•:enw
Se lf-Si m i l ar Hex-Sums of Squares R. BREU
eading the very stimulating article by A. van der Poorten, et al. in the Math ematical Intelligencer [1], I realized that self-similar sums of squares have a nice analogue in what I call self-similar hex-sums of squares, just as de composing primes of the form 4q + 1 into sums of squares a2 + b2 or factoring 4q + 1 in the ring of Gaussian integers has an analogue in the ring of Eisenstein integers, that is, decomposing primes of the form 3q + 1 into "hex-sums" of squares a2 + b2 ::!:: ab. ("Hex," as the fundamental domain in the Eisenstein lattice is a hexagon, versus a square in the Gaussian case.) Eisenstein integers have the form a ::!:: bw, where w ( - 1 + \1'=3)/2. Their norm a2 + b2 ::!:: ab corresponds to the norm a2 + b2 of Gaussian integers. Both signs ::!:: can be chosen, as the "upper sign" version is just the mirrored version of the "lower sign," but then have to be used consistently throughout, that is, al ways the lower or always the upper sign. A norm equation of Gaussian integers, say =
translates into a similar norm equation of Eisenstein integers (a2 + b2
::!::
ab) (c2 + d2
::!:: cd) (ac + bd
::!::
ab) (c2 + d2 ::!:: cd) (ac + bd
::!::
=
ad)2 + (be - ad)2
::!::
(ac + bd
::!::
ad) (be - ad)
or (a2 + b2
::!::
=
bc)2 + (ad - bc)2
::!::
(ac + bd
::!::
be) (ad - be).
It now turns out that all the formulas of self-similar sums of squares apply mu tatis mutandis to self-similar hex-sums of squares: If for a given k � 1, a and b form a self-similar hex-sum of squares, that is, a2 + b2
::!::
ab
=
lOk a + b,
then a' and b with a'= lOk- a+
b
also form a self-similar hex-sum a'2 + b2
::!::
a'h
=
1Qk a' + b;
and in the lower case in general we have two additional solutions (assuming a > b; one of a or a' is always >b) A
=
a and B'
=
a-b + 1
and A'
=
lOk
-
A + B'
=
l Ok - b + 1 and B'
I f p is a suitable factor of
with a hex-decomposition of then p is also a factor of i.e., a factor generating self-similar hex-sums, a1 ' lOk + a1 or a1 lOk + a 1 '
4
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc.
=
a - b + 1.
(in the latter case a1 and a1', or in all formulas the primed and unprimed symbols need to be switched). Choose such a k0 and (p, a 1 , a/). For the "lower sign" there are in general (if p =F 3) 2*4 families of self-similar hex-sums (with A, A', B, B', a, a', b, b' all dependent on k):
10k 10k lOk lOk
a+h = a i 2( 102k +1Qk+ 1 )/p a'+ h = (a/ 10k+a 1 )2/p A+B' (AI 10k +A/)2/p A' +B' = Al ' 2 (102 k +10k + 1)/p u = 0, 1, . with k uk1+k0 =
=
and (if p
=F
3) 10k a+h' = (a1 10k+a/)2/p 10k a' + h' = a1'2 (102k+ 10k + 1 )/p 10k A+B A 1 2 (102k + 10k+ 1 )/p 10k A'+ B (A 1 ' 10k+A,)Z/p u = 0, 1, with k uk 1 +2k0 =
=
=
.
where k1 is the smallest solution to and A1 = a 1 , A1' = a 1 - a/ , if a 1 > a 1' A1 a1' - a1 , A1' = a1', if a1' > a1 =
But for the "upper sign" only 2 families exist:
lOk a+h = al2 (102k - 10k+ 1)/p lOk a'+h (a1' 10k +a1?/p =
u = 0, 1 , . .
with k=uk1+k0
The families are nice, that is, the b's never have leading zeros, whenever
10 a 1 a1'
�
p
As a final surprise it turns out that the Hermite-Serret algorithm for computing the square decomposition
a2+])2
=
p = 4q
+ 1
has an analogous "modified Cornacchia" type of algorithm [2] for computing the hex decomposition a2 +h2
±
ab = p = 3q
+
1
One simply solves x2 +3y 2
=
4p
by aePiying the Euclidian algorithm to 4p and 2*10k <2Yp, and then sets
::;::
1 stopping when the left term is
x =left term y= Y((4p- x2)/3) a=(x+y)/2 h = ± (y - x)/2 if this is >0, else a=y b= ± (x - y)/2. EXAMPLES
ko
=
1, k1
=
3, a1
=
7, a1'
=
3, "lower sign" version
49 oo
+ 4)2/37 = 148, 132'447'568, 132'432'447'567'568,. =
© 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
5
16 oo
==
*
==
that is,
142 + 72- 14. 7 == 147 32 + 72 - 3 7 == 37 142 + 82- 14 8 == 148 42 + 82- 4 8 == 48 •
•
•
1332 + 572- 133 57 13'357 242 + 572- 24. 57 == 2'457 1332 + 772- 133. 77 == 13'377 442 + 772- 44. 77 == 4'477 •
k0
==
== 1, k1 == 6, a1 == 1, a/== 2, "upper sign" version oomu+2J- 10(6u+l) + 1)/7== 13, 14'285'712'857'143, 14'285'714'285'712'857'142'857'143, ... (2
•
lO(Gu +l) + 1)2/7
==
63, 57'142'862'857'143, 57'142'857'142'862'857'142'857'143, ...
that is,
12 + 32 + 1 62 + 32 + 6
•
•
3 13 3 == 63 ==
It is noticeable that there are many more solutions to the "lower sign" form than to the "up per sign" form. Finally, following up on a suggestion of A. van der Poorten, we have generalized this ap proach to self-similar quadratic forms of the type ua 2 + vab + wb2 == 10k a + b. REFERENCES
[1] Alf van der Poorten, Kurt Thomsen, Mark Wiebe, "A Curious cubic identity and self-similar sums of squares," Mathematicallntelligencer, 29 no. 2, (2007) 39-41. (2] Henri Cohen, "A course in computational algebraic number theory," Springer, 2000, p. 36.
lm Roggenacker 11 CH-4102 Binningen
Switzerland e-mail: [email protected]
6
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Vievvpoint
Solving Wigner's Mystery: The
Reasonable (Though Perhaps Limited) Effectiveness of' Mathematics in the Natural Sciences
IVOR GRATTAN-GUINNESS
The Viewpoint column offers mathematicians the opportunity to write about any issue of interest to the international mathematical
I
n 1960 the physicist Eugene Wigner published an influential article on 'The unreasonable effectiveness of mathematics in the natural sciences'. I counter the claim stated in its title with an interpretation of science in which many of the uses of mathematics are shown to be quite reasonable, even ra tional, although maybe somewhat lim ited in content and indeed not free from ineffectiveness. The alternative view emphasizes two factors that Wigner largely ignores: the effectiveness of the natural sciences in mathematics, in that much mathematics has been motivated by interpretations in the sciences, and still is; and the central place of theories in both mathematics and the sciences, especially theory-building, in which analogies drawn from other theories play an important role. A major related feature is the desimplification of theo ries, which attempts to reduce limita tions on their effectiveness. Significant also is the ubiquity and/or generality of many topics and notions in mathemat ics. It emerges that the connections be tween mathematics and the natural sci ences are, and always have been, rationally although fallibly forged links, not a collection of mysterious paral lelisms.
Wigner's Thesis Wigner states as his main thesis 'that the enormous usefulness of mathematics in the natural sciences is something bor dering on the mysterious and that there is no rational explanation for it'; for ex-
ample, 'The miracle of the appropriate ness of the language of mathematics for the formulation of the laws of physics is a wonderful gift which we neither un derstand or deserve' [1960, 2, 14]. By way of illustration he recalls a story about two friends studying population statistics by means of the normal (or Gaussian) distribution and being bewil dered by the presence in the analysis of 7T: 'surely the population has noth ing to do with the circumference of the circle' [p. 1]. He judges this mystery to he 'plain common sense' and does not discuss it again in the article. Wigner's article has been cited es pecially by scientists and mathemati cians on many occasions, with approval or at least without demur; some related articles have appeared.1 Philosophers have also considered the article, and some have largely accepted the force of the argument. 2 One should note that most of the established philosophies of mathematics favoured by philosophers have aimed to grasp mathematical the ories already developed rather than to address theory-building. There [P6lya 1954a, 1954b] is much more promising, with his masterly survey of 'plausible reasoning' and the dynamic relation ships between theorems and proofs; however, he focusses largely upon pure mathematics. In my approach, which in general terms follows P6lya, the unrea sonableness will largely disappear, but doubts are raised over effectiveness. The discussion is set at the level of formed cognition and theory-building; I
community. Disagreement and controversy are welcome. The views and opinions expressed here, however, are exclusively those of the author, and neither the publisher nor the editor-in-chief endorses or accepts responsibility for them. Viewpoint should be submitted to the editor-in chief, Chandler Davis.
1 For example, the rather ineffective [Hamming 1 980). In a review of Wigner's article for the Zentralblatt fOr Math ematik, [Kiesow 1 960) welcomed a 'brilliantly written essay'. Mathematical Reviews did not cover it. I do not at tempt a full bibliography of reactions to Wigner's article, but see the Wikipedia online entry on it. 2[Colyvan 2001) sees Wigner's 'puzzle' as a conundrum for some prevailing philosophies of mathematics, within which mathematics is 'developed primarily with aesthetic considerations in mind' [p. 267]. [Sarukkai 2005] em phasizes the language of mathematics as such rather than mathematical theories, which of course need language for expression. His account of intuitionism is not happy, and both authors misrepresent Hilbert as a formalist.
In a study of the epistemology of questions and answers, [Hintikka 2007) sees Wigner's thesis as exemplifying a priori knowledge, and associates mathematics especially wrth his 'function-in-extension', which plays the central role of linking who/whaVwhere/. . . questions with the proposed answers. While supporting his philosophical en terprise, I am not persuaded that apriority captures Wigner's thesis, nor that the function need be placed in math ematics rather than in the pertaining logic just because functions (and functors) play major roles there.
© 2008 Springer Science+ Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
7
do not address the interesting subject of the psychology of mathematical cre ation. Several of my points have been made in earlier discussions of Wigner's article, but to my knowledge nobody has taken as central the two theses presented in the next section. In general terms I follow the spirit of French [2000], who nicely defends the reasonableness of one particular kind of application. This paper is noted in a section below that is devoted to examples of the approach adopted. These are largely historical ones, as that is my background, but their potency is not thereby lost; for if math ematics is unreasonably effective in the natural sciences, then it always has been so, or at least for a long time. In any case, we can surely learn from our past masters. A solution of the mystery about 1T follows in the final section.
Two Counters First, in a part of his article called 'What is mathematics?' Wigner asserts that while elementary concepts in mathe matics (especially geometry) were mo tivated by 'the actual world, the same does not seem to be true of the more advanced concepts, in particular the concepts which play such an impor tant role in physics' [1960, 2]. In reply I build upon a large truth coming strongly from the history of mathemat ics, quite counter to his claim; not only elementary theories and branches of the
subject were (and are) motivated by some problems found in the actual world, including on occasion sciences outside the physical ones, but so equally were (and are) the more ad vanced theories. Much mathematics, at all levels, was brought into being by worldly demands, so that its frequent effectiveness there is not so surprising. It is necessary to emphasise this fea ture of mathematics, because, especially since the middle of the 19th century, a snobbish attitude developed among substantial parts of the growing mathe matical community to prefer pure over applied mathematics ('dirty mathemat ics' to Berliners, for example). As a con sequence the impression has grown that mathematics is always, or at least often, developed independent of the natural sciences, or indeed anything else; thus its undoubted effectiveness is indeed mysterious. Secondly, in a part of his article called 'What is physics?', Wigner em phasises the role of observing regulari ties in the world for formulating 'laws of nature' (using Galileo Galilei's law of fall as an example), which nevertheless are subject to 'probability laws' because of our incomplete knowledge [1960, 3-6]. This point about regularities is valuable, and should form part of a wide-ranging analysis of theories as such, especially their initial formation and later elaboration. These processes are central features of the development
of mathematics pure or applied, and in deed of any science, and so they form the basis of my own approach. The status of theories depends upon whether one subscribes to a philosophy of science that treats theories as mere devices for calculation or prediction (in strumentalism, conventionalism, some kinds of positivism), or to a philosophy that pays attention to the (apparent) explanatory power of theories (induc tivism, fallibilism, some kinds of Platon ism). 3 These differences matter, because the criteria for (in)effectiveness vary be tween the two kinds of philosophy. The discussion that follows will apply to both of them, as does Wigner's article 4
Developing Theories In the Presence of Other Theories In science as in everyday life, when faced by a new situation, we start out JNith some guess. Our first guess may fall wide of the mark, but we try it and, according to the degree of suc cess, we modify it more or less. Even tually, after several trials and several modifications, pushed by observa tions and led by analogy, we may ar rive at a more satisfactory guess. Georg P6lya [1954b, 1 58] When forming a problem and at tempting to solve it, a scientist does not work in isolation: he is operating in various contexts, philosophical, cul tural and technical, in some cases con-
IVOR GRATTAN-GUINNESS is Emeritus Professor of the History of Mathematics and Logic at Middlesex University, and Visrt:ing Research Associate at the London School of Economics. He was edrt:or of Annals
of Science from 1974 to 1 98 1 . From 1 979 to 1 992 he was founding ed rt:or of History and Philosophy of Logic. In addrt:ion to the Companion En
cydopaedia cre t: d in the present article, he has writte n stantial surveys of history
the Mathemadcal Sciences
of mathematics,
( 1 998).
or edrt:ed
sub
such as the Norton History of
Middlesex University at Enfield Middlesex EN3 4SF England e-mail: [email protected]
30n the different philosophies of science see, for example, [Dilworth 1994]. 4Wigner ends with a rather strange section on 'the uniqueness of the theories of physics' in which he stresses 'the empirical nature' of laws of nature and considers cases where '"false" theories' give 'alarmingly [sic] accurate descriptions of groups of phenomena' (1960, 1 1 , 1 3]. Since much of that discussion focuses upon some specific physical phenomena and the possibility of reconciling quantum mechanics with relativity theory, it does not centre on the role of mathematics; so I leave it alone.
8
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
sciously recognised but in others intu itively or implicitly adopted. Thinkers develop theories in the presence of other theories already available as well as by observations of the actual world, and can be influenced positively or maybe negatively by these theories. My a p
proach complements the theory of 'ab duction' of C. S. Peirce, where theory building is considered largely in terms of reactions to (new) observations. (Wigner notes Peirce in [1960, 2, 4)). In both studies, it is the world of human theories that is anthropocentric, not the actual world.
In the discussion that follows, 'no tion' is an umbrella term covering not only objects such as function and ma trix but also concepts such as con vexity, systems of symbols, and proof methods, that occur in mathematical theories; these latter are often called 'topics' when they include individual theorems or algorithms as well as larger scale bodies of results. The distinction between topic and notion resembles that made by phenomenologists be tween a part and a moment of a whole; for example, between the third chapter of a certain book and the price of that book [Smith 1982]. Assume that the creator of a new the ory S2 was aware of another theory S1 already available and drew upon it in some way; this does not preclude the possibility that he independently recre ated S1 on his way to S2. Four categories of relationship may obtain between S2 and Sl. Analogies are mentioned here, and analysed in some detail later. Category 1: Reduction . S 1 not only actively plays a role in the formation and development of S2, but the the orist also hopes to reduce S2 to the sphere of activity of S 1. Analogies now become special cases of S 1 in S2; and S1 may be seen as an ex tension of S2, maybe even a gener alisation of it. There are also reduc tions within a mathematical topic, when it is shown that a particular kind of object may be reduced to a special kind of itself without loss of generality. Category 2: Emulation. S1 actively plays a role in the formation and
development of S2, with resulting structural similarities, but reduction is not asserted or maybe even sought. Analogies are just similarities; for ex ample, S2 uses (close versions of) some of the mathematical notions al ready deployed in Sl. Category 3: Co11oboration . S1 plays lit tle or no role in the formation and development of S2; but the theorist draws upon similarities to S 1 , maybe including structural ones, to de velop S2 further and thereby en hance the measure of analogy be tween S2 and Sl. Category 4: Importation. Sl is imported into S2 basically intact, to serve as a mathematical tool. Thereby S1 and S2 have certain notions in common, creating analogies; and if some of them are of sufficient generality to surpass the spheres of activity of both S1 and S2, then they are in stantiated in S1 and S2. Theory S2 may well have several S1s of various kinds in its ancestry. What relationship does it hold to its princi pal parents? The word 'revolution' is of ten used to refer to substantial changes of theory, but in my view excessively and without adequate allowance for the different kinds of relationship that may obtain. I propose the following tri-cEs tinction [Grattan-Guinness 1992al. Category 5: Revolution. Adoption of S2 means that S 1 is replaced, perhaps discarded or at least much reduced in status to a prediction device, with much of its explanatory power aban doned. Category 6: Innovation. S2 says some quite new things about which Sl was silent, or at most treated only some special cases. Replacement will oc cur, for example when S2 is pre ferred over S1 in certain circum stances, but it is not the main feature. Category 7: Convolution. In its devel opment, S2 exhibits both old and new ( sub-) theories; Sl and S2 wind around each other, showing both old and new connections thereby mixing elements of the replacement and in novation. It seems that convolutions are the most common relationship to be found
between old and new theories, with in novations and revolutions as opposite extremes; thus the tridistinction is more of degree than of kind. A very wide spread use of convolution occurs when a mathematician takes some existing piece of mathematics (of any kind) and modernises parts of it in some ways before embarking on his new work or while doing so; I call this use of old mathematics 'heritage', to distinguish it from its historical analysis [Grattan Guinness 2004]. A nice example is the 'genetic approach' to the calculus given by Toeplitz [1963], a heritage that also exhibits historical sympathy. s
Some Basic Topics and Notions in Theories In the demonstrative sciences logic is used in the main for proofs-for the transmission of truth-while in the empirical sciences it is almost ex clusively used critically-for the re transmission of falsity. Karl Popper [ 1972 , 305] We consider now some of the main topics and notions that are invoked in the application of mathematics to the natural sciences. They can obtain also within mathematics, between different branches of the discipline and/or parts of the same one; I shall not pursue this feature here, but I note that it increases the content of the mathematical theo ries involved, and thereby the potential measure of their effectiveness in appli cations. A significant part of so-called 'pure' mathematics is applicable, carried out without any stated applications but with a clear potential there: the various kinds of solution of differential equa tions are a prominent example. Table 1 provides some significant topics, notions, and strategies that help in theory-building to produce some sort of convoluted theory out of previous theories. None of the lists in the three columns is meant to he complete (es pecially not the first one), though every item is noteworthy. Apart from a few groupings in the columns, the order is not significant; and only one connec tion by row obtains. In several cases the opposite notion is also to be noted (for
5However, for Wigner 'It is absurd to believe that the existence of mathematically simple expressions for the second derivative of the position is self-evident, when no similar expressions for the position itself or for the velocity exist' [1960, 11]. Is this strange remark some allusion to Newton's second law?
© 2008 Springer Sctence+Business Media, !nc., Volume 30. Number 3, 2008
9
Table
1. Some topics, notions, and strategies used in mathematics and the natural sciences
Topics from mathematics
Notions from mathematics
Notions from the sciences and/or the actual world
Matrices
Linearity
Space
Determinants
Generalisation
Time
Arithmetic of real numbers
Convexity
Force
Common algebra
Equality, inequality
Energy
Complex numbers, analysis
Ordering
Mass, weight
The calculus
Partitioning
Causality
Functions, functors
Approximation
Continuity
Series
lnvariance
Optimisation
Differential equations
Duality
Regularity
Theory of limits
Boundary
Notion of limits
Set theory and the infinite
Recursion
Conservation
Potentials
Operators
Equilibrium, stability
Mathematical statistics
Combinations
Discreteness
Stochastic processes
Bilinear, quadratic forms
Symmetry
Probability
Dispersion, location
Analogy
Topology
Regression, correlation
Periodicity
Mechanics
Nesting
Simplicity, complexity
Theory of equations
Mathematical induction
Generality
Group theory
Proof by contradiction
Randomness
Fields (and other algebras)
Superposition
Identification
(Non-)Euclidean geometries
Structure
Abstraction
Vector algebra, analysis
Axiomatisation
Taxonomy
example, disequilibrium from equilib rium). Those in the third column can be manifest within mathematics also.
Ubiquity and the Role of Analogies Analogies (and disanalogies) between theories play a very significant role in the reasonable effectiveness of mathe matics in theory-building; in particular, in the second way (emulation) of de riving S2 from S1 listed above.6 Two such theories have some mathematical notion M in common, which therefore is an invariant relative to S1 and S2; for example (which is given a context later), both heat diffusion and acoustics use Fourier series. A major source of the importance of analogies is that all of these topics and notions are ubiquitous, in mathematics and/or in the actual world; hence lots of analogies may be tried, and the suc cessful ones help to explain the 'un canny usefulness of mathematical con cepts' [Wigner 1960, 2]. We can also
assuage the puzzlement of Steven Wein berg that mathematicians have often produced theories before the physicists [Mathematics 1986, 725-728, mentioning Wignerl: the mathematicians thought up these theories in specific contexts using various ubiquitous topics and notions, which physicists then found also to be effective elsewhere. In addition to analogies between Sl and 52, each theory (I take Sl) will have analogies with the pertinent mathemat ical notion M. A dual role obtains for M: both to be correctly developed as mathematics, and to make sense at some level of detail in Sl. The level to which the similarity holds between M and S1 measures their common anal ogy content; for example, it increases if S1 not only uses integrals M but also interprets them as areas or as sums. Analogy content can be modest; for ex ample, when an abstract algebra (lat tices, say) M is imported into S1, the analogy content between M and S1 may well be limited to the lattice structure.
Kaushal nicely exhibits ubiquities with lists of scientific contexts in which certain mathematical equations and func tions arise: for example, the exponential decay function, and the form (a-b)! c [2003, 60,75; see also pp. 52-57, 67,851. P6lya presents several simple examples from applications that draw upon anal ogy [1954a, chs. 9-10]. Knobloch [2000) reviews some cases of analogy from the early modern period.
Examples ot Theory-Building Let us now take some further exam ples of these seven categories and the table of notions working in harness, not necessarily oriented around analogies. Among importations of elementary mathematical theories, arithmetic has been deployed since ancient epochs, trigonometry and Euclidian geometry for a long while, and common algebra since its innovation by the medieval Arabs. The examples that follow come from more modern times and mostly from more advanced mathematics: I
6The philosophy of analogies is not yet well developed. The most extensive account is given in [Kaushal 2003, chs. 3-6]; see especially his synoptic table illustrating 'the contents of a structural analogy' on p. 93. In the rest of his book he considers their use in the humanities and in the Hindu religion. [P61ya 1 954a] stresses analo gies, mainly in pure mathematics. [Steiner 1 998] draws quite a lot on them, partly as a reply to [Wigner 1 960]; he also advocates an anthropocentric standpoint. My own approach, based upon 'structure-similarity', is sketched in [Grattan-Guinness 1 992b].
10
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
have chosen ones with which I am fairly familiar, and which collectively illustrate the variety as much as possi ble in a limited space. It is impossible to cite the original sources for these ex amples or give their full contexts in de tail: short surveys of all the branches and topics of mathematics involved are to be found in the encyclopaedia [Grat tan-Guinness 1994]. The reader will be able to construct lots of further exam ples from his own knowledge. In these examples enough of the per taining science was already available when the mathematicisation described took place, and the mathematics and sci ence were competently handled. Neither property holds in general; in particular, the simultaneous development of math ematics and science in a theory-building context is a central feature of mathe matical modelling. To reduce compli cations in the presentation, I have re luctantly avoided cases where major roles are played by notations and no tational systems, or by diagrams; they deserve studies of their own. Out of re spect for my ignorance, I have not of fered examples from the life sciences or medicine. Among the notions. Inequality has been much underrated as an importa tion [Tanner 1961]. It is at the centre of theories such as thermodynamics, math ematical economics, (non-linear) pro gramming, certain foundations for me chanics; it also underlies many of the principal definitions and proofs in real and complex-variable analysis and their uses, in connection with the theory of limits. In contrast, the high status of symmetry is well recognised by, for ex ample, Wigner [1967], and also Weyl [1952] in general, and Mackey [1978] in the context of harmonic analysis. Simplicity has obvious attractions to reductionists, and it grounds conven tionalist philosophies; but when two notions are not close together in kind, the relation 'simpler than' between them requires complicated (sic) analysis? (The use of 'simple' in 'desimplification' is of this close kind.) Sometimes it is also used to back up the empiricists, who cut their philosophical throats with Ockham's razor.
Linearity has been of especial impor tance, even though most of the phenom ena observed in the actual world are nonlinear. It covers all manifestations of the linear form aA + hE + . . . , finitely or infinitely. An example of a general kind is forming a problem as a linear differential, or difference, or difference differential, equation, for many forms of solution are available or may become so; by around 1900 linearisation had be come something of a fixation [Grattan Guinness 2008a]. Linear algebra also brought with it, and to some extent mo tivated, a further wide range of appli cations, partly overlapping with that of the calculus. Perturbation theory. An important example of both strands was initiated by Isaac Newton's innovative insight in celestial mechanics that the planets were 'perturbed' from their basic orbits around the Sun by their mutual attrac tions. The mathematics to express this situation was not difficult to state hut horrible to manipulate, until in the 17 40s Leonhard Euler had the superb insight that the distance (and other) as tronomical variables could he converted into infinite trigonometric series of ap propriate angles, which increased a uni formity of approach [Wilson 1980a]. A major use of this method occurred in proving that our planetary system was stable; that is, no planet would ever fly out of the system like a comet, or way off out of the ecliptic plane. Euler (and Newton before him) had been content to rely on God as the guarantee of sta bility; but in the 1770s ]. L. Lagrange secularised the problem by truncating the expansions to their first terms, thereby expressing the motions in a sys tem of linear ordinary differential equa tions with constant coefficients, which took finite trigonometric series solu tions. By a marvellous analysis he made great progress towards establishing sta bility [Wilson 1980bl. Later work by oth ers (including, surprisingly, A. L. Cauchy and Karl Weierstrass) played major roles in establishing the spectral theory of matrices (the theory of their latent roots and vectors) [Hawkins 1975]-a fine ex ample of the reasonable effectiveness of the natural sciences in mathematics.
This example also exhibits both kinds of generality mentioned previously. First, Lagrange's analysis formed part of his development of analytical mechan ics, in which he claimed, controversially, that dynamics could be reduced to sta tics. Secondly, it hinged on a brilliant transformation of the independent vari ables that (to use matrix theory, heritage style) reduced the square of the matrix of the terms in the differential equations to an antisymmetric one; the task was then to show that all the latent roots and vectors were real. Contributions from Fourier. Euler's trigonometric series are not to be con fused with Fourier series, which came hack into mathematics in the 1800s. The context was heat diffusion, where Joseph Fourier innovated the first large scale mathematicisation of a branch of physics outside mechanics, in a fine dis play of convolution [Grattan-Guinness and Ravetz 1972]. Importing the differ ential and integral calculus in its Leib niz-Euler form, he went for linearisation in forming his differential equation to represent the phenomenon. But in adopting the series as the preferred form of solution for finite bodies, he revolutionised the understanding of a mathematical theory that had been known before him but was disparaged for reasons (especially concerning its manner of representing a function) that he showed to be mistaken. However, he did not apply analogy to carry the periodicity of the trigonometric terms over to a wave-like theory of heat and promote a superposition of basic states, although such a theory was being ad vocated at that time; for him heat was exchanged with cold, each notion be ing taken as primitive, and he rejected explaining their nature in other terms such as waves or a substance (caloric). The term 'positivism' can fairly be ap plied here, as in the late 1820s, his work, was to be a great influence upon the philosopher Auguste Comte. For dif fusion in infinite bodies, Fourier inno vated around 1810 the integral named after him, where the wave reading does not obtain anyway. The physical inter pretation of each term of the Fourier se ries was due especially to G. S. Ohm in
7For example. ponder the question of whether analytical mechanics is simpler or more complicated than Newtonian mechanics, and note that many pertinent points of view are involved. What sort of useful answer would result?
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the 1840s, in the context of acoustics; it marks an increase in analogy content relative to Fourier. Contributions from Thomson. An other of Fourier's early foreign support ers was the young William Thomson, later Lord Kelvin. In his teens in the early 1840s, he not only studied heat diffusion and the series method of solution but also quickly moved on to electricity and magnetism, and then to hydrodynamics [Grattan-Guinness 2008bl. He is a par ticularly interesting case to note, since he explicitly invoked analogies when passing from one topic to another. The similarities carried over not only at the mathematical level (similar differential equations and methods of solution) but also as physics (for example, from isothermal surfaces to equipotential ones). He was a prominent pioneer in potential theory, not only because of his own contributions but also for popular ising George Green's innovative theorem of 1828 relating the internal organization of a solid body to its surface potential. Thanks to these and others' endeavours, potential theory became a massive source of emulation, analogies, instanti ations, and importations across many branches of mechanics and classical mathematical physics [Bacharach 1883). Thomson was also a major figure in the midcentury advocacy of the princi ple of the conservation of energy in mechanics and physics, or 'energetics', which became another major source of emulation, importation, instantiation, and corroboration across many sciences. But its parent, energy/work principles in mechanics, had already provided a strik ing example of corroboration, in the wave theory of light. Its main pioneer from the mid 1810s was A. ]. Fresnel, whose theories used a variety of emula tions from mechanics, such as assuming the simple harmonic motion of the mol ecules in his punctiform aether and a co sine law for the decomposition of inten sities. The corroboration occurred over his 1821 analysis of Huygen's law of dou ble refraction, that a ray of light of unit intensity at incident angle I in crystals such as Iceland spar split into two rays
of intensities sin2 I and cos2 1 After car rying out this analysis he realized from the trigonometric version of Pythagoras's theorem that his theory conformed to the principle of the conservation of energy if he presumed the aether to be trans parent for its transmission; so he anno tated some older manuscripts to this ef fect [Fresnel 1866, 472, 483, 496]. Quantum mechanics. Thomson died in 1907, just when his empire of classi cal (mathematical) physics was being re placed by new scientific regimes. One of them was quantum mechanics, espe cially the emulation by Niels Bohr and others of celestial mechanics with his 1913 planetary-like model of the hydro gen atom as a nucleus surrounded by a charged electron orbiting in a circle (or, for the desimplifying Arnold Som merfeld, in an ellipse) [Hermann 1971).8 Given this approach, the governing dif ferential equation, Ernest Schrodinger's, was linear as usual, and for it a wide repertoire of solutions was available. But the physics, especially the notions of atomic states and quanta of light and other phenomena to which Planck's constant had become associated, dic tated that analogy should not guide the choice of solutions; to be reasonable the mathematics had to follow routes different from Fourier series (although Werner Heisenberg's first theory of the atom drew upon them), special func tions and the like. Instead Hilbert spaces, infinite matrices, and integral equations played prominent roles; and as all three mathematical topics were still rather new at the time (the 1910s onwards) to some extent we see again the effectiveness of a natural science upon their develop ment (and conversely, their applicabil ity). Two main forms of quantum me chanics developed in the 1920s, matrix mechanics and wave mechanics; in the latter development Schrodinger closely emulated the analytic mechanics and op tics of W. R. Hamilton. Schrodinger and others showed in 1926 that the two ver sions were mathematically equivalent; however, their physical differences re mained rather mysterious. Paul Dirac came up with a third candidate in his
quantum algebra; then he embraced all three in his 'transformation theory'. Another importation into quantum mechanics was group theory, which had developed over the previous 70 years or so, initially in other specific mathemati cal contexts and then as a general and abstract theory [Wussing 1984); several basic kinds of groups proved to be ef fective, especially rotation, unitary, con tinuous, and permutation [Mackey 1978, 1985]. This example is especially strik ing to note because a significant pioneer was one Eugene P. Wigner; his book on the matter [Wigner 1931) is surely a fine counterexample to his thesis of 1960 [French 2000]. Statistical mechanics. The relevance of anthropocentrism, mentioned previ ously, is nicely exemplified in the sur vey of equilibrium statistical mechanics [Ruelle 1988). Early on he is willing to 'define mathematics as a logical con struct based on the axioms of set the ory' (oh Godel, where art thou at this hour?), and praises Wigner's 'beautiful' article without 'concern[ing) ourselves with this mystery'. Then, to outline his theory of indeed 'human mathematics', he not only invokes equilibrium, but also imports parts of point-set topology, the integral calculus, operator algebra, and mathematical statistics; he even stresses that 'the intrusion of physics therefore changes the historical devel opment of mathematics' [p. 265), and in dicates uses of his subject elsewhere. That is, he does much to dissipate the mystery that he claims to be ignoring! Complex numbers and variables.
Like many areas of pure and applied mathematics, quantum mechanics also imported complex-variable analysis. Wigner points to the 'formal beauty' in the mathematics of complex numbers [Wigner 1960, 3: compare p. 7); they may possess it, but it does not begin to ex plain their importance. For that we need to distinguish the data, in this case the positive and negative real numbers, from the theories about them, of which the first were the formulae for the resolution of quadratic, cubic, and quartic polyno mialsY The complex number field has to
8Much of [Steiner 1998] is taken up with quantum mechanics, but unaccountably he omits the contributions of John von Neumann. For a desimplified version of my summary history, see [Beller 1 983]. 9'fhe derivation of the formualae depended upon the insight of Scipione del Ferro around 1 500 that a cubic polynomial could be reduced without loss of generality to one lacking the quadratic term, and similarly with Ludovico Ferrari on the quartic about 40 years later.
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
be invoked because the operations of taking square and higher roots are closed in it but not in the real number field: for example, Y(a + ib) is always complex for real a and b whereas Va is real only if a is not negative. 10 Complex-variable analysis is a remarkable but reasonable extension, innovated by Cauchy from the 1810s onwards in close analogy with his concurrent exegesis of real-variable analysis based upon the theory of limits [Smithies 19971. Tweedledum and Tweedledee. Fi nally, there is the extreme case of anal ogy, namely identification: this = that, maybe modulo a Gestalt switch. A re markable instance occurred in October 1 947 when John von Neumann and George Dantzig shared their respec tive interests in economic behaviour and linear programming; they found that they (and, it turned out, a few oth ers) had been using planar convex re gions, but for von Neumann against a background of fixed-point theorems, whereas for Dantzig concerning the performance of objective functions [Dantzig 1982, 45]. The effect of the re sulting union of theories was a rapid expansion in work in both subjects.
Increasing Effectiveness: Desimplification and the Science of Small Effects The previous discussion should suggest grounds for finding reasonable the im pressive utility of mathematics in the natural sciences. Whether we deem it effective, however, depends in part on the demands we make of the scientific theory involved, or the expectations we hold for it; how general, for example, or how numerically accurate? It is a commonplace but significant observation to notice that the actual world is a complicated place; Wigner himself does so [1960, 4]. Thus the sci entist, whether mathematical or not, is forced to simplify the phenomena un der study in order to render them tractable: 'the art of the soluble', to quote the artful title of Medawar [19671. The longrunning preference for linear ity noted earlier is a prominent exam-
pie of such simplifications; in reaction, a notable feature of recent mathemati cal physics has been a great increase in nonlinear methods and models [West 1985]. Among branches of mathematics, mechanics is notorious for the adoption of light strings and inextensible pulleys, the assumption that extended bodies have constant density, the routine ig noring of air resistance, friction, and/or the rotation of the Earth about its axis, and so on. The assumption is fallibly made that in the contexts under study, the corresponding effects are small enough to be ignored; but part of the reasonableness of theory-building is to check whether or not such assumptions are justified. I called such checks 'des implification': putting back into the the ory effects and factors that had been de liberately left out. For example, Lagrange consciously simplified the stability problem by tak ing only the first-order terms in their masses. Thereby he assumed that the terms in higher orders were small enough to be ignored; but should this assumption be checked for reasonable ness? In the late 1800s, under the stim ulus of a recent analysis by P. S. Laplace, the young S. D. Poisson and the old La grange studied the second-order terms and found a mathematical expression that was of interest in its own right. Thus their study of a particular problem led unexpectedly to a much more gen eral one. For once in the history of mathematics the names attached to the resulting theory, in analytical mechan ics, are correct: the 'Lagrange-Poisson brackets'.11 A version of it was to ap pear in Dirac's algebra noted in con nection with quantum mechanics. The longest-running catalogue of des implifications of which I am aware con cerns the so-called 'simple' pendulum. The adjective seems reasonable, for the instrument consists only of a bob swing ing on a wire from a fixed point. How ever, especially from the late 18th cen tury onwards, pendula were observed very exactly for making precise calcula tions in connection with the needs of
geodesy, cartography, and topography. This was small-effects science par ex cellence, literally preoccupied with dec imal places. Many scientists studied a wide range of properties [Wolf 18891891]. Is the downswing exactly equal to the upswing? Does the bob make a lit tle angular kick at the top of its upswing or not? What about the effects of Lunar attraction, the spheroidicity of the Earth, air resistance, the possible extension of the wire under the weight of the bob, and the effect of the bob rotating about its own axis? Do possible movements of the supporting frame affect the swinging of large pendula? What special factors at tend the use of a hand-held pendulum [Kaushal 2003, 160-172]? These and var ious other questions made the simple pendulum a complicated instrument! However, all the desimplifications were performed fallibly but reasonably, for they attempted to establish guides on the orders of smallness of the effects upon the motion of the pendulum. Some of these strategies involved quantitative approximations to the rel evant theory. This invoked numerical analysis, which, when taken with nu merical linear algebra, forms a branch of mathematics of special pertinence to our theme [Chabert 1999].
Some Comments on Ineffectiveness, Including its Own Possible Ineffectiveness The account above paints a picture of the development of applied mathemat ics in sequences of fallible but steadily successful actions. However, it is itself simplified, and needs supplementing with some consideration of types of fail ure over and above incompetence. Numerical utili(y. Some examples are rather slight, even amusing, such as astronomers sometimes calculating val ues of their variables to ridiculous num bers of decimal places, far beyond any scientific need of their time. However, this action raises the reasonable ques tion, somewhat akin to the considera tions of numerical methods just aired: given the instruments available in some scientific context, what is a/the reason-
10'fhis reading of complex numbers belongs to the advent of structural algebras during the early 20th century [Corry 1 996]. An earlier reading deployed the complex plane; but as it depends upon geometry, it might be seen as more of a heuristic aid than an epistemological ground. 110n Lagrange's and Poisson's work see [Grattan-Guinness 1 990, 37 1 -386]. On the place of the theory in analytical mechanics see, for example, [Whittaker 1 927, ch. 1 1 ].
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able number of decimal places to aim at in the theory? More generally, which mathematics goes reasonably and ef fectively with measurement, both in the natural sciences and elsewhere? For Thomson and many others, it should happen as often and as accurately as possible in science; others have been more cautious. 12 There are also situations where a genuine problem is addressed, but the theories proposed as solutions are of no practical use whatever; I call this type 'notational applications'. A striking ex ample is [Poisson 1823] on the cooling of an annulus in the desimplified situ ation when the temperature of the en vironment was not constant and so was itself represented in the diffusion equa tion by a Fourier series. The conse quences for the resulting analysis can be imagined; but what was the motiva tion? He mentioned the predicament of a sailor using a sextant at sea in a (vari ably) sunny environment, when the rays from the Sun strike the instrument itself and so cause it to distort out of shape. This is a genuine problem; but how do the parades of sines and cosines resolve it, especially in any calculable manner? Mathematics in economics. One sub ject where the use of mathematics has been questioned in a fundamental way is economics. In particular, accepting Wigner's thesis, Velupillai [20051 entitled
his attack 'The unreasonable ineffec tiveness of mathematics in economics'. The criticisms are wide-ranging: 'the mathematical assumptions are econom ically unwarranted' and often depen dent upon weak analogies with other subjects. For example, several main fig ures in the early stages of neoclassical economics in the second half of the 19th century emulated mechanics with en thusiasm, especially the notion of equi librium, and deployed major assump tions such as d'Aiembert's principle; but the resulting theories were not very ef fective [Grattan-Guinness 2007). What, for example, corresponds in economics to the continuous and uniform force of gravity? There is still a wide spectrum of views on, for example, the effec tiveness in economics of the notion of equilibrium [Mosini 20071. Velupillai specifically finds mathe matics in economics 'ineffective because the mathematical formalisations imply non-constructive and uncomputable structures'; as medicine he recommends constructive mathematics, especially in the import of number theory and re cursion theory into economics when its data have been expressed as integral multiples of some basic unit. One would certainly have a lot of sophisticated the ories to deploy (he explicitly recom mends Diophantine analysis); but it is a moot point as to whether the great com-
plications that attend constructive math ematics in general would render eco nomics more effective (or alternatively, whether they can be avoided). There is a widespread practice of mathematicis ing the proposed theory whatever its content-'bad theory with a mathemat ical passport', according to Schwartz [1962, 358]-but much less concern for bringing it to test. Some branches do ex hibit effective testing; for example, fi nancial data subjected to time series analysis, and not just to find correlations for their own ineffective sake. Beyond thephysical sciences. The fail ure of the mechanisation of economics shows that the gap between the physi cal and the social sciences is wide. How about the gap between the physical and the life sciences? Lesk [2000] takes up the matter in connection with molecular biology, copying Wigner's title; so we expect to learn of some more unrea sonable effectiveness. However, he is very cautious, stressing disanalogies be tween the physical and the life sciences, especially over matters concerning com plexity; and indeed, in a follow-up let ter, Lesk [2001] reports that his hosts asked him to speak of 'effectiveness' rather than 'ineffectiveness' in the lec ture of which his paper is the written version! There are topics that can be handled effectively within and without the physical sciences; for example, adap-
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12For a history of the mathematics of measurement, in various scales and many contexts, see [Henshaw 2006].
14
lliE MAlliEMAnCAL INnEWGENCER
tation in control engineering and biol ogy when oriented around optimisation [Holland 1975]. However, one is tempted to think that desimplification will not be radical enough, and that the nonphysi cal sciences-life, mental, social-may need fresh kinds of mathematics. 1 3 Rel ative to the Table, perhaps we should retain the notions (or most of them) and build different topics around them. Lesk's remark also draws attention to the limitations of human mental capac ities; maybe some phenomena are just too complicated or elusive for effec tive theorizing, whatever the science. Wigner himself raised this striking point when he noted 'the two miracles of the existence of laws of nature and of the human mind's ability to divine them' [1960, 7; see also p. 5]; I strengthen it by regarding the laws as existing only because of human effort in the first place. There may indeed be limitations on the human capacity to formulate a problem clearly, and/or think up theories to solve it (a possibility that worried philosophers such as Kant, Whewell, and Peirce); but the means for theory-building laid out in this es say suggest that there is still plenty of room for human manoeuvre! Want of spirit. Let us finally note three kinds of ineffectiveness due to hu man frailty. The first is vanities such as the generalisation racket, where a math ematician takes a theorem involving (say) the number - 2 and generalises it to all negative even integers -2 n, where however the only case of any in terest is given by n = 1 . The second kind of ineffectiveness can involve narcissism, where a math ematical theory is applied in a scientific context in an inappropriate form be cause that is the form preferred by its pure practitioners. Then indeed the in fluence of mathematics upon that sci ence is 'pernicious' [Schwartz 1962] that is, worse than ineffective. For example, since Cauchy's time in the 1820s, the mathematically superior ver sion of the calculus has been based on a theory of limits; but the older Leib niz-Euler theory using the dreadful dif ferentials often has a better analogy
content to the scientific context (espe cially if the latter involves continua) and so should be given its due [Thompson 1910]. Thomson's career reveals many examples of heresy, including those mentioned earlier. The third kind of ineffectiveness ob tains in any science: oversight! Mathe matics has eventually exhibited some nice 'missed opportunities' [Dyson 1972]; what will turn out to be the good ones of today?
Concluding Remarks It may be that Wigner was drawn to his thesis by his experience with quantum mechanics; he gives some examples from there [1960, 9-12]. Perhaps its first practitioners struck lucky in analogising from the experiential celestial heavens to the highly nonexperiential atom, and enjoying some remarkable later suc cesses; but for those who follow [Pop per 1959] in seeing science as guess work, then sometimes it is bull's-eye time, and quantum mechanics was one of them-for a time, anyway. For a gen eral explanation of mathematics, Wigner appeals to its beauty and to the manip ulability of expressions [Wigner 1960, 3, 7]: as with the previously mentioned complex numbers, such properties may be exhibited on occasion, but surely they cannot ground mathematics or ex plain its genesis, growth, or importance. Wigner's thesis about unreasonable ness is philosophically ineffective, partly because he neglected numerous clear indications from history of sources of both reasonableness and effective ness of the natural sciences in mathe matics. Yet not only were various his tories of applied mathematics available by 1960; some eminent mathematicians had published relevant texts. P6lya [1954a, 1954b] has already been cited; it was followed by P6lya [ 1963] on 'mathematical methods in science', mostly elementary mechanics, and one could add, for example, Enriques [1906, chs. 5-6] sketching in some detail the history of how physics convoluted out of mechanics, and Weyl [1949, 145-164] providing an historico-philosophical review of 'the formation of concepts'
and 'theories' in connection with me chanics. Wigner also underrated the central place of theories being formed in the presence of other theories, and being desimplified when necessary and where possible. In addition, the ubiquity of the topics and notions elucidated in Table 1 , and others not listed there, should be emphasized. The alternative picture that emerges is that, with a wide and ever-widening repertoire of mathematical theories and an impressive tableau of ubiquitous top ics and notions, theory-building can be seen as reasonable to a large extent; however, the effectiveness of the output may need some enhancement through (further) desimplifications, if they can be realised. Instead of 'effective but un reasonable', read 'largely reasonable, but how effective?'. This slogan can also guide appraisals of (un?)reasonable (in?) effectiveness in contexts overlapping with the one studied here: for example, notations and notational systems (where mathematics meets semiotics14), graphi cal and visual techniques, pure mathe matics, numerical methods, logics, and probability theory and mathematical sta tistics. There are consequences to ex plore concerning the use of the histories of mathematics and of the natural sci ences in theory-building, and the content of mathematics and science education. By the way, 7T turns up in the sta tistical theory that is applied to the pop ulation data, in order to normalize the Gaussian distribution. Wigner does not give this, or any other, explanation of the mystery in his article. ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
This essay is based upon a talk given in December 2007 at a conference held at the London School of Economics as part of a research seminar on 'Dissent in science' that was supported by the Leverhulme Foundation. The influ ence of Popper's philosophy is evident, though it is rather weak on the forma tion of problems. For comments on the draft I thank Vela Velupillai, Niccolo Guicciardini, Michel Serfati, Chiara Am brosio, and R. S. Kaushal.
13An example of ineffectiveness is the attempt in [Matte Blanco 1975] to construe the unconscious in terms of set theory, which however is not well handled; for example, paradoxes are admitted, seemingly unintentionally. The principle of applying set theory to the mental sciences may be in question, as well as this particular practice. 140f special interest is Peirce's theory of icons, the relationships between (families on signs, their referents, and the cognitive means of correlating the two.
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© 2008 Spnnger Sc1ence +Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
17
Robe rt J e ntzsch, M athe matician and Poet PETER DUREN, ANNE·KATRIN HERBIG, AND DMITRY KHAVINSON
--.he geometric series 1 + z + z2 + . . . converges in the disk l z l < 1 , and its partial sums 1 + z + z2 + . . + zn have zeros at the (n + l)st roots of unity, except at the point 1 itself. In particular, every point on the circle of convergence l z l = 1 is a cluster point of zeros of the partial sums. In his Doctoral Dissertation of 1914 in Berlin, Robert Jentzsch gave a sweeping generalization of this fact. The re markable theorem of Jentzsch says that for any power se ries ao + a1 z + a2 z2 + . . with finite and positive radius of convergence, every point on the circle of convergence is a cluster point of zeros of the partial sums. It is a striking result, included in classical texts such as Landau [24], Di enes [25], and Titchmarsh [26], and it deserves to be better known than it seems to be today. Jentzsch obtained other substantial results, notably a continuous analogue of the Per ron-Frobenius theorem and a theorem on power series that arose from work of Hurwitz and P6lya [28], but after a few years his publications ceased. We wondered what had be
I
.
Prussian law did not specifically prohibit "mixed marriages", but the couple were unable to find a minister in Konigs berg who was willing to perform the ceremony. Falkson sent complaints to the government and even to the King of Prussia, all to no avail. As a last resort, the couple trav eled to England with the bride's father and were married there [5, 6]. Upon return to Konigsberg, they faced a legal challenge to the validity of their marriage, and a long court
.
come of him, and soon ascertained
[1]
that he was a casu
alty of World War I, killed in battle in 1918. Interested to learn more about this talented young math ematician, we began to investigate. From the curriculum vitae in his dissertation []4] and other sources [2, 31, we were able to assemble a fairly complete personal history. Robert Jentzsch was born in Konigsberg on November 4, 1 890, the youngest in a family of four children. In his curriculum vitae, he identifies himself as a Lutheran. His father, Alfred]entzsch (1850-1925), was a distinguished pro fessor of geology in Konigsberg, later in Berlin, and a well known conservationist. Robert's older brother Felix]entzsch ( 1882-1946) had a productive career as a physicist, spe cializing in optics; he was a professor in Giessen and in Jena. Their sister Martha (born 1885) married Richard Scholz, who became a professor in Leipzig and an author ity on early Church history [2]. Another sister Edith (born 1887) married Robert Chavoen, an engineer who was pro duction manager of a coal-mining company [2, 19]. Robert's mother Clara Falkson was the daughter of Fer dinand Falkson (1820-1900), a Jew in Konigsberg who mar ried a Christian woman named Friederike Moller in 1846.
18
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2008 Spnnger Science+ Business Media. Inc.
Robert Jentzsch, about 1909/1910.
battle ensued. It was a landmark case, much publicized not only in Germany, but in France and England as well [5, 71 . Prussian authorities had decided to use the Falksons as a test case to clarify the law with a court ruling. To make matters worse, representatives of both religions testified that "mixed marriages" were inconsistent with their respective beliefs. The issue was finally resolved when the first Con stitution of Prussia (January 1 849) conferred all civil rights irrespective of religious persuasion. Later in life, Ferdinand Falkson was a prolific writer and a medical doctor who ministered to the poor. In Konigsberg he was acquainted with the mathematician Carl Jacobi (1804-1851), as indi cated in his memoirs [5). Falkson's Christian wife, the ma ternal grandmother of Robert Jentzsch, was a direct de scendant of the astronomer Johann Kepler [2, 18). We conjecture that Robert Jentzsch was named for an uncle he never knew, Robert Falkson ( 1855-1886), a son of Ferdinand Falkson who began a promising career in den tal science but died at the age of 3 1 years [8). After attending the Konigliches Wilhelms Gymnasium in Konigsberg and the Prinz-Heinrichs Gymnasium in Berlin, Robert Jentzsch studied mathematics for one semester in Jena and then entered the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat zu Berlin (now called Humboldt Universitat) in 1908. He stud ied in Munich during the years 191 1-1912, but returned to Berlin in 1912. In 1914 he defended his Doctoral Disserta tion (J4l under the direction of Georg Frobenius. Some of his other teachers in Berlin were Edmund Landau, Max Planck, Friedrich Schottky, Issai Schur, and Hermann Aman dus Schwarz (J4]. During his student years, Jentzsch made contributions (J1 , J2] to the A rchiv der Mathematik und Physik, which offered a section for contributed problems and solutions. At that time he also published his paper on a continuous analogue of the Perron-Frobenius theorem (J3l , and a short note on entire functions []5!. His examiners, Frobe nius and Schottky, were so impressed by his dissertation on partial sums of power series and related topics, that they graded it summa cum laude, a rare distinction. In his formal evaluation of the dissertation, Frobenius [20] summarized Jentzsch's results and then wrote, "The re-
suits of the author go far beyond the investigations that have so far been made in this field. His main result has high scientific value for the theory of analytic functions, and is derived by comparatively simple means. The work must therefore be designated as sagacitatis et ingenii spec imen eximium [exceptional model of mental power and cleverness]." Soon after his doctoral degree was conferred, Jentzsch was seriously considered for a professorship in Berlin. Bier mann [4] writes, "In view of the high standards that Frobe nius set, it is all the more remarkable that he recommended Jentzsch in 1915 for Extraordinarius [as successor to Knoblauch], even before he had his Habilitation!" Jentzsch was ranked second in that competition, behind Schur. He obtained his Habilitation in December 1916 and became a Privatdozent. However, he lectured in Berlin only during the summer semester of 1917, on synthetic geometry and on Galois theory and its applications. With this information in hand, we saw that Robert Jentzsch was launched into high orbit and might have had an illustrious mathematical career if his life had not been cut short. Then we made a startling discovery. Concurrently with his mathematical studies, while performing at such a high level, Jentzsch had been actively writing poetry! He was a member of the Neue Club, a group of young ex pressionist writers in Berlin that included Robert's close friend and fellow-poet Georg Heym, whose poetry is still known in Germany today. The group held regular public readings, in which Jentzsch was an active participant, and he published some of his poems in literary journals (e.g., [1 1]). Jentzsch's literary activities are well documented in the book by Richard Sheppard [10], which contains copies of his poems, including many not previously published. During his year in Munich, Jentzsch joined the literary cir cle of the established writer Ludwig Derleth (1870-1948). In the Derleth circle he was joined by another young writer and mathematician, Erika Schneller (1890-1970), whom he had met in Berlin a year earlier. Erika Schneller was born in Gross Schneen, near Got tingen, on June 17, 1 890. Her father was a medical doctor [151. She and Robert had a very close relationship, although
PETER DUREN is a complex analyst who ob
ANNE-KATRIN HERBIG, a native of Dresden,
tained his mathematical training at Harvard and
Germany. received her PhD at Ohio State Uni
M.I.T. Following a postdoctoral position at Stan
versity in 2004. After that she spent 3 years as a
ford, he moved in 1 962 to the University of Michi
postdoc at University of Michigan, and then
gan, where he has remained ever since. He first
moved (still as a postdoc) to the University
of
learned of Jentzsch's theorem in joseph Walsh's
Vienna. Her specialty is complex analysis in sev
introductory complex analysis course at Harvard.
eral variables.
Department of Mathematics
Department of Mathematics
University
of Michigan
University of Vienna
Ann Arbor, Ml 48 1 09- 1 043
A- I 090 Vienna
USA
Austria
e-mail: [email protected]
e-mail: anne-katrin.herbig:@Jnivie.ac.at
© 2008 Springer Science + Business Media. Inc .. Volume 30. Number 3. 2008
19
they seem never to have become formally engaged. They studied together in Munich, and they carried on an active correspondence [18] when Robert's military service set them apart. In Munich, Robert and Erika developed a curious re lationship with Bertha Peringer-Brunn ( 1 873-1954), an older member of the Derleth circle whom they had met in Berlin. She was the wife of a military officer in Munich, and the daughter of Heinrich von Brunn ( 1822-1894), who had been a professor of archaeology in Munich and director of the Glyptothek museum. Both Robert and Erika viewed Bertha with strong adulation that bordered on obsession and lasted for quite a few years [17, 18] . Robert dedicated a number of poems to Bertha. Georg Heym made a visit to Munich in November 191 1 and spent a few days with Robert Jentzsch. Many years later, Erika Schneller provided a vivid description of that visit in a private communication to Karl Ludwig Schneider, a noted scholar of Georg Heym and his poetry [ 1 2] . In stalled in Robert's garret apartment, Heym andjentzsch took turns reciting their poetry, with great fire and passion, far into the night. Then, as if in response, the entire building began to shake violently. It was an earthquake! All three rushed out to a nearby cabaret, where they took refuge and calmed their nerves . . . . Two months after that memorable visit, Georg Heym was dead at age 24, the victim of a tragic skating accident as he tried in vain to save a companion who had fallen through the ice. Heym's death was a tremendous blow to Robertjentzsch. He wrote an emotional letter of condolence to Heym's mother, and played a leading role in editing Heym's poet ical Nachlass. He became depressed and even descended to the point of taking a narcotic drug [17]. During this pe riod, influenced by Derleth and the poet Stefan George ( 1 868-1933), Jentzsch turned away from the "cosmic pes simism" of the Neue Club and began to write poems of a more romantic nature. When he returned to Berlin after his year in Munich, he deliberately distanced himself from the Neue Club, although he still wrote poetry as he continued his mathematical studies. He also continued to associate with poets and other writ ers. Walter Benjamin ( 1892-1940), German philosopher and
DMITRY (DIMA) KHAVINSON was bom in Moscow, Russia, and graduated from the Moscow State Pedagogical Institute. He obtained his PhD in 1 983 from Brown University in Providence, Rl. He taught at the University of Arkansas from 1 983 until 2006, and he served twice as Program Di '-..;... = ..;, .... __. ...
rector for Analysis at the NSF. Since 2006 he has been a Professor of Mathematics at the Univer sity of South Florida. Department of Mathematics University of South Florida Tampa, FL 33620-5700 USA e-mail: [email protected]
20
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Jentzsch's letter to Erika Schneller, dated March 17, 1918.
cultural critic, was acquainted with Jentzsch in Berlin. In a letter to a friend dated July 6-7, 1914 ([22], p. 71), Ben jamin writes: I was in the Cafe des Westens to meet some acquain tances . . . . Robert Jentzsch went by, Heym's friend whom I know slightly. I said hello to him and spoke two words about books I have to lend him. He is a most polite and reticent person. His politeness is very precious. He recently said to me, "The book, which you had the kindness-the book, you most kindly lent me . . . " He prefaces the sim plest things with "I would neither be competent nor do I feel called upon to pass judgement on it. . . . " He seems highly educated. He conducts himself in a refined and sympathetic manner. You sense he is a precise thinker. I know he is studying mathematics. He is by nature ab solutely fastidious about matters of form. I have rarely spo ken alone with him. He spends a lot of time with Heinle. The reference was to Friedrich Heinle ( 1 895-1914), a poet and close friend of Benjamin's. In August 1914, Heinle and his girlfriend Frederika Seligson committed suicide together in Berlin, as a protest against the oncoming war [23]. Late in the summer of 1914, Jentzsch was drafted into the army. He began as a truck driver, but gradually ad vanced to the rank of Lieutenant [18] . While in military ser vice, he continued to do mathematics and even submitted a problem U6l to the Archiv with the address "1m Felde' (in the field). He was able to take extended leaves between several tours of active duty [17, 18] . According to a letter [18] of March 1915, he expected to spend the winter of 1916
in Gottingen "if the war is over by then." While Robert was in the field, he often asked Erika Schneller to send him mathematical materials. In january 1916 he wrote to ask that she look up details of work by Kakeya and Pal (for inclu sion in his paper []8)), and he mentions his uncomfortable living conditions. A letter [18) to her in Februaty 1916 be gins, "On this glorious spring day I am going to trouble you with another request. " He then asks her to locate and tran scribe for him a "very beautiful note" by E. Lindelof ( Comptes Rendus 1914) on boundary behavior of conformal mappings. In the next paragraph he is complaining about "miserable lodgings" at his army outpost in France. Because of the constraints of military duty, Jentzsch pe titioned the University of Berlin [2 1) to relax the rules and allow his Habilitation lecture [A ntrittsvorlesungl to proceed before the work had appeared in print. The petition hav ing been granted, he delivered the lecture on December 1 1 , 1916, with Erika Schneller's father and sister in atten dance. The next day he was recalled to active duty, and went immediately to the front lines of the war near St. Quentin in northern France. A few days later he was in volved in actual combat for the first time. At the sugges tion of his family, he had managed to be assigned to a radio-communications division, where his knowledge of physics could be somewhat useful [171. However, he continued to think about mathematics. In January 1917 he responded [18) to a remark that one of Erika's professors had made about Berlin mathematics: Of course it is correct that the students from Gcittingen im itate their teachers much sooner and more prolifically, of ten with doubtful success. We Berliners are less agile but surely more solidly founded. Our three professors and Schur are mathematicians, and thus mathematical teachers. Knopp is, how shall I put it, more easily understood (more joumalistic}-an outstanding teacher. Just so you know. By March 1917 jentzsch had become leader of his battalion. He reported this to Erika in a letter [Hl] answering her request for mathematical advice. He advised her . to read a book like that of Scheffers if you want to do real mathematics ["Fachmathematili'J. What minimal lines are, I don't know either, only that Schottky always gets nervous when one ta lks of such things. I believe geometry is something other than what Mr. Sch effers de scribes (a propos, no mathematician is to see this let ter!). How about real curves and analysis situs [topol ogy]?? Very difficult, but probably very beautiful. Maybe you are interested in such things . Jentzsch lectured in Berlin during the summer of 1917, then had to return to military duty. On March 17, 1918, he wrote: "Dear Erika, Many thanks for your gifts. I always fa vored Leibniz over Kant, too; only for Cartesius [Descartes] do I have an even stronger affinity. I write to you today only so that you will hear something from me, for more there is no time. Yours, Jentzsch." That letter [18al, shown on the preceding page, may have been the last that Robert Jentzsch wrote. Four days later, on March 2 1 , 1918, he was killed in battle, hit by a "chain-bomb" [Kettenhomhe) on the Ossu heights above the Cambrai-St.-Quentin canal [10, 1 71. That day was the beginning of the spring offensive, and there was heavy fighting as the German army pressed forward [91.
Death Notice of Robert jentzsch.
After Robert's death, the jentzsch family circulated a for mal death notice, a copy of which is shown above [14). Translation: On March 21 our dearly beloved, promising son and brother met with a heroic death. Dr. phil. Robertjentzsch, Privatdozent at the Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat, Re serve Lieutenant ["d. R." = " der Reserve") and Comman der of a section of the Radio-Communication Division, Knight of the Iron Cross 1st and 2nd Class, in his 28th year of life. Charlottenburg, in March 1918. Distinguished Geology Professor Alfred Jentzsch and family. He was buried in Malincourt, near the site of his death [10]. The death notice [14) is among the Nachlass of George P61ya at the ETH in Zi.irich. P6lya (then situated in Zurich) and Jentzsch had been in correspondence over a mathe matical problem of common interest (J9, 26] (more about this later). In March 1918, P6lya mailed a reprint to Jentzsch in Berlin "Mit den hesten Grii.ssen" (with best greetings) . The letter was fotwarded to Jentzsch in the field, then re turned to P6lya with the notation " Gefallen auf dem Feld der Ehre' (fallen on the field of honor) . Another poignant epilogue appears in a letter from Wal ter Benjamin to Gerhard Scholem dated March 30, 1918 ([221, p . 1 2 1 ) , a few days after jentzsch's death. Benjamin refers to a member of the Neue Club, then sa ys, Mr. Robert Jentzsch also belonged to the same circle. This young man, who several years ago qualified as a Privat dozent in mathematics at the University of Berlin, is already supposed to be famous as a mathematician on the basis of his dissenation . . . . I know him slightly too. Have you heard of him or can you find out something about him (he is a soldier in the field)? I am very interested in this. Shortly before receiving the letter, Scholem (who was study ing mathematics at the time) informed Benjamin that jentzsch had died in the war ([22), p. 1 23). Upon the death of Robert Jentzsch, the manuscripts of his poems passed into the possession of Fritz Koffka, an old friend and fellow-member of the Neue Club in Berlin, who had the intention of editing them for publication as Jentzsch had done after Heym's death, but for some rea son the project never came to fruition. When Koffka died in 195 1 , the original handwritten manuscripts should have reverted to the jentzsch family, but most of them were lost
© 2008 Springer Science+Business Media. Inc. . Volume 30, Number 3. 2008
21
[10]. In the meantime, however, Erika Schneller had made transcriptions of all of the poems, and those transcriptions now reside in the Deutsche Literatur-Archiv in Marbach and in the Archiv der Akademie der Kunste in Berlin. Erika Schneller never married. She did not receive a doc toral degree, but became a mathematics teacher in sec ondary schools. From 1915 to 1919 she taught at a private high school, a Madchensschule, in Munich. From 1926 at least until 1 942, she taught at the Oberlyzeum in the Pankow district of Berlin [15, 16]. Throughout her life she remained in contact with the Jentzsch family. She died in East Berlin on February 6, 1970, at the age of 79 years [10] . In a short life interrupted by military service, Robert Jentzsch made rich contributions to mathematics. He is per haps best known for the theorem already quoted. Specifi cally, if Pn(z) = L�=o ak z k denotes the nth partial sum of a power series Lk=o ak zk with finite radius of convergence R > 0, then every point on the circle l z l = R is a limit point of zeros of the polynomials Pn(Z). Another theorem gives quantitative information on the location of those zeros. For e > 0, let (n) denote the number of zeros of Pn(z) that lie in the disk l z l < R + e. Jentzsch proves that lim supn--.oo (n)ln = 1 . Nothing better can be expected, because it may happen that lim inf,_.oo (n)/ n = 0, as Jentzsch shows by the example 1 + L�= I z"!. These theorems admit various generalizations. For instance, Jentzsch remarks without proof that the Faber polynomial expansion associated with any analytic Jordan curve displays similar behavior. All of these results are contained in Jentzsch's dissertation []4], which is reproduced almost verbatim in his paper []7]. A later paper USl continues the investigation. Jentzsch proved his main theorem as follows. Without loss of generality, suppose ao =I= 0. Let j(z) denote the sum of the series, so that Pn(Z) __,. j(z) in l z l < R. If the zeros of Pn(z) do not cluster at some point zo with lzol = R, then PnCz) =I= 0 for some e > 0 and all points z in the disk l z - zol :::::; e. Hence VP;JZ5 has a single-valued branch there. If Pn has degree v :::::; n, denote its zeros by z1 1, . . .
Zvn and write
Pn(z) = ao Since j(O) 0. Thus
=I=
(
1 -
� �n
)(
1 -
� �n
0, the points Zkn satisfy
)...(
)
1 - � .
�n
l zknl 2:: b for some b >
IVP;iJ51 :::::; � ( 1 + 1�1 ) :::::; C ( 1 +
R
; e)
in the disk lz - zol :::::; e. On the other hand, Pn(z) __,. j(z) and so � __,. 1 for l z - zol < e and lzl < R. By Vitali's theorem, VP;JZ5 __,. 1 uniformly on compact subsets of l z - zol < e. For l z - zol :::::; e/2, it follows that
l an z "l = IPn(Z) - P11- J(z) l :::::; 2(1
+ 8) ''
for each 8 > 0 and all n sufficiently large. Now choose 8 = ..£. and l z l = R + E to conclude that lim supn--.oc VlaJ i anl < 1/R, 4R 2 which says that the power series has radius of convergence larger than R, a contradiction. In earlier work []3], Jentzsch developed a continuous analogue of the celebrated Perron-Frobenius theorem on
22
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
the existence of positive eigenvectors for matrices with pos itive elements. Specifically, Jentzsch showed that if a ker nel K(s, t) is continuous and positive in the square a :::::; s :::::; b, a :::::; t :::::; b, then the integral operator K
Uns blieb das enge Zimmer nicht erspart, Drin wir wie Tiere trotten auf und ab. -Die Zeit fallt Iangsam in ihr Abgrund-Grab . Der Teppich schweigt und jene Diele knarrt. Weh! Schon fliesst tiber schrill im Abendrot Der Horizont!-fern hinterm Fensterglas . . . Da schaumt noch einmal wiitend unser Hass. Dann wirft er uns zu Schatten, toll und tot. Translation: Prisoners
There's no escape from the narrow chamber In which, like caged beasts, we pace to and fro. Time drips slowly into her deepest grave . . That silence of carpets, that creaking floor. Alas, the horizon already overflows, Shrill into the red sunset-far beyond the window glass,
Once again froths up the fury of our hatred. Then it sweeps us to shadows, mad and dead.
Ich Umfasse aile Seelen . . .
Ich umfasse alle Seelen Wei! ich keine je besass. Keinem Feste muss ich fehlen, Da ich nie von Speise ass.
Berliner Universitat, 1 8 1 0- 1 920, Akademie-Verlag, Berlin, 1 973.
[5] Ferdinand
Falkson.
Die Liberate Bewegung in
Konigsberg
(1840-1848). Memoirenblatter, S. Schottlaender, Breslau, 1 888.
[6] Ancestry.com, England & Wales, FreeBMD Marriage Index, 1 837-1983. [Both Ferdinand Falkson and Friederike Moiler are shown to have registered in Hull (Yorkshire) in the July-August-Sep
Jeder Trunk muss mich berauschen, Den kein Tropfen je verbrannt. Aile Korper kann ich tauschen Ich der ohne Leib und Land. Translation: I fold all souls
[4] Kurt-R. Biermann . Die Mathematik und /hre Dozenten an der
tember quarter of 1 846.] [7] Julius Nicolaus Weisfert. Biographisch-Litterarisches Lexikon tor die Haupt- und Residenzstadt Konigsberg und Ostpreussen, 2nd edi
tion, Konigsberg, 1 898, pp. 61 -62. [8] Bernhardt Fabian (ed.). Deutsches Biographisches Archiv [micro
in
my embrace . . .
I fold all souls in my embrace, For I have none to feel. No festal revel must I miss Who never had a meal. Each drink must knock me widdershins Whom no drop ever burned. I pass in other people's skins, Lacking both life and land.
form] : eine Kumulation aus 254 der wichtigsten biographischen Nachschlagswerke tor den deutschen Bereich bis zum Ausgang des neunzehnten Jahrhunderts, K. G. Saur, Munich and New York, ca.
1 982. [9] Berliner Tageblatt und Handels-Zeitung. 2 1 .-23. Marz 1 9 1 8. [1 0] Richard Sheppard (ed.). Die Schriften des Neuen Clubs 1 9081 9 1 4 , Gerstenberg Verlag, Hildesheirn, Germany, 1 980 (Vol. I) and
1 983 (Vol. II). [1 1 ] Die Aktion. Wochenschrift tor freiheitliche Politik und Literatur, reprinted with additional material by J. G. Cotta, Stuttgart, 1 961 , Jahrg. 1 ( 1 9 1 1 ). [Original was published in Berlin, 1 91 1 .]
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
We are much indebted to Nina Schneider for her gracious per mission to reproduce the photograph of Robert Jentzsch [13], taken from her private archives. Hans-Jurgen Boeke!, the pub lisher of her book [12], kindly put us in touch with her. We also thank Michael Gasser of the Archives division of the ETH Library in Zurich for sending a copy of the death notice [ 1 4] and granting permission to reproduce it here. Inga Wagner kindly sent us copies of letters from the Deutsche Literatur Archiv in Marbach. Elgin Helmstaedt generously assisted with access to the Jentzsch Nachlass in the Archiv der Akademie der Kunste in Berlin and gave us permission to reproduce a copy of Jentzsch's last letter. Professor Heinrich Begehr of the Freie Universitat in Berlin was very helpful in providing math ematical references at an early stage of our investigation and sending us a copy of Jentzsch's dissertation (J4] . We are grate ful to Dr. Renate Tobies of the Technische Universitat Braun schweig and Dr. Ursula Basikow of the Bibliothek flir Bildungsgeschichtliche Forschung in Berlin, for locating in formation about Erika Schneller. Richard Sheppard gave friendly answers to our questions and offered useful sugges tions. Finally, we want to thank the poet Anne Stevenson for producing elegant translations of the two poems by Robert Jentzsch. The third author's research was supported by the NSF grant DMs-0701873.
[1 2] Nina Schneider (ed.). Am Ufer des Blauen Tags: Georg Heym, Sein Leben und Werk in Bildern und Selbstzeugnissen, Verlag Hans-Jur
gen Bi:ickel, Glinde, Germany, 2000. [1 3] Photograph of Robert Jentzsch (ca. 1 909/1 91 0), Privatarchiv Nina Schneider, Hamburg. [1 4] Todesanzeige, Robert Jentzsch, ETH-Bibliothek (Zurich), Archive, Hs 89:269. [1 5] Persona/blatt, Erika Schneller, http://www.bbf.dipf.de/peb/PEB01 1 0/PEB-01 1 0-0270-01 .jpg; . . . -02.jpg; . . . -03.jpg; . . . -04.jpg. [1 6] Philo/ogen-Jahrbuch tor das hohere Schulwesen Preussens, Jahrgang 31 (1 924), S. 360, S. 395; Jahrgang 37 (1 930), Tei/ 11, S.
354, 421 ; Jahrgang 48 (1 942), S. 327, 4 1 5. [1 7] Erika Schneller. Handwritten draft [account of her acquaintance with Robert Jentzsch] , ca. 1 960, Robert Jentzsch-Archiv, 0. S., Archiv der Akadernie der Kunste, Berlin. [1 8] Robert Jentzsch and Erika Schneller. Correspondence, 1 91 4-1 918, Robert Jentzsch-Archiv, O.S. , Archiv der Akademie der Kunste, Berlin.
[1 8a] Robert Jentzsch. Letter to Erika Schneller, March 1 7 , 1 9 1 8, Robert-Jentzsch-Archiv, Sign. 1 , Archiv der Akademie der Kun ste, Berlin. [1 9] Edith and Robert Chavoen. Letters to Elisabeth Forster-Nietzsche (GSA 72/BW 856, BW 857), Goethe- und Schiller-Archiv, Weimar. [20] Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin, Universitatsarchiv, Philosophische Fakultat Nr. 558, Blatt 1 82-1 88.
[21 ] Humboldt-Universitat zu Berlin, Universitatsarchiv, Philosophische Fakultat Nr. 1 235, Blatt 1 44-154.
[22] Gershom Scholem and Theodor W. Adorno (ed.). The Correspon
REFERENCES
[ 1 ] Jahresbericht der Deutschen Mathematiker-Vereinigung 27 ( 1 9 1 8), S. 34.
dence of Walter Benjamin 1 9 1 0- 1 940, Translation by M. R. Ja
cobson and E. M. Jacobson, University of Chicago Press, Chicago
[2] Hermann A L. Degener (ed.). Wer ist's? Who's Who in Germany, Verlag von H. A Ludwig Degener, Leipzig, 1 905-1 935.
and London, 1 994. [23] Martin Jay. "Against consolation: Walter Benjamin and the refusal
[3] J. C. Poggendorff. Biographisch-literarisches Handworterbuch fur
to mourn", in War and Remembrance in the Twentieth Century,
. . , J . A Barth, Leipzig,
Jay Winter and Emmanuel Sivan (eds.), Cambridge University
Mathematik, Astronomie, Physik
1 863-1 904; Verlag Chemie, Leipzig and Berlin, 1 926-.
Press, Cambridge, U.K., 1 999.
© 2008 Springer Sctence+ Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
23
[24] Edmund Landau. Oarstellung und Begrundung einiger neuerer Ergebnisse der Funktionentheorie, Zweite Auf/age, J. Springer,
MATHEMATICAL PUBLICATIONS BY ROBERT JENTZSCH:
[J1 ] O ber eine Klasse von algebraischen Gleichungen mit Iauter reellen
Wurzeln, Archiv der Mathematik und Physik 1 7 (1 91 1 ), 1 05-1 07.
Berlin, 1 929. [25] P. Dienes. The Taylor Series: An Introduction to the Theory of Func tions of a Complex Variable, Oxford University Press, London, 1 931 . [26] E. C. Titchmarsh. The Theory of Functions, Second Edition, Ox
[J2] Aufgabe 402. Archiv der Mathematik und Physik 1 9 (1 9 1 2), 361 . [J3] O ber l ntegralgleichungen mit positivem Kern, J. Reine Angew. Math. 1 41 (191 2), 235-244. [J4] Untersuchungen zur Theorie der Folgen analytischer Funktionen, In
ford University Press, London, 1 939. [27] Garrett Birkhoff. Extensions of Jentzsch's theorem, Trans. Amer.
augural Dissertation, Friedrich-Wilhelms-Universitat zu Berlin, 1 91 4. [J5] Sur !'extension d'un theoreme de Laguerre, Comptes Rendus
Math. Soc. 85 (1 957), 21 9-227. [28] A Hurwitz and G. P61ya. Zwei Beweise eines von Herrn Fatou ver
muteten Satzes, Acta Math. 40 (1 91 6), 1 79-1 83. [29] Georg P61ya. O ber Potenzreihen mit endlich vielen verschiedenen
Acad. Sci. Paris 1 58 ( 1 9 1 4), 780-782. [J6] Aufgabe 526. Archiv der Mathematik und Physik 25 (1 9 1 6), 1 96. [J7] Untersuchungen zur Theorie der Folgen analytischer Funktionen, Acta Math. 41 (1 9 1 8), 2 1 9-251 .
Koeffizienten, Math. Ann. 78 (1 9 1 8), 286-293. [30] F. Carlson. U ber Potenzreihen mit endlich vielen verschiedenen Ko
[J8] Fortgesetzte Untersuchungen uber die Abschnitte von Potenzrei
effizienten, Math. Ann. 79 (1 9 1 9), 237-245. [31 ] Gabor Szeg6. O ber Potenzreihen mit endlich vielen verschiedenen Ko
hen, Acta Math. 41 (1 9 1 8), 253-270. [J9] O ber Potenzreihen mit endlich vielen verschiedenen Koeffizienten,
effizienten, Sitzungsberichte Berlin Akad. Wiss. Math. (1 922), 88-91 .
Math. Ann. 78 (1 9 1 8), 276-285.
Mathematical /ntelligencer N ews:
Online Edition,
Electronic Submission
The Editors of Tbe Mathematical Intelligencer are pleased to announce that, beginning with vol. 3 1 , no. 1 , the mag azine will appear online as well as in print. The advantages are obvious - new audiences, new opportunities. The online version will be similar to the print edition, but enhanced with more color, and links to slide shows and dy namic graphics. We are also pleased to announce that many routine editorial tasks will be handled electronically and automatically by the widely-used and user-friendly program "Editorial Manager. " Beginning now, authors submitting articles, notes, viewpoints, and poetry to Tbe Mathematical Intelligencer should submit them electronically at http://tmin. edmgr.com. This site will guide you through the submission process. Any electronic format except PDF is accept able, hut we encourage you to use plain LaTeX. Authors submitting material for our columns "Reviews", "Mathematical Communities", "Entertainments", "The Math ematical Tourist", "Stamp Corner", and "Years Ago" should NOT use the automated process. Column material should be sent, preferably electronically and preferably plain LaTeX, to the appropriate column editor.
24
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
M a t h e m ati c a l l y Bent
Col i n Adam s , Editor
The Math Fa l l Fash i on Preview The proof is in the pudding.
COLIN ADAMS rturo: Good evening. I am Arturo Vincense, Italian fashion critic for La Taurus.
Opening a copy of The Mathematical lntelligencer you may ask yourself
uneasily, "What is this anyway-a mathematical journal, or what?" Or you may ask, "Where am !?" Or even "Who am !?" This sense of disorienta tion is at its most acute when you open to Colin Adams's column. Relax. Breathe regularly. It's mathematical, it's a humor column, and it may even be harmless.
Katherine: And am Katherine Delavoise, reporter on the style desk for Vogue. We're very excited to be host ing one of the most imporrant events of the season. Yes, we're at the Math ematics Fall Fashion Preview. We will be seeing the hottest new clothes from the epicenters of mathematical fashion. This is an event of Gaussian signifi cance. Are you expecting some sur prises, Arturo1 Arturo: Oh, yes. I certainly hope so. love a good surprise. Katherine: Look, Arturo, here comes the first department. I see from the program this must be Ha1vard University. Arturo: Yes, Katherine. This is a de partment that does not take risks. Goes with the classics. Katherine: Oh, yes I see. The button
down white shirt with slacks or jeans. Oh, but look at the drape. Arturo: Yes, they are having a love af fair with the fabric. Katherine: And I see the chair is wear ing a neck tie.
Column editor's address:
Colin
Arturo: Yes, it is a statement. It says look, look, I am in charge. He is not afraid to say, "I decide who teaches at 8:00 A.M." It's brash in that understated Harvard way. Adams,
Department of Mathematics, Bronfman Science Center, Williams College, Williamstown , MA 01267 USA e-mai l : Colin.C.Adams@w i l l iams.edu
Katherine: And look, Arturo, here comes Berkeley. Arturo: We should expect a few pairs of Birkenstocks here, a West Coast ver-
sion of mathwear. But you will see them with athletic socks. Katherine: Yes, and I see a t-shirt or two. The message is,"We are Berkeley. We do it our way." Arturo: Yes. Notice they are from Cali fornia, but there isn't a tan in the bunch. It's work, work, work for them. Katherine: Mathematical fashion has had its ups and downs over the years, hasn't it Arturo? Who can forget the plastic pocket protector craze of the early '60s. It was de rigueur at the time. And of course the short-sleeved white button-down that dominated the late '60s. Is there any single item that dom inates the math scene these days? Arturo: Not really, Katherine. Mathe maticians are expressing themselves freely. They are saying, "I am an inch vidual. I do sheaf cohomology and I am proud of it. " Katherine: I see. Some of them look quite unkempt. Arturo: Yes, it is intentional. They want you to know, "I am not concerned enough with human society to comb my hair. My brain thinks only abstract thoughts." That sort of thing. Look Katherine, coming down the runway. It's the Princeton University Mathemat ics Department. Look at that strut. They know who they are, and they want you to know it too. This group is not afraid to be bold. Katherine: Oh, I see what you mean Ar turo. They walk with such confidence. Arturo: Yes, this is what makes math fashion so influential. This is the only academic discipline where the individ uals know they are right. They can even prove it. What would the fashion in dustry do without them? Katherine: Look, some wide wale cor duroys. If I'm not mistaken, they are brushed against the nap. Arturo: Yes, Katherine, this is not your typical math department. They are will ing to go out on a limb.
© 2008 Springer Science+ Business Media, Inc. . Volume 30, Number 3 . 2008
25
Katherine: Look at the pose the chair has struck. With his lips pouting. They are clearly enjoying themselves out there. And I see there are some sweaters returning with the fall. Moth holes are optional. Arturo: And notice, Katherine, how the mathematicians are getting creative with the socks. I've already seen black, brown, and white today, and one with navy on one foot, grey on the other. That is why mathematics remains the center of fashion sense today. It is that willingness to take risks. Katherine: Yes, Arturo, it's a statement. I'm not sure what the statement is, but it's a statement. Arturo: The only word that fits is im petuous. Katherine: Arturo, how many of these outfits are off the rack and how many are created by name designers? Arturo: Katherine, all of them are from designers. These ideas are so clever, the details so subtle. Only someone with a sublime eye could possibly pull these elements together. Katherine: Do you mean Calvin Klein, Ralph Lauren, or Bill Blass? Arturo: No, I mean Felix Klein, Pierre Laurent, and Hyman Bass. Katherine: Oh, here comes Oberwol fach, mathwear with a German slant. There's more in the way of woolens. Look how they come down the runway, as if they are just learning to walk. Per haps they have been stuffed in tiny sem inar rooms all day. Arturo: Or at least that is what they would like you to believe, Katherine. Oh, look, that seam there, ripped un-
26
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
der the arm. This is incredible. And see how she pretends not to know the tear is there. Her head is in a cloud. Katherine: Arturo, there seems to be a swing away from the sneakers that so dominated the mathematical footwear of the '80s. It's a return to leather, brown, or black. Arturo: Yes, Katherine. To quote Felix Browder, "The baby boomers have fi nally grown up. They want to look like Hilbert." Katherine: And here is Cambridge Uni versity. No academic robes? Arturo: No, it's a studied casual look for the Fall. A look that says, "To hell with ceremony, we have great theorems. " Katherine: There look, is that a dress? Arturo: Yes, young women are rebelling against the obligatory jeans and slacks that were standard wear for women in mathematics for 20 years. They are say ing, "We prove our own theorems, we can wear our own clothes." Katherine: Now what about mathemat ical sleepwear? What's the latest there? Arturo: We have seen a movement away from pajamas and onesies to the t-shirt, usually ratty and often with a mathematical theme printed on it, such as a conference announcement or a fractal picture. This is normally worn with jockies or boxers. Katherine: Am I mistaken or is there a lot of facial hair on the male algebraic topologists? Arturo: No, Katherine, you are exactly right. The male algebraic topologists rel ish the opportunity to stroke a beard as they contemplate spectral sequences.
Katherine: And here is the Institute for Advanced Study. Note the dark colors. They are researchers, not teachers, so they needn't worry about chalk dust ru ining a look. Can I ask you? What keeps their pants up? Those slacks are hang ing so low on the waist. It seems a miracle. Arturo: They must pin them up from the inside before the show. But how in genious it is. As if they needn't abide by any laws, including gravity. Katherine: Look, there is an oversized calculator hanging from that belt there. Arturo: Katherine, it is a retro statement, a return to the '70s. How exquisite. Katherine: Arturo, otherwise, I haven't noticed much in the way of accessories today. Why is that? Arturo: Well, Katherine, mathematicians learn to be concise in their writing. That is reflected in their style. They tend not to embellish. Clean lines, monochro matic fabrics. They are taking their cue from the postmodern industrial mini malism, which itself grew out of the Arts and Craft furniture movement at the turn of the century. But it has a dis tinctly mathematical twist. Katherine: Well, I see the show is com ing to an end. The audience is on its feet, whistling and clapping vigorously. We should see the impact from Milan to Gottingen. I want to thank you, Ar turo, for joining us today at what was one of the most exciting events of the Fall, sure to keep us buzzing for months to come. For all of you watching, stay tuned for a special about the Baker's Transformation on the "Cooking with Bob Devaney Show," as we continue round-the-dock broadcasting at the Math Channel. Thanks for tuning in.
M a t h e m ati c a l
Com m unities
A Short Tale of Two Cities: Otto Schreier and the H amburg Vie n na Con nection BERNHARD BEHAM AND KARL SIGMUND
This column is a forum for discussion of mathematical communities throughout the world, and through all time. Our definition of "mathematical community" is the broadest. We include "schools" of mathematics, circles of correspondence, mathematical societies, student organizations, and informal communities of cardinality greater than one. What we say about the communities is just
as
unrestricted.
We welcome contributions from mathematicians of all kinds and in all places, and also from scientists, historians, anthropologists, and others.
Please send all submissions to
The algebraist Otto Schreier (19011929), who died at twenty-eight, left his mark in two mathematical com munities that were, in the 1920s, hotbeds of mathematical modernity: Hamburg and Vienna. Recentry dis covered documents, provided by his posthumous
daughter
or
tran
scribed from Karl Menger's Nach lass, aUow us toflU in some more de tails of his fascinating biography.
ccording to a well-worn witticism, Germany and Austria are sepa rated by a common language. The towns of Hamburg and Vienna are even further separated, almost diametrically opposite within the German-speaking realm: one is a seaport that, since the Middle Ages, has been shaped by a lib eral-minded community of Hanseatic traders, proud of their openness and in dependence; the other is an imperial cap ital filled with baroque palaces, Catholic churches, and staid ministries. The Uni versity of Vienna, dating back to 1365, is one of the oldest in Central Europe. The University of Hamburg, by contrast, was founded only in 1919, in the aftermath of World War I, yet its mathematical sem inar, thanks to an inspired hiring policy, catapulted itself immediately to the top ranks. A substantial part of its success was based on an unexpectedly close 'Vi enna connection', of which Otto Schreier formed a part. Otto Schreier was born on March 3, 190 1 , in Vienna. His father was a dis tinguished architect, best known for a synagogue that counts among the high lights of Austrianjugendstil (or Art Nou veau). Otto was sent to a new school with a progressive curriculum empha sizing English (rather than more tradi tional skills in Latin, Greek, or French). Among his schoolmates were Richard Kuhn ( 1900--1967) and Wolfgang Pauli (1900--1958)-the two Nobel laureates to-be shared the same classroom as well as the future mathematician Karl Menger 0902-1985), who was Schreier's junior by one year.
Northampton, MA 01063 USA e-mail: [email protected]
Otto
Schreier.
'A mathematician with a
very well-groomed, restrained appear
his friend Behnke was to write. of Schreier exist. He suffered from acne and disliked having
ance', as
Few photographs
Marjorie Senechal, Department of Mathematics, Smith College,
Schreier was to witness a dramatic episode. The newly appointed profes sor Hans Hahn ( 1 879-1934) had dis cussed an open problem in his semi nar: how to define 'curves' in a way that would capture everyone's intuitive con cept. To describe it as 'the continuous image of an interval' would not do, since such images can fill a square or a solid cube, which nobody rates as curves. Nineteen-year-old Karl Menger was immediately engrossed by the problem, found a solution within the weekend, and tested it on his fellow student. Otto could see no flaw in it. But he was sceptical. He had read Haus dorff; Hausdorff had said that 'the sets traditionally called curves are so het erogeneous that they do not fall under any reasonable collective concept'. He had read Bieberbach; Bieberbach had said that 'anyone trying to define the concept of a curve certainly would need a description as long as a tape worm, and of Gordian entanglement'. Menger was momentarily taken aback by Schreier's misgivings, but then decided
Abel's Shadow At the university, the friendship with Menger intensified. From close up,
his picture taken. (Photo: Courtesy of Mrs. Irene Schreier-Scott)
© 2008 Springer Science+Business Media. Inc., Volume 30. Number 3, 2008
27
to present his solution to Hahn, on the ground that 'one should never reason that an idea is too simple to be correct. ' Hahn could see n o flaw either. The young Menger had found a solution to the age-old problem of defining di mension by purely topological means (so that curves would be one-dimen sional connected objects). He was tremendously excited, started writing his ideas down, and fell prey to tuber culosis. In the hunger-stricken Vienna of 1922, this was a deadly threat. The fate of Niels Abel seemed to lurk in the future. But that fate was reserved for Otto, not Karl. The student Karl Menger had to with draw from the university to a mountain sanatorium. He stayed there for three se mesters, slowly regaining his strength. Before leaving Vienna, he had left a sketch of his ideas in a sealed envelope at the Academy of Science. Now he had ample time to elaborate his intuitions. In letter after letter to his friend Otto, he developed his ideas about what today is called (small) inductive dimension. A set S is said to be at most n-dimensional if the boundaries of arbitrarily small neigh borhoods of each point of S intersect S in an at most (n - 1)-dimensional set. This, together with decreeing that the empty set has dimension - 1 , makes it possible to define dimension inductively. Otto, in return, kept Karl Menger abreast of the lecture courses at the mathematical seminar: Hahn's lecture is extremely beautiful, although of course not such a pol ished product as his lectures from last
winter . . . Furtwangler did not get very far in his seminar, now he is treating the inessential discriminant divisors [ . . . ) Very pretty paper on Fourier series in Hahn's seminar . . . Schreier furnished Menger with his classroom notes, and it appears from the correspondence that he occasion ally had a hard time getting them hack. Menger pursued his ideas intensively, and kept reporting his progress to Schreier. A major problem was to prove that the invariance theorem holds, that is, that homeomorphic spaces have the same dimension, and that [R n has di mension n. Otto writes (November 28, 1922): Today I received your kind letter with the new proof of the invariance theorem, which seems to me not only completely correct, hut also much more transparent than the pre vious one [ . . .). I will deliver the let ter and the paper to Hahn tomor row, provided the German Nationalist students permit it. In deed, all University institutes, in cluding ours, have been occupied by certain student groups, who also obstructed the lectures. Universities in both Austria and Ger many were racked by political unrest and violent riots in those days. The Na tional Socialists, to most observers, seemed just one fanatical faction among many.
News from the Slave Market From early on, Schreier had been fas cinated by group theory. Algebra, in Vi-
enna, was taught by Philip Furtwangler (1869-1940), an inspiring teacher who, although he was paralysed and could not leave his chair, attracted more than four hundred students to his lectures. Only half of them could get seats. Un der Furtwangler's supervision, Schreier finished his PhD thesis 'On group ex tensions' before he was twenty-two. It dealt with a question that had first been raised by Otto Holder: given two groups G and H, find the groups E having G as normal subgroup such that the fac tor group E/G is isomorphic to H. To day, the contributions of Schreier are among the basic results of group the ory ('A powerful algebraist who proved fundamental theorems', is how Bruce Chandler and Wilhelm Magnus charac terise him in their history of combina torial group theory). Furtwang-ler him self would soon use the results of his student as steps on his way to proving the principal-ideal theorem for the ab solute class field, thus solving one of Hilbert's conjectures. But Schreier did not live to witness this success of his sixty-year-old former teacher. Even before his thesis was officially approved, Schreier visited the yearly meeting of the German Mathematical Society in 1 923, held that year in Mar burg. These meetings, also known as 'slave markets' among the irreverent youth, provided precious opportunities for budding mathematicians to show their worth to the community, and ide ally to get hired by some university. Schreier did well. But the postcard he penned to his friend Karl Menger
KARL SIGMUND works on evolutionary game
After finishing his Studies in Mathematics and His
theory, dynamical systems and the history of math
tory at the University of Vienna, BERNHARD
ematics. He is a frequent contributor to The Math ematical lntelligencer. Sigmund is professor at the
brought him for 5 months to the West Indies. In
BEHAM took a short teaching break which
Faculty of Mathematics of the University of Vienna,
2006, he enrolled in the PhD project 'Sciences in
and is affiliated with the lntemational Institute for
historical context', and is cumently working on a
Applied Systems Theory (IIASA) in Laxenburg,
biography of Karl Menger. He spent the fall term of2007 at Duke University, where he ran a weekly
Austria
radio show at the local radio station, and studied Faculty of Mathematics University
of Vienna,
the Menger Nachlass in his spare time.
and lntemational Institute
for Applied Systems Analysis, Laxenburg Vienna
lnitiativkolleg The Sciences in Historical Context Universiti.t Wien
Austria
Rooseveltplatz I 0/9
e-mail: [email protected]
A- I 090 Vienna Austria e-mail: [email protected]
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
('while a gentleman lectures on some electro-theoretical stuff which I com pletely fail to follow'), contained some bad news: But I believe that I have to report one thing to you which will, I fear, irritate you considerably. A young Russian, one P. Urysohn from Moscow, has lectured on a concept of dimension which, as far as I can tell, essentially coincides with yours [ . . . ] He has obviously done it at the same time as you (maybe slightly earlier). The definition and the main results have been written down in two notes in the Paris Comptes Ren dus, Sept 1922. Twenty-five-year-old Pavel Urysohn (1898-1924) had been asked by his teacher Dmitri Egorov a question much like that which Hahn had posed at about the same time. Urysohn found the same answer as Menger did (ex cept that he worked in metric spaces and Menger with more general topolo gies). Moreover, Urysohn had come across an earlier attempt by Luitzen Eg bertus Brouwer to define dimension, and had discovered a mistake in it. Henri Lebesgue presented Urysohn's notes to the Comptes Rendus. Together with his friend Pavel Alexandrov, Urysohn now toured Germany, met
with both Hilbert and Brouwer at the Marburg congress, and greatly im pressed the two men. The unfortunate Karl Menger, marooned in his alpine sanatorium, had been scooped. Events took an even more dramatic turn when, less than one year after the Marburg meeting, Urysohn drowned before Alexandrov's eyes while swim ming off the coast of Brittany. His sem inal contributions on metrisation and topological dimension theory appeared posthumously. Brouwer took care of his scientific estate. Menger, who had by then recovered from his lung disease and actually was working as a post-doc in Amsterdam with Brouwer, felt that the latter did not properly acknowledge his own independent contributions, and became embroiled in an ever-expand ing priority fight. In its course, Menger would ask his friend Schreier in 1926 to testify in writing to the truth of his claims. This Schreier did, in great detail and with an ample supply of precise dates (on April 27, 1921 . . August 1 , 1922 . . November 2 5 or 30, 1922). But the issue lingered on forever, and greatly embittered Menger's life.
A Fresh Breeze from the Waterkant Whereas Karl Menger had to struggle to establish his priority, Otto Schreier's re search on group extensions had met with success at the 'slave market'.
In particular, it found favour in the eyes of Wilhelm Blaschke (1885-1962) and Erich Heeke (1887-1947), who in vited Schreier, even before he formally obtained his PhD, to their new Mathe matical Seminar in Hamburg. Kurt Reidemeister (1893-1971) had already paved Schreier's way. He had moved in the opposite direction, from Hamburg, where he had been an as sistant professor, to Vienna, where he was appointed associate professor of geometry. This happened even before Reidemeister had formally obtained his habilitation (which confers the right to lecture, as well as the title of Dozent, and is traditionally a prerequisite for a professorship). Reidemeister captured Schreier's interest immediately. In No vember 1922, Otto wrote to Karl Menger: The new geometer Prof Dr Kurt Rei demeister is an accomplished per son. He is still very young (at most 28, I would guess), full of wit and high spirits. He has been recom mended by Blaschke. In addition to the elementary course on analytic geometry he lectures two hours per week on topology. I attend this lec ture, of course, although its confu sion exceeds even Wirtinger's worst [ . . . ] Reidemeister's lecture at the Math Society was very pretty, al though one absolutely could not fol low towards the end. By his hu-
Fateful card. Here Schreier tells Menger that Urysohn has scooped him. Note the mention of 30,000,000 deursche for a book. Inflation raged in Germany, and simple: one new, hard
mark
it took
mark
as price
many months before it could be halted. The rate of excha ng e was b ru tall y
for 1 0 1 2 old ones. ( Post card: Karl Menger Papers, Rave Book, Manuscript, and Special Collections
Lib rary, Duke University, Durham, NC)
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morous remarks he caused such roaring laughter as has never been heard, so it seems, in the Math So ciety. Schreier got on famously with Reide meister. His first publication, 'On the groupsAaBh = 1 ' , was inspired by a Rei demeister seminar. It greatly simplified the classification of knots on the torus, and in particular Max Dehn's proof that the trefoil knot and its mirror image are not equivalent. While still a student, Schreier visited Hamburg together with Reidemeister, and established his first scientific con tacts. Hamburg's mathematical commu nity had sprung up, fully armed, within a few summer months of the chaotic year 1919. Of the three professors who founded the mathematical seminar, Heeke, Blaschke, and Radon, the latter two were Austrians. All three 'seniors' were still in their thirties. Johann Radon ( 1 887-1956) had left his mark on mod ern analysis already, but had been passed over in favour of Hahn in Vi enna. Radon soon would move on to Greifswald, and he would be replaced by the number-theorist Hans Rade macher (1892-1969). Erich Heeke, a for mer student of Hilbert, had left his mark in algebraic number theory hy extend ing the Riemannian zeta-function to ar bitrary number fields. His decision to leave his chair in Gottingen for Ham burg caused amazement in German mathematical circles. The major force behind the day-to day running of Hamburg's mathemati cal seminar was the differential geome-
Mathematics Seminar in Hamburg, Rothenbaumchaussee 21. Despite the economic crisis, and a short burst of civil war, mathematics boomed at Germany's youngest university. In the first few years, the number of students was low, but the young staff members made up for it by visiting each other's lectures.
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ter Wilhelm Blaschke, a dynamic per sonality with a Kennedy-like smile. His nickname was 'Mussolinetti', but the joke turned sour when his later in volvement with the Nazi regime cast a shadow over his reputation. In the early 1920s, Blaschke was tirelessly working to raise funds which, at that time of cri sis, were unrivalled in Germany. He founded both the legendary 'Yellow se ries' at Springer and the 'Abhandlungen des Hamburgischen Mathematischen Seminars', a journal that was quickly to establish its renown, mostly through publishing information about the locally grown produce. The Hamburg visitor's programme was extraordinary for its time. Even the aged Wirtinger undertook the thirty hour train ride from Vienna, and col lected an honorary doctorate from a mathematical community that had em braced so many of his ideas and disci ples. Another high point was assuredly Hilbert's lecture from 1 922 on the foun dations of mathematics. The lecture greatly inspired Reidemeister and, through him, also inspired the 'Vienna Circle' of mathematicians and philoso phers. But the most remarkable innovation of the Hamburg seminar was the cre ation of assistant positions that were rea sonably paid, something that had been unknown in theoretical institutes of Ger man universities. This provided for an astounding turnover of fresh talent. Hamburg's list of assistants reads like a 'Who is who' in German mathematics.
Golden Years and Tumbling Currencies Otto Schreier was quickly captivated hy the lively community. To Karl Menger, he wrote from Hamburg: I even was invited by Blaschke for dinner on Sunday evening; things were very festive. Reidemeister en tertained the whole society, and there was some playing of music . . . As soon as I can find time I will visit the harbour, which must surely he very impressive. In Hamburg, the newly arrived Schreier immediately became a main stay of the regular seminars, and he fre quently lectured on group theory and analytic number theory. At first, his po sition was unsalaried, and he had to be supported financially by his parents for
Mathematics Seminar in Vienna, Strudl hofgasse 4. In the decade after the First World War, it counted among its students Emil Artin, Otto Schreier, Karl Menger, Witold Hurewicz, Kurt Godel, Abraham Wald, and Karl Popper. more than one year. This, however, was relatively easy. Indeed, the Ger man economy underwent at that time a delirious inflation. The Austrians, hav ing already gone through theirs, had re covered a solid currency that was highly valued in Germany. During the first years Schreier shared a flat with Heinrich Behnke (18981979), who later would be known for his seminal work in complex analysis of several variables. The two young men became close friends, and Behnke left a glowing tribute to Otto Schreier in his recollections of 'the golden first years of the mathematical seminar of the university Hamburg'. He brought with him Viennese cul ture in the best sense. He was an enthusiastic disciple of Hans Hahn, but had obtained his doctorate with Furtwangler through a work on group theory. In addition, his ideas had been greatly stimulated hy Wirtinger, the most renowned Aus trian mathematician at the time. Thus the young Schreier was already by then an all-round mathematician. In addition, he was as gifted in mu sic as in mathematics. In fact, the apartment jointly rented by Schreier and Behnke came with a good piano, and Schreier used it fre quently. His favourite composer was, fittingly enough, Johannes Brahms,
Full concentration in Hamburg's Ratsweinkeller. From left to right: Peterson, Furch, Artin, Herglotz, Reidemeister, Brauner, Haak, Hoheisl, Slotnik, Reinhard, Schreier, Blaschke, Behnke, Kloostermann, and van der Waerden. It is not known who took the picture, but it was found among Heeke's papers. (Nachlass Heeke, Universitat Hamburg used as courtesy of the estate of Natascha Artin Brunswick) who had been born in Hamburg and later moved to Vienna, where he was widely viewed as Beethoven's heir. It was during a visit to his piano teacher that Otto Schreier met Edith jacoby, his future bride. Another Austrian who worked in Hamburg at the time was Wolfgang Pauli. Otto Schreier's former schoolmate
Schreier with Behnke. The two young bachelors shared an apartment. Behnke was the first to marry and move out. His wife died painfully from complications at childbirth, and Schreier wrote to Menger: 'All your opinions about the lack of con science, the ignorance and the helpless ness of physicians have once more been confirmed in a most horrible way'. (Cour tesy Mrs. Irene Schreier-Scott)
was by now a rising star in theoretical physics, well-known for his precocious work in relativity, as well as for his fear lessly critical mind, which had already led him to remark: 'What Einstein is say ing here is not as silly as it sounds.' In 1923, Pauli obtained his habilitation in physics, but he spent most of his time at the mathematical seminar, peppering the discussions with his caustic remarks. But the main influence on Schreier in Hamburg came from Emil Artin (1898-1962), who was barely three years older. Artin had also been born in Vienna. Little is known of his father, an art dealer of Armenian background, as it seems, who died in a psychiatric asylum when his son was eight. His mother was an opera singer. After her husband's death, she worked as soubrette in the opera house of Rei chenberg, a provincial town in the Aus tro-Hungarian empire (today called Liberec, in the Czech Republic) . Within a year, she married a local factory owner and retired from the stage. But she appears to have passed on her mu sical talent to her son, who became a brilliant performer of Bach's music on the flute, the organ, and the cembalo. After young Artin finished school, he started studying mathematics at the Uni versity of Vienna. But after one semes ter, in January 1917, he was drafted into the Austrian Army. After its defeat, he
returned for one more semester to the University of Vienna, but then contin ued his studies in Leipzig. This was the town of Bach, after all, and conve niently closer than Vienna to his mother's home. But in Leipzig, Artin's main teacher was another Viennese, Gustav Herglotz (1881-1953), a good friend of Hans Hahn from their student days, and another all-round mathemati cian who approached his science with the deep enjoyment of an art connois seur. Within two years, Artin finished his studies, and produced a superb PhD thesis on rational functions over finite fields. In particular, he introduced a zeta-function on quadratic fields and formulated a Riemann-type conjecture for Galois fields. Artin's conjecture be came highly influential and was proved, in part by Helmut Hasse (1898-1979) in 1934, and in full generality by Andre Wei! in 1948. In 1922, one year before Schreier, Artin thrilled the annual 'slave market' (which happened to take place in Leipzig, and was the first since the war) with a brilliant lecture on ergodic the ory for geodesics. Blaschke moved with commendable promptitude and man aged to hire him for the position of 'Wis senschaftlicher Hilfsarbeiter' that Reide meister had just left when he took over his professorship in Vienna. 'Wis senschaftlicher Hilfsarbeiter' was the lowest position on the academic ladder, but it was obvious that Artin would quickly move to the top. He started his work on L-series that was to earn him the habilitation by 1923. More impor tantly, this work soon led him to solve one of Hilbert's problems, namely num ber nine: find the most general law of quadratic reciprocity in an algebraic number field. (Artin did this for the abelian case; the nonabelian case is still open. )
Artin's Spell All contemporary reports of Emil Artin convey the image of a very special be ing, immensely gifted, good-looking, charismatic, the prince charming among an outstanding group of mathematical rookies. Schreier fell immediately under his spell. In his CV, he would stress that 'the personal exchange of ideas [with Artin] proved invaluable for me; much became clear this way, and many parts of mathematics which had been still rei-
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atively foreign to me became accessi ble'. The exchange went in two direc tions. Schreier, who had learned in Vi enna through Wirtinger and Reidemeis ter to approach the theory of knots via group theory, became a major contrib utor to Artin's famous theory of braids. In the introduction to his seminal pa per, Artin thanked Schreier, 'who vig orously helped me in the preparation of this paper'. In his book on the the ory of knots, historian Moritz Epple con sistently ascribes the basic ideas to Schreier and Artin jointly. In April 1924, Schreier finally obtained a salaried position: it was his turn to be appointed 'Wissenschaftlicher Hilfs arbeiter'. The term Hilfsarheiter means 'unskilled laborer', and sounds odd in juxtaposition with wissenschqftlich, that is, 'scientific'. When Schreier went on a hiking trip with Behnke and Pauli, and the three high-spirited young gentlemen registered in their hotel as 'Hilfsarbeiter', they were severely admonished by the owner: a hotel register is an official doc ument, and not a place for pranks. But being a laborer at Hamburg's mathe matical Seminar was a ticket to higher things. Within a year, Schreier was pro moted to the position of assistant pro fessor-assistant, moreover, to his friend Emil Artin, who had just been promoted to full professor, after having declined a chair in Munster. It was now Schreier's turn to prepare for his habilitation. According to Ham burg's enlightened policy of 'training on the job', he was allowed, in fact en couraged, to start giving lectures right away. Like Artin, Herglotz, or Hahn, Schreier approached the task with an artistic ambition, and gave virtuoso per formances, carefully prepared and re hearsed to perfection. He even at tempted to out-do Artin; the latter always delivered his lectures without a glance at his notes, which were hidden in his pocket. Schreier went one step further and destroyed his notes before entering classrooms, like a tightrope artist spurn ing to work with a net. He was a horn teacher. As Karl Menger wrote a few years later: 'The whole economy of Schreier's life was directed toward ac quiring knowledge, often at the expense of his own production, so as to use it to the advantage of individuals or in the in terest of his lecturing activity.'
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Some Real Algebra The desire for utmost lucidity, shared by Artin and Schreier, attracted them to the structural approach to algebra that was being promoted in Gottingen by Emmy Noether (1882-1935). While Artin developed a new, revolutionary lecture course on algebra, Schreier re turned to group theory. He greatly ex tended an approach originally devised by Reidemeister, which allowed him to find generators and defining relations, not just for normal subgroups but for all subgroups of finite index of a given group. In particular, Schreier applied this to the free groups, that is, groups with a set of generators such that each element had an (essentially) unique representation. Schreier showed that each subgroup of a free group was again a free group (with a suitable set of generators) . This extended a result that had been obtained by the Danish mathematician Jakob Nielsen (18901959), who had preceded him in Ham burg. Moreover, Schreier showed that the cardinality of such a set of genera tors is uniquely defined by the index of the subgroup. 'A surprising and com pletely unexpected result', as Artin noted in his report of Schreier's habili tation thesis. In another brilliant stroke, Schreier provided a simple and elegant proof of the forty-year-old theorem of Jordan and H<>lder concerning the equivalence of composition series. Schreier's refinement theorem states that any two normal series of a given group have equivalent refinements, from which Jordan-Holder's result fol lows immediately. Half a dozen years later, Artin's student Hans Zassenhaus (1912-1991) would provide an even more transparent proof, still in use to day, based on the 'butterfly lemma'. The high point of the collaboration between Schreier and Artin was proba bly their work on real fields. As Schreier wrote to his old friend Karl Menger: Mr. Artin and I have produced an amusing investigation in abstract real algebra . An abstract field is said to he real if the vanishing of a sum of squares always implies that all terms are zero. Among the results, I mention for instance: the real fields are exactly those for which an or dering relation can be defined, or what is the same, the relation a > 0 or - a > 0, and from a > 0 and
b > 0 follows a + b > 0, ab > 0. Applied to algebraic fields this yields . . . that in fields which are real, but have no real algebraic extension, the whole of real algebra is valid (Rolle, mean-value theorem); moreover in such a field all polynomials of de gree > 2 are reducible (fundamental theorem of algebra!) . . . Mr. Artin then made a beautiful application of the general theory by solving one of Hilbert's problems: a rational func tion of n variables with rational co efficients which is positive for all ra tional values of the variables is the sum of squares of rational functions with rational coefficients. (Hilbert had shown this in a weaker form for two variables only, and using Abelian functions!) Thus Artin had achieved a unique feat; he had solved two problems of Hilbert's famous list of twenty-three, and this in the space of one year! More over, as Zassenhaus would later write, ' . . . in the light of Artin-Schreier's theory the fundamental theorem of al gebra truly is an algebraic theorem inasmuch as it states that all irre ducible polynomials over real closed fields can only be linear or quadratic.'
Karl Menger. When Menger's first paper was published, Schreier wrote: Today, just a s I was leaving t o attend a n evening of Beethoven sonatas by Artur Schnabel, '
I received an offprint of your paper. You may well imagine
that
I took it with me
and read it during the intermissions, as well as possible. [.
.] I guess your dear
mama was also delighted, even if she had difficulties reading it'.
All former proofs had used topological arguments in one way or another. The Artin-Schreier approach was exem plary for its structural neatness. 'Per haps the first triumph of what is some times called 'abstract algebra', as Brauer later wrote. Within a few years, alge bra underwent a metamorphosis.
'An Absolutely Delicious Proof' But Schreier did not forget topology. He often returned to it in his correspon dence with Menger. Indeed, the latter would eventually publish a paper enti tled A remark by Schreier on Dimension Theory. And when Schreier came to be asked to submit three possible topics for the probationary lecture required for his habilitation, he could write to his friend Karl Menger (who at that time was in Amsterdam): If you complain that German uni versities do not pay enough atten tion to point-set topology, you will from now on have to except Ham burg! Blaschke and Heeke wanted my probationary lecture, delivered to the entire faculty, to deal with a question that could be understand able (or at least apparently under standable) for as many as possible. Thus I proposed 'On the concept of curve', and this was accepted. You can well imagine that I mentioned your name more than a few times in my lecture yesterday. The big shots listened attentively, even botanists and others . . . For the summer term, Artin, Blaschke, and I have announced a seminar on gen eral topology. The main content of that seminar was a paper by Witold Hurewicz (1904-1956) and Karl Menger on di mension, which appeared (after many corrections suggested by Schreier) in 1928 in the Mathematische Annalen. By the time it was published, a con siderable part of it had been overtaken by events. Indeed, another rising star started to shine in the Artin-Blaschke Schreier seminar: Emmanuel Sperner (1905-1980) proposed a lemma on the coloring of simplicial decompositions, which greatly simplified the proof of Lebesgue's covering theorem. Sperner's lemma caused Lebesgue's approach to become the most widely used defini tion of topological dimension (a set is n-dimensional if each open cover can
be refined so that each point lies in at most n + 1 open sets). Schreier re ported enthusiastically to Menger: Dear Karl! You will certainly be astonished that I reply so quickly to your kind let ter. The main reason is the follow ing: I had recently submitted to our best student, Mr. E. Sperner, the problem to find a nicer proof for Lebesgue's theorem on IR". To my pleasure he brought me yesterday an absolutely delicious proof. Since I hope that you will also he happy about it, I will immediately describe to you the proof, which is due to appear in our proceedings . . . When Sperner submitted his PhD thesis in 1928, Schreier's report minced no words: 'The following proof has to he qualified as a true work of art . . . . Finally the invariance of dimension is truly accessible, it follows in a trivial way'.
'We All Believe that Mathematics Is an Art' Hamburg's fast-growing reputation as a mathematical centre attracted many visitors. One was an angel-faced youth from Holland, named Bartel Leendert van der Waerden 0903-1996). He ar rived with a Rockefeller scholarship and an interesting conjecture. In van der Waerden's words: Artin, Schreier, and I often had lunch together . . . Once I told them about [the] conjecture of the Dutch math ematician Baudet, who had died early: If one partitions the set of nat ural numbers 1 ,2,3, . . . into two sub sets, at least one of them contains an arithmetic progression of length l, with l arbitrarily large . . . . When Artin, Schreier, and I discussed this conjecture in 1926, in front of Artin's blackboard, we jointly managed to prove it. A very important idea orig inated with Artin. The idea that ul timately led to the solution fell on me. Van der Warden's theorem on arith metic progressions would later become a stimulus for fascinating extensions by Szemeredy, Furstenberg, Tao, Green, and others. But van der Waerden him self turned to abstract algebra, fasci nated by the lectures that Emil Artin presented in Hamburg and Emmy Noe ther in Gottingen . For a time, the three
Emil Artin. 'The symbiosis of the scientist and the artist in Artin was unique' (R. Brauer). 'Emil Artin Jut un mathemati cien genial. C'etait aussi un artiste et, pour tout dire, un homme complef. (H.
Cartan). Photo: courtesy of the estate of Natasha Artin Brunswick of them planned to write jointly a trea tise on the subject. Eventually, van der Waerden became the sole author of 'Modern Algebra', but the frontispiece and the foreword clearly state his in debtedness to the lectures of the oth ers. The book had a tremendous im pact, and is widely considered to he the major text on algebra in the twen tieth century. In parallel, Schreier and Artin planned to publish their lecture notes on linear algebra and analytic geome try. Eventually, Artin dropped out of the joint project, and Sperner stepped in, ultimately to complete the job single handedly. 'It is mainly a book on alge bra', as a reviewer later put it. 'How ever, there are some applications to geometry, especially a proof of the fun damental theorem of algebra'. The 'Sperner-Schreier' had lasting influence, especially on the German universities, comparable to Van der Waerden's clas sic. Both books are remarkable for their 'merciless abstraction', and their lucid ity and elegance, somewhat in the style of contemporary Art Deco. The lan guage is clear, simple, and functional, without any superficial flourish. Later, Artin would write, in a review of Bour baki, 'We all believe that mathematics is an art'. Interestingly, the Bourbakistes saw themselves in the tradition of the smaller German enterprise, as evi denced both by Paul Dubreil (who also
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spent some time as a Rockefeller scholar in Hamburg) and Henri Cartan, who wrote that 'at this period, unwittingly, Artin contributed to the flowering [eclo sion] of Bourbaki'. And the formidable Carl Ludwig Siegel would grumble in a letter to Andre Weil, thirty years later: It is completely clear to me which conditions caused the gradual deca dence of mathematics, from its high level some 1 00 years ago, down to the present, hopeless nadir . . . Through the influence of textbooks like those of Hasse, Schreier and van der Waerden, the new generation was seriously harmed, and the work of Bourbaki finally dealt the fatal blow. Blissfully unaware of his 'harmful' role, Otto Schreier continued to work with Artin and Van der Waerden. With the latter, he produced a paper on auto morphisms of projective groups (i.e., the quotient groups of the general lin ear groups by the subgroups of nonzero scalar transformations). The two authors used Schreier's refinement theorem to answer a question posed by Artin. (For which n is the alternating group An isomorphic to a unimodular projective group? The answer is: �. A5 , �. and Ag.) Schreier also formulated a conjecture later named after him: it states that the group of outer auto morphisms of every finite simple group is solvable. (As of today, the only known proof works through the n thousand pages of the classification of finite simple groups). Schreier's main passion was not the finite groups, however, at least accord ing to Behnke, who wrote: What occupied him most were the continuous groups. He had thought a lot about Lie's fundamental theo rems. The proofs which were known at the time did not satisfy him. A manuscript on this remained unfin ished. In preparation, he had writ ten two papers on 'Abstract contin uous groups'. In 1 947, i.e., 18 years after Schreier's death, the master piece of the Russian mathematician Leon Pontrjagin on 'Topological Groups' appeared, which included in its vast canvas the investigations of Schreier. In Bourbaki's history of mathematics, we read, ' Otto Schreier avait Jande la tbeorie
34
des
groupes
topologiques. '
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Schreier lectured on his progress at the meeting of the German mathematicians in 1 926 in Dusseldorf, and twice dur ing his frequent visits to Vienna. An other mathematician fascinated by con tinuous groups was John von Neumann (1903-1957), Hilbert's favourite student and Germany's youngest Dozent. He spent a semester in 1 929 in Hamburg, also as one of the lowly 'Hilfsarbeiter', and wrote a review of Schreier's paper on continuous groups. But circum stances did not permit a collaboration with Schreier. In summer 1928, Schreier was ap pointed associate professor at the Uni versity of Rostock, a small Hanseatic port on the Baltic. The appointment came right in time, since Schreier had married a few months before. Edith Ja coby was a war widow, somewhat older than he, with a fourteen-year old son. In the following winter term, Schreier commuted weekly between Rostock and Hamburg, lecturing at both univer sities. Around Christmas, he contracted a flu that would not go away. He wrote to his friend Menger about it. Karl Menger, by that time, had returned to Vienna as associate professor of geom etry, succeeding Reidemeister who had been appointed to a chair in Konigs berg. On hearing of his friend's illness, Menger immediately connected it with his own cough. Otto dismissed the sug gestion: The causal link which you establish between your cough and my flu is utterly absurd. But unfortunately, I
have still not recovered completely, and have to spend a lot of time in bed. It is too stupid [ . . . ] I intend to be in Vienna in about one month. But this intention came to nothing. Schreier's health had always been frail. From childhood on, he had suffered from cardiac weakness. Now, his flu worsened gradually. After some time, the doctors diagnosed a rheumatic ill ness, and later, an incurable form of sepsis. Schreier's lectures had to be taken over by Richard Brauer (19011 977) in Rostock, and by Sperner in Hamburg. Week by week, Otto Schreier wasted away. He died on June 2 , 1929. Four months later, his wife, widowed for a second time, gave birth to Schreier's daughter Irene. Two obituaries ap peared, one in the Viennese Monats hefte fur Mathematik, written by Karl
Menger, the other, anonymous, in the Abhandlungen des Mathematischen Seminars der Hamburgischen Univer sitat. ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors wish to thank Prof. Karin Reich, Dr. Richard Nikl and Mrs. Irene Schreier-Scott, Profs. Karl Auinger and Joachim Schwermer, Tom Artin, the Uni versity Archives in Rostock and Ham burg, as well as the Rare Books Depart ment of Duke University. B.B. has been supported by the Intitiativkolleg, Science in Context of the University of Vienna and thanks his colleagues John Michael and Miles Macleod. REFERENCES
Anonymous (1 930) Nachruf auf Otto Schreier, in Abhandlungen aus dem Mathematischen Seminar der Universitat Hamburg 7.
Artin E (1 953) Review of Bourbaki's ' Elements de mathematique' Bull Amer Math Soc 59: 474-479. Artin E, Schreier 0 (1 927) Algebraische Kon struktion reeller Korper, Abhandlungen aus dem Mathematischen Seminar der Univer sitat Hamburg 5: 85-99.
Beham B (2005) Otto Schreier- Leben und Werk, Diplomarbeit Universitat Wien. Behnke H (1 976) Die goldenen Jahre des Mathematischen Seminars der Universitat Hamburg, Mitteilungen der Mathematischen Gesellschaft in Hamburg 1 0: 225-240.
Benz Walter (1 983) Das Mathematische Sem inar der Universitat Hamburg in seinen ersten Jahrzehnten, in Jahrbuch Oberblicke Math ematik, 1 91-201 . Bourbaki N (1 984) Elements d'histoire des mathematiques, Masson, Paris.
Brauer R, Artin Emil (1 967) Bull Amer Math Soc 73: 27-43. Cartan H, Artin Emil (1 965), Abhandlungen aus dem math. Seminar der Hamburgischen Uni versitat 28: 1 -5.
Chandler B, Magnus W (1 982) The history of combinatorial group theory, in Studies in the History of Mathematics and Physical Sci ences, vol 9, Toomer, New York.
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I@Mjh§::@ih$1jih§i£1 1 11'!•i§i'd
N on rational Config u rations, Polytopes, and S u rfaces
M i c h ae l Kleber and Ravi Vaki l , Editors
Dedicated to Micha Perles
I
----, he two most interesting "platonic solids," the regular dodecahedron and the regular icosahedron, nec essarily have irrational vertex coordi nates.
Indeed, they involve regular pen tagons, as faces (in the dodecahedron),
GUNTER M . ZIEGLER
This column is a place for those bits of contagious mathematics that travel from person to person in the community, because they are so elegant, surprising, or appealing that one has an urge to pass them on. Contributions are most welcome.
Please send all submissions to the
or are given by the five neighbors of any vertex (for the icosahedron); and a regular pentagon cannot be realized with rational coordinates, since the di agonals intersect each other in the ra tio T : 1, known as the "golden section" (7, p. 30], where T = +(1 + VS).
However, the dodecahedron and the icosahedron can be realized with ra tional coordinates if we do not require
them to be precisely regular: If you per turb the vertices of a regular icosahe dron "just a bit" into rational position, then taking the convex hull will yield a rational polytope that is combinato rially equivalent to the regular icosa hedron. Similarly, by perturbing the facet planes of a regular dodecahedron a bit we obtain a dodecahedron with rational coordinates. Indeed, every combinatorial type of 3-dimensional polytope can be realized with rational coordinates. For simplicial polytopes, such as the icosahedron, where all faces are triangles, this can be achieved by perturbing vertex coordi nates. For simple polytopes, such as the dodecahedron, where all vertices have degree three, we can perturb the planes spanned by faces into rational position (that is, until the planes have equations with rational coefficients). For the case of general 3-polytopes, which may be neither simple nor simplicial, the result is not obvious, but we get it as an easy consequence of Steinitz's proof for his (deep) theorem [29,30] [32, Lect. 4] that every 3-connected planar graph is the graph of a convex polytope. In view of this, it is a surprising and perhaps counterintuitive discovery, made by Micha Perles in the 1960s, that in high dimensions there are inherently nonrational combinatorial types of polytopes: Specifically, Perles con structed an 8-dimensional polytope with 1 2 vertices that can be realized with vertex coordinates in IIJ[Vs], but not with rational coordinates. His con struction was given in terms of "Gale diagrams," which he introduced and developed into a powerful tool for the analysis of polytopes with "few ver tices," that is, d-dimensional polytopes with d + b vertices for small b.1 Gale diagrams are a duality theory: They involve the passage to a space of complementary dimensions (for a d polytope with n vertices one arrives at
Mathematical Entertainments Editor, Ravi Vakil, Stanford University,
1Micha Perles, a professor of mathematics at Hebrew University in Jerusalem who just retired, is a remarkable
Stanford, CA 94305-2125 , USA
mathematician who has published very little, but contributed a number of brilliant ideas, concepts, and proofs. His theory of Gale diagrams, as well as his construction of nonrational polytopes, were first published in the 1 967 first edition of Branko Grunbaum's book "Convex Polytopes" [ 1 0]. (See [2 1 ] or [ 1 , Chap. 1 3] for another
e-mail: vakil@math .stanford.edu
gem.)
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36
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an investigation in � n - d-1), and so the polytopes produced by Pedes's con struction are hard to "visualize. " How ever, it was later found that nonrational polytopes may be generated from pla nar (nonrational) incidence configura tions in a number of different ways, the simplest of which are "Lawrence ex tensions." These were discovered and used, but not published, in I 980 by Jim Lawrence, who was then at the Uni versity of Kentucky; the extensions first appeared in print in a paper by Billera and Munson [2) on oriented matroids. Lawrence extensions may be described via two dualization processes, but two dualizations are as good as none, and so we arrive at a "direct" construction in primal space . . . As you will see below, granted that nonrational point configurations in the plane exist, Lawrence extensions are al most trivial to perform, and are quite easy to analyze. One might try to attribute all this to the fact that "high-dimensional geome try is weird." However, although there is some truth to this claim, the fact that nonrational planar incidence configura tions lead to nonrational geometric struc tures may also be seen in other instances. So, we sketch a construction by Ulrich Brehm, announced in I997 [5) but not published in full, yet, which shows that there are geometric objects in �3 (namely, certain polyhedral surfaces) that are intrinsically nonrational. Constructing instances of noma tiona! polytopes, or of nonrational sur faces, is not hard with the techniques we have at hand. Since the analysis and proofs become quite easy if we work with homogeneous coordinates (that is, in projective geometry), we will review this tool first; note that it is not used in the constructions. Much harder work-both in the care ful statement of the results, and in the proofs of the theorems-is needed if one is striving for so-called universality the orems; these say that the configuration spaces of various geometric objects "are arbitrarily wild." We will have a brief dis cussion later in this paper, before we end with major open problems.
Homogeneous Coordinates and Projective Transformations An abstract configuration is given by a set {fh, . . . , Pnl of n elements ("points")
and by a list that says which triples of points should be collinear (and that the others shouldn't). A realization of the configuration is given by n points . , Wn = Cxn,YJ E �2 Wt Cx1 , Yt), that satisfy the conditions, under the correspondence p,. � W;: The points w;, w1, and wk should be collinear ex actly if this had been dictated for p;, p,, Pk· "Being collinear" is a linear algebra condition for W;, w1, wk: The points W;, w1, and wk need to lie on a line, that is, be a.ffinely dependent. Equivalently, the vectors (l,x;,y;), (1,x1,y1), (l ,xk,yk) E �3 need to be linearly dependent, that is, have determinant zero. Every real ization by points w,. in �2 corresponds to a realization by vectors v; : = (1 ,x;,y,) in �3. These coordinates with a first co ordinate 1 prepended are referred to as =
·
·
homogeneous coordinates.
All of what follows in this paper could in principle be discussed (and computed) in affine coordinates-it would just be much more complicated. A key observation is now that linear independence is not affected if we re place any one of the vectors V; E �3 by a nonzero multiple. Here are four fundamental facts: • Any realization by points w,. E �2 and specified affinely dependent triples yields a realization by vectors V; E �3 with specified linearly de pendent triples: just pass to homo geneous coordinates. • Conversely, any "linear" realization by vectors v; E �3 can be converted into an "affine" realization by points in �2, by dehomogenization: Find a plane at + bx + cy = 1 that is not parallel to any one of the vectors, and rescale the vectors to lie on the plane. (That is, find a linear function f(t, x,y) = at + bx + cy that does not vanish on any one of the vectors, and then replace V; by �(� > V;.) • Invertible linear transformations on �3 correspond to projective trans formations in the plane �2. • Any four vectors Vt, Vz,, "3, v4 E �3 such that no three of them are linearly dependent form a projective basis: There is a unique projective transfor mation that maps them to t'J, &.!, €':\, and e1 + e2 + e3, that is, a linear trans formation that maps them to nonzero multiples of these four vectors. In deed, if v4 = a 1 VJ + a2Vz, + a3"3 with nonzero a ;, then consider {a1 V] , a2Vz,
a310l as a basis and let the linear trans formation map a;V; to e,..
Clearly, the concepts of homogenization, dehomogenization, projective transfor mations, and projective bases work analogously also for higher dimensions. It's elementary real linear algebra. For the study of convex polytopes it is also advantageous to treat them in homogeneous coordinates. However, here convexity is important, and thus we have to insist on the use of posi tive rather than nonzero coefficients/ multiples throughout. In this setting, homogenization is the passage from a d-dimensional convex polytope P C �d with n vertices to a (d + I)-dimensional pointed convex polyhedral cone Cp C �d+l with n ex treme rays (see Fig. I). More generally, any k-dimensional face of P corresponds to a nonempty (k + I)-dimensional face of the cone Cp, and is thus supported by a linear hyperplane through the ori gin, which is the apex of Cp. Deho mogenization allows us to pass back from any (d + I)-dimensional pointed polyhedral cone to a d-polytope. More over, rational d-polytopes correspond to rational (d + I)-cones, and con versely(!). (See, e.g., [32, Sect. 2 .6) for a more detailed discussion.)
Nonrational Configurations The insight that there are "abstract" combinatorial incidence configurations that may be geometrized with real, but not with rational coordinates is rooted deep in the history of projective geom etry. (A reason for this is that addition and multiplication can be modelled by incidence configurations, via the von Staudt constructions [3I , 2. Heft, I857); thus, polynomial equations can be en coded into point configurations. This mechanism was studied early in the framework of matroid theory, starting with MacLane's fundamental I936 pa per [I6), [I5, pp. I 47-I5I), where an eleven-point example was described.
Figure
I . Homogenization/dehomoge
nization.
© 2008 Springer Science +Business Meola. Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
37
Pz
Figure 2. The extended pentagon con figuration Cf6 u .
See Kung [15, Sect. II.l] for details and further references.) As suggested by Pedes, let us look more closely at the regular pentagon. EXAMPLE 1 :
The extended pentagon configuration Cf6 1 1 is an abstract configu ration on eleven points p1 , . . . , Pn de picted in Figure 2: Its collinear triples (pl,p z ,P7}, (PI>P3,Ps l, . . . may be read off from the collinearities among the five vertices of a regular pentagon, the five intersection points of its diagonals, and the center. There are ten lines that con tain more than two of these points: The five diagonals of the pentagon contain four points each, whereas the five lines of symmetry contain three. Now we want to "realize" this con figuration in the rational plane, that is, find rational coordinates for all the eleven points, such that the collineari ties given by the ten lines are satis fied-and such that the configuration does not "collapse," that is, no further collinearities should occur. (We will not check that latter condition in detail, but it is important in view of the next lemma since there are rational coordi nates for the eleven points that satisfy all ten collinearities, for example given by eleven distinct points on one line, or with the eleven points placed at the vertices of a triangle.)
geneous coordinates. In a vector realiza tion Vt, . . . , Vt1 E IR3 , no three of the four vectors Vt, V]., tlf, Vto can be copla nar: These four vectors form a projective basis. Thus we can assume that they have, for example, the coordinates Vt = (1,0, - 1), v2 = (1,0,1), v9 = (1, - 1 ,0) , and Vt o = (1,1,0). Furthermore, v3 will have homogeneous coordinates (l,a,O) for some parameter a E IR\ ( - 1 , + 1 } that we need to determine. Now it is easy (ex ercise!) to derive coordinates for the other vectors and equations for the lines they span, for example, in the order £1 : Xz = 0, £2 : X1 = 0, £3 , £4, fs, £6, V4 = (0, 1 , - 1), Vs, £7, and then V7 = (1,0,- a), Vs = (1 - a, 2a, 1 + a). Finally, the condition that v4, v7, and v8 need to be linearly de pendent leads to the determinant equa tion a2 - 4a - 1
=
0,
that is, a= 2
±
Vs.
You should do this computation yourself. To compare results, use the labels in Figure 3 . 0 The eleven-point "extended penta gon" example is not minimal, as you are invited to find out in the course of your computation. OPTIMIZATION EXERCISE. Show that the nine-point configuration ob tained from deleting the points P6 and p 1 1 also has the properties derived in Lemma 2 . 0
Nonrational Polytopes Let Cf& be again a 2-dimensional point configuration consisting of n points, and we assume that we have a realization 'V = ( V[ , . . . , Vnl of the configuration at hand. For the following, we should also v2
=
( 1 , 0, 1)
LEMMA 2 Tbe eleven-point configura
tion of Example 1 can be realized with coordinates in Q[Vs], but not with ra tional coordinates.
The calculation for this lemma is most easily made in terms of homo-
PROOF.
38
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Figure
3.
assume that all the points V; are distinct, that the n points do not lie on one line, and that this holds "stably": If we delete any one of the points, then the others should not lie on a line. If v E 'V is any point in the config uration, a Lawrence extension is per formed on v by replacing v by two new points v and v on a line through v that uses a new dimension (as in Fig. 4). That is, v, v, and v are to lie in this order on a line e that intersects the affine span of Cf6 only in v. Thus by this addition of two new points v and v and deletion of the "old" point v, the dimension of a configuration goes up by one, and so does the number of points. We will iterate this, applying Lawrence extensions to all points in the configuration Cf6 , one after the other.
Coordinates for Cf6 1 1 .
DEFINITION 3
Tbe Lawrence lifting A'V of an n-point configuration 'V is obtained by successively applying Lawrence extensions to all the n points of 'V. Tbus the Lawrence lifting of a 2dimensional n-point configuration 'V is a (2 + n)-dimensional configuration that consists of 2 n points.
Lawrence has observed that this sim ple construction has a number of re markable properties. First, the order in which the Lawrence extensions are per formed does not matter, since they use independent "new" directions. This may also be seen from a coordinate repre sentation: If the n points of 'V are given by (x i , x� ) E IR2 , then A'V is given by the rows of the 2 n X (2 + n) matrix v1 Vz
xi xi
Vn D1 Vz
X� X� x i X� x i X 2z
Vn
X� X nz
X� 2 Xz
1
1 1
2 2
2
Here V; and v; arise by lifting V; into a new ith direction; the specific values 1 and 2 for the "lifting heights" are not important, other positive values would yield equivalent configurations. Next, points v1 , . . . , V n , V1, . . . , Vn of A'V are in convex position, so they are the vertices of a polytope. More over, for each i the pair of vertices V ; , V; forms an edge of this polytope conv
Figure
4.
A Lawrence extension per
formed on
v.
A'V. Indeed, it suffices to verify the last
claim: From now on, let us denote the coordinates on �z + n by (x1 , x2, y1 , . . . Yn ). Among the points of A"lf, the points v; and V; minimize the linear functional ( y1 + · · · + Yn ) y;, which sums all "new variables" except for the ith one. Thus e; = [ v ; , v;] is an edge of A"lf', and its endpoints are vertices. ,
-
DEFINITION 4
The Lawrence polytope of the realized configuration 'V c �z is the convex hull of its Lawrence lifting L('V )
:=
conv A'V c � z + rz.
The vertices not on e;, that is, the set
A'V\ {v;, v;),form the vertex set ofafacet F; of the polytope L('V ) : This is since they all minimize the linearfunctional y;, and span a Lawrence polytope of dimension 1 + n. Finally, let C be any line of the original 2 -dimensional configuration which contains the points V; ( i E /0) , and has the points v· ( j E r) on one side, and the points v (k E r) on the other side, for a parti tion 1° U / - U 1+ = [n] . Then there is a facet F e of L('V) with vertex set V(FC ) =
�
! v1 : J E rJ u { v;, v; : i E Io l U
Wk : k E r ) .
To see this, let l(x1,x2 ) = ax1 + + c be a linear function that is zero on V; (i E /0) , negative on v1 (j E r), and positive on vk (k E /+). From this we can easily write down a functional bxz
l (xl ,Xz,YI , . . . , y,) : = l(x1 ,x2 ) + a l yl + . . . + a nYn
that is zero on the purported vertices of Fe, and positive on all other vertices of L ('V ) : By just plugging in, you are led to set a
J
:
=
{0
for j E 1° for .f E ! .:. ,
- l(x{ ,x�)
1
.
.
--z !Cx{ ,x�) for .f E 1+
Finally, we check that the face Fe in deed has dimension 1 + n, so it defines a facet of L ('V). Clearly if a configuration 'V has ra tional coordinates then so do the Lawrence lifting A'V (see the matrix above) and the Lawrence polytope L('V). Lawrence's remarkable observa tion was that the converse is true as well. THEOREM 5
(Lawrence). Any realiza tion of the Lawrence polytope L('V) en codes a realization of 'V. Thus, if L('V) has rational coordinates, then so does 'V.
Let P C �z + n be a polytope with the combinatorial type of L('V). Somehow we have to start with P and "construct" 'V from it. For this we homogenize, and let Cp C �3+ n be the polyhedral cone spanned by P. Let H; C �3+ n be the lin ear hyperplanes spanned by the n facets F; C P discussed previously. The intersection
PROOF.
R : = H1 n
· · ·
edges ei for j E r U 1 + . Thus if we intersect the hyperplane He c � z + n with R we get a 2-dimensional inter section that contains v; (i E JO), but not v; (j E r U / + )-otherwise H e would contain v1· as well as one of v·J and IJ.J • but not the other one, which is impossible. This completes the proof of the claim and of the theorem. D COROLLARY 6 The Lawrencepolytope L ('Vu) derived from the extended pen tagon configuration is a 13 -dimen sional nonrational polytope with 22 vertices: It can be realized with vertex co ordinates in Q[Vsl, but not with coor dinates in Q. EXERCISE. Con struct a nonrational polytope with fewer vertices, and of smaller dimension. As a consequence of Richter-Gebert's work [23] we know that there are even 4-dimensional, nonrational polytopes. Richter-Gebert's smallest example has 33 D vertices.
OPTIMIZATION
Nonrational Surfaces
n Hn
of these facets is a 3-dimensional lin ear subspace of �3+ rz: Indeed the in tersection of n hyperplanes has codi mension at most n, and the codimension cannot be smaller than n since for each H; there are vertices that are not con tained in H;, but in all the other hy perplanes � (namely v; and v;). The subspace R is the space where we will construct a vector representation of 'V. Let E; C �3+ n be the 2-dimensional linear subspace that is spanned by the edge e; (that is, by V; and V; ). Now e; is contained in F1 for all j * i, but not in F;; thus E; is contained in H for all .f * i, but not in H;. So if we i�tersect R with E;, we get a linear space
A polyhedral surface I C �3 is com posed from convex polygons (triangles, quadrilaterals, etc.), which are required to intersect nicely (that is, in a common edge, a vertex, or not at all), and such that the union of all polygons is ho meomorphic to a closed surface (a sphere, a torus, etc.). The basic "gadget" that we can use to build inherently nonrational polyhe dral surfaces from nonrational configu rations is the "Toblerone torus"-a polyhedral nine-vertex torus built from nine quadrilateral faces. As an abstract configuration, this is the surface that you get from a 3 X 3 square by iden tifying the points on opposite edges.
R n E; = H; n E; = : V; that is 1-dimensional. (The intersection of a 2-dimensional subspace with a hy perplane that doesn't contain it is al ways 1-dimensional. That's the beauty of working in vector spaces, i.e., with homogenization!) Let v; E V; C R be a nonzero vector. We claim that v1 , . . . , Vn E R give a vector representa tion of 'V in R. For this, consider a line C of the con figuration 'V. The corresponding facet pf C P (as described previously) con tains the edges ei for i E /0, but not the
4 7 1
----···-
5
6--- 4
8
9
+---····
2
3
7 1
You might think of such a torus as a polyhedral surface built in 3-space from three Toblerone® (Swiss chocolate) boxes, which are long thin triangular prisms, as displayed in Figure 5; think
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39
surface 548, consisting of 6 X 8 = 48 convex quadrilaterals. It has 9 + 6 X 5 = 39 vertices, among them the nine special ones which are labelled a, b, . . . , i. It could be completed into a closed polyhedral surface by using additional triangles and quadrilaterals, but let's not do that for now.
Indeed, Lemma 9 already represents a major step on the way to Brehm's universality theorem for polyhedral sur faces.
A Glimpse of Universality
Following venerable traditions, for ex ample from Algebraic Geometry (where one speaks of "moduli spaces"), Figure 5. A "Toblerone" torus. it is natural and profitable to study not LEMMA 8 (Brehm). In any realization of the partial surface 548, the 9 special only special realizations for discrete geometric structures, such as configu of the triangles at the ends as tilted vertices a, b, . . . , i lie in a plane. rations, polytopes, or polyhedral sur (which is true for the chocolate bars, faces, but also the space of all correct PROOF. Indeed, by Lemma 7 the six but not for their boxes). The key observation in this context is: quadrilaterals are planar. It is easy to see coordinatizations, up to affine trans that thus a, h, d, b, i, flie in one plane, formations, which is known as the re and c, e, j, g, b, i lie in one plane. Both alization space of the structure. LEMMA 7 (Sirnutis [28, Tlun. 6, p. 43] Why is this set a "space," and what [9, 25]). ifyou realize the toblerone torus planes contain b, J, i, and since these is its structure? If we consider a planar in !R3 with one quadrilateral missing, points cannot be collinear, the two planes n-point configuration �. then a realiza 0 then if the eight realized quadrilaterals coincide. tion is given by an ordered set of vec are flat and convex, then the missing Next, says Brehm, take three copies tors W], . . . , Wn, which form the rows quadrilateral is necessarily flat, and it is JR nx z . Thus a certain of the partial surface 548, and identify of a matrix WE necessarily convex. them in their copies of the vertices a1, subset of the vector space JR nx z of all The missing face of such an eight b1, c1, (for j = 1 , 2, 3). This yields an 2 X n matrices corresponds to "correct" quadrilateral Toblerone torus may be other partial surface 5144, consisting of realizations W of our configuration � . prescribed to be any given convex flat 3 X 48 = 1 44 quadrilaterals and 3 + I n all three cases (configurations, quadrilateral in 3-space: By projective 3 X 36 = 1 1 1 vertices. polytopes, surfaces) the set of correct transformations on 3-space, any convex realizations is a semialgebraic set (more flat quadrilateral can be mapped to any LEMMA 9 (Brehm). In any realization precisely, a primary semialgebraic set of the partial surface 5144, the three spe defined over Z): It can be described as other one. Now consider the planar 9-point cial vertices a, b, c lie on a line. the solution set of a finite system of configuration that consists of three white polynomial equations and strict in convex quadrilaterals adih, bfid, cgfe, PROOF. Indeed, we know of three equalities in the coordinates, with in and three grey-shaded quadrilaterals planes that the three vertices lie on. Two tegral coefficients. For example, in the of these might coincide, where one 9- case of configurations, we specify for bdhi, bfge, and cegi (see Fig. 6). point configuration could lie in the up every triple V;, v1, Vk that det(v;, v1, vk ? per halfplane, and one in the lower half should be either zero or positive, which plane, but the third configuration then amounts to a biquadratic equation re needs a different plane. Thus the three specting strict inequality in the coordi special vertices lie in the intersection of nates of W;, w1, and wk. two planes. 0 Any affine coordinate transformation corresponds to a column operation on From this it is easy to come up with, the matrix M E JR nx z . So the realization and to prove, Brehm's theorem: There space can be described as a quotient II r b are nonrational polyhedral surfaces! of the set of all realization matrices by Figure 6. Brehm's configuration of quad the action of the group of affine trans rilaterals. THEOREM 10 (Brehm 1997/2007 [5,6]) . formations. From this point of view, it Gluing a copy of the partial surface 5144 is not obvious that the realization space Think of this configuration as lying in into each of the collinear triples of the 1 1- is a semialgebraic set. If, however, a plane H, and using projective trans point pentagon configuration yields a equivalently we fix an affine basis formations in 3-space glue three to partial surface that may be realized in �3 (which in the plane means: fix the co blerone tori with their missing faces onto with flat convex quadrilaterals. ordinates for three noncollinear points It may be completed into a closed, em to be the vertices of a specified trian the three white quadrilaterals, in such a way that the three tori all come to lie on bedded polyhedral surface in �3 consist gle), then this becomes clear. one side of the plane H Take three more ing ofquadn"laterals and triangles, all of Toblerone tori and glue them with their whose vertex coordinates lie in IQ[Vs]. PROPOSITION 1 1 (see Griinbaum However, the partial surface (and [10]). The realization space of any con missing faces onto the shaded grey hence the completed surface) does not figuration, polytope, or polyhedral sur quadrilaterals, on the other side of H What you get is a partial polyhedral have any rational realization. face is a semialgebraic set.
40
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Semialgebraic sets can be compli cated: They can •
•
•
be empty, for example, {x E IR : :i2 < 01, be disconnected, for example, {x E IR : :i2 > 1 1 , contain only irrational points, {x E IR : :i2 = 51,
etc. Indeed, this can easily be strength ened: Semialgebraic sets have arbitrary homotopy types, singularities, or need points from large extension fields of IQ. But can realization spaces for com binatorial structures be so complicated and "wild"? It is a simple exercise to see that the realization space for a convex k-gon P C IR2 has a simple structure (equiva lent to [R Zk-6) . Moreover, Steinitz [29, 30] proved in 1910 that the realization space for every 3-dimensional polytope is equivalent to [Re-6 , where e is the number of edges of P. In particular, it contains rational points. A similar result was also stated for general polytopes [24]-but it is not true. A universality theorem now mandates that the real ization spaces for certain combinatorial structures are as wild/complicated/in teresting/strange as arbitrary semialge braic sets. A blueprint is the universality theo rem for oriented matroids by Nikolai Mnev, from which he also derived a universality theorem for d-polytopes with d + 4 vertices: 1 2 (Mnev 1986 [17,18]). For every semialgebraic set S C [RN, there is for some d > 2 a d-polytope P C [R d with d + 4 vertices whose realization space ffi.(P) is "stably equivalent" to S.
THEOREM
Such a result of course implies that there are nonrational polytopes, that there are polytopes that have realiza tions that cannot be deformed into each other (counterexamples to the "isotopy conjecture"), etc. (Here we consider the realization space of the whole poly tope, not only of its boundary, that is, we are considering convex realizations only.) To prove such a result, a first step is to find planar configurations that en code general polynomial systems; the starting point for this are the "von Staudt constructions" [31 , 2. Heft] from the 19th century, which encode addi-
tion and multiplication into incidence configurations. This systematically pro duces examples such as the pentagon configuration that we discussed. Then one has to show that all real polyno mial systems can be brought into a suit able "standard form" (compare Shor [27]), develop a suitable concept of "stably equivalent" (compare Richter Gebert [23]), and then go on. Since the mid-1980s, a number of substantial universality theorems have been obtained, each of them technical, each of them a considerable achieve ment. The most remarkable ones I know of today are the universality the orem for 4-dimensional polytopes by Richter-Gebert [23] (see also Gi.inzel [1 1]), a universality theorem for sim plicial polytopes by Jaggi et a!. [12], universality theorems for planar me chanical linkages by Jordan and Steiner [13] and Kapovich and Millson [14], and the universality theorem for polyhedral surfaces by Brehm (to be published [6]).
Four Problems Since the mid-1960s, there have been amazing discoveries in the construction of nonrational examples, in the study of rational realizations, and in the de velopment of universality theorems. However, great challenges remain-we take the opportunity to close here by naming four. Small coordinates
According to Steinitz, every 3-dimen sional polytope can be realized with ra tional, and thus also with integral ver tex coordinates. However, are there small integral coordinates? Can every 3polytope with n vertices be realized with coordinates in {0, 1 , 2, . . . , p( n)l, for some polynomial p(n)? Currently, only exponential upper bounds like 2 p(n) :S; 533n are known, thanks to Onn and Sturmfels [19], Richter-Gebert [23, p. 143], and finally Rib6 Mor and Rote; see [22, Chap. 6]. The blpyramldal 720-cell
It may well be that nonrational poly topes occur "in nature. " A good candi date is the "first truncation" of the reg ular 600-cell, obtained as the convex hull of the midpoints of the edges of the 600-cell, which has 600 regular oc tahedra and 1 20 icosahedra as facets. This polytope was apparently studied
by Th. Gosset in 1897; it appears with notation li, 5 1 in Coxeter [7, p. 162]. Its dual, which has 720 pentagonal bipyra mids as facets, is the 4-dimensional bipyramidal 720-cell of Gevay [8,20]. It is neither simple nor simplicial. Does this polytope (equivalently: its dual) have a realization with rational coordinates? Nonratlonal cubical polytopes
As argued previously, it is easy to see that all types of simplicial d-dimen sional polytopes can be realized with rational coordinates: "Just perturb the vertex coordinates." For cubical poly topes, all of whose faces are combina torial cubes, there is no such simple ar gument. Indeed, it is a longstanding open problem whether every cubical polytope has a rational realization. This is true for d = 3, as a special case of Steinitz's results. But how about cubi cal polytopes of dimension 4? The boundary of such a polytope consists of combinatorial 3-cubes; its combina torics is closely related with that of im mersed cubical surfaces [26]. On the other hand, if we impose the condition that the cubes in the bound ary have to be affine cubes-so all 2faces are centrally symmetric-then there are easy, nonrational examples, namely the zonotopes associated to nonrational configurations [32, Lect. 7l. Universality for simplicial 4-polytopes
There are universality theorems for sim plicial d-dimensional polytopes with d + 4 vertices, and for 4-dimensional poly topes. But how about universality for simplicial 4-dimensional polytopes? The realization space for such a poly tope is an open semialgebraic set, so it certainly contains rational points, and it cannot have singularities. One specific "small" simplicial 4-polytope with 10 vertices that has a combinatorial sym metry, but no symmetric realization, was described by Bakowski, Ewald, and Kleinschmidt in 1984 [3]; according to Mnev [17, p. 530] and Bakowski and Guedes de Oliveira [4] this example does not satisfy the isotopy conjecture, that is, the realization space is discon nected for this example. Are there 4-di mensional simplicial polytopes with more/arbitrarily complicated homotopy types?
© 2008 Springer Science+ Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
41
[1 0] B. Grunbaum, Convex Polytopes, Inter
ACKNO�EDGEMENTS
Thanks to Volker Kaibel for the discus sions and joint drafts on the path to this article, to Nikolaus Witte for many com ments and some of the pictures, to John M. Sullivan and Peter McMullen for care ful and insightful readings, to Ravi Vakil and Michael Kleber for their encourage ment and guidance on the way toward publication in the Mathematical Intelli gencer, and in particular to Ulrich Brehm for his permission to report about his mathematics "to be published." This work was supported by DFG via the Research Group "Polyhedral Surfaces and a Leibniz grant.
sis, FU Berlin, 2005, 23 + 1 67 pages.
prepared by V. Kaibel, V. Klee, and G. M .
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221 , Springer, New York, 2003. [1 1 ] H. Gunzel, On the universal partition the
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Institute of Mathematics MA 6-2, TU Berlin D-1 0623 Berlin Germany e-mail: [email protected]
The P rob l e m of the B roken Stick Reconside red GERALD S. GOODMAN
� very year, starting in the 1700s until 1910, Cambridge
--, University held examinations on Pure and Applied L....., Mathematics, which lasted for several days. They were originally called the "Senate-House Examinations," after the name of the building in which they took place, and later they became known as the "Mathematical Tripos." After wards, the best solutions were published. The ensuing vol umes can be found in the Rare Book Collections of the British Library in London and the University Library in Cam bridge. In the morning session of January 18, 1854, there was posed [13, pp. 49-52] an elementary problem in geometrical probability that was destined to become a classic. The British call it "The Problem of the Broken Rod," whereas Americans refer to it as "The Problem of the Broken Stick." It says, "A rod is marked at random at two points, and then divided into three parts at these points; shew [sic] that the probability of its being possible to form a triangle with the pieces is 1/4." The exact value of the probability is of little interest, ex cept possibly to numerologists. What is interesting is to see how various later authors, apparently unaware of the orig inal formulation of the problem, reinterpreted what it means to break a stick "at random," and developed fresh methods to solve it. Be advised that I am employing the word "random" in the narrow technical sense used in probability and statis tics to refer to any chance phenomenon that is governed by the uniform distribution over a suitable sample space. This usage was recommended by de Finetti [ 1 , p. 1 52] and [2, p. 62], who was writing on the very topic of random di vision. However, even with such a restriction, there is more than one way to interpret what is meant by the term "ran dom," depending on the identity of the sample space, just
as in Bertrand's Paradox [3], [ 1 1 ] . I shall examine two of these interpretations in detail. Although the problem originated in England, it found its way to France, possibly with the aid of John Venn, who was enrolled as an undergraduate at Gonville and Caius College at the time. Presumably, he had taken the exam and done well on it, for he was awarded the title of "Math ematical Scholar" at his college later in the year. The first journal publication was in the founding volume of the Bull. Soc. Math. de France in 1875, written by Emile Lemoine [6]. Lemoine formulated a discrete version of the problem by considering the rod as a measuring stick divided into equally spaced intervals and allowing the breaks to occur only at their endpoints. This gives rise to a finite number of outcomes, and he treated them in the traditional way, interpreting the word "random" as meaning that all trisections of the rod at a given scale are equally likely. He made tables and calcu lated the ratio of the number of favorable cases to the num ber of possible ones. Then he passed to the limit as the scale decreased to zero. In this way, he found the answer to be 1/4, in agreement with the Cambridge Examiners, whom he does not cite. Subsequently, several French mathematicians, including Lemoine himself [7], showed that the same answer could be obtained by formulating the problem directly in terms of the continuum and solving it by use of geometry. Ref erences can be found in [7] and [12]. They took as their sample space an equilateral triangle and interpreted the tri linear coordinates of a sample point as the lengths of the broken pieces, as in Figure 1 . Relative area provides a uni form distribution of probability on the space. Thus, for them, random trisection of a rod amounted to choosing a point "at random" in the triangle.
© 2008 Springer Science+ Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
43
A
Because of this, the Problem of the Broken Stick, often snubbed as a mere mathematical diversion by those who forget that probability theory had its origins in mathemati cal diversions, deserves to occupy a more dignified place in the hierarchy of mathematical thought.
Lemoine's Combinatorial Approach In the formulation of Lemoine [6], the problem goes as fol lows. Figure
I.
Trilinear coordinates.
Finally, Henri Poincare took up the question in his text book, Calcul des Probabilites [9], and presented the geo metrical approach just cited. There is, however, a differ ence. Whereas previous authors took for granted that the uniform distribution was the appropriate one to use, Poin care raised the trenchant question as to how that choice of probabilities could be justified. His own answer is inge nious, but I shall not go into it here. Instead, I propose a new answer. My motivation lies in the remarkable fact that, although these authors held vastly different conceptions of what is meant by a random tri section, and they used contrasting methods for computing probabilities-one combinatorial, and the other geometri cal-they nonetheless came up with the same answer. To explain this, I demonstrate how the authors' ap proaches are connected by giving a representation of the data set arising in Lemoine's discrete model as nodes of a triangular lattice and showing that Poincare's and his own later setup emerge from it by rescaling and passing to the limit. To do so, I employ a tool that was available to them at the time, namely, the calculation of areas by quadrature, and I prove that, as the subdivisions get finer and finer, nonnalized counting measure on the rescaled lattice converges on Euclidean figures-and, therefore, weakly-to the rela tive area of the figure.
We thus have an example where the assumption, com monly made in geometrical probability ever since its in ception in 1777 by Buffon [ 1 1 , p. 502], that regarding prob ability as relative area captures the essence of randomness, finds its justification by tracing it back to the classical no tion of "equally likely cases" in finite problems.
A rod is broken into three pieces. What is the probability that the pieces can be made into a triangle?
The obstacle is that the lengths of the pieces must satisfy all three triangle inequalities. In Lemoine's approach, the rod is calibrated by dividing it up into an even number of units, and each break is as sumed to occur at one of the points of division. The num ber of favorable configurations is counted and compared to the number of all possible ones. Taking their ratio and passing to the limit as the size of the unit vanishes yields the answer 1/4. Here are the details. Let us divide the rod into 2m equal parts, and suppose that the three pieces contain, respectively, x, y and z of these parts. We shall then have x + y + z = 2 m. In order for them to fonn a triangle, it is necessary that x ::s y + z, y ::s x + z, z ::::; x + y. Eliminating z with the aid of the previous equation, these inequalities become x ::5 m, y ::5 m, x + y ;::: m. Let
us
Table
find the number offavorable cases:
1.
X
m
1
m, m - 1
2
m, m - 1 , m - 2
m
GERALD S. GOODMAN studied probability with Marl< Kac in a special course at Haverford College, before going to Stanford. There at Stan ford, he did his doctorate in control and conformal mapping under the supervision of Charles Loewner. Although Goodman has done indus trial worl< and has published in analysis and probability, some consider his finest mathematical achievement to have been landing a permanent job in the beautiful Renaissance city of Florence. After thirty years of teaching and research at the University there, he is now retired. via Dazzi , I I 1 -50 1 4 1 Firenze Italy e-mail: [email protected]
44
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
y can take on the values
0
m, m - 1 , m - 2,
. . .
,0
Tbere are thus a total of 1 +2 +3+
· · ·
+ ( m + 1)
( m + 1 )( m + 2) 2
:. =-::.c..: .:. --':__ = ..o.:.:..:_
favorable cases. Let us find the number ofpossible cases: Table
2.
X
y can take on the values
0
2m, 2m - 1 , . . . , 2, 1 , 0 2m - 1 , . . . , 2, 1 , o
2m
0
Tbere are thus a total of 1 + 2 + 3 + . . . + (2m + 1 )
=
(2 m + 1 )(2m + 2) 2
cases possible. Tbe ratio of the number offavorable cases to the num ber ofpossible ones is ( m + 1 )( m + 2) (2m + 1)(2m + 2) ' which, for m = oo, yields 1/4. Tbus, the probabili�y sought
is
114.
To arrive at these tallies, the piece associated with x is tacitly assumed to have an endpoint in common with one end of the rod. The discretization occurs when the lengths of the pieces have been rounded off to take only fractional values. The roundoff error wears off when m is large, and vanishes in the limit.
A Graphical Representation of the Data We can represent the tabular data graphically by introduc ing a triangular grid on an equilateral triangle ABC of height 2 m. The trilinear coordinates x, y and z of a point in the triangle are its distances from the three sides see Figure 2 . The entries i n the above two tables are then counts of grid points, where x, y and z assume integral values. A
Figure 2. Graphical representation in the case m = 4.
Table 1 represents the counts of the white grid points, stratified according to their distances from the base, which we regard as their x-coordinate. They lie in the triangle whose vertices are the bisectors of the sides of the original triangle.
Table 2 gives the counts of all the grid points, both black and white. When m increases, the triangle becomes larger and larger, but the ratio of the two counts tends to a finite limit, as we have seen. The foregoing representation enables us to understand the role of the assumption of equally likely cases. It means that each grid point has the same weight. Hence, the prob ability assigned to each one is simply the reciprocal of the number of nodes in ABC.
What Happens in the Scaling Limit? With increasing m, the size of the triangle ABC approaches infinity. To avoid this, we can assume the rod has unit length, and we can rescale the triangle so that its height remains equal to one. With that normalization, the coordi nates x, y, and z of the nodes assume the values k/2 m, where k = 0, 1 , . . , 2 m. Each coordinate is then the sum of the lengths of the parts belonging to the corresponding piece. In other words, they are the lengths of the pieces of a broken rod, measured with precision 1 /2m. Now, as m increases, the mesh tends to zero, and the nodes become more and more dense. Since they are equally spaced, the proportion of them falling in a particular zone ought to be comparable to its area. Consequently, if the counting measure on ABC is normalized so as to make it into a probability measure, we would expect that, in the continuum limit, the measure of the zone actually converges to its relative area. That assertion can be proved by using a weak con vergence argument, as in Lalley [5], who treats a more general case. To prove it within the paradigm of nine teenth-century mathematics requires a more elementary ap proach. It turns out that the possibility of approximating integral expressions for areas by appropriate finite sums does the job. Here is the idea. Let E be a Euclidean figure having pos itive area, contained in the triangle ABC. Given a triangu lar grid on ABC, choose a rhombus whose sides belong to adjacent lines in the grid, and assign to each node in E the translate of the rhombus that has this node as its up per left vertex. Summing the areas of the rhombi provides an approximation to the area of E, and it is proportional to the number of nodes being counted. Doing the same for ABC and taking their ratio gives the proportion of nodes falling in E. It is expressed as the quotient of sums ap proximating the definite integrals that represent the areas in question. Provided the inclinations of the sides of the chosen rhombi do not change as the mesh of the grid goes to zero, the relative node count will converge to the ratio of the in tegrals, and thus to the relative area of E. Hence, in the scaling limit, the uniform distribution emerges. It is the ul timate expression of the notion of "equality likely cases, " based o n the "principle of insufficient reason, " that pre vailed in the discrete case. .
Scholium
The scaling limit of Lemoine's discrete model is an equi lateral triangle ABC of height 1 , endowed with the uniform distribution, whose points represent trisections M of the unit
© 2008 Springer Science+ Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
45
interval and its trilinear coordinates the lengths of the con stituent pieces.
Poincare's Account in his "Calcul des Probabilites" Poincare dedicated a course of lectures at the Sorbonne in 1893 to probability. The notes were published in textbook form a few years later, and a revised edition is still in print [9]. He included in his chapter on continuous probability a treatment of the Problem of the Broken Stick. We are un able to say whether he was familiar with Lemoine's earlier work or not, because he habitually omitted references. Let us examine his text [9, 1 st ed. , pp. 81-83, 2nd ed., pp. 1 23-126] for clues. It starts off in this way: Let us break a stick of length 1 into three pieces, x + y + z = 1 . Here, x, y, z represent both the lengths of the pieces and the pieces themselves. Considered as lengths, they match what we have seen in the rescaled lattice case, but now they assume continuous values. After some preliminaries, he states the problem: What is the probability that x, y, z form a triangle?
Poincare introduces an equilateral triangle ABC as his sample space and uses the lengths x,y,z as the trilinear co ordinates of a point representing the way the stick can be broken, just as we did. He then appeals to Viviani's theo rem, which asserts that the sum of the distances of a point M in ABC from the sides equals the altitude of the trian gle. To prove it, join M to the vertices and compare the ar eas of the resulting triangles with the area of ABC Let us draw an equilateral triangle of height 1 . From a point M in its interior, drop perpendiculars to the three sides. 1be sum of their lengths will be equal to the height of the triangle, which is 1 : They represent the three pieces x, y, z of the stick. 1be point M may be thought ofas representing the way in which the stick has been divided. What is the proba bility that this point belongs to a certain part of the tri angle?
To answer the question, Poincare identified probability with relative area, and thus with the uniform distribution. How does he justify this choice of probability? Poincare's treatment makes no mention of combinatorics. As a result, he had dispensed with the motivation employed above for choosing the uniform distribution. As de Finetti [1], [2] later put it, without any heuristics, the uniform distribution has lost its probabilistic meaning. Poincare was .well aware of that loss and proposed the following expedient. He would formulate assumptions con cerning the distribution of pairs of lengths of the broken pieces, and then show that they implied that the distribu tion of M is uniform on ABC His reasoning is not obvious. It involves the use of an ad hoc conditioning argument, made well before its time, and considerable effort is re quired to deconstruct it. I shall not pursue the matter here because we already know how the uniform distribution arises as the continuum limit of the rescaled discrete model. I shall add further mo tivation below by establishing that it is enough to assume that the breakpoints are uniformly distributed and statisti-
46
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
cally independent, as the Cambridge Examiners did, to en sure that the joint distribution of x, y, z, which is the dis tribution of M, is uniform on ABC Once it is accepted that the phrase "random trisection" is synonymous with the assertion that the distribution of M is uniform on ABC, the rest of Poincare's proof goes through smoothly. He proceeds as follows. Let us join the midpoints A ',B ', C' of the sides of ABC by line segments. M must belong to the interior ofA 'B 'C' for x,y,z to form the sides of a triangle. IfM belongs to a side ofA 'B 'C', one of thefollowing equations is satiified: z = x + y, x = y + z, y = z + x.
lf M lies outside of A 'B 'C', one of the magnitudes x,y, z
is larger than the sum of the other two. 1be probability that one canform a triangle with x,y,z is thus 1/4. The triangle A 'B'C' in Figure 3 is the continuum limit
of the locus of white points in the lattice of Figure 2. In view of the equation x + y + z = 1 , the triangle inequali ties become x, y, z ::::; 1/2. In other words, no piece can have length greater than half the length of the stick. As Poincare notes, equality occurs along the bisectors of the sides of ABC Identifying probability with relative area yields the final result. Poincare's idea of introducing ABC as a sample space and endowing it with a probability distribution is an early example of what is now a standard practice. However, as I have suggested, it may have stemmed from Lemoine's 1883 work, or even his work of 1875, elaborated in the way described above, and then discarded. [9] If so, it affords a precious insight into his working style.
Geometry of the Space of Trisections As we have seen, the triangle ABC can be thought of as a sample space whose points M represent the different ways of breaking a stick of unit length into three pieces. The tri angle has height 1 , and its sides have length A The trilinear coordinates of M fix its position in ABC, as in Fig ure 1 . They are regarded as the lengths of the pieces mak ing up the corresponding trisection, conventionally ranged from left to right and denoted successively by x, y, z. As an alternative, the trisection M can be described by specifying its breakpoints u and v. When v < u, the re=
A
Figure
3.
(after Poincare)
fV3.
lation between the two formulations is given by the for mulas X
=
V,
y= U
-
V, Z
I introduce the identification map ( U V)'
= 1 - U.
'
·
=
{(
U, V), if V :5 U, ( V, U), otherwise
Permuting u with v yields the formulas when u < v. These two representations of a trisection M can be vi sualized in the following way. Draw the triangle ABC and construct the point D sym metric to C with respect to the side AB. Take B as the ori gin and introduce oblique axes A U and A V, oriented as in Figure 4, where distances are measured in units of A. By definition, the oblique coordinates of M are the mag nitudes of the projections of M on the basis vectors. In Fig ure 4, they are labelled Au and A v, respectively. The trilinear coordinates of M are its distances x, y, z from the sides of ABC, labelled as in Figure 1 . The following result legitimizes our use of the symbols x, y, and z to denote the distances of M from the sidelines, and Au and Av to denote its oblique coordinates, by sup plying them with the appropriate semantics.
Geometrically, the action of the identification map is to fold the triangle ADB over the diagonal AB of ADBC Conse quently, if M were in ADBC, its image would lie in ABC When M belongs to ADB, the Duality Theorem applies to its image under the identification map. Doubling undoes the action of the identification map and unfolds ABC onto ADBC, so that the inverse image of any figure in ABC is the figure itself and its mirror image with respect to the diagonal AB. The identification map as signs to the original figure the probability of their union. When the rhombus ADBC is endowed with the uniform distribution, probability reduces to relative area. Since the identification map is rigid, and the two preimages of ABC are congruent, the probability assigned to any figure in ABC is twice its area relative to ADBC. Hence, the image of the
DUALITY THEOREM Let M he a point in ABC determined
the Duality Theorem.
hy the trilinear coordinates x, y, and z. Suppose that the breakpoints u and v in the corresponding partition of [0, 1] are labelled in such a way that v < u. Then the oblique co ordinates of M are u and v multiplied hy A, and x, y, and z are the lengths of the corresponding pieces. The converse also holds. PRooF. Let A u and Av be the oblique coordinates of
M.
In Figure 4 , the length of the hypotenuse of the right tri angle with vertex M and side x perpendicular to BC is A v, so x/Av = sin 60° = 1/A, and thus x = v. Similarly, z= 1 u. As y = 1 - (x + z) = u v, or directly from the figure, the formulas displayed above show that u and v can he identified with the breakpoints of the partition whose lengths are x, y, and z, and vice-versa. 0 To proceed further, "double" the sample space ABC to form the rhombus ADBC. The rhombus has height 1 , and its sides have length A. It is a product space made up of pairs (U, V) with 0 :5 U, V:5 1 , rescaled by A. The zone ABC represents the case in which V < U, whereas ADB represents the opposite one, and y is negative when M lies there. -
Figure 4.
-
Oblique coordinates and breakpoints.
uniform distribution on the rhombus is the uniform distri bution on ABC This implies the following consequence of
v are in dependent and uniformly distributed on [0,1 ) . Then the cor responding trisection M bas a uniform distribution on ABC
COROLLARY Suppose that the break-points u and
The hypotheses imply that Au and A v are also in dependent and uniformly distributed, and therefore their joint distribution is uniform on ADBC. It is then uniform on ABC As Au and Av are the oblique coordinates of the sample point M, we conclude that M is uniformly distributed on ABC. 0 PROOF.
In other words, assuming that the breakpoints are ran dom implies that the trisection M arises by sampling from the uniform distribution in ABC That result was stated, without proof, by Paul Levy [8, p. 1 47) in 1939, who noted that it generalizes to the ran dom division of an interval into n pieces, n ;::: 3. The sample space is now a regular n-simplex. See Kendall and Moran [4, pp. 28-31 ) and de Finetti [ 1 ) , [2) for de tails. Suppose we assume that items such as the temporal or der in which the breakpoints were labeled do not matter. Then, as recognized by de Finetti (1), [2), the variables u and v will be exchangeable, meaning that their joint d istri bu ti o n on ADBC is unchanged when u and v are permuted. Con sequently, any figure in ABC that is defined in terms of u, v will have the same probability as its mirror image with re spect to the diagonal AB of ADBC Assume now that M has a uniform distribution on ABC Then, as seen above, the probability relative to ABC of a fig ure in ABC is twice its area relative to ADBC Since that prob ability is the sum of the probabilities relative to ADBC of the figure and that of its mirror image, and they are the same when exchangeability prevails, the probability of each must agree with its area relative to ADBC. Consequently, the dis tribution of Au and A v is uniform on ADBC, and therefore u and v are independent and uniformly distributed on [0, 1]. That is the converse to what Levy found. 0
© 2008 Springer Science+Business Media. Inc . . Volume 30. Number 3. 2008
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CONVERSE OF LEVY's THEOREM Suppose that M is uni formly distributed on ABC and that its breakpoints u and v are exchangeable. Then they are randomly distributed on [0, 1] and statistically independent.
It is a folklore result that an easy way to generate ran dom points uniformly distributed on ABC is to make use of the identification map. First generate a random point in the rhombus by choosing, independently, each of its co ordinates Au and Av at random from the uniform distribu tion on [O,A] . Then apply the identification map. The result will be a point uniformly distributed on ABC SCHOLIUM To generate a random point un!formly dis
tributed on ABC, double ABC by reflecting it on the side AB to form a rhombus. Generate a point, Au, uniformly dis tributed on the bottom of the rhombus, and another one, lt v, on the adjacent side. Applying theforegoing map to (Au, lt v) will produce a point uniformly distributed on ABC
The above scheme is an alternative to the one in which points are generated at random in the rhombus, and those that do not fall into the triangle ABC are discarded. It can be adapted to any 2-simplex, since relative areas are pre served under affine maps. It can also be generalized to sim plices in higher dimensions, where its advantage over the acceptance-rejection procedure is more apparent. See Ru binstein [10] for further material on this subject. Here is another procedure that will generate a pair of random breakpoints on a stick, due to de Finetti [ 1 , p. 156] . It displays the quality of his probabilistic instincts. De Finetti's random algorithm
Break the stick at a random point u, uniformly distributed in [O,ll. Then choose one of the two pieces with probabil ity equal to its length. Now break the chosen piece at a point v, uniformly distributed on it. Then the points u and v are uniformly distributed on [0, 1] and statistically inde pendent. This works because it expresses the distribution of v, conditional on u, as a mixture of two uniform distributions, one on [O, u] and the other on [u, 1 ] , employing u and 1 u as their respective weights. The resulting distribution is uniform on [0, 1 ] , and, since it does not depend on u, u and v are statistically independent. REFERENCES
[1] de Finetti, B. Alcune osservazioni in tema di "suddivisione casuale", Giomale lstituto Italiano deg/i Attuari, anno XXVII, n.1 (1 964), 1 5 1 1 73. (2] de Finetti, B. Sulla suddivisione casuale di un intervallo: spunti per riflessioni. Rend. Sem. Mat. Fis. Milano 37 (1 967), 51-68. [3] Holbrook, J. and Kim, S. S. Bertrand's paradox revisited. Math. lntelligencer 22 (2002), no. 4, 1 6-1 9. [4] Kendall, M . and Moran, PAP. Geometrical Probability. Griffin's Sta tistical Monographs 1 0, London, 1 963. [5] Lalley, S. The packing and covering dimensions of some self-sim ilar fractals. Indiana Univ. Math. J. 37 (1 988), 699-709.
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
[6] Lemoine, E. Sur une question de probabilities. Bull. Soc. Math. de France 1 (1 875), 39-40. (7] Lemoine, E. Quelques questions de probabilites resolues geo metriquement. Bull. Soc. Math. de France 1 1 (1 883), 1 3-19. [8] Levy, P. Sur I a division d ' u n segment par des points choisis au hasard. C. R. Acad. Sci. Paris 208 (1 939), 1 47-149. [9] Poincare, H. Calcul des Probabilites. George Carre, Paris, 1 896; 2 nd ed., Gauthier-Villars, 1 91 2; repr. Jacques Gabay, Paris, 1 981 . [1 0] Rubinstein, R. Y. Generating random vectors uniformly distributed inside and on the surface of different regions. Eur. J. Op. Res. 1 0
(1 982), 205-209. (1 1 ] Seneta, E. , Parshall, K. H . , and Jongmans, F. Nineteenth-century developments in geometrical probability. Arch. Hist. Exact Sci. 55
(2001), 501 -524. [1 2] Seneta, E. and Jongmans, F. The problem of the broken rod and Ernesto Cesaro's early work in probability. Mathematical Scientist 30
(2005), 67-76.
[1 3] University of Cambridge. Solutions of the Problems and Riders Proposed in the Senate-House Examinations for 1 854, by the Mod
erators and Examiners [William Walton and Charles F. Mackenzie]. With an appendix, containing the examination papers in full. Macmillan and Co. , Cambridge, 1 854.
Appendix: The Original Cambridge Text Here is the way that the problem was formulated by the Cambridge Examiners, along with the solutions they elected to publish [ 13]. A rod is marked at random at two points, and then divided into three parts at these points; shew that the probability of its being possible to form a triangle with the pieces is 1/4. Let AB be the rod, C its middle point, D, E, the mid dle points of AC, CB. In order that it may be possible to form a triangle, each of the pieces must be less than the sum of the other two, or in other words, each must be less than half the rod. To secure this it is clear that the two points of divi sion P, Q, must lie on opposite sides of C: the proba bility of their doing so is 1/2. Let x be the probability that two points lying on op posite sides of the middle point of a line contain be tween them less than half the line: the required proba bility will be x/2. Now there are four classes of ways in which the points may fall, all equally likely, the chance of each is therefore 1/4. In the first of these classes, viz. when the points of division lie in DC, CE, success is certain, in the second, viz. when the points lie in AD, EB, success is impossible; in the third, viz. when the points lie in AD, CE, the probability of suc cess is x, for success depending on the distance be tween the points being less than AC, the probability is the same as if DC were removed, and success depended on the distance between the points being less than AD, and this probability is x by supposition; lastly in the fourth class, viz. when the points lie in DC, EB, it may be shewn by similar reasoning that the probability of success is x.
being greater than y. Then the lengths of the three pieces are y, x y, a - x. And the conditions of the problem give, as above shown,
y
-
B
y<
a/2,
x-y<
a/2, a -
x<
a/2.
Now let x,y be the coordinates of a point referred to the rectangular axes Ox, Oy Let .
OA = a, AB = a, OAB = n/2.
Breakpoints
x, y a s
coordinates .
Hence x is equal to the sum of the four compound probabilities + + % + 1 + f, therefore x = 1/2, and the probability required is 1/4. Otherwise. Let a be the length of the rod, x, y, the distances of the two points of division from one end, x
� Springer
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Then every possible way of dividing the rod may be represented by a point in the triangle OAB, and the chance of succeeding will be equal to the ratio of the area which contains points corresponding to favourable cases, to the area of the whole triangle. Now we must have y < a/2, therefore, if CD bisect OB and AB, points in CDB are not favourable. Again, since x - y < a/2, points in EDA, E being the middle point of OA, are excluded. And lastly, since a x < a/2, or x > a/2, OCE is excluded. Hence the required chance is equal to areaECD/areaOAB = 1/4. -
g r.co
Spri nger a n d Society Publ i s h i n g The selection of a publisher Is a critical decision for scholarly and professional Socletl s. Our f1 x1ble approach, our record of lnnovat1on, and our long history as publisher of r spected JOurnals make Springer the preferred pubhshmg partner of some of the most renowned scholarly Soc1et1es in the world. We invite you to take a closer look at how Springer can support your publishing act1viues
springer.com/societies
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49
lihW�tMi.i§i:@ih¥1i1 .IIIQ?-Ji Dirk H uylebro u c k .
P h i l osoph i c P rojections DANIEL LORDICK, HELGA METTKE, GUNTER WEISS, AND RITSUKO iZUHARA
Does your hometown have any mathematical tourist attractions such as statues, plaques, graves, the cap?
Editor
I
n his recent book "Shadows of Real ity," artist Tony Robbins argues that projections are far more important than sections in science and in art (Yale University Press, 2007-see Tom Ban chaff's review in The Mathematical In telligencer, 30: 1). Regardless of the trustworthiness of this account, two au thors from opposite sides of the world seem to agree, independently: in Japan, Ritsuko Izuhara interprets ancient "gengo-zu" diagrams as projections of polyhedra (A), whereas in Germany, Gunter Weiss chooses a projection of a hypercube as the logo of the Interna tional Society for Geometry and Graph ics as the emblem of a forthcoming meeting (B).-D. H.
where the famous conjecture was made, the desk where the famous initials are scratched, birthplaces,
A
houses, or memorials? Have you encountered a mathematical sight on your travels? If so, we invite you to submit an essay to this column. Be sure to include a picture, a description of its mathematical significance, and either a map or directions so that others may follow in your tracks.
B
A. 2-D Projections in Ancient Japanese Diagrams
Please send all submissions to Mathematical Tourist Editor, Dirk Huylebrouck, Aartshertogstraat 42, 8400 Oostende, Belgium e-mail: [email protected]
50
During the Edo or Tokugawa era ( 16031867), Japan was ruled by the Tokugawa "shogunate," which restricted trade over seas. From that time date the curious di agrams drawn by Baien Miura, born Miura Susumu (1723-1789). Through these so-called "gengo-zu," the philoso pher expressed and developed his ideas. His embellished manuscripts are kept in several archives in Japan, such as the
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1
"Shido-bunko," a special library of the Keio University in Tokyo. The visitor can consult microfilms in the library, if re quested in advance. Two volumes, enti tled "Baien Shiryoushu" (1989, Perikan sha Pub.), collect his works. Baien drew over one hundred dia grams. His philosophy was based on the dichotomy principle and contrasting opposite concepts. Consequently, his "gengo-zu" were usually symmetric, since their "mirror reflections" represent what he called the "dichotomy princi ple of nature. " The interpretation of the diagrams is not straightforward. Baien gives indica tions in his book: "Don't regard all di agrams as flat and round forms like coins. Regard these as solid and round forms like hand balls." However, he did not draw the spherical forms. Such a transformation of a 2-dimensional im age into a 3-dimensional representation is a well-known problem in crystallog raphy. Of course, additional information is required for a unique 3-D represen tation, but unlike for crystals, no other "physical" information is available in this case. The (re-) construction pro posed here was inspired by a careful reading of Baien's texts. It resulted in the interpretation of the diagram shown in Figure 3 . Computer aids allow simulating the 3-D images and comparing them to the original diagrams. Almost all of them re spect the symmetry in the sense of mir ror reflection. Only a few 3-D images have patterns in which the mirror re flection is not respected, although the original 2-D diagrams are symmetric. In our opinion, Baien's "jorigaku" doctrine of "rationalist studies" may involve more mathematical reasoning than generally assumed and indeed, Baien's approach to physics, medicine, and economics was more scientific than traditional. Thus, besides historical, philosophical, and cultural aspects, the correct inter pretation of his work may create new mathematical challenges. To honor Miura Baien, a museum was opened in October 2000, near Baien's House, in the Oita Prefecture of
Figure
I . The "Shido-Bunko" libraty at Keio University (2-1 5-45 Mita, Minato-ku,
Tokyo, 108-8345).
I
,.
Figure
2. The "Ichichi-seiso-zu" (left) stands for the distinction between "rough and
fine in nature" whereas the "Inyou-bouseki" (right) is a "representation of the uni verse through Yin and Yang."
Figure
3.
A
5
7
6
8
(b)
(a) transformation method for Baien's constructions.
© 2008 Springer Scoence +Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
51
Figure
4. The 3-D images of Figure
Figure
5. Baien's House, Oita Prefecture.
Figure
6. Maps locating Baien's House on Kyushu, the third-largest and most
2.
southerly of Japan's four main islands.
52
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Figure
7. The logo of the ISGG ( left ) and its projection centered on Dresden, for the logo of the 2008
ICGG
conference (right).
South-Japan (address: 2507-1 Tomikiyo
the conference, meets the center of the
refer to both a young and dynamic con
Aki-cho, Higashikunisaki-gun, Oita Pre
outline. The arrangement of the earth's
ference and to
fecture, 873-0355, Japan; Tel. + 8 1 + 97H-
projection was implemented by Hans
tural richness; it is situated in the Elbe
64-63 1 1 ).
Havlicek, Vienna University of Tech
Valley, a cultural landscape on the UN
nology, but the parallel projection of the
ESCO World Heritage List.
B. Projection of a Hyper World
hypercube into the plane is of course
Gunter Weiss, chief organizer of the
well known.
Dresden as a city of cul
Institute of Geometry Dresden University of Technology
on
On their web site http:/ /icgg2008.
Geometry and Graphics (ICGG ) 2008 i n
math.tu-dresden.de the organizers wax
Dresden,
philosophic about their logo. A confer
01 062 Dresden Germany
Daniel Lordick to design the conference
ence implies a lot of traveling, and they
e-mail: [email protected]
logo. They came up with a projection
imagine the participants of the ICGG
1 3th
International asked
Conference
Helga
Mettke
and
of the logo of the International Society
hopping from all over the globe, thus
for Geometty and G raphics ISGG, the
interpreting the hypercube lines and
global organizer of the conference, onto
vertices as an allegmy of a worldwide
an orthographic projection of the eart h ,
network and airports. The logo's color,
in such a way that Dresden, venue of
mainly a fresh and inviting green, would
�
pringer
ol�
Kanazawa Institute of Technology 7-1 Ogigaoka Nonoichi-machi Ishikawa, 921 -8501 Japan e-mail: [email protected]
springer.co
Ban ner Advertising on Springerli n k.com Reach thousands o f science, medical and tech nical researchers a n d professiona ls daily
OIJU ,
© 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
53
l'ifif¥·\·(.1
David E . Rowe , Ed itor !
M ax von Laue's Ro l e i n the Re l ativity Revolution DAVID E . RowE
Send submissions to David E. Rowe,
"'\ "'\ \ \
jl
l
hereas countless studies have been devoted to Einstein's work on relativity, the contri butions of several other major protago nists have received comparatively little attention. Within the immediate German context, no single figure played a more important role in developing the con sequences of the special theory of rel ativity (SR) than Max von Laue (18791960). Although remembered today mainly for his discove1y of X-ray dif fraction in 1912-an achievement for which he was awarded the Nobel Prize-Laue's accomplishments in pro moting the theory of relativity were of crucial importance. 1 They began early, well before most physicists even knew anything about a mysterious Swiss the oretician named Einstein. As a student of Max Planck in Berlin, Laue was one of the first to appreciate the novelty and significance of Ein stein's fundamental paper "On the Elec trodynamics of Moving Bodies" [Ein stein 1905]. Following Planck's advice he decided to visit Bern during the summer of 1907 to make the acquain tance of this barely known author. When he learned that Einstein was not a member of the faculty at the Univer sity of Bern but rather a mere patent clerk, he was more than a little aston ished. Laue made his way to the Post and Telegraph building, where Einstein and his colleagues fingered strange gadgets and examined patent applica tions all day. Waiting for Einstein in the reception area, he was told to go down the corridor where Einstein would be coming from the opposite direction to meet him. Laue then got a second sur prise, as he later recalled, "I did as told, but the young man who came toward me made so unexpected an impression on me that I did not believe he could be the father of the relativity theory, so I let him pass" (Seelig 1 960, 1 30). Only after Einstein returned from the recep tion room did Laue go back to intro duce himself. But the really big surprise
Max von Laue (1879-1960) came when he heard what this young patent clerk had to say about the state of modern physical research. "During the first two hours of our conversation," Laue recalled, "he overthrew every thing in mechanics and electrodynam ics" (Fi:ilsing 1 993, 240). Thus began a lifelong friendship. Laue soon became convinced that Einstein's principle of relativity pro vided theoretical physics with a new foundation that promised to unite the two great theories of the day. Max wellian electrodynamics and Newton ian mechanics had reached an impasse, it seemed, and yet with one stroke Ein stein had established a new foundation for both by creating a new relativistic kinematics that he claimed was valid for all physical phenomena in all iner tial frames. One of the earliest and most important triumphs for Einstein's spe cial theory came in 1 907 when Laue showed how the Fresnel drag coeffi cient could easily be derived as a kine-
Fachbereich 17-Mathematik, Johannes Gutenberg University,
055099 Mainz, Germany.
54
1 For
a recent account of his career with special attention to Laue's importance for rebuilding German science
after the Second World War, see [Zeitz 2006].
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matic effect using Einstein's formula for the addition of velocities for parallel moving frames. This derivation was so natural, in fact, that Laue was taken aback when he realized Einstein had overlooked such a fundamental result. But after conducting a thorough search of the literature, beginning with Ein stein's 1 905 paper, he convinced him self that his derivation was indeed new, and so he wrote it up for publication in the Annalen der Physik (Laue 1907). Four years later came Laue's single most important contribution to relativ ity, his monograph Das Relativitats prinzip (Laue 191 1). This volume went through numerous revised editions, the last of which appeared in 1955. Fol lowing Minkowski's lead, Laue herein developed a 4-dimensional Lorentz-in variant electrodynamics, which he then used as a foundation for his relativistic dynamics based on a general world ten sor. Laue's approach provided Einstein with a whole new theoretical Ansatz, one that seems to have had little in common with Einstein's original view point, which was linked with Lorentz's theory of the electron. Furthermore, Laue's formulation provided Einstein with some of the essential physical and mathematical concepts he would there after employ in his search for gravita tional field equations. After assimilating the essential in sights Laue brought forth in the second edition of Das Relativitatsprinzip (Laue 1913) , Einstein was off again on his own track. Up until his departure for Berlin in the Spring of 1914, he worked closely with his Swiss friends Marcel Grossmann and Michele Besso on this new theory of gravitation, which later became known as the general theory of relativity. Eight years later, Max von Laue published a companion volume on general relativity (Laue 1921), note worthy for being the first advanced textbook on this subject written by a theoretical physicist. Though its impact was hardly comparable to his text on special relativity, it nevertheless offers important clues to Laue's understand ing of Einsteinian gravitation and also for appreciating the climate of recep tion in Germany during these tumul tuous years. As such, it too represents a document of central importance for understanding the relativity revolution. I will briefly discuss both of these vol-
umes below, trying to indicate their sig nificance as guides to important devel opments in which Laue and others built upon Einstein's ideas. But let me begin with a few words about how the not yet famous Albert Einstein viewed young Max Laue. Before returning to Zurich's ETH af ter a year in Prague, Einstein was asked to comment on a number of candidates for a professorship in theoretical physics at the university. Writing to Al fred Kleiner, he characterized Max Born as a "good calculator" who had not yet "demonstrated much acumen for phys ical matters." Born's work on relativity followed in the wake of his former mentor, Hermann Minkowski, whose formalism Einstein initially found both unwieldy and unnecessary. Einstein was far more enthusiastic when it came to Laue, calling him simply "the most important of the younger German the oreticians. " He also praised Laue's book on relativity as "a real masterpiece, much of it being his own intellectual property" (Einstein to Kleiner, 3 April 1912, CPAE 4, 445). Needless to say, Max Laue got the job, and his stay in Zurich virtually coincided with Ein stein's own. By the spring of 1914, when Einstein joined the Prussian Academy, Laue was already on his way to the newly opened University of Frankfurt. After the war, he would re join Einstein in Berlin, where both men were on close terms with Max Planck. Their brief time together in Zurich, however, was of crucial importance for Einstein's next bold steps forward. This nexus of events has somehow escaped notice in the historical literature. In Zurich Laue continued work on the re vised second edition of his textbook on special relativity (Laue 1913). We can be sure that he kept Einstein fully abreast of the novelties it contained, though no documentary evidence of their conversations from this period has survived. StilL some striking clues can be found in a long-forgotten manu script on special relativity that first sur faced in 1995 with the publication of the fourth volume of The Collected Pa pers ofAlbert Einstein, ( CPAE 4, 3-108). Einstein wrote this text at the request of the Leipzig physicist, Erich Marx, who hoped to have a contribution on relativity theory from Einstein for his Handhuch der Radiologie. Although
the precise circumstances remain ob scure, it appears that Einstein worked on this article off and on in Prague and Zurich from 1912 to 1914, producing a 72-page text that I will refer to as the Marx manuscript.
Einstein's Obsolete Account of SR Publication plans for this manuscript were interrupted by the war, during which time the full-blown general the ory of relativity emerged. Afterward Einstein decided to withdraw permis sion to publish his then dated text, con sidering it to be scientifically obsolete. After much pleading and various aborted plans, Erich Marx finally gave up. After he died in 1956, his relatives eventually salvaged the long-forgotten manuscript, which represents Einstein's most detailed presentation of the spe cial theory of relativity. In 1987, the family put the manuscript up for auc tion, fetching a tidy $ 1 . 2 million, twice as much as Kafka's letters to his fiancee, which were auctioned that same year. Eight years later, the anonymous owner put the manuscript up for auction again. This time the bidding reached $3.3 million, but the experts at Sotheby's thought an original 72-page manuscript by Einstein should have brought at least $4 million if not $6. So the owners refused the bid, and soon thereafter the press reported that Ein stein's lost relativity manuscript was purchased for an undisclosed amount by the Jacob E. Safra Foundation. This institution then donated it to the Israel Museum in Jerusalem, which published a very handsome facsimile edition in 1996 (Einstein 1996). By then, this not so unusual con vergence of intellectual, commercial, and political interests was accompanied by a certain amount of media hype of the kind long associated with Einstein's famous name. On the eve of the Sotheby's auction, a reporter for the New York Times tried to dramatize the event by predicting that when the ham mer came down, Einstein's manuscript was likely to go for more than a re cently auctioned version of Monet's "Water Lilies. " This presumably more accessible work of art no doubt lacked those qualities singled out by the Times reporter, who noted that, "Its value lies as much in its form as in its substance.
© 2008 Spnnger Sc1ence + Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
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In perhaps the manuscript's most strik ing example of Einstein's scientific gym nastics, he takes the equation EL = mc 2 and crosses out the "L," thus rendering the historic special theory of relativity energy equals mass times the square of the speed of light-right before the reader's eyes" ("Einstein Manuscript up for Auction shows Science can be Art, " New York Times, 1 5 March, 1 996). Apparently this journalist thought that EL was an abbreviation for elec tricity, so on this interpretation Ein stein's brilliant insight was to have rec ognized that he should have written only an E instead. However inane this explanation may be, the Israel Museum chose this altered equation as the logo for its 1996 facsimile edition. Since this time, Einstein scholars have made very careful study of two other unpublished manuscripts of sig nal importance for the crucial period 1912 to 1914. Like the Marx manuscript, both were published for the first time in volume 4 of the Einstein edition. Ein stein's Zurich Notebook has subse quently received exhaustive analysis, thanks to the efforts of a research group at the Max Planck Institut fUr Wis senschaftsgeschichte in Berlin led by Jurgen Renn (see Renn 2007, vols. 1 , 2). Likewise, Michel Janssen undertook a careful study of the Einstein-Besso manuscript, which contains a vain at tempt to derive the perihelion of Mer cury from the Einstein-Grossmann field equations ( CPAE 4, 344-474). Both of these documents constitute working notes that were obviously never in tended for publication. For historians, however, they represent significant markers along the difficult road that Einstein traveled before his break through in the Fall of 1 9 1 5 , when he cast aside these field equations in fa vor of the generally covariant equations that now bear his name. The Marx manuscript has an entirely different character. Moreover, unlike these other two documents, it has been virtually ignored by the very scholars who have taken such care to reconstruct Einstein's tortuous path from special to general relativity. It is not hard to un derstand why. Intended as an expository article on special relativity, it contains vir-
tually nothing original, although it does offer a clear picture of how Einstein saw the theory at this time. My contention, however, is that the Marx manuscript re ally does constitute an important histor ical document, despite the fact that it contains no new groundbreaking results. Rather, what it offers us is a picture of Einstein catching up with what his con temporaries had been doing during the period from 1908 to 1912. One should keep in mind that be tween 1908 and 191 1 Einstein published almost nothing on relativity. In 1907, however, Planck made an important breakthrough by associating a momen tum density with any energy flow (elas tic, heat, chemical, gravitational). Soon afterward, Minkowski's work inspired the development of a new framework for integrating relativistic physics. Thus
in 1910 Sommerfeld published a vector analysis for SR based on the Lorentz group, and one year later Laue brought out the first edition of his textbook (Laue 191 1) containing major theoretical results based on the work of Minkowski and Sommerfeld. In 1 9 1 2 , when Einstein started writ ing the Marx manuscript, he was also preparing the ground for a fresh new attack on the problem of gravitation 2 For this purpose, he began exploring the possibilities of using the Ricci cal culus for creating a generalized theory of relativity. The timing for all this would appear crucial. As it turns out, the Marx manuscript contains a textual emendation that helps pinpoint the link between Einstein's consolidation of Minkowskian relativity and the new mathematical formalisms he was learn-
Two pages from Einstein's letters.
2Despite many years oi intense efforts to reconstruct Einstein's intellectual journey in detail, leading experts still disagree about sorne ot the key problems he had to overcome along the way. See the commentary and essays by Michel Janssen, John Norton, Jurgen Renn, Tilman Sauer, and John Stachel, in Renn (2007, vol. 2).
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
ing in order to generalize this theory to cover arbitrary frames of reference. Soon after arriving in Zurich on 2'5 July 1912, Einstein obtained new paper and ink. This circumstance makes it possible to distinguish that portion of the text written earlier in Prague from the pages he composed in Zurich. Ac cording to Einstein's own testimony, his return marked the beginning of the last phase in his struggle to incorporate gravitation into a generalized theory of relativity (Einstein 19'5S, l S- 1 6 ) . Soon thereafter his friend Marcel Grossmann introduced him to the general methods of what came to he called the tensor calculus, the crucial tool required in or der to deal with noninertial frames. At this very same time, Einstein crossed out his definition of four-vectors, writ ten in Prague, and began anew, using a darker ink and heavier paper on which he began writing a rather lengthy exposition of the relevant tensorial con cepts and operations for special rela tivity (Einstein 1996, l3S, 137):
New Math for Physicists Historians of physics have long recog nized that with the inception of relativ ity theory German theoretical physics underwent a profound transformation marked by a strong infusion of mathe matical techniques and ideas. Jungnickel and McCormmach, in their magisterial Intellectual Mastery ol Nature (Tung nickel and McCormmach 1986), describe the earlier process of discipline forma tion, showing how theoretical physics emerged around 1890 just as the Ger man mathematicians were setting down disciplinary boundaries by founding their national society, the Deutsche Mathematiker-Vereinigung. Soon there after, two young experts in number the ory, Minkowski and Hilbert, agreed to produce a report on developments in this field for the DMV. Later, however, they grew restless and began sniffing around for open problems within the terrain earlier occupied jointly by math ematicians and physicists. This mathematicians' quest soon turned into something like an imperial ist campaign, especially for Hilbert. Af ter Minkowski's sudden death in 1909, Hilbert began regularly inviting leading
theoreticians to deliver special Wolfskehl lectures in Gottingen. Beginning with Poincare and Lorentz, but culminating in 1922 with the famous Bohr Festspiel, practically every famous figure took this opportunity to address some of the most pressing recent developments. In Ein stein's case, his six lectures on the new theory of gravitation mark the beginning of the dramatic turning point that reached its crest in November 191 ') and led Einstein to his first triumphs in the general theory of relativity 5 Something truly remarkable took place in this Gottingen setting. Hilbert, who dominated these proceedings, was even among mathematicians the purest of the pure. And of course he knew full well that many viewed his forays into physics with suspicion, perhaps even disdain. He took most such criticism in stride, letting his critics know that "physics had become too difficult for the physicists." That oft-repeated quip con veyed an essential part of Hilbert's per sonality. Whenever repeated, it tended to conjure up-among those who knew the source-an instant image of the man whose easy mixture of self-confidence and disrespect for established norms of thought and behavior were legend. Hilbert, that "Pied Piper of Gottingen," helped instill a collective hubris within the community of young talent that f1ocked there . Most who belonged to the small elect with close ties to the master and his wife Kathe identified with this mentality and shared a sense of superi ority over outsiders. These atmospherics should certainly he kept in mind when thinking about the careers of figures like Max Born, Richard Courant, and Hermann Weyl, despite their divergent trajectories. All three were familiar with another saying that Hilbert was fond of repeating, "Das Wissen kennt keine Facher"-"Knowl eclge knows no disciplinary bound aries." Relativity theory was, of course, a prime example of what he had in mind, although the interplay between mathematical and physical conceptions was and is by no means easy to trace. Only recently, in fact, have any really detailed studies shed much light on how this cross-fertilization between dis ciplines took place. 4
Scott Walter has carefully studied how physicists reacted to these new mathematical methods, and his findings indicate that this was anything but a royal road (see Walter 2007). Those fa miliar with the even messier historical process that led to 3-dimensional vec tor analysis should not be surprised. Still, the rhetoric of pre-established har mony or Wigner's image of abstract mathematics as "unreasonably effec tive" for modern physics have rarely ever been seriously challenged (an ex ception being Ivor Grattan-Guiness's essay in this issue of the Intelligerzcer). Challenging these ideas, I believe, re quires focused studies, such as Walter's article on "Breaking in the 4-vectors" (Walter 2007), which shows clearly how fragile Minkowski's project really was. Had Arnold Sommerfeld not come along to reconcile his 4-dimensional formalism with the by now standard ized operations of the 3-D vector cal culus, the history of relativity might have taken quite a different turn. In stead, Laue and then Einstein could em brace this new approach without which, as Einstein later said, relativity would have remained in diapers (Ein stein 1917, 39; CPAE 6, 463).
Laue's Influence on Einstein But it was Laue who first saw the fer tility of Minkowski's physical concep tions-and not just his mathematical tools-for realizing Einstein's funda mental program from 1905, namely to show that all the laws of physics can be expressed in Lorentz-covariant form. Laue's approach became familiar to Einstein through the 191 1 edition of Das Relativitatsprinzip, although the discussion there is still sketchy. How ever, in the second edition (Laue 1913)-which appeared when Laue and Einstein both taught in Zurich-we find a full-blown treatment that shows how Laue's macroscopic A nsatz leads to sharp microscopic conclusions with regard to the mechanical and electro magnetic properties of the electron. Working next door, Laue and Ein stein were obviously in contact with one another during this time. We also know the significance Einstein attached to the line of ideas developed in the
------- � � � -�-- �
3This interpretation of these events is advanced in Rowe (2001) and Rowe (2004a). 4For a detailed examination of Hilbert 's interests in physics see Corry (2004).
© 2008 Springer Sc1ence+ Business Media, Inc . . Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
57
closing section of Laue's text on rela tivistic dynamics (Laue 1913, 174-253). In the Marx manuscript, Einstein pre sented similar ideas in a much abbre viated form. Like Laue, he began with a discussion of the general form of the momentum-energy law in electrody namics, as introduced by Minkowski, using the symmetric tensor Tp.v:
Tp. v
=
r= Pyx
Pxy Pyy Pzy
-sx c
-sy c
�=
i
Pxz pyz Pzz i -sz c
k& I zcgy icgz - 1]
Its spatial components are the Max well stresses, whereas the symmetric space-time components link two fun damental physical entities: the 3-vector g, representing momentum density, and the 3-vector s, which represents the en ergy flow. The pure time scalar denotes the negative energy density. 5 The no tation I have used here is identical to that found on page 62 of Einstein's orig inal manuscript (Einstein 1996, 167), and this is nearly exactly the same as the notation found on page 1 82 of the 1913 edition of Laue's text. Moreover, no corresponding array appears in the 1 9 1 1 edition, which suggests that Ein stein either took this formulation from the second edition or, perhaps more likely, was made aware of this line of development by Laue himself. 6 The comments Einstein provides in the manuscript are, here as elsewhere, very terse. Nevertheless, they make abundantly clear that he attached great significance to this new 4-D formula tion thanks to Minkowski. He thus notes that the symmetry conditions lead directly to the equation �
g
=
1 -s c2
�
which is "closely related to the cir cumstance that, according to the the ory of relativity, an inertial mass must be ascribed to energy. For this entails that the energy flow is always associ ated with a momentum" (Einstein 1996, 1 68). Planck had been the first to point
this out, but here this fundamental physical relationship becomes naturally embedded in the mathematical formal ism. From here Einstein goes on to take the divergence of Tp.v, obtaining thereby a four-vector that represents the force and energy that the electromagnetic field delivers to charged bodies. He then passes over to the general dy namical situation as elucidated by Laue in the 1913 edition of his textbook. Here is what Einstein wrote about the significance of this framework for spe cial relativity: The general validity of the con servation laws and of the law of the inertia of energy . . . suggest that the relations [deduced for electrodynam ics] are to be ascribed a general sig nificance, even though they were ob tained in a very special case. We owe this generalization, which is the most important new advance in the theory of relativity, to the investigations of Minkowski, Abraham, Planck, and Laue. To every kind of material process we might study, we have to assign a symmetric tensor Tp.v, the components of which have the phys ical meaning indicated [by the schema given earlier (Einstein 1996, 168). Had Einstein actually published this statement at the time he wrote it, there can be little doubt that it would have since appeared often in the historical literature? Instead, the rather mislead ing impression has arisen that the cur vature of spacetime was Einstein's nearly sole preoccupation in his search for a generalized theory of relativity. Clearly this was a central concern, but one should not forget the right-hand side of the gravitational field equations. For without a general stress-energy ten sor, Einstein could never have begun to envision the possibility of generally covariant field equations. This alone should make clear that the link Einstein was able to make to the special rela tivistic framework for dynamics set forth in Laue ( 1 9 1 3) was of the utmost importance for his quest to establish a general theory of relativity.
Laue's Slow Acceptance of General Relativity As a leading expert in optics, Max von Laue had been one of the first to ac cept special relativity and to pursue its consequences. But like many other theoretical physicists, including Max Planck, he found it difficult to accept the premises of Einstein's general the ory of relativity. Initially, Laue rejected Einstein's equivalence principle out of hand after giving due consideration to the empirical implications Einstein drew from it in 191 1 . On 27 December 191 1 , Laue wrote to Einstein: I have now carefully studied your paper on gravitation and have also lectured about it in our colloquium [Arnold Sommerfeld's colloquium in Munich]. I do not believe in this the ory because I cannot concede the full equivalence of your systems K and K . After all, a body causing the gravitational field must be present for the gravitational field in system K, but not for the accelerated sys tem K ( CPAE 5, 384). When Laue changed his mind is not very clear, but he showed mounting in terest after the initial triumphs of No vember 1915, when Einstein was able to account for the 43 seconds of miss ing arc in Mercury's perihelion, and es pecially the spectacular British confir mation of his prediction for light deflection in the vicinity of the sun's gravitational field. It was only after this latter event in November 1919 that Laue took up GRT in earnest. Although he had long been the most outspoken de fender of Einstein's theory of relativity among theoretical physicists in Ger many, he always did so in a dignified way, ignoring the polemical language of the antirelativists.8 His 192 1 textbook on general relativity provides just one of many such examples. Seldom has an author taken such pains to describe the audience for whom he has written, beginning with a few references to the popular litera ture on relativity. Besides Einstein's booklet (Einstein 1917) Laue called at tention to a book by Paul Kirchberger
5For a discussion of Laue's ideas and their historical importance, see Norton (1 992). 6As Scott Walter pointed out to me, however, an even more likely possibility is that Einstein learned about these developments already in 1 9 1 1 by reading Laue's "Zur Dynamik der Relativitiitstheorie," Annalen der Physik 35: 524-542; the matrix given in the text appears on p. 529. 7Scott Walter pointed out to me that this passage is also cited in Janssen and Mecklenburg (2006). 80n Laue's role in these debates, see Beyerchen (1 977), Hentschel (1 990), and Rowe (2006).
58
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
with the alluring title Was kann man ohne Mathematik von der Relativitiits theorie verstehen? In fact, he even wrote
a preface to this volume. Leaping to the other end of the spectrum, Laue called attention to Hermann Weyl's classic monograph, Raum-Zeit-Materie, a work that even mathematicians could hardly read with ease. Finally, for those seek ing a sophisticated philosophical analy sis, Laue recommended Ernst Cassirer's Zur Einsteinschen Relativitiitstheorie.
He then went on to write: But up till now there has been no book written by a physicist that is both rigorously scientific and fairly complete; and we contend that only a physicist can truly comprehend and try to remove those difficulties that have left the majority of his col leagues in the dark regarding the general theory of relativity (Laue 1921, v). Laue also noted that this was not a book for everyone, and most certainly was not for Einstein's outspoken op ponents, led by Philipp Lenard. He re ferred to these antirelativists as a group of "in part very important men" who rejected relativity for reasons not un like Goethe's attitude toward Newton ian optics. Still, Laue was convinced that most German physicists had taken no clear position largely because they lacked familiarity with non-Euclidean geometry and the tensor calculus. He offered them a whole chapter on Gaussian curvature and projective geometry, mathematical topics that went well beyond the physicists im mediate needs. His justification for this was simple: a theoretician who knows only what he absolutely needs is a physicist who knows too little. Laue clearly had learned a great deal, and he ended his preface by thanking a whole series of mathemati cians-Ludwig Bieberbach, Friedrich Schur, Georg Hamel, and Emil Hilb for the personal assistance they gave him (Laue 1 921 , vii). He particularly ac knowledged the debt he owed to David Hilbert, who lent him a copy of his lec tures on general relativity from 1916-1917. Laue's book contains nu merous references to Hilbert's brief foray into this field, far more than can
be found in other contemporary sources such as Weyl's Raum-Zeit-Ma terie or Pauli's article for the Encyk lopiidie der mathematischen Wis senschaften. A striking example is his
discussion of the Schwarzschild metric, in which he describes the trajectories of test particles replicating the figure found in Hilbert's lecture notesY During the ensuing controversies that swirled around Einstein and his theory, Laue defended both the man and his ideas against the attacks of an tirelativists. But he also criticized prorelativists, in particular Max Born, for promoting the new "Einstein cult" (Born 1969, 67). Laue was present at the sensationalized meeting held at the Berlin Philharmonic Hall in August 1920 when a small group of antirela tivists launched a politically motivated attack that nearly caused Einstein to leave Germany. It was Laue who alerted Arnold Sommerfeld, the newly elected president of the German Phys ical Society, that a major scandal was brewing that threatened to rip their fragile community apart. Laue was shocked by the crudity of this pseu doscientific gathering, at which the opening speaker called the theory of relativity "scientific Dadaism" (Rowe 2006). Little did he know that Ein stein's now famous visage had been on prominent public display in Berlin as part of a collage featured at the re cently held exhibition of Dada art. When it became too dangerous for Einstein to appear at the 1922 cente nary Naturforscher meeting in Leipzig, he asked Laue to speak in his place. Lenard and company responded by circulating a flyer protesting the cele bration of a theory antirelativists viewed as nonscientific. Eleven years later, the tables had turned; the Nazis swiftly destroyed the last vestiges of democracy in the Weimar Republic, vilifying all those who, like Einstein, dared to oppose fanatical na tionalism. The proponents of Deutsche Physik, led by Lenard and Stark, stood poised to assume scientific power. They were convinced that the Berlin clique Planck, Laue, Haber, and company who had once embraced Einstein and his despised theory of relativity would
henceforth play a minor role in German academic affairs. In September 1933, exactly eleven years after his relativity lecture in Leipzig, Laue opened the annual meet ing of the German Physical Society in Wi.irzburg by recalling the events sur rounding Galileo's trial, which took place 300 years earlier.10 He reminded his audience of the legendary words of defiance-"And yet, it moves!" ("Eppur si muove!")-the words supposedly ut tered by Galileo after his recantation. A lovely myth, as Laue described, since it is both "historically unverifiable and in trinsically implausible-and yet it is in eradicable in common lore." Its power, at least for those who trusted and be lieved in scientific truth, was plain enough, and of course the Church ut terly failed in its effort to stamp out Copernicanism. Had he ended there, probably no one would have taken much notice. But Laue then alluded to the unfavor able scientific climate in Prussia under Friedrich Wilhelm I (1688-1740), the "Soldier-King" who laid the ground work for the Prussian military tradition. Friedrich Wilhelm ran a clean ship of state that had no place for freethinkers like Christian Wolff, then Germany's leading natural philosopher. The king not only forced Wolff out of his pro fessorship in Halle, he gave him just 24 hours to leave Prussia altogether (Wolff took a post in Marburg). After Friedrich II ascended to the throne, he granted Wolff amnesty and allowed him to re turn to his chair in Halle. Every edu cated German was surely familiar with this story and its simple moral: "Yet in the face of all the repression," Laue concluded, "the supporters of science could stand steadfast in the triumphant certainty expressed in the modest phrase: And yet, it moves!" (Hentschel and Hentschel 1996, 71). Lenard and Stark were incensed by this open provocation, but Laue had cho sen his words carefully and had left the antirelativists little room to attack him as politically unreliable. His enemies tried to denounce him in memoranda sent to political authorities, but these efforts proved futile: the so-called Einstein clique was not so vulnerable after all.
9For a comparison of Laue's diagram of the trajectories with the one in Hilbert's lecture notes, see [Rowe 2004b, 60-B 1 ] . 10Laue's remarks can be found in English translation in Hentschel and Hentschel (1 996, 67-71).
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59
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
An earlier version of this paper was pre sented in November 2007 at the annual meeting of the History of Science Soci ety, held in Arlington, Virginia. This was part of a session organized by Scott Wal ter, "Beyond Einstein: Contextualizing the Theory of Relativity." My thanks go to him not only for extending an invitation to speak on that occasion but also for his valuable comments and critique of that earlier paper. REFERENCES
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Corry, Leo. 2004. David Hilbert and the Ax
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Michel,
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der Physik. Dordrecht: Kluwer.
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P lato's H idde n Theore m on the D istr i bution of P r i mes ANTONIS VARDULAKIS AND CLIVE PUGH
"7"'"\ ne of us (Vardulakis) met the late Andreas Zachar l } iou, a professor of Mathematics at the University of Athens, very briefly some years ago during a dinner
party and
a
follow-up
mm1-symposium
( (Jl)fL1TOawv
=
(wine) "drinking gathering " ). The symposium was held in honour of a colleague and friend, on the occasion of his election to the position of Full Professor in the Department of Mathematics of the Aristotelian University of Thessaloniki in Greece. Zachariou was visiting the Department of Math ematics as an external referee in these election proceedings. Vardulakis remembers that over a glass of red wine, Zachar iou told him a mathematical story that impressed him deeply. In early autumn of 2003, after many attempts. Vardulakis contacted him again in order to share with him some new developments concerning his old story. What Zachariou had told Vardulakis during their earlier meeting was that a passage in Plato's "Laws" [ 1 ] concealed a theorem regarding the arrangement of prime numbers, which Zachariou together with his wife had conjectured and subsequently had proved. The passage is in Book 5 , 737e, 73R o f Plato's "Laws " ; it i s stated there that the num ber of citizens of an ideal city state should he 5040 because this number is divisible by a total of 59 numbers and in particular by all integers from 1 to 1 0 . Here i s a n English translation o f the part o f book 5 of Plato's Laws where the number 5040 is mentioned. As will become clear in the sequel, it is interesting that the mnn ber 5040 appears in Plato's text exactly 7 ! times . 1
{73 7e} Let us assum<' that there are--as a su itable num her-5040 men, to he !and-holders and to defend their plots; and let the land and houses h<' likeu'ise divided into the same number oj' parts-- the man and his allotment forming together orz<' division. First. let th<' who!<' num------ -
her be divided into two; next into three; then follow in natural order four and five, and so on up to ten. Re garding numbers, every man who is making laws must understand at least thus much,-{738a} what number and what kind of number will he most usefulfor all States. Let us choose that which contains the most numerous and most consecutive sub-divisions. Number as a whole com prises every division for all pu1poses; whereas the num ber 5040, for purposes of war, and in peace for all pur poses connected with contributions and distributions, U'ill admit qf division !738b} into no more than 59 sec tions, these being consecutive from one up to ten . These facts about numbers must he gra�pedfirmly and with de liberate attention hy those who are appointed by law to grasp them: they are exact(y as we have stated them, and the reason for stating them when founding a State is this:-in re�pect qj' gods, and shrines, and the temples which have to he set up for the various gods in the State, and the p,ods and daemons they are to be named after, no man of sense,-whether he he framing a new State or reforminp, an old one that has been corrupted,-will at tempt to alter {738c} th<' advice from Delphi or Dodona or Ammon, or that ofancient sayings, whateverform they tak�whether derivedfrom visions orfrom some reported impiration from heaven. By this advice they instituted sacrifices combined with rites, either qj' native origin or imported from Tuscany or Cyprus or elsewhere; and by means ci such sayings they sanctified oracles and stat ues and altars and temples, and marked oflfor each ql them sacred glehes. Nothing c!f' all these {738d} should the lawgiver alter in the slip,htest degree; to each section he should assign a god or daemon, or at the least a hero; and in the distribution qj' the land he should assign first
--- -
1The reader can interpret the exclamation mark according to his taste. Nowadays one can check this claim easily by google-ing "Plato Laws 5040" and counting the repetitions of the 5040s using "find 5040" in any text that comes along.
© 2008 Springer Sc1ence+ Business Media. Inc., Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
61
to these divinities choice domains with all that pertains to them, so that, when assemblies of each of the sections take place at the appointed times, they may provide an ample supply of things requisite, and the people mayfrat ernize with one another at the sacrifices and gain knowl edge and intimacy, (738e} since nothing is of more ben efit to the State than this mutual acquaintance; for where men conceal their ways one from another in darkness rather than light, there no man will ever rightly gain ei ther his due honor or office, or the justice that is befit ting. Wherefore every man in every State must above all things endeavor to show himself always true and sincere towards everyone, and no humbug, and also to allow himself to be imposed upon by no such person.
Zachariou observed that • 5040 = 7 ! • 10 = 1 1 - 1 • 7 and 1 1 are successive primes and finally that • according to Plato " . . . the number 5040, for pur poses of war, and in peace for all purposes connected with contributions and distributions, will admit of di vision [738b] into no more than 59 sections, these be ing consecutive from one up to ten."
This led him to believe that in this passage of the Laws, Plato is in fact stating (in a cryptic way) a theorem, which can be formulated as follows:
mal meeting on control theory that Vardulakis had orga nized in his home village of Anidri, located in the south tip of the western part of the island of Crete. According to Plato, it was in Crete where almost 2500 years earlier "the Athenian" (probably Plato himself) of the "Laws," talking to a local Cretan and a Spartan, mentioned for the first time in recorded history the number 5040 and its re markable divisibility property. It was at this "Anidri meet ing" that Vardulakis mentioned to the rest of the partici pants Zachariou's conjecture, asking everybody to try to prove it. Although the conjecture had been tested to be true for very big successive primes, to our knowledge, up to the summer of 2003, no proof of the theorem was available. Zachariou had failed to indicate where a proof could be located. (He mentioned the references [2], [3).) The first proof we know of was given after the Anidri meeting by Peter Shiu of the Mathematics Department at Loughborough University, after the story was mentioned to him by one of us (Clive Pugh). Another, shorter, proof was given by Mr. Georgios Velisaris, who in 2007 was a first-year student in the Department of Medicine of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki. Using the idea of the proof by George Velis aris, the referee gave us a short proof of a slightly stronger result: THEOREM 2 Jf n is a positive integer >
5, then n! is divisi 1 , 2, . . . , n and by all the composite numbers among the integers n + 1 , n + 2, . . . , 2 n.
ble by all the integers THEOREM 1
(Plato s hidden Theorem) Let 3 < P < Q, where
P and Q are successive primes. Then each integer r < Q di vides P ! .
The theorem is not true when P = 3 , so that 5, because 3! 6 is not a multiple of 4.
REMARK
Q
=
=
Again In Crete almost 2500 Years Later On June 25, 2003, we met together with some fellow mathematicians and engineers during a three-day infor-
Although all proofs are available from the authors, we hope that readers would enjoy seeking themselves proofs for both theorems. According to Wikipedia, the number 5040 is "highly com posite", "superior highly composite", and "colossally abun dant" (see Wikipedia for the definition of these terms). It is also stated there2 that if u( n) = L d l n d is the divisor function, and y is the Euler-Mascheroni constant defined
2http ://en. wikipedia.org/wiki/5040_(number).
· r- a'· c
0 % � :1 c
.
I
,.
I � . . . �.
....� .
··'
ANTONIS-IOANNIS VARDULAKIS was bom in
A. C. (CLIVE) PUGH was educated at UCW
Thessaloniki, Greece. After studies in Greece and
Aberystwyth and Loughborough. He is the au
the University of Manchester (PhD in Automatic
thor of numerous papers in applied mathematics.
Control, 1 974), he worked in research positions
He has held his professorship at Loughborough
in England, then returned to Thessaloniki in 1 984
since 2000, and also became in 2007 Visiting Pro
as Professor of Systems and Control Theory. He
fessor in Electronic and Computer Systems at the
is the author of many research papers, and of
University
of Southampton.
"Linear Muttivariable Control" (Wiley, 1 99 1 ) . He is a founding member of the European Union
Department of Mathematics
Control Association.
University of Loughborough
Department of Mathematics
United Kingdom
Loughborough (Leics) LE I I 3TU Aristotle University of Thessaloniki 54006 Thessaloniki Greece e-mail: [email protected]
62
THE MATHEMATICAL INTEWGENCER
as the limiting difference between the harmonic series and the natural logarithm: y
=
�
[(�1 �) - ln(n)]
REFERENCES
[ 1 ] Plato, Laws (4th century
sc).
[2) Andreas Zachariou and Eleni Zachariou. Abstract of papers pre
=
sented to the American Mathematical Society, February 1 982, Issue
0.57721566 .
1 6, Volume 3, Number 2, pp. 1 45--220. [3] Andreas Zachariou and Eleni Zachariou. H Glossa ton Epigrafon tou Kafiziou tis Aglantzias kai ta Kypriaka Toponymia, Praktika tou Tritou
then 5040 is the largest known number for which the in equality CT(n) 2:: eYn Onlnn) holds. From this, we might con jecture that CT ( n) < e"�n (lnln n), V n > 5040. In 1984 Guy Robin3 showed that, in fact, this statement is true if and only if the Riemann hypothesis is true. This is Robin's the orem. We think that it is delightful that the property of this particular integer is mentioned for the first time in Plato's "Laws. "
Diethnous Kyprologikou Synedriou (Lefkosia, 1 6--20 Apriliou, 1 996) To mos A, APXAION TMHMA, Ekdosi Georgiou loannidi kai Steliou Xatjistyli , Horigia ldrimatos A. G. Leventi, Lefkosia 2000, pp. 63-1 36. [4] Andreas Zachariou and Eleni Zachariou. Logos kai Texni, Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, Polytechnic School, Department of Math ematics, Volume dedicated to Professor Emeritus loannis D. Mittas, Thessaloniki, 1 999--2000.
3http://blogs. msdn.com/devdev/archive/2007/07/1 6/robin-s-theorem .aspx http://mathworld .wolfram.com/RobinsTheorem.html.
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63
la§lji§'MJ
Osmo Peko n e n . Editor
I
Evolutionary Dynamics by Martin A. Nowak CAMBRIDGE MASSACHUSETIS, USA, THE BELKNAP PRESS
OF
HARVARD U N IVERSITY PRESS,
2006, 363 PP., ISBN-13: 978-0674023383, $35.00
REVIEWED BY JOHN PASTOR
Feel like writing a review for The Mathematical Intelligencer? You are welcome to submit an unsolicited review of a book of your choice; or, if you would welcome being assigned a book to review, please write us, telling us your expertise and your predilections.
Column Editor: Osmo Pekonen, Agora Centre, 40014 University of Jyvaskyl a , Finland e-mail: [email protected]
64
ithout mathematics, it would be virtually impossible to sort out the complicated dynamics of the evolution of populations and species. Biologists define evolution as a change in the frequencies of alleles in a population. Alleles are different forms of a single gene. For example, the gene for eye color comes in two alleles, blue eyes or brown eyes. There are four mechanisms that can change allele fre quencies: mutation; natural selection; immigration-emigration; and random sampling error, otherwise known as drift, which is especially important in small populations. Evolution is there fore the behavior of an inherently dy namical system. Surprisingly, the first attempt at a mathematical basis of evolution was made by G. H. Hardy [ll. Hardy devel oped what is now known as the Hardy Weinberg Equilibrium Formula, which estimates the equilibrium proportion of alleles in a population that is not evolv ing. Hardy, who was famous for taking pride in doing mathematics with no practical application, apparently devel oped this formula at High Tea in re sponse to a question posed by R. C. Punnett, a colleague at Cambridge who was one of England's first geneticists. The expected allele frequencies of the Hardy-Weinberg Equilibrium provide a null hypothesis against which observed frequencies can be tested to detect evo lution in action. By the 1930s, the power of mathematics was essential in the de velopment of what is now known as the Modern Synthesis of Darwinian the ory with Mendelian genetics, natural
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2008 Springer Science+Bus1ness Media, Inc
history, and taxonomy [2]. In a pio neering book still worth reading today [3], R. A. Fisher gave a precise mathe matical description of variance in popu lations. He then showed how Mendelian genetics accounts for both the origin of population variance and its dynamics under natural selection. In the course of these investigations, Fisher devel oped statistical techniques such as the analysis of variance and analysis of co variance. These statistical techniques provided experimentalists with tools to state hypotheses more precisely and sort out the relative importance of the different causes of population variance. Other mathematical analyses by Hal dane [4] and Wright [5] also helped pro vide evolutionary theory with a firm mathematical foundation. It is interesting to note that all this was done without any idea of the phys ical basis of inheritance. Indeed, what exactly a gene was, how it determined the outward appearance of the organ ism (upon which natural selection ac tually works), and how a gene is mu tated was not known until Watson and Crick and many others showed that the molecular basis of genetic inheritance is a sequence based on an alphabet of four nucleotide bases-guanine, thymine, cytosine, and adenine-con tained in their DNA. The sequence of these bases is known as the individual's genome and constitutes the information content of the individual's genes. The information in this sequence of bases is translated into a sequence of amino acids in the proteins, enzymes, and hor mones, which do the metabolic work of the cell by converting raw materials and chemical energy into replicating units. In the meantime, evolutionary the ory has flowered into a rich fusion of dynamical systems theory, game theory, information theory, and graph theory. Sixty years after the Modern Synthesis of Evolutionary Biology, we may be on the verge of a New Synthesis, which will fuse our knowledge of the se quence of bases, which stores informa tion in DNA, with our knowledge of the
ecological and evolutionary dynamics of populations, species, and ecosys tems. Martin Novak's immensely read able and thought-provoking hook may be, along with Hofbauer and Sigmund's Evolutionary Games and Population Dynamics [6], the beginning of a math
ematically based New Synthesis of Evo lutionaty Theory. Nowak"s synthesis is firmly based on a mathematical de scription of the sequence of bases in DNA. He then interweaves this de scription into game theory, dynamical systems theory, and graph theory to of fer an eagle's eye view of the landscape of evolutionary theory. The basic idea of Nowak's book is a sequence space. I will explain this and what follows from it in some detail to demonstrate the intL:grative power of the mathematical approach of Nowak's book. Each genome is a sequence of nucleotide bases of length L Now arrange all the possible different se quences so that nearest neighbors dif fer by only a single base in a single po sition of the sequence. The result is a sequence space, which is a lattice of di mension L. For the human genome, L = 3 X 1 Ql! ; for a typical virus, /. = 1 04 Each dimension has only one occupant, so a sequence space has high dimen sionality, but the lengths of the dimen sions are short. A population consists of all repro ductive individuals who each have one of various permutations of a genomic sequence. Define xi as the relative abundance of genome i in an infinitely large population. The genome structure of the population is a vector: with the constraint:
Nowak proposes that evolution can he modeled as a trajectory of x through sequence space. The mathematical problem is to develop a dynamical sys tem that explains this trajectory by means of biologically meaningful func tions that describe the effects of natural selection, mutation, immigration-emi gration, and random sampling on each Xi.
This trajectory is controlled partly by a genome's fitness. "Fitness·· is a key hut controversial topic in evolutionary bioi-
ogy, as encapsulated in the phrase: "sur vival of the fittest. " But who are the fittest? Those who survive to reproduce? If so, then the concept is tautological and we are building a theory on sand. But by defining fitness quantitatively as the rate _(;, by which genome i repro duces and therefore is represented in the next generation, Nowak then un ambiguously defines another vector called the fitness landscape: f
=
[_{o, JI,
· · · fnl
The average fitness of a population is the dot product of the genome vector and the fitness vector: c/> =
I xdi
.fA = axA + bx13 /B = CXA + dxn
i=O
A mutation changes a sequence from i to j by changing the nucleotide base that occupies a position in the genome sequence. All mutations are encom passed in the mutation matrix Q whose elements are the probabilities qif (q;; is the probability that a mutation does not happen). This leads to the Eigen-Schus ter Equation, the master equation of Nowak's book: xi =
tion). Since .fi is simply the net repro ductive rate of individuals, the Eigen Schuster Equation then reduces to the replicator equation of Hofbauer and Sig mund [6] . This replica tor equation is for mally equivalent to the Lotka-Volterra equations of competition, where
I xJ.ijq11 - c/>x1
j�()
The first ( summation) term on the r.h.s. is the input of genome sequences to genome i by mutations from all other j given their fitness j (this also includes the probability q1i that individuals with genome i are represented in the next generation as determined by their fit ness i). If the fitness of genome i and mutation rate into i exceeds the aver age fitness of the population () and mutation ( q1; ) . Additional terms can be added to cover immigration into and emigration from the target population. The equation can also encompass the random sampling required to describe small populations. But the Eigen-Schuster Equation also links evolutionary theory to population theory and game theory. If Q is the identity matrix, then q,i = 1 (no muta-
The payoff matrix which then multi plies the vector x is:
f=
[� �]
We can now find a Nash Equilibrium for the Eigen-Schuster Equation, which evolutionary biologists call an evolu tionarily stable strategy (ESS). Thus, beginning with the definition of information in DNA as a sequence of nucleotide bases and generalizing that to a sequence space, Nowak arrives at a dynamical systems theory that syn thesizes the information content of a genome with evolutionary and ecolog ical dynamics and evolutionary game theory. Nowak then uses this theory to shed fresh light on some classic evolu tionary games such as rock-paper scissors, hawk-dove, and the Prisoner's Dilemma. A later chapter generalizes these games to spatial domains. Nowak also uses the theory to lay the founda tion of the evolution of disease in sev eral chapters, showing with almost ef fortless ease why the HIV vims is able to persist by mutation, a behavior which is one of the main problems impeding the development of a vaccine and cure for HIV/AIDS. One chapter also presents the basis of evolutionary graph theory. Assume all individuals in a population are la beled i = 1 , . . . , N Denote the prob ability that an offspring of individual i replaces j with wi/. The individuals form the vertices of a graph and, if Wy > 0, then there is an edge from vertex i to j weighted by wu. Thus, the population structure and its dynamics can be rep resented by a weighted digraph. A wide
© 2008 Spnnger Science+ Business Media, Inc .. Volume 30, Number 3, 2008
65
variety of graphs ensue, including com plete graphs given by the Moran process of any individual being re placed by any other with equal proba bility, to cyclic graphs, and to a wide variety of other graphs of great aesthetic and mathematical beauty. However, perhaps because of the newness of this approach to evolutionary theory, the biological implications are not as de tailed as with the chapters that build on dynamical systems and game theo ries. Perhaps this chapter will stimulate research into the application of this po tentially powerful technique to partic ular ecological and evolutionary situa tions. One frontier in evolutionary theory, which has barely begun to be explored, is its interface with ecosystems ecology. Ecosystems ecologists study the biolog ical and physical processes that control the flux of nutrients in forests, lakes, prairies, oceans, and other ecosystems. The growth of populations is often lim ited by the availabilities of nutrients. However, individuals also affect their availabilities through such traits as up take rates and the release of nutrients during the decay of leaf litter and car casses when they are returned to the soil. It would seem logical to suppose that the ways in which individuals af fect resource availability, through their uptake and through the decay of dead material, could be powerful selective forces. But evolutionary biologists have ignored ecosystem processes because the resources themselves do not evolve (and are therefore assumed to remain fixed), whereas ecosystem ecologists have ignored individual variation in or ganismal traits that could affect nutrient cycling, preferring to concentrate on the larger differences between species. But the approach outlined by Nowak could he used to unify evolutionary and ecosystems theory. For example, the chemistry of leaf litter, which often de termines decay rates and the rate of re lease of nutrients, is partly under ge netic control [7]. Different sequences, may therefore have different decay rates and influence soil nutrient avail ability differently. Assume also that the fitness, /;, depends on nutrient avail ability, perhaps by means of a Michaelis-Menten or other suitable function. We can now propose a dy namical system in which an equation
xi,
66
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
for the dynamics of the nutrient re is coupled to the Eigen source, Schuster Equation:
R,
J xi = I xif/R)qii - rpxi l :0+ ( � c x ) Ji
k; ;m;
g
�
;
,
· · ·
ford, UK, 1 930. (4]
xi;
qii
J.
B. S. Haldane,
A
mathematical theory of
natural and artificial selection, Part I. Trans.
eR
R
R
1 980. [3] R . A Fisher, The Genetical Theory of Nat ural Selection. Oxford University Press, Ox
where IR and eR are inputs and out puts, respectively, of the nutrient R from and to the external environment. The function g describes the total re lease of nutrient from dead individ uals of based on mi, the mortality rate of the concentration of nu trient in the dead individuals or dead shed parts of ki, the release rate of the nutrient during decomposition; and the ellipsis denotes other factors, such as climate, that also affect decay rate. This coupled system is a framework for examining how mutations affect the cycling of R and conversely how the cycling of affects the trajectory of x in sequence space by means of the fit ness function The entire system is constrained by the mass balance im posed by IR and eR. One can therefore also investigate how increased nutrient inputs, such as the increased phos phorus loading of a lake that causes al gal blooms, affects the evolutionary dy namics of x. Depending on the forms of ./j(R) and g( . . . ) there could be some interesting bifurcations in this sys tem. Nowak's book is a readable, hand somely illustrated, and thought-provok ing guide to modern evolutionary the ory. Some beautiful mathematics is used to illuminate difficult evolutionary ideas, and evolutionary biology is used to mo tivate the synthesis of dynamical sys tems theory, game theory, and graph theory. The book is suitable for gradu ate classes in evolution, ecology, or bio mathematics. In my view, it would be best used in a seminar class where stu dents are encouraged to develop one or more of these techniques further to shed some light on their thesis prob lems.
xi xi; ci,
Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, USA,
Cambridge Philosophical Soc. 23 (1 924), 1 9-4 1 . [5] S . Wright, Evolution in Mendelian popula tions. Genetics 16 (1 93 1 ) , 97-1 59.
[6]
J.
Hofbauer and K. Sigmund, Evolutionary
Games and Population Dynamics. Cam
bridge University Press, Cambridge, UK, 1 998. [7] J. A Schweitzer, et al, Genetically based trait in a dominant tree affects ecosystem processes. Ecol. Lett. 7 (2004), 1 27-134.
Department of Biology University of Minnesota Duluth Duluth, MN 558 1 2 USA e-mail: [email protected]
f/R).
REFERENCES
( 1 ] G. H. Hardy, Mendelian proportions in a mixed population.
Science 28 (1 908),
49-50. (2] E. Mayr and W. B. Provine, editors, The Evolutionary Synthesis. Harvard University
The Trouble with Physics: The Rise of String Theory, the Fal l of a Science, and What Comes N ext by
Lee Smolin
BOSTON, MASSACHUSETIS, HOUGHTON MIFFLIN, 2006, 416
pp,
HARDCOVER U S $26.00. ISBN-10:
0618551050, ISBN-13: 978-0-8218-3933-1. 2007, PAPERBACK, US $15.95. ISBN-13EAN: 9780618918683, ISBN-10: 061891868X
REVIEWED BY JOHN HARNAD
uperstring Theory has been the subject of intense study by a sub stantial segment of the theoretical physics community for over two decades. The theory's goal is extremely ambitious, to say the least: nothing less than a uni fied quantum framework for all the fun damental interactions of matter, a "the ory of every1hing" [ 1 , 2] . Its mathematical intricacies, however, are barely under-
standable even to a majority of physi cists, and it has yet to prove itself a valid physical theory. Nevertheless, in The Trouble with Physics, Lee Smolin tries to give an overview, including the background, history, motivation, and content, as well as a detailed critique, at a level accessible to a general read ership. To help understand why a physicist might want to address an audience that cannot be expected to comprehend such a subject's hermetic details, it should be mentioned that only about a third of the book is concerned with String Theory per se. The remainder consists of an earnest plea for two things. The first is greater attention to alternative approaches to the funda mental questions of theoretical physics, in particular the line of research con cerning quantum gravity that comprises the author's own main interests; the sec ond is a critique of the assumptions and social pressures of the research com munity in which he works, with sug gestions for improvements. Nearly as much of this book is devoted to the so ciology of science - more specifically, the String Theory community - as to science itself. In view of the exceptionally high level of mathematical preparation that a genuine understanding of the subject would require, only a selective, non technical description of the ingredients can be presented in such a work. To make this at all meaningful is a very dif ficult task. Smolin succeeds in giving the interested general reader an idea of the flavor of the subject, and a vantage point from which to make some sense of the critiques that follow. It is hard to disagree with the gen eral socio-academic critiques, but many are far from unique to this particular field; in fact, they are rather common place within the broader academic com munity: the pressures upon young researchers to fit into an already estab lished "niche," the lack of incentive or reward for independent thought, the tendency towards "tribalism" and "group thought," the tendency by more senior scientists, who can provide or deny op portunities to younger researchers, to judge the merits of candidates by how well they agree with their own outlook and interests, etc. To these general sociological cri-
tiques, Smolin adds some that are more Nobel prizes to eight theoretical physi specific to the String Theory commu cists, and six more to experimentalists nity. This is an exceptional one, both who discovered or confirmed many of in the incomparable· ambitiousness of its observable consequences. The theory its scientific agenda and, according to seems at least to have no intrinsic de the author, its particular susceptibility to fects other than those shared by any rel the "group thought" phenomenon. ativistic quantum field theoretic model. Apart from this, many would agree that These include, of course, one un String Theory suffers from a central de usual feature that physicists have fect that sets it apart from nearly all learned to live with for decades; other scientific pursuits: it is unable as namely, the fact that perturbation the yet to provide anything that may be ory, based on successive approxima subjected to the test of experimental tions, leads at first to infinite quantities verification, beyond what is already ad that must be eliminated through a equately provided by more conven scheme of infinite renormalization be tional frameworks, such as the "Stan fore arriving at anything that may be dard Model. " From the viewpoint of the compared with experiment. However, Scientific Method this is anathema, this is generally not seen as an essen putting the subject into a difficult posi tial defect but rather a necessary feature tion to defend. Is it really physics, or of the perturbative approach, and the just mathematical conjecture that is too final results do agree with experiment incomplete to stand up as a physical to a high accuracy - at least in the theory? All depends on promises of weak and electromagnetic case. The things to come. fact that perturbation theory is not re The Standard Model has been very ally applicable to the Strong interactions successful in accounting for observable is partially mitigated by the fact that cal phenomena involving the electromag culations valid to all orders, using the netic and Weak nuclear forces as parts "renormalization group" approach, of a unified theory of electroweak in demonstrate the existence of "Asymp teractions. It also includes a consistent totic Freedom"; that is, the Strong in framework, Quantum Chromodynam teractions become arbitrarily weak at ics (QCD), for the Strong nuclear sufficiently short distances. forces, which hold the atomic nucleus No known quantum field theoretical together, although these are not yet framework exists, however, that in fully understood at a sufficiently de cludes gravitation and is consistent with tailed level to be able to account for General Relativity. The incompatibility the huge quantity of strong interaction lies in the fact that when trying to treat data accu-mulated over decades in gravitation as a quantum field, infinities high-energy physics laboratories. More persist in the perturbation theoretic cal over, the short-range nature of the culations that cannot be eliminated Strong interactions remains to be satis through renormalization. This problem factorily explained as a direct conse has never been overcome in any quan quence of the model. This is all as tum field theory setting. The desire to cribed to the complicated collective include gravitation within a quantum effects that are necessarily present in framework unifying all the fundamen such a relativistic many-body setting, in tal interactions of physics has been the which any number of particles may be main justification for the huge effort to created or destroyed within extremely develop String Theory over the past short time and space intervals. twenty-five years. This alternative to The discovery of this framework and quantum field theory conceives of all proof of its consistency were hailed as particles, including the graviton, as a great breakthrough in our under quantum excitations of strings. This is standing of the laws governing the in very different from the usual quantum teractions of elementary particles. It fol field theory framework, but the latter is lowed four decades of struggle, was expected to be recoverable in a suitable consolidated within the short period "low energy" regime (which includes all 1970-1974, and confirmed to be in energies accessible to high energy lab agreement with experiment in the years oratories to date). that followed. It led within the subse Smolin's own research priorities are quent two decades to the award of three spelled out in the first chapter, entitled
© 2008 Springer Science+Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3 . 2008
67
"The Five Great Problems in Theoreti cal Physics". In his view, these are: (1) To combine General Relativity and Quantum Theory in a single, complete theory of nature; (2) To resolve what he regards as problems in the founda tions of Quantum Mechanics. These in clude finding a better epistemological explanation of quantum theory, or an alternative theory that is not based on the necessity of involving the observer as part of the measurement process; (3) To come up with a unified theory that combines all the known forces of na ture (a bit redundant, when compared with Great Problem 1); (4) To explain all the apparently arbitrary constants ap pearing in the "Standard Model"; (5) To account for the existence (or nonexis tence) of "Dark Matter" and "Dark En ergy . " (This is a conjectured explana tion of the apparent inconsistency between the amount of observed mat ter in galaxies and the rates at which stars and galaxies are moving, which supposes the existence of matter and energy that is "invisible," adding up to as much as 96% of the total energy in the universe.) These may all be worthy goals, but not everyone would agree on their pri macy or achievability. In fact, there are many other outstanding problems that are at least as worthy of attention, but do not appear on this list. For example, the so-called "Mass Gap Problem," which was one of the "Millennium Prize Problems" [3] announced as a challenge in the year 2000 by the Clay Institute in its list of outstanding, mainly mathe matical problems (one of which - the Poincare conjecture - has since been solved), that would gain for the suc cessful solver, besides fame and glory, a modest prize of $ 1 ,000,000. For a physicist, the most concrete part of this problem consists of explaining, as a consequence of QCD - or some vari ant - why it is that the Strong nuclear interactions are short range. Although the short-range nature of the Weak in teractions follows directly from the Stan dard Model through the mechanism of "spontaneous symmetry breaking," an essential ingredient, the existence of the massive, spinless "Higgs Boson" re mains to be confirmed experimentally. QCD, however, does not allow for a similar breaking of the underlying gauge symmetry governing the strong
68
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
interactions. Phenomenological expla nations, based on "flux tubes, " and "quark confinement" (neither of which have actually been demonstrated to fol low directly from the model) have been put forward. But the fact remains that the Weak and Electromagnetic interac tions can be dealt with directly; that is, the scattering amplitudes, decay rates, and correlations can be computed and compared, successfully, with experi ment, whereas the same cannot as yet be done for the Strong interactions us ing just QCD as a starting point. No one expects to improve on the accuracy of the results of perturbative calculations, but it would be nice to have them on a logically complete mathematical footing. Some (though not all) theoreticians see it as desirable that the foundations of quantum field the ory be revamped so as to make the ex istence of interacting quantum fields ac cord with our current level of mathematical understanding. (This is, roughly, the other part of the Millen nium Problem referred to previously.) These goals are no less compelling than the ones listed by Smolin, and probably several more could be added. Perhaps the reason for his particular choices was to keep within a range that could possibly be addressed by String Theory (although he concedes that (2) is not one of these). Or perhaps, the others are not listed because they con sist of improving or completing our un derstanding of an already existing the ory, and therefore do not figure as "revolutionary" (cf. T. S. Kuhn [4]). Although Smolin repeatedly empha sizes his preference for independent approaches, and abhorrence of "group thought," it seems that some assump tions of the community he is criticizing have also been adopted by him. In par ticular, little mention is made in The Trouble with Physics of approaches other than String Theory, except for his own specialty of Loop Gravity, which is given nearly equal prominence and space, although it only represents the interests of a rather small sector of the research community. The main scientific critiques of String Theory elaborated in the book are: (1) The necessity for introducing unob servable "higher dimensions" that are understood as spontaneously "curled up" to such small sizes that they escape
detection, without any dynamical mech anism implying such a process, or its stability, and no physical explanation of why one or another of these "back grounds" (in ten or eleven dimensions) is preferred. The vast multiplicity of pos sible background geometries available in the "string landscape" seem to make it impossible to arrive at definite pre dictions since they introduce a huge number of additional parameters (the "moduli") whose values the theory is in capable of determining; (2) The lack of any experimental evidence for the dis tinct consequences of string theory. In particular, the essential ingredient of "supersymmetry" (from which derives the name "Superstrings") is required to assure finiteness. At the very least, this means a matched pairing of all the fermionic particles in the universe, hav ing 1/2 integer spins (such as electrons, neutrinos, quarks) with bosonic part ners, sharing similar properties, but hav ing integer spins. Nothing remotely like this exists in the currently observed spectrum of elementary particles. The usual reply to this is: "Yes, but it is a spontaneously broken symmetry", which just suggests sweeping an essential fea ture under the rug because it is incon venient to face up to its observable implications; (3) The absence of a "com plete" version of string theory. In par ticular, there is no "Superstring Field Theory" that would allow for processes involving the creation and annihilation of strings. Beyond these broad critiques, there are a number of doubts raised regard ing more technical points, such as the interpretation of the various types of "duality" that enter into the theory, which help to reduce what might be five distinct versions to one, and the sign of the cosmological constant, which has direct implications for the be haviour of matter in the large. Whether right or wrong, these are best left to the specialists to debate, since they do not in themselves imply fundamental trou ble with the theory, simply differences of view regarding its implications. (See, e.g. , [5] for a discussion and rebuttal of some of these points.) Smolin also regrets that an entire generation of theoretical elementary particle physicists has been raised to work with such a highly esoteric math ematical model, founded on far-fetched
speculation, without seeing the neces sity for pinning down their conjectures by precise mathematical demonstration, and without adequate consideration of possible alternatives. Finally, there are the further sociological-psychological critiques: the arrogance with which many string-theorists have vaunted the relative importance of their work, and the pressure that has been put upon up coming researchers to work along cur rently accepted lines, at risk of achiev ing nothing of any real significance (and getting no employment). The criticism of immodest swagger, however, comes from an author who ends his book by stating, with no hint of irony or self mockery, that he will now return to his "real job," which is to "finish the revo lution that Einstein started.'' Although some of the most brilliant and talented researchers of our day have devoted themselves to String The ory, it is undeniable that advances have largely been driven by far-reaching, but incompletely demonstrated conjectures. New ideas have had an esoteric, self contained character, independent of the traditional checks based on careful comparison with experiment. There is no doubt that Einstein, who always was concerned with testing theoretical pre dictions against observation, would be astonished at such a situation persisting after more than two decades of research in the subject. The most important con cern for String Theory, in the end, may be that the legacy of the current gen eration of theorists risks being purely mathematical in nature if no contact is made within a reasonable time with ex perimentally verifiable phenomena. Whatever the validity of the argu ments in this book as a critique of String Theory, they do not justify the sweep ing conclusion implied in the title. The Trouble with String Theory might have sold fewer copies, but it would have been a more accurate characterization of the content of this book. It is a poor service to potential young physicists, and an injustice to the rest of physics,
to dismiss as unworthy of mention un der the title The Trouble with Physics the many wonderful discoveries, both experimental and theoretical, that have been made over the past three decades in other areas of physics. The most interesting of these, which have merited not a few Nobel Prizes in recent years. have tended to concern the "other" frontier of experimental and theoretical physics: the physics of tem peratures near to absolute zero and macroscopic quantum phenomena. The latter largely concern quantum effects and states of matter that can be ob served at or near macroscopic scales, both at very low temperatures, and at temperatures at which it was never pre viously imagined such collective quan tum effects could occur. These include many of the really remarkable achieve ments of physics of the past few decades. For example, there was the creation, in plasma physics laboratories, of a ·'Bose-Einstein Condensate," an en tirely new state of matter, achievable only at the lowest temperatures, pre dicted by Einstein in the 1920s, but not observed in a laboratory until the 1990s. 1 Related to this is the remarkable use of "laser cooling" and optical or other methods for reducing the motion of individual molecules to such a slow point that they can be individually stud ied and controlled, and together with this, the creation of purely optical grids, and traps 2 There have also been im portant theoretical advances in the un derstanding of disordered systems, liq uid crystals, and polymer dynamics 5 There have been the observation and theoretical explanation of the "fractional quantum Hall effect" , a phenomenon that brings to light the beautiful role played by topology in the electromag netic properties of ordinary matter in a suitable quantum regime. '' The discov ery of high-temperature superconduc tivity has led to fundamental challenges to explain associated recently-discov ered phenomena. Another dramatic de velopment in theoretical physics has
concerned the precise understanding of scaling properties in critical phenomena in two dimensions, and related phe nomena such as percolation, and criti cal wetting. In the high-energy domain it should also be mentioned that the prediction of "asymptotic freedom", s which was an essential step in making sense of a quantum field theory of the strong interactions, obtained its experi mental verification within the past two decades. There are numerous other examples that could be cited. Perhaps none of the above can be compared in ambition or scope with seeking a "Theory of Every thing" , nor to the impact of the revolu tionary developments of the early twen tieth century: Relativity Theory and Quantum Mechanics. They nevertheless represent very exciting advances in our understanding of the physical world, and provide abundant evidence that much more is healthy and robust in the physics of the past three decades than what might, by narrowly focusing on the shortfalls of String Theory, lead to the conclusion that physics of our time is in trouble. REFERENCES
[ 1 ] Brian R. Greene, The Elegant Universe: Su perstrings, Hidden Dimensions, and the Quest for the Ultimate Theory, Norton,
1 999. [2] Paul C. W Davies, Julian Brown (eds.), Su perstrings: A Theory of Everything?, Cam
bridge University Press ( 1 988). [3] A Jaffe, E. Witten, "Yang-Mills and the Mass Gap," Clay Institute Millenium Prize Problem. URL: http://www.claymath.org/ millennium/Yang-Mills_Theory. [4] T. S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Rev olutions, 3rd. ed. , University of Chicago
Press, 1 996. [5] J. Polchinski, "All strung out," The Ameri can Scientist online, Jan-Feb 2007.
Centre de Recherches Mathematiques Montreal, Canada e-mail: harnad@crm umontreal.ca
1 Nobel prize to E. Cornell, W. Ketterle, and C. Wiemann (200 1 ) . 2Nobel prize t o S . Chu, C . Cohen-Tannoudji, and W . O . Phillips (1 997). 3Nobel Prize to Pierre-Gilles de Gennes ( 1 99 1 ) . 4Nobel Prize to R. B. Laughlin, H. L . Stormer, and D . C. Tsui (1 998). 5Nobel Prize to some of the theoreticians who derived it: D. Gross, D. Politzer, and F. Wilczek (2004).
© 2008 Spnnger Science+ Business Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
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The Shoelace Book: A Mathematical G uide to the Best (and Worst) Ways to Lace Your Shoes by Burkard Polster PROVIDENCE, RHODE ISLAND, AMERICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY, 2006, 125 PP., ISBN· 10: 0-8218-3933-0, ISBN-13: 978-0-8218-3933-1 SOFTCOVER, EQUIPPED WITH A PAIR OF SHOELACES FOR EXPERIMENTATION, US $29.00.
REVIEWED BY JOHN H. HALTON
S
ome time early in 1992, my wife asked me whether, if our child had broken her shoelace near one end, it might be possible to relace the shoe so as to still be able to tie it. Being a mathematician, I first ab stracted the problem to what Polster calls a mathematical shoe (see Fig. 1 ; I have slightly adapted my original nota tion to conform with Polster's.). I then defined a "lacing" as a polyg onal line starting at the eyelet A1 and finishing at B1 , and applied reasonable
conditions to such lacings, limiting them to those with the line passing through every eyelet just once (as does Polster), and alternating between the column of eyelets A1, A2, . . . , An on one side of the shoe and the column of eyelets B1 , Bz, . . . , En on the other side (Polster calls such an arrangement a dense lac ing-one having no vertical segments, joining two eyelets in the same col umn). The problem was then to find the shortest such lacing. The rationale of limiting oneself to dense lacings is that every segment of lace (between eyelets) would contribute something to the force pulling the sides of the shoe together (see Chapter 7 of Polster's book). Finally, I proved a theorem that showed that a certain kind of lacing (see Fig. 2)-called an American lacing by me, and a crisscross lacing by Polster is uniquely of shortest length, under the conditions imposed here. I first published my result as a tech nical report (UNC#-92-032) in August of 1992. (Meanwhile-as is the way of most mathematicians' wives-my wife had long before gone to the store and bought a new pair of laces for our daughter.) After an extended search for a compliant journal, Tbe Mathematical Intelligencergave my results a wider au dience in 1995. Because mathematical research moves in a tree-like structure, it is a relatively rare distinction to originate a new line of enquiry (which I tentatively claim to have done in 1 992) or-as Burkard Pol ster has done, with admirable elegance, breadth, and style-to write the first
book about such a new field, gather ing together the results of several work ers. He has considerably widened the field of enquiry and rounded-off the known universe in this area with new and unexpected results, all in a friendly and engaging manner that is both en tertaining and interesting, unassuming and intriguing. One can only wonder whither the new-fledged bird will now fly. The book is organized into an in formative Preface (which includes a Summary of Contents) and eight chap ters, followed by two addenda, on Re lated Mathematics ( "Traveling Sales man Problems" and "The Shoelace Formula") and Loose Ends (covering such topics as "History," "Shoelace Su perstitions," "Questions of Style," "Fash ion," and "What Is the Best Way to Lace Your Shoes?"). In addition to dense lacings, Polster defines straight lacings as those con taining all n possible "horizontal" links, a superstraight lacing as a straight lac ing all of whose nonhorizontal seg ments are vertical, and a simple lacing as one in which the eyelets are first vis ited in downward sequence and then in upward sequence (i.e., there are no "backtracks"). Chapter 1 , "Setting the Stage," com pletes the definitions of terms used in the book and gives examples of com mon lacings used as illustrations. Chapter 2, "One-Column Lacings," considers the problem in which the two columns of eyelets are "pulled together" into one. This simplified problem, in volving a lacing that visits each of n eyelets just once, still has subtleties, and Polster solves many intriguing prob lems. He determines the number of one-column lacings (without loss of gen erality, for simplicity, Polster here takes h = 1): for n 2, just one; for n > 2, +( n - 1)! [Theorem 2 . 1] . For n > 2, the number of shortest such lacings is rela tively easily seen to be 2 n -3, each of length 2(n - 1) [Theorem 2.2]. The problem of finding the number and common length of the longest one-col umn lacings [see Chapter 6] turns out to be much more difficult to solve. Pol ster proves that, for even n :::::: 4, there 2) n ) ! longest lacings, ! are =
0 0 0
1(
Figure
70
I.
The mathematical shoe.
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Figure
2.
Crisscross [American] lacing.
�
(;
each of length n2 , while, for odd n :::::: 3, 2
there are
n
;1
(n;3) (n; 1 ) !
longest lacings, each of length
n2 -
!
1
---
2 (Theorem 2.3]. Some additional (later useful) special cases are also analyzed. Chapter 3, "Counting Lacings," very thoroughly determines the number of possible lacings of the ten possible dif ferent types. Write G for general, D for dense, S for straight, Tfor superstraight, and M for simple; then the types of lac ings are (i) GDcscMc, (ii) GDcscM, (iii) GDCSTCMc, (iv) cncs1Mc, (v) cncsrcM, (vi) GDcS7M, (vii) GDScMc, (viii) GDScM, (ix) GDSFMc, and (x) GDST'M The omissions are correct, because TC S and D T = 0. I may add, to remove any pos sible confusion, that Polster gives a summarizing "Venn diagram," in which types of lacings are denoted by the in teriors of (overlapping) oval figures, and in which a "disjoint region" (the in tersection of such ovals), in which the name of a lacing-type is shown, also shows the total number of lacings of that type; whereas a disjoint region, without an explicit name, shows the to tal number of lacings of the corre spondingly overlapped types (see, e.g., Theorem 3. 1 , on p. 20 of the book). Al though this notation is slightly non standard, it is consistently used in Pol ster's book, leading to no confusion. Chapter 4, "The Shortest Lacings," is closest to my own, relatively narrow re sult. (It is half of Theorem 4 . 1 1) Polster proves (sometimes in several ways) that the bowtie n-lacing is the shortest n lacing overall and that the crisscross n lacing is the shortest dense n-lacing (Theorem 4. 1 ) ; that, if n is even, the simple-and-superstraight n-lacings are the shortest straight n-lacings, whereas, if n is odd, the zigzag n-lacings are the shortest straight n-lacings (Theorem 4.2); and that the star n-lacings are the shortest dense-and-straight n-lacings (Theorem 4.3) . In Theorem 4.4, he com pares the lengths of several types of lac ings, pointing out that some of these re sults have already been proved by me. Altogether, this chapter is a formidable tour de force. A number of special types of lacings recur often in the book. A sampling of four of them is illustrated here (see Figs.
Figure
considers a number of natural general izations of the original "mathematical shoe" (see Fig. 1 ) . The columns of eye lets may not be parallel, or the spacing of eyelets in each column may be dif ferent, and it may be irregular. Perhaps the most amazing result is that the criss cross lacing remains the shortest dense lacing under rather arbitrary and even brutal changes in the shoe! Chapter 6, "The Longest Lacings," at tacks a different problem, the reverse of the "shortest lacing" problem. In many cases, one of the optimizations is very interesting, whereas the reverse is simple and lacks both usefulness and charm. This, surprisingly, is not the case with shoelaces; even Dr. Polster was as tonished by the richness and complex ity of the results he was able to prove, and the variety of conjectures that he
3-6).
In Chapter 5, "Variations on the Shortest Lacing Problem," the author
3. Star [European) lacing.
Figure
Figure
4.
Zigzag [shoeshopl
found too hard to prove (having seen the elaborate methods of proof that he has brought to bear on this work, I do not take lightly the difficulty of the un solved conjectures!). Chapter 7, "The Strongest Lacings," turns to an entirely different question. As a first approximation, when a lace passes through an eyelet, we may pos tulate that no friction occurs, so that a certain amount of tension along the lace is the same at all points, and that the component of force acting to pull the sides of the shoe together is subject to the vector, or cosine, law (see Fig. 7). One can derive the values of factors of the form sinO or cosO from the positions of the eyelets involved (e.g., tan a = 2 h and tan f3 = h). Thus, relative to any tension T, Polster was able to obtain the strength of any given lacing from the
2
2
n
n
5. Bowtie lacing.
lacing.
Figure
6.
Zigsag
B, lacing.
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that this book might well be the only one in the history of printing whose dedication ("For Dudu and joujou" presumably the author's young chil dren) is illustrated by a photograph of two differently-laced pairs of tiny sneak ers; this in itself should ensure its en during fame! Department of Computer Science University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill Sitterson Hall, CB 3 1 75 Chapel Hill, NC 27599-31 75
Figure
7.
Forces of pulley effect.
USA e-mail: [email protected]
total horizontal forces, what he calls the pulley sum. For example, defining C(n, h) to be the pulley sum of the crisscross lacing and Z(n, h) to be the pulley sum of the zigzag lacing, he ob serves that there is a unique h n > 0, such that C(n, hn) Z(n, h n ); from this, he is then able to infer Theorem 7 . 1 , which asserts that (i) if h < h n, then the crisscross n-lacing is the strongest joran Friberg n-lacing; (ii) if h > hn, then the zigzag is the strongest; and (iii) if h = hn, then SINGAPORE: WORLD SCIENTIFIC PUBLISHING CO. XII + 294 PP., 2005, US $64.00, both of these lacings are equally the ISBN 981-256-328-8, ISBN 13 978-981-256-328-8 strongest. Similarly, Theorem 7.2 deter mines the strongest straight n-lacings. REVIEWED BY LEO DEPUYDT Thus Polster has defined an entirely novel, interesting, and potentially use his book has much to offer. Al ful area of enquiry in this field, which most every facet of Egyptian and is itself new. By arguments that are orig Babylonian mathematics is disinal and by no means trivial, he man cussed. Most of what has been accom ages to solve quite a few of the prob plished before in this field is surveyed; lems that arise. By analogy to the leap the hook is a good introduction to the from Chapter 4 to Chapter 6 (from subject. But most of what is useful in it shortest to longest lacings), he goes bears no relation to the title. from Chapter 7 to Chapter 8, "The History is, by definition, the period Weakest Lacings." Here again, the prob for which we have written sources. In lems that arise turn out to be, on the that sense, the history of Western civi whole, tougher than the earlier ones, lization begins roughly about 3000 Bc. and Polster is able to deduce only some In its 5000-year history, different nations of the answers. For the rest, he has al have over time occupied center stage lowed computer experiments to guide by virtue of intense displays of complex him to some interesting conjectures. activity. From 3000 BC until about 600/ This completes the author's remarkably 500 Be, and preceding the rise of Greece comprehensive analysis of some major and Rome, two Near-Eastern cultures problems in the theory of lacings. stood out: Egypt and Mesopotamia. Burkard Polster has managed to give Babylon was the main cultural center in the world a new, large, and varied field Mesopotamia, and the two largest bod of enquiry, which it did not have be ies of sources from that long span of fore, beginning with a simple question. time are in hieroglyphic writing and What is more, he has written a book, cuneiform writing. The shift came in 500and it is hard to imagine any mathe 300 Be and is epitomized in the epic matician not finding this hook irre conflict, about whose early decades sistible. By the way, it would appear Herodotus famously wrote, between
U nexpected Links
between Egyptian
=
and Babylonian Mathematics
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THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
Greece on the one hand and Persia as principal player of Near-Eastern nations including Egypt and Mesopotamia, on the other. The Persian king Cambyses conquered Egypt around 525 BC, after his predecessor Cyrus took Babylon in 539 BC. Thus was created the largest em pire ever seen. The ancient world grad ually became a more interconnected place. At the beginning of the period 500-300 BC, Persia could still challenge Greece on its own territory at Marathon (490 sc) and Salamis (480 sc), even if suffering crushing defeat. At the end of that period, the Macedonian Alexander the Great (356 Bc-323 Be) conquered the vast Persian empire. Also in that pe riod, Greek culture became preeminent throughout the inhabited world. Mean while, Rome had begun its ascent and, after eliminating its rival Carthage in the Western Mediterranean, would take its own turn on the world stage. Ancient science and mathematics evolved against this macropolitical background. The central theme of the book under review is links between Egyptian and Babylonian mathematics. In the search for links between Egyp tian and Mesopotamian culture in gen eral, a distinction is necessary between the time before and after Camhyses's conquest, 525 Be. Undoubtedly, there was much contact and mutual influence between the two cultures after 525 BC: Babylon and Memphis now belonged to the same Persian empire. Also, after Egypt regained its political indepen dence from Persia around 400 BC, and later, when the Persian empire fell apart with Alexander's conquests, Egypt and Mesopotamia remained in close con tact. The influence between the two cultures extended to mathematics and science. At the same time, a third fac tor played a crucial role in the interre lation between Babylonian and Egypt ian math and science, complicating it and rising above it, namely the scien tific approach of Greek rationalism. Alexander's conquests contributed much to its spread. As to the 2500 years before 525 BC, we need to distinguish the era before about 1 500 Be and the era after that. In the Egyptian New Kingdom, from about 1 500 BC onward, contacts between Egypt and West Asia vastly increased. The likelihood of cultural contact of any form or shape is therefore much more
likely. In sum, when it comes to as sessing the probability of intellectual in fluence between the two cultures, there are fundamental qualitative differences between three main periods: (1) before 1 500 BC; (2) from 1 500 BC to 525 BC; ( 3 ) after 5 2 5 BC. The fundamental claim of the work under review is the existence of links between Egyptian and Babylonian mathematics. The book does not pre sent new texts. Friberg defends his claim by new interpretations of known texts. The importance of the claim is made clear by printing Links in reel in the title on the cover. But what about the book's central claim? Let"s look at three general issues of method: the time-frame of the sources and the words Links and Unexpected in the title. First, the time-frame. In light of the macropolitical history outlined previ ously, one would expect the earliest manifestations of mathematics to appear in Mesopotamia and Egypt, as they in fact do. These manifestations exhibit three striking characteristics. First, they are dated to the centuries before 1 500 BC when contacts between Egypt and West Asia were much more restricted than they would become later. Second, they are concentrated in high quantity in a relatively short time period, the early second millennium BC. Third, this short time period happens to he roughly the same for both Egyptian and Baby lonian mathematics. As regards Egypt ian mathematics, two hieroglyphic pa pyri dating to that time preserve most of what we have, the Moscow Mathe matical Papyrus and the Papyrus Rhine! of the British Museum . The cuneiform mathematical texts of the same time pe riod are preserved in a large number of clay tablets. After these early manifestations, there is a noticeable drought of mathe matical texts in both Mesopotamia and Egypt that ceases only when, with the rise of Greece in 600/500 nc, the world became a more international place, and cultural links are no longer a matter of speculation. The links postulated in the hook under review concern not only sources dated to before 1500 BC hut also after 500 BC. There is a gap of more than a millennium between the two halves of the book. In light of the macropolitical context, I consider the existence of links highly
improbable before 1500 BC and proven beyond a doubt after 500 BC. This sharp contrast between the earlier and later sets of sources is undeniable, although not articulated explicitly anywhere in the book. Because of this absence, the undeniable links in the later set of sources may prejudice the assessment of the earlier set. Although the earlier Egyptian and Babylonian sources date to about the same time, I do not know what to make of the links. Writing emerged around the same time in both Mesopotamia and Egypt, and there has been much speculation about what this means for the relationship between the two writing systems. But there is no ev idence to contradict the notion that the two systems came into existence inde pendently. The second issue of method con cerns the concept of links. One can think of two types of cultural links: or ganic and typological. Typological links between two items are nothing more than similarities. In fact, there is a case to he made for not calling them links at all. Only organic links are links in the strict sense of the word. They concern not just similarity of knowledge but ac tual transmission of knowledge. Impor tantly, such transmission presupposes movements of people and contacts be tween people as historic events. In the case of Egyptian and Babylonian math ematics, there is no direct knowledge from the sources about the lives and travels of mathematicians, let alone about actual encounters between math ematicians from Egypt and from Baby lon. All evidence about possible con tacts must he inferred indirectly from the texts themselves. J . F. Quack has advocated distinguishing carefully be tween ''typological juxtaposition'' and "genetic ties" as a prerequisite for a ·'pure methodological foundation" in the comparison of ancient wisdom texts ( Die Lehren des Ani, 1994, p. 206). The same distinction should be valid in com paring mathematical texts. Nowhere in the book under review is there any mention of the difference between these two types of links. Instances of both types appear to be mixed together, and it is often not clear to which type a certain instance is supposed to be long. It would have been useful if Friberg hac! assembled his strongest evidence
in one place, so the reader could know which evidence was the firmest and most undeniable. He does begin with a comparison between the mathematical cuneiform text M. 7857 from Mari and problem no. 79 in the hieroglyphic mathematical Papyrus Rhind; this com parison triggered his entire investiga tion. Both texts concern a geometric progression, the relationship between 1 , 5 , 25, 125, etc. The similarity between the texts cannot be denied. But there are also differences. The central num ber in the Mari text is 99; in the Egypt ian text, it is 7. Egyptian mathematical problems often revolve around the number 7. Multiplication was achieved by doubling, and the Egyptians were also comfortable with 3 and with 10 and with 5 as half of 10. The numbers 4, 6, 8, and 9 have 2 or 3 as factors. That makes 7 the most challenging number from 1 to 10, the odd man out as it were. The attention to 7 is characteris tic of Egyptian mathematical exercises. It comes as no surprise that they often practiced with it. The third issue of method concerns the term "unexpected." What it means is not immediately clear. As a historian of antiquity, I knew "unexpected" as a description of what kind of death Cae sar wanted for himself (aprosdoketos in Plutarch, aiphnidios in Appian, in opinatus in Suetonius) . But how does "unexpected" designate a book's con tents? And since "unexpected" negates "expected," what is expectation? The mind stores impressions of the world outside itself by contact with reality through the senses. The order is: phys ical contact first, mental impression sec ond. However, the mind is able to in vert this order. Past impressions can, independently from reality, spawn men tal impressions that cause the mind to look out for the occurrence or nonoc currence of future physical contacts be tween the senses and reality. The resulting state of mind is called expec tation (from late Latin expectare "look out"). When what happens contradicts what the mind is looking out for, some thing unexpected has occurred. The need for the mind to adjust leaves a strong impression in its own right. The word "new" is repeated through out the book, apparently as confirming "unexpected." But not evetything that is new is necessarily unexpected. All
© 2008 Springer Sc1ence+Bus1ness Media, Inc., Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
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depends on the state in which the mind places to have forced itself onto the finds itself when it is affected by some book's contents. This can lead to awk thing new. As a reader of the book and ward developments in the argument. It potential addressee of its title, I had the may be useful to illustrate this rhetori uneasy sensation that something was cal phenomenon because it occurs assumed about my mind. Why would I more than once. Consider the sequence take everything new to be either ex that begins as follows (p. vii): pected or unexpected? The book does My observation that there seems to identify two readers who would prob exist clear links between Egyptian ably deem the links in question unex and Babylonian mathematics is in pected. According to J. Hoyrup and J. conflict with the prevailing opinion Ritter, nothing in the surviving evidence in formerly published works on suggests that the kind of links proposed Egyptian mathematics, namely that by Friberg existed (p. 26). The author's practically no such links exist. eminent expertise in the book's subject The author then describes a goal that matter is beyond question. But the same differs from that of the title: can be said about Hoyrup and Ritter. However, in view of the mentioned dynamic (p. viii) character of the his When the expectations of some who are among the best qualified to know what tory of Mesopotamian mathematics, not least in the last couple of to expect and what not to expect stand in direct contradiction, the stakes have decades, it appeared to me to be been raised, and nonspecialists may be high time to take a renewed look at confused. Egyptian mathematics against an up-to-date background in the history Just as in the case of "unexpected," I felt that something was assumed about ofMesopotamian mathematics! That someone else's state of mind when is the primary objective of this book. Hoyrup's and Ritter's views are de [Author's italics.] scribed as "pessimistic" (p. 26). Why But then the author reaffirms that prov would the fact that the sources suggest ing the existence of links is his main absence of contact between two cul aim (p. viii): My search for links between Egyp tures, say ancient China and ancient Egypt, make anyone either pessimistic tian and Babylonian mathematics has been unexpectedly successful, or optimistic? Why would the absence of links between Egyptian and Baby in more ways than one. Not only has lonian mathematics be cause for gloom? the search turned up numerous pos One more concern: aside from sible candidates for such links, but whether the similarities between Egypt the comparison of Egyptian and ian and Babylonian mathematics iden Babylonian mathematics has in many cases led to a much better un tified in this book are similarities or ev idence of true historical links, calling a derstanding of the nature of impor similarity "unexpected" is more difficult tant Egyptian mathematical texts and with mathematics than with any other of particularly interesting exercises expression of culture. Deductive that they contain. thought differs from inductive thought Yet this statement too exhibits a twist. and activity such as literature, religion, The term "possible candidates" blunts and art. Mathematics is by definition the impact of the title. Are there no universal; one expects it to be essen "certain" candidates? The shifts I would tially the same everywhere. That does perceive in this succession of three not mean that modes of expression may statements recur often in the line of ar not differ, leaving opportunity for de gument. The result is a loss of focus. tecting historical links. Still, the burden True, publishers may pressure authors of proof in deriving historical links from to exhibit a Big Theme. But the author's similarities is on the whole more oner large collection of observations do not ous in the case of mathematics than it yield one. Although the pressure for is with just about any other type of hu finding a theme is understandable, the man activity. need for it to generate a certain mea The book does not, in my opinion, sure of excitement for its own sake is do what its title says it will. A false im less so. pression of unity and coherence is the But again, my overall impression of result. The title theme seems in many the book is hardly unfavorable. This is
74
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER
a highly sophisticated, greatly knowl edgeable, and thoroughly accurate study of Egyptian and Babylonian math ematics. Nor can it be denied that there is similarity when the author says there is, and that this similarity may, indi rectly, inspire attempts to enrich the in terpretation of these ancient scientific texts. But in my opinion the similarities do no more than confirm that mathe matics is universally true and is there fore bound to be the same everywhere within certain parameters. The book is a long string of discrete case studies of individual problems of Egyptian and Babylonian mathematics, supported by extensive bibliography and copious references to other work accomplished in the field. Perhaps it could have been organized by putting the rich surveys of the sources at the beginning and then numbering the case studies from 1 to 100 and beyond. An extended review would need to consist of as many subdivisions. There is no space here to address in dividual matters of interpretation, which number in the hundreds. For example, I would beg to differ with the charac terization of problems 28 and 29 of the Papyrus Rhind, which B.L. van der Waerden once called "the climax of Egyptian arithmetic" (Science Awaken ing, 196 1 , p. 29), as incomplete exer cises. My own impression that they are fully complete would require a line of argument of some considerable length. Nor is there room here for general mat ters of method. I am still waiting for a monograph on Egyptian mathematics that nowhere mentions the words "mul tiplication" or "division." In my opinion, Egyptian mathematics had no such things. But this review is not the place to discuss it. In conclusion, although the focus of my reflections has been narrow, I strongly urge anyone seeking to advance the cause of the history of mathematics to keep the present book close at hand for consultation, along with the other standard monographs on the subject. Department of Egyptology and Ancient West Asian Studies Brown University Box 1 899 Providence, Rl 029 1 2- 1 899 USA e-mail: [email protected]
The Volterra Chronicles: The Life and Times of an Extraordinary Mathematician,
1860-1940 by judith
R. Goodstein
AMERICAN MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY, LONDON MATHEMATICAL SOCIETY, 2007,
xxvi
+
310 PP., ISBN-10: 0-8218-3969-1, ISBN-13: 978-0-8218-3969-0, US $59
REVIEWED BY GIORGIO ISRAEL
he proclamation of the Kingdom of Italy in 1861 marked the be ginning of an extraordinary effort of cultural unification and development of education and scientific research. One oft-cited example is that of three eminent Italian mathematicians-Enrico Betti, Francesco Brioschi, and Felice Ca sorati-who, in the years that followed, undertook a journey to study the mod els presented by the more advanced Eu ropean countries, above all Germany and France. These were the models that would later influence the institutional and scientific development of Italian mathematics. This development was promoted with such vigour that by the end of the 19th century Italian mathe matics ranked second only to the two leading countries in world mathematics. It would take too long and be too com plicated to shed light on all aspects of these influences here. In a word, the German model may be said to have ex erted greater influence on the organi zational and institutional aspects of education. It also encouraged the estab lishment of a school of geometry with an interest in both "pure" algebraic geometry and differential geometry. The French model, on the other hand, stim ulated interest in mathematical physics and mathematical analysis, which were deemed to be closely linked. France also represented a point of reference at the level of "general" scientific culture. These early steps led to the creation of the renowned Italian school of alge braic geometry. After toning down the
"purist" excesses of Luigi Cremona, a central figure not only in the formation of the mathematics community but also of engineers, the leaders of this school Federigo Enriques, Guido Castelnuovo, and later Francesco Severi-placed at the focus of research such themes as that of the classification of algebraic sur faces. They made a brilliant and pro found contribution, albeit in an intuitive and aristocratic approach that was un mindful of rigour and that still today is a source of inspiration for research. Vito Volterra ( 1860-1940) was the top rep resentative of the school of mathemat ical physics, which was closer to the French view of Henri Poincare or Emile Picard. A separate case was that of Tul lio Levi-Civita, who expressed a syn thesis between the French influence and that of the German mathematics: a brilliant heir to the differential geome try tradition of Luigi Bianchi, he built Gregorio Ricci-Curbastro's research up into a rigorous foundation of tensor cal culus. His solid background, both in mathematical physics and in differential geometry, allowed him to set up a rig orous mathematical foundation of gen eral relativity. Keenly aware of the lat est developments, such as applied mathematics research in the field of tur bulence, Levi-Civita was perhaps the most profound and brilliant Italian mathematician of that period. And yet it was Vito Volterra who was considered abroad the main representative and am bassador of Italian mathematics in the 20th century, to the point of being nick named "Mr. Italian Mathematics." The reasons underlying this special status are not dependent solely on Volterra's scientific prestige and the fact he was older than the other main fig ures in Italian mathematics. There were two other decisive factors. Volterra played a very important role in the es tablishment of scientific institutions in the country. He was also a man of cul ture in the full sense of the word. Only Enriques can be compared with him. Volterra was in any case the most ef fective in promoting a true cultural pol icy. Following Cremona's example, Volterra realized that the country was in need of suitable institutions if it was to become a true scientific "power." He principally took the French model as his inspiration, which proved to be a limi tation, as the German model was cer-
tainly more innovative. He founded and refounded a large number of institu tions, such as Societa Italiana di Fisica, Consiglio delle Ricerche, and the Comi tato Talassografico. He embraced the extraordinary idea that science, in order to gain prestige, needed cultural dis semination and the involvement of all sectors of society: teachers, engineers, economists, and men of general culture. The Societa Italiana per il Progresso delle Scienze (SIPS), which he reestab lished in 1906, played a decisive role in this direction. Until the Second World War, the SIPS congresses were a meet ing place for the whole of Italian sci entific culture. Voterra turned the Ac cademia dei Lincei, of which he was a long-time president, into one of the cen tres of dissemination of scientific cul ture. He was inspired by a moderate progressive conception. He was a de mocrat with enlightened views, pro foundly convinced of the value of sci entific and technological progress. At the scientific level, he expressed a view that may he encapsulated in the for mula: to defend and extend the scope of classical reductionism based on a de terministic and differential type of math ematical approach. This led him to take an interest in and contribute actively to the application of mathematics to biol ogy and economics, which were viewed with scepticism by many of his con temporaries. The figure of Volterra is rich, fasci nating and complex, full of contrasts. The collision between his democratic and enlightened view and fascist au thoritarianism was inevitable. In this clash Volterra demonstrated all his courage and nobility of character. Nev ertheless, the model he proposed dis played some weaknesses. This was clearly seen when he rejected the edu cational reforms in a humanist direction promoted by the idealist philosopher Giovanni Gentile, who was a minister in the fascist regime. He tried to com bat it with a proposal based on a par tial reform of the old and inadequate Casati law. He fought against the ten dency of the fascist regime to separate pure and applied research and thus ma terially opposed a trend that neverthe less possessed some aspects of moder nity. The fascist regime with its policy of autarky (of which anti-Semitic racism represented the extreme expression)
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destroyed Italian science, although ideas such as that of setting up two sep arate institutes of Higher Mathematics (Istituto Nazionale di Alta Matematica, INDAM) and Calculus Applications (Is tituto Nazionale per le Applicazioni del Calcolo, INAC) were valid. Volterra's in terest in biomathematics was a wide ranging and modern intuition although his dislike of probability calculus and his view that the only serious tools for mathematics were differential equations represented a severe handicap. His pro French and bitterly anti-German atti tude-Volterra was a leader of the Latin Union-led him to boycott an Halo-Ger man applied mathematics congress or ganized by Levi-Civita. In this way, he severed the relations of Italian science with the new schools of research in the field of turbulence. He was also rela tively insensitive to the new develop ments in physics and opposed the cre ation of a chair of theoretical physics for Enrico Fermi. Vito Volterra had high status as a sci entist, an intellectual, and a cultural or ganizer who played a decisive role in raising Italy to among the first scientific ranks at a world level and who was in spired by a form of enlightened ratio nalism that was as lofty and profound as, in certain respects, it was backward look ing. It is to this figure that judith Good stein addresses her book. By means of a thorough and systematic use of the pri mary sources (including, in particular, the Volterra Archive at the Accademia Nazionale dei Lincei in Rome, and nu merous other archives in Italy and the United States) and through the painstak ing collection of many oral histories, the author has provided a detailed and ex haustive reconstruction of the life of Volterra, and of his scientific, institutional, and personal relations. Her achievement patently involved a great workload and the patient sifting of documents, some of them hitherto unknown, as well as a high degree of archival skills. Henceforth those interested in the figure of Volterra have at their disposal a valuable tool that provides an illustration down to the smallest details of the life of the great sci entist. Among other things, the book con tains a fascinating collection of pho tographs. Having said this, the book also has a number of flaws. The first consists in
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the almost complete absence of any substantial treatment of Volterra's sci entific work. The author correctly states that this was not her purpose: the title refers to the "life and times" and not the "life and works" of Volterra. The book essentially follows a time line and is mainly devoted to personal events. However, it is difficult to convey a sat isfactory image of the figure of Volterra without reference to his scientific pro duction. This omission makes it difficult to describe the significance of his cul tural project, which was part and par cel of his scientific project, and to shed light on the mixture of conservatism and innovation that represents the most sig nificant and complex characteristic of the scientist's figure. The most significant of Volterra's many contributions are focused on functional analysis, the theory of elas ticity, integral and integra-differential equations, and biomathematics. The close links among all these topics rep resent both the strength and the weak ness of Volterra's program. He has been called the founder of modern functional analysis. However, several historio graphic schools have challenged this role, as the concept of "function of lines" is restrictive and insufficient as far as developing a general foundation of the theory is concerned. Volterra him self sought to ward off early criticism by claiming that he had never had a purely mathematical theory in mind, and thus his research should be viewed against the background of the problems of viscoelasticity. This shows that the close links he established between mathematics and applications placed him outside the ongoing early axiomatic developments. These aspects are ex tremely important for a deeper under standing of the figure of Volterra. A similar situation arises in the case of biomathematics. Goodstein rightly states that eve1y contemporary biomath ematics textbook recognizes Volterra as the founder of the discipline. However, she does not mention that most of Volterra's program has fallen into com plete oblivion. It is not only a matter of the essentially unsuccessful attempt to create a rational and analytical me chanics of biological associations [1]. It is also a matter of the difficulties of pro viding an empirical and experimental
foundation of his mathematical theories, for which he sought support all over the world. Volterra never resigned him self to adopting an abstract mathemati cal modelling approach. He wanted to give biomathematics a foundation sim ilar to that of classical mathematical physics. In this, he clashed with his son in-law, Umberto D'Ancona. The world of scientists in which Volterra endeav oured to defend his view was doomed to disappear [2]. No mention of this is made in the book, thus omitting an as pect of fundamental importance in un derstanding the position occupied by Volterra at the time. Another set of observations refer to the political, institutional, and cultural aspects of his times. Also here, the de scription of Volterra's activity, and in particular his courageous opposition to fascism, is oversimplified. No one can afford to have an indulgent attitude to fascism and to underestimate its disas trous effect on Italian science. However, the matter cannot simply be wrapped up by using adjectives. Mussolini was not just "a bull and a brute." History must explain why the vast majority of Italian intellectuals, including many sci entists and colleagues of Volterra (also jews), sided with fascism [3,4]. On this point, the author should have sifted through the vast Italian bibliography on the topic which, despite the different viewpoints, shed light on the innova tive aspects of fascism that account for the approval it succeeded in arousing. I mentioned the clash between Volterra and Gentile on educational reform; at tentive examination and the subsequent developments show that the Gentile re form-which was supported by mathe maticians such as Enriques-was more advanced and modern than the pro posals made by the commission set up by Volterra at the Accademia dei Lin cei. Moreover, Gentile changed his orig inally hostile attitude to scientific cul ture that he had adopted at the beginning of the century and estab lished a close relationship with Federigo Enriques. Gentile gave Enriques the di rection of the scientific section of the Treccani Enciclopedia Italiana, which during that period published articles that still today may be considered a model of scientific dissemination. In this connection it seems inappro-
priate to speak of a "Volterra circle" made up of mathematicians such as En riques and Castelnuovo, as Goodstein does continually. Volterra was certainly a point of reference and a pole of Ital ian mathematics, but it is hard to speak of him as the centre of a "circle. " Also the figures closer to him, such as En riques, Castelnuovo, or Levi-Civita, were scientifically, culturally, and even politically different from Volterra. In the case of persons like Severi the differ ence is abyssal. It must also be borne in mind that Volterra was the only Ital ian mathematician who did not swear allegiance to the regime and that, after 193 1 , his presence was considered in creasingly disconcerting. He no longer attended the evening meetings with En riques, Castelnuovo, or Levi-Civita, and Enrico Fermi, who did not fail to wear the fascist black shirt at the meetings of the Accademia d'Italia of which he was a member. It is even less appropriate to speak of a "Jewish circle of Italian mathe maticians." No such body has ever ex isted, except in the mind of the cham pions of fascist anti-Semitism. This is a highly delicate point that the author would have been well advised to treat in depth, considering the vast existing bibliography available. Goodstein is quite right to call the Introduction "The Jewish Mathematician." Among other things, this expression was already in use at the time with different meanings and intentions, sometimes with racist connotations. However, if we revive the term today we must define the mean ing we intend it to have. The only meaning in which it is possible to speak of Volterra as a Jewish mathematician is on the strength of his genealogical membership in the Jewish community, which the book reconstructs in great de tail. As confirmed by the numerous anecdotes in the book, it is possible to speak of the persistence of membership bonds that do not seem to extend be yond the tendency to mix and to arrange marriages inside the group. But as soon one attempts to discover a trace of "jewishness" of any kind in Volterra's life, writings, and letters, as in Levi Civita, Enriques, Castelnuovo, and many others, the disappointment is to tal. There is not a single reference that justifies the existence of a sense of be-
longing and of Jewish identity of a re ligious or cultural nature. One impor tant clue is the fact that many jewish scientists-including Volterra him self-attempted in 1938 to avail them selves of the "discrimination" proce dure, which afforded them exemption from the consequences of the anti Jewish racial laws if they were able to demonstrate their special service to the nation. The attitude held by Volterra in 1938, quite different from the vig orous one displayed in 1 93 1 on the is sue of the oath of allegiance, shows that his jewish nature was felt more as a problem than as something to be claimed and defended. This is a complex matter, and the au thor ought to have treated it in greater detail as it too is of decisive importance in the construction of an appropriate im age of the figure of Volterra. In-depth analysis shows that the Jewish intellec tuals, and scientists in particular, were highly integrated into the surround ing culture and society, and their rela tionship with Jewish identity, if any, was reduced to a vague reminiscence. Volterra-like Enriques, Levi-Civita, and many others-was painfully surprised when according to the racial laws of 1938, he found himself identified as a member a "race": they all believed they were now Italians to all intents and pur poses and were completely integrated into the social, political, and cultural re ality of the country. Fascism was dif ferent from Nazism and did not have anti-Semitic racism as one of its consti tutive projects. In my opinion the gen eral tendency towards a racial and eu genic policy had set the stage for the adoption of anti-Semitic policies. Other historians consider that, on the contrary, the 193B laws were passed merely to gratify Hitler. However this may be, there is no justification for attributing a specific hostility toward fascism or to ward Mussolini to a "jewish circle of Italian mathematicians. ·· Enriques was a fascist until 1938. Practically no mathematicians migrated, unlike the physicists. Indeed the community of physicists was projected toward an in ternationalist dimension of the scientific undertaking and had no difficulty in transporting its activities elsewhere. In contrast, figures such as Volterra were too closely linked to the national cui-
rural context to be able to move else where with ease. For him and a large number of the jewish mathematicians in Italy the racial laws came as an in comprehensible and unexpected tragedy. Their Jewish identity was so unsubstantial that they were unable to lay claim to it with pride; they rather suffered their identification as belong ing to the "Jewish race" almost as some thing shameful. This is an essential is sue if we are to understand fully the figure of Volterra [4,5). A final remark concerns the bibliography, which is somewhat incomplete. In conclusion, the book represents an important milestone in the recon struction of Volterra's life, but an ex haustive and comprehensive scientific and cultural biography of the scientist remains to be written. REFERENCES
[ 1 ] G. Israel, "Volterra's 'analytical mechanics'
of biological associations," Archives lnter nationales d'Histoire des Sciences 41 (1 26, 1 27) (1 99 1 ) pp. 57-1 04, 306-351 ; G. Is
rael, "Vito Volterra, Book on Mathematical Biology (1 93 1 )," in Landmark Writings in Western Mathematics, 1 640-1 940, I . Grat
tan-Guinness (ed.) Amsterdam, Elsevier, 2005, pp. 936-944. [2] G. Israel, A. Millan Gasca, The Biology of Numbers. The Correspondence of Vito Volterra on Mathematical Biology, Basel
Boston-Berlin, Birkhauser Verlag, Science Networks - Historical Studies, 26 (2002) pp.
X +
406.
[3] G. Israel, L. Nurzia, "Fundamental trends
and conflicts in Italian Mathematics be tween the two World Wars," Archives ln ternationales d'Histoire des Sciences 39
(1 22) (1 989) 1 1 H 43.
[4] G. Israel, " Italian Mathematics, Fascism and Racial Policy," in Mathematics and Culture I.
M.
Emmer (ed .),
Berlin-Heidelberg,
Springer-Verlag, 2004, pp. 2 1 -48. [5] G. Israel, "Science and the Jewish Ques
tion in the Twentieth Century: The case of Italy and what it shows," Aleph, Historical Studies in Science and Judaism 4 (2004) 1 91 -261
Dipartimento di Matematica Universita di Roma "La Sapienza" Piazzale A. Moro 5 - 00 1 85 Rome, Italy e-mail: giorgio.israel@uniroma1 .it
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M athematics at Berkeley by Calvin C Moore WELLESLEY, MASSACHUSETTS, A.
K.
PETERS, 376
PP., 2007 ISBN: 978-1-56881-302-8, HARDCOVER
us
$39.00
REVIEWED BY T- W. GAMELIN
W
ho would ever want to read a history of the Berkeley mathematics department? It could be a crashing bore. But having spent my graduate student years (19601963) there, and having had occasional contact with the Berkeley scene while teaching at its young sister university in Los Angeles 0968- ), I was curious about the history. As I read, I became more and more drawn to the story as it relates to policy and hiring issues that have concerned me at one time or an other as a department administrator and citizen. Initial curiosity eventually turned into enthusiasm and a recogni tion that this case study is relevant to a wide spectrum of mathematicians. It will be particularly informative for mathematics faculty in large state uni versities involved in designing strategy and making programmatic and hiring decisions. It will have special appeal to Berkeley graduates, postdocs, visitors, and MSRI program participants. From a broader point of view, the book can be viewed as a case study of a single high profile mathematics department that sheds light on the development of mathematics in America.
Thumbnail Sketch of the History The University of California was created by merging the College of California in Oakland, which needed money, and the Agricultural and Mechanical College, which the California legislature had es tablished on paper in 1866, and which needed faculty and land. The merger was consummated in 1868, and the University of California was born. Classes opened in 1869, and the uni versity moved to a newly constructed campus in Berkeley in 1873. From its founding, the University of California aspired to academic excel lence. Most founding department chairs
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had strong academic credentials. How ever, as founding chair of the mathe matics department, the UC Regents se lected a West Point graduate, William Welcker, who had never taught a math ematics course in his life. Welcker was a capable organizer, and he imported a strong mathematics curriculum from West Point, but he was miscast as math ematics department chair, and his ap pointment reflected the perception of mathematics as a service enterprise. The struggle between the views of mathe matics as a service provider and math ematics as an intellectual pursuit is one of the recurring themes of the history. In organizing the history, the author identifies three dramatic changes in the direction of the mathematics depart ment since its initial founding. Each change strengthened the view of math ematics as a scholarly endeavor valu able in its own right, although each change was precipitated by a different catalytic agent. The first dramatic change occurred in 1871-1872, when the UC Regents ef fectively fired Welcker and replaced him by a bona fide mathematician, Irv ing Stringham, with the goal of raising the level of scholarship in the depart ment. The second dramatic change oc curred in 1933-1934, during a period when the chair of the mathematics de partment was about to retire. The math ematics department had become in grown, focusing primarily on its teaching and service role. Other science departments had already risen to promi nence on the national scene, and they recognized the importance of changing the direction of the mathematics de partment. At their instigation, the search for a new mathematics department chair was removed from the hands of the mathematics department and was placed in the hands of university sci ence leaders. The eventual outcome was the importation of a mathematician who was highly respected on the na tional scene, Griffith Evans, to take the helm. Under the direction of Evans, the mathematics department focused on re tooling itself as a research department with high aspirations and with a broad view of mathematics. The third dramatic change was pre cipitated in 1957 by the clamor raised by the mathematics faculty for more re-
sources corresponding to its nstng stature and its expanding role in the uni versity. Among other things, the de partment called for an aggressive hiring strategy that ran against preferred UC hiring practices by recruiting several dis tinguished mathematicians in mid-ca reer. The leading figure in this effort was John Kelley (a UCLA alumnus), whose 1957 white paper served to crys tallize department sentiment. At this crit ical point, the mathematics department had strong administration support, par ticularly from a remarkable educator, Clark Kerr, who served as Berkeley Chancellor from 1952 to 1958. Kerr had become convinced that if a modern university "were to have one preemi nent department in modern times, it should be mathematics." The science dean responsible for the mathematics department was also coming around to the view, however belatedly, that math ematics was evolving to something more than a service department. The upshot was that the chairmanship was thrust upon Kelley, who presided over the rapid move of mathematics from a good department to an excellent de partment over the tenure, 1957-1960, of his service. The successful recruiting ef fort included the signal high-level ap pointments of S. S. Chern and E. Spanier. The author includes a chapter on the founding of the NSF-funded Mathemat ical Sciences Research Institute (MSRI) at Berkeley in the early 1980s; The au thor was one of the principal architects of the institute and was its first Deputy Director. Though established as an in dependent nonprofit corporation, the MSRI received substantial support from UC Berkeley, including a building site on the upper reaches of the UC cam pus that commands a spectacular view of the San Francisco Bay area. The MSRI successfully navigated dangerous shoals and survived renewal cycles to become now firmly established with substantial outside funding (due in no small part to the generosity of James Simons). The MSRI has contributed to establishing Berkeley as a principal focus of math ematics in America, covering a wide spectrum of mathematical endeavors. An interesting thread that runs through the history is the dependence of the university, thus the mathematics de partment, on state and national politics
and on the public perception of the uni versity. McCarthyism was reflected by the oath controversy on the statewide scene, which impeded hiring and which sent several faculty members into tem porary exile. This period in the early 1950s was followed by a period of growth and optimism, in which educa tion in California flourished under the leadership of Kerr and friendly political leaders such as Governor Pat Brown. The high point of this period was the adoption of the California Master Plan for Higher Education in 1960. The de partment limped through the free speech movement, which arose abruptly in the mid 1960s. Curiously, the free speech movement did not impede hiring, but it did lead to a loss of public support and the attendant budgetary problems dur ing the governorship of Ronald Reagan. This was followed by the more severe budgetary problems posed by the frugal Jerry Brown governorship. Support re bounded in the 1980s under Governor George Deukmejian. However, two ma jor economic downturns, in the early 1990s and in 2001 , have led to belt tight ening and have accelerated the increased dependence of the university on alter native revenue sources such as extra mural grants and student fees. UC Berkeley typifies many large state universities that are evolving from in stitutions with full state support to pri vate enterprises with some state assis tance. In the current political and economic climate, a department must generate extramural funding and donor support in order to thrive. Currently less than 30o/o of the UC Berkeley operating budget is derived from the state. The mathematics department is adapting to the new reality by aggressively seeking donor support and building endow ment to fund programs and activities that the state will no longer support.
Lessons Derived from the Case Study What lessons can be learned from this case study? What strategies can one glean to improve one's own depart ment? Perhaps the most important lesson is the importance of the hiring of profes sorial faculty. The author drills this into the reader through a relentless focus on hiring decisions, including sketches of each of the newly appointed faculty
members. Flexible hiring strategies are used to fill out the ranks of professor ial faculty with quality appointments that maintain a balanced department. Targeted mathematicians may be courted over a period of years, with the aid of short-term visits and long-term visiting positions. One can also refer to this case study to learn how one mathematics depart ment has resolved the problem of lo cating various mathematics and math related fields, such as statistics and applied mathematics, within the uni versity. At Berkeley, statistics attained de partmental status in 1955, thanks in large part to the efforts of Jerzey Ney man. The statistics department houses a number of probabilists, and it has close ties to the mathematics depart ment through joint appointments. (A rule of thumb for university organiza tion is that statistics benefits from de partmental status though probability may suffer.) Applied mathematics, on the other hand, has evolved to a loosely defined entity within the mathematics depart ment, which has interests in a number of different directions and which main tains links to departments such as elec trical engineering, physics, biology, and economics. A number of Berkeley math ematics faculty have joint appointments in other departments, and even more view their research as lying at least par tially within the realm of applied math ematics. The lesson that emerges is that pure and applied mathematics are inex tricably linked, and both can flourish in a symbiotic relationship operating from the same departmental base. The evolution of computing at Berkeley, as recounted by the author, b more complicated. The upshot is that most computing research is now housed in engineering, though the mathematics department maintains a significant presence in the area through faculty working in numerical analysis and in computational aspects of alge bra. Since the arrival of Alfred Tarski in 1942, mathematical logic has flourished with a series of strong appointments to become a powerhouse within the math ematics department. The question of balance between logic and other areas was resolved, according to the author,
through a historical rule of thumb that allocates logic to roughly lOo/o of the professorial faculty. The Berkeley mathematics depart ment has not hired in the nascent field of mathematics education, though sev eral of the professorial faculty have be come involved in mathematics educa tion issues as an adjunct to their mathematics research careers. In the 1950s, the department appointed a fac ulty member focused on teacher prepa ration, but he did not fit into the de partment, and after being denied tenure, he moved on to a successful ca reer at San Francisco State University. Since the adoption of the master plan, teacher preparation in California has been the province of the California State University system. We note that UC has recently become interested in the preparation of mathematics and science teachers, in response to the public per ception of a critical shortage of highly qualified teachers. It remains to be seen what role the traditional research math ematics department will play in teacher preparation.
Why did UCB Rise to Prominence? The Berkeley mathematics department rose early to prominence. A claim can be made that UCB was considered to be among the top ten mathematics de partments in the country as early as 1899, even though it did not award its first PhD until 190 1 . It is difficult to com pare UCB to private universities such as the Ivy League schools; it is easier to rank UCB among large state universi ties, which form a relatively homoge neous group with similar goals and par allel funding sources. Within this group, the great land-grant institutions of Wis consin and Illinois, and their distin guished predecessor Michigan, have ceded ground to Berkeley. In fact the Berkeley mathematics department now stands head and shoulders above other mathematics departments at major state universities. Was it preordained that Berkeley should rise to prominence? What were the ingredients that allowed Berkeley to compete so successfully with its peers? One can point to Berkeley's early start, an outcome of the gold rush and the attendant rapid economic develop ment of the San Francisco area. The
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economic and cultural base provided by the thriving local economy has played a role over the years. One can also point to the moderate climate, the proximity to ocean beaches, and the karma of San Francisco and the Golden Gate. But a main ingredient emerging from the case study is an unrelenting search for scholarly excellence in making ap pointments. Even in the earliest days in Oakland, university leaders demanded scholarly excellence of its appointees, at least in areas other than mathemat ics. There was a recurrent tendency to view mathematics as a service depart ment rather than an independent field of scientific research. However, when the same standards of high quality were applied to mathematics as were being applied to other areas, the stage was set for mathematics to make significant ad vances. Evans brought to the department a broad view of mathematics that over lapped with areas of application. This vision of mathematics within the uni versity, reinforced by the extensive use of fractional joint appointments to reach out to other parts of the university, has been an important ingredient of suc cess.
UCLA mathematics department and the university as a whole. I particularly en joyed the discussion related to the long range planning for Berkeley in the years 1955-1957, including Kerr's calculations for an optimal size for the student body and the considerations entering into planning for a building for mathemat ics. As a case study, this history has much to say to mathematicians and to academic leaders of today's university. Mathematics Department UCLA Los Angeles, California 90095-1 555 USA e-mail: [email protected]
An Imaginary Tale: The Story of v=I by Paul j. Nahin
REPRINT OF THE 1998 EDITION AND FIRST PAPERBACK PRINTING, WITH A NEW PREFACE AND APPENDIXES BY THE AUTHOR, 2007. PRINCETON, NEW JERSEY, PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS, 269 PP. , 2007, U S $16.95, PAPERBACK ISBN: 0·691-12798-0
Concluding Comments Moore has a clear writing style, some what reminiscent of a departmental let ter in support of a personnel action. He depends heavily on department admin istration documents such as department letters in support of appointments, re ports of visiting committees, and arti cles memorializing deceased faculty. There is a steady flow of facts, facts, facts, and these are used to buttress oc casional summarizing assessments. The author focuses on painting the big pic ture. There is very little offered about the operational details of the function ing of a mathematics department. The reader will find neither gossip nor much insight into the personalities of the mathematicians in the department (though one is left with no doubt that Berkeley deans regarded Neyman as a pain in the neck). The history is very well written. I found it an immensely enjoyable read, particularly when set against the back drop of my own connections with Berkeley. The history has given me in sight into the development of my own
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REVIEWED BY GENEVRA NEUMANN
ne of the first things welcoming a reader to this history of v=1 is a Calvin and Hobbes cartoon about imaginary numbers. Throughout this book, biographical details and anecdotes abound, along with detailed calculations and examples. The book covers an amazing variety of topics re lated to complex numbers. This "tale" is written in the first person, in a con versational tone with lots of figures in cluded to help the reader follow the dis cussion. The author is not shy about expressing his opinions. The stories give the impression that mathematics is a lively and human enterprise, warts and all. Almost all of the mathematics is presented at a level that should be accessible to a student who has com pleted freshman calculus, although par tial derivatives and multiple integrals are used in a few places. The introduction presents a prehis tory of v=l, from ancient Egypt to In dia to the introduction of the term
"imaginary. " The first three chapters de scribe how v'=1 evolved from being regarded as an impossible expression appearing in a solution of a cubic equa tion to an honest-to-goodness, legiti mate number. The next two chapters discuss a variety of applications of com plex numbers, ranging from a puzzle of G. Gamow's concerning buried treasure to examples of electronic circuits. The sixth chapter focuses on results of Euler. The last chapter provides a glimpse into function theory. There are six appen dixes, three of which are new in the paperback edition. The preface to the paperback edition discusses comments the author has received concerning pos sible errors in the text, but the errors mentioned are not corrected in the body of the text. The book has a section of detailed notes at the end, a name in dex, and a subject index. In addition to references, the notes often contain ad ditional discussion. The table of con tents also includes a short summary of each chapter. This book is a "tale" that interweaves mathematics with history and applica tions. I don't have sufficient expertise to comment on the correctness of the historical and biographical material nor the material on physics and engineer ing. As with any good tale, there are heroes and villains. The historical dis cussions include feuds about priority, people who helped the careers of oth ers, and those who made things diffi cult for others-all told in a chatty and opinionated way. As this is not a text book, there is no table of symbols and readability trumps rigor. Arguments are often computational, similar in flavor to those found in a typical freshman cal culus book, and there are plenty of helpful figures and drawings. The cal culations are broken into easily digested steps; one complicated calculation is deferred to Appendix E. Also, some nonstandard notation is used (rLO rep resents a complex number in polar form). Readers who are comfortable let ting the equations wash over them while enjoying the historical details or who wish to follow along with their cal culators will be comfortable with the mathematical presentation. Some readers will be put off by the use of rounded values in equations; for example, the last equation on page 59 is
u =
-1
::t:::
2
Vs
=
0.618034 and
-
1 .618034.
A more significant example is the calcu lation on page 58, which is another ver ification that one of the cube roots of z = 2 + v=T21 is 2 + i. De Moivre's formula is used with arg(z) = tan - J ( 1 1/2), which i s then set equal to 79.69515353° This rounded calculation gives the desired answer, but it's a bit misleading. It would have been nice to use instead of = when rounded val ues are used. This is difficult material to present at such an elementary level. The author does point out some of the more egre gious sleights of hand (for example, substituting ix for x in the power series for e'. on pages 144-145). However, this is not always the case. A reader might need more reminders than given that ( 1 ) the polar representation of a com plex number isn't unique and that ( 2 ) extra care must b e taken with the com plex logarithm. For example, this is a source of confusion in Section 6.7's dis cussion of i i (for which some correc tions are discussed on page xi.x in the new preface). Also, in Appendix B ( sec ond paragraph on page 230), a reader may be misled by the suggestion that the transcendental function under con sideration will have an infinite number of zeros, because its power series has all powers of z. An infinite power se ries is not a polynomial as suggested on page 195 when justifying the analytic ity of ez. Because not all readers will have previous sections firmly in mind, it would have been nice to remind the reader of assumptions made in previ ous sections when stating equations. For example, the gamma integral is de fined in Section 6 . 1 2 on page 175, along with the assumption n > 0. The reason for this assumption is not given (the in=
tegral is infinite for n :S 0) and the reader is not reminded of this assump tion when the integral is reintroduced in Section 6.13 on page 182. The gamma function is extended to negative real numbers by using the recursion relation mentioned on page 1 76 and not by this integral; no mention is made of the fact that the gamma function is undefined for integers n :s: 0. Moreover, the expres sions for n n)f(l - n) and for ( n)!( n!) on page 184 involve dividing by sin( mr), and no restriction on n is given. It would have been nice to have included graphs for some of the special functions introduced in Chapter 6, as well as a sketch of a Riemann surface. This book might fmstrate readers who do not read the book linearly or who read the book in small chunks over a long time period. As the story of vC1 unfolds, the author revisits earlier topics. He doesn't include page numbers (or equation numbers) when referring to material elsewhere in the book. For ex ample, the calculation on page 58 is an other way of verifying that the positive solution of the irreducible cubic :x3 = 15x + 4 is given by Cardano's formula (even though it involves square roots of negative numbers) and was settled in an other manner in Chapter 1. Instead of referring the reader back to the specific page (page 18), the reader is asked to "recall from chapter 1 the Cardan for mula to the irreducible cubic considered by Bombelli" followed by the formula for the solution. For the most part, equa tions are not numbered; the exceptions are the equations in Appendix E and a boxed equation on page 53. Although this may make the book more welcom ing to a general reader, there are several more places where equation numbers on selected equations would make argu ments easier to follow. For example, in the second paragraph on page 145, the author points out that the series being -
discussed "provides the proof to a state ment I asked you just to accept back in section 3.2" and then gives a formula for sm x. The table of contents does not give X page numbers for specific sections, and Chapter 3 mns over 30 pages. Section 3.2 starts on page 60 and ends on page 65. Going back to section 3.2, the fact that limx--.o sin x = 1 is used to go from the equation for si� 0 on the bottom of page 63 to an infinite product formula for 2/ 1r on page 64. Near the top of page 64, the author says that he will derive this limit in Chapter 6 (again, no page number or equation number). Chapter 6 mns over 40 pages. It's clear that a great deal of research went into preparing this book. An amazing amount of mathematics has been presented in historical context at an elementary level. There are mistakes and careful readers will probably he un happy with the balance chosen be tween rigor and readability. I'm disap pointed that the corrections mentioned in the new preface weren't either cor rected in the text itself or at least listed in a separate section of errata for the sake of the unsuspecting reader who skips prefaces. Because of the lively presentation and variety of topics, I think this book has the potential to con vince a general reader that there's in teresting (and even useful) mathemat ics out there beyond freshman calculus. The author makes a strong case that complex numbers are useful and aren't just funny looking solutions from the quadratic formula; mathematics teach ers (high-school level and above) might find this book useful as a source of ex amples and anecdotes. University of Northern Iowa Department of Mathematics Cedar Falls, lA 5061 4-0506 USA e-mail: [email protected]
© 2008 Springer Soence + Business Media, lnc., Volume 30, Number 3 , 2008
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Kifij I ;q nit§I •
.
.
R o b i n Wilso n
The P h i lamath's A l phabet - R
I
form motion. Einstein reconciled this ap parent discrepancy by postulating that the laws of physics were the same for all observers in uniform motion relative to one another. Ten years later, in his "general theory," he extended these ideas to accelerated motion and gravity.
Ricci Ramanujan Srinivasa Ramanujan (1887-1920) was one of the most intuitive mathemati cians of all time. Mainly self-taught, he left India in 1914 to work in Cambridge with G. H . Hardy, producing some spectacular joint papers in analysis, number theory, and the theory of par titions, before his untimely death at the age of 32.
Relativity In 1905 Einstein published his "special theory of relativity." Until then it had been assumed that Maxwell's equations were valid only in a particular frame of reference (the "ether" that carries the waves) and were thus unlike Newton's laws, which held for all observers in uni-
The first missionary in China, near the end of the Ming dynasty, was the Ital ian jesuit Matteo Ricci ( 1552-1610), who disseminated knowledge of west ern science, especially in mathematics, astronomy, and geography. His most important contribution was an oral Chi nese translation of the first six books of Euclid's Elements.
Riese Gutenberg's invention of the pnntmg press around 1440 enabled mathemati cal works to be widely available for the first time, and gradually vernacular texts in algebra, geometry, and practical cal culation began to appear at a price ac cessible for all. In Germany the most influential of the commercial arithmetics was by Adam Riese (ca. 1489-1559); it
Relativity
Ramanujan
proved so reputable that the phrase "nach Adam Riese" (after Adam Riese) came to indicate a correct calculation.
Rubik's cube Rubik's cube, invented in 1974 by the Hungarian engineer Erno Rubik, is a 3 X 3 X 3 colored cube whose six faces can be independently rotated so as to yield 43,252,003,274,489,856,000 differ ent patterns. Given such a pattern, the object is restore the original color of each face. In the early 1980s, when the Rubik's cube craze was at its height, over 1 00 million cubes were sold and public cube-solving contests were held in several countries.
Russell Bertrand Russell (1872-1970) was one of the outstanding figures of the 20th century, a Nobel prize-winner for liter ature and winner of the London Math ematical Society's prestigious De Mor gan medal. In 1913 he and A. N. Whitehead completed their pioneering three-volume work, Principia Mathe matica, on the logical foundations of mathematics.
Ricci
Riese
Please send al l submissions to the Stamp Corner Editor,
Robin Wilson,
Faculty of Mathematics,
Computing and Technology The Open University, Milton Keynes , M K 7 6 AA , England e-mail: r.j .wilson@open .ac.uk
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Rubik's cube
THE MATHEMATICAL INTELLIGENCER © 2008 Springer Science+ Business Media. Inc.
Russell