233. 16. Foucault 1988: 3. 27. Cf. Chapter 3. 18. Foucault 1988: 18, ~ lso AIIC'n 2002: 141; WartC'nbcrg 1990: 1 13. On a reading of the P:HIIinc discourse from within a Fouc~uhian framC'work sec the signilic:uu study b)' Polaski 1999.
22
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
by feminist theorists. His approach docs not hdp to analyse or explain power which arises from solidarit)'> or powc.r arising from the conscnsu.s of a group of people to act togcthc.r. It also docs not account for what has bcc:n called 'trnnsformativc power' .
2.3 "Power-to' or CommunicatiliC Power The perception o f power as power-over and rhus inhcrcndy dominating or at least dangerous has been challenged parricularly by Hannah Arendt as it conccivc.s of powr.r as an cntircl}' negative, cvc.n repressive force. Arendt mainta ins that the logica l consequence of a defi nition of po\~t'cr as powerover- or, in her perception) according to a command-obedience model - is that violence is the ultimate form that power ca n take. Violence then is a
particular way through which power can be exercised. This reduces power to domination in various forms which in her view have nothing to do with power at all. She distinguishes betwee.n powc.r, strength) force, authority and \'iolcncc:,n and notes that •power is indeed of the e.sscnce of all go\'c.rnmcnt, but violence is not.'JO Violence i.s instrumental~ a means to achie\o'e an end, power is not. She nen maintains chat 'power and violence arc o pposites; where the one rules absolutely, the other is absc:nt.'.l 1 It is viokncc which always invokes a command-obe-dience: structure whereas power is neither command or rule but collaboration and action~ it is •... the human abilit}' not just to act bm to act in conc.c.rt. Power is never the property of an individual; it bclong.s to a group and remains in existence only so long as the group kc:e.ps together.'.ll Power cannot be fully realized where violence reigns. She emphasizes that 'Power is actualized only where word and dcc:.d have not parted company, where words arc not empty and d«ds arc not brutal, where words arc not used to veil intentions but to disclose realities~ and deeds arc: not used to \~o l a te and de.stroy but to establish relations and create new re.alitie.s.m In addition to distinguishing power from \'iolc.ncc etc. 1 Arendt share.s with Foucault and others che view that power is not something one can possess, not something that some have which can be stored and then applied over othc.rs, and which others do not ha\•e. She stres-ses that power c.xists only in its actualization; it •is always .. . a power potential and not an unchangeable, measurable, and reliable c.ntit)' like force or strength'; it 'springs up between men when they act together and vanishes the moment when they dispcrse.)4
29. Arendt 1970: 44-7. 30. Arendt 1970: 51. 3 I. Arctldt 1970: 56. This is a concc-prual distinc.'1ion and Arendt is wdl.-.warC' that 'in the rC':tl world' powC'r and ' 'iolencc arc more often rhan nor inextricably intcrm·ined. 32. Arendt 1970: 44. 33. Ar~'tld t 1958: 100. 34. Arendt l9;8: 200.
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
_,
?'
Thus power derives from rc.ciproc.al collective action>that is, it is inherently intcrtv.•incd with action which takes places within a web o f relationships with other acrorst and its main purpose is to establish and maintain this web of rclationship.J~ She states chat action •is never possible in isolation; to be isolated is m be deprived of the capacity to act'.-.,, Other aspects of Hannah Arendt's political thinking ha\'c co be mentioned here briefly as her conception of power is closcl)' related to these. To perceive of po\vcr as a collccti't'C, relational phenomenon for Arendt implies the plurality of human beings. If \'lC were all the same, communication and action in concert would be superfluous. Rdarionality and group solidarity do not rest on some sharc.d identity in the sense. of inherem sameness, such as a same essence~ a same experiencC of oppression or posse.ssion etc. She states that 'Plurality is the condition of human action bt-cause we arc all the same, that is, human> in such a way that nobody is e.ver the same as anyone else who ever li'fc.d, li'fcs, or will live.'.l7 This should not be understood as a promotion of individualism or existentialism as Arendt d early reje.cts 'all notions of man creating himself' since they 'ha\•e in common a rebellion against the very factuality of the human condition - nothing is more obvious than that man ... docs not owe his cxistcnc.e to himsclf.'·011 But she maintains that the very fact that human beings do c.ommunicate and act in concen indicates that the presupposition of sameness or a share.d ontological identity is flawed. Nevcnhclcss, she doc.s not advocate the entire abandonment o f the notion of commonality, acknowle-dging that communication and action in concert would be impossible if we were all radically differc.nt. Arendt advocates a perception of a d ialc.ctic.al relationship betwcc.n equality and distinction, commonalit}' and diffc.rcnc.c. Although she. e-mphasizes difference in her writings she doc.s not gi\•c up the notion of identity categories c:ntirclr. But in ascribing some validity to group identities she. warns against taking these as fixed> natural or ncn historicallr determined. She maintains chat identities should be perceived as webs constructed ouc of fabrics of differences and distinction. It is circumstances rather than ontological essentials which drive 35.
Cf. Allen 1002: 137.
Arendt 1958: 188. Arendt 1958: 8. She- funher note-s 'Hum:1n plurality, the txlsic condition of both t~crion :md speech, h:t.s the- rwofold ch-arncter of equality -and distinction. If mrn wcre not equal, they c:ould ncither understand (';lCh othe-r and thosr who C:lrtlC' before- the-m nor plt~n for tbr furore- and for<s« the n«ds of rhosc who will come afrcr thcm. If mcn wrre not distinguishrd, e-ach hum::ln bring distinguishe-d from :my othe-r who is, was, or will be-, the-y n«-d nrithrr sp«.:h nor acrion to make themsclvcs understood' ( 1958: 175-76). 38. Arendt 1970: 13. She cmphasius that ·... the id(';l of man creating himsclf is stricdy in th< n;.1dirion of Hegdian nnd "'brxian thinking ... According to Hegd nmn "'produccs,. himsd f through thought, whc-re:1s for .Marx, who turne-d Hrgcl's '"idealism.. upside- down, it was labor ... th-at fulfilf.ed this fun~1i on' l1970: 12-1 3}. S« nlso her earlier conlmrnt "... nobOOy is the- :1mhor or produce-r of his own life- story ... the stories, the results of t~ctions .md speech, rrve:~l an :1grm, but this agrnc is not nn author or produc:cr. Some-body brg..1n it t111d is its subj.C'ct in the twofold srnsr of fhe word, namdy its :IC:tor and suffe-rer, but nobOOy is its t~ u thor' ( 1958: 184). 36. 37.
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power
people to perceive o f certain facts and expcric.ncc.s as forming something like a common idcntity:111
Plurality and difference arc at thc hc.art of Arendt's pc.rc.cption of power as communic.ativc action, as a fu nction of consent. As Habcrmas notc.s: ' E\'cry interaction unifies multiple perspectives of perception and action of those prc.scnt~ who as individuals occupr an inconvertible.standpoint.''"' For Arendt such communicative powc.r is inherc.ntl)' positive as it is the medium through which the space of a shared lifc·\\o'orld is acmally created. To act together thus doc.s not rdy on an essentialist and thus c.xclusionary definition of group idcntity.4t T he power of solidarity grows out of an interplay between identity and non-identity, bctwc.en c.quality and distinction. It emerges not out of a pre-existing~ exclusionary unity but out of dc.cisions and promisc.s by people through which they mutually commit themselves to act in concert. Po\\o'C r in Arendt's perception is inherently rdatcd to communities who commit themselves to act together by way of promise. and contract. [n such binding commitment, structures arc generated which enable a community to continue to gc:nc.ratc power over rime. To sustain a ' powerful' community it is crucial that its membc.rs continue to engage in promise-making, promise-keeping and fo rgiveness. T he c.o ntinuing existence of a community which emerged through power-in-action is an indica tion that the}' arc •in the process o f foundation. of constituting a sta ble worldly structure to house, as it were.~ their combined power o f action' :u Such binding commitment resulting in the formation of a community cannot be static but must be subject to ongoing revision and negotiation othe.rwisc the power emerging from it is transformed into something else. Hannah Arendt limited this discourse of power to the sphere of the public political arena. She did not pcrcdvc power, as did Foucault, as permeating the fidds of oconomy, work, family~ education etc. This is one o f the many critiques which have been raisc.d against her approach. Neverthe-less, she has drawn anention to a dimension of power as a positive aspe('t of human interaction and various theorists have followed that thread and dndoped it in critical discussions of Hannah Arcndr~s work.
2.4 Strategic ami Commtmicatitte Concepts of Power in Critical Diswssion 2.4.1 Critiques of Arendt: Habermas and Feminist Theories T he main critique which has been raised against Arendfs perception o f power (apart from the critique raised against the limitation of her concept to the 39. On this S« also Allen 1999b: 105..07 and her rtfrrcncc to Arendt 1968: 18 :tnd 1963: 171. 40. Habcrmas 1986: 78. 41. Cf. he-re Esler's discussion of F. S:tn h :tnd others on whether identity is an ontological or consrruncd c-mitr !2003: 19- 53); also C:tmpbcll2006: 2-6, 94- 96. 42. Armdr 1968:176.
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
25
public {political) rcalm)0 is that she exdudcs any stratc.g ic aspc.ct from it in cla iming that 'strategic action is instrumental as well as violent, and that action of this t)'pt: falls outside the domain of the politic.al. ' 44 As suc.h strategic action has nothing to do with power as she defines it Habcrmas appreciates that over against a tradition of political theory which identified power with the potential for succc.ssful strategic action, Arendt maintained that 'strategic contests for political powu neither call forth nor maintain those institutions in whic.h that power is anchored. Political institutions live not from force but from rccognition.'.u But Habcm1as maintains that to pcrc.ch'c of power c.xdusivdy in te.r ms of communication is too limite.d a perception. As an analytic-al tool it is not adequate: enough to acco unt for wa)'S and means by which groups pursue certain aims and achieve certain goals. Social intc-.raction is not e-xclusively communicative and consent is not merely a means in and by itself. Habcnnas thus srrcsses that strategic action alongside communkativc action is not onl)' another form of social interaction and cannot be- equated with violence or domination. but also that inherent in communkarivc: action arc specific goals or purposes. The purposc of achieving consent in an idc.al speech-act situation \vhich is free of domination and where e\o·eryone involved can freely speak and his/her voice is he.ard, is to achieve cc-.rtain aims, to come to an agrcc.mcnt about ce-rtain issues. Communicative. acrion is not a mc.ans in itself but always strategic, according to Halx-rmas. Habcrmas~s critique of Are.ndt in this respect has bcc-.n widely recognized, also by feminist theorists, although his perception of an ideal speech-act which would allow "alidity for political decisions only when a consensus is achicve,d in 'communication free from domination' has triggered critical and ongoing debate- in turn (on which I cannot elaborate herc).46 Others have drawn attention to the fact that Arendt's concept of power docs not account for the many forms of power which do not fall into the othc.r analytical categories of Arendt's approach, that is, violence~ strength, forc.e or authorit)'· Forms of power e-xercised in and through economic factors or in famih• rdations, in relations bet\vccn men and women do not fit into Are.ndt's c.itcgoriz.ation of power. In that sense Arendt depicts too rosr a pict ure o f power. 43. Cf. Habermas who m:~inrnins that "Arcndt•s concC'pt of communic:uivdy t;C'nemtrd power c-:m become a sharp insuumr m onlr if we C'Xrric-.m: it from the d amps of ~n Anistotdi:~n theory of ncrion. ln sep:~mting prnxis from the unpolitical acrivities of working ~nd labouring on thr one sidr and of thinking on thr othc:-r, Arendt traces back political powC'r exdusi\·dy to praxis, to spe-aking and ~<:ring tog<'ther :t.s indi,·iduals' ( 1986: 83). 44. Habrrmas 1986: 84. 45. Habem1as 1986:85. 46. SeC' r .g. Bosehki who draws :utemion m thr implicntions of Habermas's pc:rception of discoursC'S of m utu~l understanding in his concept of the "id<'tll sp<'C'ch-acr• aiming :11 consc:m in thr overcoming of differcncC'. Roschki mainmins that this implirs that conscnt is achic\•rd only at (hC' expmsc of obliterating diffcrrnces. which comts d ose m ad\'oc-ating sameness as a prcsuppoS'ition of communitr. Over ng:1iost this Ros..::hki land Ar('ndt) emphasize that
26
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
Despite such critique;, feminist theorists such as Amy Allen have dra\\'ll significantly on Hannah Arcndt~s concept of power in their search for a concept of power beyond a command-obcdicncc~ domination-subordination model. This sc.arch is motivated by the fact that in traditional concepts of power the relationship between men and women lc-.ads to a perception of women's role in patriarchal socicric.s as powerless vic.tims of domination. In contrast to chis, Allen views Arendt's concept of power as enabling a perception o f power whk h takc.s into account that people~ c.\'Cn though in a situation of subord ination arc noc just mere powcrlc.ss victims bm in manr circumstances arc able to form communities and act in concert~ which is a form of power in action. Arendt's approach take.s into ac.count that groups can be formed~ and the mere fact of doing this can be an act of mutual empowemtent despite and within a sinJation of domination.47 O ut of such empowering group fo rmation the power to act in solidarity can em erge. Moreover, Arendt's emphasis on plurality as the presupposition of communicative power and action provides a basis for thinking about mutuality and solidarity beyond the constraints of a concept of identit)' as same.ness. As Allen states' ... Arendt makes possible a poliric.s of shared differences'.4.s Despite the significance of Arendfs approach for thinking about power in positive temlS and for developing a perception of power as empowerment, it is in and by itself coo limited. The same applies to perceptions of power which perceive it exclusivclr in negative terms as a means co co nstrain the choicC'.s of others. Habermas and Allen, from differing perspectives, thus c-all for a perception of power which takes both the: communicati\'e as well as the: strategic aspect into account. Alle.n thus devdops a concept o f power which integrates aspects of Foucault's as well as Arendt's approach, distinguishing thrcr forms of power: power-over, power-to and power-with. These hardly ever occur in 'pure' form or arc dc.arlr separable from each other. They arc, more often than not in real-li fe circumstances, inhc.rc.ntl)' intcrtw·ined.4 ? I will deal with this aspect below (2 .4.3) but will no\1..- nm1 to one particular aspc.ct of power-over - or strategic power - which has been highlighted by Thomas \X'artenberg in his snld)' The Forms of Power: From Domim1tiou to Transformation..so
4 7. On the pow<'r of subordinate groups in the context of domination stt Scott 1990: 108-35. Elliott 2004: 118. 48. Cf. Alkn t999b: 109. This is signillcant not only for a g<'nd<'r cliscour.sc but also for oth<'r os~o:ts of social rchuions such tts etbniciry, inter-faith rdnrions ct.:. 49. This is something th"lt Ar<"ndt is wdl awore of since she st;;ltcs afur hn definitions of the v-..1rious categorirs which she diffumriates from power 'h is perhaps supcrOuous to ~dcl that these distinctions. though by no m<":lns arbitr;;lry, hardly ('\'cr correspond to watertight compartments in the: r<'al world. from which ther arc drawn' ( 1970: 46j. 50. \'<,.artenbcrg 1990.
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
27
2.4.2 Transformative Power Wartcnbc-rg's intc.ntion is to develop a 'socia l-field thcor}' of po\vc-r-ovu',
rather than a general theory of power. He thereby rcc.ognizc:s that it is impossible to subsume all aspccrs and forms of power undc.r onc category or even deal with them in one theory. Ht' maintains that Hannah Arendt's c.ritiquc of perceptions of power as powc.r-ovcr docs not recognize that not all forms of power-over amount to the domination of the subordi nate. As
the title of his study already indicates, his pc.rccption diffcn significantly from other theories o f powc.r which focus on power-over or strategic power in that he maintains that power-over is not inhcrcmlr 'bad' and its exercise need not necessa rily le.a d to domination or oppression,u He sees a power relationship (in the sense of power-over) emerging when ' ... an agent who e.x erciscs powu over another agent does so by affecting the circumsta nces within which the agent acts and makes choices.'J.! ·w arrenberg maintains that this need not be to the disadva ntage of the one over whom power is c.xerci.sed, it can a lso be to his/her benefit. Parenting is mentioned as one e.xample of a power-rdationship where it is presupposed that children need the guidance of a nd restrictions by parents as it is assumed that they a rc not
ret fully capable of judging what is best for themselves. Such a relationship is called 'paternalistic' and is d istinguished by \'Vanenbcrg from another form o f positi\•e power-over which he ca lls 'transformative':'J Whils t Wartcnberg acknowledges that under certai n circumsta nces a paternalistic relationship might be exercised to the benefit of the dependent agent, he maintains that ' ... paternal istic relations have a n inhcre.nt drive for stability', whilst 'transformativc one.s a re inherently dynamic' ,.u As distinct from paternalistic power, the aim of transformativc power is ro render itself obsolete by means of empowering the subordinate. Despite this distinction, Wartenberg:S concept of ' transformative power' relics significantly on perceptions of parenting, in particular on re-evaluations of ' mothering} as emphasized by feminist theorists. Women as primary caretakers of children a rc ascribed a spc.cific type of power in society despite general male domination. It has bec.n maintained b)' feminist theorists that 5 1. \'<1artenbag mointains that ·.. . the repeated usc of power is not itself sufficient to ch(u·.lctC"riu ~situati on as on< in which domin:uion exists; the power must be systC"matic_..lly uSC'd by onr agl!'nt to th< dmimt nt of th< othtr _..gent• (1990: 1191. 52. Wartenbrrg 1990:88. W:~ nC"nberg furtb
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
28
' ... women have a different model of power than mcn1 one in which one's person's possc.ssion of power docs nor c.xisr through the diminishing of someone dsc's ':u The mother-child relationship is perceived as paradigmatic for a relationship in which power-over is exercised to empower and transform the other~ that is, to enhance the capabilities of the child so he/she can grow into an adult. The aim of such a relationship must be. to •... bring about a situation in which it will no longer be ncccssary~ ..s' To usc power in a transformativc way implies that it has to bring about its own dissolution and provide the basis for a relationship between equals. 'The task of such power is fulfilled when the grounds for its cxistcnc(': are no longer there. •n \X'arcenberg appreciatc.s chat the feminist emphasis of the social role of mothering (which is not restricted to womc.n)$11 as one which involves the exe.rcis.c of powe.r has highlightc.d an aspect which has not been sufficiently recognized in previous thcorie.s of powe.r: its successful exercise- means that it renders itsc-.lf obsolete. lnhere.n t in this is the recognition of the temporal dimension of power. Similar to Arendt and others, Warte.nberg notes that power is inherendy dynamic and constituted, reconstituted and thus altered c.ontinuously by social agencs. This means that power relations ne"er remain the same o't·er time - bur arc always open to changc.s' \Xfartcnberg perceives transformativc power as 'a complex mixing of power-over and power-to'.60 Inasmuch as the focus on the significance of nurturing and caretaking in a theory o f power has lead to insights which previously ha't'e gone unnoticed> one has to be cautious not to fall into the trap of idealizing ' mothe.r ing' as the 'good' war of e.xcrcising powe.r. One such trap c.ould be to 't'iew 'mothering' as typically female and using it to define female identity in an essentialist war. I have written about the problems of suc.h a perception of women's identity el sewhe re:.~ ' Idealizing mothering also docs not take into account that caretaking valuc.:s can serve as a means to stabilize and maintain dominating power structures in the wider soc.icty in heali ng the wounds of those who suffer under unjust domination. 'Mothc.ring', 'caretaking' and 'nunudng' can only escape this trap if they arc acknowledged as values be)'Ond the private realm, as rcle.vant factors in the public. sphere as well.~ Moreovc.r~ it has to be recognized that 'mothering' is not always exercised to che benefit of the.child. The power in nurturing and caretaking rc.lationships can be consciously or unconsciously misused by the stronger agent, leaving the chi1d or dependant scarred for life.' > 55. 56. 57.
\'(tartenbcrg 1990: 189. W:mm bcrg 1990: 191. Wartenbcrg 1990: 191. 58. Cf. P.lUi ss 3 good example- of this., S(e 7.4 below. 59. Wattenberg 1990: 164 and 175. 60. \'<'artmb
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
29
Despite these dangers, the; attention fem inist theorists have drawn to
power relations which arc shaped by nurturing and c-aretaking rather than domination is significant not o nly for analyses of famil)' relationships but for analysing other social interactions as well. In learning-teaching settings for instance, the aspect of nurmring and thcrcb)' transformativc powc.r plays an important role .64 Wanc:nbcrg maintains that the aspect o f power highlighted
by feminist theories gains support and more clarity in applying it to te-acherstudent relationships. He chooses to analyse- Plato~ narrative of Socrates' relationship with )'Otmg Athenian 'students'. The relationship between Socrates and his students is not depicted as one among e.quals but, as distinct from a parent-child relationship, the smdents choose: to emer a nd maintain the rdationship with the teacher. Socrate-s here has no coercive power to enforce the co ntinuation of the relationship, he cannot resort to physic.a l mc.ans to get the students ro continue the- discourse. For the relationship to exist the free consent of the 'we.a ke.r' interlocutor is indispensable. If the relationship were enforced, its basis would be eroded. For uansformative power to be power at all, to have an effect on the 'weaker' agent at all, n·ust is constitmive of its very existence. T rust must be seen as absolutely essential ro the establishment and continuation o f a truly empowering relation.65 To trus t someone trul)' implie-s to entrust oneself to the other, to place oncsd f in a vulnerable position and crust that the other will not take advantage o f the situation. As long as the 'we.a ker' agent c-annot be sure of the intentions of che 'stronger' age.nt a transfonnative power relationship cannot emerge. Trust a nd dn1s openness cannot be enforced. They sta nd in utmost contrast to any form of force or domination. Trans fomlath·c power relics on consent and trust. Even the parent-child relationship, although this is not a chosen relationship on the pan of the child 1 cannot be transformative if it is not based on trust.66 T he very basis of rransformativc power is trust. As soon as the dominant agent lose-s sight of the goal o f a transformative powerrelationship, that is_, its own evenwal transccndc:ncc., and tries to maintain it as an end in itself, it easil)' wrns into a dominating rather than empowering relationship. This is noc to sar that the maintenance o f a relationship is not a laudable goal, 67 but the hierarchy of a trans formative power relationship, the balance of cqualit)' and diffc:rc:nce has to be re-negotiated, a nd the character of the relationship changes once the 'wea ker' agent is empowe-red to be: an equal panner within the. relationship, whereupo n the relationship changes from one of power-over and power-to to a relationship of pO\\'er-to a nd powc.r·\~t·ith.
64. \'<'artc:nbtrg 1990: 200. 65. Cf.WartC'nbc-rg 1990:21 1. 66. Cf. <.g. Er;kson 1968: 96- 107. 67. As notC'd abov('. for :\rc-ndt power c-mc:rgcs from acting in conc<'n and onlr in :wing in concC'rt is thC'r<' power. The purpoSe' of powC'r :lnd acting in conce-rt is the mainte-nance- of the rC'huio-nshiplgroup; Arendt 1958: 199-207. Also Wartc-nbc-rg 1990: l 13.
30
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
2.4.3 Power-to and Power-with - a Feminist Conception of Power One of the most interesting feminist approaches to power is that developed by feminist theorist Amy Allen. She. maintains that, dcspitc their apparent diffcrencr.s~ aspc
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
31
T hus powcN o is inhcrc.n t to both powcr-o\'cr as wd l as power-with. In order to exercise powa -ovcr someone an agent has to be a ble to act in such
a way that an effect is achieved. And in order to exercise power-with a group has to exercise power-to) that is, strategic power, in order to achiC\'c what they have agrc.cd upon.73 2.4.4
Asymmetry and Hierarchy in Power Relations
One aspect in this O\'trvicw o f contemporary power thc.o rics needs to be
specifically mentioned here for its signific--ance in relation to the discussion of aspects of the Pauline discourse of powc.r: the issue of equality and asymmctq' in power relations. As noted above. not a ll power-over rdations
arc pc.rccivcd to be nc.ccssarilr exercised to the disadvantage of the- weaker agent. It is obvious that even in a transformative power relation in which the subordinate is genuinely supported} and thus empowered to transcend the rdationship~ this relationship is asymmetrical, since asymmetrical interactions arc involved. The exchange between those involved is not reciprocal, or symmetric-al, but •uneven'. The fact that such a relationship is asrmmetrical doc.s not re.ndcr it inhcre.ntly dominating. Thus we: c.an establish that asymmetry in a relation cannot be pc.rceivc:d as being identic.al with domination. \X' hilst the asymmetr)' is obvious in a power-O\'t.r relation, a question arises when it c.omcs to power-with relations, power rdations which arc more of a communicative kind. Arc such relations ncce.ssarily relationships of equals? Given thm not all social intc.ractions arc d riven by economic interests (although certainly not exempt from being influenced by e.conomic as wdl as othc.r co ntextual factors), it is not feasible to perceive of them in terms of rcciproc.al gih exchange, h)' which equality in terms of economic value, would be- established or maintainc.d.7~ Also s.ame.ncss cannot be a presupposition for communic.a tivc actions. Hannah Arendt docs not presuppose anr kind of samcne.ss or symmetry for achieving consent through communic.ativc aaion. Allc.n pcrc.eivcs this to be a strength of Arendt's approach as it allows for a pcrce.ption of communic-ation and e\'en solidarity in diversity. As me.ntioncd above, for Arendt difference and pluralit)' arc the presupposition for communic-ation. She shares this perception with philosophers such as Emmanuel Lninas and Jacques Dcrrida. L<"vinas throughout hi.s philosophical work has cmphasiud that the: •other' in his/her difference is lhc- presupposition of communicaf:ion and relation. He expresses ir thus: 'The relation with the other docs not nullify separation. It docs not 73. Allen J999a: 118. Similor insights concerning empowering interactions ol .solidarity have bt:ts which for thC'm m-~ otherwiS<' humili:uing and destructive ( 1990: 118-1 9). 74. Although ''alu:lblc insights ha\'e bt:plain all forms of social imuanion. S« <'.g. Bourdicu 1991: 66-89.
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
32
ariSC' within a totality, nor docs it establish a totality, integrating me and the other.' ' ... the relation bcn.vccn me. and the other commcnc.c.s in the incqualit)' of terms, transcendent to one anothc.r, where the altcrit}' docs not determine the othc.r ... ~,..s Lcvinas can even state that 'The Other qua Other is situated in a dimension of height and of abasement- glorious abasement. He has rhc face of the poor, the stranger, the widow, and rhc. orphan, and at the same rime, of the masta called to in\'cst and justify Ill)' freedom. ' 1 ' What lc-vinas formula tes here indicates that this asymmetry is perceived as not being fixed or static but flexible, d1c other is 'situated in a dimension of height and abasement'. But it implies that rdations which acknowledge difference, which wdcomc p1urality and refuse anr totalizing tendencies arc asrmmctrkal.11 lcvinas docs not sec this as bc.ing in opposition to a notion of equality. He sees equality as being produced wher(' 'the other commands the same and rcvc.als himself to the same in responsibility ... it cannot be detached from the welcoming o f the face ... '. 711 Bur equality should not be confused with reciprocity or symmetry. Asymmetry, in Lcvinas's perception, docs not stand in contradiction to equality. Derrida also has c.mphasizcd in Politics of Friendship that there. is a first dimension in the relationship to the othc.r which means that hclshe calls me into responsibility to which I am obligated ro respond. He can C\'Cll formulate that the principle of responsibility 'govc.m s me:, d e.arly alluding to 'po\l.ter-ovcr' language although referring to a relation bctwe.en friends. Thus, aS)11lmctry is SC('.n as inherent to c.very relationship since I am c-alled to provide care and help fo r this concrete human being without considering what he/she could do or give-me in tum. no Dc.rrida pcrcdvcd human rdations as inherently asymmetrical~ something he did not consider to be probkmatic as such. When spc.aking about hierarch)' he maintains that ' I am for a certain type of hicrarchization~ for differentiation, for qualitative diffcr('.ncc ... when 1 insist on the necc.ssity of non hic.rarchical structure or the necessity of an unstable hie.rarchy~ I do not think that there arc non-hicrarchic.al structur<'.S ... The erasure of certain coded hierarchies always gives rise to a more subtle~ more symbolic hierarch)',. the code of which still remains in formation. I do not believe in the crasur(' of hierarchy. What I am opposed to is always a certain stabilizing or stabilized coding of hierarchy/ 10 The point Dcrrida is making here is that it is not hie.rarchical structures as such which arc the caus('. o f problems as it would be na'i\·e to perceive: the erasure of hierarchies in social f('.lations and institutions as even an option. The issue Dc.rrida addrc.sscs here is the stabilized ('ncoding of hierarchies which lead to lasting appropriations of power. Over against such stabilized hierarchies 4
75. 76.
77. 78. 79.
80.
tr,•in:~s 1992: 25 1. l.t'\•in:1s IQ92: 25 1. tr,•in:~s 1992: 216. Lrvin:1s 1992: 214. Cf. Honocth 1995:303-13. Dtrrida .!002: 1 1.
Concepts of Power iu Contemporary Tbeor)'
33
he maintains the nc-ccssit)' to c.all such stabilizations into question again and again - that is to dc.construct stabilized power struct ures again and again.111 Foucault also mentions the issue of aS)'Illmc:try which he see-s inherent to power relations. The problc1n arises not in this fact as such but rather when asymmc.trical power relations arc fixed thus perpetuating spcc.ific hierarchies and limiting the free flow of power. \'<' here this happens domination is c.stablishcd~ even institutionalized.'! Along with \Vartc.nbcrg~s perception of transfonnativc power as a specific form of powc.r-ovcr goes an as}'mmctrical dimension which is nor pc.rccivcd as bc.ing problematic on the condition that it is not misused - whe.rcupon it would be nmted into a dominating, e.ven exploiting relationship with a dependant. Also. the asymmetr)' is not seen to be problematic as long as the goal of the exercise of transformative power - to render itself obsolete - is not lost sight of. He elaborate-s on Arendt~s communicative approach and maintains that it could be taken as indicating that communicative power which results from consent implies that a group agree.s amo ngst themsdves to create some sort of social hierarchy in order to organize. and structure their common life. He maintains that ' ... the powc.r that an agent has in such a hierarchy is not a fom1 of domination at all, but rather an artefact of social life in that it is a means for enabling agents who desire to cooperate with one another to have an effective means o f 1naking group de.cisions ... the establishme.n t of a social hierarchy can serve the func.tion of enabling group actions to take place.'"~ Asymmetry and hic.rarchy arc perceived to be inherent aspects of power relations b)' the: scholars referred to in the above paragraphs. This is not \~ewe.d as proble.matic in itself. ][ is de.scribed as either a necessary or una\•oidable aspect of human relations. 1 am aware of other perceptions of human rdations - which emphasize that cqua1it)' should be a goal which should be aime.d at and chat hiemrchie.s in particular arc inherently dominating. In my view equality and aS)'Tllmetry arc not essentially in comradiction with one another. Rather J chink that recognizing the value of differencet and thus of asymmc:trie.s in human relations, can contribute to the awareness of problematic, even dangeroust static tende.ncies which may lc.ad to the exc.rcisc of dominating power in relationships. The rrcognition of the e.xiste.nce of asymmetries can, morcovrr, contribute to the attribution of due rcspc.ct to the. other who is and remains differcnrt and rhus relate to him/her as an equal.
8 1. Dcrrida furthC'r d abor:ttC'S that 'IXconstruction is undoubtedly an~r.:h ic; it would bC' in princ:ipiC', if such a thing could be' said. It puts into quC'stion the' _,rchC, the be'ginning tmd the- commandmC'm, but the anarchism of ckconstru.:tion mu.st constitute lcompos...rl_,n Juthority with the n«cssit}' of hicrarc:hy' 2002: 11-12. 82. Cf. Foucault 1988: ~. 83. \'('artmbtrg 1990: 4 1 ~1.
34
Paul and the Dynamics of Power 2.5 Conclusion
T his chapter has given an overview of aspcct.s of the contempora ry debate
on power, with particular emphasis on issuc.:s which [ consider rdc.\•ant in relation to a rc-.ading of the Pauline- discourse of power in light of th is particular debate. The discussion between theorists of strategic and
communic.a tivc forms of po\vcr have dc.monstratcd that this is not an either/ or question since the dimension of domination can onl}' be accounted for through a concept of stratc.gic power or powcr ovcr, whereas the power o f 4
solidarity and empowerment can bcna lx analysed with the help of a c.onccpt which draws on insights from Hannah Arend t. The focus on the particular aspect of transfomlativc power is an interesting variation of the power-over concept. Feminist approaches have emphasized the intertwined dimension of power-over. power-to and power-with. All of these concepts have been developed from within contemporar}' ·western societies as conccpn1al tools for analyses o f contemporary twentieth· to twenty·first-ce.ntury socierie.s. This puts a question mark against their usefulnc.ss for an anal)•sis o f a d iscourse of power not of a contcmporar}' society but of letters which reflect onl}' in fragmentary fom1 social interactions of small groups in the first century CE in the Roman Empire. But a contemporary r~ding of these letters and the traces of the discourse of power that might be discovered in them is nece.ssarily influenced b)' the comemporary social context and power re-lations as wdl as contemporar}' debates about power theories. Whatever reading we propose, it is influenc.cd in one way or anothc.r by such debates. In trying to discover traces of the Pauline power discourse 1 will thus take aspects o f the contemporary debate. into account and read Paul in light of these. The approaches described above give some indic.a tion as to whe.re my sympathies lie. Although [ am in agreement with Fouc.ault~s view that power is not always negative. but always potentially dangerous, I consider it of utmost significance to read the Pauline lettc.rs in the light of approaches which take positive, that is communicative, transforming and empowering dimensions of power into account.
Chaptc.r 3 T HE EXERCISE Of P OWER - NETWORKING IN THE E ARLY CHRIST-MOVEMENT
It is most intriguing how the image of Pa u1 as an independent hero fighting against all odds for his law-free gentile. mission could C\'Cr have c.mcrgcd. \'V'hatc.\'er approach one favours in reading his letters, there is no indication rhat their amhor tried to promote s uch an image. Had he done so, how could it be explained that except for onc letter, Romans, he always mentions other people as co-senders a nd at the conclusion of most letters he is not the onl)' person to S<'nd grc.ctings to the-addressees. From the additional characterization of these co-sendc.rs it can be concluded that they a rc mc.mbc:rs o f thc Christ-movement. O ften there is also a hint or clear indication concerning the function or task of the-se senders within the moveme-nt. Although he mentions himself first, a nd his name consistently appears throughout a ll the undisputed letters at the beginning o f the letter, it is ob"·ious that Paul doc.s not claim to address the recipients as a lonc:ly voice but makes it clea r from the b<.ginning that what he is writing is the product of a group of at lc.a st two members of the Christ-movement, and rhus a corporate enterprise. But it is not onl}' the opening and closing of thc 'Pauline' letters that provide clear information of Paul as bdng part of a group closely working together; there arc numerous indications throughout these. letters which demonstrate that Paul was part of a significant network of people which fonne.d the Christ-movement , a fact he apparc.ntly had no intc.n tion of hiding. T here a rc 57 named people mentioned as in some war related to Paul in his letters' and of these Ollrog in his 1979 monograph found a signific~nt number who arc: describe-d as fellow-workers (ouvEpyol) in Christ .2 These arc o nly the ones mentioned by name.- which do nor include all the brothers and sistc.rs, apostles, co-workers and colleagues etc. 1 who arc mentioned in a more general way.3 This significant number o f people explicitly mentioned in the letters as working toge-t her with PauJ> with one anothcr'l- with and within the Christ-following communitie-s a lone demonstrates that the image I.
2. J.
ticmrt r~'Crbohc- 1003: 228- 30. Ollrog 1979: 68-72. S.e Ollrog 1979: 61.
36
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
of the. lonely hero of emergent Christianity is flawed, and its roots must lie somewhere other than in the letters since these pre-sent a very different image. From the- opening and dosing and from the people mentioned by name in the- body o f the. letters, chc image. of a man cmcrgc.s who is part of a network of people, closely related and in contact with others, interacting and communicating within this network. .Most signific.antly, this network had not been initiatc.d by Paul himS<"If4 but was joined by him at an e-arly stage, as is evident fro m his first \'is it to Jc.rus.alcm (cf. Gal. 1.1 8-19), and carl)' references to his proclamation of the gospel (Gal. 1.23). From the very beginning of Paul's participation in it, it is obvious that ' ... the Pauline mission was an acti\'ity not of a single man, but of a group o f people.' s The image of the lonely hero must have developed elsewhere. Perhaps it was nurtured by the ide.als particularly prominent in the Ge.r man ' Bildungsbiirge.m tm' of the late eighteenth and nineteenth cenmry, which maintained that a man should aim at becoming a ' PersOnlichkcit'. In addition to being wel l educated this included the ideal of being independent, that is, not being influence-d by anybody or anything. The image of Paul depicted by F. C. Baur and others at the time has some similarities with this ide.al. He e.mcrgcs as the ' PcrsOnlichkeit' who libc.rated Christianity from nationalism and particularism in order to reveal its true self-understanding as the universal religion of a law-free gospd.6 The notions o f the independent theologian and his proclamation of a so-called law-free gospel in which differences between people arc obliterated and all arc cltc same in Christ go hand in hand. But not only docs the presence of the co-workers, whether named or not, provide c.\•idencc that Paul did not perce-ive himself as working independently and as a single apostle, but there arc also numerous passages in the letters which demonstrate the dynamic and constant interac.tion between che groups and individual members of the Christ-movement with Paul as pan o f their mutual communic.a tivc intcraction.7 As a network o f groups and individuals power issue-s we-re opc.rative bctwc-c.n and amongst them of nc-cessity.l1 Moreover as a network which emerged in jerusalem, and c-.x pandc.d north and wc-.stwards, not only was power an issue in relation to group dynamics but power issues rdated to the. socio-political influenc.c o f Roman imperial rule also had a significant impact on the context o f this messianic movemcnt 1 chat is Judaism in Palestine and in the Diaspora, as it had also on the. movement directly.
4. \'<'hich is rvi.:knt from the f:tct that he daims th:u hr had P<'rsccuted the chur..:h of God (Gal. 1. J 3). and then mentions ;hose' "who wrre ~ poSll es before mr' (Gal. I. 17). 5. lierort Pe«bolte 1003: 131. Cf also Ellis who notes ' ... the picture that emcrg<"s is that of ~ missionary with a larse numbrr of ~s.sociates. lncked P:nd is sc~r..:dy ever found without companions• ( 1978: 51. 6. SrC' Ihrcn s~rger l004a: 18-31. :\ similar imagr is still widely prrscnt, as e.g.. Dunn who ckscribrs Paul !IS "the first and grcatrsr Chri stir~ n thrologian' (2005: ix). 7. Onnctworksstt.Stark 1996: 61-71. 8. Sre Chaptr r l ~ bove.
The Exercise of Power
37
In this chapter I intc.nd to analyse the structural dimcmsioiJ'f of the dynamics of power amongst those involve.d in the movcmcnc as it c.an be discerned from the 'Pauline' le.ncrs. I take the fact that his name is mentioned first as an indication that Paul is the main author of the. undisputed lcncrs. I therefore assume that his perspective significantly shaped the depiction of the interaction between himself and others. But it will be taken into account thar despite this he neva depicts himself as an independent individual but is consistent in making clear that in his sclf-pc.rception he sees himself as part of a movement. For instance, he acknowledges that others were apostles before him without any apologe-tic tone (Gal. 1.1 7). This awareness cannot be ignored in an analysis of the dynamics of power as rcRccted in the Pauline leners. Although he does claim a specific function or role within the movement this role is not unique and there is no e.xclusivitr to this c.laim. He is an apostle with other apostles, a worker and servant of Christ logcthcr with othe.r servants and co-workers of Christ, part of a move.mcnt which doc.s not consist of indi\ridual members but of a network of communities in Christ. This is not to claim that the relationships within this movement arc all the same and that aU of these members arc of equal standing. 10 The terminology use.d in rdation to members of the movement in itsdf indic.ates to some extent that differences in their relationships with one another did exist. There arc apostles, co-workers, diakonoi, douloi, siblings and children, and it is obvious chat although some of these terms refer to all members of the mo\'e.mcnt, such as [hose expressed br sibling terminology, othc.rs only refer to specific groups of membc.rs singled out within the movement.11 Although I do not presuppose a scenario where specific functions hal>'e been establishe.d in institurionali7.c.d, static hierarchies, I do not envisage that the dynamics of power within the moveme.n t was alwars balanced or level or exercised between equals. In addition, it has co be taken into acc<>unt that the dynamics of power at work even within this network of Christ-following groups v,;as not exc.mpt from the influenc.e of Roman imperial rule, with its pervasive conrrol and dominating ethos. 11
3. I The Circle of Apostles aud Paul There arc a significant number of people, named and unnamed, whom Paul refers to as apostles. The way he rdcrs to these suggc.sts that he viewed them as being involved in some form of activity essentiallr the. same as his O\vn. I will deal with issues concerning definitions of apostleship Iacer,~-> bm for 9. 10. t93. On I I. 12. 13.
I \viii daboratC' on ~spccts of 'commt' in Chsptcrs 4-9. On the asymm<'U)' of powct in the PttulinC' communirirs sec <'.g. Holmberg 1978: issues of asymm<'U)' in powct relations S<'<' 2.4.4 :lbove. On this scr 3.1 below.
Cf. CattC'r 2006: 24-26. See Chaptrrs 5 ttnd 6.
38
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
now it is more significant to ta ke into account that Paul rcfc.rs to certain
members of the Christ movcmcnt with the same 'ritJc• he uses \vhcn rdcrring 4
to himself in relation to aspc.cts of his work. T his seems to indicate that he is referring to a specific group within the movement which is recognized as
having lc.adcrship functions.14 3.1.1 Apostles and Their Relationship According to I Thessalonians Being aware that familiarity with the- title of apostle derives primarily from Paul's usc of it in the opening of his lcctcrs, it c.omc.s somewhat as a surprise that what is perceived as the firs t or at l~st the earliest known letter o f Paul
significantly is nor a lcncr of Paul, but a lcncr of Paul, Silvanus and Timothy~ as the letter opening clearly states. T here can be no doubt that this indicates that the firs t 'Chris tian' doctmle.nt demonstrates the corporate dimension o f the movement. Paul, the fi rst time his name is mentioned, docs not appear on his own; there is a1so no claim that he should be singled Out 1 rdated to different!}') or that his voice is o f grcatc.r imponance than those of the two other men mentioned in the opening of the letter.11 Nor is there any indication in this opening verse as to how the three relate ro each other except that all of them a rc mentioned as the ones who address the rc.cipients/audicnce o f this letter. Not much imagination is re-q uired to conclude from this that this is a corporate letter, sent from one sma ll group to another group. lfi Nothing in the verse indic-a tes chat the three should not all be rega rded as the authors and senders of this lener. r:· Thus Paul appears on the sc.cne of history as part of a team. T he three men arc not fu rther described or qualified here - only later in the lener do we find rcfcre.nccs to what they did when thC)' wc.rc
with the group addressed. Anr fu rther qualification of the three. appare.ntly is not of imponance at this point. This can be rc.a d as indica ting that there were no problems concerning the rclacionship bctwe.en the a uthors/senders and the addressees. T he. letter continues pleasantly with an expression o f thankfu lness and some a llusions to what had happened when the authors were with the. addressees. As would be expec.t cd from a letter written by
14. Cf. Schiir.t who says ' P:tul's sense- of what it means to be ~n apostle is et,h«l sh:trply enough in his leners to m:tk(' it d e:tr that aposr1cs :tr< something spt"Ci:tl. He belongs to a group of :tpostlcs, howe\'C"l ill-ddin
The Exercise of Power
39
rluc.e people, when reference is made to the. amhors themselves, the first person plural is used. Whether this first person plural acwall)' refers to the three mc.n mentioned in the opening verse of the Jetter or should rather be. taken as a pluralis litera/is is debated among Pauline scholars. 111 The plural is used consistcndy throughout 1 Thessalonians, with the first person singular occurring only three rimc.s (2.1 8; 3.5; 5.27) along with clear indications that Paul is referring to himself (and only one passage using the third person singular to refer to one of the: men mentioned in the opening verse, Timothy [3.2 and 3.6)}, hence [ cannot sec how the first person plural could not refer to all of the three~ Paul, Silvanus and Timothy as authors as well as senders · of the lencr.•"~ This perception is supported in my view by later references in the letter> reminding the addressees of their initial rc.sponse to the message> which also sheds lighr on rhe rclarionship of rhe rhrcc wirh rhe EKKA~ola o f rhe Thessalonians. It is significant first, that the gospel is qualified as TO EUayyiAtov ~IJWv, denoting its corporate dimcnsion.:w In addition, the three arc ide.ntificd as the founders of this EKKAT)ola - 'for our gospel came: to you> (1.5), 'we had courage in our God ro declare ro you rhe gospel of God' (2.2}. As founders rhey remind rhe addressees rhar 'we have been approved by God to be enrrusred wirh rhe. gospel' (2.4), and rhat 'we might have made demands as apostles of Christ' (2.7). Thus the three prcscnr rhemsclves as apostles and nowhere in the letter is there a hint that this or its corrdate of \•ic:wing them as equals was problcmatic.1 1 They arc corporately referred to as involved in this fo unding activity in being geode: as a nurse. in sharing and preaching chc: gospel of God and in exhortation, encouragcme.nt~ and admonition (2.7-12). The activity of all three is prc.scntcd as the same; it thus comes as no surprise that they arc all referred to as apostles (2. 7), and the mcraphors of a nurse (2.7) and farhe.r (2.11) of the EKKA~ola of the Thessalonians apply to all rhree of rhem. In contrast with 1 Corinthians, Paul here doc.s not d aim to be in a unique rdation to the fKKAflota of the The-ssalonians, and although he is
18.
x< Brr>l
19. Cf. Ryrskog 1996: 136-38, ,1lso l.iet~ n Purbolte 1003: 178; l·bu(c 1999: 25; Cous.u 2001: 199; for :1 thorough m·er\·iew on the discussion see BOrschd 2001 : 125-36. 10. Dickson rders co I Thess. L5 and the plural here ·... thus describ-ing the ~dt ge,o,.·irkt habc:n, sind ... in diesrn FormutierungC'n eingcschlosSC'n, wC'nn ' 'on ihrer Aufn~hmC' in Thessaloniki ( l Thess. 1.9; 1.1} dir Rcdr in . Sie dUrften dahC'r auch eingcschlosscn srin, wenn P:1ulus von "'unSC'rer Evangdiums~·crkiindigung"' ( I l'h<ss. 5.241 spricht' (2005: 100). Cf. also Borschd 2001: 128.
40
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
one o f the founders, they have more than one father!.'.! Thus, according to I Thessalonians_, the proclamation of the gospel and the founding of an iK'KAqola of God in Christ is a collective activity and the rdation of those invoh•cd in this founding activity is based on equality. Throughout this lcncr hardly any indication can be d iscovered which would rc:fcr to hierarchical dimensions in the relationship bctwcc.n Paul, Timothy and Silvanus. The first person singular passages, which clearly impl)' Paul as the referent, mention aspects which he could only say of himself - he had longed to visit the Thessalonians several timc.s, he c.ouJd not bear it any longer not to know what was ha ppening in Thc.ssa1onica and hc is concerned that the lencr be read to all Christ-followers in Thcssalonica.U Except for l Thess. 3.5, these passages do not single- out Paul fo r hierarchical reasons but because he specifically is concerned about them. The- switch from the plural i rrill'JiaiJEV in 3.2 to the singular im1.1~ in 3.5 couJd be: rc-.ad as a reference to some kind of asymmetry in the relation bctwc.cn Paul and Timothy. The argument in favour of perceiving this as an indication of a hierarchical dimension betwe-en the two dcrivc.s from reading the plural in 3.2 as a rhetorical plural - in that Paul must be talking here only about himself - he alone sent Timothy since there was nobod}' with him in Athcns.u But this can only be concluded by reading into 1 Thc.ssalonians parts of Luke's narrative in Acts1 not from the text of l Thessalonians itself. L Thessalonians does not give sufficient information to allow a rec.onstruccion of the situation in Athens. Grammatically both, the real as well as the rhetorical plural, arc viable readings; the decision for one or the other thus derives in both caSC'.s from an informc.d re.construction of the situation based on particular hermene.utic.al pre.suppositions. It is more feasible to argue for a rhetoric-al plural if Paul is perceived more as an exceptional figure in the early Christ-movement stri\'ing for an indepc.ndent, so-called law-free, mission to the gentiles than when he is perceived as one of many who arc collectively involved in this movement. Admittedly passages such as 1 Cor. 4.17 guide the rc-.adcr to perceive Paul's and Timothy's relationship as asymmetrical since there it is clearly Paul who sends Timothy to Corinth and \vho, morem•cr, c.alls him 'his beloved and faithful child in the Lord' {~ou UKVOV dy<XIIlJTOV""' rrurrov EV Kupl"'). I am not proposing to argue that there was no asymmetry between Paul and other members of the movcme.n t who were involved in missionary activity.u But I hold chat each passage should be re-ad in its own right within 12. This indi
The Exercise of Power
41
the context of the particular letter and a reconstruction should primarily be based on the information and rhetorical strategy of that letter. The asymmetry in the relationship between Paul and Timothy docs not come over as dearly in 1 Thessalonians as it docs in 1 Corinthians, and there is no indication whatsoeve.r of any asymmetry in (he relationship between Paul and Silvanus.2' The lc.ast which c.an be argued is that hie.rarchy ~tween the (hree. fo unders of the ha::Aqala of (he The.ssalonians was not a matter of debate at the time this letter was written. An image of the founding activity of apostlc.s in the early Christ·movemc:nt rhus emerges he.re which depicts chose involved as being pan of a corporate acti\'ity in which asymmetrie-s in their relationship is not an issue. The.y seem to cooperate well and in har mony thus empowering through their cooperative work the community which acknowledges the.m as their apostles. Their relationship to the fKKAr)ala of the Thessalonians is a hierarchical one, but as apostle.s~ that is, as founders of that community, thcy arc equals. If this were the only letter which mentions Paul's name. he would most likd y be perceived as someone who~ as part of a team, proclaims the good news of God through Christ and~ based on this proclamation, c:stablishe.s fKl
An apparently differe.nt picture emerges from the fetter to the Galatians. In a situation of conflict with the fKK.~qola1 of the Galatians Paul recounts in "1.13-2.14 aspc.cts of a situation of conflic.t betwcc.n himself and other apostlc.s. This narrative is read b)' many commentators as a defence of Paul's independence from other apostles, and particularly fro m those in Jerusalem. Paul supposed!)' emphasized his independence in support of his claim of power and authority ovc.r against che.i KKAnoial of che Galatians, in opposition to authorit)' claims b)' other leading members of the ChrisHnovcment.1 ~ Holmberg even maintains that '\Vhe.n he (Paul) wants to prove the trmh of his "gospcl ''_1 which does nor require circumcision of Ge.nriles, he has to prove the independence. of his apostolate and show that he is not subordinate to the church in Jerusalem or inferior co its fo remost apostle, Cephas. '111 Holmberg draws anention to the fact that issue.s of relationship~ communication and rheology were inseparably intc.rtwincd in Galatians l and 2. But in my view it is not his independence from the ocher apostles and the fKKAqola in Jerusalem which Paul emphasize.s he.rc nor a so·calle.d law-free gospel. It is evident that in Gal. 1.13- 2. 14 Paul is ta lking about the relationship
between himself and othe.r apostles. The fact that he has already emphasized 26.
l7. 28.
On this sec also Borsebd 100 I: 128-30. See e.g. O.mpbclll006: 46-47. Holmb
42
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
in the. letter opening that he is 'an apostle. not from men nor through man but through Jesus Christ' (1.1) and again that he did not rec
these \'Uses is that Paul maintains that he has rcccivc.d the call to proclaim the gospel by a rcvdation of Christ. But in emphasizing this pointedly and strongly he also shows that hc accepts without any reservations that rhc.re were a postlc.s before him {which he a lso states in 1 Cor. l 5.8}, and that
Jerusalem was of crucial signific-ance for the Christ-movement. Otherwise why would he mention that he did not go up to Jerusalem after his c.all ? And that he eventually did go there, beforc going up there again with Barnabas and Titus? To mendon Jerusalem indicates that the centrality of Jerusalem was not a matter of debate for Paul. After all he did go up to me.et Cephas to learn something about the movement through him (and probably also James). This suggests that Paul docs not hide the fact that he was the. last to ha\'C seen Christ rcsurrecte,d (1 Cor. 15.8), and although he was not commissioned by those who were apostle.s before him> he needed to lc.arn from thcm. 2' \XIhatever d sc Paul td ls us here> apart from the emphasis on the revelatory character of the gospel he proclaimed, is an indication that he did not live and tcavd on his own during all che year.s umil he wem up to Jerusalem with Barnabas and Titus. He was hardly on his own in Arabia and Damascus (Gal. 1.17; 2 Cor. 1l.32l,"' and the fact that he is part of the group which meets with the pillars here, shows that he must have lh•ed and worked for some time in the community at Antioch. lictart Pecrbolte notes that ' .. . some time after his call Paul indee.d bec.ame in\'oh·cd .. . in rhe Christian community of Antioch. He gradually achiC'\'e.d such a prominem position within this communit)\ that he was sent out together with Barnabas.' Jt The meeting of the Antioch apostle.s and the Jerusalem pillars doe.s not seem to have bee.n initiated by Paul and he does not claim leadership of the group, but only that he dec.ided to join the group due to a revelation. Lictart Pecrbohe e\'en maintains that ' ... Paul went to Jcrusalc.m as an em•oy of the congregation of Antioch.'n Moreo\'cr, the fact that the group from Antioch travds to jerusalem and not vice \'ersa demonstrates chat there were hierarchical issues involved in the relationship betw(:cn the two communicics, with Je.rus.alc:m acknowledged as the centre of the movc.mcnt, but ' ... their share.d confession raised the need 29. Cf. Dunn 2001: 202. 30. As W. S. Campbe-ll nm<'s ' ... according to rhc- account in Acts, Paul was assiste-d in his intc-rpr
The Exercise of Power
43
... to e-sta blish common ground' ..~.~ Schlitz moreover has drawn attention to the fact that the meeting between the group from Antioch and the pilla rs in jerusalem was a formal negotiation be-tween the two communities, and was not set up to accommodate anything that was personally related to Paul.)4 Paul docs not deny this in his report. He travds to jerusa lem as part of a group from Antioch to clarifr issue.s at stake with rhe. pillars of the movement in jerusalem. The issues could apparc.ntl)' not be decided by Antioch a lone, they needed to consult and get a n agrcc.ment \\~th the jerusa le.m pilla rs. The issue was whether the inclusion of gentiles as gc.ntilcs in the movement was recognized as a valid consequence of the proclamation of the.gospel. Had the jerusalem pil lars not recognized this, the move.me.nt could not have susta ined its unity. T hus Antioch was not independent from Jemsalc.m, and although there is no indic.ation in Paul's acc.o unt thar the Jerusalem community or her pillars could exercise power over the Antioch group in terms of commanding them, their relationship was to some extent asymmetrical. .lJ The fact that the Chri.st· movement originated from Jerusalem and that the pillars wue part of it prior to the emergence of a community ln Antioch seems to give Jerusalem some primary significance for the entire. movement. Pa ul docs not dcpic.t a scenario which denie-s this; his emphasis on being called and commissioned by God, not by humans, stresses that he like the other apostle-s is commissioned by God, that is, his apostleship is equal to the apostleship of others. But this is not an emphasis on indepc.ndcnc.(' {rom or superiority over other apostles;'(; but rather on interdependence for mutual recognition within the apostolic group. He docs not depict himself as an independent apostle, but as part of a group which consults with another group to achine agrc.cmcnt. He. tries to demonstrate that he is one of them (i.e. the group of apostles), rather than that he differs from them in claiming some outstanding qualities which would S<'paratc him from the other apostles. The emphasis on his own divine call to proclaim the gospel to the gentilc.s seems to serve to demonstrate that the le.aders of both groups have come to the mumal rc.cognition that their respective callings have rendered them equals. As W. S. Campbell emphasizes 'T'be fuct that P:H11, in the- \"C"ry p:usage in Gabti:ms use-d b}' many ro establish his own .:ompletr inde-pe-ndence of all human agC"ncr. acknowle-dges th.n he \'isited Jerusale-m
33. tietut PeerboltC' 2003: 191. L i~·tan Peerbolte holds thC' viC"w th:lt Paul did not travel to Jerusale-m for fourt('('ll }'C'ars, because- he- was not indC"pr:ncknt but in f:~ct was part o( the Olri.st-following group in Antioch. Siner hC' was embc-ddtd therC" tbc:rc- w.l.S no nerd for him to go to JC"rusatem. Some scholars rC"gard Amiocb as foiling within the boundaries of an enlarge-d f:retz Jsracl. This had significant implications for thC" perce-ption of thC' realm of inRuC"n<:e of Jerusalem and li,·ing accocding to th< Torah, which S('('nlS to have- diffe-red to s.omC' degr«, depe-nding on whNhrr one li\·ed in En~n J.srad or in the Oiaspora. Stt Bockmucbl 2003: 61- 70.
34.
Schi"ltl 1975: 138.
35. 36.
Cf. Kopt:lk 2001:163 and Dunn 1002: 203. Cf. Kop
44
Paul and the Dynamics of Power nnd spoke to Pct« and others., is proof that Paul himsdf rC'tlliud rhr n
T hus although Paul in 2.7-8 strc.sscs his own commissioning to preach the
gospel to the Gentiles) to asS<'rt their agrc.cmcnr, not just Paul and Peter shake hands, but all of them, James, O .phas and John on the one side a nd Barnabas
and Paul on the other, confirming rhat they pc.rc.civc each other as being entrusted with the gospel - proclaimed to Jews and gentiles rcspccti\•cly.311 T he narrati\'c in no way emphasizes Paul's independence from jerusalem or
Antioch 1 but serves the purpose of demonstrating that the Antioch group needed the: recognition of Jerusalem in order that they all could recognize each othc.r as engaged in a coopc.rati\'C interdependent movement. And Paul maintains that at this meeting hC' who unti l now SC'C'ms to have acted in the role of the 'junior partner' (probably of Barnabas)"' rccC'ivc-d proper rec.ognition by those 'who WC'rc aposclc-s before him' - and from now on was recognized as c.qual. The rC'cognition of Paul's apostleship and the recognition of his commission to ' bring about the obedience- of faith for the sake- of his name among all the. (gentile) nations' {Rom. l.5) arc inseparably intcrt\vincd. This is the powerful point Paul makc.s here. But to stress mutual recognition is fundamentally different from arguing for indepc.ndcncc...o The subsequent ' incident at Antioch' has been read as a confirmation of Paul's independence- claims, since there Paul apparently e-merges from the conflict as the only Je-wish Christ·follower who docs not share the other Jewish Christ·followcrs' view of tablc·fellowship v.~th gentile members of the movement (Gal. 2.13). It has bce.n argued that this dis pute ende.d in a split
of the movc.me.nt~ Paul travelling from thc.n on independently from Antioch and without Barnabas. But Paul himself docs not give any rca.sons for not trave1ling with Barnabas any longer, we only know something about this from Acts (l5.36·40). The only indication that something did change in the
relationship of Paul with Antioch is the fact that he never mentions the c.ity again. This seems to be. past history for Paul. not relevant for his actual work wi(h (he communities known through his 1cttc.rs. But although he disagreed with Peter and Barnabas at the- Antioch incident~ when he mentions them again in J Corinthians {1.12; 3.22; 9.5·6) the tone is not at all negative and it could not be guessed from this tha( there were any problems between these apostles. Paul docs not relate the problems he is disc.ussing in 1 Corinthians to any activities of these apostles but mc.r dy mentions them either because their name is daimc-d by a particular group {1.12), or because (hc.y arc mentioned as examples of how chey differed in dc.aling with mancrs related (O hospitality for apostles. Thus there is no 37. Campb('ll1006: 35. .38. Kopr:.k not('S th:u 'The' major implic:uion of P:.1ul's st:u('mem is that thm: is a basic rdotionship of cqu.-.lit}' bctwC'r n himsdf :~nd the J cru.s;~ lem aposdC"s in th(' sight of God' (2002: 165). 39. Ohler 2003: 7l. 40. Conrra Holmberg 1978: 29.
The Exercise of Power
45
indic.ation of a power struggle between these apostles. PauJ mentions them as colleagues involved in various ways with the same task:" Even the fact that Cephas, Apollos and Barnabas have apparentl)' bc.en to Corinth is not seen as c.ausing a problem for Paul. He. acknowledges their work in Corinth as \'aluable and docs not sec this as imerfcrc.ncc with his apostleship or his special relationship with the Corinthians! The problems in this c.ommunity do not emerge from disputes among the apostlc.s bm from misconceptions by the Corinthian community which they subsequently come m identify with one particular apo.stle, as e.g. ApoUos. But in Paul's view, chis is the responsibility of the Corinthians, nor of the respc.ctivc apostles. Thus fro m Paul's account in Gal. 2. L1-14 and from the fact that he subsequently mentions particularly Cephas and Barnabas in an at least neutral way, it doc.s not follow that the Antioch incident marks a decisive split in the early Christ-010\'t'.mc.nt. 41 It was a conflict within the movement, in rhc course of which Paul probably did ' lose'. But a conflict need not nccc.ssarily result in a split, even if the disagreement on the issue cannot be so1\'ed. Paul sc:ems to have bec.n in continuous contact with the 'others' of the conflict, and he docs not in anr way indicate that he had a negative view of them , or had problc.ms in accepting thc.ir equal standing with him as aposrlcs. The)' arc and remain apostle-s on c.qual standing with him and he dearly regards chcm as being involved in the same work of proclaiming the gospel as he is, as part of the one Christ-movement. Again, I cannot find any indication for indepc.ndence claims o r claims to superiority over against other aposrlcs b)' Paul." The same. image cmcrgc.s concerning PauPs p<-rception of the relation ro Jerusalem. Paul gives ample. evidence that he pcrcdvcs this relationship as highly significant not onl)' for himsdf but for all the EKKAI)Oia o TOO 6foU. The. collection project gives ample evidence to show that he did not perceive himself as an independent or superior apostle, and that he did not perceive independence as a goal to be aimed at, either for himself or for his communitic.s. His emphasis is on being recognized as an apostle- among othc.r apostles, that is, on the mutual recognition of each other's work in a communit)' of equals.
4 1. Ohler S('('S the- f.act the P~ul mentions Barn~ bas and Peter in rd~tion fO fin~ncial issues itS proof that he pC'rcc-i\·C"d th<m as being cqu!ll to him. (1003: 14--15). 42. For motc- dct:til on this S<'C' Campbell 2006: JS--53. Cf. ~ lso Schiin who maintains that ' .. . he we-nt to Jc-ru.s.llem from Antioch as a proponent of thc- uniry of the Church . .. It is doubtful that he- k.ft Antioch Jrss convincC'd of this nC'cessitr• ( 1975: 249-50). 4 3. As Campbell propOSC's 'llk- Gal:~~ia n passage could also be construC'd as Paul's !lrgument that he was a participant in a movemC'm ,.,.·here even those- who diffC'red from him, even those whom he bad nev.:t mct, stillacknowJedgrd the grace of God in him, rather th t~n 3 cbim fO be an c-nrirdy independent, and hence a solitary colossus' (2006: 35).
46
Paul and the Dynamics of Power 3.2 Paul and Co-workers in Christ
Inasmuch as Pa ul firs t appc.ars on the scc.nc. of history, as a member of a team, as a co -worker within the c-.arl)' Christ-movement, he continues to be
a member of a team when he cmc.rgcs as one of the prominent members o f this movcmcnt.44 The fact that Paul and the c.o-S<"ndcrs o f the letters rdcr to a significant number of membe-rs of the movc.mcnt by name indicates that a specific relationship must have existed between those mcntionc,d and Paul. This relationship i.s not always further clarified by an explanation such as 'm)' kinsmen and fellow prisoners' (Rom. 16.7), leaving later a udiences,
unfamiliar with the situation in a particular community with little with which to reconstruct a scenario of the network of the. early Christ-movement. But through some explanatory additions or qualifying re.mls at least some traces arc left in the letters which render a reconstruction o f aspects of the interaction b<-twccn these people possible. Various terms arc used, apart from 'apostles', to refer to othc.rs involved in the work of the movement, such as d&A |
44. 45.
Cf. Ollrog 1979: 61. I am following Dickson's ~scar~-h in this who in rdotion to diffC'R'nt tasks within the mo~·emen t maintains that •For P:J.UI, thC' hC'ralding of thr sospd was of untr-~1 impononce for his conception of the mission dury of both himsdf ;111d his colleagU<s. When onr turns to thC' apostle's descriptions of his conv<'ns' rdation to this l:lnguage, howc-v<"r, an <'ntlrdy differ-ent pictur<' <'mC'I"£<'S' (1003: 131). 46. Cf. l ieMn r~"C'rbohC" 1003: 228- 33.
The Exercise of Power
47
3.2.1 I vvEpyol- Termiuolog)' attd Identity Issues The term ouvEpy~. 'a distinctive and unique Pauline expression'~"- and the one most frequently used b)' Paul after the term d&A~. has often been read as referring to co·workcrs 1 that is assistants, of Paul. Bm this term in itself docs not indicate., as Lictart Pcc:rboltc: claims, that •Paul was supported in his proclamation of the gospel by a certain group of co·workcrs, "fellow workc.rs" (cn.Mpyol) in Christ.' 4g Wolf-Henning Ollrog in his monograph Parr/us uml seine MitarbciterA' has convincingly demonstrated [hat the term is not used to refer to Paul's co-workers but dcnotc.s colleagues of Paul who arc engaged in the same work as Paul, that is the work of God through Christ. They may or ma)' not have supported Paul dirc.ctly or indirectly, but they may cquallr wdl have been working independently of Paul. The stress is on the 1pyov they all arc involved in, not the ouv- with Paul.50 As Ollrog in his detailed analysis dearly demonstrate-s~ the auvEpyOc; is perceived as someone who like Paul has been commissioned by God to be involved in the work of Christ (epyov Xp1oToG). The ovvEpy&; is not commissioned by Paul, as is cvide.n t,. for example, from I Thc.ss. 3.2 - it is God who commissions Timothy to be a ouvfpyOc; invol\'c-d in the same work as Paul..s 1 It should thus come as no surprise that a variety of people who arc performing a multi plicity of tasks \\o'ithin the movement can be called ouv•pyol. Apollos is a ouv•pyOc;, as is Paul himself ( I Cor. 3.9); unnamed people in Corinth arc c.allcd ouv£pyol and the community is urged to be subjcct to them (1 Cor. 16.16); Prisca and Aquila arc aw•pyof who risked their lives for Paul (Rom. 16.3) ..sl Mo«ovcr, the term is not usc.d exclusively on its own, but is sometimes combined with a parallel characterization such as 6 1ciKOVOI; or
Jewctr 2006:957. li
48. 49. 50.
51. 52.
Ollrog 1979. For a discussion of the ovv- see Ollrog 1979: 70. Timorhr hC'rc is t'.xpli,itly c:ollcd ouv!pyOv 6to0 ! Set' jt'W<'tt's c:omprc-hrnsiw discussion of Pris~ olnd Aquila (2006: 954- 59).
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
48
Paul, distinct from many of his interpreters - did not perceive of himself as providing in his person the. centre which guaranteed unityt he did not render himself the bond which embraced all his co-workcn but for him the task was the cxdusivdy constituti\'c clcmcnt.'' 3 The noun therefore strc.sscs
the cooperative rather than the hierarchical dimension of the relationship between those designated as ouvtpyol and Paul~ who is one amongst them.
But Lictart Pccrboltc in his identification of the group working closely
together with Paul, views in t he fi rst insta nce t hose designated as ou~npyoi'
as those who prmcidc assistance and support for Paul, adding a number of othe-r designations co thar list. Although he docs not perceive the cruvEpyol as being in a hierarchical relationship with Pau l) he continues to describe their significance as assistants {ouvEpyol) of Paul in his missionary work, a function the cruvtpyoi explicitly did not ha\'e in Ollrog•s vicw!s4 Ollrog himself identifies a group of close co-workers in the work of the gospd (not of Paul) - 'der cngstc Krds' - encompassing o nlr Barnabas, Silvanus and Timothy:u He further idemifies a group of independent co-workers) Apollos) Prisca and Aquila, and Titus and the.n a numb-er of cnvors of the communities who were sent to assist Paul for some limited timc ..s6 The problem seems m arise from the varied usc of the term ouvtpyOc; by Paul himself. Although ouve.pyOc; is not the 'technical' term used to refer to those doscly working with Paul, he himself sometimes also calls one of this circle a CNVEpyOc;. Without denying the c.xistencc of some sort of "inner circle') Ollrog has demonstrated convincingly that the term ouvepyOc; cannot serve as clte basis for an image of rhe group of people working closdy and tra>'elling with Pau i .S~ 3.2.2 A&A<jlJ\ - Tcrmiuolog)• and Identity Issues
Another term Paul uses frcquenrly, a&A<jlJ\ is used significanrly fo r both Chri.st-followcrs in general, that is all the mcmbc.rs of the movement,
53. '
My tl'3nslation of the Gcm1an: 'Die Mitarbeitcr des Paulus waren :~lso nicht "Gehil{m"' des ,'\postds, die cor fi.ir. p~·rsOnlKhc Dienstleistungrn• hC'rangt".:ogrn h~ttC'' ( 1979: 71). 55. Ollrog 1979: 94. 56. Ollrog 1979: 93--108. It is only f.l ir to note in respect of Lietart ()eerbohe that there is n lack of cbrirr not only in Licf<1rt P
.57.
Conn·.a Lietan PeC'rbolte 2003: 231. Also Reinbold views the term as referring to Paul's dosc cirde of co·workC"rs ( 1999: 213-2241.
49
The Exercise of Power
and also for membc.rs who h;wc been commissioned~ called, or sc.nt on a specific task in the service of the gospel. Along with other family mc.raphors~ these arc undoubtedly very significant for an understanding of the traces of the dynamics of power in the communities the Pauline lcncrs address:H1 But concerning the usc of sib1ing metaphors in relation to the group of close coworkers around Paul~ Aasgaard has demonstrated that onJy limited insights c.an be gained. Since the metaphors arc used generally to address or refer to Christ-followers~ it is difficult to discern exactly what Paul might ha\'C in mind when a particular member of the movement is called my/our brother/ sister. Aasgaard sc.es in these cases an emphasis on the c.morional aspect of the relationship which should also •... further the sense o f solidarity between Paul, the person name.d, and the addressc:c.s.'$' In some instances there seems to be a tendency to indicate cqua1itr in the relationship as in Phil.2. L930 where Epaphroditus as distinct from Timothy is called brother; ro c.all Timothy a son seems to point to the hic.rarchy in his relationship w·ith Paul.'' 0 Sometimes the. metaphor clearly designates a person very close to Paul, as in 1 Thcss. 3.2 in relation to Timoth)' again but this time e-mphasizing another aspc.ct of the relationship. But also an otherwise unknown person can be called aO~. as is Apphia in Phlm. 2. Aasgaard cond udc.s that although the sibling metaphor in these spc.cific passages doc.s not refer to the specific tasks of these persons, 'Paul emplo)'S it to assign to them a particular status and auchority.' 6 1 The sibling status is taken as an indication that these persons arc in a 'particular role as missionary co workcrs'.61 Being c.allcd 'sibling' can thus indicate that, in a ccn.ain sc.nsc, one is closely participating in PauPs proclamation of the gospel. W'hilst [ am not entirely convinced that the specific usc of the sibling metaphor allows such clear conclusions as Aasgaard mai ntains, I think there is much to be said for the argument that by its usc Paul marks out a kind o f hierarchy between these people and the communities addressed. Thcsc 'special siblings' arc., at 1c.ast when mentioned in a lcncr, singled out as •authorities' over against a community. This docs not bestow on them a specific office, or a permanent function of authorit}' within the movement~ but it seems to an ributc to them a specific role for a specific task. Thus the specific usc of sibling language provides some indication as to chc relationship of those within that network o f which Paul and they also were a part: there were a) those who did work in a specific way within the movement and b) chose: who were members of the movement in a particular communit)'· The relationship between them seems to have been, at lc.ast in certain instances, asymmetrical. But from the usc of the sibling language it is hard to get any fu rther indication of the relationship betwcc.n the members of this sibling spcc.ial group, and bctwc.cn them and Paul. 4
58. 59. 60. 6 1. 62.
Cf. 3.3.2 and Chflpt<'r 7 bdow. Aasgaard 2004: 197. Aasgaard 2004: 198- 99. Aasgaard 2004:197. Aasgaard 2004: 298.
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
50
3.2.3 Co-Senders of the Pauline Letters Thus there is no one term designating this particular group of assistants in a close association with Paul. One criterion for recognition o f a c.loscr relationship with Paul may be found in the names of co-senders of rhc lcncrs. Since they arc nu·.ntioncd individually> they must at lc.ast have been present when Paul was d ictating a particular letter, and Paul must havc perceived them as either close or significant enough to mention them. The man mc:ntionc.d most frequently as being with Paul is Timothy. He is the co -Sand most likdy, as argued above, the co-author of at lc.ast one o f these, namely 1 Thessalonians. He is characterized as 0 cM~.A¢1~ twice (2 Cor. 1.1 and Phlm. 1). Some interpreters (and English translations) skip over the definite article here and re.ad it as equivalent to the personal pronoun my/ouri)'OUr. But Aasgaard maintains that the definite article indicates a usc of the sibling metaphor 'in a more absolute scnse..a He notC's that whene\'er the sibling metaphor refers to a co-SC".nder of a letter the definite article is used. Those siblings arc not mentioned as siblings of Paul or the community addressed but the.y arc 'siblings in their own right', 'they stand om as siblings per se•.;a The sibling metaphor docs not function as a title or reference to an offkc since 'Paul app<.ars to allot to them a particular position of authority \~s-a·vis 'he addrC'.ssecs, but also to an c.xtem vis-a·vis himsdf:u Timothy is also called an apostle (1 Thc.ss. 2.6); he together with Paul and Silvanus has preached the gospel in Corinth (2 Cor. 1.1 9), which renders him equal to Paul. As ' the brother' , apostle and prc-.ac.her of rhc: gospel, and co-author of a le-tter Timothy appears ro be perceived as equal to Paul. On the other hand he is sent by Paul to visit the Thcssalonian iKKAqala, to strengthen and c.nc.ouragc- them (1 Thess. 3.2), to visit the Corinthians, to remind them o f the wa)'S in Christ Paul teaches e-verywhere in nc-ry church (1 Cor. 4. L7), and to visit the Philippians so that Paul may be encouraged (Phil. 2. 19). Moreover Paul calls him his beloved and faithful child (l Cor. 4. 17}, he is like his son (Phil. 2.22), his ouv•pyO<; (Rom. 16.21), and one who docs the work of the Lord as Paul himself (1 Cor. 16.10). TheS<' references suggest that Timothy is in some wa)' subordinate to Paul as he is sent to rep resent him, and to remind the Corinthians of Paul's teaching (although Paul in 2 Cor. 1.19 acknowledges that limothy proclaimed the gospel to them on e.qual standing with Paul). A mixc-.d image of Timothy'.s and Paul's relationship e-merges from thc-.sc- scattcrc.d references, and it is obvious that although Timothy is in some sense perceived as an c-.qua1 by Paul, and trusted cmirc:ly, there is yet a hierarchical imbalance between thc-.m in that it is always Paul who sends or entrusts Timothy with an impol'tant task, never the other way round." 63. 64. 65. 66.
Aasga:~rd Aasga:~rd
2004: 297. 2004: 197. Aasga:~ rd 2004:297. Cf. Aasgaard 1004: 298, also ROrschd 200 I: 130.
The Exercise of Power
51
The co-sender of 1 Corinthians_, Sosthcncs, is only mentioned once, but except fo r his description as 0 ci6cA4u5c; there is no indication here which would allow any conclusion regarding his relationship to Paul. In Galatians Paul mentions an undefined group of 'all the brethren who arc with me' ("oi oUv E~o! rrclvn~ ci6EA$ol' lGai.1.2J). again without any further indic.ation as to who they arc. c.xcept that they arc Christ·fo11owc.rs and that the)' must have supported Paul in what he was writing to the Galatians (otherNisc why would he have mentione.d them). Silvanus is one of the three authors and senders of l Thessalonians. He moreover is involvc.d in proclaiming rhc gospel, chat is, in founding communities as we learn in 1 Thcss. 2.6 and 2 Cor. 1.19. Although we do not learn an}thing more about him, these few notices indicate that he was perceived by Paul as an apostle equal to himself. The fact that Paul docs not mention him more often in his letters could indicate that he was an apostle working in his own mission fidd some time after having been im•olvc.d in e-stablishing the communities in Thcssalonic.a and Corinth.67 3.2.4 Letter Ertdiugs and Paul's Assistants Further indications as to who was part of a dose d rdc of co-workers around Paul can be found at the end of the lcners, among those who send greetings. Aquila and Prisca arc mentioned twice, in 1 Cor. 16.19 and in Rom. l 6.3.1n I Corinthians they send greetings together with the itc:KA£)ola in their house, so thc.y must ha.,·e had the space to host a group of Christ-followers fo r their meetings. Greetings arc sent to them in Rome by Paul, and he mentions especially that he owes them his life. He thus hints ~t his indebtednc.ss to them. This and the fact that he calls them ouutpyot suggests they arc equivalent in status, and certainly not subordi nate to Paul. In Philemon Paul has five people with him who send their gre.etings to the addressc.cs Philemon, Apphia and Archippus: but all we learn about them is that one) Epaphras, is imprisoned with Paul, and the others, .Mark, Aristarchus, Demas and luke arc ouvEpyol of Paul. In Romans the Jewish Christ-followers Lucius, jason and Sosipater, gre.ct the EKKAT)Oia there, as well as duce JX'Op1e ob\'iousl}' supporring Paul, that is Tertius the scribe, Gaius and Erastus who have the means to somehow host Paul and 'the brother' Quartus. It is virtually impossible to discern from the.se brief notes what the nature of the relationship between these 'greeters' and Paul actually was. All that these names dearly indicate is that Paul did not work on his ov.rn; he did work within a network of people, and he did rely on them - in one instance with his life (Rom. 16. 4), in others as hosts (Rom. "1 6.2}, on others as 'a means of communic.a tion', that is, as transmine.rs of mc.ssages {1 Cor. 1. ·1t; Phil. 2.23) and in other ways that can only be gue.sscd at.
67.
Cf. Ollrog 1979: 17-10; Reinbold 1000: 1 19-20.
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
52
3.2.5 Others Greeted iu tbe Pau/iue Lett.ers Another group which needs to be considered arc those pc:op1c whom Paul and the senders specifically greet or address within the fKKA11ola to which a letter is sent. Jn most lcttc.rs these greetings arc formulated in a general way, with the exception of Romans 16. Although there we find a significant list of Christ-followers whom Paul knows, onlr a few of these arc described in a war which would allow some clear conclusions concc.rning their relationship with Paul. Phoebe is described as a grc-.at supporter of Paul. Andronicus and Junia were in prison with Paul and arc apostles like Paul himself, qualifications which most 1ikcly render them ('.quais with Paul. Urbanus is a cruvEpy&;, as arc Tryphanea, Tryphosa and Persis, which does not show conclusively whether thC)' were perceived by Paul ro be his helpers or whether the term rdcrs to the fact that they were involved in the same kind of work as Paul was." Paul views Rufus's mother as also his own, which could indic.a te a hierarchical rclationship.1111 In Philippians Euodia and Synthyche arc described as workers in the gospel with Paul> Clc.ment and other ouvtpyol. Jn the same le.ner we encounter Epaphroditus who o n the one hand is sent back to Philippi br Paul after having brought him gifts (Phil. 2.25; 4.18) but in the very same verse (2.25) Paul also calls him 'm)' brother and fellow worker and fcllow soldicr, and your apos~le and ~ini~tcr .to, n~y need• (\Ov cX6EA~v. Ka] ouvcpyOv Kal ouotpat!(..)TT)\1 ~ou UIJ(o)V & a rrootoAov K and also somconc being sent by him to the Philippians? 1 do not sec whr &rrOotoAoc; here should be translated differently, (e.g. as me.ssengcr IRSVJ) fro m other passages mcrdy on the grounds that the tcrm here is further q ualified by U1Jc:.3v.':'" Another person of significance is Titus. He travels to Jerusalem together with Barnabas and Paul as the paradigmaric gentile in Christ (Gal. 2.1 , 3). But then he- is only ever mentione.d again in 2 Corinthians. Paul had hoped to meet him in Troas>but since he is unable to find him. he is unablc to stay and continue. to work for the gospel there since 'my mind could noc rest' (2 Cor. 2.13)! \Vhether it is Titus himself that is the. c.ausc for co ncern or what Paul cxpc.ctcd to hcar from him concerning the Corimhians is not quitc clear. Travclling to ~'lace.donia hc is high!)' relieved to me·et Titus {7.6) and receive ncws of the fKKAqo\a in Corinth. Through Titus he receivcs comfo rt and joy with regard to the Corinthians. Since Titus's visit to Corinth had confirmcd and strengthened the: good relationship bc.twcc:n rhe group around Paul and rhc community, Paul urges/encouragcs Titus co complctc what hC' had begun (8.6), that is apparent!)' to complete the task he had been involved in conccrning the. collcccion. Paul stresse.s that Titus actually did not need much encouragement but was himsclf eager to travd back to Corinth 'going to you of his own accord' (8.17). Paul mentions one or two other 'brothcrs• who 68. 69. 70.
SeC" discussion 3.2.1abo\'r. On thC' role of thC' mother S('(' 7.4-7.6 bdow. SeC' thC' discussion Chapter 5 below.
The Exercise of Power
53
will travel wich Titus onlr to emphasize again hov..- close T itus is to him as he is 'mr partner a nd a co-worker for you• (my translation) ('Kotvwv~ i~Ot; Ka l i •<.; u~cic; ouvtpyOc;' (8.23)). This is a vc.ry emotional description of what seems to be a dose personal relationship, which is signalled also by the first mentioning of Titus as the gentile in Christ who was in jerusalem with Paul and Barnabas (Gal. 2.1 ). But he is not mentioned elsewhere in the undisputed Pauline letters, which leaves us somehow puzzled. Somebody so important to Paul is only mentioned in two lcners, but once as a highl)' significant brother to Paul. Two conclusions ca n be drawn from chis: either Titus is an intimate brother Paul trusts so cntirdy that he is travelling on behalf o f Paul, not as an independent a postle but in Pa ults name> and thus most of the time not travelling with him or staying in a particular city - or PauPs sc.cmingly c.motional description of his relationship with Tiws is purdy functiona l in that he emphasizes it over against the Corinthians in a situation of conflic.t to strc.ss how important the)' acn•ally arc for him. From the pc.o ple named> addressed, mentioned, sent, gr« ted by Pa ul in his letters> onl)' Timoth)' emerges as constantly working together with Paul in a team. The others, as far as their relation with Paul c.a n be discerne,d , a rc c.ithe.r mentioned only in relation to one particular community, one particular project, or for a limited time:. Paul never seems to be on his own in his work, but there scems to be no major group working a nd travelling with him over any length of time. The circle of his particula r co·workus is 'on the move'. T his makes it difficult to establish the dynamics of power between these people a nd Pa ul. It is obvious that some arc in certain respects subordinate to Pa ul since he sends them, and they represent him. \Vith others their status in relation to Paul is not so clc.a rl)' identifia ble: is Epaphroditus subordinate because he is sent back to Philippi by Paul) or equa l bcc.a usc he is an a postle? Is Phoebe equal to Paul because she is a diakouos) or is she s uperior to him bec.ause she supported him signific-antly, or is s he subordinate to him because she is his envoy to Romer··
3.2.6 Moved by Christ - Leadershif>outhe Move T he image of the group of people invoh·cd in the proclamation/work of the gospel emerging from the. Pauline Jcttcrs is very divergent. Although Paul is \'cry much part o f a network, and working in a team, no consta nt group around him can be idcntific,d. T he fact that he sends Timothy and Titus on his behalf dem onstrate-s that there were le\•ds of hierarchies amongst those involved in this teamwork, a nd that Paul was by some accepted as a 1~de r with special authority over against other membc.rs of this team. But the e.x tc:nt of this authority seems to have be.cn limited in rime and extent and there arc no traces in his lcners to indicate that Paul was c.spccially conc.crne.d abom chis. He a ppears as one of many c.ngagcd in the work of the gospd 71.
Cfjc-wC'tt2006:94J-48,
54
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
and his primary concc.rn seems to be that this work be done. The image of the network of co-workers \vithin the Christ-movement that emerges is that of a group within which hkrarchics did exist, but these seem to have been
neither static nor 'high' 1 but rather Rcxiblc and flat. No titles or 'offices' were established at that time in the movcmcnt. Thus the powr.r dynamics within this special group, the communities, and someone like Paul, who as an apostle was part of a (maybe the only) spe.cificall)' labelled group, seems to have been a vcq• flexible onc."2 The group of •special workers' in the proclamation of the gosp<'l seems w have formed and reformed ac.cording to the needs of the work which had to be donc."J Thus someone could be an aposrlc and at the same time be S<'nt by Paul, as limothy apparently was. Somebody could work wi(h Paul in relation to a particular proje.ct- like Titus or possibl)' Phoc.be, othe.rs arc there ·with him in a particular place and at a particular time like Prisc.a and Aquila. An image. of a group emerges which is on the move) and within which the power dynamics is not staric but fluid, being nc.gotiatc.d betwc.en those who arc involved in leadership tasks according to whatC\'Cr served to furthe r the c.ausc of the gospeL This image resonates in some wars with Hannah Arendt's 'ideal' of free communication which leads to action.~4 The characteristics found thus far c.oncerning co-workers in Christ do not show any evidence of women being excluded from these particular groups.n Although the names of women mentioned as part of the le-adership groups arc fewe r than the names of men, where they arc mentioned, there is no trace of any diffcrc.ncc in their status due to rhc:ir gender. Thus, most prominently) Phoebe is in a lcade.rship role of an fKKAflolcx, most like!)' in a position of social supcriorit}' to Paul, which renders him dependent on her.~,; She probablr performs a specific fu nction as a transmitter of a letter) which included the role of transmitter of the message itself (Rom. 16.1 ·2).· Others, such as Junia> arc rc.cognized as being an apostle; she had been in prison, and she is explicitly mentioned as having joined the movcme.n t before Paul (Rom. 16.7).n Prisca is a co-worker (Rom. 16.3) and together with Aquila hosts an i KKAI}Oia in their house (1 Cor. 16.19), Mary is greeted as one who had worked hard among them (iKonlaoev ti~ u~ii~ [Rom. 16.6]). According to Jewett the usc of the term Kotru:X(.) is an indication by which Paul also refers to collc.agucs who were either missionaries or loc.allcadc.rs of an fKKAf")olo:.~11 Thus Mary as well as Tryphaina and Trrphosa, and Persis (Rom. 16.12) arc recognized as leaders \vithin the e-arly Christ-movement and Paul shared 72. Aasga:~ rd condudcs from thr foct that no consisttnt panrrn in the u~ of these dcsignstions in thr Pauline lcttrrs eme-rges th.-.t it is not possible to com(' to any condusion ' .. . as cone
Fioren7.a 1986, Ross Kraemer 1991: 136-38, 174-76,65-86 and M:~cdonald 2003: 162-68. 76. On the role of Phoelx- S« j C'WC'tt 1006: 941-48. 77. See the comprC'ht'nsiw and det".aikd study by Epp 2005. 78. Jcwctt 1006: 961.
The Exercise of Power
55
in this acceptance and appreciation without any reservations.':'' Thus there arc no indications that lc-.adcrship roles, that is, the exercise of power-over in asymmetrical relationships to communitic.s by women was a cause of concern or problematic within the. group of those who were commissioned, recognized and accepted as being entrusted with special tasks within the movement, whether in a local fKKAnolcx or as itinerant ouvt.pyol. 3.3 ' EKKAT}olcxl, Paul and tbe Pau/iue Circle Whereas the relationship bctwee.n Paul and other apostles. and Paul and the dose circle of people working with him>and the implications of power therein, can only be derived indirectly from his letters, the relationship between Paul and his itc:KXnolco (and the community in Rome) is more or less open!)' reflected in his letters as all except one (Philemon) arc addressed directly to such an iKKAqola. The lcttc-.rs themselves wimcss to a process of networking via ongoing communication bcrween the Christ-following groups. This communication proce.ss was not limited to !ette.rs but the letters wc.re part of it. They particularly witness to a communication proce.ss bct\veen groups which were involved in sprt<1ding the good news of Christ ('heralds of the gospel') and groups which gathered in a particular place in response m this (fKKAf)otco). The groups which formed as a result of the activit)' of the 'heralds of the gospel' could in .some sense be described as the: re.suh of communkativc action. At the heart of their origin v,;as a successful act of communication, which led to the formation of a group of people who mutually committed thcmscl\'cs to act in concert. Titus the. creation of Christ-following groups could be described, in Arc.ndt's terminology, as the creation of the space of a share-d life·world.w The ha::Xqola1from the nations \vcrc formed as groups in citie-s of the Roman Empire where as followers of Christ cruci6e.d they began to live their lives ' in Christ\ distinct from their pre.vious livc.s 'acc.ording to this world' (Rom. 12.2). Thc.sc groups were formed at the margins of Roman dire. society and as such dtq' witness to the emergence of a perception of the world which radicallr differed from the public discourse of Roman impc.r ial ideology and life. The lc.tte.rs can thus be read as providing guidance into an altc.rnative) in Scott's terminology, hidden transcript of powcr. 11 ' 3.3.1 Letter \llriting and Ongoing CommuttiCIJtion The communication proce.ss which was initiated br the p
Cf. also Caner 2006: 20-21.
See 2.3 above. Scon 1990: 1- 16.
56
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
of the apostle either by Christ-followe-rs who were. dosdy working rogc:thcr with Paul (1 Thess. 3.2; 2 Cor. 7.7; 8.6}, other apostles (l Cor. 3.6), or letters (2 Cor. 7.8), and sometime-s a combinarion oi these (Rom. 16.1-2). The lcncrs arc a means to continue a COil\'Crsation already initiated over a certain distance. This mc.ans that these lcncrs arc on1y a iragment of the communication not the communic.ation bctwr.cn Paul and the communitics-.111 The)' arc a substitute for oral communication, that is~ in the first instance they have an intc.r-communicativc function. As part of an oral communkation they support the purpose of maintaining the relationship bct,.,.ccn senders and recipients, and keeping their conversation going whilst not being able to meet face ro face. They arc- thus substitutes for facc-·to·face cncounre.rs between people who had already met or, in the c.ase of Romans, intended to do so. They address rc.al people, in specific contexts, communic-ating issue.s arising from that relationship. Lcrtu writing is not a one·way proc.ess as is evident from 2 Corinthians, since it is the on1v written form of communic-ation which allows for dialogue and mutuality.· Thus the mere fact that Paul and a group around hiln send or reply to a letter to an fKKAflol a indicates that their primary purpose is not to c.stablish the authority of Paul but rather that both parties of the conversation arc interested in maintaining their relationship and in continuing their conversation. It is a relationship between groups not individuals, a.s is nidenced in the mention of a group of senders, if not coauthors, in the opening of all letters cxcc.pt Romans. In Ill)' view, this indicates also that the proc.c.ss of communication is a procc.ss between groups nor between individuals even though Paul, as the one always mentione.d first. In most cases se.c.ms to be the onC' primarily responsible for the content. As E\'c-Maric Becker notes: ··w c.nn Paulus an cine plurale Adress.atc.nschah schreibt und zugleich Co-Sender nennt, riickt cr sclbst aus der fiir Bricfe iiblichcn "Einsamk<'it de.s schrcibcnden lchs'~ heraus und pr~lsentiert sich den Adressaten als Bricfeschrciber, der sclbst in dnem Dialog stein.!~~:.> ThC' opening section is the. opening of the communic.a tion process with the. addresscC's, and stresses at the. same time that the senders arc involved in an inter-communicative proce-ss thcmsdvcs.sc The letters witness ro a networking process bet ween small groups which again in turn form small networks amongst themselves. Taking into account that the founding of a community was the result of a corporate- acti\'ity it should not come as a surprise that the communication process at a distanc.e \'ia letters was maintained by a group rather than Paul alone, as other wa)'S of communic.ating - for example> via visitors to the communitic.s and community delegates visiting the ' fo unding groups>, demonstrate: (e.g. 1 Cor. l.l l ). But except in 1 Thessalonians, there arc no indications in the letters 82. See Funk 198 1: 61-63. 83. Becker 1002: 152. Irene T:t:atz. in her aM lysis of e:arly Jc·wish 1ctiCTS notes th~t the .signillc-.ant number of 'Gemeindcbriefc-' lcommuniry l
The Exercise of Power
57
which would allow us to discern the voice of the-se co-senders as co-authors.11 s To perc.cive. them as merely a support group backing up what Paul \Vante.d to say in the lc:ncr docs not ac.count for the more like!)' scenario that those who were- with Paul also were in con\'c-rsation about ' theological' issues in relation to the movement. As Byrskog notes 'The message brought out had probably bee.n the object of considerable collective thinking and rcasoning.' 106 Thus the content of the lettc.rs can be perceived as the expression of a conversation of Paul and a group that is with him who negotiate the meaning of the Christevent in relation to the concrete contexts of everyday life in the communities, rathe.r than the result of the thoughts of one man alone.11 ' As noted above 1 the groups which 'herald the gospel', that is, apostles, and other co-workers in Christ, rdate to each other on various lnd s1 some as e.q ua1s (leading apostles), others in various degrees of hierarchie.s. The corporate dimension of the Pauline letter thus indicate.s [hat there were hierarchies not onl)' bctwcc.n Paul and his 'assistants' but also ben veen the entire group involved in 'heralding' the gospel on one side and the communities addressed on the other.~ 11
3.3.2 ' EKKAflolal as Communities of Siblings
Howe\'er, the most frequently used term to addres-s the lener recipients, d5th~1. cX6£A$~ a designation also used sometimes for those involved in 'heralding the gospel'/'" seems to direct the pc.rception of the relationship between addressees and senders towards a relationship of equals.lKI As this seeming!)' contradicts what has been demonstrated a few lines above, a closer look at the sibling metaphors in relation to the communities is necessary here. The frequency of the ci6fAq,ol address does offer a vantage point from which to gain some insights into the relationship between Paul, the Pauline circle, and the addrc-ssces.11 Family terminology in the Pauline letters~ and sibling language. in particular1 has been the focus of .significant research for some time now. A 85.
T he- 'we'
p:~ss:.gc-s
in 1 Corinthions do not provide- dC"Cisive evidence to co-
~uthorship.
86. 87.
Byrskog 1996: 249. Cf. Campl>
88. Cf. Dickson's perception that 'Pout usuallr porrrnyc-d believers as passive in rtlation to the pr~~ch ing of the gospel' ovc:rst.atcs the ell~ in mr \'iew, since the hearing of the gospd r
58
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
major difficulty concerning the sibling language is how to understand the met aphor. Earlier research has read it as a rcfcrc.ncc to emphasize the equality within the movement, as a reference to a brotherhood of equals, which later deteriorated into a patriarchal institution formed hierarchica lly according to the Roman dire household. This perception has come under critique from various directions and it has been demonstrated that the issues of equality and hierarchy arc more complex than a deterioration model allows for.n
But the significance of the family as the basic social unit o f societies in antiquity has gcnc.rally bc.cn acknO\vlc.dgcd in contemporary rc-.sc:arch.'J The issue of siblingship is usually addressed in the context of analyses of family strucm re.s> presupposing that Paul's metaphorical usc dc.r ivcs primarily from these. Insights from culmral anthropolog)' into kinship rdations in the contemporary Mediterranean world have been perceived as providing appropriate theoretical background for analysing PauPs usc of kinship language. But although it is certainly significant to clearly distinguish contemporary Western perceptions of fami ly fro m those o f JX'Oplc: living around the Meditcrranc.an basin in the first century CE, it is doubtful whether it is mc.thodologicallr .appropriate to subsume the entire Mediterranean basin under one particular pattern and to draw parallels from c.ontc.mporary Mediterranean soc.ietie.s directly to societies of the:- first century. Such hermc:-neutical presuppositions contribute in my view to gc:-neralizations despite their attempt to explicitly avoid this.'" Paral lel and sometimes combined with this gc.ne.ralizing tendency concerning Mediterrane-an societic.s, can be found a pcrcc.ivcd separation between private and public, that is bct\~,o·een family life and politics. Despite noticing the differences between contemporary and first-ccnntry family structures, the family is nevertheless ponraycd as somehow the unit which provides 'the haven in a hc.artlc.ss world•sos. thus presuming a ' politics-free pri\'atc zone into which me.mbers of families could retrc.a t. Inherent to such a perception is a strc.ss on the emotional dosc.nc.ss between the famil)• mc.mbers, and between siblings in particular. 96 Se.\'cral cavc.ats need to be raised here: (a) Although the cmorional dimension of family bonds in first·« ntury societies should not be denied there arc other aspects which arc probably more signific.ant in evaluating Paul~s metaphoric-al usc of sibling language. \X'ithout denying the significance of the family unit in societies in antiquity, 9"-' Cf. Sandnes> critique of Scb:ifc-r's and Schii.sslrr Fiorm:la "s reconstructions. ( 1997: 150-51). A numbrr of rC'ccnt arficiC's and studies proposC' ahC"mari\'C·s, e.g. Bartchy 1999 and 1003; Horrdl200 I; Elliott J. H. 2003; Aasg:t:trd 2004; Gerbe-r 1005. 93. SeC' refcrenc<s in Aasgarcl 2004: 34 94. SeC' e.g. Barrch}' 1999: 68 :tnd Bossm:tn 1996: 164 both basing their :trgumcnt:ttion on Malina 1983. 95. So the- fitlc- of a chapt<'r in :\asgaard 2004: 34. 96. SeC' C'.g. Aasg:t:trd who maint:tins th:lt ' ... thC'r WC'tC' e-xpected to obscrw the f-Jm ily cult togcthC"r, imcr alia as~ sign of family solidarity. Morr imporumt was thC' social S<"curit)" that siblings could re-nder. Perhaps ln0$t imporr-.ant~ howrver, was the emotional and so~;a1 bad:ing siblings could offer one- anothe-r' (2004: 591. Also Banchy 1999: 69.
The Exercise of Power
59
the pcrce.p tion of a di\'ision bcrn•cen public and private in antiquity has been challenged) for example, b)' Sandncs who) in my vic.\v rightly stresses that this perception of separate spheres c.annot be maintainc,d as there is ample evidence that ' ln antiquit}' social harmony \Vas associated with people worshipping the same gods ... the fu ndamental assumption that the household is a cirr -state in mic.rocosm mc.ans that domestic worship is seen in a political pcrspectivc'' 1 rhus 'the domestic, political and cultic. sphere arc not separated; on the contrary they arc dependent on c.ach othcr.'111 It is thus que.stionable whether the famil)' could actually provide a safe haven in a dangerous world. since the politic.al was an all-pervasive d imension of Gracco -Roman socicty.' 11 (b) Since literary c.vidcncc of aspects of family life mirrors the life of the dire~ that is between 3 to 7 pc.r cc.n t o f the population, 1110 it is difficult to reconstruct an image of the family structures of the 93- 97 per cent of the rest of the population) of which a high pc.rcent.age was c.nslaved and thus not in a situation to form family bonds indepc.ndcnt from their masters. Archaeological research in Galilee and rc.scarch into the economic situation there indicate that it was often impossible for most families to provide that support and shdtcr in a dangerous world, whic.h was promoted by the elite as an ideal.10 1 Economics rather than emotio ns probably shaped kinship relationships to a significant extc.n t. Thus an analysis of first-ccntur)' Gracco-Roman sources c.an pro\'ide only \'cry limited insights which ma)' helpfully contribute to an understanding of Paul's prominent usc of the sibling metaphor, since the.e.arlr Christ-movement was certainly not an elite phenomc.non but was rooted in the 93- 97 JX·r cent of the majorit}' population of the Roman Empire which li\'c.d at the margins or below subsistence levcl. 102 With elite dcscriprions of family life proving to be on I)' of very limited help to gain insights into a probable background for Paul's usc of sibling language~ another source could be its metaphorical usc in relation to institutions of Roman society. But the results arc not o f great \'alue since sibling language is only occ-asionally used metaphorical!}' in Graeco-Roman sourcc.s.•o.1 A more fruitful source can be found in Paul~s primary context> Judaism. Metaphorical usc of sibling language was most prominent in the Scriptures and is evidenced throughout the Second Temple period. The Scriptures often usc the term n~, translatc.d as cl6!AO<; in the LXX, for kinfolk and fellow 97. Sandnes 1997: 155. 98. San dnes 1997: 156. 99. loc:idcnts in ditc- families makc- chis at least doubtful - d('Spitc- the idt'ology promoted br Augustus. Cf Tac. Ann. 111.14.. 100. Caner2006: 10; Sr~emann/Sregcnl:l nn 1999:77. 101. See e.g. St<'gc-mann/Stcgc-mann 1999: 99-1 36; Horsie-r 1995. 101. Cart<'r 2006: 100-18; Stcgc-mann/Stc-gcmann 1999: 47-51 and 79-95. This is ~ddi ti on :ll indication thnt thc- discourse o f thc- Chrin-movt'mem was rathe-r one of resiu~ nce to than Ofl( of conformity with the public Roman discourse:. Cf Scotr 1990: 27-28, also Elliotr 1004: 1 I7-11. 103. See th<' cxcd lt'nr discussion in Aasgaard 2004: 107- 16.
60
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
lsraclitc-s. 1o.~
Dc:utcronom)' in particular depicts Israel as a people of brothc.rs (Deut. 3.18; 15.3; 23.1 9; 24.7)."' This tradition is found in later Jewish literature a nd continuc,d throughout the firs t cc.nturr. 1(16. Horrell notc.s that · .. . in its varied contexts, it rc-Ac-cts the existence of, or desire for, a sibling· like bond between the speaker and addre.ssee(s).'10 ' Horrell cannot find indic.ations of hierarchy or superiority in the use of the terminology itsdf. The Script ures and Jc.wish tradition thus provide insight into a well-established
metaphorical usc of sibling language at Paul's rime. And since Paul was c.mbcddcd in this tradition I c:annot sec any reasonable arguments against reading Paul's usc of sibling metaphors primaril)' from within this particular context. This docs not rule out the fact that pervasive- aspects of GraccoRoman soc.icry did have an impact on Paul's usc of the metaphor or, to an even greater extent, on the addressc.cs~ reception, but I think thc.sc. should be perceived as sccondarr impacts and probably include problems of 'cultural rranslation',t~M~ rather than the basis of PauJ's usc o f sibling language:. Thus~ as in its jewish context, the sibling metaphor primarily refers co the special bond bctwcc-.n those called brothers and sisters) though not merdy as part o f a family but rather as part of a people. Thus a&il$0<;/a&iln is an identity designation with an c-.mphasis on the way those who arc. part of this group o f siblings should relate to each other in cvcryda)' life. 10 ' The usc of che siblin9 metaphor throughout the letters in addressing the me.mbers of the fKKAflotat indicatc.s that Paul and the co-senders stressed from the \'try beginning that they were all bound together in a relationship which is or should be characte-rized by mutual responsibility and solidarity. The roots of this characterization probabl)' lay not so much in actual kinship allusions but in those: allusions Paul and the co-senders had inherite-d from the Scripturc-.s of Israel. People who arc associated with the. one God o f [srael arc c.allc.d brothers and sisters. And those who arc now called through Christ arc thus brothers and sisters too.110 Thus the sibling address in the kncr op<.nings as well as in the letters general!)' indicates the effo rts of Paul and his co-senders to c-.nsurc that those who formed an i KKAf}Oia related to each other as befitted the people of God. In emphasizing this aspect Paul includes himself as one of the siblings in Christ but he apparently docs not restrict his own 104. Horr<'ll 100 1: 296. 105. See also Exod. 2.11; 31.17; Ps. 11.13; Pro\'. 17. 17; I8.24; jt"r. 21. 18; Zcch. I 1. 11. Cf. Prr!itt 1994: SO- i3. 106. Thr sibling mrt>1phor is C'Vcn more frequent in e.g. 1 Esdras, 1 ~ nd 2 Macc,1bl"C's :md Tobit. For >1 more dct>lilcd discussion s« Aasgaard 2004: 1 13. 107. Horrell1001: 296-97, stt also his critique of Banc:hy 1999 who dOC's not t:~ke (his into accounr. lOS. R~arch imo 'cuhur:1l tr:~n slation• concerning the Pauline letters and their recC'ption by a prim!lrily gcntilt" audirnn- would most likely pro\'r illuminating not only with re-gard to the sibling me-taphor but also for othr r aspe~'ts of thr letters.. 109. See Horrrll 2001: 300.1 will dral with this aspttt bc:low csprciolly Chopcrr 9. I I0. Significantly Paul uses thr sibling mrt'.aphor when rdrrring to his non·Christ· following fellow Jrws (Rom. 9. 4 ~.
The Exercise of Power
61
role to that of a brother (e.g. 2 Cor. I 0.8; 13.10). He claims for himsdf, as for other particular membc.rs of the movement, a spcdal role which included claims of authority and pO\\'Cr over them. Thus Paul)s and to some extent the co-senders' sdf-pcrc.eprion seem to oscillate between equality as brother, and aurhority as apostles, c.mphasizing one or the other aspect according to the state of the relationship with their communities. 111 3.4 Conclusion: I uvtpyol aud ' EKKAqolo:1 - Asymmetrical Re/atio11ships At \'arious point.s the contents of the letter clarify that the senders sec thcmscl\'c:s in a position to give the addressees some advice) to encouragC' and to admonish them; rhus they pc.rccive the relationship between thcmsd\'es and the addressees as somehow asymmetrical. Ther send the letters from the position of the subject-who-knows and Paul in\'ites the membc.rs of his congregations to follow his example and ad"ice. Although the language he uses is not one of command-obedience, he docs appeal (Phlm. 10; Rom. 12.1) to them, he compares himself to a father, or a mother ( LCor. 3.2}, to a planter, and layer of the fo undation (l Cor. 3.5·1 5), he asks them to imitate him(1 Thess. 1.6; Phil. 3.1 7; 1 Cor. 4.16) and tdls them to keep on doing 'what you have learned and re.ccived and heard and seen in me! (Phil. 4.9). He writes to them c.onccrning issuc.s on which pr<'viously they had aske.d his advice) gilling them guidance (1 Corinthians 7 and 12), warns them against boasting (Rom. 11.20), commends his co-workc.rs to them, and asks them to be subordinate to the house of Stephanas (1 Cor. J6.1 5).'" These arc all clear indications of hierarchical!}' strucmrcd relationships. Paul and the group around him claim authority and exerci.sc power over them with the mc-.ans at their disposal. But even when Paul is clearly the one person addressing the community, he docs so not on the basis of some persona) advantage or privileged status, or on the basis of institutional power or a fixed hierarchical structure~ or of anr forc-e to back him, but mainl)' because of his temporal primacy as the one through whom they had first learnt of the gospel (2 Cor. 10.1 4) and become mcmbc.rs of the movement. Those who became: siblings in Christ joined the mm·cmcnt on a lloluntary basis, that is, because.they heard rhc mcssagC' of the gospel and by the Spirit were moved to an accordingly and thus form an fKKAqolo: where they lived. The basis of chc: relationship bc.twccn Paul and the communities is thus one of tru.st. 11 l Paul and the communiric.s arc in an asymmetric.al relationship, and Paul docs claim power over them, but as a relationship based on tru.st cherc. is an aspc.ct inherent in it whic.h in my view resonates with what Wattenberg described as transfomlative. power. The purpose of the power c.xercised is to render itself obsolete. Thus although Paul doc-s refer to himself as an authority to be listened to, the. sibling address may indic-a te 111. See Chaprrrs 7- 9 be-low. 112. I will deal with the-se: issut'S srparatel}' in thr following chaptrrs. 113. Ser 10.1 below.
62
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
that it is actually Paul's particular aim to empower the communities in such a way that they lc.arn to Ji\'C. their lives according to the gospel. Hence his references to his authority as an apostle living in conformity to the gospel and his capacity to cmbod)' it..u Thus the power-over operative lx-twccn Paul and the communitic.s is aimed at rendering itsd f obsolete., in that their asymmetrical rchnionship will be transformed and Paul should eventually become one among many siblings. This perception of Paul's differen tiated usc of power resonates with transformativc and communic.ativc aspc.cts of po\~t'CI' highlighted by Arendt, Wartcnbcrg and Allen. The power operative on a social level among the mcmbc.rs of the network of leaders, between this network and the communities, and within the communities varies in a diffc.rc.ntiated way acc.ording to the rc.spcctivc relationship, as powcr·O\'Cr, p0\1/er-to and powc.r-with. Following from this, the issue which ne.cds to be addrc.ssed is how this differentiated handling of issues of power related to, and was inte.rtwined with, the ideological 'underpinning' of the movement, that is, with che theologizing with in the Christ-move.ment o f which the Pauline letters arc the earliest available sources. This is the focus of the following c.haptcrs.
114. Schllfl, 1975: 107; scr Cbaptrrs 6 and S below.
Chapter 4 Pow ER IN A c n ON - T H£ D YNAM ICS Of GRAC£
4. 1 The Power of the 'Grace awl \\'fo rks of the Law' Dichotomy in Pauline Jmerpretatiou T he topos of grace is pcrc.rivc.d to 1x a if not the ccntrc:piccc of Paul's theologizing. Given the: significance attributed to this topos one would expect that it significantly influenced not o nly the theologizing but also the social interactions within the early Chrisr-movcmcm . As s uch the topos of grace and the dynamics of power must have bcc.n in some sense. related to each othcr. 1 Grace certainly was attributed a powerful position within Christian theology and it is often rcfc.r rcd to as paralic.! to or ncn synonymous \Vith other important Pauline terms for the. core of his message. Rudolf Bultmann states that 'just as " righteousne.ss by faith'' can de.signate the content o f the gospel ... in the same way the content and significance of the message and the character of Christian cxistcnc.c can be denoted by the simple term "grace"'.z In uaditional Pauline scholarship there is an agreement that 'for Paul grace is not simply or primarily a d i\•inc attribute; the point is not that God is, by nature, "gracious". Rather, God's grace is a specific event, the act of God in che. death and resurrection of Jesus Christ.'.l There. can be no doubt that this is an important aspect of Paul's references to grace but it is nevertheless a vc.ry restricted perception> which is focused on God acting in the dc.ath and rc.surrection of Jesus Christ, and coloured by spec.ific henncneutical (theological) presuppositions. This renders che Pauline- discourse o f grace a timeless construct rather than a term related to spc.cific problems in specific contexts;' The most prominent theologians of grace. Augustine-,. Marrin luther and Karl Barth interpretc.d Romans and the- le.ttc(s language o f grace 'against the cultural backdrop of their own times's reading issue.s most relevant for their contemporar)' discussions back into PauU 'Grace and
1. l. 3. 4. 5.
As Polaski has<:o1wincingly dcmonsrr.ncd l1999: 105-07). Bulrmann 1952: 283. Po!O>ki 1999: 106. Cf. Ehren.sp~'fgC'r l 004:l: 133-36. Harrison 1003: 213.
64
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
works'>'law and gospd' > 'justifk.ation by faith and works righteousness' arc the major pairs o f contrast and opposition which were claimed to represent the core of Paul's theology and as suc.h were prevalent predominantly in the Protestant theology which came to flourish in the nineteenth century in particular? ln conjunction with the perception of the Pauline d iscourse as decisive!)' shaped by oppositional chinking;' anti-Judaism was and is regarded as inherent in it. 'Grace' is viewed as the more mature and pure form of faith or spirituality, whcrc.as the notion of 'doing the works of the law' (lpya: v01.1ov) is seen as evidence that Judaism is a religion of works righteousness seeking redemption through humanity's own achinement. lt is claimed that in Christianity this inferior type of religion has been overcome.' The discourse of grace is perceived to be a clear indication that Paul opposed j udaism as a religion of \vorks righteousness. Such interpretations arc based on presuppositions which pcrceh·c of grace as a theological co ncept c.n tirdy Christian in essence. But such readings hard ly acc<>unt for the variety and diversity of Paul's usc of the tu m, nor do they take seriously the. diversity o f the contexts and the width of the semantic field c.nhanccd br the tc.r m, and its embcdde.dness in first-century Judaism. Recent rcse.arch shows a renewed interest in the topic of grace, highlighting aspects of Graeco~Roman political, social10 and linguistic11 contexts, or analysing it from postcolonial>'! feminist and postmodern perspectives. 13 It is obvious that this tc.rm and its se.mantic field figure quite prominently in the Pauline letters, although not as freque.n tl)' as might be expected given the significance attributed to it. '" In two of his most important lc:ttc.rs Paul frequent!)' uses the language of grace in its wider semantic field - that is in Romans and in 2 Corinthians. james R. Harrison, in his thorough study, Patti's Language of Grau in its Graeco-Romau Context proposes the vie.w that in Romans Paul sums up his gospel using the terminology of gracet stating that 'charis is undoubtedly Paul's preferred leitmotiv for any fullorbed description of divine benefice.' •.s In 2 Corinthians the emphasis is more on the bcliner's gracious interaction as the appropriate response ( 0 this grace of God>particularly chaptas 8- 9, which strongly emphasize this aspc.ct in Paul's pi'Omotion of the 'collection', which he. took up from his gentile congregations for the poor Jewish Christ-followers in Jc:rusale.m. 6.
E\·ro if £. P. Sanden's :mal)·sis of fi m-
is no going back behind his deconstruction of the luth«an anrilh<sis of l:tw over ag,oinst gospc-1as a rerroiection of the- ant:igonism of luthe-r's own timC'.
7. 8. 9. 16- 17.
10. I I.
12. 13. 14. 15.
S.e Hcschd 1998:106-16. Casrdli 1994: 171-300; also to some C'Xtem Borarin 1994: 181. O n these signifi c:tm aspects of the history of int<'rprtt:ttion see C:tmpbell 2006: j oulx-rt 2000. Harrison 2003: 211-13. T:un~-z
1993.
Pol:tski 1999: 23-50.
Cf. Reker 1980:165-66. Harrison 2003: 212.
Power in Action
65
4.2 Grace and Power or Grace as Power Moreover, a close relation between Paul's rdcrcnc.es to his authoritr as an apostle and the discourse of grace can be observe-d. As mentioned above, in church traditions Paul has been pen:civc.d as the authority figure of the earlr church and thus as the model which should be imitated for leadership as wdl as for life in Christ.'' He is perceived as the theologian who speaks and writes with unquestionable- authorit}'· The image of this traditional Paul had an impact not only, but also especially, in church history, an inAuencc - to say the least - which was not favou rable to women (not to mention jews). The dose relation of authority claims and the discourse of grace in certain passages have givc.n rise to the question of whether there is actually a 'hidden discourse of powc.r' in the sense of domination inherent in Paul's 'disc.oursc of grace' . 11 Whether Paul had or merely claimed during his lifetime this form of authority, which was attributc.d co him in later church history is one question" - and whether there is a dominating and hierarchical tc.ndcncy in his language of grace is another though, in my view, a closely related one. These arc issues most prominently raised in feminist approaches to Paul, since the issues of power and authority arc broadly discussed not onlr in feminist rheology but also in feminist discourse generally. In some. of these approaches Paul is perceived as the apostle who rc.introduccd patterns of hie.rarchy and domination into an originally egalitarian jesus movement of cquals. 1~ Frequently the anai)1Sis of the Pauline discourse of grac.c is based on traditional rcading.s which view it primarily thc.ologically. This is the c.asc in Sandra Hack Polaski's chorough analrsis of the relation of Paul's usc of power and the discourse of grace in his 1cttc.rs. She presupposes a rraditional pcrc.cption of Paul's language of grace, that is, she perceives it primarily as a theological discoursc-. 20 Accordingly, grace in Paul's kttc.rs is (exclusively) the act of God in the death and resurrection of Christ. This act of grace has not only an impact on individual believers. but also cosmic implications as it marks a new age.2 1 Such a perception starts with a Christian theological interpretation of the terminology found in the Pauline letters~ presupposing that its usc there differs esS
SeC' Chapte-r 8 bduw. Pobski 1999: 104-23. This issue will be' 3ddrc.sS
IS. 19. 20. l l.l-14. l l. Polaski 1999: 106-07. 22. On this ste the m:ativC' !lnalrsis of Crook 1004: 136-40.
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power
critica11)' addresses issues which emerge as dfc.cts of perceptions of grace in later historical, political and church contexts which differ significantly from the context of the first century. To presuppose suc.h theological perceptions of grace as reflected in any document of the early Christ-movement, and in the Pauline letters in particular> is a rather anachronistic presupposition since the C3rlicst Christ-followers were involved in an open and ongoing process of negotiating the implications of the Christ-event fo r their lives. As a consequence of a reading of the tc.m t within a context of a fully developed Christian theology, rhc term 'grac.c' seems to rdcr to some wcllknov.rn entity thereby ' ... lending to the illusion that its meaning is sdfevide.n t.'H But this term has bee.n filled with such specific theologic.al overtones in post-Reformation and modc.rn theologies that its USC' as a translation o f x&pt<; obscures rather than illuminates the Pauline discourse of grace. Although Polaski is not dealing with the theological dichotomy of grace as opposed to works of the law, she pc.rcc.ivcs the concept of grac.r as a (Christian) theological concept which is dirmlr linked to a discourse of power. To speak/write of God's grace is another way in which Paul speaks of God's power thereby impl)'ing a highly asrmmmical divino-human relationship, an asymmetry which impacts directly on human relationships not least within the Christ-following communities. As grace (God's saving act in Christ) is an absolucdy unme-rited gift of God, He is sce.n as being in an omnipote.nt position over against which humans arc powerless.~ Thus the claim of being commissioned by divine- grace thus is seen as bearing an inherent claim to almost absoluce power which is not far from a claim to legitimate domination. The perception of •grace-' in highly theological categories and the emphasis on the- asymmc.tr}' of pO\'.tcr which this constitutes has. if nor an explicit, then certainly an implicit impact on the perception of Paul's ·usc.' of the language of grac.c. [r seems almost inevitable to percchre of this discourse, if vic-wed this wa)\ as one which supports the establishment of not merelr hierarchical but also dominating social structures in the. early Christ-movement. To approach the language and discourse of grace in PauPs lette.rs from such a particular theological perspective mc.ans to apply a specific hermeneutical patcern o f interpretation to the texts. Thus one particular mc.aning of xciplc;- (God's saving act in Christ) is universalized and applied as a hermc.neutkal key to all occurrences of the term and discourse in the Pauline lc.rters without taking into account anr contextual differentiation within the letters and within the jewish and Gracc.o-Roman worlds. Particularly with regard to theologic-al interpretations, suc.h univcrsaliz.ing tendencies ha\'e bet.n critical!)' challenged in recent Pauline scholarship.u Although Polaski~s approach differs from manr others in a positivc: way,2" the ll. 24. 25. 26.
Crook 1004: 147. Poi1Ski 1999: 107. For ~n ov
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divergcnr connotations and implications of the discourse. of xdpl£;~ which arc rclatc.d to the particularity of each letter in its context, and to the cmbcddedne.ss of the discourse in its wide.r cultural context) arc undcre.stimate.d, because of her rdiance on traditional the.ological (universalizing) Pauline interpretation of this discourse. Presupposing that x&p1t; was primarily not a Christian theological term but a common word used in various ways and comexts in the Grae.co·Roman world/:' as well as sc.rving to translate a number of tC'l'ms of the Hebre.w Bible and of the symbolic universe: of Second Temple Judaism, I consider it appropriate to begin an anal)'sis of the language of graccJxapt<; in Paul not from a theologic.al standpoint but from the 'c\'eryday situational side' - that is with an analysis of the living out of grac.e in the concrete inte.raction of groups of Christ-followers. The letter in which Paul elaborates in some detail on this is 2 Corinthians, particularly chapters 8- 9. Such an approach .scc:ms nor only appropriate to the re.rminology of xclp1t;,.!s but it is also consiste-nt with feminist methodology which emphasizes the necessity of rooting theological reflection in concrete life and even of the priority of c.onc:rctc lifc·expc-rtcncc O\'er theological reflection. Rather than first analysing what seems to be a systematic theological concept of graCC". {in Romans) which then as a second step also has ethical and practical impli-cations, I will first analrsc the example of a concre-te living out of grace and then investigate. the implications this might have for theological reflection and insights on grace and aspects of power thereby im·olved. 4.3 Grace in Action - tbe Collection Project (2 Corinthians 8-9)
In 2 Cor. 8.4 and 8.6 Paul speaks of the very real project oi collecting money for the poor saints in Je.r usalem using rhc term xdp1c;. Bearing in mind the highl)' thcologicall)' laden debates about 'pure grace' and 'works righteousness' this seems a rarhe.r unexpc.ctcd usc of the cerm.l~> The term occurs 10 times in these chapters (7 rimes in chapte.r 8 alone), applied in such a variety of ways that it seems impossible to determine its meaning in a precise lcxicographic.al way. This difficulty is rdlc.ctcd in the divergent translations of rhc term in these chapters particularly in German Bible translations. In the latter, when the term refers to, or is rehncd ro~ God or jesus Christ (2 Cor. 8.1; 8.9; 9. L4} it is translated as Gnade, but whc.n it reFers to the concrete proje-ct of the collection, that is, to the inte.raction betwe.en Chrisr-bcl ie.\•crs, it is translated as Wohltat, that is beneficial work, or Uebeswerk, a work of love (2 Cor. l7. Cf. Turner 1995: 157. 18. As 8C'ker commC'ms th'lt 'If WC' C'xdudC' thC' non· lhcologiC:ll rC'fnences .. . ond 1he use of 1he ttrm in thC' salutations, 1he gt('('rings . .. and the rcferC'nces to Paul's opostoli' ofli'e . .. and ro thC' coll.:c1ion ... WC' discover th~n thC' specific thoologic.-.1 "'wC'itht" of the tenn occurs qui1c infrcquemly' ( 1980: 265-66). 19. Noted e.g. by Bekct 1980: 265.
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8.4-7)! Thus, rhe. theologically heavil)' laden word is avoided when rhe Greek word is used by Paul co speak of human action! In English translations things arc not so clear-cut along theological linc.s - the NRSV translates xclp1c;: as 'grace' in relation to God whereas in relation to humans it translates it as 'gc.nc.rous acts~, and in 8.9 it is al.so translated as the 'gcnc.rous act' of our l ord Jesus Christ. The RSV uses 'grace' and 'gracious work~, a practice also followed by the ESV in translating x
Cf. E'o 1004: 9-31. Also Ehr<."nspergrr 2004~: 57-58.
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in abundance should overfl ow a nd emerge in good works over against others; here for the 'poor saints' in jerusa lem. Xcip1c; thus manifests itsdf in epyov ciya60vP 1 T his is not so surprising whc.n it is taken into account th at clearly when Paul speaks o f the xap1~ which the Macedonians have done (2 Cor. 8.1 ·2) and which the Corinthians ought to do (2 Cor. 8.7·8) he refers to something very concrete~ that is the giving of money. T here is a flow of something from God calkd x
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thoroughly inequitable.';,; Patronage makc.s lower-ranked clients dependent on d ire patrons not for the wcll-bc.ing of the. diem but for the enhancement of the status and powc.r of the patron.l7 Paul here cmphasizc.s that where grace is invol\'td, even though initiated br God, this is not a one-way procC".ss but intrinsic to it is a mutual concern for each othc.r and for the well-being of all involvc.d in the network of the Christ-ffiO\'Cill Cnt. This emphasis is an indication of the radical difference between the values promoted within this movement and the values of the patronage system of Roman socic.ty. Morco\•cr it ncc.ds to be noted that although Paul is trying to persuade the Corinthians to act and live according to the x
36. M
Power in Action 4.4 The Power of Grace According to the Scriptures
4.4.1 Xap1~ and the fil iOn Debate In various recent scholarly a pproachcs"2 it has b«.n argued that the term x&p!(i" as it is used in the Pauline letters is best understood in relation to its Gracco-Roman context. James R. Harrison} fo r instance~ argues that Paul delibe.r atdy c.hose to usc the word xcip•c; as a keyword for his message to the gentiles because by the first century 'charis had become the fundamental leitmotiv of the Hellenistic reciprocity S)'Stem.' 4 .1 The language o f grace was most prominently usc.d in the tx.ndaction system of the Roman Empire with the gods a nd Caesars at the top o f the pyramid, bestowing their inferiors with xapm~ (charities) and being thanked for these through reciprocal cultic obligation."'-' \X' hcrcas I do not doubt that this omniprcscm system and its linguistic expre.ssions must have had some: impact on Paul's usc of language, and the addressees' reception of the letter content, I doubt whether his choice o f this particular tc.nn xcip•;: was exclusively or even most prominently roote.d in this Gracco-Roman context. The language of grace exisu.d in the Scriptures before it bc.camc a leitmotiv in a different sense in the benefaction system of the first-century Roman Empire. T here is a disc.o ursc of grac.e in the Scriptures a nd Jewish tradition which most likely informed Paul's d iscourse of grace probably on a much deeper levd than the one he learned a bout in the public sphere of the empire. This is not to deny Hellenistic influence on his \\•ay of reasoning but his basic pattern and the prima ry relation is to the fa ith tradition o f his ance-stors rather than to Greek philosophy or Roman pol itic.s.~.s This has a significant impact on the perception of the power issues in\'olvcd in the Pauline usc of the language o f xOpt~. It is advantageous., at this point, to discuss the ongoing debate on the background of PauPs usc.of the terminology o f grace. For a number of rcasons1 rccc.n t approaches allow only for a limited impact of scriptura l or fi rst-century Jewish tradition on PauPs usc of the tc.rm. Thus Crook notes the d ifferent struct ure.s of Jewish and Gracco-Roman societies as follows: ... pre·common·er:l P.-~ le5tinc- did not b:t\'C' :t p:ttron·diem or a bendactor·dient social structure. \'(ihilc thC' Greeks ~nd Rom:tns had :t d e:trly demarcated soci :~ l institution of p:uron:Jg<' and bmd:tction, ~nd a fairly broad vocabul:trr to go with it. lsr:tditcsociety lacked both. The-refore it would be difficult to d oim that Jews thought of their
42. Joubert 1000; H:trrison 2003: Crook 2004. 43. Harrison 2003:63 44. Harrison 2003: 21 1. The contt'Xt of the Gra«o-Rom:tn benefaction srstrm of panons and d irms as the actu.ll contrxt of P:JUI's use of xOpt() t<'rminology is also mongly emphasized by Crook 2004: 131-50. 45. This e\·en applies to Philo who dC'spit<' being deeply infhtenc
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God as a patron or a b.:nd:tctor since they lacked any social model and vocabulary
which mighr serve as a mctaphor.'1~
But Crook nevertheless contends that a ll this suddenly changed with the
encounter of Judaism with Hdlc.nism1 whereupon the language- and imagery of patronage and bc.ndaction was not only introduced into the strucmrc of Jewish society, but was also used b)' jews in relation to thc.ir interactions with their God. This seems to be an assertion based on the anachronistic presumption that upon the arrival of a distinct and foreign framework of thinking about, and acting in relation to,_ the Divine realm the Jews suddenly changed to this new mode~ ab-andoning particular and differing traditions long held and cherished at the expc.nsc of something dse! This seems particularlr strange since, as Crook acknowledges, the jC\\~sh tradition provided it.s members with a patte.rn of interaction bctwce.n God and humans as well as within society which differed fundamentallr from the patronagc-lx.nefaction pattern. Crook maintains that by the time of the cme.rgcncc of the early Christ-move.mcnt their usc of language and cultural embcddedncs-s was predominantly rooted in Gracc.oRoman perceptions~ which included the usc of the term x
accommodate to some e.xtc:m to Grac:co-Roman patterns of social interactions, this is inconceivable for the majority of the population, in Palestine as well as in the Diaspora."s Harrison's brief ovc.rvicw of the influence of the Scriptures is limite-d to the Septuagint and the occurrcnc-<' of the term xciptt; there.".,. It is lc.xic.ographicallr right to state that xcip1;: in the LXX is used to translate the relatively rare Hebrew word ji1 which in the Scripture.s mainly denotes a unilateral, undeserved and unc:xpocted favour of a sup<-.rior. From chis Harrison concludes that Paul in choosing to usc the term xciplt; wanted to emphasize the unilateral and undeSC'rvcd favour of God. This contradicted the perception of xcip1t; in the Gracco-Roman reciprocity system "~thin which the distribution of xciptTfc; always was bound to an expected return of thC' fa,•ou r in some form - for example, in thC' fom1 of political or military loyalty. In using this term, Harrison notc.s, Paul alluded to something his convc.rts were familiar with- but thus subverted rhc Gracc.o-Roman understanding of xcip1c; via the undC'rstanding of xcip1;: as li1. Harrison convincingly argue.s that Paul's language of gract' s-ubttr unde-rmines the soc-ial cxp«hltions- ~ rouSC'd by the- Gracco·Roman rt'Cipro,iry s-ystem ... Paul's language of grac-e also provides a
Crook 1004: 79. Cf. Rahrus.:h 2001: 145-47; Sugcmann/Stcgc-mann 1999: 118-36. 48. Cf. Stegcm;;~nn/Stcgrma n n 1999; 133-35. But S((' ;;~ lso llan who argues- th:H the Hasmonat"'.:m Queen Shdoml.ion s-tronglr promote-d thr Pharis::1ic mo\•e mmt (2006: 43-60). On the crcati\•e but ne\'crthdess- cnrirdy je\vish interaction with Hellenistic inOuenccd. also Gruen 1998: ·188 nnd E.hrms(X'rser 1004a: 83- 92. 49. Harrison 2003: 106-10. 46. 47.
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new \'ision of soci:tl rdationships within the body of Christ, parriallr in\·cning the hir-rarchi
systC'm:~11
It may well be that the Pauline discourse of grac.e could have: resonate.d in the target audience's cars in the way described by Harrison. But whether they would have. concluded fro m hearing allusions co chis familiar reciprocity system that the Pauline usc of xciptc; actually implied an inversion of that same system is in my view at least doubtful, since: this presupposc.s that they had some knowledge of the dimension of undeserved favour of the Hebrew term ji1. I am e\•cn less c:onvincc.d that lhis reciprocity structure: of the Roman patronage S)'Stcm was the primatJ root of the source, that is~ of Paul's usc: of the terminology. More.over~ in Harrison's approach the content of this x&ptc; is perceived, as in most New Testament scholarship.5 1 exclusively as the safvific act of Christ, a perception which christologizc.:s the te.rm without any further explanation..u The Christ·cvc:nt seems to occur as an e\·ent which has no historical or social or theological context, an act of God out of nowhere! I mentioned above. that 1 perceive .such a perception as problematic since the mc.aning of xciptc; then is reduced to a unique, unre.pc.atable act of God in Christ's death and resurrection. \X' hereas I am favourablr disposed to a reading of the discourse of xciptc; in Paul as a subversive discourse.~ since it fits into a perception of the. early Christ-fllO\'ement as living in some way a hidden transcript of resistancc/3 I am not convinced that this hidden discourse of another 'world' is as much c.mbe.ddcd and informed by Grac.co·Roman \'alues, even in an inve.rte.d fo rm, as Harrison argues. I thus propose a rc.ading which takes into account that the senders' symbolic universe: and their life· world is to a much grc-.atc.r extent embedded in, and shaped by, the Scriptures than the excellent monographs of Harrison~ Joubert and Crook allow for. This is not to deny that the death and resurrection of Christ is cc.ntral in Paul's discourse of grace as it is in his theologizing as a whole, but even the.se evc.nts happened in a spec.ific context~ that is, the cultural and social world of che Jewish people under the conditions of the Roman Empire. Moreover the cross and resurrection were not significam as isolated e\'ents 1 but as part of the e.\'C.nts of Jesus' life as a whole, .f-4 Jn emphasizing this we loc.ate. the Christ·cvc:nt and Paul's language of xciptc; primarily in a specific symbolic universe -the world of Israel and the Scriprure.s. 1-t This has 1 as will be de.mon.stratcd, implications for the perception of the power dynamics inhcre.n t in the xcip•c; discourse as well. 50.
Harrison 2003: 311-13. As me-ntioned in 4.2 :~bow . 52. So also lkker 1980: 264-65. 53. Scon 1990: 1-16; H:mison 2003:322. 54. Cf. Rrondos who emphasi:u:s ·His de.1th must not be S«n in isol:ttion from his ministry' t2006: 45). 55. This is not to de-ny th:tt there is some Gracco--Rom:tn influC'nce on Paul, the-question is wh:at shnpc-s his social context :1nd symboli-c uni\•erse primaril)·. It is n quC'srion which in mcxkrn times h-as bC'm r:~ ised by Franz Rosenzweig, stt Ehrenspergcr 2004a: 65-92. 5 1.
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It is thus signific.am to note then that the semantic field of xcipt~ in the Scriptures encompassed more than just one lexicographical translation - as is prc.sumcd when rendering xcipl.; as the precise translation ofji1. If in the Hebrew Bible the: words ~i1. 10fl, ii::Jil~> ~nit arc perceived as closely related to each other and somctimc.s - depending on the context, a rc even intcrchangcablcu - it is impossible to reduce the translation of one word - ii1 - to one single meaning. This is supported by the observation that there was an increasing tendency among first·ccntury Jewish writers, writing in Grc.ck, tO exchange f}.EOc; (mercy) and xciptc; (grace), using them interchangeably, in rhcir description of God's favou r towards humans - rhat is, of his 10n or ji1:n Also thc fact that thc LXX translates the. active cognate-s of Jn such as pm (gracious) and pn, (to be gracious, to be merciful) with eAfO<; rather than cognates of x
Cf. Oark 1993. Also Harrison notrs rhr rdatednt'$$ of thesr terms! (1003: I06). Tht'SC' aspC'ctS are drscribed by Fl:lck 1960: 137- 54. Also in larrr Old Test'.lOlC'nt writings such as Esthr r and Simch iOn is tr:mslared as xclpl<;, d. £sth. l .9, 2.17; Sir. l 9.~2 1 18; 17.21; 40.17. Cf. also Harrison 1003: 186. SIX also GluC"Ck who RotC'S that me authors of the Targum, Peshimc and LXX did not find a sharp diffC'rcocr betw('(n ji" and iOn for in some inst'.ln<es the ~me Aramt~ ic, Syriar or Greek word was used ro rendr r both ji1 and iCil ( 1967: 20). 58. Crook's analysis which contribute-s sign i fic~lntly to a more concrete undersronding of 1he discourse of g.ra'<' tends to see this discourse 100 narrowlr as having affinities wi1h 1he panonage and benefaction system of Graec:o-Roman societr. Although he is aware of 1he difference between :1 Jewish perception of the divinr-human relationship he finds :1 ' •• • sort of pan·MC'diterranean framework for undcrst'.andin_g and C'lCpressing the rrlotionship between humans 01nd th
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An image of God is promoted as a detached bc.ing acting like an arbitrary, unpredictable and unreliable tyrant. The implications for the emerging image of messengers commissioned by this God arc ob\·iou.s. The me-ssengers sc.cm then to be lcgitimatdy claiming and exercising power-over others in a way which sees no problem in dominating and controlling them. But if the dynamic of translation as nc.gotiation of which chc LXX gi,es evidcncc:t' is taken into acc.ount~ it is entire!)' justifiable in an anai)'Sis of the Pauline discourse of xciptc; to perceive it as embedded in, and resonating with, aspc.cts of the wider tcm1inology of grace in the Scripture.s. 4.4.2 The Covenantal Dimeusiou of jill iOn
\X' hilst J cannot gi\'C a detailed analysis of the cerminolog)' of grace- covering the entire range of the Scriptures, it is important to note that the discourse encompasses not merely one but a range of terms, including ii::::lii~ and on1, no~~ which relate to e.ach other and which in different contexts emphasize divergent aspects of human relationships or of the relationship between God and his pe.oplc. All of these terms in some way or other denote aspc.cts of a refation.sbip be it between humans, or between God and humans. When applied to God the terms indicate rhe priority of God's unmerited initiative: in establishing a bond bctwe.en himself and humans, particularly with his people Israel. This relationship is founded exclusively on deep divine. love:, a love that anticipates any favourable act of God cowards his people. This love lc-.ads to a self commitmcnt of God in his i'ri:J (covenant) with Israel. The. language of grace chus ought to be pcrcci\•ed in this context as c.o \•cnantal language. The only term, j ii, which docs not prc.suppose any previous tic between the parties involved is significantly only rarely used of God, but primarily of people. As Gordon R. Clark has noted 'The covenant in which he formulates this relationship expresses his loving commitment to chcm - a commitment that persists e.ven in the face of their unfaithfulness.''11 Moreover, Clark dcmonstratc:.st while the term is used •... with both humans and God as agent, the: patient is always human but nncr divine.''• The tc.ml, when applied to God, thus dc-.arly expresses that God's fa\'Ourable actions towards his people arc in no war dc.pc:.ndcnt on human initiative or involve a notion of reciprocity. Nevc.rthclc.ss, 10n is something \Vhich is part of a deep and enduring commitme.nt, whe.n applied to a relationship between humans as well as between God and humans. Thus, although the relationship is initiated exclusively by God and his 10n is given to his people unconditionally, the relationship is not unilateral. God's initiative has an cffecr on those at the re.cciving end, it provokes a re.action, that is_, a re.sponse.62 4
59. \'('hich mar wdl be t~ n i od ict~ ti on for the- Ouidicy• of cransku ions in t1 prC'domin ;~ndy oral culturC'. S«> ChaptC'r i bdow. 60. Clark 1993: 13 1. 61. Cbrk 1993: 159. 62. SeC' Chapte-r 9 bdow.
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This is only a short overview of some. of the rdcllant structural aspc.cts of 10n. It is nc.ccssary bricfl}' to pay attention to the content of 1Dn relevant to this chapter: 10n implies a fa\•ourablc attitude towards the other which inherently leads to activities which arc bc.n dkial for hinUhcr. [ t is thus not mcrcl)' something or some sentiment one has in one's mind or feels in one's heart but it is an atcitudc lead ing to an action in favour of the other. It is 'a beneficent action performed in the context of a deep and enduring commitment between two persons or parties by one who is able to render assistancc to rhe needy part)' who, in the circumstances, is unable co help him- or herself.MJ \Vhat this actual!}' and in specific circumstances implies is left open almost without limits. Although 10n c.an be used to express aspects o f human relationships it is significantly a term which is used as characteristic of God. It is rooted in his lm·e and leads to deliverance, forgiveness, and life in abundance. As Snaith stat<s 'Actually, God's ahabah (love) for Israel is the very basis and the only cause o f the exist<'ncc of the covenant bcn...c.en God and Israel. Ahabah is the cause of the covenant; chesed is the means of its • continuance ... 'li4 God's O\'c.rflowing fa \•our, that is, his 10n to his people is thus primarily and foremost, an activity not an attitude. lt is something which emerges within a relationship and which evokes a reaction, a response by the recipients. But this reaction is not nec.cssarily, and as is prc.supposed in the benefaction system, something which has to be equivalent to the gift. It is also not something which is expected by the giver to enhance his own status and power. It is rather supposed to be a rc.sponse which implies an affirmation o f the relationship and which is appropriate to it in its emphasis on mutuality. The overflowing positive attemion or favour received cannot but e.mcrgc in an ovc.rflowing gracious activity on the part o f the rcceivt.rs. This is not the same as giving something back to the giver in order to secure his abundant favou r, or share in his powcr·over others. In the Scripmrcs it is, for example, the doing of juscice. (Mic. 6.8 ; lsa. 58.6·14) within the communit)' or towards outsiders ( Deut. 24. t 7-18)> as well as activitie.s of 10n towards others (Hos. 6.6) whic.h arc pcrccivc.d as adequate responses to the giver, that is God. The response c.onsists in sped fie forms o f social interaction, for example., in human solidarity, justice and mutuality. Thus, though God's 10n and Jn (and other related terms) arc unconditional, they arc not unilateral, being disp
Clark 1993: 167.
64.
Snairh 1944: 95.
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involved her<". Power is involved in as much as the semantic field of]iif1Dn indic:atcs that the actions and attitudes which arc exercised have a positive, fa'fou rable and life-supporting impact on the rccciv<"rs. Through );,non something happens which has an effe-ct, something which 'makes a dif ercnc.c' in the livc.s of people. The terminology of F1110n refers to a significant aspect of a positivct life-enhancing discourse of power, to a dimension of a discourse of <'mpowcrm-ent. In my 'fiew these important aspects of the jii/iOn terminolog)' of the Hebrew Scriptures had a major impact o n Paul's language of xdptc;-. I doubt if he actually opted for the Greek word xaptc; rather than the LXX i}.•oc;, as Harrison c.ontends, bc.caus<" he tried to avoid any idea of mutuality attached to ,on in the Hebrew Scriptures. This seems to be a rather lexicographically narrow argument and in fact doc.s not do justice to the brt'.adth of m<".aning the tcrminolog)' of F1JiOn embraces.65 Perceived fro m this p<'rspcctivc> it is not just by mere accident that Paul again and again in the paraenetical se.ctions of his letters as for example in Rom. 13.8·1 0> refers to the doing of the commandments of the Torah as the adequate re.sponse to God~s ovaRowing grac.e and mc.rcy. It is the re.sponse that has been regarded as adequate in the symbolic universe and social world of a small people who Jivc.d at the margins of imperial powers and tried to live their lives according to standards which differed from the common pattems of dominating hierarchical and exploitive power. As such, a hidden transcript of resistance. to dominating powers is inherent in the symbolic universe and social world of this pcople.11' This pattern of life according to the abundant gihs of God had a long tradition reAccted in the. Scriptures of lsrad (e.g. Ps. 33.5; Hos. 6.6; Mic. 6.8). Paul's US<: and understanding of xaptc; as the description of supportive action is rooted in and informed by this tradition, (thus sharing in the Jc\\o'ish hidden transcript of an altt'.macivc to a dominating c.xercisc of power).''~' The Pauline discourse. should thus primarily be imerprctcd from within the cont<"xt of first·ccnniC)' Judaism, and only in a step following on from this should the qu('Stion be addressed whether and how the Pauline discourse. of grace resonates with, or inverts the Gra<"co-Roman patronage and lx.nefaction discourse. It c:annot be- ruled out, as mentioned above, that the gentile audience of the Pauline letters did h('":ar certain themes and a certain terminology as resonating with th<" benefaction discourse with which the.y were familiar and with which they had to copc.611 In the process of transmission a scenario can be en\'isag<"d in which this r<"ception in conjunction with other dimensions which arc inhcrcntlr challenging the 65. Cf. Harrison 2003: 106 and 158. 66. Which as B:tltrusch dC'monsrrates lead w the dash with Romc's imperial powa claims (1002: 149-571. 67. As Rock notes 'It is therdorC' plausible to sec Paul's US<' of rbc motifs of gracc .md peace as~ distinct so.:io ·linguisric p;;lttrm of fhe hiddtn transcript of -:~ .subordin:ttC'd community that rxp~SSC'S its hopes and desires in its public transcript' (2007: 192MS). 68. Cf. also HorsiC'y l OOOa: 81-87.
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imperial system of domination and violc.ncc, such as the. proclamation of one cmdficd as saviour} became particula rly important.'"' But it is a reception which did not leave a remarkable trace in the reception history of the Pauline letters, rather the discourse of grace was read in support of spc.cifi.c authority claims of leaders in positions of domination and control. The reading proposed here rc.ndcrs such an interpretation of the Pauline discourse of grace rather anachronistic a nd to perceive: it as a d iscourse of hidden domination or as an indication for a fundamental break with Judaism mc.ans m rc.ad rhc Pauline disc.oursc of grace as applying hcrmcnc:utical presuppositions of a full y devdopc.d Christian theology of grace to the firstcentury discourse. 4.5 Conclusion: Grace as Mutual Empowerment The staning point for the analrsis of PauPs language of xcip1~ in this chapter was the example of the discourse of xcipu; in the collection project. It has been demonstrated that for Paul x&p,c;/gracc here is not something mcrdy spiritual or mcrdy a thcologic.al concept. Rather) the spiritual and material aspc.cts form an inseparable entity through which the wcll bcing of others~ 4
in this case of the Jewis h Christ-followers in Jerusalem, is supportc.d. T his
support significantly involvc.s material help rather than bdng merely spiritual. This 'materialistic' perception of grace certainly had analogies in the Gracc.oRoman understanding of xcipt~ - but, as I have dcmonstratedt it can also be argued that Paul's understanding of xap1<; is primarily informed by and roote.d in the scriptural sense of j01110n. This docs not impl)' that this material dimension is not also inherent to the scriptural discourse of ]i1110n butt as a significant dimc.nsion o f the co\'cnant discourse, its focus is primarily rclational.m The discourse of xcipu; is thus primarily not a the.ological or christologic.al discourse but is material and relational. Theological and, in Paul's case christological, aspects arc inherent in this discourse but these aspc.crs arc shaped according to scriptural implications of the jii/10i1 discourse rather than b}' the Grac:co·Roman value syste.m. To perceive the discourse of xdpt.:;as relational implies that power is implicit in this discourse as Sandra Hack Polaski has rightly emphasized. But the power involved in this discourse must be perceived as being o f a different kind than that of the dominating hierarchical power of the. GraecoRoman patronage/benefaction system. Paul's scriptural!)' rooted discourse of xdpt.:;- implies more than a mere rncrsal o f the dominating imperial power 69. 70.
Cf. Chapters 6 :md 9 below. This has ~gnific... nce in vt~rious w::~ys. In this .scriptural perspcoctive, os e.g. in [S:l. 15.6-8, spiritual well-being and life in abundance arc- dosely intcrtwinrd nod a binary hierarchal opposition btcwecn the two aspects cannot be discovrrcd. Th material is in no way infrrior to the spiritual asp<'(t ;'IS a scpar.-1tion of thcsr dimensions d()('s not even S<'em EO be imaginable. It emerges from this that a dualism in the sense of a binary opposition b«wcro a spirirual ond material dimension cannot be found in Paul's discourse of grace.
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discourse. A reversal of an existing structure docs not change anything as structurc.s of domination and subordination arc me.r dy turned upside down. This only leads to the establishment of new structures of domination and subordination~ the only change effected is the exchange of the pe.ople in the dominating positions.'' Thus an interpretation of the Pauline disc.oursc which views him simply as inverting existing powc.r strucrure.s actually confirms that it inevitably contributed to the establishment of structures of domination and static hierarchies in church and society very much like those of the Roman Empire.n The re.ading offc-re.d here perceive.s the Pauline discourse and the discourse of x
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but to promote the cmpowcnnc.nt and the wc11 bcing o f the recipients. And 4
although the Row of grace. is solely rooted in God~ the relationship initiated
by Him is not unilateral. The adequate response to this abundance consists in a life lived out o f grace, a passing on of the material and spiritual gift, again, not in order co establish a reversed structure o f domi nation but to activdy promote the empowerment and well-being o f others in a network o f murual empowerment.
This pcrspc.ctivc on Paul's discourse of grace whic.h started with an example drawn from the concrete life of Christ-followers has lead to the discovery in Paul's discourse. of grace of a subversive discourse o f power but not o f domination, nor of the inversion of domination but an alternative. discourse o f mutual empowerment fi rmly rooted in the Scriptures of lsrad . XOp1c; is whatner contributes to the cmpowr.m tcnt of pe.oplc to live their lives as envisioned in the promises of old, confirmed by God in the rc:.surrection of Christ.
Chapter 5 T HE GRACE AND BURDEN OF APO~,-LESHIP: ' ' PAUL'S P ERCEPTION OF ATIOHOi\H
In the prc\•ious chapter I have dc.monstratcd that the conc.rctc dimension of the discourse of grace as referred to by Paul in the collection project has its primal)' roots in thc symbolic universe of the Scriptures. This discourse of grace refers to an activity which is initiated by God ro promote the life and well-being of the rcc.ipicnts and which, in response, demands a rcspc.ctivc activity from those who rc.cci\'e it. What has become clc.ar is that rather than being an indication of a disc.oursc of power-over>in the sense of domination, the reference to grace in the collection project is an indication o f a wider discourse of mutual cmpowcrmcm within the movem ent o f Christ· followers. Significantly, and as noted alre-ady, 1 in che d iscussion of the collection proje.ct in 2 Corinthians, Paul docs not refer to himself as an e.xample of or as a spe.cific receiver of grace. The.re. xcip1~ refers rather to an interaction between different groups of Christ-followers. But in other lcncrs and in different circumstances he docs actually make a close connection between xdp1c; and himself. I will conc.entrate in this chapter on passagc.s where this conne.ction seems to have. obvious relevance: for our anal)•sis of powc.r issues in the Pauline lcnc.rs, that is, p
5.1 The Xap•c; of Being Called and Sent - Paul's Call Narrative in Galatians 1- 2 Paul uses the word grace here in the context of his experience of an encounter with the risen Christ. There has been a significant tendency in recent I.
Cf. 4.3 abo\'e.
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scholarship to separate Paul's vision/rc\'dation of Christ from his call and commissioning as an apostle to the nations.l Jt has been argued that sinc.c Paul .sometimes refers to his vision of Christ (as e.g. 1 Cor. 15.8) without mentioning his call> this vision/revelation must have been an cxpcric.ncc which occurred earlier than his call as an apostJc to the gcntilcs.3The xcip1c; thus given to him is then pcrcch·cd as being this rc\•dation of the resurrected Christ ... It seems to be taken as self-evident what this revelation actually implied and thus often no further explanation is given of what it could have mc.ant to Paul. 1f any further explanation is given, it seems almost to be ttkcn for granted that Paul in this vision has come to rec.ognizc. that he i.s saved in Christ apart from works of the law!·\ Following from this he is then seen as having had the insight that •... the gospel may be offered freely to the Gc.ntilcs.'6 Another aspect of Paul's references to his encounter \•lith Christ is an emphasis that he too~ like: the othc.rs who have seen Christ resurrected, arc apostles. But interestingly in l Corinthians 15 not all \vho have: sc:c:n the resurrected Christ arc called apostlc.s by Paul. Lic:tart Pecrbohe notes •... there must have been an additional criterion for being an apostle. An apparition alone was not enough.n Thus the point Paul is making here is less obvious than is often indicated. More:ovc.r, if the vision/re.vdation of Christ resurrected and the call and commissioning arc taken to be separate 'items', and it is also implied that to have seen Christ has made it dear to Paul that he is saved by grace~ one has to ask how he would have this theological insight if he simply had a vision of the resurrected Lord! It seems that rather than the vision/revelation being self-explanatory~ the content of the \'ision and its implications arc the interpreter's perception rather than Paul's own explanation. If the rc.vclationlvision of the resurrected Christ is viewed as being identical with the insight that salvation is through grace (apart from works of the law) and thus that any reference to grace in Paul's letters refers to this \vho1c theological concept, this would actually mean arriving at a christo1ogic.al conclusion via a short cut. This to me seems slightly anachronistic given that a fully developed Christology did not exist at Paul's time:, irrespective of the means by which it was .supposcdlr rc.ceivcd. To regard vision, call and commissioning as having occurred in a temporal sequence leads to rc.adings of Gal 1.15·1 6 in which the x
2. 3. 4.
See for a more deraiiC"d discussion Harrlson 1003: 1n.
Gavent:J 1986: 26- 19. Cf. Polaski 1999: 49. 5. Cf. r.g. Sruhlmachrr ( 1986:110- 33); Kim U98 1: ~i. 6. Dunn (1998:178). Hr suggesrs n diffC"renr logic arguing that 'if the gospd is for the g
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within the Pauline discourse~ this sc-c.ms to be. the. obvious rc-.ading. But this is not the only possible option citha linguistic.ally or otherwise:. If it is not taken for granted that grace is uniquely pcrcci\•cd as 'the revelation o f Christ resurrecte-d', as has been suggested abovc 1 and if it is not taken as a given that rnclation~ call and commissioning arc separate cxpc.r icnccs, other readings arc perfectly feasible. Presupposing chat Paul's discourse of grace is influenced by the symbolic universe of the Scripmrcs and tradition (as above) J will look there in the first instance for parallels to Paul's encounter with Christ. The parallels to what he dcscribc.s in Gal. 1.15·16 arc indicatc.d by the words he chooses to describe this t'Xpcricncc: it is prophetic languagt' - without doubt.• If these words arc not devoid of c.ontcnt>then he sccms to ha\'C bct'n aware that he is alluding to the imagt'.s and narratives surrounding prophetic calls and commissioning.!I \Xfhat we find in these - without giving detailed exegeses of the rt'.spcctivc passages - is that in all the prophetic call ac.coum.s of the Scriptures the vision! revelation of God, the call, and the commissioning/sending for a specific purpose arc one and the same cxpericnct'! 5.2 Being Called aud Seut According to the Propbet.s 5.2.1 Tbe Call Narrative i11 l soiab 6 In Isaiah 6 the prophet describes his encountt'r with the Lord as a vision {Isa. 6.1 ) as well as the hearing of his voice (lsa. 6.8·13); )'ct although the cxpcric.ncc is described in overwhelming, pictorial language the vision is not cmcial in what is happening. The decisive moment o f the scene is the prophet he.aring the word of God and his response to it (ls.a. 6.8-13 ). 10 This communication betwtcn the Lord and the prophet consists in the lance volunteering to be sent (drrooml.ov ~·( LXX 6.8)), and the Lord commissioning him to bring His mc.ssagc to the people (6.9-10). (Significantly the prophet is sent to his people who for a specific time will not understand and recognize, and whose heart will be hardened (6.101!) The vision, the hearing of the voice of God, the call and commissioning to do something which is related to the people, arc not separate sequential steps but happen at one and the same time. There is no vision of the. Lord apart from the call and c.ommissioning. The prophet only sees the Lord in relation to what he is called to do. The whole scene is S. SandnC's 199 1: 60-63. On the ·use• of lsrad•s Scriptures sct EhrenspC'rgrr 2004b. 1 am in agrerrmnt 9. hrre with WagnC'r who maint.-.ins 'Moor scholars continue to bl·lirvc that the- usc of lsrad's scriprur<:s by Pmll ~nd oth
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a scene of God~s activity which leads to further - human - activity. There is no '&optlv' o f the Divine in pure silence or pure 'seeing' but o nly God acting
on behalf of his people and getting human bcing.s involved in this activity. God's revelation here. consists in acting for his people br sending a message through the prophet- that is, revelation is described, and thus constituted , as
relational, involving the prophet as a tool in this di\•inc relational activity! 5.2.2 The Call Narrative in jermliah 1 T he scene to which Paul's brid narrative seems to be most similar in s truct ure is the call of the prophet Jeremiah. Although the narrative tells the reader/ hearer that the Lord had chosen jeremiah to be his prophet bc.forc he was born, the prophet only gets to know a bout this when he is told by God . Only
when God actuall}' rncals himsd f to him docs he learn about his c.all and commissioning prior to his birth (jer. 1.4· 5). Significant!)' again, the rc\·elation doc.s not reveal any ontologic-al facts about God, but rather the prophet is told that he is commissione,d to be-a prophet for the nations (jer. L.5) and that he is sent to proclaim what God tells him to proclaim (jer.l .7). The prophet docs
not encounter God for private enhancement through c.sotcric transmission of information or personal salvation but as God's messenger to the people and the nations. Again, we find God is rdating activel)' to his people and the nations and he involvc.s the prophet on his behalf in his activity. The revelation, call and commissioning arc relational and communaL11 5.2.3 The Call Narrative i11 Ezekie/1 - 2
A similar image emerges from Ezekiel's call narrative (Ezek. 1, 1-3; 1.28c.; 2.1 -4 ). I! Although we find an extensivc de-scription of what d1e. prophet sees (Ezck. 1.4-28), from the very bcginning of the narrative it is made dear that the decisive issue here is that ' the word of the LO RD c.amc to Ezc.kid the priest' (v. 3}. After a lengthy description of the vision, again, the prophet himself 'he.ard the voice of one speaking~ (v. 2Sc). Again, the content of what is said is the commissioning of the prophet- he is being sent to the people Israel. The rndation doc.s not have primarily individual signific-ance. It is rele.vant in relation to the. commissioning to the pcoplc. \X' hat this meant for the prophet as an individual i-s not an issue at all. In his prophetic 'office' he: is onl)' of significance in so far as he is involved in God's activity by relating to the people he is sent to. The vision is only of signi6c.ance as a relational activity bctwc.cn God a nd his people.
I I. 12. 39- 7 1.
Bockmu('hl1990:9 and also 217- 30. On th< signiflcaoce of E7.('kid in relation to Paul's thought-world St'(' Segal 1990:
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5.2.4 Paul's Experience of Xap1<; in the Light of the Prophets
Whatever the experience of a \•ision/rcvclation itself entailed, this prophetic narrative tradition~ which must have been known by Paul, never narrates a vision, a c.all and a c.ommissioning of a prophet as separate c.vcnts. Morc.ovcr, in all these c.all narratives of the Scriptures it is never a fact about God's nature or his essence which is rn~lcd to the prophet, nor is there an}•thing rcvc.alcd that has significance only for the individual person who receives the revelation. It is an c.vc.nt in its whoknc:ss, which rc.quircs the one \vho is called to act in words or deeds, and the content of his message is always of
communal significance. Thus> in tdling the Galatians about his encounter with Christ in the way Ptlul doc.s, he ccrtainl)' alludes to the whole.nc:ss of the event - and he moreover dearly sets his experience within the tradition of being c.ommissioned for a communal purpose. The vision of Christ, the call by God a nd being scm ro proclaim the gospel to the gentiles arc one inseparable entity.u All of these asp<.cts o f the Christ-cncountc.r expcrienc.c indicate that Paul most likely perceived this expuie.ncc in the light of the rradition of prophetic c.ommissioning. The terminology of 'sending' gives further indication of Paul's sclf·understanding, as it can be. demonstrated that the commissioning of a prophet in the scriptural tradition is mostly described in tem1inology translated in the LXX with terms containing the root 'd rroaT' .u Lictart Peerbolte notes that Paul's usc of this terminology ' ... reflects a prophetic awareness. The apostles arc sent by Je.sus Christ as YH\'<'H had sent the prophc:ts.'•s He fu rther stresses that' ... br claiming this title !apostle] Paul presented his task in di rect continuity with the prophets of the Old Testament. They saw themselves as "sent" by God. ' •t. 13. Cf. nlso Schiiu who notes that ' \Vhilc it may sttm logi-c:allr plausible that Paul's 'conversion' and his commissio ning arc scparate items wit hin the autobiography, he dcxs not tre.lt them as separable. "Con\"Crsion" and comm ission collapse into a single- whole for which we SC"::Ircdy ha\'C the proper term, unless it be "-call". ( 1975: 134). 14. h is furlher interesting to nme that in nil the three prophetie call narrati\·es rcferrt-d to, the prophets arc 'sent' to the people - the Hebrew 0~~ being transklted in the LXX with the word O:nocti.).uv. I ~-annot dabor:.tc o n this here but fhert' may be some indie:ltion in the ~l ppl icati on of chis word and of irs tmnsfonnarion into an almost "te-c:hn ic~ll ' designation in the word "aposdc'. Could it bC' that the- word somehow indicntes a d ostn<ss to prophetic p.mcms without claiming to be a prophet? Without calling tbcm.sd~·es prophets the apostles apparcml}' felt t hcmsch·c-s as be-ing calle-d and sem to proclaim the word of God to tiw: people and the nntions! Did the}' su themselves itS prophets of the dawning age to come? Also interesting to note is the fan that not all who have S«n the rcsurre<:tcd Lo rd :1rc p~·rcciwd to be c:JIIcd to bC' apostles! (Cf. I Cor. 15!) \Vhat docs t hat imply? In the Gospels 12 nrt' called a postles- the 11 sent to the pe-ople Jsrael- Paul:~ nd m hc-rs t he-n being sent w the nations. Sec also 5.5 below. 15. l.ict.nrt Pcc-bolre tho roughly discusses the terminology of .lpos.tlcship in his stud y and condu
16.
tinnrt P("'(rbohc-(1003: 10 1).
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Perceiving the Christ-encounter experience as firmly located within the prophet ic discourse of the Scriptures" ic is most likely that the >;dp1~ Paul refers to in Gal. 1.15 is rdated to •aAioa~ (his being called). Xap" is not spccificall}' referring to the ' revelation of His son' although chis revelation forms a significant aspc.ct of thC' experience. But again it is not in and hr itself of signific-ance. The revelation of Christ and being sent to proclaim chc. gospel to the nations cannot be separated. Thus Paul here docs not refer to xclp1r; as God's revelation o f his son or sah•ation in Christ , but he pcrcdvc:s ' to be called by God~ as a xdp1c; , that is as a favourable: action of God towards him in the context of His saving activit)' towards Israel and the nations. lnhercnt in this x
18. 19.
Cf. SandnC's 199 1: 48- 70. \'\tagner 2002: 330. Jc:w«l l006: 109.
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agreement with other apostles and indicates that he perceives himself as part of this group of leaders of the Christ-movement. w 1 cannot sc.c wh}' he. should not have written with the same tc.mls about their task as about his own.z• I thus take xciptc; and cirroOToX~ as referring not only to Paul's but also to othc.r apostles' apostlcship.11 In the immediate context of the occurrence of the two terms, prophetic
c.all language resonates - as in Gal. 1.1 5 - when Paul introduc.cs himself as '6oo,\a<; Xptoroi/' IIJOOO <,\nr C<; ch rooroAa<; a<jx.Jpto~it>O<;' (Rom. 1.1 ). Significantly here he doc.s not refer to having seen Christ~ thus it is obvious that x&p1t; here docs not refer to Christ or 'salvation in Christ' but is closely rclatc.d ro dnootoAl). Scott Hafcmann has drawn attention to an aspe-ct of this issue which must be considered here-. He note-s that particularly in Romans~ rcfc.rencc-:s to x&.p t~ tend to be- r~d with heavy theological overtone-s. Combined with the assumption that xclptc; actually me.ans 'salvation in Christ~ goes the implication that inherent to xclpt~ is (he notion of 'forgiveness of sins through the death o f Chrisr'. Wirhout denying the dose link berwcc.n xaptt; and dnooroA~ Sandnc-s (following Hafemann) note.s an clc.ment in prophetic c-all narratives which is perceh,c-d to illuminate the close link between x
2 I. 12.
See Chapte-r 3 t~ bove. See Campbe-ll 2006: 35-42.
Admitted!)· the issue of real or lirc:rn1 p1urol has no imp:tCf on the p«c
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by God for a specific purpose is called not on the basis of any merit or quality inherent in him/her but bc.causc of God's x&ptc;.u. This certainly also applies to Paul, but it is not limirc,d to Paul, and not spc.cificall)' rdatcd to the fact that he had opposc.d cltc Christ-movement earlier in his life. All the apostles wc.rc c.alfc.d and entrusted with a specific task within the movement, and thus had to be rendere-d 'fit for purpose'. Nowhere is this questioned in the Pauline letters) but rather it is acknowJc.dgcd where it comes explicit!)' to the fore (Gal. 2.7-8). Thus Paul"s emphasis on the close link between xap•<; and ci:rrooToA~ should not be read as an emphasis on his uttique apostleship, or a unique act of forgi veness, but rather rhat he coo, like the other apostles, has been looked upon favou rably by God in being commissioned by him." All that Paul emphasizes then is that he has been specifically commissioned to elc; UnaKoi)v nlanwc; i v rrO:aiV Tole; E6VEOlV (to bring about obedience. of faith among all the gcnrilcs [Rom. 1.5]), that is, Paul perceives his apostkship as related to a specific task - which has d ear limitations, geographically and otherwise. ln 15.19 he states that he has ' iulfilled the gospel of Christ from Jerusalem and as fa r round as lllyricum' and he holds that 'there is no longer any room in these regions' (l5.23} for him and his apostolic ca ll. T his is
an indication thm in claiming to be an apostle, Paul, even in cmphasiz,ing the dimension of xcipu; in and with it, docs not claim authority gcnc.rally,
c.vcq''Nhcrc and in any circumstance but in a very spc.cific and clearly limited way for a spc.cific purposc.2s Hc.rc it is important to note that in linking xciplc; and cirroOToX~ so dosdy, Paul indicat<'.s that he percci\'C'.S the specific - and thus limite.d - task with which he has been commissioned in his call as a gift from God, a favour from God he is blessed with. Jn explicitly linking this xcipu; with his commissioning 'to bring about obedience o f faith among all the ge.n tiles' he also makes it cvidem that he did not receive this x&p1c; as a personal favour \vhich he could enjoy for himself. It is rather something which is inhc.rcntl)' relational in that only in ro.sponding to the call b)' acting upon it, and doing what this xap!<; encompassed~ is Paul crue to his cXnoOToAT). Although Paul and his colleagues do not apply prophetic language directly to thc:msclve.s and their tasks within the movement, the allusions to prophetic topics can hardly be- ignored.2'.1 In parallel to the communal dimension in the. prophetic c,ommissioning this communal aspect is also inherent in Paul's and his colleagues' perception o f drrooToAr}. It is also significant to note that Paul at some point writes that he cannot do other than proclaim the gospel - this xciptc; which is given to him is by no means something merclr enjorable - Paul perceives it as le.aving him no choice to reject his call. It is an expcric.nc.e similar to what is expressed in the 26. lsrad :.s 1he prototy~ of all t he ·caHed•, iscalkd not becJuse of merit but of God's '/;rscd'. See 3.1.2 :.bove, nlso Jewett 2006: 638. l S. See nlso 2.4.2. I will elabor.ne on rhis in more detail l:lter in Ch:tpter 7. 29. See 5.2 abo\·e.
,-'·
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c.all narratives of Isaiah, Jeremiah and Ezckicl.'"0 It could thus be perceived as anachronistic to regard such a compel ling cxp<.r icnc.c as a 'gift'~ a x
vioknc.c irrespective of his/her consent. To call such a "voluntary' submission xdp1c; then would have ironic if not cynical overtonc.s. One could also hear this commissioning resonate with the honour o f a superior shedding his glory on his servants or subordinates in a patron-client relationship/society. If the
power of God is perceived in fhe categories of a powe.r system which is base.d on force, domination and violence as was the case in the Roman Empire and its system of patronage, then it would actua11)' be rather strange to talk of his . comnuss1onmg as a xaptc;. But it is not anachronistic to view it as such if it is seen in the context presupposc.d in this study which implic.s that the claim of the sovereignt)' of the God of lsrad challenges the sovereignt)' o f any other power or ru1cr. Thus, inherent in being commissioned by him is the rejection of being commissioned by <my body else, to listen to him means to listen ro no one else.·;• Thus there is sound logic in the perception of Paul: to be commissioned by God m a specific task - e.vcn if this is expcric.nce.d as leaving the receiver of fhe. call wich no alternative. except a positive response - is actually a mere xcipu;-. The specific
.
task has to do with God's redeeming activit)' on behalf of his people and the
nations and is thus freeing the one who is called from all bondage. to human oppressi\'e domination. (Paul reminding his 'converts' that the.y arc 'called' reminds them that they arc freed from prior bondage to 'rulers of this world' - thi.s is c.crtainly pcrcci\'('d as a x&p1<; given to them!) The close link bctwc:e.n x&p1c; and d nooro>.~ is also illuminating for a reading of Rom. 12.3 - 61<x n]c; xapiToc; nl<; 6o6Eo01]c; ~01 ('for the grace given to me'). lt is likely that the rcfcrc.nc.c to xciplc; here too is a rcfcrc.ncc to Paul's commissioning, to his specific d nooroA~ rather than to 'salvation in Christ' or 'justification by faith'. lt emc.rge.s that the apostle feels chc need to explain, again, why he percei\'C.s himself as being entitled to write and provide ethic-al guidance to the Christ-followers in Rome. A reference to 'sah•ation in Christ' to support an authority d aim over against them would seem co overstate the case here ,J ! But a repeat of the reference to his func.tion in the Christ-movement, m his role: of E6vc.3v.~ I also cannot find any indication that he has to defend himsdf here over against anybody {opponents etc.) but rather that he seems co sec a nec.cssit)' to explain 30. 3 1.
32. 33. exists.
ScC" Is:t. 6.1- tJ;Jn 1.4-IO;Euk. 2. 1-S. SeC' Plicnsch 2005:1: 31 4 9. Contr-a Polaski 1999: 110-1 11. The- .Stci follow(d by the aocu~ti ve implies 'the rc:-1son why something happens, ~sults'
2006: 906).
: md thus has explanatory connot:.u ions (BAGD 181
rcfer~d
to in j (W(tt
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this because it docs not follow a 'nom1aP pattern. To be commissioned to be an apostle s«ms to implr to be a founder o f Christ-following communities with a policy of non-intcrfc.rcncc (Rom. L5.20). Paul explains at various points in Romans that he. is aware that he docs .something which is not sdfcvidc.nt, bm which in his perception nevertheless is in accordance with his commissioning and mc.ans not going lxyond previously agreed boundaries (2 Cor. 10.13· 16). This reading of the phrase in Rom. 12.3 is supported by the paralld KO:T0: T~V xclp1V Ti)v 6o6lloav riiJIV (according to the grace given to US) in 12.6 which dc.arl)' refers to divc.rgcnt gifts/functions that each mcmbc.r o f the community has rccci\'cd rather than to a theological or christological doctrine or some qua1ity unique to Paul.l 4 And in 15.15-16 the link between x&pt<; and d rrooToAJi is e\'en c.x p1icit in that Paul c.xplains that the grace gi\'Cn to him by God is to be 'an agent o f Christ jesus among the gentiles) (my rranslacion)~ (til
The interpretation of Gal. 1.1 5-16, 2.16 and Rom. 1.5, 12.3, 6 and 15.1 5-1 6 supports insights gained alrc.ady in our analysis of the discourse of grace in 2 Corinthians 8- 9. In these passages the reference to x&pt<; is not so much a c.hrisrologic.al reference to •salvation in Christ' but it refers rathe.r to the c.oncrcte commissioning to a specific task. Xciplc; here is thus used by Paul to indic-a te that he pcn:.dves his work among the. nations, his task, d ifficult as it is, as a favour God has shown him, rather than as a burden put upon him. His function to be an apostle ro the nations is interpretc.d by Paul as something he is thankful for on the one hand, but also as some.rhing he did not choose. to do. His apostlc.ship doc.s not depend on any human power, nor his own accomplishment} but only on God. This is a bold and humble statemem at the same rime. He c.laims to be c.o mmissioned by the God o f Jsracl and a£ the same time he is merclr a tool for God1s purpose. It is a sclf·pcrccprion he shares with prophets and other 'servants of the Lord? 1 In its humb1cnc:ss it 34. Dunn 1988: 720. 35. For n discussion of the usl" of tb< tC'nn "uTOUpycit; S« j C'wrtt 1006: 906-07. 36. Jrwctl 2006: 738. 37. Cf. &:hUrl. who noftS that ·... Paul .should consisfC'ntly- conclude that all :1postles m:mifest gr~cr' ( 1975: 148).
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also encompasse-s hidden rc-sistanc.c to any other dependencies on any othe-r powers. In the context of the Roman Empire this could be described as a hidden claim to an alternative leadership in a movement whose narrative, focused around one crucified, was a hidden transcript of resistance against the ' powers and rulers of this world'. Paul thus> when he speaks of ' the grac.c given to him', docs rdcr to his leadership role in that mo\·cmc.nt> but he. thereby cmphasizc.s prcciS<"fy that this means he is entrusted with one panicular fu nction among others in the movement. This is not denying that in it there is no power issue in relation to this pe-rception of x&p1c; and cirroOToA~. Paul docs perceive himself and his colleagues as e.mpowered to take on leadership roles within the Christ· movement. This is a claim to power in the sense of e.xerci-sing power-over the communitie.s - but keeping in mind that the message encompasses the proclamation of Christ crucifie.d - and resonate.s with prophetic topics, the apostles' exercise of power must be analysed in light o f this. Self-enhancement through such an understanding of power then seems contradictory to the content of the message itsclf..u Despite its boldness it is primarily a functional and> in some instances, merely an explanatory claim (Rom. 12.3) rather than a claim to some absolmc authority via Christology._., Thus xciptc;- and chrooToA~ arc intrinsicallr linked )'e.t not because of the sotcriolocial or christological content Paul amibutes to x
5.5 Authority and Pou1er iiJ Prophetic aud Apostolic Scndiug Having elaborated the perception of apostleship as a xcipu;. a fu n hcr issue in ne.cd of clarification is where the concept of the apostolate originated and what it actually encompassed in Paul's time. Often its prophetic dimension is doubted because the term 'drrOOToAoc;' cannot be found in prophetic literacure, or the corresponding Hc:brc:w nomen rr ?tt· as a title: referring to a prophet. The fu nction of an envoy (n~ ~) o f a c.ommunit)', group or person is only evidenced in first-cc:ntuq' Judaism after 70 a. Thus it has been concluded b)' some scholars that the roots of the apostolate in the See Chapte-r 6 bdow. BockmuC"hl notes that Paul n<\'C'r bases .-authority claims on divine rcvdation (1990: 12Tt. 40. Jer 1.6 ·.8; (sa 6.5; E.zek. 2.3- 3.3; also the call .md commissioning of Most'S f..'< 38. 39.
3.1 1-4. 17.
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c.arly Chrisr·movcmcm must lie somewhere dsc.·11 Admincdly, thc.sc factors demonstrate that apparcntlr chcrc was no specific institutionalized pattern in the immediate context of the early Christ-movement from which they could draw or which thC)' could copy to c.srablish their own organization:12 The first re<:urrcnt mentioning of an 'apostle• or 'apostles' is found in the Pauline letters. It is a lso ob.,·ious that Paul did not ' invent' the tu m but that it was 'handed down' to him by those 'who were apostles before me' (Gal. 1.1 7), which might be an indication that the term emerged from Jc.rusalcm:u In 1 Cor. 15.5-1 1 apostleship and a vision of /commissioning by the rcsurrc.ctcd Christ seem m have something to do which each other. But there is no consistency here since we. find in the Pauline letters references to people perceived to be apostles for whom the critC".r ion of a vision of/commissioning by the resurrected Christ cannot be asserted: the.sc arc Barnabas (l Cor. 9.5}; Apollos (I Cor. 4.9); Sih•anus, Timothy (1 Thcss. 2. 7); Andronikus and Junia (Rom. 16.7}, as wdl as James the brother of Jesus (Gal. 1.19). Thus, the conclusion emerges) that there cxistc.d no 'concept' or conS(.nsus about the exact meaning of apostleship by the time of Paul.>~• But despite the apparent lack of a clear consensus, what c.mcrgc.s from Paul's usc of thC' tam is that ir functioned as a reference to a specific group of Christ-followers who pcrcC'ivcd themsc1\'c-S, and were perceived by the communitiC'.s~ in a lc-.adership rok which involved the spreading of the gospel and the founding of ne.w communities of Christ-followers ( 1 Cor. 9.5; 15.7b and 12.28-29).'·' The term d rrOo-ToAoc; itsd f indic.atc.s that at kast some pacdvcd themS(.Ivcs as being scm for this purpose, and Paul himsdf mentions that 'Christ did not send me to baptize but to preach the. gospel' (1 Cor. 1.1 7; which leave.s open
4 1. So e.g. Margaret Mitchell who suggests th:lt social and diplomati-c conventions in Grat\:o-Roman societies grncrallr pro\·ide the contrxt for fhr concept of apostleship in thr early Christ·movemem. l1992: 644-5 1). Cf. Agnew's account of the debate (1986: 85- 90) .-and Jewcn (2006: I 0 I ) for further litrrnture. 42. Frer 2005: 203. 43. Frer suggrsts th~t P:lUI did learn somrthing t~bout being an :.1postk from Perrr whrn he' \'isited him first. But hr m~ intains that Paul's sdf·undcrstanding was dccisi\'dy shupcd in Antioch whilst working togc:rhrr with RlmabJs as he was probably scm as a n Jpostle of the Antioch community to prrt~ch the gospel. Frey considers it possiblr th"lt P.-auJ did !ram from Rarnt~bas and combine-d his rxperi<:nce of being ct~llrd with bc:ing commissione-d by the Amioch community into a S<"lf-undcrsr-.1nding of bring C'll!ed/,ommissioncd not merdy by .-a community but br Christ himsdf. Looking back upon his call experirnce hr interpreted it with the' help of the tC'rminolog)· of :m :.lpostk (1005: 20i-109). This sc<:nario is very .lttr:!(tive t~nd interesting but it encompasses a good number of speculative gap filling. 44. Liec-rbolte 1003: 200. Liet:m Peetbolte continues that 'by daiming this title Paul pr<:srmed his task in dir.:cr continuity with the prophrts of the Old Testament' (2003: 200). I think this t~ coo dirrcr idrntiflcation of apostol:ttr and prophets, as it pcrcei\·es the rd:u ion to tradition !lS being of :.1 liDCar 'haracter - but I do agrC"e with thr prrception of a dosr rdarcdness of '.-apostolate• with prophetic tl'.lditions (sec (.g. LXX .~bl. 3.22·24) Cf. .-also Frtr 2005: 204; BOrschcl200 1: 115; Schik£ 1975:34. For !l different view ser J<weu 2006: I 0 I. 45. Cf. Dickson 2003: 137.
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the question whether there were others who were sent to baptize or whether this is a rather ironic argument within the context of the Corinthian problems of factionalism). The sending and being called to be an apostle: arc obviously linked with c.ach othcr.46 Signific.a ntl)' the call/commissioning passages in Isaiah, jeremiah and Ezekiel all contain sending language as well: 'And I heard the l'oicc of the. Lord sar ing, "Whom shall ! send" (r,?l!i/ O:rroonAAOl} ... And I said, "Here I am, send me'' (n'i!li I a rrooTiililw)' (lsa. 6.8}; ' ... to all to whom I send )'OU r ou shall go' (n'i!ii I O:rroonAiiOl}, Uer. 1.7); ' ... I send rou (n'hti I s~arroonililc.>) to the people of Israel .. .' (Ezck. 2.3}." Although messengers played an important role in antiquity gcncrallr, I perceive it as a more likdy sc.cnario that the cmc.rgc:ncc of the role of an apostle in the early Christ-movc.mcnt is primarily rooted in this symbolic scriptural univcrsc.41'
5.6 1\-fessage aud Messengers Imertwiued Schiitz has drawn attention to the significance o f the citation o( Isa. 52.7 in Rom. I0.15 (or an understanding of the role and func.tion of the drrooToA~ in the early Christ-movement. He notes that In this conncction lx-t\•.:ten being sent and pr<>lching lies th< significance of Rom. 10.15, 01lthough Paul's rdtrmce h
The close similarities betwc.cn the prophetic call narratives and Paul's account of his own call have already been noticed. Schiitz.'.s note pushes the parallel even further in that he maintains that the preaching of the gospel, the task Paul and the other apostles arc commissioned to do, is related to a particular interpretation of prophc.tic texts; being scm, pre-aching, and the message to be proclaimed arc intrinsically intertwined. Prophets arc prophets to proclaim a specific message, sometimes even co embody lhc mc.ssage in their lives..s11 Thus inherent to the earlic.st Christ-followers' interpretation of the Christ event as lhc initial slcp in lhc proce.ss of the coming of the Kingdom of God, as promised in the Scriptures, there is a notion of sending and being sent. The 46. Schi"m: 1975: 38. On thr issue of dcb.1trs around lx-ing scnt as challmgc-s co being 'r
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Christ-event as the initiation of the coming of the Kingdom of God does not just happen- it needs to OC made public~ that is, proclaimed. This is reflected in the jesus traditions transmitted in the Gospels where Jesus sends disciples into cities or out to the world, to announce the coming of the kingdom o f God (lk. 10.1-12; Mr. 10.5-16; Mr. 28.16-20). Jesus himself is depicted as the one sent to proclaim the Kingdom of God {lk. 4.16-2 1; cf. lsa. 61.12}. Since the term
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maintained whether in the. nc.ar or in a more distant futurc.H ' lr is this larger cultural ..story" that lies behind Paul's appropriation of Jsaiah in Romans to spt'.ak both o f his own mission to the gentiles and of Jsracl•s present and future rdationship with their God. ·.s~ I am in agreement with \VagnC'r here> but, in my view, it is of particular significance that Paul slightly altc.rs the reference to Jsa. 52.7 in that he refers to heralds in the plural, as distinct from the singular found in the LXX and Hebrew text. I take this to indicate that Paul docs not refer to himself as the sole herald of the gospel. If he wanted to do exactly that - emphasize his unique role and authority in the movc.mcnt~ this would have been the idc.al text. But he significantly forgoes this good opportunit)' and changes the LXX singular to the plural, thus dc-.arly indicating that he perceives himself as part of a team - he is one of many he-ralds, and his coUc.aguc-s arc depicted as acting on the same kvd and having the- same- importance and authority as he claims for himself. Furthermore 1 also consider that the socio·poliric.al context and the Jewish perception of it is not so much 'behind' but within and in fro nt of Paul's and his colle-agues' self-perce-ption and thc-.ologizing..u Isaiah was not only a decisive- source in Romans but its influence c.an also be found in other lcncrs) either on its own or in combination with other texts of the Scriptures. Thus in addition to the ' heralds of the good ne-ws' in lsa. 52.7, which arc identified by Paul in Rom. 10.1 5 as those who preach the good news of God through Christ, the. reference to Joel 2.32 in its LXX form in 10.13 is interesting since the conclusion of the verse in Joel mentions preachers who are appointed to announce the good news so that 'cverrone who calls on the name of the Lord will be saved.' Sandncs also detects terminology from lsa. 49.1·6 resonating in Gal. 1.15- 2.2 and suggests that •... Paul had lsa. 49.1·6 in mind while composing Gal. 1 ... •s;; He scc.s funhcr parallels between 1sa. 49.1·6 and Jcr. 1.5·6 which he takes as indications for Paul's self-understanding in the vein of these texts although he docs not claim that Paul did understand his commission in terms of any particular prophc.t. But the allusions arc pcrc.civcd as indic-ations that Paul did sec himself as a preacher of the gospel of God's Son, and thus as a latter·da)' prophet." The role and the message of the one c.alled to proclaim the message arc rhus seen as intrinsically rdated in all the.sc scriptural rcxts, but Sandncs dismisses the one emphasis rhcy all share, the confirmation of the fulfilment of the promises to Jsracl., as ha\'ing been transcended by Paul's c.all and commissioning. Paul is supposc.dlr being sent to 'aU the nations', which Sandnes reads as a generalized rcfcrcnc(' ignoring the particularity of Isracl..sx Thus despite his emphasis on the prophetic dimension in the sdf-pcrc.cption 53. 10;, 54. 55. 56. 57. 58.
See Wognrr 2002: 29- 33, csprci:tlly his critique- of Wrighl's notion of exile in note \'<':tgner 1001: 3 1. See Chaptr r I !lbovc. S:andn<'s 199 1: 61. S:andnC's 199 1: 65. S:tndn<s 199 1: 65.
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of Paul, Sandnc-s pcrccivc.s Paul as •parting company' from the prophets when it comes to the future of Israel. Thc.re Paul suppoS
5. 7 Conclmion Paul and the other apostles of the early Christ-movement devdope.d their sdfunderstanding primarily in c.onversation with prophetic heralds o f the good news. This lead them to pcrcc.ive: thcmsclvc.s as called and sent to proclaim the good news of God's dccish·c action in the Christ-event- in Paul's, Barnabas!s, Timothy's and Silvanus's case among the- gentiles. This implied that they claimed and were anribuced le-adership rolc.s in rdation to the newly founded 59.
60.
See C:unpbrll2006: 140-58. On this SC't' O.mpbdll006: 136-39.
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communities, and some: authorit)' in relation to thc.ir own assistants and over against communities they had not founded thc.msclvcs (Romans). The perception of the close interrelatedness of message and messengers sheds some light on their JX'·rccption o f lcadc.rship and authority within the movcmcm. Apostles arc sent to proclaim the message, an activity which aimc,d at getting a response through the formation of an EKK~T}Oia. The fact that the mc.ssagc proclaimed was the message of one crucified made it, irrespective of other details, inhc.rcntl)' anti impcrial, since to prodaim somc.onc crucified by the imperial authorities as lord and saviour challenged, whether consciously or not, claims of the Caesars as lords and saviours. The message not only consiste-d in thc- proclamation of one- crucific-.d as Lord, but the- paralic-.! announce.ment o f the coming of a kingdom other than Caesar's actually underminc-d the empire-'s all-pcn•asive power and domination claims.;;• An alternative value- system orie-nted on the guidance of d1c- God of Israel according to the Scriptures was promoted, and the hopes formulated in the prophetic promises were proclaimed to have come nc.ar fulfilment. Intrinsic to the values promoted was a transformative. aspect of power in which the weak, blind etc. arc empowered b)' God for life. This radic~lly differen t value S)'stem which was inherent in the proclamation of Christ crucified as l ord implied that those acting as me.ssengcrs/hc-ralds/apostlc.s of this message., although acting only in the fu nction o f transmitters of this message, were intrinsic-ally intertwine-d with the me.ssage they were called to proclaim. l eadership roles and the cxc.rcisc of power and authority within a move.ment which was in this respect counter~ulcural, should have developed in consistency with this altc.rnative. message b<.cause, in order for the me.ssagc to be. trustworthy, they had to be deemed trustworthy in the light of the message. Paul's emphasis on mutuality, weakness and suffcrin~ and his opposition to factionalism and boasting arc indic-ations of such an alternative power and leadership discourse in the context of a sockty which was dominated by c.ompcrition for status, domination and control. I will de.al with some. of the issues in\'oh·ed in chc following chapters (6- 9). The re<~ding o f Paul's S
61.
Cf. Soon 1990: 158.
Chapter 6
Powm
IN W EAKNESS T HE D ISCOURSE OF CONFRONTATION AND CONFLJCJ"
In cc.rtain, although not in all, situations whc.n: Paul is engaged in controversies with communities he. had founded he c.mphasizcs notions of weakness~ even suffering> to clarify his pcrc.cprion of the issues involvc.d and/or to c.hallcngc those who differ from his vic\~r·s. It has been argued that this can be. seen as cithc.r an indication for the inversion of power st.ructurc.s within, and t)'pic.al of, the Christ-movement or as a hidden but nevertheless strong claim to authority or even domination on Paul's part. To sc.ck support for a uthorit}' claims via a n emphasis on weakness and
suffering could be sc:cn as anachronistic in the Hellenistic and Roman world where such c.xpcricnccs gave rise to contempt and intimidation rather than rcc.ognition a nd respect.• Although the notion of care for the weak is also c.mphasizcd in Grae.c o·Roman ethics, to relate authority claims to wcakne.ss and suffering seems at 1c-.ast paradoxical if not foolish from the perspective of a societ y which was saturated with value-s of strength a nd competitive dominating power.1 A different perception of weakne-ss and suffering is fo und in jewish tradition where Israel's God is witnc.ssed to as the one who he.ars and responds to those dcprive.d of the o pportunity to live their own lives and suffering under opprcssive powers. A strong notion of God~s specific care and intcn•cntion for the weak, poor and downtrodden is thus found in the S<:ript urcs (e.g. Pss. 9.1 8; 12.5; 14.6; 22.26; 113.7; 140.1 2). This is combined wi(h the emphasis 1hat, in the rea lm of this God, social imcraC(ion cannm but orient itself on this compassionate care as e.videnccd in the consistently repeated suess on the-neccssit}' to give protection to widows, orphans and strangers (e.g. Deut. 14.29; 16.11 ·1 4; 24.17·22; 26.12). The narrative of j udith is o nly one example of the bias towards the w~k as depicted in the character of the weak widow Judith, who seeks refuge for her people
in pra)•ing to the 'God of the. lowly, helper of the oppressed, upholder of the weak, protector o f the fo rsaken, saviour of those without hope' (Jdt. 9.11). This has implications for the. understanding of leadership roles as, for
I.
1.
Krug 1001 : 61; Glancy 2004: 111-11. CanC'r 1006: 8- 10; &mchy 1005: 54-55.
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example} the ideal king who is dc.scribcd in Psalm 72 as one who' ... de1ive.rs the needy whe.n he calls~ the poor and him who have no helper. He has pity on the we.ak and the· need)\ and saves the 1i\•e.s of the needy. From oppression and violem:c he rede.ems their life; and precious is their blood in his sight' (72.12-14). This tradition finds expression a1so in literature of the Second Temple period as JQH XII5-XIII4 demonstrates. The psalm formulates two dimensions of the: divine intervention on behalf of the: we.ak and suffering: the experience of care. and empowerment that constitutes the restoration of life is a blessing for the weak and at the same time witnesses to God's power and glory.-1 This docs not me.an that weakness or suffering arc pc.rceivcd as positive values or virtues which the faithful should tr)' to achit\'C. Although it is far from being a praise or glorification of weakness and suffering, it nevertheless demonstrates that in the comext of jewish tradition, as evidence.d in the Scriptures and othe.r Jewish litc.raturc:, we.akness and suffering were not reasons for contempt and denial of human dignity. Rather, those witncsse.s arc being entrusted to God's, and thus m his pcople.!s, special care not as an act of charity but as the· corrdarivc of God's justice.~ Thus to discover in Paul and the. Pauline circle references to weakness and suffering in relation to their understanding of apostleship should come as no surprise. It is, howner, neces-sary to analyse some of the rdevant passages in the letters in order to evaluate what implications this stance: may ha\'C for the Pauline perception of apostolic authorit)'· It also has to be noted thac the emphasis on we..akness and suffering is only one emphasis among othc.rs to which Paul and the co-senders refer when clarifying their understanding of apostleship. It receives special emphasis particularly in contexts of disagre.eme.nt (1 and 2 Corinthians), but not exclusively (1 Thessalonians). Jt is neither unique to Paul nor is ic the only way he relates to conversation parmers in sinJations of disagreement. For instanc.e, in Galatians he docs not refer to weakness or suffering but rather uses what in contemporary discourse is called 'strong language' in relation to the community and ncn stronger in relation to those outside whom he argues against.5 Thus the discourse of we.akne.ss and suffering, although importam~ is not the sole me.ans by which Paul interacts with others in situations of disagre.ement. As with othe.r issues, the context and the. particular concerns under debate play a decisive role. in Paul's choice.s of forms of argumcmation in each particular instanc.e. Be.ing aware of this, I will focus on some of the passages where Paul deems it appropriate to emphasize weakness and suffering in support of his argument, relating them explicitly to powe.r and claims of authority. See Krug 2001:113. This impinges :tlso on the- im:tg< of the- <X<:mpl:try k.tdt't of the scriptural n:trrotivc conc<'rning Mose-s. I will com<' back to the sig.nilie:tncc of lhis in rd:ttion to Paul d. 0.5 3. 4.
bdow.
5.
Nanos 2002a: 32- 61.
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power 6.1 Troublesome Beginnings - 1 TIJessalonians
T he first indication that the hc.a ring and responding to the word of the
gospel might be accompanied by problems designated as 6AII.JIIc; is given in a lcnc-r which exhibits no signs of a contc.x t of conflict. The relationship between the founding apostles Paul, Sih•anus and Timothy (1.1)' and this community seems to be unproblematic as far as authority and sp<.cific issues of community life arc conc.crncd. In mentioning the initial encounter ~.tween them and this iKKAnala's positi11c rc.sponsc to these apostles' message under difficult circumstances) the authors, intention lies more. likdy in empowering the Thcssalonian Christ-followers rather than in hinting at actual intra-group problems. The troubles the apostles themselves had experienced just before coming to Thc.ssalonica (1 Thc:ss. 2.2) arc me.ntioned onl}' after an extensive appraisal of the community's positi\'C' response to the gospel, despite troubles, 'for you received the word in much afAiction with joy inspired by the Holy Spirit' (1.6). The foundi ng apostles appreciate this welcoming attitude of the Thessalonians so much that they vie.w them as exemplary Christ·followc.rs from whom othc.r !KKAqolat can lc.am. It is the response of a group of people to the mc.ssage of the gospel in diffic ult circumstances which is puccivcd by the authors of this letter as providing an appropriate example for other i:KKArtolal concerning how co live in Christ. Although it is mentioned that in their joyful response they did actually become imitators of the thrcr apostlc.:s and o f Christ himself, the emphasis in this opening passage. of the letter is on the community's inspired rc.action rathc.r than on the apostles' or even Christ's example. Jt is the dimension of re-sponding to the gospel in and despite 6Aiq,tc; {affliction) which obviously is the aspect that renders them cxamplc.s for others, as indicated br 1 Thess. 2.2. Here the apostles more. specifically mention that they had already suffered and been treated shamefully at Philippi (npona66vn~ •ai u~p,oeivT«; ... iv ol-lnnot~). not ro cmphtlsizc their authority over against the communit)' but rather to emphasize the commonal ity bccwccn the group in Thcss.alonic-a and the group of apostles. The experience of 6AI'Jit<; seems to provide a strengthening bond \vhich binds them all together because it is perceived as an cxpcric.nce which provides a close bond to Christ himself. Thus afAiccion, suffering and being in Christ. arc presented as closely connected with c.ac.h other, and as affocting the members o f the mo\•emcnt whether as Christ-followers of a reccntl)' called i.KKAl)Oia or as Christ-followc.rs who .arc called to the task of apostleship.':' But as importan t as this d imension of suffering is, it is significant that neither in 1.4·10 nor in 2.1 ·2 arc suffering and life in Christ orthc gift o f apostleship presented or pc.rccivc.d as being idcntic.al. Jt is not the 'afAic.tionst which arc the dcc.isivc characteristic of life in Christ but the 'welcoming' t and the turning ' to God from idols to serve the living and true God' (1.9)t11 6. For the issue of the plum I of nuthorship seC' 3.1 abo\'e. 7. Cf. SumnC'r 1999: 81. 8. For n slightly diffC'rC'nt \'iC'w S« Sumner who m:.intains 'HC'rC' :md I:HC'r in P:.ul np<molic suffc-ring C'XC'mplifks the n:.tu ~ of Olristian cxi.sunc:e' ( 1999: SOl,
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and it is not the suffering which is the dc.cisivc characteristic of apostleship bm the 'courage in our God to de.clare the gospel o f God' (2.2).' Thus these passages of 1 T hessalonians} although demonstrating some relation ~nvccn life in Christ a nd suffering, nevertheless give no indic-ation rhat the rv.•o arc pe-rceived as identica l. Also no indication c-an be found that apostolic authority and suffering arc connected in a paradoxical way, so that suffering is a sign of authority. These actua ll)' arc dimensions o f li fe in Christ , but they arc separate, disti nct dimensions of this life in Christ, a nd of aposrlc.ship in particular.1o
6.2 A Letter of Passionate Concern - 2 Corimhians In 2 Corinthians the combination of references co we-akness a nd suffering, and emphasis on apostolic authority is found most frequently in chapters IG-13. Before delving into a more detailed ana lysis of the weaknc.ss/suffering discourse in th<"Se chapters, a note on significa nt issues is due in relation to the lcncr as whole. \Xfhcther this lettc.r is perceived as one, or as a combination of two, or more letters, 11 there is no doubt that a passionate 'atmosphere' runs through it as in no other Pauline letter. None of the other letters shows such a fre.q ucnt usc of terminology which directs rhe attention o f the a udience to emotions in relation to difficul ties> or to usc the letter's tem1inology, to 61-t>jlo~ (affl iction (2 Cor. 1.4-SJ).ln no other letter are words related to rrapcxKa~tlv used more o ften. It is onlr in the opening verses of this letter that God is qualified as 0 no:nlp Tc.lv oiKTtp~c.3v and as 6£0c; nciOT)c; napaKAo\oEwc; (' the Father of mercies and God of all comiort' (1.3]). In no other letter docs Paul emphasize weakness in relation to himself more: o ften than here, but also nowhere else docs he usc the word ~.~ouola in relation to his a postolic function {10.8; 13.10). Moreover) in no other letter docs Pa ul tdl the a udience more. about himsdf a nd about difficulcics with which he was or s ri II is struggling than here (1.8-11 ; 2.13). These characteristics would need to be ana lysed in more detail but, for the purpose of this study, it is sufficient to note that these terminological and narrative peculiarities point towards a context, whether on the part o f thC' senders or the addressees or both, w here the senders. and Paul in particular, decmc.d it necessary to address difficulties in mentioning 'afRictions', even serious suffering, in quite a personal and passion
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the growth and well-being of the addrcs.scc.s within a web of trustworthy relationships ca nnot be assessed in terms of historica l factuality. To me the
frequency of this tcrminolog)' of concern, comfort and of troub1c.s combined with the pc.rsonal narratives, as well as the very c.oncrctc c.onccrn for the collection for the 'poor saints' in jcn1salcm, point towards actual concern for the "assembly of God in Corinth' rather than a merely rhetorical stratcgr. 6.3 The Signs of an Apostle - Disputed
It is in this letter of passionate concern that Paul's most extensive elaboration o f his pc.rc.cption of what constitutes true apostleship is found. The intensity and c.xtc:nt of this dc.vclopmcnt is in ltsdf an indication of the seriousne.ss ir had in Paul~s view.u Although there arc passage.s in other letters where apostleship, weakness and suffering arc mentioned in relation to each othe.r,u there is no other letter which addrc.sses this issue at such length and with such serious emphasis. This in itself indic.a tcs that there is 'something going on~ here that is specific to the situation to which the letter is speaking. But it indicates in addition 1hat the issue is pcrc.eivcd as being of utmost significance in relation nm just to an understanding of aposdcship but also to an understanding of the gospel itsdi. It is obvious that most of the argumentation in 2 Corinthians (particularly 1.5·11; 3.1 ·2; 4. 7·15~ 10· 13) is a reaction against charges or criticisms brought against Paul and his claim of apostleship.•"' Thus the most explicit statement.s of Paul concerning his understanding of apostleship - not only his own but of apostleship as such- arc ' triggered• by fellow Christ-followers and apostles who had a different perception of what constitutc.d true apostleship. jerry Sumnc·y has demonstrated convincingly what the dements were that constitute this 'different' perception of apostleship. From an analysis o f the relevant passages in chapters 1-7 he concludes that in these opponents' perception 'apostles must present evidence of their status' in the form of letters of recommendation, they should be c.haracterizcd by 'strong presence', and ' they also interpret receiving par from churches as evide.ncc of apostolic status.' u By setting up their perception of what constitutes proper apostle.ship they render competiri\'e comparison and evaluation as 'part of the. proper apostolic manner of life'. 16 .tvtoreovcr, from his analysis of chapters LO· l3 Sumne)' condudes that here the dominant issues raised arc the appropriate war of life for apostlc.s; proper manifestations o f the spirit in apostles, and again, pay for aposrles. 11 He emphasize.s 'These opponents bcline that
12. 13. 14.
15. 16.
17.
Cf.Schiitz 1975: 165. 1 Thess. 1.6-7; 22. Schi'nr. 1975: 166; SumnC"r 1999: 81 and rdc-r
Power in \lleakness
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aposrle-s} as superiors~ should assume authorit}' over churchc.s and demand special rights. This apostolic. supe-riority include.s having forceful personalities and glorious Jives.' 111 The virtues and values de.signated as characteristics of proper apostleship have close similarities to virtues and values of the dominant Gracco-Roman cultural milieu. Compe-titive- comparisons of cre-de-ntials, vinues and achievements aiming at surpassing/beating others who were, in the main, pcrcc.illed as competitors wac part of the idea1s promoted in mak d ite education. Boys were socialize.d into a society in which the striving for honour and the maintenance of high social status could only be successful if one bec.ame a winner and thus gained domination Oller co~compctitors. 1 ' Those who challenged Paul's understanding of apostleship most likcl)' shaped their perception according to models and value.s prevalent in the Hd le.nisric and Roman c.ultural milieu.;m Apan from the fact that acce.ss ro 1c.adership roles was constrained to the wise, wdl-born and powerful/ • the characte-ristics of good leadership were good standing, honour, rhetoric.al doquence in the assembly and, not least of all, not having to perform manual labour but benefiting from the work of othc.rs.22 These priv·ileges were rcsc.rved for the few, thus the only way for lowe.r-dass members to get a share in the power of such 'strong men' was m acknO\\I·Ic.dge a patronage relationship with one of lhe.se aristocrats.!> Patron-c-lient rclationships1 as Roman society as a whole, were struc-tured in a static hierarchy within which upward mobility was almost impossible, and in which establishing oneself in a position at the top of the pyramid was a matter of constant competition for positions of domination and subordination. Lc.aders are thus men who prove that they .arc comp
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Spirit being present in him.!$ Such de-legitimizing strategies were not c.nrircly new having already been raised against prophets who \l.rcrc: accused of being false prophets by challenging their claims to being called and sent by God." T hese challenges seem to be prima rily attacking Paul as a person and at first sight it .s tt.ms that Pa ul actually docs primarily react on this personal
lcvc1.27 He takes up the challenge) enters the arC'.na of compc.ririvc boasting and acknowledges his personal weakness, even his having been humiliated.
He thus relates dircctlr to the chargc.s against him, but rather than defending hims.clf through denying them) or calling into question the legitimacy of these- categories, he cakes them as the common ground between himself and those challenging him. He thus agrees that the way of life of apostles, the manifesta tion of the Spirit in apostles a nd the pay for apostles arc relevant issues in this debate. But he shifts or 'de-constructs' the challengers' criteria of evaluation in rc:lativizing some (boasting, e.g. 2 Cor. 10.13, 17) and radic-a lizing others (\veakness, e.g. 12.9· 10, suffering, e.g. 1.5-S) in rc.cogniz.ing their particular value in 1ight of the Scriptures and the Christ-e~t·ent. 6.4 Su{{eri11g, \Yicakuess attd Power - Related but uot Ideutica/
It is significant to note that alrc.ady at the very beginning of this lettc:r, in 1. 4-1 0, charactc.risrics of life: in Christ for Pa ul, the Pauline: circle, and the Corinthians, arc described in terms of suffering and comfort (rra6~1JO:Ta, 6AIIJ't~, napacC'n hcr<"tofort' ( 1975: 168). 28. See R<"ndtorff 1005: 613-17, ::.lso 6 18-21.
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overcome. In L.5 thc:sc difficuJrjes arc actually moved into dose proximity to Christ's sufferings, and likc.wisc also the comfort re.ccivcd. The comfort Paul had experienced in suffering is what will be beneficial for the Corinthians, since it enables him to share tbe comfort he. has received and to comfort them in turn in chc.ir difficulties. There arc two points which re.quirc close attention here: {1) Paul docs not say that he 'shares' in some kind of mystical union in the suffering of Christ, as this would imply a sharing in e:ve.nts which had happened in the past. He also doc.s not claim that his sufferings arc identical with Christ's, but he pcrcei11cs his diffic.uh cxperience.s as it1 relation to Chrisf s, thus setting the.m in a specific c.onte:xt. He dOC'.s not suffer for the sake of suffering but because of his work for the gospel, that is, his participation in the Christ-movement.l' (2) Paul doc.s not refer to suffering and comfort as if they were: identical. Suffering is not comforting. But in, and despite of1 his sufferi ng Paul experienced the comforting power of God. Suffering and comfort arc here experienced in relatiou to e.ach other but this docs not render them identkal. In (he brief narrati\'e section about the afflictions experienced in Asia suffering (1.8-9) and delir,erauce from death (1.1 0) again arc not depicted as one. and the. same bm as two distinct e.xpericnces. Paul feared for his life and was delivered by 'God who raises the dead' (1.9). Also the (retrospective} insight that~ there, at the margins of life, where he saw himself in the realm of death, the. only reliable trust he could have was n·ust in God, is not some kind of strength derived from suffering but trust in the midst of and despite the experience of suffcring.30 Suffering and trust arc not identical but separate, distinguishable e:xpcricnccs. Thus these op<.ning verses of the letter provide dear indic.ations of the letter's main theme, suffering and comfort, but there is no indication for a supposed idcntification/samcnc.ss bc.rwccn weaknc.ss and suffering and dd ivcrance and comfort. The themes of weakness, suffc.ring, de.ath, and deliverance, comfort, and life in Christ permeate the entire letter. Paul refers to himself and other apostk sJt as 'earthen vessels' who embody suffering of various kinds and in \'arious ways, and thcreb)' embody the death and life of Je.sus,n but yet live by the power of God (4.7). The power of God manifests itself in a twofold war, in the endurance iu and deliverance {rom suffering (4.8-9), and in the 19. I am indc-btC'd here to the stimulating stud)· of Brondos 1006: 171- 74. 30. Krug drnws aucnrion h.:rc fo the signillcance of C'Xampkslp:u ·.adigms from the Scriprurcsll.XX whcrr cxpericoces of -suff~'fing are frcquc-ndy S(t'll as confrontations with drt~ th , as e.g. Pss. 18.5; 30.4; 116.3; Jon. 2.3; Sir. 51.6. t2001: 187}. 31. lnduding othC'r a,x>srlcs hC're is not an argument for the litC'rol plurol. but indii.-at<s that Paul dots not rder co characteristies of an apostlt' exd usi\·dy, meaning thar in all this he is a unique c:ocC"mpbr of aposdr, but rather that this i.s his ()(r<:rprion of npOMieship, a pt ro:c ption whieh n ppl i~ to :ill apostles in tht' mo\'C'mem. Stt chapter 3.1 abo,·e. 32. On the: embodiment of suffering stt Lim 2006: 113, also Glancy who maintains rhat •Jkcaust New Tcstament scholars ba\·e not acknowfcdgcd tha1 rdotionships of power were embodird, they have not a ppr<'ciatcd tht cemr~ l ity of Paul's body to the supcraposdts' campaisn against him' (1004: 118).
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life of the iK but actual!)' agree-s with the challengers' assessment that 'the letters arc. weighty and strong' (ai 1moTol\al ... 13ap•lat Kat ioxupal (10.10)) and adds that he wishes to act accordingly. which implie.s with due weight and strength, upon his next visit to the Corinthians. He continues in this rathe.r 'strong vein' when he emphasizes that ' I think 1 am not in the least inferior to these Sllp<'rlative apostles' (Aoyl~oj.Jat ycXp ~11&v Uan prtKival T~V UmpAiav drrooTOAwv (1 1.5]), maintaining that 'Evc:n if 1 am unskilled in speaking, I am not in knowledge' (•i 5! Kat i5tc.lTIJ<; To,i Aoyo,i, ell-A' ou Til yvc.lou , (11.6(). This is clearly claiming that he has strength and power. The difference between him and the challengers lies in the criteria by which they evaluate strength 33.
Cf. Krug 100 I: 237.
34. Krus has drawn attention to this, e-mphasizing that despite the stress on weakness .md suffering as aspects of rrue aposdcship these arc- not the only signs or ways !lnd me.1ns by whi-ch this manifests itsd f (200 1: 258).
35.
Cf. Krug 200 I: 259.
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and power, and following from that, what constitutes true apostleship. Paul explicitly rejects one of the skills held in highest regard as a sign of strong leadership in Greek and Roman elite society, that is rhetoric.• as a category relevant in relation to apostolic authorit)'·l6 But he docs not reject the notion of strength and power as such since at the same time he emphasizes that he is 'not unskilled in knowlcdgc',J7 ·what follows is not a gentle but rather a direct attack on the challengers calling them namc.s which arc most likely not meant to flatter them (11. 1215). Although he unwittingly enters the ring of competition of comparison in boasting, he docs an ually enter it, and the first reference to weakness in these chapters is in a c.omparati\'e sentence, c.o mparing his understanding of apostlc.ship (which he is about to outline) polemically with the behaviour of the challengers. [t is in comparison with the lording of a master over a slave, of a predator benefiting from his prcr, or of someone humiliating others in using violence against him/her, that Paul concedes his weakness (11.20-21). Thus in this verse it is not weakness as such which is perceived as the characteristic of Paul's understanding of apostleship but it is only in comparison with what he characterize-s as the 'supc.rapostlcs' \'iole.nt domination of others that he. views himself as weak. Bartchy comments on these verses: •we have Paul's dear and sardonic reverse description of the "weakne-ss" of which he was being accused. If acting with "strc.ngth " has the results he obsc.rvcs ... he wants nothing to do with it.'.111 But in relation to the superapostles' apparent strc.s.s on Je.wish identity he deems himself far from be-ing weak but emphasizes that he is on equal terms wich (he.m in that he maintains that this is his own unalterable identity which he cherishes ( 11.22). As a servant of Christ he even claims supc.r iority, onl}' to subvert the .standards of boasting in e.numc.rating the numerous ways in which he suffered (11.23b-27). In the c.ontcxt of what he deems a 'foolish~ compe-tition in boasting he thus considers the onlr appropriate aspect (0 be 'thrown into the ring' is to 'boast of the rhing.s that show my weakness' (1 1.30). Thus in the passage immediately prc.ceding 12.9-10 an accumulated focus on weakness and .suffe.r ing can be found, mentioning the c-atalogue of hardships (11.23-28), the note on his escape from Damascus (11.32-33), and, possibl)', a visionary ascent to he--ave-n (12.24).·" Paul then menrions the 'thorn in the Acsh' (oKo~Oijl n was cemNI to the dassic:tl way of lif<"• t1972: 36). 37. This could be :tn indication of Paul'.s perc<'ption of his rducarion, but this is ;1n issu<" which cannot bt dealt with within the scope of thi.s study. On the signific:tnc<" of litcncy in Jewish sociC't)" in p;1n:icular su Goodm:m 2007~ : 79- 90. 38. Bartchy 2005: 59. 39. \'<'hethc:r this is a f:~ il<'d 'asc<'nt with nothing to shau·' as t im (2006: 126- 30) has argu<'d in his thesis and thus an another <'X;lmple of weakness, or wh<"thc-r Paul r:tthcr .Str<'SSCS that he only wants to re-fe-r to cred<'ntials which otht'rs ha\'C' :Jcccss to by stting or hColring, he- <:t'M:tinly n1.1inralns that \"isions of whatever quality cmnot SU\"t' ~s criteria for C\":tluating aposdrship. This rdcrc-ncc to \'isiblt' or audible •mings'/rcalities resembles some later r;;~ bbi nic notions, d. Wild:~~·sky 1984: 11.
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whatever the prc.cisc condition is signified b)' it~ is perceived as hindering him in a serious war. This 'thorn' is not something Paul experienced. in a positive war otherwise he \vould not have prayed for rclidt even deliverance from it. He describes it as something that causes scrious problems for him, so serious that he perceives it as an adversary angel>an upsetting messenger scnt to cause him trouble. Only afte-r he. has begged three times to be delivered from this 'angelic thorn' t docs he receive c.onfirmarion that God has heard his plea. The rcpl)' sc.cms ambiguous at lc.ast, since PauPs 'wisht is rcjcctcd.4" He docs not get any rdkf but has to live with this thorn. But at the same time he receives confirmation that chis docs not mean that God's grace has abandoned him, on the contra')', he. is told that God's grace is sufficient for him (dpKEI oot ~ xapt~ ~ou ~ yap 6wa~·~ 1v ao6mla n llelra t [12.9bl). T he active iorm of the
Greek d pKi'*l refers ro the objeaivcly existing abundance of somc.thing.~ 1 This is thus a sta1ement about (he abundance o f divine grace in Paul's life despite the prcscnce of this ' thorn in the flesh,, Thus what could be pcrcci\'e.d as a sign of lack of God's grace and compassion, and what at least raises doubts in Paul's apostolic commissioning and authority. is claimed to k an indic.ation for the \'alidation of power. Translations which render ' n:AfiTal' as ' made perfect' are missing the point here. I am of the view chat rather than referring to some perfection of power in we.akne.ss the intention here is to maintain that power onl)' accomplishes what it set out to accomplish through we.akncss. The iv is takc.n here not as modal but rather as instrumental..u Power is not we.akness, and weakness is not power, but po\ver accomplishes, that is, has an effect through \'.tcakncss. The boasting of Paul is a boasting of his we.aknc.ss, nothing dsc. Paul boasts in his we.akncss~ acknowledging it for what it is - a thorn in the Acsh, and insuJts, hardships and persecutions are what they arc.~ causing suffering and bringing Paul to the brink of death. He is at JX'3CC (1 2.10) with
his weakness not bec.ausc he re.alizes that weakness is acmaHy not weakness but power, but bc.cause through weakness the power o f God in Christ is manifested. Again, it ncc.ds to be emphasized that God's power is nor weakness, but in and despite we.akncss God's power is experienced as being pre-scm (imokl\v<:olon [12.91), and ha,.ing an effect."
The last part o f v. 10 'for when I am weak then I am strong' ('0Tav y
40.
Simibrly Moses' wls.h in Dtot. 3.24·27, on this also I 0.3.1 below.
41 .
I om informed h.:re b}· Krug who rd C"rs ro secular Geed ; US< as e.g. Plutarch (Cim. 1.3) 'cipl
'i"JX'iv IJOV OpKiou pot TO ooeiv ( 16.12· 13}. 42. Conrrn Kasemann who [1942: 54). 43. Cf.2Cor. 11.12.
t~rgues
that weakness is the ' Offenbacungsan dcr Kruft '
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manifests itsdf.44 PauJ claims that his activity has had and still has some effe.ct among the Corinthians~ by emphasizing that 'the signs of a true apostle were performed among you in all patience~ with signs and ·wonders and mighty works' (12.12). These effects were not d ue to some mysterious power inherent in Paul's weakness. But due to Paul ~s weakness they cannot be an)'thing other than an indic.ation of God's power at work among the Corinthians. Thus the Corinthians do not owe their coming to faith and their growth in Christ to Paul or any other apostle but only to God.4 s Paul docs daim a leadership role as an apostle over against the Corinthians but doc-s so in rdarivizing the significance of precisely this role. lr is not due to his or othe.r Jcade rs~ power that the Corinthians have re-sponded to the gospel, nor is it due to his or other leadc.rs' powu that thc.y mature into a war of life according to the c.all of God through Christ:'' This rclativization of the significance of a leader resonates with Je.wish traditions which consistently depict leaders not in the vein of the strong and infallible hero but as ambiguous human beings who arc \Veal.:, have doubts, struggle, fail, but ncvenhcle.ss sometimes succeed in their Godassigned t.tsks.4 7 Thc fulfilment of their task is never percci~o·ed as being due to their own achievements or strengths but due to God's powc.r, thus rclativizing any human cfforts.411 It has been argued chat weakness functions as a presupposition for the revelation of God's power, that only in and through weakness could God's power manifest itsdf. 49 Although I appreciate and agree wich much of Krug's thorough analysis of and differentiation between weakness and power, to rendc.r weakness as somehow a presupposition for the manifestation of God's power is problematic in fll }' \•icw. In the Scriptures God is dc.pictcd as being biased towards those in need of care and prote-ction and there is a specific 44. Krug r<"f<"rs to~ moSl illuminating <x:unple in Philo's Vit. Mos. 1.69 where ~ n .llmost i dcnri~ l fonnubrion in rdation 10 the narrariw of thr burning bush can be- found tiS the pcoopl< ~~told TO acetv~ U$.tcSv &i'IIO!Ji<; i-ottV. Krug dabor:urs that although \"Cr)" dosdy rel:ued her< as in Paul, power and weakness :11-c not identical since 'auf dcr Bildebenc entspricht dem schwachcn Volk der "'.s
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power
relation between God and human weakness and suffering. But to render weakness a presupposition for the rc.vclation of God's power is a too st atic and conceptual perception of the relation between the two aspects. \'V'caknc.ss is then sc:cn as a function which serves the manifestation of God~s power. An incxuicablc link between \Vcaknc:ss and God's power is thus cstablishc.d and weakness is fu nctionalizcd to lx:comc a vehicle of something else. Th is is a problematic. way of arguing as it comes dose to implying that where there is weakness there is God's power or that God's powc.r can only be present in weakness. A condition is thereby laid upon God~s presence and power, and
wc.akncss is also not takc.n scriouslr for what it is. The scriptural narratives tdl anothe.r story. They tell of experiences o f deliverance, survival and empowerment through and despite experiences of weakness and suffering, c.ontraiJ to what would be expected in such situations. Blessings, hope and life expc.rienced in the midst, despite, and th rough weakness and suffering could thus be nothing dsc than dfc.cts and signs of the power o f God.Jo But again, it must be cl~rly noted that this is far from saying that weakness and suffering are identical with or a paradoxical form of life and hope, or even of God's life-giving and comforting power. Ne.ithe.r the Scriptures nor Paul and the Pauline circle: glorify weakness and suffering. \Xfe.akncss and suffe.r ing arc not special virtues or values, not even in Christ. They are what they arc, weakne.ss and suffering, 'an angd from satan', with life-threatening evc.n life-destroying potential. Paul's acceptance of weaknesses, insults, hardships, persecutions and calamities, evc.n his glad boasting {12.9b-l 0a), do not change this. It is only in relation m Christ, Urrfp XptaToU , that Paul comes to accept all these hardships. This docs not rcndc.r these experiences positive or enjoyable. But his activity has some effe.ct despite his weakness and hr recognizes that his weaknes-s is not hindering the proclamation of, and positive response to, thr gospel. Thu.s despite his we.akness he is able (&JVaTO<;) to fulfil his call as an apostle to the gentiles. The issue is the same when Paul reminds the Corinthians of Christ's suffering in 2 Cor. 13.4. There is no indication that there is power inherent in this suffering, rather Paul c.mpha.sizcs that Christ was 'c.rucificd in wc.akncss•. The allusion to the inherent rejection of the power claims and \'alue. system of the dominating Roman imperial elite can hardly be ignort'd herr .-H Yet the power of Christ is not his weakness but the power by which God raised him to life. The difference bcrwc.cn the two is cbrly indicated b)' the tense of the two verbs used (past and present), in that it is obvious that cruc.i6xion and weakness arc located in the past - he was crucified in weakness (Eora:upc.le11 E~ do6tvtla:c;) - whereas the po\ver of God and the life of Christ arr present realities - he '/ive.s b)' the. power of God' (~fi iK ouva~<; 8
Power in \lleakness
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and weakness arc rdatcd to past events whereas life by the power of God is dearly referring to the pre-sent. In response to the request for some: evidcnc.e that Christ is speaking through him, Paul consequently docs not refer to Christ's we.akncss (ln the past), but to his powerful presence here and now, am.ong the Corinthians. Moreover, when Paul at the. very beginning of the letter refers to his own suffering as 'sharing abundantly in Christ's suffering' (2 Cor. 1.5) this, rather than being an allusion to a mystical union, indicates that Paul sees his life in the conte.xt of and in relation to the one he is called to follow. Unde-r the conditions in which the Christ-followers live at the rime: of Paui,S·' suffering is ine\•itabl)' part of the 'way of life' in Christ. Those who committed thcmsdvcs to follow one who as a consequence of his life and reaching had been killed on a Roman cross can hardlr have been ignorant concerning the possible consequences this had for their own lives. Paul cc.rrainlr was aware of these and reminds the Corinthians of the: inevitable link between being a follower of Christ and the risk of suffering.H But again it has to be emphasized that accepting suffering as a consequence of a choic.e made in joining 'the wa}' of Christ' is not the same as promoting suffering for suffering's .sake as a \'irruc or value in Christ. Nc.vcnhcless, Paul•s emphasis on weakne-ss and suffering in the ministry and as part of the way of life in Christ under present circumstance-s has significant consequences for what he perceives to be an understanding of apostolic authority and leadership within this movement. 6.6 Weak Apostles but Potvcrful Leaders! The Power of Gentleness and
Humbleness It has to bt acknowlc,dged that wc.aknc.ss can be understood in different
ways and may have had different effects (on Paul himself- as well as on subsequent Christian tradition}. The claim 'I am nothing~ can be a powerful claim to divinely mediated authority which thus becomes authoritative and non-negotiable. This is the case in subsequent history often when Paul's fo rmulations were usc.d in support of absolute authority and powc:r claims in church and civic hierarchies. But this is only one way of interpreting Paul's arguments conc.crning apostolic weakness. Gh·cn the fact that any leadership roles in this early Christ-movement were far from being firmly e-stablished and thus PauPs and othc.r lc.adcrs) leadership rolc.s we.re: at least a matter of negotiation - the stance of Paul and the emphasis on weakness c.o uld also be read not as a claim to power and control in the: vein of che dominating cultural value S)'Stem - but as an 53. 54.
Cf. Rahru.sch 2003: 149-57.
Cf. Rrondos who notes: 'While no doubt distinguishing thcmsd\'es from jesus the historiC"~ I person, thc-r rc-:diu d that the-ir own commitment to obeying God and :maining God's kingdom in('Vit:J.b1y brought rhe s::~mr consequcnccs' (2006: 170) :md conrinues "... thq suffer as Christ did for the same gospel' (2006: 172).
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emphasis that even the function of an apostle was only of relative significance in rdacion co the signifkancc of God through Christ. When read in this \'tint the Pauline emphasis on attitudes and values which stand in stark contrast to the Roman ditc value S)'Stcm promotes a kind of authority which is diffe-rent from the exercise of leadership and authority within the realm of the dominating Roman power. Paul rhc.n promotes a kind of leadership and cxcr,isc: of authority which is oric.ntc.d on the life, de-ath and resurrection o f Jesus Christ and embedded in jewish scriptural traditions of authority and leadership. \X'ith regard to the first this includes early traditions of Jesus) tc.aching as wdl as about his life. Although there is on1y O<:.casional e\•idcnce of Paul's and the Pauline cirdc>s know1e.dge of such traditions, there can be no doubt that they were aware of them. The fact that hardly any explicit rcfcrc:nce.s to such traditions c.an be found in the Pauline lcners~ rather than being an indic-ation that Paul and the Pauline circle did not know of such traditions or considered them irrdevant, could indic-ate on the contrary that they presttpposed chat these were known in the communities from pre.vious reaching visits..s.s But nen without many explicit references to the teachings of Jesus (1 Cor. 7.1 0; 9.1 4; 11.23), references such as 'oUx On KUplnJOIJfV VIJ<.lv nlc; rrioTt<..JC;' ('not that we. lord it over your faith' 2 Cor. 1.24) resonate with gospel traditions such as in Mt. 20.25-26a ' ... you know that the rulers of the nations lord it over them and their great men exercise authority over them. It shall not be so among you.' The continuation of these verses ' but whoncr would be great among you must be your servant, and whoe\'e.r would be first among you must 1x- your slave' (20.26b-27)" fits quite well with Paul's perception of characteristics of the life of apostles (I Cor. 3.5; 2 Cor. 4.5; Gal. 1.10; Gal. 5.13; Phil. 1.1) as well as with his self-perception as 'the least of the apostles' (o i>.axtaTo<; n .>v drrooToA<.>v [1 Cor. 15.9[). References in Paul to the inc.vitability of suffering as followers of Christ resonate with sayings such as • If any man would come after me) let him deny himself and take up his cross and follow me.' (Mk 8.34 par. Mt. 10.38; l k. 9.23}. Paul's stress on gentleness and humi lity not only of Christ as in 2 Cor. I 0. 1 but also on these as attitudc.s through which Christ-followers should relate to e.ach other (as in Gal. 6.1; 5.23; 1 Cor. 4.21) resonates with traditions such as 'take my roke upon you, and Jearn from me; for I am gentle and !owl)' in heart, and you will find rest for your souls', in Mt. 11.29..s7 Since. allusions and c.c.hoes, e\'cn direct rc.fcrences to such va1ues arc fo und throughout the Pauline letters it sc.cms vcr}' unlikely that these did not influence the Pauline perception of leadership and the respc,ctive exercise of authority. These values differed radic~lly from the values promoted in and by the dominating elite culture, rendering problems and conflicts almost inevitable 55. 56.
Conn·.a Rultmann 1952: 188-89. Par. ~·1k 10.42.
57.
See nlso Mt. 2 1.5 nnd th(' r<'spttti\'e proph<'ri' t r>ldit ions in ZC'ph. 9.9 :md :tlso
3. Jl.
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when the movement spread into the Graeco·Roman non-Jewish world. This seems even more ine\'itablc when it is considered that the movement's origins witnc.ss precisely to what seemed to be a Jctha1 outcome of such a conflict (certain!)' fro m the perspective of the dominating Roman ordc.r) in proc.laiming one. cxccme.d on a Roman cross as Lord and Messiah ..s11 The fact is that these carlr Je-sus traditions (admittedly uansmitted in written form late-r than Paul) dearly e-mphasize that~ within the. realm of the kingdom of God~ le-adership and the exercise of authority ought to be of a radically different kind than that promoted and exercised in the dominating Roman imperial order. Such traditions support a re-ading of the Pauline discourse of weakness and suffering as referring to and resonating with the same alternative understanding of authority and lcade.rship. These traditions arc e.mbedded in Jewish scriptural traditions which hardly depict any of 1hdr lcade.rs as blamclc.ss, strong heroe-s but which mostly transmit traditions which depict them in quite ambiguous ways. The narratives of Moses~ the greatest of all leaders, arc parad igmatic in this respect. Mose-s is an ambiguous character. He docs not embrace the call of God willingly, he doc.s not alwa)'S set his trust in God; he is wc.ak 1 has doubts, sins, and doc-s not enter the promised land. Olson notes that ... le:1ders lik< Moses derive, on one h~nd , boldness, strength, ~nd :lUthoriry from rh
Thus the: traditions in which the Pauline discourse is scc.n to be embedded in the re.ading advoc.a tcd here, arc. traditions which nurture a pcrc.eption of authority and leadership which differs radically and fundamentally from the value and virtue system of the Gracco·Roman wo rld. lnfom1cd by and cmbcdde.d in these traditions, in his d aim to authority and a significant leadership role, Paul thus most likely shaped his understanding of these a<xording to such traditions. He not o nly did so verbally, although this is the medium through which he.ob\~ously cou ld argue very convincingly, and thus appear strong, bm he also embodied his conviction and traditions within his entire way of life. To be a leader and exercise authority in chis tradition could not possibly mean to dominate and control others. Domination and control of this kind stand in inherent opposition to the values of the kingdom of God. Powe.r and authority must thus be exercised in a way which differs from the ways of this world (Rom. 12.1·2). It implies a relating to others in weaker positions in wa)'S which support them in their live.s; is attentive and 58. In rdation to non-Christ-following jC'wish soci<:ty rh< issue is morC' compli c:~ted, but I cannot dC"..1 I with this within thC' scope of this study. Rut stt e.g. Campbdl 1006: 37-38, Elliott 1005. 59. Olson 1005: 18, also 1994: 157-59.
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responsive to their needs, and which c.mpowcrs them for life. In his ancmpt to proclaim/translate the message of the gospel to gentiles who had been socialized into the value systc.m of the Gracco-Roman world, even if they found thcmsdvcs at the bottom of the social hicrarchr of this system, Paul must have encountered problems in their understanding of his gospcl.60 It is of
little surprise rhat these formc.r pagans, who, through Christ, had turned away from idolatry to the living God of lsrac:l and thus now were gentile people of God, were.struggling to grasp the implications of their 'new war of life'- and Paul was stmggling with them. As Bartch}' pointedly has noted: R<socializ:uion into 'ncw creation' values so that on.: actu~llr m:ars others well, especially onc:"'s social inf«iors ~ccord i ng co "old creation' sr-.andards, required enormous gifts of persu;~sion and~ mmsform«i style of leadership. Polu1 sought with ~II that wus in him to be that kind of persuasive lcadtr.61
6. 7 Conclusiou Paul's strong reaction to the challenge of his authorit}' as an apostle- is an indic:ation of how seriously he- viewed it. But his main conce-rn was not on the- personallcvcl, however troubling hc: may have found such a challe-nge; it was rather with the wider dimension this challenge had for an undc.rstanding of 1ife in Christ as such. The \'aluc-s of the dominant Roman d ite society introduced by others and which, according to PauPs refere-nces, were willingly embraced by at le:ast some-. Corinthians, were competitive values which stood in radical opposition to the \'a lues and the way of life in Christ. Paul reacts so passionatcly not because of a personal 'insult' but because the following of leade-rs who percei\'e authorit)' in the vein of domination and control is a threat to the gospel as such. The conflict is c.cntred around panerns of lc.adership in a movement which orients its war of life on Christ so that the limits of tolerance of diversity arc-. overstretched when patterns of domination establish themscl\'eS within this movcmc.nt. Paul's emphasis on weakness and suffering need not be. seen as a hidden or disguised power claim bm rather as the only way and means by which he is able to remind the Corinthians of lhe radic.al alternative of 1he way of life in Christ and its liberating and empowering power not for a privilege-d elite only but for all. This may provide some explanation for the passionate- language and atmosphere one encounters lhroughout this letter. lt is not bec:ausc Paul is challenged personally and the fact tha€ this hurt him in a personal way but bcc~usc the kind of leadership obviouslr promoted by the 'supcrapostlcs'
stands in stark contrast to \Vhat life- in Christ is all about. The- dcfcnc.c and claim of apostleship found in the Corinthian corre-spondence has a personal dimension only in so far as chat to follow Christ is a commitme-nt 60. 61.
Horsier 100Cb: 84-5. B;~rtchy
1005: 57.
Power in \lleakness
11 5
to a v..-ay of life nor to an intellectual or religious confession in a modern post-Enlightenment sense. Thus if Paul, as wdl as all the other apostles and leaders of the- movement, did not embody the message they prodaime.d with their entirc lives> the message could not be trustworth)'. Only apostles who wcrc willing to ' take up the cross' and risk their own livc.s for the sakc o f life; ·who wc.rc willing to be rrp~ and Ta rruvck (2 Cor. 10.1); who were willing tO become aTt~OI (1 Cor. 4.10); accepted the risk of being beaten Up and humiliated in thc.i r male honour (2 Cor. 1'1.23-25);62 in the context of a society which was dominated by cultural values and social codes which advocated aggressive, competitive and dominating behaviour of men in an all-pcn•asive quest and defence of honour>could be trustwonhy mcsS<'ngers o f the gospel of the kingdom of God.u Thus Paul's explicit stress on what1 in the perception of the 'supuapostlc.s' disqualified him as an apostle, that is, his stress on the afAiction.s he had encountered, the 'catalogue of hardships', and even his ' boasting of be-atings' arc presented as dear 'embodic.d~ indications that he is a trustworthr apostle of Christ." In the contcxt in which Paul and these early Christ-followe.rs lived, the e.ndurance of suffering and acceptance of weakne.ss were ways to live in accordance with> and remain faithful to> the gospc:I.6.S And rhis is of prime significance for the Pauline perception of power and authority. Ncvcrthclc.ss, nowhc.re in the Pauline letters arc suffering and weaknc.ss perceived as essential to faith in Christ in an ontological sense. The cross o f Christ was a Roman c.coss, thus the actual historic-al context o f his suffering and death cannot be ignored. \X' hen Paul maintains that to remain true to faith in Christ implies the ac<:eptancc. of suffering and wc-.akness, this context of what for man)' was perceived as a life-threatening dominating power needs to be considered as wdl. To live under the conditions of sin> that is, in an unlx.arable situation whe.rc the imposition o f imperial power structures permeated all aspects of life so that no one could escape this influence, thus 'all arc under sin' (Rom. 3.9c)~ left members of an occupic.d province. like j udac-.a with few o ptions. One could collaborate with the imperial power and rhus collaborate with the power of sin, one could submit and be. driven into poverty or even slavery due to the heavy tax imposed on any agricultural production or one could rc.act viokntl)' in joining armed resistance groups. Arrangements with the imperial power of Rome wr.re extremely difficult for 62. Cf. Gloncy 2006: 24-29. 63. For mo~ on rhc soci:tliz:uion of boys in Grileco-Roman society s.ec Ram:hy 2005: 54-55. 64. As Glancr notes ·P:ml dOC's not present insignia of humiliation as c-mblrms of V',11or, bm nrithrr dOC's he t~cknowlt"dgl." thar those who flogged him haw mastered him. His ~sisumC<' to defi nition hr those who whipped him is an implicit criticism of thC' Corimhians, who havC', Paul alleges. bC<'n mastC'red by the superaposdcs' (2004: 131). On the humiliation of physi
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the Jews, thus these three. options were not realistic options for living, and
collaboration opened some restricted possibilities bur primarily for a small minorit)\ i.e. the upper class.u A Jewish mc.ssianic movement like the early Christ-movement which wimc.sscd to one crucified by Rome as resurrected by God} and thcrcby implicit!)' proclaimed that a kingdom othc.r than the kingdom of the Caesars was in the process of da\vning, was an implicit thrc-.at to Roman imperial order. To remain faithful to God who resurrected Christ crucified, there-by confirming his promisc.s of life and justice, rendered Christ·followus not prone to persecution but vulnerable to all sort.s o f trouble. Thus suffering and weakness were a consequence of life lived by faith in God through Christ, but not the essence nor the goal of this wa)' of life. Paul and the othe.r apostles perceive themscl\'c-S as being called to proclaim the gospcl of God through Christ - a gospel of the dawning of the kingdom of God, who is rhe God of hope and life.. Power and authority exercise-d in communities of chis movement were pcrc.civcd by Paul and othe-rs as rc.qu iring to be 1ivcd and excrcisc.d acc.ording to the c.o rc \•alucs of this kingdom.
66. See B..·lltrusch's thorough an3lysis of Jewish-Rom3n rdation.s, VI (2003: 125-47).
~pcci .ll ly
cbapu:r
Chapter 7 POWER IN (NTERACrJON - P AUL ,\ND H IE D ISCOURSE O f E DUCATION
In various situations when Paul insists on his a uthorit}' as a guide \vithin his
communities he docs so in rcfuring to father (or mother} imagc.s. The father image has lx-cn taken as an indication that inherent co the a postles d ain1 is his tcndcnq• to establish control and domination ovc.r his con\'crts in analogy to the role of the paterfamilias in Roman society.' Along with this perception goes an understanding of the role of the fa ther in Roman patriar,hal society
in which his power not only extends to the entire household (doutus} or clan, but is a lifelong power in that members of the extended family were subjc.ct to the authority (potestas) of rhc pater during his entire lifetime. Even adult freeborn children could not an in their own right since the power of their father over them did not erase with them becoming adults.1 They were like sla\'es on the estate of the pater {ami/ias until he died. He retained absolute power (patria potestas) over property and family members) which included strict authority and sexual domination - and he even held the power of life and death over newborn childre.n. Although it has been argued that this aspect of the power of the pater fami/ias should not be overemphasized. it c.annot be ignored that this power was certainly exercised in Roman sodety in relation to the acceptance of a newborn child into the family. Jf the father did not litc.rally embrace the newborn he/she was doomed to die or be raised in slavery.' Although Plutarch admonishe.s fathers not to be harsh (De Lib. 13/E). and the pat.er familias has dutie.s and responsibil ities over against the extended household (donttts}, the patria potestas is a form of ultimate
See Whit<' 2003: 457- 87. A son's shan: of the- inherit:mce W!lS man:1ged by th< fath
1.
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dominating powc.r."' If Paul actually did claim authority in the vein of the Roman pater familias or alluded to it metaphorically~ this would mc-.an that he did indeed raise a strong claim to dominating power and authority. This would entail the claim of a permanent superior position over his communities, combined with a claim of total control and the rcquircmcm of absolute obedience to him ..s Although the existence of hierarchic-al d imensions in chc relationship bctv.•ccn PauJ and his communitie-s c.annot be disputed, it is significant to note thm he rarclr addresses them as his children, but mostl)' as his brothers (which included sisters).' When addressing them as children it is in c.ontcxts whc.rc he is in disagreement with their lx-haviour or when he emphasizes their relationship with the God o f Israel through which they arc now His children, c.hildrcn of the promise, or children of Abraham. And his rc.fcrcnccs to himself as father (or mother) arc rather rare as well. So it seems that he himself did not perceive this term as being of major signifkancc when claiming authority in his communitics 7 (emphasis on his apostle.ship is of much more importance to him in this respect). This is interesting to note at the. outset since: one might c:.xpcct that if Paul wanted to claim power ovc.r his communities he would do sob}' referring to the strongc:.s t possible role models or images available to him in his context. In a society influenced to a significant extent by a power role ascribed to the pater this would come as no little surprise. The fact that he doc.s not frequently usc this terminology indicates, in my view, that something different from a claim of power in the vein o f the paterfamilias is going on in Paul's usc of fathcr/mother imagery. The thesis l propose here is that it is more probable that the fathe r/mother discourse. of Jewish tradition is resonating with his reference to himself as father or mother rather than the role and stams of the pater familias of Roman society. But chis discourse is a twofold one in the Second Temple 4. Note- ' hat rarlicst rrfrren«s to the- t<'rm 'familia' indi<:ate that this did not refe-r co 'f,1mily' in the modcrn se-nse: but rathrr to posSC'ssion.s- which most likdy included slaws, the Latin word for a sl:tn: bc:ing (:mmlus. Cf. White 1003: 478. This is not to deny that .sourc<'s also witn<'SS to the loving and caring bond betw('l('n parents and children in Roman society. Cf. :1lso Rawson 1003. 5. Cf r.g. Joubert who cont<'nds th;lt 'His :'IUthoriry ;lS €heir p..1ter familias was beyond dispute ... 0C".uly he was of the opinion that the d f<'cti\'<' manag<'m<'m of the Corinthian houS
Power in Int-eraction- Paul aiUI tiJe Discourse of Education
11 9
period} and carlie.r, in that it not onl}' refers to the familial bonds between parents and children but also to the. discourse of learning and te-aching in jewish tradition and society. The father/mothe-r te-rminology of Paul is only one among a number of pointers towards such a discourse, and there arc still othe.r aspects which direct our atcention to indications for an educational relationship between apostles and communities in the Pauline letters.
7.1 The Ethos of Education in jewish Tradition Philo11 and josephus both emphasize- the signifkance and quality of education in Jewish tradition several time.s, josephus even claiming that all Jewish boys get schooling from the: age of five.~ \Xfhethcr both first-ccntm y writers' accounts arc enti rdy historically accurate is a matter of de-bate. Possibly they sc.rvc rather apologetic fu nctions ove.r against their Grae.co-Roman e.nvironment, and testify to an emergent ideal rather than existing unh·ersal practice. But the fact that they both praise jewish cduc.ation as a significant part of their tradition demonstrates that it was perceive-d as something which was important to the Jewish tradition of the.ir time and that some son of e.ducation, whether oral or literal, wa.s widespread among their contemporarie.s. 10 Synagogues of the Sec.o nd Temple p<"riod, emerging both in Judaea and the Diaspora, most likely contributed to and were sites of a broadening education. This pi'Ocess had its roots in a long tradition of learning and teaching in Judaism. Jt was no[ confined ro, or e.vcr identified with~ the. literacy level of the pcop1c. David M.Carr has re.ccntly convincingly argued that literacy was not the key clement in education in antique cultures, but that educ.ation rather was a process characterized by oral memorization which was supported to a wider or lesser extent by written texts. 11 Thus the literacy level cannot be taken as the sole indicator of whether people had some education) or even of the lncl of their education.•z Thus the question whether people could read or write is not of primary significance when assessing the importance of education in ancie.nt Israelite and early Jewish society.
8. 'Since the Jews consider their I:Jws to lx di,·ine re\·dation and are instructed in thC'm from thC'ir e:1rliC'st youth, th
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7.2 Aspects of t.IJe TeadJing and Learuiug Discourse in the Scriptures
There is wide- scholarly consensus that wisdom literature such as Provubs. job and Ecclesiastes witnesses to some sort of a curriculum of early Israelite
education since it corresponds to similar material in Sumerian and Egyptian collections which obviously served educational purposes. These collc.a ions dearly indicate the primarily oral chan1crcr of the learning and teaching procc.ss since it is emphasized that the student is admonished to •Incline your car and hc.ar my words, and set your heart/mind on Ill)' knowledge; for it will be pleasant if you keep them with your belly, if all arc established o n your lips' (Prov. 22.17-18). » This kind of teaching most likdy did not encompass
a broade-r population but rather was confine-d to an d ire in pre-Hellenistic lsradite socic:ty.U Although somehow associated with the court or temple, the setting of such learning and tt'.aching more likely was the fa mil)' or a familyrelated group. an apprentice-ship-like setting rather than a school~ a kind of -small-group scning and cxperienc<' of sons being taught by their fathe.rs and mothers. Thus father/mother and teacher most probably were one and the same person and only occasionally would children be sent spc::dficatly to another family for learning purposes. The refert'.nc.cs to father/mother in the proverbs thus refer primarily to thc.ir roles as reachers rather than indicating merely family rdarions. u Although the father is most prominently mentioned in this role, it is quite remarkable that cenain key sayings refer to both father and mothe.r; thus Prov. J .S admonishes: 'Hear, my son, )'OUr father's instruction and do not reject your mother's te-aching', and again 6.20: ' My son, keep )'Our father's commandment and do not forsake not )'Our mother's teaching'. The admonition to learn wisdom is frequenrlr accompanied by the emphasis that: ' A wise son makt'.s a glad father, but a foolish son is a sorrow to his mother' (Prov.10.1); or 'Let )'Our father and mother be glad; let her who bore you rejoice' (Prov. 23.25); or a warning such as ' the eye that mocks a father and scorns to obey a mother \viii be pecked out br the ravens of the valley and eaten by the vultures' (Prov. 30.17). This indicates that the
concern for learning and teaching was a maner which was associatt'd with both parents. 16 The significance of the female voice and character concerning education in the book of Proverbs is highlighted by the fact that the book
i.s actually framed br the: ' tc.aching of the mother' in that the opening of the teaching section rde.rs to the 'teaching of the mother' (1.8} and the concluding section is in praise of the woman who could well be: seen as the embodiment of the teaching. that is wisdom herself (Prov. 3 1.1 0-31). The 13. Following Carr 2005: 126-27. 14. h is unclear wh<'n !lnd how wickspr<'ad s-uch f<'Xt·suppon<'d <"doc::ttion bcg:m but CArr maintains fhat 'Gi\'en parallds in ofhrr eultures it is likdy fhat such
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praise is preceded by the mother te.aching her son, the king {Pcov. 3'1.1}." It has been noticed that such mat<".m al instruction is unique in the Scriptures and throughout the Ancient Ncar East, and this is dear ('.videnc.e of a strong tradition within the Scripture.s of a tc-.aching and learning discourse with both father and mother involved in rhc teaching o f thdr children whereby they passed on their skills - in the c.asc of writing and reading, thc.ir literacy, to their sons and daughters. 111 T he e.mphasis on educating the d itc youth in pre-Hcllcnistic lsrad seems ro have bc.come. a ta rget o f some criticism by prophets. Although traces of a possible traditional ' wisdom' education can be found, for example, in (sa . 28.9·13, other passages, such as lsa. 5.2 1-24 and 29.14 indicate a rather critical atcitudc towards traditional wisdom as t.aught in circles around the court a nd temple. 19 But this criticism dCX".s not le.a d to a renunciation of education as such but rathe.r it sc.ems to have initiated an a lttmativc form o f education. Other passages in Isaiah suggest that the prophet tried to pass on his 'teaching• to students so it may not be lost for future gene.rations, thus o ffering an a lternative to the teaching of the dire which the prophet JX'·rcch·c-d to be: distorted. T he directions given in lsa . 8.16 ("\\/'rap up the instruction, seal the reaching among my srudcnts'20 i1i1n 01nn ii11i.lr, 11:::: ·.,o?J) instructs hearers to keep the prophetic message using dc.ar teaching and learning terminology. Although 'wrap up• a nd 'sc.al' could refer to the proce.ss o f ' keeping in your hea rt•, that is, an oral learning proce.ss, it could also be an early indic.ation of a process of written transmission o f the prophetic message.21 The cwo~ 1he oral and written dimension need not be mutually exclusive. as often the. oral learning process was supported by some written texts - certainly at a later period. T he fact that the words of the prophet were transmitted to latc.r generations is proof that a written trans mission eventually did emerge. Je.rcmiah 36 is one of the key texts which in narrative fo rm rders to aspects of the oral-written character of learning, tc.aching and transmitting of tradition - in Jerc.miah~s c.asc again it is .a teaching critic.a l of the established elite. It is interesting to note that Jeremiah 36 envisions a world 'where figures like prophets could hold entire texts in their minds and hea rts which they thc.n orally communicated to other Jsradite.s~.22 17. Emphasis is added by t he fact fhat the .:onrem o f t~chi ng, wisdom, is undoubtedly de-picted :IS :1 fcmaJr ch~r.-.w.•_r (Pro". 8.22-3 1). 1 am indrbfcd here to Christine Yodcr who brought this mong fc.mak dimt'nsion in Pro\'rrbs to my tlttt'mion. Cf. her forthcoming comm.:nr-..uy. 18. Carr 2005: 1 3~3 1. It is dms possib!C" th:1t thc commandment to honour f:~1 hcr .md mother rcflcn s on the role of both parents in th< t~ chi ng of l heir childrt"n/studt"nts, as Crenshaw maintains (1998: 189'1. I am not awarc of litt'r:u y C\·idcncc of tht' re:~ch ing of daughtcrs bm l ht' te:Jching rolr of mothcrs nccesSlrily rcquircd fhat some daughters wrre t:Jught in rhc samr vcin as sons. 19. Cf. Carr 2005: 143 :1nd :1lso Fishbane 1985: 33. 20. Tmnslarion Carr 2005: 143. 2 1. Scr.-.lso By-rsl:og 1994:39-42. 22. Carr 1005: 149, set there more rxamplcs of the prophetic fr-.msmission process
{143-51).
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A narrative which indic.atcs that the relationship between a prophet and his followers could well havt" bc.cn a kind of tc.achcr-studcnt relationship, is the Elijah-Elisha tradition.ZJ When Elijah is taken up in a chariot of fire and ·ascended in a whirlwind into heaven, Elisha kept watching and crying out, "'My Father, my father! The chariots of Jsrad and its horsemen! " (2 Kgs 2.1 2). Byrskog draws attention to this and interprets it as an indic.ation of its being linked to the identification o f father and teacher in the Ancient Ncar East. The significance of Elisha calling Elijah 'my father' is supported b)' the fact that Josephus depicts Elisha as the disciple (~a6~n\c;J of Eljiah.•• This perception of the rdarionship o f Elijah and Elisha is further emphasized in later rabbinic tradition, as it is regarded as a paradigmatic teacher-student rclationship.v Tc.aching and lc.arning arc not only signific.ant themes in rdation to texts o f Scripture which arc associated with the elites o f Israelite society~ or a critique of these. Educ.arion eme.rgcs as a key clement in the sclf·understanding of the people Israel and he.r relationship to God parricular1)' since rhe post·exilic period. A key passage, Deut. 6.4-25, wimesscs to the central theme of Deuteronomy and the Deuteronomic reconstruction o f Israel's history - the passing on o f the tradition to further generations through encu1wrating the children into this tradition. The people of Israel arc first called to respond to God's c.all in loving God with all their ' heart' and to keep his commandmenc.s in their 'hc.arts'; moreover, they should be ope.n to their childre.n's questions concerning these words because in answering the.m they become socialized into this very same tradition. This emphasis on teaching and learning emerges over and ovc.r again throughout the whole of the book o f Deuteronomy (e.g. Dcut. 1 1.18-2 L), with a particular focus on the teachings and commandmc.nts of Deuteronomr itself. Thus Deut. 5. 1 c.alls on 'all Israel' to hear, to learn and to observe these. Again the emphasis on 'hearing' and 'doing, observing' can be found -an indication that the learning envisaged is an oral process and, what is even more significant for our study, Deuteronomy in distinction from wisdom literature, clc.arlr pre-sents the vision of an c:nculturation/education of all (male) lsraditcs through this constant le.arning/leaching procc-ss.1' This tc-.aching and learning process is envisaged as a process of c.onstant recitation: 'Teach rhem ro your children, reciting them when you arc at home and when rou are awa)'> when you lie down and when you rise' (Deut. Ll.1 9 NRSV adaptc:d).2" Since children and adults in these kind o f societies shared almost all aspects of c.veryday life, the constant recitation meant that children were encuJturated through hearing wherc-.as adult.s kept these words in their he.arts
xc
23. Byr>kog 1994:36-38. 14. i\111. 8.354 and Ant. 9.28. 2; . B. Bn 7b, b. .1.7111>. 6Sa, Mck. on 12.1 . 13.19. Sec Byrskog 1994:38. On the signillC'.mce of fathcr and mcKhcr in rdation to education in Jewish tradition see also P:muson 2005: 10-23. 26. Cf. Carr 1005: 134-43. Thc tt'>.1 also cont'.ains rdcrcnccs to this .:haracterisric in the Oeutcronomic hismrical l't'Conmu, tion.
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through f<'.pc-.ating the.m. In he.aring and reciting the- words heard~ and in observing the guidance for life the. people arc being taught 'the W3)' of the Lord~~ that is~ how to live their lives in relation to the one- God who has calle-d them. Israel is called to 'hear' and to 'le-arn• and to 'obey' the statutes and commandments of the Lord (Dc:ut. 5.1). Thus cduc.ation acmally was <'ncultu ration into the way of the Lord, that is, into a life that was shaped by this particular relationship. In that sense it was actually an identiry-fomling proc<'.SS. It involv('.d oral and literal transmission of traditions, and one major purpose of writing down these-. traditions was to pr<'.se.rvc them as a me.ans to support this education proccss.111 Carr maint.tins that this educ-ational context was the primary focus of the lituary transmission of traditions in the Ancient Ncar Ease, including Israel~ where texts were transmitted as ' biblical' t<'Xts 'when they were. US<'d to educate and c:ncuJturatc young Israelite elites, a usage rdativdy consistent with lata Jewish educational usc o f the Bible. From the earliest period of their usc as Scripture such (proto) biblical texts served as authoritati\'e rdercnc.c texts fo r US<' in education ... t!9 7.3 Traces of tbe Teaching aud Leamittg Discourse in Second Temple
judaism Whatever the exact process of their ('.mergence, it is evident that by the time of the. Sec.ond Temple, written traditions, that is, the Torah and the prophets playe.d a significant role in Jewish life in Palestine as well as throughout the Diaspora. This set of Scriptures served as che focus of a Jewish educ.ation<'nculwration system which aimed at educating more than an elite, in facf the e.nrire (ma1e) population. As Carr~ in mr view com•incingl)'> demonstrates, it was a 'system' \vhich is developed parallel to, and informed by, but mainly in resistance ovc:r against, the dominating Hellenistic influence: of the p<'riod:111 Indication of this proce-ss can be found in imc.r-tc.stamental literature as 27. Cf. OaussC'n 2003: 149. 18. Carr l OOH60. 29. Carr 1005:1 11. Carr de\·dops an intrtc'sting and in m'llny aspens con\·in.:ing mock! for r
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well as in rdcrcnccs to synagoguc.s in literature and inscriptions. Although some: of the intcN cstamcntal literature most like!)' still reflects a situation of education on a limited scale - closely related to the temple and priests) it is significant to note. that the language used refers to the tc.achc:r-studcnt relationship similar to that found in the Scripmrcs. Thus 1 En. 81 presupposes a narrative world in which a father teaches his children in a combination of oral and wrinc.n instruction. A similar scning is prcsupposcd in chc Epistle of Enoch (1 En. 92. l )~ and a narrative of a fatherly teaching scning concludes cltc book of Enoch (I En. 108)." Other c.xamplcs o f fathers passing on their te-aching to their childrcnlstudcnt.s can be found in the pscudepigraphic genre of Testamems, whc.rc the final reaching of an Israelite patriarch is pre-sented, as e.g. in the Testament of the TweJ!,e Patriarchs, Abraham or Moses. The Testament of Levi include-s the following teaching ' Listen to the word of Lc.\•i, your father, and pay heed to the instruction of God~s frie nd. I am instructing )'Oll, Ill)' children, and 1 rc.veal truth co you, Ill)' beloved ones .. : (T. Levi 83- 90).32 A similar emphasis on the passing on o f tradition by teacherfathers to their student-sons can be fo und in the book of jubilees. \'(lhcre.as this lituaniCc docs not reflect actual trad itions whkh c.an be traced to these ancient patriarchal figures, they do provide us with some insight into their rcspc.ctive. conrex'tS and what was considered a narrative world which was plausible for the contemporarie-s of the-se writings. Of primary significance for o ur purpose is the consistent depiction of an educational sin1ation whe.re a father-teacher instructs and transmits traditions ro his student-children. Thus the perception of the father as reacher and of the teacher as father emergcs as a commonplace of ancient lsraditc society reflected in the Hebrew Scriptures as well as in later lituaturc of the Sc.cond Temple pcriod.-u This, alongside dear indications of the high \'alue and significance which is attribute-d to education throughout the Jewish lite.raturc o f these periods, demonstrates that a specific jewish discourse and tradition of c,d ucation bq•ond a small ditc was wc11 established as common practice at Paul's time. These literary indications arc supported by references to the growing significance of synagogues in Palc.stine as well a.s elsewhere in the Roman Empire. Jews were known to assemble, whether in spC
Sc:b, ms 1998: 92- 98. C:ur 1005: 105.
Another interesting e>.:umplc in this context is the prominc:ncc of the: 'Righteous found in dK Qumran literature. I c~nnot e-laborate on this here but S« Nrwsom 1990: .373-81. Also C.-.rr 2005: 115-39. 34. Cl:tussc-n proposl"S to pc:rceive most DiJspor-.a synagogues as being m«ting places in private: housc:s in the: context of large families l1003: 1611. 35. Sc:e the rdcrc:nce to a deer« j05Cphus attributes to Augustus whi-ch states th~t 'jc:ws should be allowed 10 sc:nd i1 Ithe sacred monc)·i (O J«usaiC'm , and the' properry of tm}"one who stole their sacred books or thC'i r sa-cred monc:y from thC' sabbathrion or from ~ n .-ark should bC' forfcited br Rome" (cited in Sanders 1999: 6). T~chet•
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authorities. !.'1 Jt is well documcmed that the synagogues were site-s of \'leekly Sabbath gatherings and a major focus of these gatherings was the public reading and study not of Greek texts bm of the Hebrew Torah:" Almost all Second Temple sourcC'.s which mention synagogues refer to the public reading of the Torah as a central activity, whatever othc.r functions the synagogue-s scrvC'd. A. Runcsson indicates that this public reading may have had its origins in the PC'rsian period under Ezra and Nchcmiah·n and Claussen maintains that the educational tasks which originally wuc taken care of within the: family wc.rc partia11r taken over by synagogue conununitic.s.» Since synagogues prior to the destruction of the Scc.ond Temple wc.rc not part of a CC'ntralizc.d organization but were. local affairs which were organized by a local community and were the meeting place: of this entire communirr~ and thus not controlled by a particular group, it should come: as no surprise that thc.rc arc rdc.rc-nces to diffc.rcnt forms and functions which synagogues may have sen·cd.J' But the rdercnces to public Torah reading and studying arc so widespread and consistent that there c.an be hard!)' any doubt that this was the central focus throughout. This was a unique practice in the c.ontext of the ancient world which has no parallels in the pagan environment.411 It is an indic.ation that a significant part of these communitic.s must have got some education through these rc-3dings and studies of Torah~ if we lake into account, as mentioned above, that e.ducation should not be equated with literacy. As Lc.vine notes ' ... the Torah reading (and the reading from the Prophets) served as a springboard for further instruction and editkation.' Philo's claim that every seventh day cltousands of philosophical schools opened their doors and jews would lc.a m and study the.ir sac.rc.d texts there almost all dar~ arc most likely exaggerated even for (he Alexandrian situariont and most c-ertainly for other places, yet it can hardly be ignored that in many places •... Sabbath morning worship developed into a serious learning scssion: ·u New Testament passages arc no doubt wimcss to this practice as well. A significant part of the Jewish population then can be perceived as having htld some. knowledge of their o·wn identity-shaping tradition. To learn and tc.ach the words of God to their c.hildrcn is not a mere addition to 'the way of the· Lord' but a core. focus} as e.mphasi1.c:d in Deuteronomy in particular, as for example: ' He said to them: Sc:t your hearts on all the words which I testify among you today~ which you shall command )'OUr children to be careful to observe -all the words of this law. For it is not a futile. thing for you, bcc.ausc: it is your life, and by this word )'OU shall prolong your dars in the. land which you cross over the- Jordan to possc.ss' (Dcut. 32.46-47 NKJ). Thus the discourse of education is of primary signific.ancc in Jewish tradition and parents/teachers play a key role in the transmission of the lradition co chc next generation. 36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41.
Carr 1005: 245. Run('S.S()n 1003: 67. Claussen 2003: 150. SeeS..1ndus 1999: 12. l.rvine 2005: 151. l.rvin< 2005: 155-57.
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Although we must be careful not to confuse ancient educational \'lith contemporary educational idc.als, one clement c.an confidently be identified as being .shared by both. Although a tcachcr-swdcnt relationship is aS)'IlllllCtric.a l and of a hic.rarchical structure whcthc.r in ancic.nt or contemporary contexts, inherent in such a relationship is irs temporal limitation. The aim of the educational relationship is ro render itself obsolete, that is> to pass on the content of the tc.ac.hing in such a way that upon successful c.omplction the role of the teacher is to rc.ndcr him/herself superfluous. Thus 1 although the tc.aching methods as mentioned in the Scripturcs42 wc.rc. certainly \'cry different from contemporary ideals and educational insights, the structure and purpose of the educational relationship is neverthcle.ss transformativc rather than static. Moreover, in c.ontrast to the role and power of the pater (amilias, parents did not have the right over life and death o f their children irrcspc.ctive of their behaviour as Deut. 2l.l 8 21 indicates. The educational disc.ourse in Second Temple Judaism and the respective role of the father/mother/teacher in this tradition thus differs signific.anrlr from the role of the pater {amilias of Roman society. Despite noticeable Hellenistic influe.nce in the shaping of the Jewish educational agenda, it can be asserted that the focus of this agenda was to provide an alternath'e co Hellenistic educ.a tion/cncuhurarion. To propose that the role o f father/teacher must have been identical across these. cultural dive-rgences thus seems rather strange. lf the father/teacher is attributed a key role in the transmission of an alt<'rnative e-ducational age-nda then sure-ly the. role and image. of this proponent of this tradition must be clearly distinguishable from the ide~ Is o f fathe rs and leaders of the culture which it opposed. In the following analysis of relevant passages of the Pauline lette.rs it is presupposed that Paul is a member of the adherents and promoters of this alternative, the Jewish educ.ation/enculn1ration process. 1will investigate whether and to what extent traces o f an educational discourse can be found in the Pauline letters and what implications this has fo r a perception of the power dynamics between Paul and his communities. 4
7.4 Paul - a Fatherh'-lfother of IJis Communities As noted abo\'e) the parent-children terminology, and the father terminology in particular~ arc. rarely US<'d for dc.scribing the re-lationship between the apostle and his communitic.s..U Whereas when he is mentioning God, he frequcntl)' refers to Him as rranip n~C:.v (Rom. 1.7; l Cor. 1.3; 2 Cor. 1.2 etc.), and sometimc.s to chc communities as TiKvcx 6EoU (Rom. 8. 16; 9.3; 2 42. SeC' e.g. Pro\•.19.15 also Sir. 30.1-2. 43. Conrra Burke' who claims th!lt ""Father"" is P:.1ul's prC'fC"rrcd sdf~dC'signarion .. : (2003b: 108). Rather, ~s note-d above, sibling language- is prdcrrC'd br Paul when speaking dil'<'ctly to his rommunitiC"s, indicating th:u :~lthough in :111 asymmecric:OI rdarionship with them, he se<s himself rnthcr :ts OllC' within a group of sibling:;, as :\asgaard dearly dcrnonsrntC'S (1004: 185-303).
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Cor. 6.1 8) or utot 6oou (Rom. 8.14; Gal. 3.26; 4.6), rhcrc arc acntally o nly
two passages where Paul refers to an fKKAllola as ). He mentions chat he. exhorted them like a fathc.r exhons his children in I Thcss. 2.11 and was like a nurse to them in 1 Thcss. 2. 7. Bur c.ven there it
is obvious that Paul uses this terminology mctaphoric.ally:14 Other passages where Paul uses parent-child ren vocabulary arc. clearly metaphorical; thus in 2 Cor. 6.13 he writes <J speak to you as to children~ (c.lt; TfKvotc; Afyc.J ) and in 2 Cor. 12.14 he speaks in more gcnc.ral terms about his decision not to burden the Corinthians using parenral vocabulary. -IS The metaphorical nature of the terminology is obvious here - thus Paul docs not identify himself as being their father but is quite d ear that his relationship to the communities, here to the Corinthians, can be described in parental terms, which docs not in1ply that he perceives himself to be literally their 'fathc.r'. The distinction between essence and image is clearly maintained b)' Paul when applying it in relation to his communitic:s:' 4 He is speaking more directlr when talking abour his relationship to a particular mc.mbcr of the movement, as, for example, in 1 Cor. 4.1 7 and Philm . 10, where he directly refers to Timothy a nd Oncsimus
respc
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might trigger, particularly assoc.iations which were informed b)' the image of the paterfamilias of Roman socict}'· Another indication of Paul~s caution, and consistency with Jc.wish tradition 1 in relation to the usc of the father metaphor is the fact that in passages where he docs actually use it, maternal images arc found in close proximity.Jo T hus l Cor. 4.15 rc.sonates with Paul's earlier statement that he could not
ralk to them W<; TTVfU~O:TIKOic; axx u.)<; ocq:n>::.l VOIC,: Jc; VllTT !0ic; iv Xp10T~. r O:Aa Up&c; irrCmoa oU f3pc:)pa: otnr(.) yixp EOUvao6c ('as spiritual people but rather as people of the flesh, as infants in Christ. I fed you with milk, not solid food, ior you were not rc.a dy for solid food' [l Cor. 3.1b·2J N RSV). The 'mother/nurturing' image here even precedes the fathe.r image. It could be argued that the parental images here frame the arguments put forward in c.hapters 3 and 4. Whether this is so or not} it is interesting to note that Paul dOC'.s not hesitate to usc maternal and paternal Janguage alongside e.ach other.s• In a socie.ry primaril)' structured ac.cording to the dominating power of the father/pater, maternal and nurturing image.f)' dOC'.s not provide the strongest support for establishing dominating power m•cr rebellious 'children'! Thus rather than being indications fo r dominating power or even force which Paul \\o'ishe.s to exercise over his communitie.s~ the fathe r and mother images with which Paul refers to his rdationship with his communities might rather resonate with an educational discourse in his letters. 1
7.5 Parental Images in 1 Corinthiaus Recent interpreters have note.d Paul~s usc of father language in l Cor. 4.14· 21, and perceive it either as an indication that through it, Paul appe.als either to his dose, loving and intimate relationship, and emphasizes his care for the Corinthians/ 2 or to his authority, as the pater f'amilia s of the fKKAT)olo:. s:1 Some interpreters also mention the educational dimension of the father image, but according to my knowledge} this is not considered significant for the interpretation of this passage or generally of the image of Paul and his theologizing. This is surprising gi1o·cn the high significance of lc.arning and te.aching in Jewish tradition. The fact that in 4.1 4 Paul seems almost to feel a need to apologize or at least to clarify his dear tone in the previous passage has been interpreted as an indication that he wants to emphasize the in·group dimension of his letter
50. See ~ bon: for the involvement of bOC"h parents in educating t heir children as cmphasi1.ed in jewish trodition. 51. G:wcnta has drawn anmrion to 1he f:~ ct t hat m-:1tern:~l language occurs more frequently in thr Pauline lr ners t han paterna1tr rminology; 1996. 52. Thisdton 2000: 369. 53. Cf. Joubert 1995: 1 13-19. S« also White who d<scribts P:~uJ as a spirirual pater familias or more :1ppropriardr :~ccording to his flna1ysis :~s :1 broker for God. the hcavrnlr panon in his role :1s P.,11f!r familias. (1003: 4 70).
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over against the ·outside' world (K0o1Joc;)H as co 'shame' them would rather distance them from him and his advice and tcaching.s.s 1 cannot elaborate on this aspect here, but the usc of the term voue~rWv indic.a te.s that what Paul has written so far in the letter is part of a discourse. \vhich aims at the growth and maturity of the iKKAT}Oia ;'6 The emphasis on the procre.ation/bcgctting dimension of fatherhood he.rc has been taken as a reason for limiting the met aphor to the foundational activit)' of Paul in Corinth.J7 The context of this metaphor certainly encourages such a re.ading as the images of ' he.ad gardener' and ·maste.r builder' and ' layer of foundation' direct the hearer/ reader's attention towards Paul's initial foundational activity in Corinth. Although there arc later rabbinic traditions which compare someone to a father who converts a gem·ile to the ways of the: Torah/' I think it is more significant that the immediate as wd l as the widc.r context of the 'father' metaphor resonates as much with a te-aching and learning discourse as with a foundational discourse. In 4.1 6 Paul encourages (napa KaAW) them to imitate him and goes on to elaborate. about the purpose of Timothy~s visit: he shall remind them of the ways of Christ as he teaches them in all the iKKAnoia• (&; VJ.Hi~ O:vcxiJVJjou nX~ OooUc; IJOU r clt;: ev XploT4 .,.,ooU Ka6c.lc; navraxoU ndoo fi
ev
54. Cf. I Cor .1.1 1; 2. 11; 4.9. 13- as rdcren<:es to~ different \'alue systC"m oppost'd to thr \'alue srstrm of those in Christ. 55. On this seC" Gcrbr r 1005:273. 56. Srr 1 Cor. 1.6; 14.10 57. Gerbe-r 2005:170. 58. b. SmliJ 19b; 99b; GmR 84153bJ. Cf. olso llonh 2000:327- 31. 59. Cf. e.g. Exod. 12.14; 13.3; 17.4; 20.4; 31. 11: Drur. 5.5: 7.18; 8.2. 18; 31.7 :md numerous other pam~ges in fhe Old Testament. The LXX rr.1nslotrs fht' Hrbrew rm root conistmdy with terms 'ontaining the root 1.wn. On the' significance of !nl in Je,vish tr'Jdilion ~ Yerush;1lmi 1981.
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cVU)' i.KKX£)ola. This is straightforward teaching language. And since from what he has heard about the.m from the pcopk o f Chloe makes him think that they have not really understood his teachings, or have alre-ady forgotten significant aspects of it, he perceives it necessary to send them a ' reminder' not just b)' sending them a letter (as with Romans, cf. Rom. 15.1 5). To 6nd the father imager}' in such close relation and proximity to this teaching language could be mere coincidence. But it should be taken into account that at the beginning of this passage in chapter 3 Paul uses the maternal image o f feeding a small child with milk, a stage the Corinthians .should ha\'C grown out of b)' now as Paul had expected them to be abk to diges< solid food- that is to understand the 'ways of the Lord' as mature adults.60 This is a funhcr indication that the background of Paul's writing here is a jewish educational sening. Philo among others has used the same image-s o f mild and solid food as pracrioes of tc-.aching which should guide the smdent to maturity.'• The allusion to a mother's activity in d1e upbringing of a child here is thus an educational metaphor usc.d by Paul to contrast his e-xpectations of the Corinthians with what he percei\•e.s as a failure of growth in Christ on their pan. I therefore do not sec that Paul uses matc-.rnal imagery to appeal more to the long·tcrm dimc.nsion of his relationship with the: Corinthians or to a more intimate, gentle and feminine dimension of the relationship with them.'2 The maternal image serves the same- educational pmpose as the paternal image, and should not be read as a reference to a more emotional or intimate dimension of the relationship than the reference to the father. We. should be careful not to read into these images idealized and ovcr-<motional izcd family image-s of ninetecnth<entury bourgeois societies o f Western Europe. Keeping scriptural images of fathers and mothers and their roles in mind, it is worth noting that rhe mother is depicted as part of the. educational proce-ss - not merely of primary education but as ' instructing' and 'teaching' her children, very similar to the task of fathers.OJ And in the same vein mother-s arc to be respected and honoured. Thus the maternal image here is rather part of the educational discourse which can be found throughout chapters 3 and 4. Thisc1ton) moreove-r, note-s that Paul in chapter 2 spc-.aks of TiAetO<; in the sense of a mature, grown-up, adult (2.6)) which is a further indic.a tion that the parental images which follow in chapters 3 and 4 should not be read as isolated metaphors but in their imme.diatc as well as wider context w·ithin the letter. It emerges thc.n that these not very fre.quent parental images can be seen as pan of a discourse which can be found throughout the lener to the Corinthians - a tc-.aching and le.arning discourse. - indications of which c.an also be found in terms other than just d1e. fathe.r/mothcr metaphors.
60.
SeC' ~ lso Moses· complaint in Num . 11.10-15.
61. 62.
Omn. Prob. J.ib. 160, Congr. 15-19. So Gavmra 1996: 89. Exod. 20: 12; Sir 3.1-16. S«-~lso 7.2 and 7.3 above.
63.
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In the context of wisdom language in chapters 1 and 2, which in itSC'.If is an indication for an educ-ational situation,M some specific terms impl)'ing a te-aching/learning discourse c-an be noted. ln the- scriptural rcfcrencc of 2.9 God is referred to in rhe vein of a reacher, and in 2.11-13 Paul mc.n tions knowledge- and understanding as nec.cssary dime-nsions of faith whereas the Spirit serve.s in a teaching role (w 8t6axrot~ Tr\IEVP<XT~ (2.13J). In 2.16 he confirms that no one can teach (oup~t!'laOEt) God. His and Apollos' way
of dealing with diffe-rences serves as an example- by which the-y shall le-arn (pc:i6T)TE, 4.6). Thc.re arc: a numbe-r of othc.r passage.s in I Corinthians where an educ.ational discourse can be disc.crncd. The frcquem question 'do )'OU not know?• (oUK Oilian e.g. 1 Cor. 6.2; 6.3; 6.9; 6.1 5; 6.16; 6.1 9) or the asse-rtion 'I do not want you to be unaware' NRSV (ou 6iAc.> yap \,pi(~ O.yvoi'tv [1 Cor. 1(). L)) 'later followed b)' the note mat the example from Scripture referred to 'had been written down for our instruction' (iypci~11 lif np6t; vou6Eolav iu.1c:)v
[ 10.11 b)}, arc: further indications that to lc.arn about certain chings, that is to be- e.ncu1turated into the scripturally and Christ-shap<'.d symbolic unive-rse and war of life is vital for being part of (he Christ-movcme.nt.6 ·~ Thcrc arc passages in othe-r letters \vhich rn~l an inherent educational agenda on Paul's part) including the primary significance and role- of the Scripmrcs of lsrad in this - fo r example) Rom. 15.4 ' For whatever was written in former days was written fo r our instruction. chat by steadfastne-ss
and by cncoura~emem of the scriptures we mi~ht ha"e ho~· (ooa yap npoEypci
dealt with in detail here as an analy.sis of the particular role- of the. Scrip(Urcs in the educational discourse of the e-arly Christ-movemem is be.)'Ond the scope of Ill)' study. I will now turn to the othc-.r lener whe.rc. parc.nt
65.
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obviously the. authors usc a maternal image to refer to their earliest activity in Thessaloniki. Jn a similar way to L Cor. 3.1-2, the image refers to the feeding of small child ren with milk at an early stage in their life as distinct from 'solid food' - although this distinction is not made here~ as the authors usc the-image only to rcfc.r positively to the building up of thc.ir relationship with the Christ-group at Thcssaloniki. In conjunction with this) the term Vr)· mo1, which is clc.arly related to Paul and the other apostles, has given rise to puzzlement as well." But Paul mentions in l Corinthians that he-has 'become all things to all people'( 9.22)_,which from an educational pcrspc.ctivc can be ttkcn as a refe-rence to good teaching practice in that students arc add!'<.'sscd in a form and on a lcvd to which thc.y can relate and thus understand. So the authors here could well be referring to their earliest teaching practice, c.mphasizing br the tcrmv~ n•o1 that their teaching ' mcchod• was appropriate to the Thc.ssalonians' 'beginners' stage.~~ Again_1 if the maternal image here resonates with the teaching/learning discourse o f Jewish tradition this is not so much an allusion to specific c.motional bonding bc.t \veen a small child and his mother but rather to the teaching task o f a mother and the appropriateness of this teaching. \XIhere. the mothe.r is mentioned the father is not far away! The language use.d to refer to the father's activit}' in 2.1 1 12 is cxplidt rathe.r than metaphorical teaching terminology. The authors here. remind the Thessalonians that rhe.y had c.ncouraged, advised and pleaded with them to lead a war of life worth)• of God who had called them into his kingdom and glorr (2.12). This is the task oi both father and mother according to Jewish tradition, and the authors depict an image of their activity which strongly resembles this traditional task. There arc a number of other passagc.s in which teaching/learning language is clearly present. Immediate!)' after the parental image in l Thess. 2.7 12 the authors praise the Thc.ssalonians in 2.13 that ther have rec.eived the word of God which ther have beard ( napa>.a[3ovn c; A6yov dkof}c;) . They further acknowledge the successful learning process in mentioning that the Thc.ssa1onians have. become imitators of the fKKAT)olal in Judae.a (IJIPT}Tal fywr)6T)TE &6eA4>ol Tu3v i KKAeotC::.v ToU 6€.oU Tc:'>v oUaWv iv T{t lov6a lQ) whereas the Corinthians still needed Paul's encouragement to become imicators of him ( IJIIJI"JTal IJOV ylveo6e. {l .Cor 4.17]). Imitation is pan of the educational process in both instances - this was considered to be a significant pan of educational processe.s generally in antiquity, and in Jewish education in particular. 70 Allusions to a tc-.achinglle.arning dimension in the apostlc.s• relationship with the Thessalonians can be fo und, as in 1 Corinthians, throughout the letter. They frequen tly c.ncouragc them (rrapatr::aAe(v), show their joy and 4
4
68. Tharnpostks should b:t\"e reftrn-d to themsdve.s - even mer:tphori.:.-.lly -
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cal l them their glory (2.19 xapa, 6~a), as, for example, in Prov. 23.24-25 where joy and ddight arc the fruit of good parental te-aching." The authors positively note the Thessalonians' learning progress in that they also serve as 'an example to all the believers in Mac.edonia and in Achaia' (TUnov mlol\l T6'ic; monUouo1v f.v tfl Mro:E6ovl~ Kal £v T!i Axalg. 11 Thess. 1.71). They do not need to say anrthing more to them in that respect as in their view they a1read)' have ac.quired a solid understanding of the implication o f 'being in Christ' and therefore arc able to serve as an e.xamplc o f successful cnculturation into the Christ-move.mcnt for othe.rs. Jt is obvious that the apostles support and welcome their growth in faith, and thus appreciate that e.ventua11)' the aS)'Illllletry between them will change, as in any hc.alth)' and successful educational setting, from a strictly hierarchical towards a more egalitarian sibling relationship. This is not to say that the hierarchy will eventually disappear entirely, as good teachers will be apprcc.iated bq•ond the act ual teaching/learning setting~ but the powe.r exercised by the teacher over his students will then most likely be transformed Into poweNo or po\vcrwith.n Of particular interest is chaptc.r 4 whe.rc the authors specifically remind and encourage the. Thessalonians to adhere to the teachings which they have been taught (1 Thess. 4.1 -2), but not taught only b)' them - thq• in a unique wa)' call them 6EoiSI5aKT01 (4.9). lt has been noted that this is a compound word not found elsewhere in koine Greek in the first century and thus most likc.ly was created by the authors.73 Nevcnhclcss, it is not as absolutely new as has been pen:.dved, as S. Witmer has demonstrated in a recent articlc.14 Based on research by Emanuel Tov on translation tcnde.ncics in the LXX who found that in a significant number of compound words the sequence of the Hebrew word is reversed in the Greek translation,1 .s \Vitmcr argues that the word 6f06t&xKTOl (taught by God} can easily be related to ]sa. 54.13 ('all rour children shall be taught by the l ord .. .' NRSV}. This resonance with lsa. 54.13 has been noted by a numbe.r of intcrpre.tc:rs but been downplaycd as of less or no significance....' Although the LXX has 010aKTo\r<; 6Eolr for the Hebrew i11ir• ~,~.o? Tov's findings suggest tha( without pressing the issue too much it can be maintained that Paul and his co-authors, whatever version they had memorized, may well ha\'e had this passage: from Isaiah in mind. Given rhe prominence of Isaiah for Paul's (and possibl)' the co-authors') wa)' of thinking and arguing," this S<'.ems a very likely explanation for the so-called neologism. The fact that 6t6aKT0c; cannot be found frequently 7 1. 72. 73.
Prov. 10.1; 15.20; 29.17 See Chaptr r 1 -:~bovc. See Winner 2006:240-41. 74. \'<'itmrr 2006. 75. To\' 1977: 199. 76. B~ 1986 :lnd G:lvC'nta 1998 note- the nllusion but pcrcci''t' the languagr diffc:n:ocr Js no argument ngainst its rdr"an<:r for an undrrst:mding of thr P~uline term. a . Witmc:r 1006: 246. 77. Cf. \'(fagner 1001.
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in the Pauline letters cannot be raised against its obvious relation to LXX language. here. The presence. of a teaching- learning discourse here and earlier in the letter actual!}' supports the interpretat ion proposed by 'Witmer. The fact that Paul and the co-authors ca ll the Thc.ssalonians 6t.OOI5aKTOI here is an indication that they actually do perceive them as involvc,d in the procc.ss of ' being [3Ught\ that is, thdr cnculturation into Christ is pc.rccivcd as
involving teaching. Thus the authors encourage rhc.m to increase in learning in the wa)'S they had taught them (4.1), to grow into a holy people, and to c.spccially grow in love for one another! (1 Thcss. 4.10). To refer to them as 6fo616aKTOl, thcrrb)' alluding to Isaiah 54~ may have further implkations for unde-rstanding Paul's and the Pauline circle's perception of the-ir comnmnities-. Since Isaiah 54 is a vision of life and hope for God's people it ma)' be argued that through this term Paul and his c.o-authors relate these communities from among the nations m this prophetic eschatologkal hope.711 Through Christ their identit)' is transfom1ed from worshippers of idols (1 Thess. 1 .9)~ to servants of the living God> and thc.y are incorporated through Christ into the Jewish symbolic universe and a way of 1ife shaped by the Scriptures.1 ' Once this is successfully achie.vcd, Paul'.s and the other apostles' role-s as their te-achers and the power-over that goes- with this1 becomes superfluous. 7.7 Patti the Teacher aud Trmts{ormatillt! Power SincC' it is most likclr that the majority of the Christ-group in Corinth (1 Cor. 12.2) as well as in Thcssaloniki (1 Thcss.1.9) were gentiles, to find such cbr indications of a teaching and learning discourse here should not come as a surprise. A teaching/le-arning relationship is not an egalitarian relationship. It has been noted that Paul C'mphasizes his role and power as a tc.acher in using parental language metaphorically. He perc.dves himself as teaching his iKKArtolal ' the ways of Christ'~ he is their guide and tC'acher into a way of life in Christ. As such, he is. to usc Fo ucaulrian language~ ' the subject who knows', and he claims a position which is supc.rior to them. in that he claims to know more about the 'wa)'S of the: Lord' than they do. Along with this claim of superior knowledge goes a claim of power ovc.r the communities. These people fro m other nations had not known 'the ways of chc Lord' before; they had not bec.n socialized into a Jc\~t· ish srmbolic universe and way of life from an carl)' age as Jews would most likely have been." Although the)' may have gained some knowledge of the Jc.wish wa)' of life., and the. Scripturcs 1 if they wc.rc former srmpathizcrs {God-fc-.arcrs) related to synagogue communities, 78. Cf. th< vocabularr of cnllinsfKoJ.£1v in 1 Corinthions. 79. I ogr« with Winner in his emphasis on rhr idemiry-shaping dimension of the neologism but I think he overstat<'S rhr casr in that this idc:ntiry is not nbsolutdy nrw, but new in fhe sense: of aansfonned ret d earlr rdatrd 10 the: existing symbolic uni"crsr of j udaism. SO. Scrnbove in 7.3.
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they pre.viously had been primarily socializc.d and encuhurated in the 'ways of the world' and its e.thos.111 Thus to join the Christ-movement for gentiles meant to join a symbolic universe which had emerged as a perception of the 'world' distinct from the dominating 'world' of the Roman Empire.112 Since ' to be in Christ' could not be scparatc.d fro m knowledge of the Scripmrcs of Israel (as otherwise the language of fulfilment/confirmation of the promises made to rhe fathers would not make sense) - the.sc. new 'siblings in Christ' nee.dc.d to acquire knowledge via te-aching and learning in order that they cou1d be enculturatc.d into the Christ-movement. This would nor be. an easy task gi\'en that the Christ-movement as part of Judaism shared the- latte-r's alte-rnative ethos and values as distinct from many of those of the dominating GraecoRoman sociery,IIJ As Banchy notes ' Rcsocialization into "new creation" \'a lues ... re-quired enormous gifts of persuasion and a transformed style of leadership.' 114 In relation to the- Corinthians Paul doe.s claim a leadership role of a d early asymme-trical and hierachical structure-> and co-authors 1ikc-wise in relation to the The-ssalonians. But although Paul docs not call himself a reacher, the usc of parental image.s in his writings and rc-fc.re.nces to himself, and other aposrlc.s working with him, certainly point towards an unde-rstanding of aspc.cts of his selfunderstanding, and that of other aposdes, as being teachers. Certainly later traditions did not hesitate. co perceive him as such - as I Tim. 2. 7 shows - there Paul calls himself a te-ache-r of the nations.
7 .S Conclusion Paul expects the Corinthians to accept his teaching and in that sense respect his authority. But the: purpose of this asymmetry in the. relationship, the purpose of Paul's power claim is not to c.stablish a pem1ancnt structure of domination and control, or to fu rthe.r his personal advantage. The relationship is hierarchical, and though he always will be like a father in that he laid the foundation of the movement in Corinth, this is an unstable hierarchy. The asymmetry was not meant to lead to a pe.rmancnt function of control or domi nation of Paul over them - he docs not want to lord it over them. [f the emphasis on the- father/mother metaphors Paul usc.s is p
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of an e-ducational discourse ,4-1 Jf Paul intc.nds to refer by his metaphor to the pater familias he. would d aim pcnnanc.n t dominating power over his communities. T he metaphor then would actually signal his intention to
c.stablish a static hierarchy - according to Roman law as a fa mily member one could not opr out of the rc.alm of power of the paterfamilias. To rc-.ad the metaphor as resonating with the wider cduc.ational discourse found in Paul's lcncrs implies taking into account that the members of the communities arc in a \'Oluntary rc1ationship with Paul and the wider network of the Christmovement. They had chosen to cntu a relationship with him. The teacher
in such a voluntary setting c.an enforce neither the- establishment nor the continuation of the relationship. The relationship can only be maintained on the basis of trust, which is (he presupposition of any successful educational proce.ss!AA Jn most cases we do not know how the recipients of the le.ncrs responded but in the case. of the Corinthians we know through the existence of 2 Corinthians that the rc:lationship c.ontinucd after Paul had sent his first letter. It c.an be concluded from this that, at least until then> the Corinthians as the weaker partners in the relationship did trust him sufficiently to fed safe in maintaining the relationship with him. Since trust is the csse.nrial basis for a tcansformative relation, what is at work in the educational discourse as it can be discernc.d through the tcrminologic.al and metaphoric-al tracc.s in the Pauline letters, is an indication of a uansformative rather than of a static form of power. Paul emphasizes again and again that the aim of his teaching is to empower chose within his communities to support each other.117 He. acts as a parent-teacher using power-ovu them to empower them and thus render himsclf1 and the power-over exercised in this role~ obsolete:. Upon successful completion of his teaching and role as a teacher in Christ he \\~II not be needed any longer in this role. Although he will always remain li ke a father to the.m, in the sense that he is the founder of their particular group, this docs not mean that he evu intended or that he acmally claimed or established a position within his communities to •lord it over them'. Tht purpose of this particular form of relating to the.m is that they grow out of this parental hierarch)' - and become mature members of the Christ-move.ment, de\•doping their own particular gifts1111 and being able to empower e.ac.h o ther and, like good students~ \Viii be able m e.n tcr into a convcrsation w·ith their former tc-.acher on equal and ne\•e.rthcle.ss rcspc.ctful and stimulating grounds!
85. 86. 87. 88.
On patC"rnalisti<: relationships ~nd thC"ir drive for st".abiliry stt above 2.4.1. Cf. Wanenberg 1990 and Ch:lptC'r 2 :~bovc. See 10.4 be-low.
Cf. l Cor. 11.1-l l;Rom. 11.6-8.
Chapter S POWER IN (NTERACrJON - T HE D ISCOURSE 0~ I MITATION
8.1 The Perception of lmilatiou in Pauline Interpretation At a few points in conversation with his congregations, rather than describing theoretically what to live in Christ implks in spcc.ific circumstancc.s, Paul's guidance consists in a rcfc.rcncc to himself and the W3)' he is trying to live and c.mbody the lmplic.ation.s of the gospel, asking his com·c.n s to become imitators of him (I Cor. 4. 16; 11.1; Phil. 3.1 7) or appreciating that they 'became imitators of us and of the Lord' (1 Thcss. 1.6) and that they 'be.camc imitators of the churches of God in Christ jesus which arc in Judc.a• (1 Thc:ss. 2.14). Although these arc the only explicit rdcrcnocs in the undisputed Pauline lcttcrs1 the .significance of the notion of imitation has been emphasized again and again1 - for example.~ by Morna Hooker who notes that •... the notion of imitation is much more significant in Pauline thought than has o ften been allowed. 'l This notion is doscl}' linkc.d to questions o f power and authority and Paul~s self-understanding as an apostle. Earlier research took Paul's apostolic authority and exercise of power·over his congregations for granted and thus it seemed self-evident that he asked them to bc.come imitators of him. This power·ovcr was even pacdved as being exercised in and through the call to imitation> as Berz asserts: •Moreo,.er, it is ob\•iousl}' inherent to Paul's apostlc.ship that he. docs not call for a direct 1Jl~qo1c; ToU Xpto toU but to a JJliJEio6al of rhe apostle> since it is only in ~q.ulo6a1 of the apostle> that is, in olxdience in accordance with the apostolic uo:paxo:Aelv that there is true IJi!.HlOic; ToU Xp1otoU.,, A debate has arisen about the content o f imitation which has produced quite a wide-ranging spc.ctrum of solutions. It is seen as a call to obe.dicncc,4 1. Cf. dr &oerl962; Brttl967; SchOn 1975: 226-32; Tomson 1990: 274- 81; Hook<:r 1003: 106-13. l. Hook
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'humi1it)\ self-giving~ self-sacrifice for the sake of Christ and the sah•arion of others' ..1 Furnish, at the other end of the spectrum notices that the imitation passages arc rather imprc.cisc when it comes to content. Elizabeth Castelli intcprcts this observation as stating that there is no particular content in
imitation language:. She argues that ' the lack of content of the o bject o f imitation is itself a rhetorical gesture which reinforces the powe-r of Paul's c.xamplc and implicates the imitators in the cconom)' of sameness ... '' Elizabeth Castelli's volume has set the pancrn for an analrsis of the issue from a feminist perspective, emphasizing strongly the pO\vcr and domination aspect inherent in imitation language. Common to these approaches) dive-rgent as they arc) is the pre-supposition that Pauf s notion of imitation is basc.d on an undc.rstanding of JJlJJqolc; which is rooted in Greek the.orics of his rime. Amongst others it is pcr{'('i\•cd as being identical with a call to copying a pc.rfcct model and a drive towards samencss.7 It is bC)'ond dispute that for an anal)•sis of the dr namics of power in the Pauline letters the notion of imitation is an imponant one which needs to be analysed. Se\'eral aspects arc of particular interest here: the presupposition and exclusive.application of classical Greek mimesis theories in relation to the Pauline notion of imitation is que.stionable from the pc.rspe.ctivc advocated in this srudr. Thus it has to be considered what difference. \'arious hcrmcnc.utkal prc.supposicions make concerning Paul's imitation language in rc.lation to the power dynamics between apostlc.s and communities. The. role o f imitation in its educational dimension, and the claim that Pauline imitation language is devoid of content need further consideration. 8.2 The Texture of Paul's Imitation Language 8.2. 1 Ml~not<; as Copying
The C\•aluation of Paul's usc of imitation language has much to do with the hermeneutical prc.suppositions of re-ading his lcncrs.lt has been emphasized that Paul's usc of imitation/mimesis language is primarily rooted in Greek panerns and traditions of thought. Thus for example Bctz has argued that the fact that Paul docs not usc the term O:xoAou6Eiv but ~~~llTc¥; indicates the change of thought-world bet\\<'C'Cn the Gospels which arc still roorcd in Palestinian Judaism and Paul's theology which replaced it by the Hellenistic idc-.a of mimcsis.11 Castelli's interpretation follows Bctz and pcrcc-i\'CS Paul's usc of the mimesis word group as •... complete!)' naturalized in the Greek of 5. 6. 7.
de B.OC'r 1.962: 207. Castdli 1991: 32. C:mdli 1991: 86.
8. Ben maintains thai 'an die Stelle dcr ji"ldisch·p.113stiocnsischen ..Nachfolge Jesu» isc die hd iC'nisrisch-nlystcrimhofte Mimensis\·orstdlung und ihre T<"rminologie gctmcn, die ihi'C'rscirs auf ckm Boden des paliiMinC'nsis..::hcn judemums und Urchristcntums undC'nkbar ;sr· (1967: 186).
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his time'. T his implies that 'Mimesis must be: understood in its la rge.r context, as a notion that plac.es sameness at a premium and imbues the model with a privileged and unattainable status.'~ Basic to this understanding of mimesis is that 'mimesis is constitute.d through a hierarchy in which the model is imbued with perfection and wholc.ne.s s\ which naturally attributes authorit)' to the one to be copie.d. 10 To copy someone implies the notion of becoming ide.ntical with the model. Difference is ruled out since it is associated with disunity. Perceived in such a way, the will to power and dominance over othe.rs is thus inherent in 1he notion of imitation . The drive towards sameness a nd static hierarch)' in mimetic relationships arc depicte.d as a n ine.vitable as pect of the discourse of imitation. Others, such as Thisdton, have argued for a 'broader', less mechanical meaning of 'mimeomai' and 'mimetai', in their original Greek context, demonstrating that •the essence of the ide.a is not so much in the idea o f sameness ... but rather in terms of bringing to expression, representation ... >tt I do not want to get involved in chc discussion a bout the appropriate. me.aning o f mimesis in classical Greek a nd its rdevance for Pauline interpretation here. Even given there is some sort of hierarchy inhea.nt in the discourse. of imitation, fu rther analysis is re.q uired to establis h whm chis hierarch)' could actually have implied. 12 \Vhethc.r this necessarily leads to dominance and control and an eradication of diversity and difference dc.pends at k.ast to some exte.nt on the cultural and social framework which is presupposed for Paul's thought a nd activit)'.
8.2.2 Imitation iushe Scriptures Evc.n if it is acknowledged that there is some sort o f Hellenis tic inAucncc on Paul and thus some sort of Gree.k unde.rstanding of 'mimesis' prcse.nr in his usc of imitation language, this docs not rule o ut chc cmbeddedncss of the Pauline d iscourse in the scriptural world that could illuminate a contemporary reading of Paul~s notion of imitation.u c ontrary to the argument that the lack of rcferenc.e.s to imita tion in the Septuagint is an indication that Pa ul did not in any way refer to scriptural analogies in his notion o f imitation, 14 I c.onsider it s ignificant to investigate whether or not there is a scriptural context for the Pauline imitation disc.o urse. The de.nial of anv kind of occurrence o f the issue of imitation in the Scriptures, on the basis Of the number of references in the LXX is, in my view, not sufficient e.vidence chat the topic was totally abS<'.nt from the Scriptures. This is rather the outcome of a re.ading of the LXX which presuppoS<'.s an understanding of !Jh.ti)Oit;: as copying, as asking 9. 10. I I. 12.
Cmdli 1991: 89,atso lkt:t. 1967: 138, 186. Cascdli 1991: 86. de B.OC"r 1962: 2. See ~bove 3.2-3.3. Also Drrrid:a 1002: 20- 1.
tJ.
Cf. 1.1.1 abo'"c-. B.:tz 1967: 101.
14.
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for sameness and excluding difference. It is correct to note that this notion cannot acwally be found in the Scripturc.s. But if the understanding of IJIIJflOtr; is not restricted to this Greek perception, the lack of precise references to the word-group of •imitation' doc.s not say enough about the issue o f imitation in the Scriptures. \Xfhat is required, then, is to cake other word-groups and c.xprc.ssions into ac.count which fo rmulate aspects which could resonate in some: way with those of the word-group of IJIJJl"JOic; . It can be found that a different terminology is used to express the same or similar aspects o f what a di fferen t understanding of piJJI)OI<; implies. Scvc.ral c.an be mentioned here, although there is not space to daboratc on them in detail. A call to imitation can be heard in the many admonitions to the people ' to be .. . as Hell the Lord is/am .. .' - most prominently in to be ' holy as I the Lord>your God am holy' (e.g. Lev. 1 1.44-45; 19.2; 20.26). What the people ought to become is comparati\'d )' rdatcd to God via the causal particle "'J/ OTt. The term used for what they ought to become is the same term which refers to a d imension of God. But the dimension of the holiness of God and the holiness expected of the people, although referred to with the same term ~'11p! cannot carr}' the same weight in the sense of identical meaning. Obviously he.rc: this cannot be. a call to samene.ss, in (hat it cannot mean that they should become identical with God. They arc not aske.d to 'copr• the template. The contexts of the passagc.s indicate chat rhc: usc of the same words rcfc.rring to God and his people has something to do with ho\\o' to live and act in a way that is appropriate to the relationship with God. t.s This points towards a relational, comparati\'e d imension of imitation rather than a dimension of copying. (Other analogies arc the compassion) justice/righteousness of God which the people of God should live out b)' their way of life}. In this same tradition Jesus, acco rding to the Gospel of Luke, calls his followers to 'Bc merciful) c:vcn as your Father is merciful' (fiv~o6e oiKTipiJovu;: Ka6c.lc;- 0 nar~p UIJc.lv oiKTipJJc:.lV Eor lv [l.k. 6.36]) and) according to Manhew, c.alls thc.m to 'Be perfect as your heavenly father is perfect' ( Eot o6f o~v U~ulc;- riAetol c:.k: 0 naTqp u~wv 0 oupaVIO<; TiJ..e~O<; ionv IMt. 5.4S J). Another clement in the Scriptures whkh, in my vicv.\ c.an be: interpreted as imitation language: is expressed by the many rcfercnc:e.s to 'walking in the wa)'S of ... ' . When this refers to a man (woman) it refers to their way of life including its spirin1al dimension. Thus it can be stated that Samuel's sons 'did not walk in his (their father's) ways ...' (1 Sam. 8.3). When referring to kings in [sracl's history, the phrase implies that this king lived his life in such a way that this life cxprc.ssed the religious and ethic.al commitment which he held. The 'walking in the ways' of outstanding persons - David is the most prominent c.xample - could S<'rvc as an example to be imitated (1 Sam . 18.14; 2 Sam. 22.22, 31-33). This docs not mean to copy David in 'walking in his ways' but to live according to the same religious and ethic.al
ay.oc;.
15. Note-, for cx:unplc-, that !lt the rnd of t he passag<: beginning at lc'·· 19.2 is the co-mmand to love your neighbour ( 19.8), and Kum. 15.40 c-mpbasiz~ th::n rnnembc:ring and doing the commandments nnd bc:coming hotr :1re closely intC'mvined.
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principles (cf. 2 Kgs 21.22; 2 Chron. 17.3; 21.12·'13; 34.2). 1n a similar vein the phrase 'walking in his (the lord's) wa)•s'( as in Deut. 8.6; 10.12; 11.22; 19.9; 30.1 6; Pss. 128.1 ; 142.8; 145.17; lsa. 2.3; Hos. 14.9; Mic. 4.2 etc.) also resonates with imitation language. Thus the phrase 'walking in the ways of your father (David)' with which later kings were criticized or praised indic.atc-s that the notion o f imitation as 'the most ancient of all pedagogic.al practice-s' was prevalent in ancie.nt Israel and rdlectcd in its Scriptures. The 'ways of your fathcr/s/David' arc: nothing else than 'the ways of the 'Lord' - thus the. admonition to imitate ' the fathers/David' is a call to imitate them in their 'walking in the ways of the Lord'. This docs not in any way imply copying God or bc.coming like him - since in che S<:ripturcs the difference between God and humans is always clc.arly maintained. This mc.ans rather to live according to the Torah and the cove.nant which God has granted to his people. It c:alls for an imitation of God in one's whole life. in a t)'pe of analogy which is wavering between sameness and diffe renc.e. To be called to be God's people implies to follow a specific way of life, in which the experience of God's grace, compassion, love and justice is passed on to, and li\•ed in the life of, the community. This may be se-en as a similarity between God and those called, but it is absolutely d ear in the scriptural d iscourse that any human act of mercy, compassion, love or justkc is nner perceived as being identical with the divine. This is the dimension of difference hcnvcen God and humans.'' In the pre\'ious chapter I demonstrated that the educational dimension in the. Scripture.s contributes significantly to an understanding of Paul's and the Pauline circle's self-perception and e.xcrc.isc of transformatlvc power. It should not come as a surprise ( 0 find traces of an imitation discourse within this educational dimension of the Sc.ripture.s as it is recognized that reac.hing, learning and imitation arc closely intertwined aspc.cts of the latter. As Gcrhardsson notes concerning thC' rabbinic educ.ational setting: 'The paths of the Torah arc also 1aught in this way - the war of the imitatio magistri.' 11 But already the 'educ.ationaP book of Deuteronomy strongly C'mphasizes that the teaching of the commandment.s is acmal1y a te.aching of 'the wa)'S of the l ord'." Thus in 11.22, the verse following the 'teaching' passage 1'1.18·21 , the keeping of the commandments, tlte love of God and 'walking in his ways, arc mentioned as almost identical. Thus what is taught in 11. L9 is "walking in the ways of the Lord' . 1' In the Psalms che faithful one is found to ask in his/her prayer to be taught ' the ways o f the lord' or ' to walk in the wars of the lord' {e.g. Pss. 25.4; 119.1 5, 26). These references to 'walking in the ways of the Lord' and 'walking in the ways of your fathe.r/s/David' arc both
16. Cf. also Rc:ndtorff 1005: 632-34. 17. Gcrhardsson 1961 : 184. He states that the' tca~il
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indications in the- Scriptures for the c.d ucational as \VCJI as for the imitation discourse. inherent in it. Thc.sc- cxamplc.s of imitation language in the Scriptures of Israel> preliminary as they arc, point towards an understanding of imitation which doc.s not require sameness or the eradication o f divc.rsity and difference. On the contrary, the call for imitation in the Scriptures refers to a way of life in accordance. with the God who had ca11cd his people, which encompasses more than conforming to moral norms. To walk in 'hi.st ways involves one's entire life. But, rathc.r than describing in abstract discourse whm d1c W3)' of life actually encompasses, the guidanc.c through rhc Torah and the narratives of exemplary followers of the 'ways of the 'Lord' illustrate what this walking in 'the ways of the Lord' mc.ans. This docs not remove from the people the ncc.c.ssity to find their own specific way of 'walking in the ways of God'. The diffc.rc.ncc between the images is thereby maintained) thus not confusing imitation with copying. Such diffc.rcnccs from a so-called Greek theory of mimesis have also been noticed by Betz and de Bcxr, in their analyses of Old Testament parallel terms and phra.sc.s, but they ha\'C concluded that these cou ld not contribute to an undcrsmnding of mimesis in Pauline thought since they were part of a completely differem culture and thought-world!"' 8.2.3 Aspects of Mimesis in Coutemporary' Literary Theory
Surprising!}' or not> aspects of an understanding of IJIIJ(}Oic; similar to those found in the. Sc.riptures arc emphasized in rcc.cnt litcrary theories as outlined e.g. in Arne Melberg's Theories of Mimesis.!' Mo\•ing away from Auerbach's theory o f mimesis as a straightforward 'representation of reality',22 Melberg depicts mimesis as 'inherently and alwa)'S already a rt,fJetit.iott ... the meeting· place of two opposing but connected ways of thinking, acting and doing: similarity and diffaence.m lnhcrent to the aspect of repetition in mimesis there is already the notion of differenc.c as that which is repc.ated lies in the past, otherwise it could not be repeated) thus nen repetition is nc.vcr copying - or as we might say today, cloning; dc.spite all similarity thc.rc is something diffcrcnt.24 Dcrrida has created the term 'itcrabilty' to replace the word 20. One can onlycomr to such a conclusion if Paul is pcorctivcd aS
(2002: 139J. 21. Mdberg 1995. 12. Aucrixtdl 1953. 23. t\;JrJberg 1995: 1. 24. Mdberg also draws anrmion to \'<1alt« B.enjamin•s l...eltre ttom .41mliclmt and Ober das mimt'tisdtt \'t>rmOgen, partic:ul:trly to the m1phasis on t he Grrman word 'Ahnlichk
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'repet ition' to indicate that wh;:lt is meant has nothing to do with duplication or copying. ' ltcrability doc.s nor signif)' simplr ... repeatability of the same, but rather alterability o f this .s.amc idealized in the singularit)' of the event. ' 25 I conclude from this that imitation in Greek mimesis theory a nd its notion o f sameness is not the most suitable paradigm through which the Pa uline imitation discourse may be read. The tradition of the Scriptm cs which fo r Paul was authoritati\•c, as wd l as rec.e nt literary theories provide an understanding of imita tion which should not be confused with copying and thus need not~ and should not~ necessarily be conceived of as a notion of eradic-ating distinctiveness and d ifference. It c.an wdl be argued that Paul's c.all for imita tion was nurtured by scriptmal analogies. It thus seems problematic to sec in this ca ll the mere, possibly even 'empty', attempt to c.x ercise control over othc.rs. This docs not mean to deny that there is some hierarchical tendency in this ca ll for imitation. Whether this a lso implies a notion of powcr·ovcr in the sc.nsc o f domination and control is an issue for
funhcr analysis. 8.3 Contem and Structure of Pauline Imitation Language In the traditional interpretation of Ptlul's c.all fo r imitation, the authority o f the apostle within the Christ·movcment is ta ken for granted. Given this perception of Paul's claim and status, combined with the assumption that Greek mimesis language is a notion involving c.o pying, it seems logica l that Pa ul's c.a ll fo r imitation is a claim of domination and control over his converts. Paul as the 'model' to be imitatc.d claims thereby a status of superiority. The notion of imitation is seen as imposing a static hieral'chical structure on the community irrespect ive of the contc.nt.26 Two issues a rc rclevam here. First, as ment ioned a bove, several contemporary theories of power demonstrate that the concept of hierarchy and the exercise of power-ova need to be considered in a d ifferentiated way.2 7 In feminist and other libcrationist approaches espcdallr~ power and hierarchy have a bad press as instnamcnts o f oppre.ssion.l 11 As suc.h, this ' bad press' is certain!)' more than justified. But, as noted in Chapter 2, recent soc.ial theories demonstrate that the critique o f hierarchical structures as instruments o f oppression is one thing, and group dynamics and the powc.r issuc.s involved arc anothcr.19 T hus to note the e.xistcncc. of a hierarchical tc.n dency in Paul's notion of imitation is not sufficiently differentiated to allow for an evaluation 25. Cf. Dmida 1988; 200!b: 119. 26. So Castrlli, ' ... thr l:tck of contrnr of thr obirct of imit."'tion is itsdf a rbctorical gesture which both rrinforces the powrr of Paul's rxamplr :md implirutcs 1he imimtors in 1hr economy of sameness by forcing them always lObe ~poli
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of the implications of this hierarchical concept and possible exercise of powerover members of the Christ-movc.mcnt on Paul's part. It cannot be taken per sc as evidence for the oppressive nature of Paul~s claim o f authority. T hat Paul did claim authority a nd status as an a postle. over the congregations he fo unded is beyond doubt. This is an important issue in the assessment o f his imitation language. We noted above, as the founder of a community of Christ-foll owers his status cannot be identica l with that o f his
converts. His role and fu nction arc diffcrc.nt from the role- and function of any of the Christ-fo11owc.rs in the iKKXI)olat he founded. There is some hierarchical distance between him and his com•crts even as they arc- all one- in Christ . He is the- founde-r, the father~ the- one- whose- activity brought the-m into the- Christ· move-ment. T his need not be see.n as be-ing in contradict ion to notions of the rclativizing of status and other diffe.renccs towards e-quality in Christ :40 It is rather caking into account what Derrida has emphasized, and what has been discu.ssed in Chapters 2 and 3~ that it is necessary to acknowledge that such hierarchies actually do e.x ist in any discourse-~ eithe.r explicitly or implicitly, cithe.r opc.n or hidde.n. This need not necessarily lead to a static hierarchical structure or the establishment of positions of a bsolute power within an institution, group or mo\•e.ment. Hie.rarchies can be Aexible. T hey can be 'on the move•, drnamic~ and functional, serving a spe-cific purpose to build up relationships and communitics.J1 Thus to state the hicrarchk..al structure of imitation language docs not in itself pro\~dc- sufficie nt indication for a notion of domination and control inherent in it. Moreo\•cr, given that imitation cannot be equate.d with copying, and hierarchies can also be pcrc.cived as AcxibJe concepts in relationships, Paul's c.all for imita tion cannot be addr<'.ssed only through an analrsis of the strucm rc of imitation language, irresp<'.cti\'e of the 'contc.ne of this imita tion. And a lthough the structure or the acting in their relationship is intertwined with the- contc.nt o f Paul's notion of imitation, the- structure also ca nnot be separated and pcrcc-i\'cd in isolation from the; content. It docs make. a difference-. to consider which aspc.c t o f Paul his conve-rts should imita tc-.->2 It aJso needs to be considered that the language of imitation is not onlr used in relation to Paul but also in relation to his c.olle.a gucs, as well as other communities of Christ-followers.
8.4 The lmitatiou Discourse ill 1 Corinthinus (4.16 aw/11.1)
Paul's call for imita tion in 1 Corinthia ns.} although limited to these two verses, docs not stand isolated from the context within the text of the letter. In both instancC's it rather seems that the c-all to imita te him serves as some 30. 31. 32. O''et
Cf. Campbelll006: 89-93. Cf. Derrida 2002: 1 1. Cf. Horsley 2000: 82. Stt also Pogoloff who maintains tha( content has priority fom1 in the Pauline lett
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sort of summarizing and exemplifying statement of issues he had elaborated at some length in the passage.s which precede these verses. They should not be re-ad as general isolated statements about Paul as the model to be imitated in an)' respect but with particular reference to the te~:tual context they arc referring co ..u The.y most likelr constitutC' the summarizing sentence of longer arguments in the letter. 1 Cor. 4.16 functions as some sort of summary to chapter 4 but stretches back in its reference e.ven to the issue of the divisions among the Corinthians Paul addre.sses in chapters 1 and 3. Concern about status and how to rc:latc to each other,. compctitivC' patterns of boasting for status, as was common in the dominant Gmeco·Roman society, seem to have gained influence in the constitution of relationships among the Corinthian Christ·bclielling grou ps . ~
8.4.1 Again- Paul the Father In the \'ersc preceding the notion of imitation~ 4.15, Paul explains whr he thinks himsc1f qualified to call upon the Corinthians to become imitators of him. The very fact rha! he feels rhe need 10 explain his qualificarions indicates that he apparently docs not take the.sc for grante.d, nor do the Corinthians. This in ic.self can be taken as pointing cowards a simation in which his authority was not as established as it might be sc.en from a later period in history. His authority and exercise of powu and the Corinthians' recognition of it was nor a matter of an c.stablished hierarch)' but rather of an interactive process of negotiating between himself and them. He feels urged to remind them of the parental role he claims to have in relation to the.m . As has b«n demonstrated in the prC\'ious chapter, inherent in this reference is an unde.rstanding of the father {and mother) in their role as leac.hers) that is, as uansmittcrs of the traditions to the next generation, and thus a clear limitation of any claim or exercise. of power is given.» The role of the father which most likely provides the context for Paul's usc: of the parental image could also be seen as a parallel to fomtulations in later rabbinic judaism: 'He who teaches rhe son of his neighbour the Torah, Scripture ascribes to him as if he had begotte.n him.'u Paul docs claim fatherhood in his relation to the Corinthian community since it was through him that they came to know the Christ·movement and entered into the life of this mm•eme.nt. This c.stablishe.d a unique but not exclusive relationship between Paul and the
33. Cf. Thischon, who refers toW. D. Spen,C'r 'ThC' ''l-at:tloguC' of suffC'rings" (4:913i, the mimesis of Paul's pa nem of life (vv. 15-17), and the rC'alities of cost])· discipkship lw. 1 8 .2J } ~ rt'~ll of~ piece' 12000: 374). 34. SeC' Horslry 2000b: 84-90. Also Chaptct 6 above. 35. Cf. Jesus' fatha metaphors \'r'hich depict ~ pictui'C' whi-ch differs quite signilic-:mrly from the omnipotent paterfamilias, su e.g. Lk. 15. 11-32. 36. B.&lnh. 19b,cf. de Roc-r 1962: 145. Also 7.1-73 abovC'.
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Corinthians. The metaphor docs indicate a hierarchic-al rdationship.J" lt is the rc-.ason which lc-.ads PauJ to speak to them as he docs. But this n«ds to be distinguished from a call for blind discipleship. Also his fatherhood is not the content o f his c-all for imitation. Paul reminds them of the hierarchy in their relationship onl}' after having elaborated at length in the previous chapters on the issues which he then summarizes in the call for imitation. T his is an example of the intertwined nature of content a nd structure - here
the issues discussed in the letter's prc.vious chapters indkatc what aspects o f Paul the Corinthians arc advised to imitate. This moreover reflects back on how the hierarchy in their relationship should be pc.rccivcd. As d iscussed above, the fatherhood metaphor - especially when taken as referring to a te.ac.her-pupil relationship - can be seen as an indication for the flexibility o f the hierarchy as the purpose of such a hierarchical relationship is to render itself obsoletc.38 8.4.2 Divisions and Differences - Struggles for Power!
In chapters 3 and 4 of 1 Corinthians Paul deals in detail with 1he issue of the divisions in the Corinthian community which he had alrc-.ady mentioned right at the beginning of the letter (1.10-17). The.se seem to be rooted in group ri\'alrics related to diffaent apostles. Apart from the fan that these groups referred to one or the other apostle for their respective and d istina identity, no reason for the division is mentioned. There arc no indkations that convictions conc.erning their faith in Christ or thcologic.al concepts give rise to the conflicts (ipt6S<;). The terminology used at certain points rather indicates that the d iffe-rent groups were involved in a competitive struggle about who were the better Christ-followers. At the end o f a lengthy elaboration of the significance of the cross in relation to, and in distinction from the wisdom o f this world) Paul emphasizes that there is no basis within the moveme.nt for any kind of boasting except in the Lord (0 Kavx WIJEVOI; iv K\lplc.,> ~r::crux&cew [1 Cor. 1.31])." From this it may be concluded that the issue of factional group building had something to do with claims to power and status. To the Corinthians this seemed to be closely connecte.d to 'belonging' to a spedfic apostle. As Clarke notes ' ... it is people. and personalities which arc at the c.entrc of the division) and not philosophies.' 40 In the society in which they lived this would have been the normal pattern of competing for statu.s. Having a close relationship to an important public figure de\'ate.d oneself in sracus 37. See 7.4 and 7.i :.1 bow. 38. This dOC's not mn1n that the I'C'Iationship brt"aks up, but t he charact« of the rd:uionship changes. Cf. 7.7 aboR 39. The- issue of competition ob\·iousl)' was not SC'ttled with this lerter since P~ ul hod to address ir again in 2 Corinthians. S« Chapter 6 especially 6.5. 40. Clarke 1997: 92, he continues: 'The distinctions between th< parti<s ar.: not the thtological distinctions between Hdknistic and jc·wish Christianity, but r-a ther the p~'tson :.llity distinnions bJ.sed on rrpuration in S(Cular terms." ( 1997: 95).
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and increased ones power. This is the pattern of a patron-client relationship where honour and status quite often were achieved at the expense. of others.•• The client shared in the: power and honour of his patron. The: Corinthians seem to have: viewed d1e apostles in the category of patrons and on this basis started group competition \\~thin the community ac.cording to the 'wisdom of this world' (Ti)v oo.:f>lav Toti K0o)Jou). Status and honour were acquired in belonging to a powerful patron and in triumphing ova othcrs.41 Ovc.r against this Paul reminds them that to live- in Christ implies a 'deconstruction~ of the patte-rns 'of this world~. an inve-rsion of the 'wisdom of this world' (1.18- 2.16ku which has ckar implkations also for the: pcrc.cption of lc.adcrship roles within the movement. He develops this br first referring to 'he re-lationship of Apollos and himsclf1 not as one of competition but of working together as one. {3.8) to serve God in Christ. He emphasizes that as apostles their signific.ance was not focused upon their personalitie-s but on the roles each of them was c.alled to accomplish according to the differe-nt gifts given to them (3.6-10; also chapter 12). As Thiselton emphasizes 'Apollos
and Paul c.ach perform as.signe.d roles. within a corporate ministry.' 44 They arc 'co-workers' of God in a common task, e.ach with his spe.cific role: as part of the whole proje.ct. 8.4.3 The Functionality of Apostleship
Paul depicts rhc:sc leadership roles as functions given m him and others not as a means in themselves but as tools co serve the: Christ·movement, Christ, and> in and through these~ to serve God (3.9).-.u This indicates a functional understanding of a postleship.
This is emphasized again at the be-ginning of chapter 4 - as Paul describes apostles to be- Urrqpha 1 and oi~ov6~ol. (I c.onsider it significant that Paul i.s writing in the pJural here as it indic.atcs that he is not only rcfc.rring to his own a postkship but to the function o f apostkship general!)'.") These arc not
autonomous roles but functions which arc clearly related to specific tasks. They do encompass a certain power othenvise they would be meaningless. Those entrusted with .such a function could not achie-ve anything if they were not also entrusted with some power. But chis power is related to the- fu nction and the. purpose it serves. The dimension of strategic power or power-to, to achieve: what they set out to do is inherent in the leadership roles. Paul claims for himself .and other apostles.4 1 But this .should not be confused with
4 1. 42.
Cf. Epstein 1987: 31; W:m 2000b: 191-2 15; Clarke 1993: 89-107. Cf. Uan.:hy 2003:56-7, also Thisdton 1000: 12-17.
43.
Also Ellion 2004: 99- 102.
44.
Thisdton 2000:30 1.
45. 46.
xc Clorl
47.
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personal powcr to achieve personal goals. As Clarke c.mphasizcs ' ... the focus is not on who they arc, but rather on what thdr task is.'"8 This is not to say that there is no personal clement im•oh•cd in the c.xcrcisc of suc.h a role. Of course Paul and the other apostles were c.allcd to live according to their function, to cmbod)' their task."' But thc.rc always remains this consciousnc.ss of non-identity> of identifying with their task without becoming idcntkal with it, as, for example> in 3.6 where it is emphasized that it is God himself who gives growth> or in 3.22 where Paul rclativizcs himself and other apostles since it is to God they belong through Christ. This is what act ually counts - even Christ serves as a function in God's purpose for the world (3.23). 8.4.4
Diversity Among Apostles
As already mentioned, these functions and roles arc not identical, rhe.y do not render all the apostles the same or make them ide.ntical with the members o f the Corinthian community. The roles and fu nctions of the apostles differ and there is hierarchy between the apostles and the community..so The fact that Paul's and Apollos' roles and tasks diffc.r from e.ach other doe.s not necessarily imply, as the Corinthians apparcmlr had implied, that they arc in competition with or in opposition to each other. The one had been planting, the other one had been watering {3.8).n Paul's emphasis that he is the one who planted, the master-builder who laid the foundation, has primary significance in that he is the founding apostle of this panicular EKK.~T)Oia. But far from providing a cause. for superiority claims and boasting, this dO<'.s not create a static hierarch)' between these two apostles or an o bstacle in thdr c.oopc-ration. Paul c.mphasizes the necessity of these diffcrc.nt roles and tasks for the building up of the community. In different communities different co-workers of the gospel wac entruste.d with differen t tasks and functions. Thus in relation to the Corinthians Paul is the 'founding father·, and he.nc.c their apostle. Apollos is not in the same role l'is-d-vi.s the Corinthians, but contributes in the task of 'building them up'. Distinct from this, in Romans, Paul is not in the role of the fo unding apostle, bur rathe.r in a position similar to chat of Apollos in relation to the Corinthians. He. is conscious that he is not 'their' apostle in the sense that he. did not Ia)' the foundation there:. He thus explicitly mentions that he ne.\•crtheless perceives 'all God's belove.d in Ro me' to be within the range. of his apostolic commission. He is rc:luctant in the fommlation of any guidance he may give them, and strcsSC".s rather that he would like to visit 48.
Clarke l997: 119. 49. SeeChaptc-r 6~ bovc. 50. SeC' 3.3 abo\'C', also Casu·IIi 1991: 105. 51. Clarke' commtnts on fhcsC' agri,uhur!ll and building metaphors' ... it is again manual work which is rd<'rr
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them to contribute to their 'stn:ngthening', and hastens to add the mutuality involved in this strengthening and encouraging process. In t Corinthians Paul clearly sec.s himself in the role of the •founder' but, in contrast to the pattern of the surrounding dominant society, he demonstrates a different option of living by the example of his and Apollos' cooperation and working in and with diffc.rcnces. Paul actually sc-ts the rdationship of Apollos and himself as the example to be imitated when it comes to dealing with differing groups within the community. He: dO<'.s not deny or rule out the existenc.c of difference, but acknowledges it positivc.ly. Yet he rules out quite de.arl)' anr option of boasting, that is, an attitude of dominance and triumph over others. He docs not set himself as an example to be imitated like an isolated authoritarian rukr whom they should obey, but what is to be imitated here is a relationship bc.twcc:n people who arc and remain different. He claims priority in that he was the first fro m whom they had heard the gospel. This has cstablishc,d a specific relationship which cannot be reversed, but he docs not exclude or oppose any othe.r influe.nces amongst them as long as thcr arc not in opposition to the foundation he has laid. Amidst all the diffcrcnc.es, it is coopc.rarion which counts in the service of God through Christ. It is this c.ooperation among apostles that they arc admonished to imitate. Since cooperation in a relationship is a lively procc.ss bct'wccn human beings, [ cannot sec any evidence for a call for copying and samcne.ss through which divc.rsirv and difference arc to be suppressed. They arc working as equals (0 cpunUwvsf Ka'i 0 rroTI~U)V tiorv fKaOTCX'; of TOV i'Orov J.Ho60v A~ * Tal Kan l T0v i'Otov .:Orrov 11 Cor. 3.8 J)H not only despite, but also bec.ausc of, their differences. The work of chc one could not be done. and flourish withom the ocher. These differences arc certainlr no reason for boasting. lt is possible to live and work together in and with diffe.rcnccs without getting into a competitive race of triumph and domination. Thus the example given by Apollos and Paul in their relationship as co-workers is an argume.n t against a pattern of domination and control by some over others ' ... that none of you will be puffed up in favour of one against another• (Iva pi) eic; Unfp ToGEvOt; <j>uotooo8e KaTa Tou h ipou [4.6bl)." Rather than finding an imposition of power in the sense of domination I sense here a call to an inversion/deconstruction of dominating relationships, a call for flexibilty which implies one's own crc.a tivitr and responsibility in the formation of the rdationship.
ev
52. 'Hr who plams and hr who watc:rs arr rqual and each sh t~U rC'c-ci\"t" his WU£<'S .1ccordins fO his labor.' 53. Cf. Clarke who maintains th:n 'Paul defi nes 1he Christian pr:mice of l~dC'rship for th<"m: rhry arr not to rdy on boasting or social starus to create r<'put.nion ... and not co rely on a rc:putarion ~uved out hr or:uorical powu or p.uronal rrsp«c. This constitutes <1n iO\'<'rring of the world•s view of lcad<'rship' (1993: 115). On co-work<'rs .s« 3.2 ~ bO\"<'.
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8.4.5 Flexible Hierarchies aud Apostolic Claims
Given that these elaborations on how to deal with difference arc srill resonating in the cars of rhc addressees when Paul calls thc.m to imitate. him in 4.16, this is a clear indicmion as to what aspects of Paul ought to be imitated by them. I have argued that the me-re· fact of this call fo r imitation S3)'S nothing about what aspects of Paul should be imitatc.d. It seems n idcnt that it cannot be a call for imitation in the sense of copying and sameness, in that hardly any scholar would argue that this means that the Corinthians shouJd bcc,omc a postles, or tcnt·makcrs. Thq' a lso could not bc.comc imitators o f Paul in the sense of becoming ' founding fathc.rs' of their community. \X'ith regard to an issue discussed later in thr lcncr, that is~ marital status, Paul actuall)' docs state that he would like them to become as he is - but despite this rather 'pc.rsonal' wish he by no mc-.ans asks them to cop)' him, nor docs he ask them to imitate him! He rather res pects and ac.cept.s dec.isions for a life which differs from his own in that respe
See 1.42 :md 7 :tbo'"e. Horsley 100Cb: 85. See 7.5-7.7 :tbovr.
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own hands, etc. s hould be signi6cant:n The Corinthian corre.s pondence can fruitfully be seen as pal'{ of an interacth·c: learning process. l consider Paul's call to imitate him as part of this process. It is another way of pro\'iding gu idance in a difficult 'socialization' proce.ss ..s11 Although I cannot d a borate on this here, it needs to be noted that imitation pla)'S a significant role in any learning procc.ss. It is a primary means of lea rning a nd teaching, prior to any conscious, explicit forms of education) let alone of literal tc:.achingllea rning communication. Cc.rtain dimensions in a teaching-learning context a rc more casil}' transmitted in exemplifying rhem rather than in describing them. In the conte.x't of a message which implied the commionem of one's entire life, and, as such ought to be 'embodied'/' to refer to the efforts of others in the movement as examples for such embodiment is not bad teaching practice at all. This mc.ans that Paul does exercise powc.r-over his communities in that he dOC'.s sce himself in the role of 'the subject who -knows', who in his perception knows more a bout life in Chrisr than thc.y do. But rather than establishing a role of permanent hierarchy over them to keep them totally dependent on him, this pattern is seen as a way of supporting their growth.60 4
8.5 Christ as the 'Pattern' - The Deconstruction of Hierarc.IJies Paul further indicates how he should be imirated in his indire.c t or direct references to Christ . ln 2 Cor. 4.8 13, the so-called cata logue of afflictions could be regarded as an indirect reference to Christ through Paul~s (and other aposrlcs') life, whereas in 1 Cor. 11 .1 he refers di rectly to Christ as the one who is the 'pattern' to be imitated. In order to deal adequately with this aspect o f Paul~s call for imitation, passages other than those applying the word-group of mimesis need to be take.n into account. I c.a n only touch on some aspc.cts of this whole complex, and will thus focus my attention on the two passage.s in the Corinthian correspondence. T he so called catalogue o f afAktions (4.8- 13} is an indirc:ct rc:fc.rencc: to Christ as Paul here recalls the manr hardships apostles have to bear because of their life in Christ. He is challenging his converts with this description. Again Paul seems to refer to the Corinthians' confus ion of the blessedne.ss of life in Christ with triumph according to the standards o f ' this world•. They seem to perceive themseh·C's as a lready in ' the world to come' (4.8), having now achieved what in Christ's death and resurrection had only just begun. Paul thus has to remind them of the fact that the:)', as he himself docs, must still live in 'this world'. It mar be pa.ssing away, but for the time being life in Christ has to be lived under the conditions of this world. This means life 4
4
See 6 :tbo\·r. Also Horsley lOOO:t: 90, and Rarrchy 2005. Cf. Rarr.:hy 2005: Cf. 8 .2.~1 above. 60. This pcr.:<:ption of thC' '3symmetric:JI rd:Hionship bmvecn Paul and thr communities he foundrd is support«< by a number of '3sprcts in thC" P~ulinr kturs, some h~we bern IUC'ntioncd in prn ious chapters, some ,.,.·ill be ebbor:.tcd on in Chapt«s 9 :1nd 10. 57.
58. 59.
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under the conditions of a world which is ruled by the violent power of an empire which was tole-rant only insofar as its absolute. power was not called into qucstion.' 1 Claiming that thc.rc was a power which did not submit to the power of the emperor was, to say the least~ suspicious in the eyes o f
those dominating the Mediterranean basin. That this claim originated from the cast<'rn corner of the Empire and had a Jewish flavour did not hdp to demonstrate it was harmless. Under the conditions of 'this worldt it was no surprise that as a member of this Christ-movement one had to endure hardships. Thc.sc could hardly be avoided. But this catalogue of afflictions should not be rc.ad as an invitation to or glorification of suffering, as has
often been the. case in Christian tradition.c Paul is not idc.alizing the cross - which would in fact mean trl\'ializing it - but is calling his converts back to the rc.al world in which they li\'c and where they must live in conformity with this 'world to come), the kingdom of God, which has been inaugurated by the Christ-event, although the violence o f the cross and the suffering of human beings can become ine.vitable. But rather than the.se events being taken as a sign and proof for failure, as was the case in the dominating value system>they should be regarded as signs for real life in Christ. In that sense the sign of the cross is turned upside down, from a sign of failure into a sign of life. In that sense the hierarchies of value.s arc 'deconstructcd' in Christ, in that what is folly> and we.ak and of low!)' status is wisdom in the e)'CS of God. The Corinthians probably had not got that quite dc~r. They seem to have returned to the hierarchies of the. 'old' world. Thus Paul has to remind them of his teachings> of r dc; OOoVc;: JJOU TChrist, Paul and the congregation arc not callc.d to become the same. Morcove.r., 'My ways which arc in Christ' sounds quite similar to 'the ways of king so and so' or ' the ways of the Lord' so often rde.rred ro in the Scriptures. As has bc.en noted abo\'c, ' these ways) we.rc the guidelines not the pre.scriptious fo r a life. according to the CO\'cnant. This applies similar!)' to a life according to Christ. Jn the conte.xt of a Jewish perception of rcaliry on the basis of the Scriptures the call for imitating Paul in his imitation of Christ is not a call to samcne.ss. Distance and distinction arc maintained. I thus cannot sc.e an imposition of power in [he sense of 61. 62.
See 1.1.2 nbov('. See Chaptr r 6 obovc.
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domination and control through che vehicle of Pauline imitation language. It is a means for guiding and reaching the Corimhians into a way of life in Christ. But it implies a 'deconstruction' of the dominating patterns of life in Gracco-Roman socict)'.; static hierarchies arc. ' deconstructed' by Christ and to live. in Christ means to live, that is, to embody this deconstruction of hierarchies as a Christ-following c.ommunity alrt4dy in ' this world'. This may imply hardship and troubles under chc. circumstances of this world, but it neither asks for nor idealizes these. In 1 Cor. 11.1 Paul explic.itly refc.rs to Christ as the panern he is imitating and which therefore should also be imitated by the fi(I(A~ola. Again this call to imitation summarizes the passage preceding it, which addresses issues about eating and d rinking. As in Romans 14-15, Paul indicates that what really maners in li\•ing in Christ is what serves the purpose of building up the community. The issue of eating and drinking is significant not mere!)' as an ethic:al appendix to Pau l ~s theology.,;) I cannot elaborate on this in detail here. Of interest arc the guidelines which Paul proposes as an adequate way of dealing with the problems of eating and drinking. The call to become 'imitators of me as I am of Christ' he.rc implie.s that the primary ' principle' is 'to sc.ek the advantage of the other' (10.24; 10.33). The wel l· being ofthe other is the te.sting ground of a life in Christ. He/she is 1he limit to any freedom in Christ. To accommodate to himlher in his/her difference as Paul docs (9.19· 23) is proper imitation of Christ. This docs not mean the gi\•ing up of oneself, a frequent and prevalent misunderstanding in Christian tradition, \'cry often at the expense of women who in serving others were denied their own lives. It also cannot mean to be 'fluttering in the. wind' without any personal identity. Paul is the most telling example of a distinctive pcrsonalit)' which is itself necessary in order to reallr accommodate to others. Accommodation to the othcr and seeking the advantage of the other should not be confused with gi.,.ing up one.scH. Accommodation serves rhc purpose of supporting one another. Jt is not a caH to give up ones own identity and take over the identity of the other. Inasmuch as imitation is not ide.ntical with copying, accommodation is not the same as becoming identical with the othe.r. Since Paul asks all me.mbcrs of the comnmnit)' to accommodate to and se.ck the advantage of the other this is in fact an admonition to mutual support."-' It is no surprise the.n to find other passages where Christ is the e.xample to be imitated in a way in which mutuality is ob\•iously intended - as, for example, in Rom. 15.7 ' ... welcome one another as Christ has welcomed you .' Rather than establishing hierarchies in the communities Paul founded~ he calls for a 'deconstruction' of the hierarchies of 'this world' as he says in Rom. 12.2 'Do not be conformed to this world>but be transformed by the r<".newing of rour minds, so )'OU rna)' discern what is the will of God .. .' (NRSV). There he further claboratc.s on the different fu nctions mc.mbers ha\'e in the: community - without imposing any hierarchical orde.r. Jc is moreover evident [hat Paul 63. 64.
Cf. Ehrcn.s-p«grr 2004;~ : 177-94, also N:mos 1996: 85; Esler 2003: 339-56. Cf. Ehrcn.s-p«gcr 2007.
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cnc:ouragcs his converts to work out the implications o f his call to imitation bv and for themselves. · It thus should be- no surprise to find the notion of imitation in 1 Thessalonians 1.6-7 and again in 2.1 4. The authors recognize. and applaud that the c.onvcrts themselves have bcc,omc imitators not only of them but also of Christ. They have embodied the message the apostles caught and lived among them and now the.)' themselves serve as an example for other ii
Chapter 9 POWER IN INTERACTION - TH~ D ISCOURSE Of R ESI' ONSE-ABILIT Y
In the prcNious chapters it has been argued that although Paul did claim aurhority in relation to the communitic.s he founded. he did so in a differentiated way which cannot be subsumed undc.r an exercise of power according to powcr-o\•cr in the vdn of a command-obedience structure. The notion of tc.ac.hing in particular indicates that the Pauline power claims, although presupposing a hierarchy bctwcc.n himself and his communities arc in no way intended to establish a permanent position of domination and control. But within the Pauline lcttc.rs there still remains to be analrscd a discourse which strongly challenges the. proposed perception o f Paul as being in a transfomlativc powc.r relationship with his communities. It is a d iscourse which is traditionally referred to as the discourse of obedience. The te.mtinology of UnaxoUuv/Uno:Koi) is rendered a crucial role in establishing the significance of this discourse in attributing to it notions of subordination and submission as key characteristics. \X' hilst a$recin~ with the significance attribute.d to the discourse related to Una lri:oUe•v/uno:Ko'll think a critkal voice must be raisc:d against identifying it plainly with a discourse of obedience. and thus subordination and submission. Thi.s identification is justified in as much as Una Ko0f•v/ Uno:Kol) do refer to obedience. Feminist and other critic.al voic.es at the margins o f the traditional discourse o f interpretation have pointed to the problemmic cffc.cts this inte.rpre.t ation of the Urro:KoUe .v!U nalri:o~ discourse has had over centuries in the: history of Christendom. 1 Although differences between UrraxoUuv/Uno:Kol) and the Pauline usc of UnoT
1.
1.
Cf. Soli< 1968: 11-36, lT 1995: 7- 29. Kiscm:mn 1969: 196-216, csp. 206, d . also 1970:65.
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perception of the dynamics of power within first-.ccntury groups of Christ· followers.·' 9. 1 Obedience as Faith and as Submission to God
Paul frequently refers to the. ncccssit)' of Vrra KOil for the new Christ·followus and although he llC\'Cf explicit!)' commands what or what not to do, there is no doubt that he not onl)' uses the word rrapo:KaAelv (which is s«.n as a 'mild' cxprc.ssion of admonishmc.m)• when he thinks there is something important for them not only to know a bout, but also, more importantly, to do. The fact that Paul and the co-senders of the letters perceived themselves as being in a position to give the addrcss-x.s more than mere ad\•icc but to strongly urge thc.m) combined with the characterization of the goal o f their activities as being t.ic; Uno:Koitv ntonw-; Ev ntio1v Tole; t6vEOIIJ {Rom 1.5), has bern taken as a d ear indication that obe-d ience and rhus submission were perceived as core characteristics of being in Christ. It has even been a rgued that obedience and faith arc actually identic.al, implying that obedience is the e-ssence of faith. The most prominc.n t advocates of such a perception of Pauline theology, and the core of Christian faith> were Rudolf Bulrmann and Ernst K3scmann. Bultmann c.rc-.ated the term ' radic.al obe--d ience' which is the attimde of ' man under faith' that is, the ·righ__, attitude towa rd God. It is thus perceived as devoid of content> referring to the bdie.ver's submission unde-r God's will as the response. to the free gift of God's grace. Obedience as faith is thus strucntre.d as a submissive attitude over against a superior power. Although it has to be acknO\vledged that Bultmann understood this perception of faith as obedience as implying a possible critique of any superior human the.re. a rc difficult aspc.cts in this empt)' perception o f faith as obc.d icncc.!> To establish an auimde of submission (irre-spective of content) as an ideal has been used in the course of history not so much to remind me.n in power of their dependency on another power and their ac-Countability to it, but rather to legitimize their usc of power as stewards of a higher power. Jt was women in pan icular who wereadmonished to submit since submission was the highest possible a rrin1de, to be practised not merdy in relation to God but equally on earth and over against c.arthly male. rulers at home and in the public re.alm. And in imperial 3.
I am indebtcd to th< w3rning Dorothu SOlie formub tcd almost 30 }"t":lrs ago which in rccognizing to the- options of
.1.s 3 very young studcnt :tlwC'd mc- to the signillcancc- of rrccption hiscorr p rohlem ~ltic omcoriKs of parricul:tr imcrprctarions but also opened my eyes
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contexts this 'virtue of obedience served to put and keep those colonized and marginalized in the place which the imperial power deemed appropriate for them.11 Morem·er, Bultmann drew a sharp distinction between this Christian 'radical obedience' and jewish observation of the Torah, which he labelled as legalism and viewed as an inferior response to an outside authority;: The. structural problem r<'mains in Kasemann's transformation of Bultmann's concept. Kascmann <'.mphasized the corporate dimension of the obe.diencc/faith discourse in that although obedience to God freed the believer from obedience to any <'.arthly lords, it dOC'.s not free him/he.r from social responsibility. Thus subordination to the one Lord implies responsibility for rhe neighbour. Although Christians should in obedience imitate Christ their Lord who is the exemplary obedient, being obc.die.nt unto death for us, a hierarchical pattc.rn of domination and subordination r<'mains inherent in this perception of faith as obedience. Others have followed Bultmann and Kasemann in understanding the discourse of UrraKOUfl v/Vno:Kol) as a discourse of obedience and in the identification of obedience with faith.' Problems inherent in such a perception of the Pauline discourse of UrraKoUwdVno:Koft and of faith have been highlighted b)' C)•nthia Briggs Kittredge in her Commuuity and AutiJority. If it is presupposed that the Urro:KoUtlv/UrraKoi! discourse in Paul is in fact a discourse of obedience in the way in which it is perceived by Bultmann, Kascmann and others> it is then a discourse where power is claime.d and exercised according to the patt<".m of command and obedience. Although in this perception the One whom the faithful ought co obey is God or Christ> implr ing that obcdie.nce should be render<'d to no one else, and thus c.laiming that there is an clement of liberation in this perception) the strucmral pattern of the perceived rdationship is still one of domination and subordination. Such a pattern can easily be transformed into a tool of domination in support of human claims, in that alr<".ady Paul as the exe.mplary 'sla\'<' of God' and 'apostle of Christ' then can be pcrceiv<'d a.s asking for obedience not merely to God or Christ but in addition to himself> as their represe.ntative. The perception of the ideal faithful relationship between God and humans as one shaped according ro a pattern of domination and obedience even when exercised with the best intentions and perceive,d in an ideal form, is highly problematic bec-ause inhe.rent to its structure is a static hierarchical dimension. A static hierarchy with one of the constituents in a permanent sup<'rior position and others in permanent .subordinate positions has problematic implications for the p<".rc<'ption of human relationships. [f the discourse of UrraKouel vtUrra Korl is int<'.r preted as a discourse of obedience in this sense, the conclusion that Paul in his self- perception as apostle and slave of Christ claimed and exercised power acc.ording to a domination-obcdie.nc.e pattern follows almost natural!)', <'Ven more so if Urro:k:ouelv and UrroTclooE6al 6. 7. S.
Cf. Caner 2006: ~H!lnd Horsley 2004:1 1-20. Bulrmann 1952:3 15- 16. (cf. Kittrrdgr 1998: 15-16). Sec-the-discussion in Kinrcdg< 1998:13-29.
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arc perceived as being id en tica l .~ But thc que-stion which should be addressed here is whether reading the discourse of Urratr::ol!Eiv/lnro:Kotl according to a
command-obc.dicncc: perception of powc.r is the only possible- option the texts actuall)' allow ior. 9.2 Obedience as Heariug ami Re.pondiug 9.2.1 In Contrast to judaism? Although it is noted in most studies on obedience in the Pauline literature that in the LXX the terminology o f UrraKoVE•v/Urro:Ko~ consistently translates the Hebrew 'iJOID' and it is ac.knowlcdgcd that this must hnc had some bearing on the Pauline discourse, including d1c distinction that the LXX draws be-tween the UnaKoue.lv!Urra Korl discourse and a disc.oursc of UnoTciooEo6atlfrriTa y- etc.~ the extent of the significance of this is hardly taken seriously into account. Thus D. B. Garlington notes that •... faith's obe-dience is the appropriate response of Israel, the cm•cnant partner, to the election, grace and mercy of God. Hc.nce the notion resident in Uno:Koi) rrion~ is not in any sc.nsc original or unique to Paul.~"' But Garlington concludes from this chat Paul uses this terminology in conscious, even polemical contrast, to a Jewish perception of this discourse. Garlington narrows what he c.alls the jev.~sh perception of obedience-to being confined to faithfulness understood as adherence to the law, chat is, Jewish identity. In c.ontrast to a narrow so-.callc.d ethno-ce-ntric e.xclusivene.ss, Paul has supposedly widened this Jewish concept and applied the terminology of lsracl~s rdation to God to those in Christ. He thereby is seen to have established that those in Christ arc those who now have olxdicnrly responded to the. call of God and arc thus the true people of God. Garlington maintains that the 'the obedienc.e of faith among all the nations for his name's sake.' is the Pauline manifesto that now by faith in the risen Christ alone all the privilcgc.s entailed in Israel's identity as the people of God arc available to the nation.s. 11 Thereby the Identity of Israel is tran-sfer red to the gentile church, a church which is perceived to be the new lsrael.•z This highly problematic perception of Paul as 'stealing' the identity of the jews as God~s people and transferring it to the church is problematic in several wars. It pre.supposcs that Paul's call to proclaim (he gospel to gentiles implied a rejection of Judaism, and that the negative response of a prcsume,d majority of Jews co the proclamation of Jesus as the Christ implied that [hey were reje.cted by God. This is certainly not what Paul argues in Romans, precisely 9. Cf. Kittr<'dg<' 1998: 37- 5 1. 10. G.ulington 1994: 233. I I. C'.-:.rlington 1994:247. 12. Garlington daims that Paul advoc;~t<'d !l tr-..msf<'r<'nc.: of lsr:1d's identity both in privilq;<' and o blig;:~ti on to th<' Ckntil<'s. This is pl:1in sup<'rsc-ssionism and is in my :1nd othc:r schobrs' ,·i.:w pr<'cisdy what Paul !lrguc:d against- particularlr in Ronmns. ~·or a compr.:hc nsi~·.: discussion of the~ issu.:s sc-.:
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the contrary.U T he problem with Garlington's perception of the discourse of Unakor) as a discourse of obedience is, that although he takes note of the 'he.a ring and re.sponding' aspc.cr inherent in it, he doc-s not co nsider the relational dynamic o f hearing and responding as of primar)' signlfic.anc.e but rathe.r focuses on a rep lacement paradigm which implies that the ' hardening of the hean~, or the 'not hearing' of the people of Js rad naturally means their rcje.ction and replacement. T he relational dynamic of he.aring and responding is the.reby lost. 9.2.2 As Oral Trammissiou T his is a lso the case with scholars who do not perceive Paul's usc of this tem1inology in 1he service of sening up a conrrast to Judaism. Contra Garlington, R. Jewett notes that Paul in his references to Una~r::o~ nlonQ; is fa r from setting up a contrast to Jewis h theology. but he emphasizes inste.ad that this refers to the positive response in faith to the gospel Paul inte.nds to advance a lso in Romans. Jewett sees in the choke of UncucoUew a reference to the communica tion process between ' preacher, gospel, hc.arcr, Christ and comnmnitr ', 14 thereby emphasizing the d imension of orality in the s preading of the gospd. Faith is seen as the rc.sult of hc.aring and responding to the oral communication o f the gospel (rather than conforming to some written law).• ~ T hus although Jewett attributes real significance. co the fact that U na~r::or) relates the Pauline discourse in some \Va}' co the s;otj discourse. of the Scriptures} he attributes significance to this mainly with respect to the formal aspc.ct of the oral proclamation of the gospel. •6 It is intc.rcsring that even when it is noted that there is no word for 'obey' in biblical Hebrew this has no further bc.a ring on any of the interpretations menrionc,d above. lt sc.ems co be taken for grantc,d that 'In biblica l thinking ... to speak of fa ith is to .speak of obe.dience.""7 Such a .sratemem, .although indic.atjvc for most approaches, c.omcs as something of a surprise given that ir has act ually been notice,d that many dimensions of the U nako~ discourse: in the Pauline lc:ners arc related to the Scripturcs!LXX . T hus 1 propose a reading of the Pauline discourse of Urra~r::oi) which pays particular attention to its a ffinity with aspects o f the scripturaVLXX
13. I ct~nn ot deal with the problr ms inh
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discourse. In this stud)' 1 can only deal with some examples of this relation as the subject rc.q uircs more extensive rese--arch. 9.3 Called to Hear and to Do - God at1d His People The narrative within which the discourse- o f UrraKo~ is embedded in the Scripturcs/LXX is the narrative of the people Israel who arc called out o f slavery in Egypt to scn·c God. T hus the call to hear - ci:KoUEI V !Urratr::oUtiV, which is rooted in the Hebrew discourse related to the word stem '110e'~, 18
- is linked co a specific event in the relationship bet ween God and his people. It needs to be noted though that the narrative docs not begin with God's deliverance of his people but with his hearing their \'Oiccs of suffering, and rcmcmbc.ring that he has committed himself to a relationship with the ancestors of those who arc suffering now (Exod. 2.24). Prior to the people being c.allcd to hc.a r there is the. hearing, compassion, (Exod. 2.25) and response of God in his act o f deliverance (beginning br calling Moses Ex. 3.1-15). The One who calls his people to hear his voice (Exod. 19.3-9) and respond co it is the One. who hears and responds ro their c.ric:s. This image of God as the One who hears and responds not only permeates the Exodus narrative but pc:rmc.atcs the entire Scriptures, and is an inherent aspect of the tradition o f Israel. Almost rwo·thirds of the Psalms rdlccr this aspect of the relationship between God and his people, being the pmycrs/ songs of people in distress ca lling upon God m hear a nd respond to the
suffering of the faithful. Most of them end in celebrating and praising God in that they acknowledge that he has heard their crying and responded with compassion and mcrcy. 111 Thus Psalm 13 opens with the question "How long, 0 LORD? Will you forget me forever? How long will you hide your face from me:?' (v. 1) and cominucs explicitly 'Consider and answer me, 0 LORD my God!'(\'. 3), concluding thar ' ... I trusted in your stc-.adfast love.; my hc-.art shall rejoice in your salvation. I \Viii sing to the: LORD, because he has de.alt bountifully with me' (w. 5·6) (NRSV)."' Thus, in putting his/her suffering in words and addressing God, the one- who prays pc-rcdvcs God as the One: who ac.ruall)' can be expected to hear and to re-spond. This perception o f God as responding is an indispensable dimension of the relationship between God and his people Israel. The call co hc.ar the voice of the l ord is thus part of a relational discourse of mutual commitment which c.annot be subsumed under a pattern of command-obedience. But despite this a majority of translations render phrases such as 'i ?pJ iJOtti?' as 'to ober m His voiccllaw/command' 18. Cf. P~Hf<'rwn who nmincain.s thar 'jt"\vish thinking ... is not so much~ mann
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rathc.r than as ' to hcarllistcn to the voicc!forah/guidancc of the Lord'.2 1 Such translations sugge.st a perception of the relationship of God with his people in the vein of a .supc.r ior exercising power-over the subordinate in a dominating scnsc.ll God is seen as imposing his will upon his people irrcspccrh•c or c\'cn contrary to their own interests. Taken the fact that it has been noted that biblic.al Hebrew doc.s not have a word for 'obedience', it is rather strange to find this word so persistent!)' and frequently in all translations. Surprisingly, what is pcrcd vcd as a discourse of obedience is actually a discourse. of hc.aring and responding. Of parcicular significance for this stud)' arc the traces of this disc<>ursc as found in prophetic literature. I ha\'C to limit the. discussion here to select passages of the book of ls.aiah which is of particular significance for the Pauline discoursc.u Thus in numerous passages particularly in Dcutc.ro-lsaiah24 the people arc summoned to hear 'now hc.ar, Jacob my servant, Israel whom I have chosen' (lsa . 44.1 ); ' Hear this, House of Jacob, you who arc called by the name of Israel' (!sa . 48.1 ): 'Listen to me, Jacob and Israel, whom I have called'
(lsa. 48.12); 'Coasts and islands listen to me, pay attention. distant peoples' (Isa. 49.1 ); 'Listen to me, rou who pursue righteousness, you who seck the
lord' (Isa 51.1); ' Listen to me, )'OU who know, what rightcousnc.ss mc.ans' (lsa. 51.7); 'Listen carefully to me .. .'(!sa. 55.2); ' ... listen and you will live. .. .' (!sa. 55.3); or alternarively cltcy arc asked whether or why they did not hear:
' Have rou not kno\vn, have you not heard?' (lsa. 40.21 ; 28); 'your cars arc open but you did not hear' (!sa. 42.20b); 'Was it not the Lord against whom
we had sinned, in whose ways they would not walk and whose Torah they would not hear?' (ls:a. 42.24). Corre.sponding to such references to the calling of God through the prophet or to the issue of not-hearing, the assurance that God himself does hear and respond is expressed, as, for example, '1, the Lord will answer them, I cltc God of Israel will not fo rsake them' (!sa . 4 1.17b); 'In
a time of favour I have answered you, on a day of sa1\'ation I have hdpc.d rou. I have kept you .. .' (!sa . 49.8); 'Then you s hall ca ll and the Lord will answer .. .' (58.9); 'Before they c~ll. I will answer, while thq• arc. yet speaking I will hear' (65.24). These a rc only a few selected references to the hearing/
responding discourse in Second Isaiah, which indicate how central it is to this book. A more deta iled analysis than can be provided in this sntdy would be very illuminating, and funhcr material would need to be considered in a more c.xtcndc.d studr on this particular issuc.!J But it is sufficient to note here that from this very limited overview it alrc.ady emerges that to 'hear and respond', far from witnessing to a discourse in the vein of command-obedience, is
2 1. 12.
Cf. <.g.IX
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rathe-r an indication of what [ would like to call a 'discourse of responseability' between God and his people. Peculiarities in the usc of terminology in translation in mr view support this reading. The tcrminolog)' used in the LXX to translate the Hebrew l>Otd, or when rdcrring dirocdy to the response dimension, ii:SJ, varies between cilri:oUftv/f.rraKoUEtvhioa"KoVEtv/V no:KoUEtv/ unaKon/napaKoUetV but significantly in Song 5.6; lsa. 50.2; 65.1 2 and 66.4 the LXX cxplicitl)' translates i1)i) with UnaKoUtiV!Uno:Kor} thereby underlining the response character of this Grc.ck term in the context of the LXX. This will be of particular relevance for the analysis of the discourse of UnaxoUuvtlmaKor) in the Pauline letters. 9.3. 1 Called into Existence This is not to negate that inherent in this scriptural discourse of re.sponseability there is an asymmetrical dimension. But asymmetry in a relationship d()('.s not necessarily and inhe.re.ntly imply that power is exercised according to a domination and subordination pattern.1• The asymmetry here is rather indicative of mutual dcpc.ndency or interrdatedne.ss. The people arc c.alled to hear and respond in 'walking in the ways of the Lord' that is~ to live a life which is appropriate to the relationship they had agreed to (Exod. 19.8 and e.g. Deut. 8.6; I 0.12; 19.9; 26.17; 28.9)." This is actually nothing less than a constitutive aspect of lsrad's identity. Israel is c.allc.d into existence by the call of God to h~r: 'Israel becomes Israel through hearing~ Brueggemann comments.u Israel's life begins and is rooted in God's c.all, that is, in his compassion and faithfulne.ss to them, thus their response. is inherently 'existential'. ' lsrad is a creanJre of God's word \'Oiccd in the Torah ... ~l' Torah is the guidance to the 'way.s of the. Lord' and teaches Israel ' how to engage in practices that make it possible to be. Israel in an inhospitable world•.Jil The people Israel thus find themselves as existing not in and out o f themselvc.s, thq• arc not the creators of life, but always called or - as the crc.ation narratives render it - created. The connection between the people crying in despair to God, God hearing, and them being c.allc.d is not merely one of tcmporal.sc.q ucnce but of mutual influence in a web of interdependence. Something is prior to them and their existence. Thus inasmuch as the Exodus 16. See 2.4.4 ~ bove. 27. Cf. also 8.llabo\•e. 28. Bruegg
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na rrative.s , the Psa lms and Prophets tell of expericnce.s of God hearing and responding, the people lsrad also envisage themselve.s as living out o f and being constitme.d br a relationship which 'the Other' has initiated:41 Yet this initiation did not consist in a ca ll to obedic.nc.c but in deliverance from servitude a nd oppression. T his is cxpresS<'d in narratives like chose of Hosea who reminds the people that 'when they were a child God loved them and called them out of Egypt ... he ta ught them to walk ... he was like someone lifting an infa nt to his check' (Hos. 11.1-1 1)." A similar image is seen b)' EZ<'.k icl in relation to Jerusale.m: God ta kes on the role of a tendc.r-loving parent who 6nds a ne.wborn baby and raises her as his/her own daughter ((E.zek. 16. 1-14)." Inherent in thc.sc images in which the relationship between God and his people is depk ted is a perception of life as always being a gift, not self-initiated. Hannah Arendt fommlated a similar perception in twentieth-century te.rminology maintaining tha t 'all notions of man creating himself have in common a rebellion against the very factuality of the human condition- nothing is more obvious than that man ... docs not owe his existence to himsdf. t3-' Human life is not perceived as originally and ide.a lly to be lived in autonomy, a stage that subsequently and unfortunately was lost (lhrough sin etc.)~ but is see.n primarily and inhe.rcntly as being interdepende.nt. T hus Israel, in being called out of Egypt~ is not ca lled into a utonomr (as something they previously had and then lost) but into rdationality with God, the source of life~ as distinct from servitude and s ubmission to the dominating power of some ruler, contributing to the accumulation of his wc.alch and glor)'.35 Frc.cdom in terms of the Sc.ripwres is not indepc.ndcnce in the sense of autonomy or even autarky. Thc.rc: is no promotion of an ideal of having to rely o n anyone other than oneself. Rather it me.a ns m be callc.d into a relationship which means into interdependency.
31. ConC<'rning the Exodus narr:tti\'t Su~nn e ~icasch comments: 'Rdariona1ity is inherent to the motif of freedom - p:~n dox iC~IIy. within the context de.1h '"'ith here, frec:dom begins with rc'cognizing one's own sccondarr posicion. But this -coming second .. , is nevertheless "'read" in irs rdarional :~ nd self-standing dimension - as being identifie-d, being constituted, being created! My translation of the G('tm:'ln: 'Dem Topos der Freiheit liegt Rdarionalitiit zugurnde - FrC"ihcit heginm paradoxerweisc im Konrext des bier behandehcn Denkens mit dcr Erkenntnis dcr cignen sd.:und.:ircn Position. DieSC's Sckundiirt' wird jedoch - chen relationtll und sehr souvcr3n - als Wahrgenommcn-wcrden, Konsrituicrr-werden, &schaffm-wuden "gd esen "" (2005b: 46). 32. Plimsch 2005b: 33 . .33. Plictzsch comments h<-rc- conce-rning the im:~gC' of the ~ ban doned newborn b:1by who without hdp is doomed to diC' 'In such a context to exercise domin~ti on would be ineffective and nothing other th:~n tender loving c~ re would :~chi ew anrrbing.• My tr;;'lnslation of the German: ' In einer sokhen Situ:'ltion ist ~ H errsch~ft " schlichl indfckri'' und nichts .mderes als lid>e\·olle Zuw.:ndung wirkungsvoll' (2005b: 59). .34. Armdt 1970: 13. 35. Plictzsch 2005b: 56.
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9.3.2 lmer-Depc-1tdence - not Subordiuation, Submission or Obedience To be dependent is not to be confused with subordination) submission or obedience. It docs not inherently and necessarily imp!)' that one is dominated or controlled by the.other/Other. It also docs not imply that in acknowledging dcpcndcnq' the responsibility for one's life and actions is delegated to someone dsc:. On the. contrary, it is precisely within the context of dependency that lsrad is called to rc.spond, that is to be responsible for her actions in relation to others. The call to respond is addressed to a community and it is the life of the community which is the re-alm within which those. c.allcd arc. expected to rc.spond, in being responsible for those who arc also pan of the network of inte.rdependcnce) that is the neighbours.J.s To be called means, to speak in a Levinasian way to be chosen before c.hoosing.3 ' As noted abo11e) the Other who calls me- is always prior to me) is always alrc-.ady there, thus the relationship constituted b)' the c.all and mainraine.d in re-sponse is an aS)'mmetric.al relationship of re.sponsc abilit)'.Js God and Israel arc not the same, but arc nevertheless bound in inte-rdependence. It is their differenc.e or altcrit)' which is at the heart of their relationship. This mc-.ans that diffc.rcnce, altcrity and asymmetry arc- not perceived as being in contradiction to relationalilty or to rcsponse. ability. Nor is this asymmetry pen:dved as giving way to power o.,·er the othe-r exercised as domination or c.onrrol:t~ God who called Israel out o f Egypt docs not replace Pharaoh. HC' docs not position himself in the sc-.at of dominating power, his power consists in something radic.ally differen t from domination. God's power is perceived as manifesting itself in non-domination, which respects the integrity of the other and thus opens up the possibility of recognition (il1') and encounter. The power of God is perceived as rc1ationality which rules out any form of force, coc.rcion or domination. God calls Israel not into a new rc-.alm of domination, but into a realm of intadepcndencc-. The power of God consists not in powc-r over but in power with, in giving him/herself into a relationship which is neither constituted nor maintaine.d by powcr o11c-r, force or domination, but in the tender 1oving care for the people called. Arbitrary action and domination by God could contribute nothing co the maintenance of this bond.40 To live in che realm of this God means to be in a relationship) a relationship for which the remmc.iation o f power in the se.nse of domination is constitutive. Responding to the c-all of God then c.annot but mirror the pattern of this rc1ationship.4 1 Signific.antly those most \'Uinerablc and most dependent on the responsible actions of othe.rs in the community of Israel arc depicted as the exemplary 4
4
4
4
4
4
36. Paurrson 2005: 74. 37. 5<< Coh
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'others', that is. widows and orphans arc the 'tc.sting-ground' of the appropriate response to the God who called Israel. Patterson in his analrsis cnritkd Hebrew Language and j ewi•h Tl!ought notes that 'Vulnerable and exposed to danger, my neighbour is entrusted to my care. Which is to say: the "'other·~ or the 1m~ (aciJer), is the one for whom I am -~in~ (ocberai), rcsponsiblc-.'·12 Israel is called to respond not in mere words or in the approval of a cree-d but in community life-. The- lsraditc-s were- calle-d 'to he-ar' and ' to do' (Deut. 4.1 ; 6.3) and they conS
This rc.sponsivcness of those. c-alled has nothing to do with the- traditional notion of obcdic-.nce since it is not giving in to some-one dsc's will at the e.xpcnse of one's own. When the pe-ople- upon being asked whether they 'will liste.n to my voice- and will be- attentive to his covenant' (Exod. 19.5a) reply that 'all that the Lord has sa id we will do' (19.8) this should not be regarded as 'empty obe-dience to some unknown c-ommand. It is rather, in Ill)' view, the trusting response of people who ha\•e c-xpc.rienccd the c.arc and faithfulne-ss of the One who Him!Hersdf had hc~rd a nd responded to their suffering in leading them out of Egypt. T hey confi rm their trust in God who is faithfu l.
The word 'obedience' in my \•iew cannot and docs not express this d)'namics of trust appropriate!)' enough.~.. The pe-ople's response. is rathe-r the positive acceptance, c.vc:n cdcbration, of being in a relationship which enhances and enriches life. beyond imagination. An image more: appropriate than that of submissive obedience, than that of a ruler c-ommanding his subordinates, might be that of the compassionate love bc.twecn a couple - who are attentive to each other and responsive to c-.ach othe-r's needs as well as joys. Or the image of parents who tl1<mkfully, if not always joyfully, respond to the needs of the-ir newborn child in doing whatC\'er she/he nce,ds to grow up and to Rourish. Such images arc used in the Scriptures for describing the relationship bc-tv.•c-en God and Israel as being de-pe-ndent on each other in a compassionate relationship. Such images often also indicate that this rdationship although asrmmeuical i.s neve:rthdc-ss mumal- God is cxp
P~tter.>on
2005: 74. P:uurson 2005:13 and 19 1. 44. Brueggemnnn r
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to note that mutuality docs not imply that one gives back what one receives - it is not the same as what has b«n described as the practice of 'gift-exchange:• in ancient and some contcmporar)' socictics.46 The mutuality consists rathc.r in maintaining the relationship in iinowrc~ - that is in abiding trust in each other. This trusting rclationalit)' is not c.onfincd to inward fc.dings but emerges in action. The .scriptural nafl'ative depicts God~s intcrvcmion in history on behalf of his people. as inherent in His 'hearing' the groaning of his people in Eg)'pt (Exod. 2.23-25), responding to prayers (e.g. Pss. 17.1 ; 22.12), and not giving up on them despite them going astray (e.g. Hos. L1.8-9). lsrac:Ps response to this grace and compassion of God consists not in gi,•ing Him back the equivalent to what they have tx.en given but their 'trust/faith' consists in doing justice, that is, 'to loose the bonds of injustice.~ to undo the thongs of the yoke, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke .. .' (]sa. 58.6 NRSV). The response should encompass whate\'CC contributes to the promotion and abundance of life for all, particularly the life oi the weakest and most dependent within the communiry. What has been rt'.cci\'cd unconditionally should ovcrAow and be passed on into the community. 9.4 Responding as Response-abilry This d iscourse of hearing and responding (.i.1o~\!jiJ.iJ) is inherent in the ciKoUew/U rraxoVEIVdiscourse of the LXX and jewish tradition. Since it is this tradition in which Paul is embedded and with which he is mosr familiar,47 I cannot sec how chis dimension could not have resonated with the Pauline discourse. of dxoUEiv!UrraKoUnv. From chis hermeneutic-al presupposition I will now offer a rc.ading of the ci:KoVt.IY!Una:xoUetv discourse in some of the Pauline letters. 9.4. 1 Yrro:Koit ami Axo!) nionu:y,; in Romans and Galatians 'Paul's fascinating programmatic phrase', as Nanos call it, actually brackets the whole of the letter to the Romans to somC' extent since it is introduced as a description of what Paul docs in relation to the gentile. nations in Rom. 1.5 and rep<.ated in 16.26/s with a variation being found in 15.1 S. It is interesting to note that onlr in one other letter do W<' cnc:ountu a phrase that is almost identic.al with the one in Romans, that is, in Galatians where Paul in the debate with the Galatians asks them whether the}' have recdved the Spirit 'by works of the law, or by hearing with faith' ('f~ lpy(..)V vO~-tou TO nv~' !Gal.3.21). Again he asks whether they 46. SeC' abo\'r 4.5, :!ISO EhrmSpC'fg<'r 2004.1: 106- 1o~ 117-20; 192-102. Also jC'nnings 1006: 101. 47. SeC' W.Jgnrr 2001: 35~0. 48. Nanos 1996: 2 19; Jennings 2006: 106. Also jC"wcu 1006: 1 tO ~nd 997-10 I t.
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cxpcricnwl the effects of the Spirit ' by works of the law, or by hearing with faith' ('1~ 1py~v v~ou ii 1~ a<;' [3.5)). Taking into account what has bee.n demonstrated above> that the terminology of dKOOt•v and Urro:KoUt iV is used almost synonymously in the discourse of the LXX to translate the discourse of ;-JJ.U/.UCtl there is therc.forc: no reason co draw a distinction bctwe.cn the phrases UnaKo~ and dxo~ rrlon~ in chc Pauline discourse. \Xfhy should the more programmatic statements about his perceived cask in Romans refer to something different from what in a more 'hc.atcd' discussion is a reminder of the Galatians~ initiation into a relationship with the one God of Israel rhrou9h Christ? It seems indic.ativc that whereas in Galatians the phrase 'ci:Koi) mon~· is uSC'd in dose proximit)' co the phrase 'ipycx vOIJou•, it is translated as 'hearing of faith• with no rderc.ncc to obedience. No such reticence with rdc:rc:ncc to obedience terminology c.an be found when it comes to translating the phrase in Rom. 1.5 (' ... to bring about the obcdic.nce of faith for the sake of his name among all the nations' - flc; UnaKoiw nl onc.Y; iv mio•v Tolr; i6vfOI\I Urrfp ToU OvO~aT<X; a1hoU) - since issues about 'works of the law' arc here not as obviously in \'iew as they arc pre.sumcd to be in the Galatians' discourse! The saipwral discourse dCX'.s not show any traces of a distinction between hearing and doing. This is because ' to hear' implies. 'to respond' b)' doing and not merely by assenting to something like a Sresonating so closely with e.ach othc.r as well as with the:: d:KoUetv/Uno:KoUuv discourse of the LXX>refer to the. dimension of ' hcaringt responding and doing' which is inherent in the scripwral discoursc. 4 ' Read in this vein the phrases UnaKo~ and d~
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immc.diatdy after mc.ntioning his perception of the purpose/goal of his apostolic commissioning {inviting people from gentile nations to hear and respond) Paul uses 'call'·tc.rminology for designating them. They arc. KATJTOI lnoou XplOToU ('called to belong to jesus Chrisr' [Rom. 1.5]) and KAqTo·, &y,o, ('called to be saints' [Rom. 1.61). If someone is called the intention of the one who calls is that the c~ll should be heard and a response can be expected. The accurate response. which confi rms that the ca ll has been heard is a 'wa}' o f life' which is no longer based on the power o f sin, or ' this world', but o n the
justice of God (Rom. 6. 16·1 8). This justice, confirmed in the Christ-event} is none other than that revealed in the Torah and the Prophets (Rom. 3.21 ·22). Thus life lh•cd in faithful trust to this liiKOlooU\111 &oG is shapc.d according to the guidance given in the Torah and the Prophc.r.s_,as applied to gentiles who now live in the rc.alm of God through Christ. It is a response to the. gift of being called into a relationship which is compassionate and just and caring. The expected response is not to return but to pass on to others what has been rcceivcd:~11 A trusting {faithful) re.sponsc is aimed at doing justice. Far from impl)~ng submission to some: c-xu·rior force_ , this means rather to tunc into the rhythm of life according to God's tender-loving care and justice for Israel and the nations, as promised by the Scriptures and confim1ed in Christ according to the Scriptures. The theme of an invitation to a hearing response by those called re-sonates throughout Romans with its culmination in chapters 12-15, and their focus on welcoming, that is_, being hospitable towards rhc othe.r.·H In addition to being fim1ly rooted in scriptural context, Paul's emphasis is c.oloured by the messianic dimension which the e-arly Christ-followers perceived as having been initiated in and b)' the Christ-eve.nt. This ushers in the mission to the gentiles in which the c-all to the UrraKoi) and d Koi) rrlan cu:;: lc.ads to a way of life which has much in common with Jewish ethics, and which in its eschatologlc.al/m-essianic focus is radically open to the future. The trusting response in doing justice- and welcoming the other in the midst of an inhospitable world happens in anticipation 'of the coming of a justice that entails the re-surrection of the dead and the new cre-ation' ,J ! The rc.sponse in tr ust is also an expression of hope, a hope against hope, hope which is not seen, bec.ausc ' hope that is seen is not hope. .. . we hope for what we do not sec .. : (Rom. 8.24-25). 9.4.2 Guidance to the Called i11Corinth
An accumulation of c.aii-Janguage can be found in a letter like 1 Corinthians-, in which Paul and the c.o-scnders arc asked for and prov·ide guidance: and advice to the communit)' concerning concrete issues of community life. 50. Nanos 1996: 219-16;J
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The Corinthians arc. give.n guidance about the appropriate response to the call (KAl]or<;) of God, not as individuals but as a community. Although the rcmtinology of d:Ko~/ d KoVE iv is very rare in 1 Corinthians~ and nowhere arc they reminded to respond to their "call' in UnaKo~ - terminology, the c-alllanguage so frequent and pronounced in this letter re.sonate.s with dimensions of the 'he.a ring and responding) discourse of other letters-. The designation of this group as Tel iKKAf)ola ToU 6EoU (1.2) rc.sonatcs with their pc.rccption as 'KJ..l]Tor' (called). They arc the group of those from the nations called 'out of this world' to live as an alternative community a life in relation to the faithful God who called them (moTO<; e,Q.; 5t' ou !
o
4
53. h is significant to note with j ewett thot this is the normal designation Paul uses for the Christ-following groups, :1pan from the insraoces whtre they ar< either georgraphicollr or •l
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Prophets, it is the realm where the welt-being of the. kast is the tc.sting-ground of the appropriate response of the community of the called. Since. the. Corinthians arc addrc.sscd as ' KAflTOI' the senders thereby remind them of the specific concrete dimension that is implied in ' hearing/responding' to this call of God. The references to the divisions in 1.11-13, the problems concerning the Lord,s Suppc.r mentioned in l 1.17-34, and the emphasis on unity in diversity in chapter 12 all indicate. that the Corinthians were at least tc.mptcd to look for orientation concerning their community life in the surrounding world of imperial power. This would imply that strc.ngth and power were sought in entering into a patron-client relationship with a most forceful patron.$' Thus Paul and the co-senders felt the nee-d to darify for them the implications of living as 'KA~Tot' in the rc.alm of the God of lsrad. As former pagan genti les they were still in a learning proc.ess., in the procc.ss of being socialized into •life in Christ'. Jt doe.s not seem to be- pure coincidence that in this letter Paul so strongly reminds them that they arc called by God through Christ, Christ cntcified by 'rulers of this age', that is, by Roman imperial power (2.2, 6-8}. This in itself should clarify that in the rc-.alm of this God, life is lived in a radical!)' different war from the- ways of this world/ 1 The ways of God arc not like 'the wisdom of this age- or of the rulers of this age' and they c.annot be understood by 'rulers of chis age-' (2.6-8}. They arc so radicallr differen t that onl)' with the help of the spirit o f God can understanding begin to grow (2.1 1-13 )- The senders address the 'KA~TOI' \vho arc in Corinth as if che)' should have some understanding, that is the ' hearing and responding' should have led them to ' doing' according to chcir relarionship with God through Christ. But the re.ports from Chloe indicate- thal the)' have not quite- unde-rstood, not quite 'heard' and thus not quite ' responde-d' appropriate!)' to thdr 'calling'. Thus Paul challc.ngcs them to grow further in their life. in Christ (3.1 -Ja). The parccrn to lx imitarcd is Christ - and if they nc.c-d an actual human example they should take Paul and the rdationship between P.aul and Apollos as an cxamplc-..oo Thc- guidanc.c gi\'c-.n re-minds them, through Timothy as we-ll as the lette-r (4.17)., that their entire life ought to scek orientation in 'Jcsus Christ and him crucified' {2.2). In the anticipation of the coming kingdom of God che)' ought to base their live-s not on the wisdom of this world, that is, not in sc.eking honour and power according to the values of the Roman Empire, but on chc. cross. This in itself is an cnc.ouragement to an anti-imperial stance and it is elaborated by Paul in that he c.ncouragc:s these 'KMTo•', who formerly we.rc pagans, to seck support for understanding the implications o f their ne.w-found trust in God through Christ b)· remembering the fact of the crucifixion o f Jesus Christ. The cross re\'~ls and signifies that power, in chc realm of God, is of a radic.ally different kind from the powc.r of Rome, it is powc.r to empower in contrast to power to dominate.' ' 58. 59. 60. 6 1.
See :.llso the diseussion of 1 Cor. 4.16 and I Cor. 11.1 in 8.4 -above. Cf. HorsiC'y l OOOl: 90-93. SeC' -above Ch-aptC'r 8. Cf. ChaptC'r 6 abovl."; also Finn<'y 2005: 18- 3 1.
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9.4 .3 Yrro:Kon in Other Letters
To hear and do in the realm of this God consists not in submission to a dominating power but in being moved b}' His c.all to respond with one's entire life (Deut. 6.4-6). This is what is expressed in passaqcs of two other letters. In one instanc.e it is followe.d b)' a blessing '0. Kai !pa6e.n Kal rro:pe.XOJ3nE w:al t\KoUoan Kal ti'Cine fv i~ol. raUra nPaooe.n Kal 0 6e.bc; r q;: eiprjVf)C; fo ra. ~JE6' Upt.lv' ('\XIhat you have le.arne.d and re.ccive.d and heard and seen in me do, and the God of peace will be with )'OU' !Phil. 4.9)). In the other it is followed with the acknowle.dgcmcnt that the 'he.aring' is c:ffectivc: in the lives of the Christ· followers ' ....~~Eic; eUxap!OToUpEv T~ &~ d6wAelrrrc.>t; Orl no:paAa~Ovnc; XOyov dw:ol)t; rrap'fu.u::iv roU 6eoUf&~ao6f oU XOyov dv6p~JT(o)V dXAO: Ka6c.k iOTtv dJ,.,e~ XOyov &oV Oc; w:ai fve pye.'irw iv VJJ1v role; n1onUooo1v.' (' ... we also chank God constantly for this, that when you received the word of God which you heard from US1 you accepted it nor as the word of men but as what it really is, the word of God which is at work in you believers' l1 Thess. 2.13)). It is significant to note that all those who have 'heard' the word of God arc pcrcei\'ed as hosts who have welcomed the gue.st into their lives, that is they have offered the guest (the word) their hospitality. They arc active participants in the procc.ss rather than passi\'c., submissh·c recipients and cxccutcrs of some command. They arc the ones who move chcir lives upon ·hc.aring'. They arc 'welcoming' the 'word of God' in a similar vdn .as they arc cnc.ouraged to 'welcome one another' as 'Christ has wekomcd them' (Rom. 15. 7). This is an activity which is far from submissive obedience. It is an act of hospitalit)' which is based on 1he inviting hospitalit)' of God through Christ. Emphasis on the llfc-c.hanging dimension of ' hearing and responding• is also found in 2 Corinthians. Paul mentions that he had written to the Corinthians because. he wanted to know whether 'he; ncivra Vml~Ojlou Kai Tpo~ov) seems to contradin m}' rC3ding, but wirhouc daboraring here. any funhe r,
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this could be seen as a rdcrcncc. to respect and appreciation ra ther than to
fc.a r as suc.h> since the jorful context of the term docs not indicate a situation of force or cocrdon as 'ft.ar and trembling' language might indicate. The
c.mphasis on the all·c.ncompassing dimension of hearing and responding is also found in 2 Cor. 10.5-6 wherr Paul strongly affirms that he wishes the Corinthians~ minds and thoughts should be entire!)' focused on the hea ring of and responding to Christ rather than being partially distracted by 'this
world'. The lnrcucor)/V nm:oUEtv discourse found in the Pauline letters is thus seen as rc.sonating with the hea ring/responding discourse of rhc Scripntrcs. In the case o f the Christ-fo llowers the call to hear is transmitted through the apostles by Christ; it is a call to a response which echoes the celebration o f life as interdependence, a response which consists in the ovc.rAowing of grace in the life of the community.62 9.5 Submission and Order Discourse (I Cor. 14.32-34 and Rom. 13.1-7) T he rcfcrence.s to terms with the word-stem Tay - arc not frequent in the Pauline letters (H ), bm in the debates a bout the d iscourse of obedience the te.rm UrroT
63.
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pro,•ided by the 'first converts of the household oi Stephanas'. In Gal. 2.5 Paul maintains that he did not 'fit in~ with those who advocate that gentile followers of Christ must fully take on the Torah in order to be: acce:pte,d as equalme.mbcrs of this movement. AJI the.se instancc.s arc referring to issues of ·order' rather than the message of the. gospel and Paul never supports an argument for the necessity of UnoTdooeo6a. with reference to the gospel. To me. this indicates that it is more likcl)' a technical, organizational tu m rather than one related to the 'hearing and doing' of the gospel. This is even more applicable: in relation to the: conteste.d field of interpreting Rom. 13.1 -7. I am convinc.c.d b)' Jan Rock's excdlent analrsis of this passage.u He argues that the scenario which should be envisaged here. is that of a tiny minority (jews and amongst them Christ-followers} who live under the aU-pervasive dominance of Roman imperial power. They have no opcion but to submit ro this power - any other behaviour would c.ome close to suicidal activity. But to be forced to submit to the dominating power of the empire is something which is entirely different from being called by, and responding to, the: Other/other in a relationship of welcoming mutuality. This is acmally submission to a dominating power - not \'oluntaril)' but b)' force. The significant point Paul makes here, from an apocalyptic perspective:, is that e:vc:n the: power of imperial Rome is only established in accordance with God's will. Paul interprets Scripture as stating that God raised up Pharaoh for His purpose (Rom. 9.17). The ruler is allowed to rule for a limited rime, is accountable to chis God and will come to an end as God wills (1 Cor. 2.6). The time: of imperial Rome is 'doomed to pass away' and in Christ those who follow him already li\'c: in anticipatory hope. of another kingdom to come:. Thus submission to chis power has again nothing to do with voluntary acceptance and submission to any government of any century to come. Paul's seeming!)' quietist guidance is not a fundamental and universal statement about the relationship of Church and state but c.ontexmally limitc.d, in that he: is addressing the issue of how to live as a small minority under the condition of Roman imperial rule. It is a pe:rspccti\'C: which is nurturcd by a hope \vhich c.annot be seen - that another kingdom is already coming - the kingdom of another peace and another justice than the: brutal so-.callcd pax ct iuslitia established by military oppressive force throughout the Mc.ditc.rrane.an basin. Thus Paul's guidanc-e docs not give evidence for a command-obedience: structure inherent in his dealing with issues related to powc.r~ but rather demonstrates his concern for the wcll-be.ing of the EKxAf)ola!a t in the c.onfidence that coercion into submission will be brought to an end by God. This can hardly be taken as an argument to support the \•icw that Paul advoc-ates an attitude of submission to the 'rulers of this world'; rather it is a strategy in the vein of a hidden transcript of power.'' In submitting for the limited time set by God, to the ' power of the sword' -that is to coerci\•e. and violent power - the Christ-followcrs arc ne\•c.rthelc.ss 65. 66.
Rock 2007. For a diffcrmt \'lew SC'C Horrc-112005: 252-57. Cf. Ell;ort also 2004: 119-12.
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still in charge of their own lives, empowered by the wisdom of the c.ros.s and the knowledge. that what at the moment sc.cms. invincible, the domination of Rome, is passing awa)'.''7 Thus submission to Rome's domination is of a completely d ifferent charac.tu from responding in trust to God's call. 9.6
napaKa~w - n
Hidden Request for Obedience?
Having come co the conclusion that the usc of Urro:Kor}/lmo:Koue'iv terminology in the Pauline lc:ncrs is not an indic-a tion for a domination-subordination discourse as this reading proposes and the usc of UrroTay·/ intTay- language is very limited and very specific (as noted above), it c.o uld ncvc.nhclcss be arguc,d that Paul used othc.r W3)'S and means to exercise some kind of coercive power over his communitie-s in urging rhem to follow his advice or reaching and rhus obey him, that is, submit to his power. It has lxen sugge.ste.d by some scholars that the Pauline usc of the term napcuw:Aflv serves to express an explicit command to obey.1011 The view that Paul use.s no:paKa>.c.5 to 'hide' that he: would like: to, or actually doc.s command his communities, is most likely nurtured by Phlm. 8-1 0, where Paul states that he. perceives himsdf to be in a superior position to Phile.mon, which would a11ow him to c.ommand the Ia ncr. Paul here clearly sees himself as being in a position of authority in rdarion to Philemon, bur rather than blatantly exercising authority in the: vein of the command-obe.dic-ncc pattern) he. renounces it and states no:paKaAc.3 of. I am not convinced that the: emphasis on the contrast se.t up in this passage betwc.cn commanding and appealing/encouraging is related primarily to the fact that Paul renounces the exc.rc-ise of a kind o f power-over Philc.mon, which he actual!)' 'posscssed'.61 Rather, the point made here sc.ems to indicate that Paul distinguished the kind of asrmmctric.al re-lationship bctwee.n himself and other members of the Christ-movement from one that is structured accordi ng to a c.ommand-obedie.nce. pattern. This asymmetrical relationship is not charactc.r ized by the notion that the one in the: position of powc.r-o't·er c.an force the: dependent other to do what the superior want.s him/her to do bec.ause he/she is in a superior position. But rather, because rhis relationship is c.stablishcd on trust not on force. and domination and orie.nts itself not according to the 'pattern of this world' but o n ' the way of rhc: Lord', this has implications for the exc.rcise of pO\\'er-ovcr. Paul, in Philemon, writes to someone- who most likely is in a .socially superior position. In contrasting fmT<Xooetv with napa Ka>.flv he alludes to a perception of superiority as exe-rcising power-over according to a commandobedience model) which Philemon must have been very familiar with. In 67. Since this a conto tual sttltcmcnt the issue of the rckuionship bcrw('('n Olurch and has co be- reconsidered tlfrcsh in each new context rather th:m simply rrp~X~ting Paul's specific guid:mcr. 68. Sre Kittredge- 1998:91-98. 69. Scr Chapte-r l tlbove. st:.~u
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referring to the paradoxical asymme-try bctw(en them in the movement Philemon had joined, Paul emphasizes not necessarily his ' hidden' wish to command but rather rcfc.rs to the a1tc.rnative exercise of powe.r within this community. It is an exercise of power which aims not at establishing positions of domination and c.ontrol, but where pO\ver-ovcr is viewed as a means to guide and encourage others in a transfomlativc wa)', so they may grow into the way of life of a community which tries in the midst of an inhospitable world not to follow its destructive patterns. From the reading proposed here I cannot sec how, from this particular passage, it c-an be concluded that a command-obedience perception lies at the he--art of this as well as all the othc.r rro:paKaAc3 passages in the Paulinc- letters. But even if Paul hc:re were somehow ' hiding' a preference for commanding, this would be only one specific instance- which c.an hardly serve as the general pattern for his usc. of napo:Ko:AW elsewhere-. The least this passage- tells us is that Paul obviously did make a distinction betwe-en commanding and whateve-r is exprc-.sscd b)' the term napa~r;:o:A~. Thcte.ml can hardly be seen as a 'milder' form of commanding, it refers rather to an alternative form of relating to one anothc.r e\'en when the relationship involves some sort of hierarchy. This is c-o nfirmed by preNious studies of the trapaKaAc3 discourse. Bjcrkclund's smdy is still the most profound and detailed analysis of the term and he has demonstrated convincingly that sentences introduced by no:po:Ka~W in first-cc-muq•diplomatic c.o rrespondcncc indicated not a paternalistic or otherwise authority-exercising relationship betwe-en sender and addressec(s) but, as he formulates it: ' Es handclt sich um c:incn wi.irdigen und urbanc.n Ausdruck der Aufforderung, dem allcs Bcfehlende. und Untertanigc- fc.mliegt.' 10 lr is usc:d in situations where the coop<"rarion, contribution or acce--ptance of the. addressees is sought. The usc of napaKo:Ac.3, thc.n, indic.atc.:s that 'commanding' is e--ither not possible bec-ause the sender is not in a position to command the addressees or it is not advisable because the consent rather than the. submission of the addressees is decisive for the respccri\•c: purpose ,7' Thus the formulaic usc of tra pa•al.c3 itrapaKaAoii~'" (cf. 1 Thcss. 4. I) in the Pauline letters is an indic-ation of a dynamic of power betwec-n Paul, the co-senders and the addrcssee.s which diffc.rs signifkantly from a commandobedience st.ructure. Paul docs exercise power in that the rro:paKo:Ac3 tc-.mlinology signifies the compassionate wish of Paul that the addressees do follow his guidance and share his pc.rceptions of the implications of the Christ-eve-nt. But he consistently see.ks their consent rather than their submission.7l To sc.ek submission would be contrarr to the entire ethos of the 70. Bjcrkdund 1967: 110. 71. Jewett 2006: 725- 16; Bjcrkclund 1967: 188- 90. 72. h could be argued that this is a well-known srrat<'g)· of supe-riors - to disguise Jctual domination in sttking the \·ol um.:~ry consent of the dominJted to th<'ir situation. (Cf. Fooruuh 1986: 133- 34.}\'('hilsr this m.:~y be a possible option in modrm socictirs, S(Currd by anual m<'ans of force and domination thr situ.uion betwern Pau1, the mis:o;ionary trams Md the communities is entirdr different from such a contcm port~ry scenario.
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movement as it promoted values for conununit}' life not shapc.d 'according to this world'. Paul even formulates rhis in his emphasis: 'Not that we 1ord it over )'OUr faith; we work with )'OU for your joy .. .' (2 Cor. 1.24}. This is consistent with gospd traditions which emphasize the. same when Jesus says ' You know that the rulers of the gentiles lord it over thc.m, and their great men exercise authority oYer them. It shall not be so among you; but whoever would be great among you must be your servant .. .' (Mt. 20.25·26, also Lk. 22.24-27). Thus first-century diplomatic corrc.spondcnce as well as the ethos of the Christ-movement as evidenced dscwhcre in the Pauline !etten and in the gospels show that rrapatc:aA~ is actually a vc.ry appropriate term for seeking the consent and coopc.ration of JX'Op1e one compassionately cares about. The.rc is no hint that this is a hidden claim to authority in the vein o f domination . When Paul docs claim something like that he actually USC'S much stronger language (as e.g. Gal. 1.6; 3.1 }. In addition to these. aspects. the fact that rro:po:Ko:Asiv is used in different conte11:ts without chis parricu1ar rather technical cpistolaq• connotation but clcarlr refers to e.ncouragcmcnt or comforting (Rom. L2.S; 15.4-5; 1 Cor. 4.1.3; 14.3 1; 1 Thess. 4.18; 5.11) etc.) in my view supports this 'non· commanding' understanding of the rrapo:KaAW discourse. The LXX usc of rrapaKa:Aflv obviously resonates with these Pauline use-s of the- te.r m, in that echoes of compassion, encourage.mem, support, even tender-loving care arc inherent in the terminology as it is frequent!)' used to translate terms of the word-group r.:n1tonJ in the Hebrew Scripturcs. 13 There is sufficient evidence in mr view that it is this aspect which also resonates with the specific uo:paKo:A<:3-passagcs in the Pauline letters, rather than a rerminolo~y of commanding and submission. It is significant to note that rrapaKa:Anv terminology is most prominent in 2 Corinthians, a lencr which according to wide scholarly consensus addrc.sses difficulties in the rdationship between Paul, his team and the Corinthian communit)'. The dimension resonating with the LXX usc of the te.r m seems far more appropriate for the. re.storation of a relationship than anr attitude. which would come close to the exercising of power in the vein of commanding and e.xpecting obedience. The latter might result in submission and control but not to life in Christ as advocated throughout the Pauline letters. The uapaKaAW discourse thus refers to something \Vhich is o f special concern and which Paul percei\•c.s as being o f such significance that his e.xpre.ssed wish is that they act according to his guidance and advice. He thus d early exprcssc.s what he considers to be the appropriate action or behaviour, most frequc.n tl)' in relation to specific issues or a concrete situacion in the communi!)' (Rom. 15.30; 1 Cor. 1.10; 4.16; 16.15; 2 Cor. 2.8; 10.1; Phil. 4.2; Phlm . 19-10; I Thess. 4.10; 5.14}. Only Rom. 12.1, 2 Cor. 6. 1 (and l Thess. 4.1) arc not rccognizabl)' addressing a particular issue but refer in 73. This dC'notc-s thC' compassionate dimC'n.sion of God, rd:ucd to the- word for the mothe-r's womb. Cf. lsa. 12.4; 35.4; 40.1 ; 51.3; 51. 12; 61.1; 66.1 3. On this .S('(' Rc-ndtorff 2005: 61~1 7. Cf. :~ lso HogNcrp 1006: 245.
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a more general way to important aspects of •how to live and ple-ase God' (mp1 nanl v Kat dpiomv 6E.;i (l Thc.ss. 4.1]). The translations (NKJ, RSV, NRSV) va ry between 'urge', 'exhort\ 'appc.a l\ <entreat\ 'beg~ according to the litcrar)' context in which the tc.rm is used. As a guiding principle for translation a perception of the degree o f disagreement or problems benvecn Paul and the community seems to emerge, in that stronger words arc used when the siwation envisaged is one of tension or disagreement whcre.as the 'softe r' words seem to be used \vhen no problem of obvious disagreement is i1wolved. \Vhilst it is legitimate and essential to ad just translations of one and the same word m the <'On text it is used in, 7~ nnerthdcss it is not obvious that the English translations a lwa)'S make it clear that the Greek always, whether in a situation of caring c.onccrn or disagreement and tension~ rcfe.rs to a compassionate. concern and ca ring respect for the othe.r. In this thc.y arc dcficiem. This is a concern which arises out of the fact that a relationship has been est ablished, a relationship based on trust, not on forc.c, and out of th is concern Paul sometimes exprc.sscs very strongly what he perceives ncccssar)' for them to do. To express a strong c.oncern is still not the same as commanding or forcing someone to do something. In the case of Paul and the communities, Paul claims the position of the 'subject-who-knows• who is able and willing to give guidance to the communitie-s he founded. Having c-alled them into a relationship he pc.rccives himself responsible for them and their growing in Christ. But except fo r the example o f his own life and the power of persuasion he has nothing to con.,.ince the.m of his understanding of the implications of the Christ-event for rhcir everyday lives. Although Paul docs not sec these communities as ·mature' membc.rs of the Christ-movement who no longer need his guidance but a rc able to guide and encourage each other (note the frequent usc of dAAJiAouc;), the purpose of the compassionate concern expresse-d in the rrapo:Ko:A~ discourse is act ua l!}' to guide them towards such maturity in Christ. To he.a r and respond to the call of God in Christ and to grow into re-sponsibility arc. one and the same. The rro:pcxKaAW discourse. thus tunes in with the discourse. of he.aring and responding in faith/trust to the call of God in Christ. It is a powerful c~ll that Paul considers himself to be entrusted with. lt is the aim of this c-all to be heard and responded to - as is the call with which God c~llcd Israel into loving bondage. But it is the call of a compassionate loving God, and gu idance into a relationship with Him cannot but I'Cflcct this compassion. It consists in the- renunciation of any world!}' force and manifests itself in compassion for his creat'ion) in suffering rather than dominating) in dying rathe.r than in triumphing, and, as s uch, as life overcoming de.ath.
74.
Eco 2003:58, 109,also l004: 113-32.
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power 9.7 Conclusion
The discourse of response-ability found in the 'hearing-responding' discourse of the Pauline letters resonates with aspects of power emphasized in contemporary theories of power which try to move bc.yond commandolxdicncc paradigms of powc.r. There arc aspects within this d iscourse o f
rcsponsc·abliry which resonate with the emphasis on transformation as a specific pattern of an asymmctcic.al rclationship in which guidance in support of someone is one charactc.ristic aspc.Cl, and the temporal limitation of the asymmc.tr)' another. Indications for such a limited perception of authority roles within the early ChrisHnovcmcnt can be fo und throughout the Pauline 1cttus. It is a discourse which moreover resonates with aspe.cts of
power as emerging in a web of interdcpc.ndency emphasized first of all by Hannah Arendt, differentiated by Habc.m1as and, from a specifically feminist perspective, Alll)' Allen. The guidance Paul and the Pauline circle offer the assemblies in Christ addressed in the lc.ttcrs aims at empowering them to inte-ract with each other in a way that shows similarities with dominationfree. communication and the resulting power to •act in conccn~ for the enhancement of the life of all.
Chapter 10 T H E D YNA!viJCS 0~ POWER AND THE C HALLENGE OF E M J>OWERM ENT
Through the analysis of var ious dimensions of communication and interaction in the c.arlr Christ-mo\·cmc.n t there has emerged an image of the po\~t'cr dynamics at work within and between the different iKKhr)olo:l \vhich is far from being one-dimensional. The power at \\o·ork among leaders, between leaders and communiti<'S, and among communities oscillates bcrn•ccn powu-ovcr, power-to and power-with, and frequently some or even all of these aspects arc closely intertwined with each othc.r. 1 Nc.vcrthclcss, some specific variations of power-over, that is of pattc.m s of domination and control, and the exercise
of violence, have been idcntific,d, but only in relation to authoriric.s who did not share in the Christ-movement~s co1wictions.1 This is not w deny that Paul and the co-sc.nders of these letters did sometimc.s usc •strong language' and e.x prc.sscd cle.arl)' what they pc.rceive.d as the appropriate response: to their advice and guidance. h is obvious that they were passionate about their ca11, and the me.ssage of the gospel. They had strong views on the implications of life in Christ. And they wanted to give guidance to chosc who had responded positively to the message of the gospcl. It is obvious that there was a dear hierarchical dime.nsion in the rclationship betwee.n Paul and others in the leadership group on one side, and the c.ommunitie.s of Christ-followers on the other. It has been demonstrated in chapters 4-9 that Paul> and othcr leaders of the movement did exercise power-over the communitie.s. But it has also been de.monstratcd that this is not idcntkal with exercising domination, or with establishing a structure. in chc vein of a command-obedience modd within thc movemenr. The transformative cmpowuing dimension of power, as emphasized particularly in some feminist thcories informed by Arendt and Wartcnberg, has emerged as a decisive aspe.ct for understanding how Paul and other le.adcrs of thc carl)' Christ-movc.ment related to the c.ommunities, whethcr as 'weak' apostlc.s) 'nursing fathers' and ' teaching mothers'> models to imitatc, and messcngcrs who transmit God's call to response-ability. I.
1. !lu~tcn
10.4.
Cf. Ch:~ptu 2.4.3 :md nlso Arendt 1970:46. Cf 1 Cor. 4.8·1 0; 11.15; Rom. 13.1-7. Onlr in one in.st:Jnc< does Paul actuully :1 communi£)' with violence ll
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In this finalchapte-r 1do not want simply to repeat the. findings of the earlier chapters but rather to pay attention ( 0 some. aspects of 1hosc dimensions o f the dynamics of power which 1 consider rdnant, particularlr in relation to power dynamics within contemporary church and society.
I 0.1 Beginnings - Promise and Trust Although the hierarchical dimension c.xprcsscd in Paul's and the co-senders' letters to the 1KJU.~oo Prior to the writing and the reception o f all the letters, except Romans)" a relationship had bc.cn established bc:twccn Paul, his colleagues and those people who cvenmally came to form a group of Christ·followers, that is an ii
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(2.4).~
Nevertheless he d aims the role of the master builder who laid the foundation o f this iK
in conformit)' to the message_,and in 4.9 they arc reminded to act upon what they have. previously learned, rccci ve.d ~ heard and seen in Paul. Jt is not dc.ar whether these passages rcfc.r to the initiation of their relationship or some latc.r \'isits of Paul, but again this is a clc.ar reference to a relationship which was established and mainrained prior to any address \'·ia a lcner.11 It is e-vident that there was interaction and communication between Paul, the c.o-scndcrs and the communities o f which only limited trace-s can be found in the letters. As notc.d abo\'e, the letters arc thus clcarlr fragments of communk.ation and interaction bet ween and among these c.arly Christfollowers, limited frag ments. Thcrc is something outside the text!9 Even if no details of what happened upon a first encounter between Paul, his collc-.agues1 and latc.r Christ-followers arc transmitted through the lcn<'rs, it is obvious that such c.ncountcrs resultc.d in establishing a relationship by the foundation of a community of Christ-followers. Thus the letters as such witness to a relationship between senders and addressees which is based on nothing dse but mumal trust. Nothing else was in\'olve.d in the ' bonding) between the messengc.rs and the followers. No force. or domination, no \'iolenc.c or control esta blished the bonds o f relationship. It was simply trust which established
their relation. In the d iscussion of Hannah Are.ndt's approach her emphasis on the dimension of promise in the process of bonding in power·in·action has been noted. Promise-making and promise-keeping arc seen as dimensions which arc inherent in a trusting relationship. Arendt's emphasis re-sonates with the discourse o f promise in the Scriptures. Promise-making and promisekeeping arc crucial in the establishing and continued bonding o f God in his CO\'enant with his people. The c-.ar1y Christ-followers pc.rcei\'c:d this d imension also as being inherent in God's acting in the life, death and re-surrection o f jesus the Christ. These events were seen as being in accordance with and 6. Thus Horsley emphasius that ' . .. P:ml's aims and thr inte-rests of his audie-nce differed radically from those of the: Grcc:k d itc who .:ulri,·ared dassicalrh<(oric . . .. Poul was not im·oh·t'd in public oratorr but in small-group teaching and letter-writing connected with .stp-.uarisr communities• (2000a: 83). 7. See Chapter 6 above. Sec nlso 3.3.1 obove. 8. 9. Although always fi lte-red through thr le-ns of the authors and senders., and acce-ssible for the: interpre-ter onlr through thc tc->.1, the- kttc-rs thcmsdves Jt certJin points e-xplicitly mention C'\'C'IlU which arr located at a time :.1 nd space outside- the rrxt. Sec e.g. Rom. 15.1129, I Cor. 1.11; 9.4-6; 11.17-2 1; 16.5 -12; 2 Cor. 7.5-7; (',.1 1. 10-2. 14.
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confirming the promises of God as revealed in the Sc.r ipmrcs. Promise and trust were- inseparably intertwined in the bonding relationship with this God. which for the Christ-followers was mediated by Christ. •• For people like the c.arlr Christ·followcrs this had implications fo r their life. as a community which s.aw itsdf as living in thc realm of this God. T he trust bctw«n the. people involved hc.rc is an aspect o f trust which is not onc.-dimcnsional, as bctw«n agent A and agent B but rather multidimensional since it is on trust that the movement is based, within which it is rooted> which is its core, and with which it is permeated. Trust in God> the message of the gospel of God through Christ, a nd the mc:sscngc.rs arc inseparably intc.rt,Ninc-.d. The- message is onl)' trustworthy if the- messengers arc likewise- trustworth)' in their entire life-. that is, if the)' embody the message-. 11 This is the-grace and burden of apostleship. The-messenge--rs arc trustworthy if they entrust cheir live.s to God, the God o f lsrad who raises the dead (e.g. 2 Cor. 1.9). In this the theology of the Christ-followers was not dissimilar to Judaism.lz Although foc uSC".d on Christ, I consider Paul's theologizing as thcocentric through and through.13 There is no institution to structure. this relationship~ there is no army to enforce it, there- is no 'need' to become part of it~ and there is no benefit in terms o f status or honour in joining it in these early days. For those from among the gentiles, and for those who had ' turned to God from idols, w serve a living and true God' (1 Thess. 1.9} this must have in\'olve.d the-. decision not to trust in the gods of the empire. (anr more) but in the God of Israel. \Xfhatcver role is attributed to the power of the Spirit in the e.mcrgence of the Christ-following fKKATJolal, the. involvement of people like Paul and other messenge-rs of the gospel cannot be denied (since it is people who arc moved by the power of the Spirit). Thus to be part of this movement not only implied to se-t one's crust in none other than God through Christ, but also to be part o f a rdarional network. It implied a trust in the other members of the movement, those brothers and siste.rs in Christ. Thus whatever the senders of the Pauline leners fed urged to communicate to the addressc.cs is communicate.d in the
10. SeC' 1.13 :-~bove. I I. Cf. Rart.:hy 2005: 56. 12. Thr only difference lie's in thC' pe-rception of jesus as thC' Christ, through whom 1he dawning of thr coming of the kingdom of God is innugurared, and thus pc:opk from the nations join J.u ad in glorifying thr Om' God I Rom. 15. 9-111). This is not to drny th<' fact that in thC' course' of history m·o distioct religions, jud,1ism :md Christianity emerged, and 1here is in my ''iew no going back brhind nr.-~rly 2000 years of history. Bm to daim rh:u thC' earlr differcneC"s in<'''it-.ablr led to thr bter S<'par-.ation of wh.-.t in th< e.-.rly days WC'r<' diffC"ring 'schools· under thC' umbrella of j udaism, (d . Saldarini 200 I: 50-75 • or ewn to sec' an inherC"nt oppositional dichotomy bC'tw1ism and Christianity is anachronisriCJIIy reading OOck into the Krw Testament age-ndas of a lnt
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context of a relationship of mutual trust.14 Although trust docs not render a relationship symmetrical and docs not presuppose: that those committed to e.ach other arc equals or the same, it presupposes mutual respect on the basis of their share.d trust in God through Christ.u Thus the power dr namics operative betwtcn the EKKAqalo:t and the Pauline circlc, between different fKKAqato:t, and within these fKKAqala t, should be read with the presupposition of this priority of trust, or with the priority of what in New Testament language is expre.ssed by the Gre.ck word rrioTtc;. This priority of trust has nothing to do with the perception of the: law, that is, the: Torah, in the Pauline. lettc.rs.l6 Jt is not a priority in opposition to the: law since, in the narrative of the relationship of God with his pcoplc Israel; it is trust which establishc.s the. bond. 17 The priority of trust/ TTl on e; is pcrcei\'ed here in its relation to the issue of power. It indicates that the nocion of domination or control actual!)' stands in contrast to the core dimension of rhe relationship with the God of Israel. Tru.st is also identified as a core dimension in power relationships b)' those contemporary rheorist.s., who maintain that power is more than the imposition of ones intere-st and will over others contrary to the-ir interests, that is, that power ought not to be identifie,d with force, domination or control. Where people communicate in ways which lead to achieving something, where power emerges in communicative: accion, where power·over is exercised in a non-dominating, non·patcrnalistic but rransformative way, where people act together in solidarit)', trust is the indispc:nsablc core dimension. In this respect some of the contemporary approaches, like Hannah Arcndt~s, Thomas \XIa rtenbcrg's and feminist approac.he.s like Amy Alle.n•s, resonate significantly with aspects of the Pauline discourse. But there is also a dimension in which these approaches and the Pauline disc.oursc diffc.r, in that at the heart of the latter's dealing with issues of power, as with othC'.r issues as well, is a transcende.n t dimension. The care, respect and compassion for others ad vocated is inextricably intertwined with the trusting rdarion m God, the wholl)' 'Other'." J0.2 The Guiding Parameters - CIJrist and the Coming Kingdom of God
Although this study docs not provide a theology of power, but an anal)•sis of the dynamic.s of power in social interaction and communic.ation in the earlr Christ-movement, it has to be raken into account that within this movement this dimension is closdy related to the message of the gospel itself. It has been argued above that trust is the basic presupposition of 14. SeC' 7.8 and 9.4·5 nbove. 15. On resp«t in a world of inequality d. Sennett 1004: 207-63. 16. I cannot elaborate on this issue her< since the rd ation.shipof low -and gospel, which I do not perceive as one of contr.-..st in the Pauline lcnrrs, would require a scp:n -::ate study. 17. Rrndtorff 1005: 432-46. 18. Cf. olso Ehrcnspcrgcr 2007.
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any pow(r dynamics \1,.-irhin this 1110\'Cmcnt and that the trustworthiness of the message was inextricably int<'rt'Ninc.d with the trustworthiness of the messenger. Thus the embodiment of the gospel by the messenger/apostles is not an additional dcsidcrantm but a condition sine qua nou. But not only is the messenger called to trust in the message o f the gospd of Christ, that is to live according to it, but the s-ame also applies to all mc.mbcrs and thus to any social interaction and any fo rm of communication within this movement. The so-.callcd paracnctic.al sections'~ of the Pauline lcncrs arc not mere appendices ro some core 'theological' parts as there is no theologizing separate from the way of life in Christ. [n this the Scriptures_, the Pauline letters and the gospel traditions all bear witness to the primary importance o f o rthopraxy m•cr against orthodoxy, and in that sense all de-arly demonstrate their embeddednc-ss in Je.wish tradition.lf} Though obviously of primary, but not of c.xclusive, significance this is nevertheless important in relation to the social dimension o f the power dynamic.s within the e.arl)' Christ-movement. In the realm of Chrlstthe practice o f guidance, as well as the interaction bc.tween and within the c.o mmunities, had to find an orientation that differed from the ways of ' this world', since they •ought not to be conformed to this world' (~.nl OUOXrtJ.Jcrrt~Eo6e T~ aiwvoTooh "' [Rom.12.2aJ). Rather they ought to· ... be transfom1ed by the renewing of your minds~ so that you rna)' discern what is the: will of God, what is good and acceptable and perfect' (Rom. 12.2b NRSV). When specific examples arc given of what this actually means, Paul and the co-sendc.rs refer e.ither to the teaching ( I Cor. 11.25) or e.xamplc of Christ (Phil. 2.5·8) or to the Torah (e.g. Rom. 12.9·21; 13.9·10; 1 Cor. 9.8-11). 1n cases or situations where the implications of life: in Christ were not cle.a r for a communit)', they apparently did ask for the apostles' guidance (l Cor. 7.1 ; 7.25; 8.1). The way of life in Christ should corrc.spond to the example of Christ who is the 'likeness/image' of God (2 Cor. 4.4), to the holinc.ss of the Holy One (e.g. I Cor. 3.16-1 7; Rom. 6.1 9}1 as it is emphasized already in the Scriptures (se.c: e.g. Lev. 11.45; 19.2; 20.7; Ps. 77.4), that is, to the one who redeemed his people Israel from bondage and raised from the dead the one crucified by the imperial power. Even the- focus on the centrality of the cross ought not to be seen in isolation but within the context of the gospel as a whole, as Brondos notes •... for Paul, Jesus' coming, ministry, dc.ath and rcsurre.ction arc a unified '""hole ... ' 1 1 This e.mbcddedness is ob~o·ious in 1 Cor. 1.18-31 where the emphasis on the cross is closdy linked with what is wc.ak, low and dc.spiscd in the worJd, as that which is chosen by God. It resonates with Jesus' ministry and proclamation o f 19. Whi,h, in my \'irw .-arc in m~t c~ucs not paracnrtical bm rather reminders of specific aspects of ' t he war' 1hcy should already know. Cf. C...mpbdl 1995; F.hrrnspr rgcr 1004.: 181-89. 20. Cf. r.g. Mt. 25.3 1-46; Lk. 10.2 5-37; 2 Cor. 6.1 6b-7.1 , also Hogctcrp 1006: 365-
70. 2 1.
Brondos 2006: 7o.
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the coming kingdom of God in signs which hinted at the confirmation of the promises (Lk. 7.20·23). jesus here replies to the que.srion oi john the Baprisc's disciples concerning who he was: 'Go and tdl John what you hne seen and heard: rhe blind rec.dve their sight, the lame walk, lepers arc d canscd, and the deaf hea~, the dead arc raised up, the poor have good news pre.ache.d to them(Lk. 7.22).' This in turn wimesscs to the emlxddedness of the gospel in the Scriptures, as the coming kingdom is descrilxd in the words of the prophets ( Isa. 35.5·6; 42.7). The life which corresponds to these promises is de.scribed in similar vdn as •... to loose the bonds of injustice, to undo the thongs of the yoke, to let the oppressed go frc.e, and to break every yoke. It is to share your bread with the hungry, and bring the homelc.ss poor into your house; when you sec the naked. to cover them, and nor to hide yourself from )'OUr own kin' (!sa. 58.6-7 NRSV). If Christ is the image and likeness of God and God is none other than the God of lsrad, chen this correspondence in the pc.rception of what constitutes life in the realm of Christ and according to the will of God can be nothing other than what is outlined as guidance in the Scripturcs.n This results in a way of life which differs radicall)' from the way of life promoted b)' the imperial dire. The values whic.h a1so guide everyday life arc values 'not of this world•, but rather prioritize what is de.spiscd and regarded as foolish by ' this world'. This perspc.ctivc demands care and compassion fo r those in need, the weak and poor, and a perception of power which is not foc used on domination and control but o n the 'humblene.ss and gentleness of Christ' (2 Cor. 10.1}.2.1 In whatever way and in whichever situation power is present within the early Christ·moveme.nt, it cannot but emerge and be negotiated in conformity and in correspondence. with (he message of the gospel. The trust upon which the re-lationship between the members of the Christ· movement is built is rootr.d in trust in the ' living and true God' {1 Thess. 1.9) and embedded in the narrative of trust between God and his people as witne.ssed to in the ScriptUf('.S and lived b)' the jewish people. Paul and the other apostles interpreted the coming of Christ as the sign of (he initiation of the dawning of the coming kingdom of God. It wa.s their conviction that God had confirmed his promises and that now was the time that people from the nations should be called through Christ to join Israel in trust in God, and together with lsrad, as gentile.s in Christ to praise God with their entire lives (Rom. 6. 12·13; 12. 1·2).
22. 23.
Cf. Mr.l2.34-40; Rom. 13.8-1 0. See nlso 6.6 above.
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I 0.3 Life in the Realm of Cbrist - 'Already and Not Yet' 10.3.1
~,, Shall
Not Be So Among
You~ -Internal
Limitatious to Power
T he priority of trust and the characteristics o f the message of the gospd clearly arc the guiding parameters within the movement. This has implications for the: handling o f issuc.s of power) particularly in those casc.s where the relationship was asymmetrical and thus prone to an exercise of power as domination. As I have mentioned abovc,Z-4 as far as the exercise: of power as domination is concc.rncd, the gospel tradition is absolurdy dc.ar in its c.mphasis. Sayings such as ' You know that the rulers of the gcmilc.s 1ord it over them) and their gre-at men exercise auchorit}' over them. It shall not be so among you' (Mt. 20.25-26a} arc part of a consistent alternative tradition of power and authority..!.S h is a tradition which could be described in the vein o f Scott as a 'hidden transcript of powe.r~.2' This perception docs not me.an simply inverting the pcrspe.cti\'c on power, it docs not mean the mrning upside-down of hierarchies, but points to a vision of power which has more in common with Arendt's power as communicative action and, inherent within this~ the dimension of promise rather than with domination. Paul obviously was fa miliar with this tradition> which is emphasized in the Gospels (2 Cor. 1.24 ). His emphasis on the cross (1 Cor. l.l S-24}, read in the context of the Scriptures, which emphasize repeatedly that special attention is owed to those in a we.akcr position in the community (and society), is further indication that an exercise of power as domination, not to mention force or violence> is virtually inconccillablc in the realm of Christ. No member o f the: mo\'cment is exempt from thc.sc parameters. The anti-domination dimension o f the gospel is the ovcrarching umbrella under which all the social inte.ractions including those oi authority and leadership stand. It would be. contrary to the gospel to claim authority and lcadc.rship acc.ording to patterns of domination and control> or any kind of absolute power. Although asymmc.trical relationships arc not ruled out by thc.sc guidelines, the c:xerc.ise. o f power in the sense of power-over is strictly limited by the- characteristics of the message of the gospel. This also means that hierarchies cannot be established on a pc.rmancm basis, thcr c.an only be functional in nature, serving limited purposes for a limited time. Moreover, any position of superiority is granted only as a means to serve the gospel, chat is, to sc.rw people. J am aware that this is a delicate and controversial issue since in too many cases superiors have claimed that they were exercising thc.ir powcr-ovc.r subordinates to the best of the latter's interest, cithc.r claiming to know these. interests bcncr chan those dominated>or by blatant!)' disguising abusive behaviour as bcncficiaiP 24.
2; .
Cf. Chapter 6. See!llso Mk. 10.13-16, 35-45; Mt. 5.1·1 2; 20.20-23; 23.8-11; Lk. 1.46-55; 14.7-
I I.
26. Cf. Scou 1990: I 18-19,also Horsley 2004b. 27, As is fhc
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To lx acknowle.dged as being entrusted with authority in the realm of Christ implies that if c.ver one is entrusted to exercise powc.r·ovc:r, thcn it can only be in support of others 1 and in accordance with the other's need. The parameter for the others' ne.ed is the need of the actual person in question, and the wdl·being of the group is dependent on the wcll·being of its most vulnerable members (e.g. 1 Cor. 12.22-26; Rom. 14. 15). Thus if Paul and other apostles were recognized as having been cntrusted with specific authorit)', thC)' had to embody not only the gospel generally but also had to c.xercise leadership fu nctions in particular in accordance with these paramctc.rs. They were not free to exercise power·o ver for their personal advantage or in a dominating or controlling wa}'· Thc.y were not free to introduce into the movement the leadership values of the dire of the c.mpirc as this would have becn diametrically opposed to the message of the gospel . To be accepted as leaders who wc.re worthy of the trust which the communities had placed in them) meant ther could not lord it over them. This is not to disregard the fact that they certain!)' were convinced of their own perspective, and that they had in some cases very firm views on the issue.s under debate. But to adhe.re to one's convictions, and to argue from and for them~ need not be the same, and should not be confused with, the imposition of one's will on others~ contrary to thcir own will and intcrest.211 On thc contrary, co be a guide in the realm of Christ me.ant that kaders could not impose their own stances on the c.ommunitics, or force the communities into a way of life these had not already come to fully embrace themselves. The leaders of this mO\'c.ment., including Paul, could only live in a wa}' which was consistent with, and true to, the message they proclaimed. This had to be sufficient to pro\' ide guidance for those. new members on 'the ways in Christ' and to have a convincing impact upon them. The c.ommunities also were not at the. mercy of the leaders of the movement. Although in an asymmctrical relationship with their leade.rs, communities were by no means powerless but active re-spondents to the call of the gospel, having their own views, and also having possibilitie-s co raise their 0 \ \>'0 voices in situations of conflict and debate (as is obvious in Galatians and 2 Corinthians).!I' 10.3.2 Ambiguous Leaders- Vu/uerab/e and Disappoiuting bm Empowering This is not to claim that Paul, 1he Pauline circle or the other apostles and leaders within the movcment were always able to live in accordance with the gospel to which che.y were committcd. The.y did not live in an ide.al world) and neither did the communities which had responded positively to their 18. Dcrrida 2002: 15-16. 19. Although my approach diffe-rs from hrr's, \Virc's ant~ lysis of the Corinthinn corresponckncc provides ~ thought·provoking rC'construction of the possible sronc:cs and .-.cti\'itics of t1 community which disagw:d in many W!l}'S with the Pauline cirdc ( 1990).
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proclamation of the gospel. Although these Christ-followers sought to find orientation 'in the world to come'~ in living in Christ with the anticipation of the coming kingdom already permeating thdr lives in the here and now~ they all a lso lived in the 'not-yet' of this world, that is, under the conditions
and the all-pcn•asivc dominance of the Roman Empire. And although the socialization into this 'way of life' in Christ most likdy required a greater reorientation for those who had formerly lived as gcntiles,:10 it should nor come as a surprise that there is cvidc:ncc- that Paul himself certainly was not alwa)'S able to live up to the paramctc.rs set out by the gospd.Jt Every now and then there arc indications in the- letters that he slips into an attitude which reveals that he might have wished he could actually enforce what he p<'rccivcs to be the right thing for the addressees to do (e.g. 1 Cor. 4.21 ; 2 Cor. 13. LO; GaL 3.1) Such passages arc not an indication of such an unambiguous embodiment of the message as some Christians have seen or would like to sec in him. That he should have required of women to be silent in the fKKAnola is more than probkmatic from a feminist and gcndcr·scnsitivc perspe.cti'fc, (whilst rcc.ognizing that it is not all that clear what he acmally could have meant by this).n And it should also be recognized that despite this rather strange note, he obviously did not argue against women in leadership positions within the movement, but rather the opposite, he recognized and appreciated them.·u It has also been argued that Paul's claim of being e.n trusted with the proclamation of the. gospel by God was a claim to absolute powe.r, as this is a claim which can hardly be challenged:~.~ I am not convinced by this argument as in antiquity it was a far more.common practice co refer to divine entrustment, in the pagan as well as in the je\1,.-ish conte.xt. This claim is thus far more within che •normal parameters' of power and authority claims than in the contemporary secular context of \~'estern societies, and therefore also not as absolute as it would sound today. Divergent claims to divine entrustment, rather than being the 1ast word in a controversial discussion, would most Jikcly be negotiated with and over against each other, and the affirmation and acc.cptance. of a claim of div·ine cntrusnnent was dependent on factual evidcncc.J.S The parameter according to which any claims of representing, interpreting or living in conformity with the gospel have to be mc.asurcd~ is the gospel itself. This applies to Paul's as to any other mcmbcr•s claims, and might well constitute sound guidance for dealing with contc-mporar)' power issues. This indicates that there cannot be a final \vord on the 'right' de-ali ng with power in light o f the. gospel as this has to be and to remain open, and to be negotiated and renegotiated according to new situations. 30.
31. 32. 3J. 34. 35.
As lbrrchy maim:tins 1005: 57. Cf. Rartchy 2005: 58. Cf. 9.5 :.l b O\'C,
See 3.1.6 :.lbOVC'. E.g. Polask; 1999: 34; 110- 14. Cf. e.g. j .:rcmiah who had nothing to •prove' his divine commissioning, cf.
Jercmi>~h 18.
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f rom indic.a tions in the Pauline lcners, Paul a nd his colle-agues do not emerge. as 'the ideal leaders', they arc nor the supe.r-herocs who a re masters of the message they proclaim. Rather the image emerges of humans who arc called to a specific task, a ca ll they try to follow to the best of their abilities. T hese arc limited>since Paul recognizes and eventually accepts that there arc non-negotiable aspects of his existence (2 Cor. 12.7-10) ..;.s In their wcakne.ss and ambiguity, Paul and his colleagues arc- in good company. In the tradition of the Scriptures the image- of the strong> blamclc.ss s upc.r-hcro, or even halfgod>doc-s not exist. Leaders within this tradition arc ambiguous., some-times fa il ing, sometimes even deceitful, human bcing.s.37 Nevcrthdcss, they arc called to ful fil specific tasks for the well·bcing of the people of God, called in their ambiguity, vulnerabil ity a nd with a ll the courage and despair that rende-rs them truly human. T hc-.se arc encouraging leader figures nor because they a rc anributcd a n devatcd status b)' God in assigning them a specific task, or because they arc so much more gifted \'lith God's spirit than anyone dsc, but precisely because their weakne-ss and ambiguity is not hidden, and obviously doc.s not disqua lify them from being called. A blameless super· hero in an dcvatcd position has a humiliating and belittli ng effect rather than being an encouragement for othe.rs. T his is not ' the way of the Lord', as Pa ul tries to explain to the Corinthians: 'For consider your call, brethren, not many of you were ·wise: according to worldly standards, not many were powerful, not many were of noble birth, but God choose what is fool ish in the world to shame. the wise, God choose whac is weak in the world to shame the strong .. .' (1 Cor. 1.26-27). It is also noteworthy that no advocating of the installation of a static hierar,hic.al order in (he hands of a single le.adcrlking to gm•crn the people is found in the narrative of the Scriptures. To the contrary the installation is agreed rather reluctantly by God upon d1c request of the people, and, later, the activities of the royal house among the people of Israel was a matter of constant challenge- and criticism from the: prophets. leaders arc often those who arc le-ast expected to be leaders. And the gre.a tc.st of a ll leaders in the narrative of this tradition~ Moses> is depicted as one- who did not want this task in the. first instance (Exod. 3.1 1), who, from the start could not and did not want to cope with it on his own, and who wanted it even less ha1f'A•ay through his mission (Num. 11.10·1 5). In the case of Mosc.s , because of his weakness, leadership had w be a matter of teamwork, not simply of a londy hero. Aaron was always at his side and seventy elders were cve.ntually gifted with the Spirit to support him in his task (Exod. 4.14·1 6; Num. 11.16-1 7).311 In the e.nd he did not accomplish his mission, he himself neve-r
SeC' C'SpC'C ially Chaptct 6 above. 37. R.:ndtorff drao,o,:s anmtion to Moses who is dcpict.:d as th.: p:tr.,digmatic !C":ld.:r, who 'has no suc~·essor who could perform his function·, bur who nrv<'nhd.:ss 'is absolutdy
36.
not drawn e-we-dimensionally and fr« of comr:ldinion ... MoS<'s is a.s linle nn ideal tlgurt' as 1he pauiarchs nrc, or any oth<'r figurt' in the Hrbrc:w Rib1r (1005: 559r. 38. Cf. also Olson 1994: 158-60.
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entered the promised land into which he was called to lead God's people. 'Even the remarkable Moses must die outside the promised land, lc.a\'·ing God to continue the journey \ llith God's pcoplc.'31 This aspect is particularly emphasized in the image Deuteronomy depicts of this leader. Moses is seen as proclaiming guidance for the people, knowing that they will have. to be able to walk in the ways of their lord without their leader. As Olson notes •At the end of his days~ Moses is portrayed as letting go o f his leadership, hi.s power, and his life. He hands it over to God and a new generation to carry on with the storr of God's people. '.tn The people will have to mature and walk in the W3)'S of the Lord thcmsdvcs. But letting go even for a leader like ~~loses is no c.asy task. Even he is tempted by the greatest threat a leader can pose to the group he leads - he is tempted to think high!)' of himself and to make himself indispensable. Such an abuse of power prevents the-growth and freedom of the community and dllls hinders othe-rs from living the lives they arc- called to live. The abuse of power is always a temptation, or as Foucault states: 'Power is nor alwa)'S bad, but it is alwa)'S dangcrous,'41 and even Moses has to accept that he too has to live with limitations. Jt is \'cry interesting to note that in Deut. 3.25-26 Moses addresses a request to God and gets a response which strongly resonates with the rc.spon.sc to Paul's pleading to be. freed fro m the 'thorn in the flesh' (2 Cor. 12.7-9). He asks ' Let me go over, I pray, and sec the good land beyond the Jordan, that good!)' hill country, and Lebanon ... and the LORD said to me, " Let it suffice you; speak no more. to me of this mattcr".'cl Mosc.:s has to learn to accept his limitations and also that a le.adcr has to aim to make him/herself redundant. Thus the teaching o f Deutcronomr is a te.aching which presupposes the fu ture. absence of the leader. 1\·tosc.s c.annot go \\~th the people~ otherwise they would be denied rhe opportunity to live the story and historr of their own lives in that they could not grow and mature into what they arc called to by God. He has to le--ave them, he is teaching them by lc-.a'iing, and leaving behind a living tradition which others will continue to shape:. Power and leadership c-annot be conce-ntrated in one leader, nor cve.n in one group alone, but is distributed}according to Deuteronomy, among many, thus advocating a corporate and flexible exercise of authority and lc.adcrship;u The notion of the ambiguity, limitation and vulnerability of the lc-.adcr is in itself an empowering dimension of the Scripture-s.""' lt finds a parallel in the gospel narrative in sayings such as •call no man your father on e-
Olso-n 1994: 12. Olson 1994: 159. Foucaulf 1988: 18. \'(tildanky notes that ·~·l oses C\'enrually understands that the chie-f \'inue in le-aders is 10 make themsd\'cs tumecessarr. To he a -nursing bther.. - kno..-.tlng fhar 1hr child might di<', will pmbably rtbel, and must be- allowed to Ol;;lke history on its own - is the essence of Mosaic leaduship' ( 1984: 167). 43. Cf. Olson 2005: 6. 44. Cf. also Olson 1005: 10.
40. 41. 42.
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the skrthe~l'
Stt
45.
Cf. Ago~o 2004:
46. 4 7.
Cf. Cb:tpfcr 6 above". On sibling language" su Chaptt'r 3 01bove. On th< challenge of the patron:q;e systC"m
Wan 2000b.
1 12~23.
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power
pillars' that Jews and gcntHcs should be part of the movement on diffc.rcnt but equal terms, that is~ as jews and gentiles rcspccti\•dy.411 This was a challenge almost entirely inconceivable. from the perspective of Grac.co-Roman society. To become an accepted and respectable part of that society one not only had to be a free man but also a free man \vho had bccomc 'the same'} that is, who had become 'Greek' or ' Roman' by the adoption of the Gracco-Roman culture and value S)'Stcm. To be a member of a people other than Grc.cks or Romans, and to adhere to another culture and value .system meant to be despised as uncivilized, barbaric, even as born to be slaves.", From rhc pc.rspcctivc of Gracco-Roman society the hic.rarchy of pcoplc.s was absolutely dc-.ar. There was no concept of c:.quality which would have allowed for difference in Gracco-Roman culturc: ..soThus mc.mbers of other peoples could opt to become Hellenized or Romanized and as such become part of that society} but they could not be part of that society for what they wc.re> Scythes, Egyptians> Traci, Celts or jews. As mentioned above> the Jews were pcrceh•ed as one of the most stubborn and incompatible people: within the empire, and anti-Jewish attitudes were the norm rather than the exa:prion. The occasional violem eruptions o f such anitude.s were thus not a surprise..u Within rhe contc.xt of the dominating culture of contempt over against anything that did not conform to the values of this cuJmrc~ the negative: jewish attitude over against g<"ntile.s> that is, against those perceived as idolaters and sinners, should be seen as being only of limited significance. The: implications and effects of the anirude o f a minority culture on the dominating culture and socicry arc not on the same scale as is the case vicc-vcrsa.n Although the Jewish attimde towards gentiles witnc.sscs to a similar belittling attitude towards pc.opk who are different, as in the.c-ase of the: Grac:co-Roman ani tude. it needs to be noted that within Jewish tradition there is also clear C:\'idc:ncc of more positive perceptions of people who arc different. There arc examples of gentiles like Cyrus who arc perceived as servants of the God o f Israel without becoming the same., that is} without converting to Judaism. The same applies, for example, for some of the prophetic \•isions of the world to come, where other peoples arc seen as joining in the praise of the one God (lsa. 2.3; ~rlic. 4.5). Thc.se traditions provide some roots from which the.early Christ-followers obviously came to chc conviction that the: coming o f the Christ implied that Jews and g('.ntiles, as Jews and gentiles in their differences> were now called 48.
For n dct:tikd analysis of this sec Campbcll l 006. Bahru.sch 2001: 75 and Cicrro. Pro11. co11s 10 cf., B:altrusch 1002: 143. Cf. Rahrusch 2002: 4t-58:tnd 119- 20. 51. Sch:ifa 1997: 180-95, Baltrusch 2002: 140-47. Also Ch01prrr I :above. 52. Cf. Plictzsch 2005b: 138-52. 53. Thr 01ppreciarion and ncctpt:tllC<' of difference here is within the par:amctcrs of worshipping the same God, that is the God of lsrc.d, and in th:tr sense is an lsrad-e".ates and con\·e mtions of the issues of the past mar comribute and pro,·ide critically informed guidance to thr se.Jrch for r.:sponsiblr \ \'3)'S to deal with comempor.uy issues. 49. 50.
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to praise. the. one God togc:ther.n Thus to advocate equality on the basis of abiding diffc.rc-nce, as did both the Pauline circle and the Je.nts.alcm church, provided some challenge for certain je\vish perceptions of the relationship betwccn Jews and gentiles, but had a firm basis in certain aspects of this very same tradition. The challenge was far from being on the same lc-vd as seen from the perspective of the ethno-centric Graeco·Roman value system. The apprec.iation and acceptance of people under the presupposition of their difference, as Jews and people from the nations/gentilc.s, was a nonnegotiable.dimension of the gospel, and Paul and the Pauline circle passionately advoc..ated this w·ith whatever power of persuasion they had at their disposal from whatever side it was called into question. ln Galatia gentile identity was obviouslr challenged from a Jewish perspective wherc-..as the opposite seems to have been a strong issue in the Roman hac:"£')oia. . Paul insisted that in this respC'Ct no trace of confomtity to the Graeco-Roman imperial value system of conte-mpt of others could be ac.ceprcd within the Christ-movement. The e.ncouragement of, and praise for, mutual support prevalent in the Pauline letters should not merely be seen as encouraging care and solidarity as general guiddines of how people should relate to each othe.r. But, under the presupposition outline.d above, this encouragemem actually was an immense challenge to the imperial perception and division of the world, between the dominating and the dominate.d. To advocate that Jews and gentiles in Christ were equal in their difference was implicitly, if not e.xplicitly, undermining the Graeco-Roman claim to universal superiorit)', and thus their legitimacy to domination. As such it could be.described as an act in the vein of the •Arts of Resistance' in that through the pO\ver emerging from •acting together' sp~:tc.e is cre.ate-d for an alte.rnative community at the margins of the empire.H Thus in rc.lation to the competitive dimension of Graeco·Roman culture, and in relation to the perception and evaluation of the diversity of peoples, the Pauline letters witness to a strong, even passionate challenge to the dominating culturalt political, social and religious values of the empire. In Paul's and his co11ragues' perception of the gospel there is no room for negotiation in this respect. They advocate dc-..ar boundaries over against the e.mpire, drawing non·ncgotiable boundarie.s between the empire and the Christ-movemc.n t. In this respect their guidance and e.xercise of persuasive power docs not allow for compromise. Neverthdess, the only a'lailable mc.ans to convince. the members of the iKKAT)olat was their embodi ment of the gospel in word and deed:s.s 10.3.4 Limited Challenges: Gender Hierarchy and the Institution of Slavery A different image emerges in relation to discussions concerning gender issues and the role of women on the one hand, and of slavery on the other. 54. 55.
Cf. Soon 1990: 108-35. Cf. I Cor. 1.4.1 will come- b:tck to this in 10.5 be-low.
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As mentioned above: in Chapter 3 the issue of gender and the role. of women is one of wa\·cring ambiguity. Paul and his male colleagues obviously were ideologically firmly cmb
but presupposed and apparently taken fo r granted. Yet this perception of the order of gender as hierarchical in some .sense is complcmcnrcd if not rclativizc.d b)' sta tements such as 1 Cor. 11.11-12 and Gal. 3.28, and to an
even greater e xtent b)' the fact that at least one woma n was recognized as one of the apostles, and others undoubtc::.dly were co·workers in Christ and not in a subordinate position over against male leaders within the Christ· movemc::.n t. Although the issue of complete gc::.ndc::r equality was not an option for Paul and his c.ollc::agucs, no indic-ation can be found in the Pauli ne lenc:rs that he or his colleagues would have opposed rather than rec-ognized womc::n•s leadership roles. I cannot see that the conAict in Corinth was specifically gender--oriented or that the specific stawncnts concerning the he-ad·covcring of women, or what they ought or ought not to do in the worshipping assc.mbly, arc indications againS[ any womc:n's leadership roles. The fact that Phocb< obviously played a particularly important role in the transmission of the letter to the iKKATJolal in Rome$(! and that so many women arc greeted in Romans 16 is in my view rather evidence to the: contrary. Had Paul merdy unwittingly accepted what was unstoppable practice why would he have entrusted a woman, Phoebe, with such an important task as the transmission and probably interpretation of this lener to Rome? This is more than a mere acceptance, these cwo factors in conjunction arc rather an indication of a positive appreciation and support fo r the role of women as kadc::rs \Vithin the Christ-movement. Adminedly this docs not provide the same challenge to an existing powc.r structure as the. challenge concerning competitive attitudes and the value of diversit}'· The ambiguity of the statements concerning issues of gender and the role of women in the Pauline letters cannot be dc.nied. But, as far as traces of concrete social interactions indicate, the: practice was not really consistent with the 'the-orr'·$" This did have at least some destabilizing and rclativizing effect as narratives such as the Acts of Paul attd Thecla, and leadership roles of women in che early church dc::monstrate.$11 As far as slaver}' is concerned) no tracc.s of what might have: constituted a challenge to the institution of sla\'c.ry occur in New Testament litc.raturc::) including the' Pauline lenc:: rs. Although unacceptable: from a contemporary perspective, it was obviousl}' beyond even their power of conc.eption to envisage a society other than one in which slavery was a given. Graeco·Roman 56.
Cf. also 3.1.5 abo,·r. This could be due to the f.lct that Paul as a Ph!'! rise'<' was US('d to rn:og_ni1.ed wom.:n within a mov.:mC'm he: was pan of. See llan 1006: i3-110. 58. Cf. r.g. EisC'n 2000; Macdonald 2003. -> 1.
The Dynamics of Power and the Challcmge of Empowerment
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and Jewish culture did not differ fundamcntallr in chis respect, but only graduallr.5' Paul did not challenge: this.,. and inasmuch as from our perspective one might deplore this failure, it should be acknowledged that this was beyond the scope of what was sc.cn to be the changing effect of the gospeL Although Gal. 3.28 indkate.s that a rdativiz.ation o f the difference bc.twecn slave. and free was within the e.arly Christ·followers' realm of thought, and that Paul strongly advised the slave-holder Philemon to regard Onesimus as a brother in Christ, this in no way indicates that Paul perceived it to be problematic thm a slave holder was a membc.r of the Christ·movemem, or that he perceived it to be problematic rhat a slave was a full member. Although I cannot elaborate in derail on chis here, the fact that slaves obl>·iously were regarded as full memb<'rs of the Christ-movement indicates 1hat, in contrast to Graeco Roman society, at lc.ast as Christ followers, slaves were pcrcdve.d as pc.rsons, human beings, not as che property of someone else. Jn the given context, this differenc.c in perception over against the surrounding socie-ty should not be underestimated. Although it is not cvidc.ncc: of a challenge to the srstcm, it is an alternative to the dominant pcrc.eption of slaves. In my view the problematic aspect in relation to slave.ry is not that institutional slavery was not challenged by Paul or any other of the early Christ-followers. The problem was chat only at the beginning (and in the USA in the middle} of the nineteenth century the, admittedly faint, traces of a different attitude were recognized and effectively led to the abolishment of slavery under the influence of chc Enlightenment notions of e.q ua1ity and human rights. It is this chat is scandalous and not Paul's inability to challenge the slavc: owning socict)' of his day. To conclude from the ambiguous attitude concerning gender issues, and the non-challenging statements in relation to the institution of sla.,.cry in the Pauline letters~ that Paul advocated an exerdsc: o f power and the establishment of structures w·ithin the Christ-movement which promoted domination, means to ignore the far more frequent indications of challenge-s to structures and attitudes of domination, challenges to the all·pcrvasive system of domination in the form of the empire. The undeniable- fact that in the course of history such stances have been advocated, claiming support from statements in the Pauline le-tters, provides no evidence that Paul and the Pauline circle advocated thc.m. It is rather C't'idcncc that points to the c.hoice.s of the interpreters to read cc.rtain statements, or the absence of othe.rs, as proof in support of claims to power and authorit)' in a dominating and thus oppressive way.60 It is not texts which have. oppressive effect-s, but interpretations which arc used to substantiate ce.rtain stances at the expense of othe.rs. No text, as authoritative as it may be perceived by a faith community, 4
4
4
4
For de1ailcd studies on thissc.: Hesler2005; Glnncy 1006; Harrill1005. Cf. the' ro1r of the interpretation of the Bible in rhc- de-bates in s.uppon of and .l£~ i nst slaverr in the prc·civil w:~ r United Sut~ e-.g. Harrill1005: 17.3. On f he nen'Ssity of a diS~:u.ssion of <'thica1 i mpl ic~ti ons in imt'rpreution SC'c Pme 199 5, nlso SchUssiC'r Fiorenza 59. 60.
1005: 282-95.
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Paul and the Dynamics of Power
pro'fidcs dispensation for its interpreters to avoid the responsibility of their hermeneutical decisions and for the resultant effects their interpretations might have on the lives of others. 10.4 The Dynamics of Power and tbe Time of f.mpowermeut
This study of the dynamics of power in the Pauline discourse docs not claim to be free- of intuc:st. l have outlined the hermeneutical presuppositions which guided me in this reading and the reconstruction o f the contc.xt of thc Pauline letters in Chapter 1. The study is moreover guided by discussions o f powe-r in contc.mporary rhc.ory, with a particular intucst in approaches which highlight the positi~o·c; c.mpowcring dimension of power as distinct from domination and command. I was driven by the- issue- of whether traces of such empowering power could be found in the Pauline letters. It has been demonstrated in the analyse-s of several aspc.cts of the power dynamics read from the particular presuppositions outline-d, that there is ample C\'idcncc for a diffcrc.n tiatcd perception of the dynamics of powe-r in these lcners which cannot be subsumed under the notion of domination, or C\'cn appreciated when perceived only through the lens of theories of power as power-over. Throughout the letters~ rderenccs to an empowering 'tunc' can be found which indicate that this is one of the main characteristics not only of the power dynamics within the Christ·movcment but also of life in Christ. Orientation and guidance for this arc found in the tradition of the Scriptures and the gospel of Jesus Christ." As those called by Christ to respond to the c.all of God, the Christ·followers arc called into an interdependent community. Thc.ir response consists in the response-ability for the brother and sister for whom Christ also died. The fact that assemblies did actually come co be formed was attributed b)' the c-.arlr Christ·followers to the power of the Spirit. The.y perceived themselves to 1x nmed into the rh)1hm o f life according to Christ by the power o f the Spirit. Whatever gifts they had to contribute to the life of the ii
See 10.2 above. Cf. also 9.4 :lbove.
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movement. Thus the Christ-follov.rcrs there. arc rc.mindc.d that they arc 'one body in Christ, and individually members of one OTiother' (Rom. 12.5); they should ' lo\'e one another \llith mutual affection' and 'outdo one another in showing honour' (Rom. 12.10); ' live in harmony with one another' (Rom. 12. t 6}; ' love one auothcr' (Rom. I 3.8}; 'pursue what makc.s for peace and for mutual upbuilding)( Rom. 14.19); 'to Jive in such harmony with one auotber' (15.5); 'welcome one another' (15.7). In 1 Corinthians they arc. reminded that 'when you come together to cat>wait for one another' (11.33) 1 and that 'the members may ha\'C the same care for one another' (12.25). In Galatians the Christ-followers arc reminded thC)' ought 'through love (to) be servants of oue auother' ( 5.13); 'bear oue auother's burdens' (6.2); in Philippians that ' in humility count others better than yourscl\'cs' (2.3). And in 1 Thessalonians they arc. reminded to 'abound in love to one another' (3.1 2)_;to 'comfort one another' (4.18); and 'encourage OTIC another' (5.1 '1 ); and 'always seck to do good to OTIC another and to all' (5.15). The focus of life in Christ is thus not Paul or any of the other apostles or leaders \\~thin (he move.ment, but 'the other'. The group of leaders arc merely a part of the mo\'ement with spc.cific functions. And inasmuch as the movc.ment's foundation is Christ and its centre is God, the way of life in the here and now is focused on the 'othcr'.6J E\'idencc for the prescnc.e of the Spirit in a community is not what is perc.cived as strong lc.adership or c.xc.cptional gifts, but whether whatcvC'.r is done is done to the empowerment! bui lding up of the 'other' (e.g. J Cor. 14.3 -1 9). Thus.~ as emphasized above, being entrusted with a function of leadership within this movement cannot possibly me.an to
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
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have a lready understood in part (2. Cor. 1.1 4). Paul emphas izes that he has great confidence in them and is proud of them (2 Cor. 7.4}. He is awa re that
the contro\•c.rsy in which he is involved with the Corinthians has dimensions which could be destructive, rhus he emphasizes that even in struggl ing with them he only has authority in relation co them inasmuch as he is building them up {2 Cor. 10.8), and again, a t the end of the lcttc.r, repeats chat what he wants and is commissioned by God to do, is to build them up - so they might grow (2 Cor. 13.9·1 0). The provocative question in 1 Corinthians 'do rou not know?' cxprc.sscs the cxpccta t'ion chat they should have learnt and therefore know these things alrc.adr. Thus he clearly expects them to grow in knowledge, I Cor. 6.2, 3, 9, 15, 16, 19 (cf a lso 1 Cor. 8.1 -3 which refers to love a s a different kind of knowledge in relation to God) . In 1 Cor. 12.1 he e.mphasizcs that he doe.s not want them to be uninformed bm to understand for themselves the implications of being in Christ. One of the most di re.ct e.x pre.ssions of Paul's aim at rendering himsdf obsolete as a lc.ader of the Corinthians is 1 Cor. 14.20. He explicitly states chat he docs not want them to rema in in a n immature state of understanding and thinking concerning their trus t in God but rather that he has this strong de.sire. that thc.y might grow and become TiAe 101. Actually the entire sc:ction here indicates that Paul JX'-rccives this as that which ought to be expected, i.e. that the Corinthians themselves prophes y, speak in tongues etc. The only aspC<".t on which he considers it necessa r)' to give them some advice is concerning the implica tions that arc inseparably bound up with the reception of these gift.s - that whatever they do~ and whatncr dfect.s they experience through the Spirit~ must be intelligible and to e"cryone's edification (1 Cor. 14.3-19). And in I Thess 4.9·12 the autho,·s, Paul, Silvanus and Timothy e.vcn acknowledge that the addrcssc.es actually do not need to be adllised how to relate to each other as they alre.ady Jive the love owed to one another according to 1he gospel. T his leads to another aspect of the letters which points in the- same direction. The pov..-er dynamics within the communiti es~ as well as between the a postles and the communitie-s~ and between those entrusted with special tasks within the movement, apostles and othcr.s, if it is not guided by and contribute.s to the empowermc.nt of all (l Thess. 3.12) is not true to the message they prodaim. To establish a permanent position of domina£ing power in or ovc:r the communities is thus in contradiction to the message of the gospel and of scriptural trad ition within which this message is e.mbe.dded. T he roles within the Christ·movement, a nd the leadership roles in particular ought to be e.mbodied in the wa)' of Christ, and rna)' beinformed by traditions like those of ~~loscs.'s Paul's unde-rstanding, if not always his achie\'<'ment, of his and his colleagues' ro1c as apostles resonates strongly with these. uaditions. ln his underst anding o f apostleship as a blc-.ssing (chapter 5} and at the- same time as including the, at times, painful acceptance of personal limitations (chapta 6)~ in his guiding practice as a
65.
See 10.3 :~bov(.
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'nursing father• and a 'te.aching mother' (chaptcr 7), in his teaching through living examplc.s (chapter 8) 7 and in his emphasis on the. 'responsc-abilt)'1 inherent to life according to the c.all of God (chapter 9), Paul, the co-authors and the co-senders witness, within and de.spitc their limitations, to a life which a nC'mpts to be true to the message' procla imed. ThC'. most obvious evidence for the claim that Paul did not sec himself in the role of a dominat ing and controlling leader of the movement is the fact that he acknowledges positively that he is one among other a postles and leaders (e.g. I Cor. 15 .11), and that he is entrusted with a li mited task since there is no question that he agrees tha t there is a division of mission fidds between himself and Barnabas (and most likdy others) on t he one hand a nd Peter, James, and John a t least (Gal2.9) on the other. In addition to this he emphasizes that he docs not want to 'build on anothe.r person's foundation' (Rom. 15 .20 Ill)' rranslation). He even does not claim or aim at establishing a position of domination or control since he time and again leaves the iKKAnola l he had found ed, and although he 'keeps in touch' with them through colleagues and letters, he eventually sees his task in the East as fu l611cd and announces that he. will leave those i.nAqoiat for good to e.mbark on new territor)' in the \'
200
Paul and the Dynamics of Power
gospd; communitks which, with chc wea lth and limitations~ the similarities
and differences of their li\'cs, arc on the way to tuning into the. rhythm of life in Christ, so they may rcjoicc and praise thc Lord with his people.
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This page imenrionally le(r blank
INDEX OF ANCIENT SOURC!i.S
OW TESTAMENT
Gcucsis 26.5 171
£wul11s 2.11 w 2.14 129 1.23-25 166 1.14 w 2.25 w 3. 1-5 160 3.1 1-4.17 91 3.1 1 189 4.14-16 189 133 129 17.4 129 18.20 119 193-9 160 19.5o 165 19.8 161, 165 20.4 129 20.6 172 20.12 130 32.11 119 32.27 60 Lc
11.44-45 140 11.45 184 19.2 140, 184 19.8 140 20.7 184 20.26 140 26.1 4 171 Numbers 11. 10-15 130,189 11.1 6-17 189 15.40 140
Dmt.:-ronomy 3.18 60 3.15-26 190 4.1 165 4.10 169 5.1 Ill, 123 5.5 129 5.10 172 6.3 165 6.4-5
171
6.4-6 171 6.4-15 122 7.18 129 8.2 119 8.6 141, 162 8.18 129 9.10 169 10.12 141, 162 11. 18-21 122, 141 11.19 Ill, 122 11.22
31.7 129 32.46-47 125 1 Sommd 2.1-6 110 83 140 18.14 140
1 Samm.J 11.12 140 31.34 140 2 Kings 1.11 112 11.11 141 2 OmmidN 173 14 1
21. 12-13 141 34.1 141
14 1
14.29 98 15.3 60 16.11-14 98 18.16 169 19.4 172 19.9 141, 162 21. 18-20 161 11.18-1 1 126 13.1-4 169 13.9 169 13.19 60 24.7 60 14.17-JS 76 24.17-22 98 26.12 98 26.17 129, 141, 162 18.9 129, 141, 162 30.2 161 30.16 141 31.10 169
Estht"r 1.9 74 1.17 74 Psalms 9. 18 98 12.5 98 13.1-6 160 13.3 160 14.6 98 17.1 166 18.5 105 21.1-2 166 11.13 60 11.16 98 15.4 119, 141 33.5
34.4 36.7 61.1
77 I 05
172 172
228
Index of Andem Sources
61.6 72
172 99
72.12-14 99 77.4 184 103.8 104 113.7 98 116.3 105 119.15 141 119.16 141 128.1
141
140.12 98 142.8 141 145.17 141 Prot,i!rbs 1.8 120 6.20 120 8.22-31 121 10.1 120, 133 15.20 120, 133 17.17 60 17.25
120
18.24 60 22.17-18 120 13.24-25 133 13.25 120 29.7 165 29.15 120, 126 29.17 133 30.17 120 31.1 I l l 31.1 0-3 1 120 Song oi Solomon 2.14 165 5.6 162 lsaialt 1.1 141, 192 5.1 1-24 121 6.1 83 6.1 91 6.8 83, 93 6.8-13 83 6.9-10 83 6.10 83 7.3 93 8.1 -4 93 8.16 12 1 22.4 176 18.9-13 121 29.14 121 35.4 176
35.5-6 I85 40-66 94 40.1 104, 176 40.2 1 161 40.28 161 4 1.1 7b 161 42.7 185 42.20b 161 42.24 161 44.1 161 48.1 161 48.12 161 48.18 165 49.1 161 49. 1-6 95 49.8 161 50.2
162
51.1 161, 165 51.3 176 51.7 161 51.12 1i6 52.7 93. 94, 95, 96 54 134 54.13 133 55.2 161 55.3 161 58.1-14 165 58.6 166 58.6-7 I 85 58.6-14 76 58.9 161 61.1 -2 94 61.1 176 64.4 165 65.12
161
65.24 161 66.4 162 66.13 176 jeremiah 184 1.4-5 84 1.5 84
U-6 95 1.6-8 91 1.7 84, 93 12.1 -6 93 16.1-9 93 36 121 45.1-5 93 f.zekid 1-2 84
1.1-3
84 84 1.4-28 84 L18c 84 2.1-4 84 2.3-3.3 91 2.3 93 3.1-3 93 16.1- 14 163 L2
Hosea u 93 1.8 93 6.6 76, 77 10.12
165
11.1-11 163 11.8-9 166 14.4-5 165 14.9 141 )o•l
2.32 95 }oliah 2.3 105 Micob 4.2 141 4.5 191 6.8 76, 77 Zep/umiah 9.9 112
Zed1ariah 2.12-15 104 6.15 104
Malachi 3.12-14 91
APOCRYPHA )Jtdith 9.11 98 Sira 3.2-16 120 17.12 74 29.21-28 74 30.1-2 126 40.17 74 51.6 105
Index of Ancient Sources KEWTESTAMENT MatdJI'!IV
5.J.J 2 186 5.48 140 10.5-1 6 94 10.3S 112 11.29 112 20.20-13 IS6 10.25-16• 112, 186 20.25-26 176 20.26b-27 Ill 11.5 112 12.34-40 I85 23.8-1 0 127 13.8·12 186 13.9 190 13.9·1 1 190 15.31-46 184 2;.35-40 197 28.1 6-20 94
Mark 8.34 112 10.1 3-16 IS6 10.35-45 I86 10.42 112 Luke 1.46-55 186 4.16-21 94 6.36 140 7.10-ll 185 7.22 185 9.13
1 12
10.1-1 2 94 10.15-37 I84 14.7-1 1 186 15.11-ll 145 22.24-27 176 Ads
1.1 1 191 9.1 119 15.36.40 44 19.23 119
11.4
129
Romans 1.1 87, 182 1.1-5 90 1.5 44, 86, 88, 90, 156,
166. 167, J6S 1.6 90, 168 1.7 116, 182 1.9 182 1.10 IS2 1.1 2 90 1.16 ISl 1.17 ISl 3.9c 115 3.1 1-22 16S 3.14 167 5.15 167 6.11-13 185 6.14 127 6.16-IS J6S 6. 19 IS4 7-S Il l 8.15·1 6 127 8.16 126 8.14-15 16S 9.) 128 9.4 60 9.17 173 JO.Il 95 10.15 93,95 11. 13 S9 11.20 61 12-15 168 12.1 6, 177
12.1-2 Ill , 185 12.1 153 12.2a
I 84
J2.2b 184 12.3 89, 90, 91 12.5 197 12.6 90 12.6-8 136 J2.S 175 12.10 197 12.9-21 184 12.12 55 12.16 197 13.1-7 13, 172, 173, 179 13.8-1 0 77, 185 13.8 197 13.9-1 0 184 14-15 153, 168 14.1- 15.13 12 14.3-1 9 197 14.15 187 14.19 197 15. 1
17 1
15.4
13 1
229 15.4-5 176 15.5 153,197 15.7 197 15.9-1 2 182 15.14-29 199 15. 15-16 90 15.18 166 15.20 90, 199 15.11-19 lSI 15.30 177 16 52, 194 16.1-2 54, ISO 16.1 51 16.3 47, 51 ,54 16.3-15 ISO 16.4 51 16.6 54 16.7 46, 54, 91 16.12 56 16.21 50 16.26 166 1 Corinthiam 1·2 13 1
1.2
169 Jl6 1. 10 177 1.10-17 146 1. 11 51 . 56, 181 1. 11-ll 170 J.3
1.12
44
1.1 4-1 6 180 1.17b 180 1. 18-2.1 6 147 1. 18-24 186 1.18-3 1 184 1.21 129 1.24 169 1.26 169 J.l6 -l7 189 1.31 146 l 130 1.1 180 1.2 170 1.4 181, 193 2.3 JSO 1.6 129, 130, 169, 173 2.6-S 170 1.9 131 2.11-ll 131, 170 2.12 129 1.13 Il l 2.1 6 Il l
230 l -4 130, 14<5 l.l-2 132 l.l-la 170 l.lb-2 128 l.l-9 109 l.l 61 l .S I ll l.6 56, 148 l.6-10 147 l.S 147, 148, 149 l.9 47, 147 l.lO 181 l.16-17 184 3.1 1-23 ISO 3.22 44, 148 l.ll 148 4 147 4.6 131 4.6b 149 4.9 92, 129 4.10 11 5 4.13 129, 176 4.14 128 4.14-21 128 4.15 127, 128, 145 4.16 61, 129, 137, 144, 145. 150, 170, 177
4.17 40, 50,127, 132, 170
4.1 1 112,179, 188 6.1 Ill, 198 6.3 Ill, 198 6.9 Ill, 198 6.15 Il l, 198 6.16 13 1, 198 6.19 Il l, 198 7 61 7.1 184 7.6 172 7.7 ISO 7.10 112 7.15 169 7.17 169 7.18 169 7.10 169 7.2 1 169 7.22 169 7.24 169 7.25 172, 184 8.1-l 198 8.1 184 9.4-6 181 9.5 92
Index of Andem Sources 9.5-6 44 9.8-1 1 184 9.1 4 112 9.19-ll 15l 9.22 132 10.1 13 1 10.24 15l 10.3l 153 11.1 137, 151 , 153, t70 I Ll- 16 12 11.3 194 11.5 173 11.7-8 194 11.17-34 170 11.23 112 10.11 b 131 t l. rl-12 194 11.1 7-2 1 181 11.15 18) 11.3l 197 11 61,147, 170 12.1 198 12. 1- 11 1)6 12.28-29 n 11.1 134 12.22-26 187 12.25 197 14.3-19 198 14.20 129, 198 14.31 176 14.32 172 14.32-34 171 14.34 171, 194 15 82,85 15.5- 1J 92 15.7b 91 15.8 41, Sl 15.9 91 15.10 182 15. 1I 199 15.15 1)0 16.5-12 181 16.10 50 16.15 6 1, 177 16.16 173 16.19 51,54 2 Corinthians 1-7 102 1.1 50 1.1 126 1.3 101, 104 1.4 104
1.4-S 101 1.4-10 104, 106 1.5 105, 111 U-S 104 1.5-1 1 102 1.8-9 105 1.8-1 1 10 1 1.9 105, ISl 1.10 IOS 1.1 4 198 1.19 50, 5 J 1.14 Ill, 176, 186 2.8 177 1.9 171 2.13 51, 10 1 2.14-7.4 104 2.17 182 l.l-2 101 3.4-5 181 4.4 184 4.5 111 4.7 105 4.7-12 106 4.7-15 102 4.8 151 4.8-9 lOS 4.8-10 179 4.8-13 15 I 4.11 106 4.1 4 182 4.17 152 5.5 182 U8 -10 181 6.1 177 6.4 182 6.13 127 6.16-IS 182 6.16b-7.1 184 6.18 127 7.4 198 7.5-7 181 7.6 52 7.7 56 7.8 56 7.15 171 8-9 70, 79, 90 8.1 67,68 8.1-2 69 8.4 67,68 8.4-7 68 8.6 56,67 8.7 51 8.7-S 69
Index of Ancient Sources
s.s
171 S.9 67, 68 8.17 51 8.13 53 9.S 6S 9.13 IS2 9.14 67 10-13 191 10.1
112,1 15, 177
105 -6 171 10.8 61, 106, 198 10.8-9 64 10.10 103, 106 10.13 101, 104 10.13-16 90 10.14 61 10.17 104 11.5 106 11.6• 103 11.6 106 11.7 103 11. 11-15 107 11.20-11 107 11.21 107 11 .23-15 115 11.23-18 107 l lllb-17 107 11.24-25 103 11.25 179 11.30 107 11.31 42 11.32-33 107 12.2-4
107
12.7 107 12.7-9 190 12.7-10 IS9 12.9 106, lOS 12.9b lOS 12.9b-10n 110 12.9-10 104, 106, 107 11.10 lOS 12.1Ob I06 12.12 lOS, 109 12.14 127 13.4 110 13.9-10 19S 13.10 61,101, 188
1.9 181 1.10 112 1.10-1.14 181 1.11 lSI 1.1 1 41 1.13-1.14 41 1.1 5 86, S7 1.16 86 1.1 5-16 82, S3, S6, 90 1.15-2.2 95 1.161>-17• 42 u 7 36, 37,4l,n 1.18-19 36 1.19 91 I.B 36 1.1 52,53 1.3 51 2.5 173 2.7-S 8S 2.7-9 44 l .S 86 2.9 86, 199 1.11-14 45 1.13 44 1.16 90 3.1 176, IS8 3.1 166 3.5 167 3.16 117 3.18 194, 195 4.6 117 4. 11-15 18 1 4. 19 117
5.13 112,197 5.B 112 6.1 Ill 6.2 197 Philippiam
1.1 50, Ill 1.3 197 1.5-S 184 1.13 lSI 1.19 50 1.19-30 49 12 1 50, 117 12 3 51 _) ,_' ).
)' ? _
1-2 4 1 1.1 41 1.1 51
3 7 3.17 61, 137 4.1 177 4.9 6 1,1 71, lSI
1.6
4. 18
Galatiam
167, 176
51
2 31 I Thessalonians 1-2 100 1.1 39, 50, 100 1.4-10 I00 1.5 39 1.6 61,100, 137 1.6-7 101, 154 1.6--S ISO 1.7 131 1.9 39, 100, 134, 181, 185 2.1 39 2.2 39, 100. 102 1.4 39 1.6 50, 51 2.7 39, 92, 127,13 1 1.7-12 39, 117, 131 1.11 39. 117, 131 2.11-12 132 1.11 132 1.13 132, 171 1.14 137, 154 2.18 39 1.19 133 3.2 40, 47, 50, 56 3.5 39, 40 3. 12 197, 19S 4 131 4.1 134, 175, 177 4. 1-2 131 4.9 131 4.9-12 198 4.10 134, 177 4.18 176,197 5.11 176, 197 5. 14 177 5. 15 197 5.24 39 5.27 39 Philemon I 50 8- 10 174 9- 10 177 10 61, 172 I Timothy 2.7 135
LXX 1 Kingdoms S.27 I 08
Index of Andem Sources
232 3 Ki11gdoms 8.58 172 8.6 1 172 I US 172
OTHER ANCIENT SOURCES Pscudepigrapha
Ll'!gatio ad Gaiwu 31.2 10 119 Quod oumis probus liber sit 160 130 Dr spcdalilms legibus 4.110.119 117
b.S:tnh.19b
b.S:mh.68a b.Sanh.99b
129, 145 122 119
G
119
GREEK AND LATIN LITERATURE Cicero
1 Er1och
81 124 91.1 124 108 124 Psalms of Solomon 16.1 1-13 108 Sibylli11e Or,rdes 3.761 117 3.765 117
Dr l'ito Mosis 1.69 109
lOS
10
JOSEPHUS
Diocloms Siculus 40.3 117 40.8 117
Antiquities of the jews 8.354 121 9.28 122
Ot.·id MC'r-.amorphoS<s
Contra Apiottrm 2.101 117 2.203 119
Tes.tamem of job
XXIV.6
Pro F1acco
8.675-679
117
Plutarch
DEAD SEA SCROLLS Ddib.cdu. Jk
Tes.tommt of Let1i 83-90 114
PHILO Dr congr~ss11 eruditionis gratia 15-19 130
117
1 QH Hodayot.
XII5-XIII4 99
Tacitus
MISHNA, TALMUD AND RELATED LITERATURE
Annales 111.14 59 HistoriaC' 5.5.3 117
b.B«.7b
Ill
) N OEX OF .M OD£RN AUTHORS
A.asg.,.ud, R. 49, 50, 54, 57, 58, 59, 60, l iS, 116, 127 1\gn<w, F. H. 91 Agosto, E. 19 1 Al<x•nd
Carter, W. 11, 37, 55, 59, 70, 98, 103, 157 Cam•lli E. A. 5, 19, 64, 138, 139, 143, 148 Clark, G. A. 74, 75, 76 Oarke, A. D. 103, 146, 147, 148, 149 Oau$$("n, C. 113,124, 125 Cohen, It A. 164 Conzdmann, H. 65 Crenshaw, j. L I 19, 120 Crook, Z. A. 71, 72, 73,74 CtiiSC'm
R.l l trus~il.
E. S, 9, 10, 72, 77, Il l, 116, 192, Rmchr, 5. 5. 58, 60, 98, 103, 107, I09, 110, 114, 115, 127,135, 147, 15 1, 182, 188, 197 B..1uman-Manin, B. J. 11 5 lbur., F. C. 36 Eh·krr, E. M. 56 lkk
C:tmpbdl, \'<.-. S.
113, 144, 158, 159, 168, 169, 182, 184, 192 C:ur, D. M. 119, 120,121, 122, 123,
D
Eco, U. 4, 5, 6, 8, 68, 83, 177 Ehrenspc:-rger, K. 4, 5, 7, S, 12, 36, 63, 66, 68, 71, n, 73, s3, 94, 111, 159, 166,183, 184 Eise-n, U. 194 Eisc:-nbaum, P. 159 Elliott, K. 10, 13,26, 59, 71, 113, 127, 147, 174 Ellion, j. H. 58 Elli< E. E. 36 Engberg-PederSC'n T. 6 Epp, E. j . 54 Epstrin, D. F. 147 Irikson, £. H. 29 Esler,P.F. 11,24, 153 Finne}·, M. T. 169, 171 Fishban.:, M. 94, Il l Fittmyer, J. A. 159 Fhlck, E. E. 74 Foucault, M. 16, 19, 20, 21, 24, 26, 30, 33, 34, 176, 190
234
Index of Modem Authors
Frey, j. 39, n Fr
Garlington, D. R.
Ga\'mta, B. R. 82. 127,128, 130, 133 Geocgi, D. 10, 79, 127 Gt"rbrr, C. 58, 117,129 G<'rhardsson, R. 141 Glancy, ). A. 98, 103, 105, 115, 194 Glu
Hab
IS, 14, 15, 16, 30, 178
Lc-vinas, E. 31, 32 Levin<, Ll. 125 Lictan Pcrb()ltc, P. 35, 36, 39, 42, 43, 46, 47, 48, 81, 85, 91 Lim, K. Y. 101, 101, 105, 107 LUcking, S. 19 Lukes. S. 10,21
Macdonald, M. Y. 54, J 94 Malina, B. 58 Mauss, .M. 69 M.ggin, j . j 70 Mdb
H:~f.:m:m n,
S. 87 H:~ rri ll, J. A. 195 H:1rrison,j. R. 6, 63, 64, 71, 71, 73, 74,
77, 82, 135 Haufe, G. 39 Hcschd, S. 64
H
S, 11, -115, t95 HogNrrp, A. 1.. A. 7, 176, 184
Holmbrrg B. 2, 3, 37, 41, 44,57 HonnNh, A. 31. Hook<, M. D. 137 Horrd1, D. G. 13, 58, 60, 173
Horsley, R. A. 8, 10, 12, 59, 77, 114, 127, 143, 144, 145, 150, 151, 157, 169,1 70, 181, 186 Ibn, T.
7, 72, 194
jC"nnings, T. W.
166, 168,169
J<w
Nanos, Jvl. D. J I, 99, 153, 159, 166, 167,168 NC'w.son, C. 124 OhiC'r, t\t 44 Ollrog, W. H. 35, 45, 46, 47, 48, 51 Olson, D. T. 11 3, 189 190 Opitz., P. 7 0\'C'rman, j . A. 7 p_,tte, D. 4, 195 p_,tt<'rson, D. 160, 164, 165 Pulitt, L 60 Pitkin, H. F. 1S Pliettsch, S. 89, 163,164, 192 PIUss, 0. 164 Pogoloff, S.M. 144 Po1aski,S. H. 3, 21, 63,64, 65, 66, 78, 81, 89, ISS Powell, M. A. 5 Rawson, B. 118 R
2 35
Index of Modem Authors S m~ C. 124 SchUssler Fioi"C'nza E. 54, 58, o5. 79, 195 Schi.ir.t, j. H. 2, 3, 38, 42, 43, 45, 62, 85, 90,91,93,94, 102, 103,104, H7 .Xott, j .C. 16,55,59,73,97, 186, 193 l
Sutter Rehmann, L
12
Stark, R. 36 Stegemann, E. \'<'.IStegcm:mn, W. 9, 59, 72, 117 Stegemann, \'1/, 117 Strecke-r, Cb. 6 Stubbs. M . A. 13
Sumo
T:lllbt"S, j . 10 Thisdton, A. C. 128, 145, 47, Tomson, P. ). 137, 169
To\', E. 133 Tuor+Kun h, Ch. Tumcr, M. 67
\'?agn
100, 101, 103 Yod«, C. R. 121
Taatt,l. 56 Tamez.. F.. 64
II7
Zenger, E.
160