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AMERICAN SCHOOLS OF ORIENTALRESEARCH ADMINISTRATIVE OFFICE ASOR, 3301 NORTH CHARLES STREET BALTIMORE,MD 21218 (410) 516-3498

s o oe I S OF

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Eric M. Meyers, President James W. Flanagan, First Vice President for Publications Walter E. Rast, Second Vice President for Archaeological Policy Charles U. Harris, Chairman of the Board of Trustees Robert H. Johnston, Vice Chairman of the Board of Trustees Paul F. Jacobs, Vice President for the Corporation Lydie Shufro, Vice President for Development George M. Landes, Secretary Roger S. Boraas, Assistant Secretary Holden Gibbs, Treasurer Kate Gould, Assistant Treasurer Rudolph H. Dornemann, Administrative Director Pam Turner, Administrative Assistant ASOR Newsletter; Victor H. Matthews, Editor Biblical Archaeologist; Eric M. Meyers, Editor Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research; James W. Flanagan, Editor Journal of Cuneiform Studies; William L. Moran, Editor

W.F.AlbrightInstitute of ArchaeologicalResearch(AIAR) P. O. Box 19096, 91 190 Jerusalem, Israel.

SeymourGitin, Director

Joe D. Seger, President Carol Meyers, First Vice President Joy Ungerleider-Mayerson, Second Vice President; Acting Board Chair lohn Spencer, Secretary-Treasurer

Biblical

Archaeologist

Perspectives on the Ancient World from Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean

P.O. BOXH.M., DUKESTATION DURHAM, NC 27706

Biblical Archaeologist (ISSN 0006-0895) is published quarterly (March, June, September, December) by Scholars Press, 819 Houston Mill Road NE, Atlanta, GA 30329, for the American Schools of Oriental Research (ASORI) Subscriptions: Annual subscription rates are $35 for individuals and $45 for institutions. There is a special annual rate of $28 for retirees. Single issues are $9 for individuals and $12 for institutions. In foreign countries, add $5 for annual subscriptions and $2 for single issues. Orders should be sent to ASOR Membership/ Subscriber Services, P.O. Box 15399, Atlanta, GA 30333-0399 (telephone: 404-636-4757; Bitnet SCHOLARS @EMORYU 1). Postmaster: Send address changes to Biblical Archaeologist, ASOR Membership/Subscriber Services, P.O.Box 15399, Atlanta, GA 30333-0399. Second-class postage paid at Atlanta, GA and additional offices. Copyright ":1992 by the American Schools of Oriental Research. All rights reserved. No portion of this journal may be reproduced by any process or technique without the formal consent of the American Schools of Oriental Research and Scholars Press. Authorization to photocopy items for personal or internal use is granted for libraries and other users registered with the Copyright Clearance Center (CCC) Transactional Reporting Service, provided that the copier pay the base fee of $1.00 per copy plus $. 10 per page directly to CCC, 27 Congress Street, Salem, MA 01970. This consent does not extend to other kinds of copying, such as copying for general distribution, for advertising or promotional purposes, for creating new collective works, or for resale. 0006-8095/$87 $1.00 + .10 Editor-in-Chief

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BaghdadCommittee forthe BaghdadSchool Jerrold S. Cooper, Chairman Near Eastern Studies The Johns Hopkins University Baltimore, MD 21218

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lack Sasson Neil A. Silberman Mark S. Smith Stuart Swiny L. Michael White

Advertising: Correspondence should be addressed to Dennis Ford or Sarah Foster, Scholars Press, P.O. Box 15399, Atlanta, GA 30333-0399 (telephone: 404-636-4757; fax: 404-636-8301). Biblical Archaeologist is not responsible for errors in copy prepared by the advertiser. The editor reserves the right to refuse any ad. Ads for the sale of antiquities will not be accepted. Editorial Correspondence: Article proposals, manuscripts and editorial correspondence should be sent to Biblical Archaeologist, P.O. Box H.M., Duke Station, Durham, NC 27706. Unsolicited manuscripts must be accompanied by a selfaddressed, stamped envelope. Foreign contributors should furnish international reply coupons. Manuscripts must conform to the format used in Biblical Archaeologist, with full bibliographic references and a minimum of endnotes. See recent issues for examples of the proper style. Manuscripts must also include appropriate illustrations and legends. Authors are responsible for obtaining permission to use illustrations. Composition by Liberated Types, Ltd., Durham, NC. Printed by PBM Graphics, Inc., Raleigh, NC. Publisher: Scholars Press

Archaeol0o Biblical

Perspectiveson the Ancient Worldfrom Mesopotamia to the Mediterranean A Publication of the American Schools of Oriental Research

Volume 55 Number 2

June 1992

BronzeAge MediterraneanIsland Cultures and the Ancient Near East, Part 1 A. BernardKnapp

52

Intensive colonization of all the Mediterraneanislands began in earnest at the end of the Neolithic and the beginning of the BronzeAge (late fourth-earlythird millennium B.C.E.).Many factorshelped determine how these diverse societies could survive in a region with limited agriculturalresources.The island cultures of Cyprus,Crete, Thera, Rhodes and Sardiniaare examined in their own social, economic and political contexts as well as in a Near Easterncontext.

Sepphoris,the Well RememberedCity Stuart S. Miller

74

Locatedabout three miles northeast of Jesus'hometown of Nazareth is the ancient city of Sepphoris,which was called the "ornamentof all Galilee"by the Jewishhistorian Josephus.Scholars have long been intriguedby the impact that the city, which is not mentioned in the New Testamentdespite its proximity to Nazareth, may have had on Jesus'life.

The Challenge of Hellenism for Early Judaism and Christianity Eric M. Meyers

84

Hellenism is often viewed as a deliberateattempt to impose Greek ways on local cultures. However,it should not be viewed as a conflict or clash between cultures, but as the intersection of Greek civilization and languagewith existing cultures. By the first century c.E., most Near Easterncultures had been deeply affected by Hellenism. How were Judaismand Christianity able to maintain their own values and culture in the face of this thriving world culture? Qumran Update

The UnpublishedQumranTextsfromCaves4 and 11

94

Emanual To7bv

The unpublished Qumran texts from caves 4 and 11 that have not yet appeared in the official series, Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, are

listed, along with prospectiveeditors, preliminarypublications and miscellaneous information on the scrolls. Introducingthe Authors Book Reviews

51 105

Page52 On the cover. A marble sculptureof a harpist dated to approximately2800 and 2600 B.c.E. It is an example of the "canonical"style of EarlyCycladic sculpture.Photo courtesy of The MetropolitanMuseumof Art. RogersFund. 1947(47.100.11.

NIIEECCOE

IN

IIOY

Editor:Ephraim Stern, Hebrew Universityof Jerusalem

Assistant Editor: Ayelet Gilboa, Hebrew University of Jerusalem

EditorialDirector:Joseph Aviram, Israel Exploration Society

EditorialBoard: Ofer Bar-Yosef, HarvardUniversity Avraham Negev, Hebrew Universityof Jerusalem David Ussishkin, TelAviv University

EditorialAdvisors:

Nahman Avigad, Hebrew Universityof Jerusalem Abraham Biran, Hebrew Union College Philip King, Boston College Lawrence E. Stager, HarvardUniversity Amnon Ben-Tor, Hebrew UniversityofJerusalem in

alphabeticallyand four volumes, Organized this comprehensivework describesand analyzes

archaeologicalexcavationsin the Holy Land,the area that includes Israel,ancient Palestine,and parts of Syria,Jordan,and the Sinai Peninsula. Revisedand updatedto reflectthe most recentarchaeologicalfindings,TheNew Encyclopedia of ArchaeologicalExcavationsin the HolyLandis a new edition of the classic in this field. Withmore than 400 articles preparedby more than 150scholars from around the world, the Encyclopediapresentsa rich and extensivebody of archaeologicalmaterial.The Encyclopedia encompasses the latest archaeologicalfindings,and presents new evidence about the cultural historyof the region. Lavishlyillustratedwith more than 2000 maps, plans, charts and drawings- in two-and fourcolors - the Encyclopediais easily accessible both to scholars and general readers.It is fully cross-referenced,and includes bibliographiesfor each article, as well as a thoroughindex. For anyone interestedin the MiddleEast, in biblical studies, and in the history of civilization, TheNew Encyclopediaof ArchaeologicalExcavationsin the HolyLand is a real find. * 4 volumes* c. 1600pages* two-colorthroughout* 64 pagesfull-color * c. 2000 illustrations* 9 x 12 * ISBN:0-13-276288-9 $355.00 * Special Introductory Price: $295.00 * Fall 1992

SIMON

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SCHUSTER

Academic Reference Division 15 ColumbusCircle,26th floor, New York,New York 10023

A Paramount Communications Company

Questions? Call us at (212) 373-7353

StuartS. Miller

Introducing the

Authors

StuartS.Milleris AssociateProfessorofHebrewandJudaic Studiesat the Universityof Connecticut.He earnedhis Ph.D.in NearEasternStudiesandHistoryfromNewYork Universityin 1980.Dr.Milleris the authorof Studiesin the Historyand T7aditionsof Sepphoris(E.J.Brill,1984) anda numberof otherarticleson SepphorisandTalmudic studies.He is also a contributorto the Encyclopediaof Religion(Macmillan/Free Press).Dr. Miller is a staff memberand resourceon Talmudichistoryto the Joint SepphorisProject,which is supportedby the University of Connecticut.Heis presentlyworkingon a volumetentativelytitled RomanSepphoris:ThePeople.

A. BernardKnapp

A. Bernard Knappis AustralianResearchFellowin Cypriot Archaeologyin the Schoolof History,Philosophyand PoliticsatMacquarie Universityin Sydney,Australia.Dr. in Cyprus,Israel,Jordan andEngland, Knapphasexcavated andis directorof the Sydney-Cyprus SurveyProject.He receivedhis Ph.D.in Mediterranean Archaeologyfrom the Universityof California,Berkeley.He has published morethan60 paperson the archaeology, politicaleconoandancient my andsocial historyof the Mediterranean westernAsia, particularlyconcerningCyprus.He is coeditor,with JohnF.Cherry,of the Journalof Mediterranean Archaeology,and GeneralEditorof a new series, Monographsin MediterraneanArchaeology.His latest AnnalesandEthnohistory(anedited book,Archaeology, volume)has just been publishedby CambridgeUniversity Press. EricM. Meyers

Besides serving as editor-in-chiefof Biblical Archaeolo-

gist,EricM.Meyersis alsothe presidentof the American Schoolsof OrientalResearchandon the facultyat Duke University.His term as directorof the AnnenbergResearchInstitutein Philadelphiaendedon June1, 1992. AmongDr.Meyers'smanypublicationsarehis latestvolume, Sepphoris,cowrittenwith his wife, CarolMeyers, and EhudNetzer (Eisenbrauns1992),and Excavations at the Ancient Synagogueof Gush Halav (Eisenbrauns 1991),also cowrittenwith his wife.

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

51

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The foreign countries made a conspiracyin their islands, and at once the lands were on the move, scattered in war. No county could stand before their arms ... Theirleague was Plst, Tkr,Skis, Dnyn, Wss ... (Edgerton and Wilson 1936:53).

Along with the Minoans and Phoenicians, the Sea Peoples are the best-known of a multitude of seafaring entrepreneurs,tradersor raiders who stalked, exploited and made use of the ancient Mediterraneanand its resourcesduringthe Bronzeand Early Iron Ages, from about 3000-1000 ith these words, B.C.E.Their fame or notoriety stems 1 Near Ramesses III-last from their mention in such wellof an known ancient documentary evigreat pharaoh exstate dence as the contemporaryhieroEgyptian more than back 2,000 years glyphic and cuneiform records,or tending a in recorded north wall major the These reliefs- from demographic in the somewhat later Hebrew Bible part of Ramesses IIIs Great Templeat Medinet movement that occurredthroughout and Classical Greek literature. From Habu-vividly illustrate the sea battle Sardiniain the west through the the eastern Mediterraneanworld between the Sea Peoplesand the Egyptian around 1200 B.C.E.Those involved Naval Forces.The Egyptianships attempt to Aegean (Greece,Crete, Thera and drive the invadingfleet towards the shore, the other Cycladic islands and in this movement have come to be where Egyptianarchershelp the oversized their the Sea known as Peoples: Rhodes) to Cyprus in the east, these figureof Ramesses to annihilate the enemy are indisMediterranean island peoples are and destinations Sea and nine The four Egyptian Peoples'ships origins illustrated are perhapssuggestiveof a far within the mentioned Mediterranean, sporadically in the writputably largerengagement;beneath the battle scene, but their motivations have been ten documents of the ancient Near captive Sea Peoplesare lead away in chains. debatedby generation after generaEast, from the third through the first The Sea Peopleswere undoubtedly of Mediterraneanorigin, but scholars still debate tion of archaeologists,historians and millennia B.C.E. precisely what impelled them on their migra- epigraphers.Whoeverthey were, and The purpose of this essay is to tions, and eventually to wage a losing battle the Sea whatever situate the island cultures of Cyprus, be little them, There can the impelled against Egyptians. doubt, however,that their movements were Crete, Thera, Rhodes and Sardiniain Peoples were symptomatic of the symptomatic of the widespreadeconomic their own social, economic and poliwidespreadcultural and economic collapse that occurredat the end of the Bronze with their decline tical contexts as well as in a Near in the eastern about 1200 contemporaneous MediterB.C.E., Age, ranean. Courtesyof The Oriental Institute of migrationsand maritime movements Easterncontext. Close attention is The Universityof Chicago. paid to island relations with the (Sandars1985).

Bronze

Age

Mediterranean

Cultures

Island and

Ancient

the

East,

Part

byA.BernawlKnapp

52

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

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always-changing,kaleidoscopic array of states and cultures that dominated the Levantine(easternMediterranean) seaboard- in Syria-Palestine,Anatolia and Egypt.First, it is necessary to set the stage by considering Mediterraneanenvironment and culture in general, and by discussing the concept of insularity. With that backgroundestablished, discussion turns to the enormous gains made during the twentieth century, by archaeology as well as epigraphy,in our understandingof these island cultures. By looking at the documentary evidence relevant to, and arguments associated with, the identification of such ethnic or geographicterms as Alashiya, Abbiyawa, Kaphtor,Keftiu and Shardanu,it is possible to gain particularinsight into islandmainland contacts and relations. By moving reciprocallyback and forth between the documentary and archaeological records- keeping each distinct at all times but placing one in counterpoint to the other wherever possible and appropriate - it is pos-

sible, finally, to discuss the various political ties, economic relationships and cultural associations between the majorpolities of the mainland Near East and the dominant island cultures and polities of the Bronze Age Mediterranean.

This major, superbly built, reconstructed theater was first built according to Greek design in the late second century B.C.E.;it was enlargedduring the second century c.E., under Roman occupation, to the dimensions in which it is preservedtoday. The Kourion theater served both dramatic and religious functions-played out against the stunning backdropof the deep blue Mediterranean Sea-for the city's population. Such a landscape- with reddish-brownsoils, massive blocks of local white limestone, and the vivid blue of the sea - could never be mistaken for anything other than Mediterranean in character.Photo courtesyAlice Kingsnorth.

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MediterraneanEnvironment

andClimate With an areaof 2.5 million square kilometers, the Mediterraneanis the largest inland sea in the world. Its form would have been recognizable as long as five million years ago, when the Atlantic Ocean flooded the land barrierthat had connected modern-daySpain and Morocco for the final time and filled the Mediterraneanbasin to one of severalbrims, which changed in tandem with advancing and retreatingglaciers. The Mediterraneanmay be visualized as a peninsula in reverse,an immense body of water surrounded and nearly enclosed by land (Trump

1980:3). FernandBraudel(1972:1089), the renownedFrenchhistorian who immortalizedthe Mediterranean in his epic socio-geographic studies, maintainedthat this "(sea)in the midstof land"(whichis what the wordMediterranean means)has two faces:a seriesof compact,mountainouspeninsulasinterspersedwith fertileplains,anda fragmentedcomplex of seas-the Aegean,Ionian, AdriaticandTyrrhenian. The Mediterranean has a distinctiveclimaticpattern:summer drought,winterrainsof cyclonicorigin, anda meanannualtemperature of 15 ? 5 degreescelsius (Roberts 1989:137).This patternis so wellknownthat it is usedto describe similarclimatesworldwide(central Chile, SouthAfrica,SouthAustralia andCalifornia).A Mediterranean Lapithos

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climate is characterizedby broadly similar plant formations, from steppe-likegrasslandsto sub-humic forests; it producesdrought-resistant flora, such as summer-only evergreens, scrub or dry heath. Within the circum-Mediterraneanworld itself, typical trees included evergreen oak, pistachio, carob,olive and an occasional date palm. Reddish brown (terrarossa) soils, set off by chalky white limestone and deep blue sea, vividly color the Mediterraneanlandscape. Climatic and ecological variables (such as forest cover,dry vegetation) and the nature of local geology affect the availability of water for plants or humans, as well as the extent of land degradation.Because the native, drought-resistantflora help reduce soil erosion, climatic factorsalone could not have been responsible for erosion or deposition: human settlement, plant cultivation, and stockgrazinghavecontributedmuch to the stark landscape that characterizes most Mediterraneancountries today (Roberts1989:138).A suite of natural factors- thin soils, steep slopes, a vegetation vulnerable to fire, intensive and/orunpredictableseasonal rainfall- made Mediterraneanecosystems highly vulnerable to human impact (forGreece, see van Andel, Zanggerand Demitrack 1990). This complex, dynamic pattern of cultural and environmental interrelations producednot only the contemporaryMediterraneanlandscape but also that of the BronzeAge. Pollen diagramsdating to the third millennium B.C.E.--the time when complex societies began to emerge in the Mediterranean- clearly revealvegetation disturbance (Roberts1989: 141).Within the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean,wheat, lentils and, perhaps,olives and carobs were cultivated, and severalvarieties of fruits (figs,grapes)and nuts (almonds,pistachios) were exploited. One positive result of these complex culturalenvironmental relations was that terracedvineyardsand olive groves

54

helped conserve soil, which foreAlthough our hominid (humanstalled habitat degradation.General- like) ancestors arrivedon the shores ly speaking, the mixed farming (agri- of the Mediterraneanas early as two million years ago, recent evidence cultural, pastoral)system typical of the BronzeAge Mediterraneanwas indicates that permanent, intentional small in scale, relatively constant in human colonization did not really growth, and undevelopedin compari- begin until the seventh millennium son to ancient Near Easternsystems. B.C.E. (Note, however,that there are some tantalizing-but disputedIsland Cultures and Insularity radiocarbondates tentatively assoNone of the [Mediterranean]islands ciated with a human presence on Sarwas assured of the future. The great dinia in the eleventh millennium B.C.E. and on Cyprus in the ninth problem for all [MediterraneanismillenniumB.C.E.;Cherry 1990.) lands]... was how to live off their own resources, off the soil, the orSardinia,Cyprus and Crete (together with Sicily and Corsica)are the largchards, the flocks, and if that was est Mediterraneanislands; their not possible, to look outwards. All the islands ... were lands of hunger physical and biotic diversity enabled sizeable populations to live - and (Braudel 1972: 152). Despite its distinctive climate, eventually to thrive - in various reflora, soils and stark landscapes,the gional habitats. These factors almost Mediterraneanis both a pluralistic certainly encouragedpermanent huand (in human terms) multicultural man settlement much earlier than world. The lands that rim the Medi- was the case with smaller islands and island groups,like the Cyclades. terranean- from Gibraltarto the Levant- are home to a great variety More intensive colonization of all of human cultures living in drathe islands, large or small, occurred matic, and sometimes dramatically only at the end of the Neolithic and the beginning of the Bronze Age (late different, environments. The moderate climate and abundantplant, fourth-earlythirdmillennium B.C.E.; animal and mineral resources iniCherry 1981:52), which is when this survey of Mediterraneanisland cultially made Mediterraneancoasts tures begins. and some islands - attractive for In most cases, once an island has human settlement. In addition to climate and been settled, adaptationand survival become important foci of the inhabiecology, environmental and biogeographicalfactors- size, zonation, tants' daily lives. The isolation of topographicrelief, visibility and many islands, and the limitations accessibility-played a role in the posed by insular resources and envifirst human colonization of islands. ronments, are two key attributes of In the Mediterranean,proximity to the mainland was not the determining factor in colonizing an island, not least because other, intermediate 100 islands often served as "stepping stones"(Cyprusis an exception). S a Earlysea travel, furthermore,proWestMediterranean ceeded on the principle of hugging Mediterranean S--East 25 coastlines, mainland or insular, M i which further reduced the effects of U distance. Clusters of islands, which 7 6 4 3 2 5s Millennium RB.C.E. providedaccessibility to diverse resources, may also have enhanced opportunities for island colonization The chronologicalpatterns of island occupation in the East and WestMediterranean. 49; Held 1989b:66-78). (Cherry 1981"

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

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oo

islandlife.Theextentto whichisland residentsareableto maintainexternal links of anysortsignificantlyaffectssocial,economicandcultural developmentsoverall.Small,isolated groupshavetroublemaintainingviablepopulationandsubsistencelevels withoutimportingpartners,food or evenwater.Someislandsocieties, pastandpresent,showa tendency 4, , toward"abnormal" culturaldevelopment:limitedpopulationsize and limitedcontactsinevitablyresultin cultural- as well as genetic- trait Depictions of tribute and tribute bearersin 7bmb 162 (Kenamun)at Thebes. The tribute differences(Cherry1981:61-62, bearersare carryinga varietyof fine, Aegean-typepottery (rhyta-including some in the form with furtherreferences). of a bull's cups, pedestalled bowls) and metal goods iars, pithoi, "Vapheio" dagger,oxhide ingots). WhileMediterranean islandsof (vessels, a head--"stirrup" all shapesandsizesformeda coherent humanenvironment,theyalso exBydefinition,then, islandsare and the circulation of socially or periencedcertainpressures,limita- isolatedandconfined,but insularity economically valued goods could be, tions andbenefitsbecauseof their is not simplya geographiccuriosity and often were, tightly controlled. insularity.The archaeologicalrecord that directlyexplainsculturaldiver- The powerrelationsthus formedwere of all largeMediterranean islands sity orbiologicalevolution.Many readily accentuated in an insular principlesof insularity,furthermore, context (Patton 1991:40). (especiallyCyprus,CreteandSarIf some islands, especially those dinia)andof manysmallerones (in- applyto some degreein all natural cludingRhodesandThera)is not habitats,andin a varietyof cultural of volcanic origin, enjoyeda special only diverseandcomplex,but very situations:desertoasesandmountain importance because of the raw matedifferentfrommainlandrecordsof villagesareecologicallyrestricted rials they contained, others came similartypeanddate.Conditionsfor andmaybe culturallyisolated;"pro- into prominence because they were farmingin mainlandenvironments vincial"attitudesusuallyresultfrom strategically located-whether as aremorefavorablethanthoseon culturalsegregation.Insularityposes stepping-stones to other islands and islands,while an island'slimited specialrestraintsandoffersspecial mainland coasts, or as convenient numberof species(inbothplants opportunities;it demandsrisks,pro- stopoversfor merchants and seamen andanimals)precludesa "broad videsbenefitsandmayalso modify involved in long-distancetrade. Such of subsistencepursuits islands might have retained their cultural,politicalor economicdespectrum" (fishingis an importantexception). velopmentsin unique,andsometimes status long after demand for certain Ona mainland,furthermore,envipredictable,ways.The entirehistory resources dried up, or when the locaronmentalor socialcatastrophes of shippingandcommercein the tion and direction of regional trade shifted. External links-whether in forexample,from maybe divertedor diminishedby Mediterranean, the form of barter,trade, social conrelocatingpeopleor redistributing the thirdmillenniumB.C.E.to the foodandotherresources.Inaninsular earlytwentiethcenturyC.E.,has re- tacts or outsiders seeking direct setting,similarkindsof catastrophic sulted- on the one hand- fromthe access to island resources- helped situationsmaywipe out the entire interplayof geographicandresource to reduce the risks and allay the population,particularlyif subsisdiversity(copperon CyprusandSar- shortages associated with island life. tence diversity or the means of sea dinia;obsidianon MelosandLipari; But these links necessitated certain marbleon NaxosandParos),andon social conditions (e.g. kin-basedrelatransport are lacking. Disaster, whether economic or environmenthe otherhandfromsuch cultural, tions; alliance networks)or economic economicor ideologicalfactorsas realities (e.g. surplus products availtal, often results directly from constraints on space, limitations on shipbuildingtechnology;the mind- able forexchange).During the Bronze sets of ancientandrecententrepre- Age and in later, historical periods, resources, restricted ecological and overseas contacts often led to foreign biological diversity,and shortfalls in neurs,merchantsandraiders;and the accessibilityof islanddwellers domination and the unbridled exsubsistence food production-all to larger,interregionalsystemsof part of what biogeographers define ploitation of insular resources,either for export or to sustain transplanted as the "boundary effect" (Cherry productionandtrade.The use of 1981:59-60). boats,the knowledgeof navigation, merchant or military communities. Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

55

Whereasfoodstuffs occasionally served as commodities in their own rights, raw materials, essential goods and luxury items made up the more common items of Mediterranean interisland trade. Nonetheless, overexploitation of resources affected islands large and small, whose populations normally stayedwell within the carryingcapacity of the land. Althoughbiogeographicanalogies may be misleading if overemphasized, it is important to examine sociocultural developments within and beyondseveralMediterraneanislands in light of various attributes and processes associated with colonization and insularity (Terrell1986; Held 1989b):dispersal, adaptation and survival, and extinction; isolation, limitations, and opportunities; abnormaldevelopment;social fusion and fission; cooperation and competition; technology and trade.In adoptingsuch an approach,it must be born in mind that the mechanisms of island colonizations, constraints and contacts are conditioned by regional and local factors and must be examined in specific contexts. Some sort of overseascommunication and exchange- on a very restrictedba-

sis - must have existed from the earliest colonization of the Mediterranean islands. Yetthe degree of "openness,"cultural or ecological, certainly fluctuated through time. The openness of an island system to external influences, and the adaptability of island residents, of course, are always affectedby the human (cultural)factor.The material evidence - archaeologicaland textual allows assessment of that cultural factor and consideration of these propositions in more detail. MediterraneanIsland Polities and Economies: The MaterialEvidence The sea is the great culture bearer. The civilization that originated in the eastern Mediterraneanwas not transmitted by hordes in search of new pasture lands or by armies on the march, but by seafarers. Considering the function of navigation in the western spread of culture, it is astonishing how little has, as yet, been found out about this aspect of history (Frost1970: 55). The sea is beautiful in the eyes of God, especially, because it surrounds the islands of which it is at one and the same time the adorn-

ChronologicalGuide- Cyprus,the Aegean,Sardinia Crete/Thera/Rhodes

Cyprus

Prehistoric BronzeAge 1 2500/2400-2000/1900 B.C.E.

Pre-Palatial 3000-2000/1950 B.C.E.

(Middle Bronze Age-MBA) Old Palatial PrehistoricBronzeAge 2 1950-1700 B.C.E. 2000/1900-1700 B.C.E.

ProtohistoricBronzeAge 1 1700-1400 B.C.E.

(MBA-LBA'Iransition) New Palatial 1700-1400 B.C.E.

(LateBronze Age-LBA) Post-Palatial ProtohistoricBronzeAge 2 1400-1200 B.C.E. 1400-1200 B.C.E. ProtohistoricBronzeAge 3 1200-1000 B.C.E.

56

Sardinia

(EarlyBronzeAge-EBA)

Sub-Minoan/Mycenaean 1200-1000 B.C.E.

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

CopperAge/EBA 2800-1800 B.C.E.

Proto-Nuragic 1800-1500 B.C.E.

Nuragic 1 1500-1250 B.C.E.

ment and protection; because it brings together the most far-removed lands and gives to sailors unhindered intercourse; through them it furnishes to us the history of what was previously unknown; it provides the fortune of the merchant abroad; it improves easily the needs of life, allowing the well endowed to export their excess, and to the poor it furnishes amendment of what they lack (Saint Basil of Caesarea, translated by Giet 1968: 274-75). The earliest (Neolithic) colonizations of the Mediterraneanislands are beyond the chronological limits of this study. Nonetheless, it should be noted that the study of these colonizations is a significant growth area in Mediterraneanarchaeology (particularlywith respect to Sardinia, Cyprus and Crete- Sondaar and Sanges 1992).By the beginning of the EarlyBronzeAge, about 3000 B.C.E.,

all of the islandsdiscussed

here had been settled for at least the better part of a millennium (in the case of Cyprus, Crete and Sardinia, several millennia). Fordifferingreasons, the cultural sequences on Cyprus and Crete are better known than those on Sardinia,Rhodes and Thera. Unlike the situation in mainland Mesopotamia, Syria (Ebla)and Egypt, knowledge of island developments during the third millennium B.C.E.is based solely on archaeologicalevidence. Not until the Middle Bronze Age (about2000-1600 B.C.E.)and especially the Late BronzeAge (about 1600-1200/1100B.C.E.)does documentary evidence help in the interpretation of cultural continuity, change and interconnections within the Mediterraneanislands, and between those islands and the western Asiatic mainland. Because the chronology of the Mediterraneanislands during the third millennium

Nuragic 2 1250-900 B.C.E. Nuragic 3 900-500 B.C.E.

B.C.E.

is, at best,

vague, cultural sequences - and the political, economic or social processes associated with them-can only be presented in broadterms; direct cause and effect are difficult

to establish. Nonetheless, intensive archaeologicalexplorations on Cyprus and Crete during the past 100 years have provideda wealth of evidence. When treatedcarefully within an explicit frameworkof interpretation, it is possible to outline tentatively the course of developments on these islands, bearing in mind that such interpretationswill be modified as further evidence accumulates. Some scholars maintain that such evidence should only be described and classified (ratherthan interpreted).On the contrary,archaeologists, anthropologists,historians andepigraphershavea duty to express some opinion-whether in the formof historical narrativeor cultural process- about the materialwhose study preoccupies their daily lives. Even seasoned scholars bringpreconceived notions, consciously or unconsciously, to the description, classification and interpretationof archaeological materials (Handsmanand Leone 1989;Bakerand Thomas 1990). By the Middle and LateBronze Ages, detailed cultural sequences characterizemany Mediterranean islands, and the chronological framework in the Aegean and eastern Mediterranean,at least, is well known (althoughabsolute dating methods are still fiercely debated). There are two reasons for the improvedpossibilities of dating: 1)because international contacts developedon an unprecedented scale between about 1800 and 1100 B.C.E., distinctive Cypriot andAegeanartifacts(usually pottery or bronze/copper)have been foundwithin secure stratigraphic contexts in Egypt or western Asia, where astronomically-derived dates help to narrow the chronological limits; 2) the spectacular Bronze Age eruption on the Cycladic island of Thera not only buried the site of Akrotiri, but as a result, preserved abundant evidence that can be used for radiocarbon dating (the best suite of

material that exists in the Bronze Age Mediterraneanfor attempts at absolute dating;Manning 1988 and 1990;various papers in Hardy,with Renfrew 1990). Neither of these factors,however,has resolved the chronological debate. Attempts to correlate time with traded goods often suffer from ad hoc, circular arguments that fail to take adequate account of archaeological context. Also, astronomical dates are plagued by uncertainties ranging from 10 to 50 years in Egyptand at least 120 years in Mesopotamia. Furthermore, there is an inherent ambiguity built into arguments based solely on pottery or metal styles, since many scholars neglect to factor into their equation the time between the manufacture,use and final deposition of an artifact in its archaeological context. Regardingthe radiocarbon dates associated with the eruption on Thera,the best approximation forthe cataclysmicevent is 1640B.C.E., a date that may correlate with other scientific evidence (tree-ringdating, frost-ringdates, ice-coredates).There are, however,considerable problems associated with laboratoryerror,interlaboratorycomparisons and the statistical approximationof calibratedradiocarbondate ranges.Because many Aegean prehistoriansdo not accept radiocarbondating evidence, there exists a disparity of almost 150 years between their favored date for the eruption of Thera (about 1500 B.C.E.) and the best estimate that current scientific evidence can provide (Cadogan1987;Warren 1987; 1988). Such discrepancies are not uncommon in archaeology. In this particular case, however, it should be evident that-despite the pessimistic, preliminary results - an incredibly wide range of scholarly expertise and high-tech equipment has been brought to bear on the resolution of the problem. With such caveats and concerns firmly in mind, developments on each island may be considered in turn.

The earliest developed exploitation and use of copperon Cyprusmay confidently be dated to the late third-earlysecond millennium B.C.E., a periodoftencalled the Prehistoric BronzeAge (conventionallyEarly-Middle Cypriotperiods).Advances in metallurgical technology become apparentin a wide range of tools, weapons and jewelry,some of which are representedin this groupof still unpublished finds from SotiraKaminoudhia.Recent radiocarbondates confirm the chronological assignment of this site, and thus of its important finds, to the earliest phases of the Prehistoric BronzeAge. Photo courtesy Stuart Swiny, CyprusAmerican Archaeological ResearchInstitute.

Cyprus.With an area of 9,251 square kilometers, Cyprus is the Mediterranean'sthird largest island. Situated in the northeast comer of the Mediterranean,it is the island closest to the mainland of ancient western Asia; not surprisingly,it has the most evidence for Bronze Age contacts with Near Easternstates. Anatolia is approximately 70 kilometers north of Cyprus, and Syria is about 100 kilometers east. Egyptis located about 400 kilometers south, and Rhodes-the first of the Aegean islands

-

is nearly 500 kilometers

west. That Cyprus had contact with these areas is evident not only from artifactualevidence (Holmes 1973; Gittlin 1981;Portugaliand Knapp 1985),but from indications that several important Late Bronze Age

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

57

BronzeAgesinout the Early-Middle dicatesa successfuladaptationto environmentalconstraintsimposedby an islandecosystem.The limited evidenceforexternalcontactsup to about1700B.C.E. suggeststhatsubon the islandof Cyprushas involved sistenceneedsweremet andsocial networksmaintainedwithin the inarchaeologistsof severalnationalisularsystem.The islandeconomy ties; Cypriotes themselves have uncoveredsome of the most important becamemorecomplexduringthis BronzeAge sites on the island (Entime;the plowbeganto be widely usedin farming,cattlewereintrokomi, Kition, Paphosand several ducedto the islandfromoverseas, others).The material culture of BronzeAge Cyprus- from pottery to andpeoplebecamemoredependent on domesticatedanimals,especially seals, from ceremonial structures to burialchambers,fromcopperawls sheepandgoats(Swiny1989;Knapp to bronze cauldrons - is among the 1990a).Perhapsbecausethese innobestknownandwidelypublishedof vationslessenedthe amountof time any island culture in the Mediterra- thathadto be devotedto subsistence nean(Karageorghis needs,somepeoplebeganto special1982). Muchofthisevidencestemsfrom ize in producingsuchgoodsas woolens andtextiles,stonefigurines, the finalMiddleandLateBronze Ages(alsoknownas the Protohistor- shell beads,gamingstones,anda ic BronzeAge- see table).Pottery andmetalfindsfromthe Earlyand MiddleBronzeAges(alsoknown as the PrehistoricBronzeAge)are abundant.However,most come from burialsratherthanfromstratified settlementcontexts,andmost were "excavated" (lootedis morecorrect) duringthe nineteenthandearly twentiethcenturies(Goring1988) with little considerationfortheir andmaterialassociastratigraphic tions or forotherconcernscriticalto This has remodernarchaeology. sultedin the lackof a soundrelative chronology;when the paucityof Brokenfrom the rim of a vessel, this clay datesandthe meager radiocarbon model representsa donkey (EquusAsinus), settlementevidencearealso taken domesticated throughoutthe easternMediterraneansometime duringthe thirdmillennium into account,attemptsto presenta B.C.E.This figurine obviously representsa are syntheticinterpretation severely pack animal, and it has been suggested that, hampered.Nonetheless,by consider- in general, the donkey and the mule (an infertile, cross-bredhorse and donkey)provided ingsuchevidencethat is available the basic means of long-distance transportin withina frameworkthat revolves Europeand the Near East, for example in the arounddevelopmentsin subsistence movement of tin and textiles between Anatolia and Assyria early in the second millenandin metallurgy(Knapp1990a), B.C.E.Here, the donkey representsthe nium andbypreviewingthe morecompre- most likely means of transportingpartially hensivematerialdatafromthe Late refinedcopperfrom mining sites in Cyprus's BronzeAge,it is possibleto assemble 7ToodosMountains to the productionand centers along the island's coast. a pictureof islandsocietyon Bronze distribution The transportrole played by the donkey thus sites with importedgoods- Enkomi, Hala Sultan Tekke,Maroniand Kition-had inner harborsaccessible via embayments or rivermouths now silted or dried up (Collombier 1988). A long tradition of excavation

Age Cyprus (Knapp1992a). The increase in size and number (andspread)of settlements through-

58

was of vital economic importance to the Cypriotcopperindustry.Photo courtesy of the Ashmolean Museum, Oxford,England.

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

varietyof tools, especiallymetal tools andimplements(Swiny1986, 1989;Knapp1990a). Cyprusbecamean important supplierof copperto the Mediterraneanworldduringthe LateBronze andIronAges,a situationthat continuedinto later,historicalperiods. The nameCyprus,in fact,is related to cuprum-the Latinwordforcopper(Muhly1973:174-75)-and has recentlybeenassociatedwith a possibleSemitictermforcopper- at Ebla(discussedsuckia-pd-lum cinctly andwith furtherreferences in Lambert1991:185-86).The earliest exploitationanduse of copperon the islandhas only recentlycaught the attentionof archaeologistsand ancienthistorians(Merrillees1984; Knapp1986;Muhly1989).During BronzeAges,adthe Early-Middle vancesin metallurgicaltechnology areapparentin the developmentof a rangeof mold-cast,copperbased tools, weaponsandjewelry(Swiny 1986:66-97). Geochemicalanalyses conductedon severalof these artifactsindicatethat theywerelikely producedfromCypriotcopperores (GaleandStos-Gale1989;Gale,Stosif GaleandFasnacht,forthcoming); for evidence so, theyprovidegood the firstextensiveuse of the island's metalresources(betweenabout

2500-1700B.C.E.).

Inorderto reach,mineandtransportcopperfromdepositsalongthe northernflanksof the Troodos(the island'scentralmountainmassif), facilitiesforsmeltinghadto be constructed,routesfortransportdeveloped,andcommunicationsmaintained.A clay modelof a donkey with panniers may represent one means of transportingpartially refined copper from production sites to other centers for further extraction, manufacture,use or distribution (Sherratt1981:274, figure 10:11). Even though this early phase of copper production was limited to the northern and eastern parts of the island, such developments served to breakdown long-standinggeogra-

During the transitionalphase from about 1700-1400B.C.E. (ProtohistoricBronzeAge 1- ProBA),the archaeologicalrecordof Cyprusshows severalstriking changes. For example, burialpractices revealed unprecedented distinctions in social status. These items of gold jewelry were found along with threefemales in 7bmb 11at Ayios Dhimitrios.

it-

Y.?

phic and communication barriers, and at the same time accelerated interregionalcontacts (Frankel1974). The economic and political power that eventually came to center on the existence and exploitation of Cypriot copper ore deposits exemplifies well how the opportunities offeredby an insular resource might lead to "abnormal"social and cultural development. Could such factors also signal foreign demand for Cypriot copper (which obviously had to be shipped from a coastal site)? Beforeabout 1700 B.C.E.,almost all imports into Cyprus (fromthe Levant,Egyptand the Aegean)were recoveredfrom four burial sites on or near the north coast, the same areathat has revealed sound evidence for copper mining, distributionand consumption (Knapp 1990a: 159-60).The economic potential of this region is also apparent from the association between the quality and quantity of metalwork that accompanied the dead, and the possible export of raw metal from northern ports, where those interred in the cemeteries must have lived. Although the known quantity of imports (pottery,metal implements, stone vessels and faience items) in Cyprus before the Late BronzeAge is still limited, archaeologicaland documentary evidence revealthat a great variety of goods -timber, copper, tin, wine, olive oil, precious metals, pottery-was exchanged at this time throughout the Aegean and other parts of the eastern Mediterranean. These intensified maritime contacts certainly touched Cyprus, particularlyas its copper increasingly came into demand. Furthermore, the seaborne transportof raw materials or manufactureditems became

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easier with technological innovations in shipbuilding and navigation. During the Middle BronzeAge, sometime duringthe nineteenth century B.C.E.,cuneiformrecordsfrom Mari first document knowledge of copper from Alashiya, a place-name that virtually all epigraphersand historians now accept as the Bronze Age equivalent of Cyprus (Muhly 1972;Knapp 1985;Charpin 1990; compare Merrillees 1987). Alashiya. This flourishing MiddleLate BronzeAge kingdom is mentioned in Akkadian documents from Mari, Babylon,Alalakh and Amarna; in Akkadianand Ugaritic documents from Ugarit;in Akkadian and Hittite documents from Hattusha (Bogazk6y);in Egyptianhieroglyphic and hieratic materials; and in a variety of other, less informative documentary evidence (LinearB,Hebrew,Phoenician). The onomastica (evidence of personal names) preservedin these documents makes it apparentthat Cyprus was more closely associated with Levantinecultures and peoples than with those of the Aegean. Like the contemporarycuneiform documents from Ugarit and Alalakh, those from Alashiya indicate a polylingual, multiethnic mixture of Hurrians,Semites, Hittites and Egyptians;

they also show that the population coveredthe entire social spectrumfrom royalty to ruralpeasant farmers (Knappforthcoming). From the texts that mention Alashiya, it is clear that Cyprus's extensive copper resources were in constant demand throughout western Asia and Egypt;as a result, Cyprus participatedactively in eastern Mediterraneanregional trade systems. From the amount of Cypriot pottery found in the Levant,it is evident, furthermore,that other products - including perfumed oils, wine, olive oil and resins-were involved in this trade (Leonard1981;Knapp 1991).Severalprosperous,densely settled, LateBronzeAge coastal sites on Cyprus reflect the prominent economic status indicated by the cuneiform documents. In the political realm, the Alashiya documents demonstrate that Cyprus-perhaps because of its insularity, and consequently an ability to isolate itself from land-based armies - maintained neutrality in the Egypto-Hittiteconflict for control over Syria duringthe fourteenthirteenthcenturiesB.C.E.Cyprus was situated closer to many mainland political centers - such as Hattusha, Ugarit and Byblos-than those cen-

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

59

Np Ilk

terswereto eachother.However,the island'sinsularityprovideda suitable or haven-behinda marineboundaryforexilesbanishedfromSyriaand #rb Anatolia.Cyprusmaintainedthis conspicuousgeopoliticalprofile throughoutthe finalMiddleandLate BronzeAges(about1700-1100B.C.E.): literacyexistedto some degree(cuneiformand"Cypro-Minoan" scripts qN. werein use);copper-the economic basisof the island'sprosperity-continuedto be producedandexported. Cyprus'smarketpotential,partially the resultof its insularityandcentralitywithin the Aegean-eastern Mediterranean system,wasfully AQrealized(PortugaliandKnapp1985: 66-67),andthewealthresultingfrom Underwaterarchaeologicalexcavations at Ulu Burun,along the south coast of have tradeled to widespreadurbanexpan- shown that a significant-albeit usually invisible-component of tradeinvolvedTUrkey, a varietyof sionanddevelopmentbetween1400- organic,perishablegoods, such as this thorny burnetfound on a copperoxhide ingot. Demand for such goods would have helped to stimulate Cyprus'ssubsistence economy

1100B.C.E.

Towardthe endof the Bronze Age,Alashiya-like Crete,Sardinia andperhapsSicily-was affectedby the widespreadeconomicanddemographicdisruptionsassociatedwith the SeaPeoples.OneHittitetextfrom Hattushaalludesto a battlefought threetimes overbetweenthe reportedlyvictoriousHittitesandsome shipsfromAlashiya(Guiterbock 1967).Suchclues indicatethat,once this humantide reachedthe souththe military easternMediterranean, andmaritimestrengthof the Egyptiansbothdilutedanddivertedit. Althoughcause,effectandpriority aredifficultto establish,archaeologicalevidencesuggeststhatnew, limitedcolonizationtook placeat this time in Cyprus(fromthe Aegean andthe Levant),andnot muchlater on Sardinia.Suchdevelopmentsmay

monialarchitecture("temples") began to appearthroughoutthe island;burial practicesrevealedunprecedented distinctionsin socialstatus(thethree femalesfoundin Tomb11at Ayios Dhimitrioswereinterredwith a varietyof sumptuousgoods,including variousgolditemsthattotallednearly one pound in weight-Goring 1989); Cypro-Minoantexts first appeared;

copperproductionandexportintensifiedas extensiveinterregionaltrade blossomed;new fortificationsanda relativeincreasein the amountof weaponryindicatefurtherchanges in Cypriot society. This dramatic

trajectoryof developmentandchange is the most obviousencounteredin all of Cypriotprehistory,including the BronzeAge.It representsthe froman isoisland'stransformation cultureinto have been associated with the wide- lated,village-oriented spreaddispersalthat involved certain an international,urban-centered, ethnic elements of the Sea Peoples.

complex society (Knapp1986).

Middle-LateBronze Ages

tradeof copperbrought Cyprus with-

During the transitional phase from about 1700-1400 B.C.E.(Protohistoric Bronze Age 1-ProBA), the archaeological record of Cyprus shows sev-

eral striking changes (Knapp1979): urbancenters with public and cere-

60

The increasedproductionand

in the economicdomainof wider,

Mediterranean-westernAsiatic ex-

changesystems.Newly-builtport

cities (HalaSultan Tekke,Maroni, Kition) that specialized in trade

prosperedas theirpopulationsgrew.

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

Cuneiformletters sent fromAlashiya to the Egyptianpharaohat Amarna show-not surprisingly- that the king of Cyprus wielded considerable authority over copperproduction and trade. Like the dynasts of contemporarywestern Asia, the Cypriot ruler used state agents (tamk.rii) to conduct foreign trade.These same records clearly show the output, shipping capacity,and organizational efficiency of a highly specialized, well-coordinatedpolitical and economic system (Knapp1985, 1986; Muhly 1986). In seeming contrast to these specialized developments in urbanization, metallurgical production and international trade, current evidence indicates that the mixed farming economy remained restricted and low-key (Hansen 1991).There is no evidence, for example, of centralized facilities for food storage.Obviously, however,the overalleconomic system had to be flexible enough to feed and support the new specialist sectors in the urbaneconomy (unless significant amounts of food were imported, for which there is no evidence). Recent research,as well as the more tangible results of underwaterarchaeological

excavationssuch as that at Ulu Burun (south coast of Turkey-Pulak 1988; Bass, Pulak, Collon and Weinstein 1989),haveshown that a significant albeit usually invisible - component of trade involved a variety of organic, perishablegoods (resins,oils, fibers, wine, foodstuffs-Knapp 1991).Demand for such goods would have helped to stimulate Cyprus'ssubsistence economy. If expandingtrade relations helped to break down old regional loyalties on Cyprus, and thus to promote social fusion, the natural circumscription of the island and the growing scarcity of land and raw materials (the result of extensive plow agricultureand copper exploitation) may have facilitated the concentration of resources,and the centralization of authority, in the hands of a new political elite. At least until the thirteenth century B.C.E.,increased centralization, wealth and social stratification characterizedsociopolitical development on Cyprus. Profits from copperproduction and tradewere reinvestedin commercial enterprise, in building projects,and in the stabilization of centralized authority.Invariouswaysandthrough differentmanifestations, the copper industry offeredopportunities to increase wealth, which led to further changes in society.

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Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

61

Because the ensuing political and economic system provedto be so stable, the widespreadcollapse of other polities and tradingnetworks in the eastern Mediterraneanabout 1200B.C.E.had little effect on Cyprus. Some of the most important developments in early iron technology took place on Cyprus at this very time (Snodgrass1982).As incoming Aegean and Levantinepeoples - the newest colonization of the island-became amalgamatedwith the Cypriot population, industrial and commercial enterprise was revitalized. New maritime routes opened to the Aegean and central Mediterraneanin the quest for alternative metal supplies, or for other resources in demand. If the majorfocus of its external relations had previously been to the east, during the twelfth and eleventh cen-

turiesB.C.E.,Cyprusincreasingly

tions (most likely from Anatolia): availability of water,arableland (howeverlimited), and their role in emerging regional trade networks. Because early mariners used islands as stepping-stones,or landmarks,to avoid crossing open stretches of sea, the position of the Cyclades ensured that they would serve as bridges linking Anatolia, Crete and mainland Greece. Trade,in other words, probablyhelped to make settlement

This marble sculptureof a harpist is dated to approximately2800 and 2600 B.C.E. and provides a veryearly example of what has been termed the "canonical"style. These sculpturescome in a varietyof forms-playing pipes, bearinga baldric and dagger,seated, or depicted with folded arms-and include the real masterpieces of Early Cycladic sculpture.During the Thirdmillennium B.C.E.in the Aegean region,innovations in shipbuilding and the incipient cultivation of olives and vines had a major,positive impact on the Mediterraneaneconomy. The inhabitants of variousisland groups,not least the Cyclades, became involved actively in maritime trade, and in the productionof such distinctive artifacts as these sculptures. The wide distribution of such specialized goods, techniques and ideas helped to promote cultural unity within the Aegean, and served to facilitate increasingly complex economic contacts with mainland areas of the ancient Near East. Photo courtesy of The MetropolitanMuseum of Art, RogersFund, 1947 (47.100.1).

developednew orientations - and new associations -with the Aegean and central Mediterranean,especially with Crete and Sardinia(LoSchiavo,MacNamaraand Vagnetti 1985; Muhly 1987;Knapp 1990b). The Aegean:Crete,Theraand Rhodes Crete and Thera. Crete, the Mediterranean'sfifth largest island, is the southernmost and largest (about 8,200 squarekilometers) Aegean island. Thera is only about 40 square kilometers in area (although the preeruption, BronzeAge island may have been somewhat larger)and, unlike Crete, is volcanic in origin; it forms the southernmost majorisland of the Cycladic group.The two islands lie approximately 100 kilometers apart,but Crete'swestern end stretches much closer to the Greek mainland (about 100 kilometers distant). Anatolia is about 200 kilometers distant from both Crete and Thera. Rhodes- the easternmost isle in the Aegean arc-is situated 200 kilometers east of Thera and about 150 kilometers northeast of Crete. Despite the limited size of the Cycladic islands, several factorsensured the success of their coloniza-

62

possible in the Cycladic islands, and in this instance may be regarded as a specialized adaptationto a marginal, insular, subsistence economy (Cherry 1987: 26). The Cycladic islands generally have revealedfar less evidence of contact with areas beyond the Aegean than Crete (late Middle Bronze Age Thera may be an exception). Cycladic influence (potteryforms) is found as far afield as Rhodes and

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

Cyprus and may be understood as representativeof what Colin Renfrew termed the "internationalspirit"of the EarlyBronzeAge (1972:451); such interaction diminishes thereafter.In contrast, Cretan contacts with Cyprus,the eastern Mediterranean and the Near East (including Egypt)increasedthroughtime, reaching a peak during the Late Bronze Age. The question of Near Eastern influence on Minoan Crete - espe-

cially on the emergence and refinement of Crete's palace system

-

is

overarching chronologicalscheme (and,as notedearlier,radiocarbon datingdoeslittle to resolvethe difficulties).Aegeanprehistorianswork in a nearly"prehistoric" context(with a narrowlycircumscribedrangeof documentaryevidence- chiefly LinearA andLinearB records);becausethe inherentchronologicalimprecisionforBronzeAgeCreteand the Cycladesinvolvesuncertainties rangingfrom50-200 years,neatsequentialaccountscouchedin narrative termsaremisleading(Davisand Cherry1990:197-98).Attemptsto correlatespecificarchaeological events(naturalor otherwise)on differentislandsis a mosttendentious

particularlydifficult, and seems to wax and wane along with trends in prehistoric archaeological research. Currentopinion at least acknowledges the possibility of some influence moving from east to west Urban centers in the Late BronzeAge functioned as nodes in an interregionaleconomic (Watrous1987). Like the situation on Cyprus, system with terminalpoints in western Asia or the eastern Mediterraneanarea. more than 100 years of intensive study and excavation in Crete and the Cyclades by scholars of several nationalities (Greeksand British Anatolia prominentamongthem) has produced a well-known and well-published \' archaeologicalrecordfor the Bronze \ As in Uart' Easterr Age (Warren1989). Cyprus, Mediterranean .I evidence from the archaeological Dramascus EarlyBronzeCyclades comes chiefly rMesopotamia' fromtombs, many of them previously Atcdt> looted: a synthetic account is there" ;tL:a .,x fore difficult to provide.Each period \i and areahas its prominent featuresEgypt the rich burial assemblages of Early Minoan Crete;the striking marble figurines of the EarlyCycladic period - but none are known as well as exercise. Workingin this type of prethe vibrantly colored frescos and historic context, the goal should be multistoried buildings of Middleto consider patterns of human acLateBronzeAge Thera (Doumas tivity and processes of development or the their or change. The majority of published grandpalaces(with 1987), own frescos, plus exquisite minor material, in any case, derives from of the Aegean region'sbest known proMiddle and Late Bronze arts) Age cess of change, the rise and decline Crete (Cadogan1976). with the a of palatial civilization on MiddleCompared Cyclades, deal more is known about Crete Late BronzeCrete between about good the third millennium 2000-1200 B.C.E. during B.C.E.; the incidence of increasingly regional Althoughrepresenting markedly distinctions in material culture on differentapproachesto archaeology, the island (throughoutthe Bronze the earlyBritishexcavationsat Age) has become apparent. These distinctions seldom conform to any

Knossoson Crete(1890s-1920s)and the ongoingGreekexcavationsat

the site of Akrotiri on Thera (1967present) have yielded a very broad rangeof material evidence (Evans 1921-35; Michailidou 1986;Doumas 1987).If not fully representative, these excavations nonetheless have spawned dozens of others and left a stream of related research in their wake. From the opposite poles of a century's fieldwork in the Aegean, excavations at Knossos and Akrotiri have revealeda rich, composite, and- it must be said- rather imbalanced picture of prehistoric Aegean society and economy. The attempt to impose some homogeneity onto the striking diversity of insular Aegean cultures - like the attempt to portraya unified "MinoanMycenaean"religion on the basis of its later, Classical counterpart (Nilsson 1950)- seems inappropriate. Rooted in their Neolithic forerunners, agricultural economies were well established in both Crete and the Cyclades by the beginning of the BronzeAge (about3200 B.C.E.). During the millennium that followed, innovations in maritime transport, and the incipient cultivation of olives and vines (a major supplement to the subsistence economy), had a dramatic effect on spatial, social and economic patterns within the Aegean area (Renfrew1972;compare Runnels and Hansen 1986).Aegean island inhabitants- heretoforeisolated from the largerMediterranean world and constrained by the demands of insular living-began to partakeactively in maritime trade, to manufacturedistinctive artifacts (seals, fine painted pottery,stone axes, gold and silver ornaments), and to build domestic and public structures that representedthe earliest towns in the Mediterranean.Although Cycladic sites averagedless than an acre in size, the spreadof these small farming settlements throughout the islands is a striking feature of the EarlyBronzeAge archaeological record (Cherry 1987: 22-23). Along with several other sites, the modest but notably larger

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

63

settlements at third millennium B.C.E.Akrotiri (Thera) and Knossos

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Plans of palaces at Phaistos and Mallia on Crete,and Mariin Syria. While each Minoan palace reveals unique, individualizing elements, in overalldesign they revolvearound a central court in a manner quite distinct from western Asiatic palaces, like those at Mari. The form of Minoanpalaces, in other words, is clearly not derivedfrom Near Easternprototypes.Drawn from Cherry1986,with permission from Princeton UniversityPress.

64

(Crete)formed the foundations on which Aegean palatial civilization was built. Togetherwith these developments, the advent and spreadof metallurgy-particularly in the Cyclades and on Crete-promoted greatersocial distinctions, as some members of society began to acquire wealth and prestige items. Because it was necessary to import tin (together with copper an essential ingredient in producingbronze),bronze working stimulated long-distancetrade, particularlywith Anatolia and the Levant.Silver producedin the Cyclades also became an important commodity, and the productsof early Aegean metallurgists helped to expand trade rapidlythroughout the Aegean and along the western coast of Anatolia (Galeand Stos-Gale 1981; Stos-Gale and MacDonald 1991).A multitude of harborsand the potential diversity of tradingroutes further promoted the auraof internationalism. Although the wide distribution of specialized goods, techniques and ideas helped to promote a semblance of cultural unity within the Aegean, at the same time regional diversity heightened, and social distinctions multiplied. All of these interlocking developments divergesharply from past patterns. Although settlements expanded across Crete in the Early Bronze Age, many were widely dispersed, and were also relatively small in comparison with Knossos, Mallia or Phaistos - all future palace centers and all situated on focal, agriculturally favorable positions. The ability to construct and maintain these larger sites (and the buildings within them) and to feed dependent personnel required a reorientation of society, and the mobilization of a labor force by an emerging elite group (Manning 1992). How such reorganization was carried out is difficult to determine from the archaeological record alone, but the incentives to

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

do so were manifold: to create a disposable surplus for the managers;to provide storagefacilities for redistribution of agriculturalproducts and for relief of the unpredictable shortages inherent in an island setting; to support specialist craftsmen; and to enhance the opportunities for overseastrade (to obtain necessary resources,like metals or prestige goods). The entire process served to stabilize elite control and led to further nucleation in these central sites: as JohnE Cherry (1978:425) described it, "whatgoes up, stays up." Control by an elite group overboth land and labor,therefore,helps indicate how the largersites were able to supportthemselves, and also explains why the early palaces - constructed shortly after 2000 B.C.E.-alreadyhad extensive storagefacilities in place. How did these developments promote long-distancetrade,and how did that trade help to stabilize the new, palatial regimes?The major palace centers at Knossos and Phaistos were established at key inland points, convenient for agricultural production and distribution (as was the palace at Mallia, although it was situated on the coast-Bennet 1988). It is likely that Knossos and Phaistos were closely connected, respectively, to the port sites of Amnisos and Kommos. The Neopalatial sites at Kato Zakros and Khaniawere not only coastal, but ideally situated for overseastrade. More importantly, the Aegean in general, and Crete in particular,offereda clear locational advantagefor trade and communication between the east and central Mediterranean,and between Europe and western Asia, including Egypt. The very recent discovery in the eastern Nile Delta (Journalof Art 4.7 [September1991]60) of a Minoanstyle fresco - depicting women in

Minoan-style dress, a bull-jumping scene, and a mountainous landscape like that of Crete-indicates more intimate and diverse contacts between Egyptand Crete than heretofore imagined. WhereasCrete during

the EarlyBronze Age lay at the westernmost boundaryof an eastern Mediterraneanexchange system, by the Middle BronzeAge it had become a nexus in a system that increasingly extended to the west and north. Its situation is thereforenot dissimilar to that of several coastal Syro-Palestinianpolities of the third millennium B.C.E.,whose rise to prominence resulted at least partially from their proximity to the expanding-and overlapping-Mesopotamian and Egyptianinteraction spheres. If, on the one hand, EarlyBronze Age trade in the Aegean was chiefly local or regional

-

with the ancient Near East, and especially Egypt,is not in question. However,the nature of this contact, the mechanisms involved in the exchange of goods, and indeed even the identity of those who conducted the actual trade,are problematic issues that the archaeologicalrecordcan-

and uninvolved

with the movement of goods in bulk-on the other hand it clearly had an international aspect, which was concerned with the acquisition of luxury items or basic resources such as metals. Prestigegoods marked out and legitimized the social groups that increasingly maintained centralized control overCrete and were responsible for the massive social and cultural elaboration that culminated in the formation of the palaces (Manning1992).Because the palaces had both the means and the will to maintain production for export and to control imports, it is likely that these institutions -and those who dominated them-played an important role in overseastrade.At the very least, it seems safe to say that the internal political and economic processes that helped to establish the first palaces also led to an intensification of long-distance commercial and ceremonial trade. In return for critical imports that solidified the power base of palatial elites, Crete would have offered to its eastern Mediterranean and western Asiatic trading partners finished goods: textiles, metal, semiprecious stones from the Greek mainland; organic products such as specialty oils, wines, spices and honey; dyes, including purple-dye (crushed shell middens have been found on Crete and in the Cyclades). The material evidence of contact

The statue base from the funerarytemple of Amenophis III is an important document for any discussion of Keftiu.On the base of the statue, an inscription lists 12Aegean sites (including Knossos, Phaistos and Kydoniaon Crete,Mycenaeand Nauplion on the Greek mainland, and Kytherain the Cyclades)on the left side; on the rightside are recorded Keftiuand Dny (either Danay,another name for mainland Greece,or Thy,an otherwise unattested name for Rhodes/theeastern Aegean?).The inscriptions must have been commissioned or manufacturedby someone who had knowledge of the world known to the New KingdomEgyptians.One possible interpretationis that the towns mentioned on the left side are to be found in the lands mentioned on the right side. Photo courtesy JohnStrange.

not resolve easily. Most scholars who study the later (LateBronze Age) LinearB tablets of Crete maintain that the palaces did not control overseastrade, since that topic is never mentioned as such in the tablets (compareKillen 1985:262-70). Finally, the matter of trade contacts with ancient western Asia raises further questions about the extent of Near Easterninfluence on the development of Aegean palatial civilizations generally,and on the construction of the palaces specifically. Since both archaeologicaland documentary evidence (the latter discussed in the next section: Kef-

tiu/Kaptaru)indicates that there were significant contacts between Minoan Crete and the Levantduring the Proto-Palatialperiod, is it possible that interaction between the Aegean and the Near East (almost 1,000 kilometers apart)affected the emergence of Minoan civilization, including the palace structures themselves? Because certain functional features of the palaces (such as the drainagesystem), as well as some of their technical and stylistic aspects (ashlarmasonry,wall paintings), are sharedbetween the two regions, some scholars argue for a direct technological and artistic exchange of ideas (Watrous1987).Indeed, in an era of increasing internationalism, which in extent and intensity far surpassedthat of the EarlyBronze Age, cultural interconnections between the Levant/ Egyptand the Aegean need occasion no surprise. Severalnew features apparentin the Minoan palatial system -the shape of pottery vessels; details of ideology and divine iconography;the monumentality of the palaces;written scripts and the associated complexity of Minoan systems of production and communication - are often

thought to reflect an intimate association with Near Easternnotions of kingship. However,in some cases (ceremonial and administrative aspects, for example), the Minoan traits have an antiquity comparable to that of the Near East, and there is little that is specifically Near Eastern about their adoption and use in the Minoan bureaucracies.Furthermore, while each Minoan palace reveals unique, individualizing elements, in overall design they revolve around a central court in a manner quite distinct from western Asiatic palaces (like those at Mari or Alalakh), or from Egyptian urban agglomerations The form (like that at bll el-Amamrna). of Minoan palaces, in other words, is clearly not derived from Near Eastern prototypes (Cherry 1986: 41-42). It seems reasonable to assume

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65

1

*4 4 .

I.

-;.

IVI 'ai

U

q It?

LLU -O

-

\

that the intensification of longdistance trade (foracquiringbasic resources)during the twentiethincludseventeenth centuries B.C.E., ing perhapsgift exchanges between palace centers in both regions, may have promptedCretan rulers to emulate what they learned about Near Easternroyalinstitutions, particularly those aspects that would have helped to consolidate their own rule. The acquisition of prestige goods from abroadprobablyhelped to confer higher status on Minoan elites, which would have resulted in further social inequalities as trade came to be dominated by those involved in the Minoan palatial systems. While exposureto the ideas and institutions of western Asia and Egyptdid not lead directly to the rise of the Minoan palaces, it may have spurred competition among elites in neighboring Minoan polities (i.e. Knossos, Phaistos and Mallia, if not KatoZakros and Khania),and so intensified economic development and sociopolitical change (Manning 1992). Keftiu/Kaptaru.Documentary evidence related to Keftiu (Egyptian) and Kaptaru(cuneiform-biblical Kaphtor)makes it possible to view 66

\.

I1qI III

relations between the Aegean and the ancient Near Eastfrom another

angle.Bothtermslikely representa designationforthe Aegeanareagenerally,if not forCreteparticularly. Morethan 50 texts in Egyptian, Akkadian,Ugaritic,Hebrew,Greek

and Latin referto Keftiu/Kaptaru. The value of these texts for historical or geographicarguments is uneven; only 10 are contemporarywith the BronzeAge and at the same time relevantto a discussion of Cretan contacts with ancient western Asia. The (Egyptian)hieroglyphicmaterials

arelimitedin time to the Eighteenth Dynasty(about1600-1300B.C.E.), while the cuneiformdocuments aredatedeitherto the nineteenth-

B.C.E. centuries (fromMari) eighteenth or to the thirteenthcenturyB.C.E. (fromUgarit).One Neo-Assyrian tabletmentionsthatAnaku(possibly lie "beyond andKaptara "tin-land") the UpperSea"(i.e.the Mediterranean);but bythe time of this tablet's compositionin the seventhcentury

hadpassed B.C.E.,thelandof Kaptaru into the realmof legend. Scholarshavesoughtto locate

Keftiu/Kaptaruin various parts of Anatolia, Syria, Phoenicia and Cy-

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r

prus. Its identification with Crete, however,is now widely accepted by Egyptologists,Assyriologists and Aegean prehistorians (Vercoutter 1956; Sakellarakisand Sakellarakis 1984).Keftiu, the Egyptianterm, is thought to be a derivation of the Semitic term Kap/btaru,but this is difficult to establish beyond doubt (Strange1980: 12).Keftiu itself is often associated with another Egyptian term that means "theislands in the midst of the Great Green"(which may referto the Aegean area as a whole). Inscriptions on Egyptian frescos that accompany depictions of gift-bearersfrom Keftiu describe them as inhabitants of "islandsin the midst of the sea"(Wachsmann 1987). In fact, there is no reason why the place names Keftiu/Kaptaru could not referto the Aegean areaas a single geographicentity. One important document for of Keftiu is a statue discussion any base from the funerarytemple of Amenophis III(at Kom el-Hatan in Egypt;Edel 1966;Cline 1987).The statue and accompanying inscription were commissioned or manufactured by someone who must have had knowledge of the world known to

m m'mmmpim m'nm

pm mm In the tomb of Rekhmirein Thebes (reignof Ttthmosis III),this depiction of "tribute" (which is how the Egyptiansregardedtheir foreign trade)and tribute bearersfrom Keftiu shows a varietyof fine, Aegean-typepottery and metal goods. Documentary evidence that mentions Keftiu/Kaptaru suggests that,

IIb

lilt

the New KingdomEgyptians.On its left side are recorded12 Aegeanplace names (including Knossos, Phaistos and Kydoniaon Crete;Mycenae and Nauplion on the Greek mainland; Kytherain the Cyclades);on its right side are recordedKeftiu and Dny (either Danay, another name for mainland Greece, or Thy,an otherwise unattested name for Rhodes/the eastern Aegean?).One possible interpretationis that the towns mentioned on the left side are to be found in the lands mentioned on the right side. This part of the overalllist (preserved on five different statue bases) seems to representEgypt'sknown northwestern sphere of influence. The relevant documents suggest that KeftiulKaptarucould only be reachedby ship; clearly it lay in the Mediterranean,at some distance from both Egyptand the Levant.In geopolitical terms, it was an important land and is mentioned in the Keftiu texts along with majorpolities such as Qadesh, Qatna, and Ugarit (all in the Levant),as well as Babylon,Hatti, Assur and Cyprus. Keftiu/Kaptaruconducted trade with Egypt,Ugarit and Mari (and perhapsMesopotamia);it exported

Akkadian, West Semitic and Hurrian derivation. Ships from Keftiu transferredto Egypt timber, ivory and precious or semiprecious stones available in the Levant;some Keftiu ships were either built or repairedin Egypt in the second millennium the B.C.E., early Aegean world, and particularly Crete,took (as indicated by accounts from an an active partin a tradesystem centeredon the naval yard,dated to the Egyptian eastern Mediterraneanand therebygained access to the productsand peoples of both reign of Amenophis II- Strange ancient western Asia and Egypt.As a result, 1980: 74-75, 96-98). the palatial economies of the BronzeAge In sum, documentary evidence Aegean prospered.Drawing taken from that mentions Keftiu/KaptarusugWachsmann1987. gests that, early in the second milmineral and medicinal items, wood, lennium B.C.E., the Aegean world, fine pottery,oil, an alcoholic bevand particularly Crete, took an acerage,grain and metals (Knapp1991). tive part in a trade system centered In the tomb of Rekhmire in on the eastern Mediterraneanand Thebes (reignof Tuthmosis Ilm),detherebygained access to the products and peoples of both ancient western pictions of "tribute"(which is how the Egyptiansregardedtheir foreign Asia and Egypt.As a result, the palatrade)and tribute bearersfrom Keftiu tial economies of the Bronze Age show a variety of fine, Aegean-type Aegeanprospered.And when-toward the end of the Bronze Age, about pottery (rhyta-including some in the form of a bull's head-"stirrup" international econ1200 B.C.E..-the the eastern Mediterranean jars,pithoi, "Vapheio"cups, pedesomy of talled bowls) and metal goods (vescollapsed, so too did the palatial orsels, a dagger,oxhide ingots). A cune- ganizations that had been so closely iform inventorytext from Mari (reign involved with it. By that time, howof Zimri-Lim)indicates that tin, ever, Crete had long since passed from its position of preeminence in originally transshippedthrough the Aegean;it is necessary to retrace Mari, had been sent on to Ugarit, where it was picked up by a mersome steps to discuss that process. chant (?)from Crete (a Kaptarian) and other recipients from the southern Levant;negotiations were facilitated through the intercession of an This article will be concluded in the next issue of Biblical Archaeologist. interpreter,targumannu (Dossin First, developments in the Aegean 1970;Malamat 1971).Another inventory of pottery and luxury items, are rounded out with a brief discussion of the Neo-Palatial period, an and further tablets from Mari, also list Kaptarianproducts:elaborately overview of Middle-Late BronzeAge decoratedweapons, a katappuThera,and the Post-Palatialperiod, when Minoan power and influence container, a largevase, some fabric (clothing?)and a pair of leather shoes in the Aegean finally disappeared. This is followed by detailed discus(Malamat 1971:38; Tallon 1985:61; Sasson 1985:451). A thirteenthsion of Bronze Age Rhodes, with a Akkadian text from sidebar on the Abbiyawa, and of century-B.C.E. Sardinia during the second millenUgarit indicates that a well-known merchant named Sinaranushipped nium B.C.E., with commentary on into Ugarit- duty-free- some grain, the importance of the Bronze Age a fermented beverage,and oil from trade in metals, and a sidebar on Crete, Kabduri (Knapp1991:37-38). the Shardanu. In the ensuing discussion section, Mediterranean island A list of Keftiu-names,difficult to interpretand datable (to the reign of cultures are evaluated more generalThthmosis mI)only on the basis of ly in their Near Eastern context, and brief conclusions are drawn. epigraphy,refersto individuals of

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Analyses of CopperIngots from Sardinia. Series:Ministeroper i Beni Culturali e Ambientali, Soprintendenza ai Beni Archaeologiciper le Provincede Sassarie Nuoro, Quaderni 17. Ozieri:Torchietto. Malamat,A. 1971 Syro-PalestinianDestinations in a MariTin Inventory.Israel Exploration Journal21:31-38. Manning,S. 1988 The BronzeAge Eruptionof Thera: Absolute Dating, AegeanChronology and MediterraneanCultural Interrelations.Journalof Mediterranean Archaeology 1 (1):17-82. 1990 The Eruptionof Thera:Date and Implications. Pp.29-40 in Thera and the Aegean World,volume 3 (3), edited by D. A. Hardy,with C. Renfrew.London:The TheraFoundation. 1992 The Emergenceof Divergence:Bronze Age Crete and the Cyclades.In Development and Decline in the BronzeAge Mediterranean,edited by C. Mathersand S. Stoddart.Sheffield: JohnCollis Publications. Marazzi,M., Tusa,S., and Vagnetti,L., editors 1986 7RafficiMicenei nel Mediterraneo: Problemi Storicie Documentazione Archeologica (Atti del Convegnodi Palermo,1-1-12May and 2-3 Dec. 1985).Series:MagnaGraecia3. Taranto:Istituto perla Storiae l'Arch. della MagnaGrecia. Marketou,T. 1988 New Evidenceon the Topographyand Site History of PrehistoricIalysos. Pp. 27-33 in Archaeologyin the Dodecanese, edited by S. Dietz and I. Papachristodoulou.Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark. 1990 SantoriniTephrafrom Rhodesand Kos:Some ChronologicalRemarks Basedon the Stratigraphy.Pp. 100-13 in Theraand the Aegean World,volume 3 (3),edited by D. Hardy,with C. Renfrew.London:The Thera Foundation. MartinDe LaCruz, J.C. 1990 Die erste Mykenische Keramikvon der IberischerHalbinsel. Priahistorischer Zeitschrift 65: 49-52. McNeill, W.H. 1986 Mythistory,or Truth,Myth, History, and Historians.American Historical Review 91: 1-10. Mee, C. 1982 Rhodes in the BronzeAge. Warminster:Aris and Phillips. 1988 The LHIIIBPeriodin the Dodecanese. Pp. 171-82 in Archaeologyin the Dodecanese, edited by S. Dietz and I. Papachristodoulou.Copenhagen: National Museum of Denmark.

Melas, E. M. 1988 The Dodecanese and WesternAnatolia in Prehistory:Interrelationships, Ethnicity,and Political Geography. Anatolian Studies 38: 109-20. Mellink, M., editor 1986 Troyand the TrojanWar:A Symposium held at BrynMawr College. BrynMawr,PA:BrynMawrCollege. Merrillees,R. S. 1984 Ambelikou-Aletri:a Preliminary Report.Reportof the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus:1-13. 1987 Alashia Revisited. Series: Cahiers de la Revue Biblique 22. Paris: J.Gabaldaet Cie. Michailidou, A. 1986 Knossos:A Complete Guide to the Palace of Minos. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A. 1990 The LeadWeightsfrom Akrotiri:the ArchaeologicalRecord.Pp.407-19 in Theraand the Aegean World,volume 3 (1),editedby D. A. Hardyandothers. London:The Thera Foundation. Muhly,J.D. 1972 The land of Alashiya: Referencesto Alashiya in the Textsof the Second Millennium B.C.and the History of Cyprus in the LateBronzeAge. Pp. 201-19 in Acts of the FirstInternational CyprologicalCongress, edited by V.Karageorghis.Nicosia, Cyprus:Department of Antiquities. 1973 Copperand Tin: The Distribution of Mineral Resourcesand the Nature of the Metals Tradein the BronzeAge. Pp. 155-535 in Transactionsof the Connecticut Academy of Arts and Sciences 43. Hamden, CT:Archon Books. 1985 Phoenicia and the Phoenicians. Pp. 177-91 in Biblical Archaeology organizedby J.Amitai. Jerusa7bToday, lem: IsraelExplorationSociety,Israel Academyof Sciences, and the American Schools of Oriental Research. 1986 The Role of Cyprus in the Economy of the EasternMediterraneanDuring the Second Millennium B.C.Pp. 4560 in Acts of the InternationalArchaeological Symposium:Cyprus between the Orient and the Occident, edited by V.Karageorghis. Nicosia, Cyprus:Department of Antiquities. 1987 Copperand TinIngotsand the Bronze Age metals trade.Paperpresentedat the Sixth InternationalColloquium on AegeanPrehistory,Athens, Greece, held in September. 1989 The Organisationof the CopperIndustry in LateBronzeAge Cyprus. Pp. 298-314 in Early Society in Cyprus,edited by E. J.Peltenburg.

Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversity Press. Muhly, J.D., Maddin,R., and Stech, T. 1988 Cyprus,Crete and Sardinia:Copper Oxhide Ingotsand the Metals Trade. Reportof the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus:281-98. Nilsson, M. P. 1950 Minoan-MycenaeanReligion and its Survivalin GreekReligion. Kung., revisededition. Humanistika Vetenskapssamfundeti Lund,Skrifter9. Lund:Gleerup.(Firstedition published in 1927). Patton,M. 1.991 Stone Axes of the Channel Islands: Neolithic Exchangein an Insular Context. OxfordJournalof Archaeology 10:33-43. Peatfield,A. A. D. 1990 Minoan Peak Sanctuaries:History and Society. Opuscula Atheniensia 18: 117-33. Portugali,Y., and Knapp,A. B. 1985 Cyprusand the Aegean:a Spatial Analysis of Interactionin the 17th14th centuries B.C.Pp.44-78 in PrehistoricProductionand Exchange: The Aegean and EasternMediterranean, edited by A. B.Knappand T. Stech. Series:UCLA Institute of Archaeology,Monograph25. Los Angeles: UCLA. Pulak, C. 1988 The BronzeAge Shipwreckat Ulu Burun,Turkey:1985Campaign. American Journalof Archaeology 92: 1-37. Renfrew,A. C. 1972 The Emergenceof Civilization: The Cycladesand the Aegeanin the Third Millennium B.C.London:Methuen. Roberts,N. 1989 The Holocene: An Environmental History.Oxford:Blackwell. Runnels,C. N., and Hansen, J. 1986 The Olive in the PrehistoricAegean: the Evidencefor Domestication in the EarlyBronzeAge. OxfordJournal of Archaeology 5: 299-308. Sakellarakis,E., and Sakellarakis,Y. 1984 The Keftiuand the Minoan Thalassocracy.Pp. 197-203 in The Minoan Thalassocracy:Myth and Reality, edited by R. Hlgg and N. Marinatos. Series:SkrifterUtgivna av Svenska Institutet i Athen 32. Stockholm: Swedish Institute. Sandars,N. K. 1969 FromBronzeAge to IronAge: a Sequel to a Sequel. Pp. 1-30 in The EuropeanCommunity in LaterPrehistory, edited by J.Boardman,M. A. Brown,and T. G. E. Powell. London: Routledgeand KeganPaul.

1985 The Sea Peoples:Warriorsof the Ancient Mediterranean1250-1150BC, second edition. London:Thames and Hudson. Sasson, J.M. 1985 Year:Zimri-LimOffereda Great Throne to Shamashof Mahanum. An Overviewof One Yearin Mari. Part 1:the Presence of the King. Mari:Annales de RecherchesInterdisciplinaires 4: 437-52. Sherratt,A. G. 1981 Plough and Pastoralism:Aspects of the SecondaryProductsRevolution. Pp. 261-305 in Patternof the Past: Studies in Honourof David Clarke, edited by I. Hodder,G. Issacand N. Hammond.Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press. Shrimpton,G. 1987 RegionalDrought and the Economic Decline of Mycenae.Classical Views 6: 137-76. Snodgrass,A. 1982 Cyprusand the Beginningsof Iron Technologyin the EasternMediterranean. Pp. 285-96 in EarlyMetallurgy in Cyprus,4000-500 BC,editedby J.D. Muhly,R. Maddinand V.Karageorghis. Nicosia: Pierides Foundation. Sommer, E 1932 Die Ahhijawa-Urkunden.Series:Abhandlungender BayerischeAkademie der Wissenschaften,HistorishcePhilosophische Abteilung 6. Munich: BayerischeAkademie der Wissenschaften. Sondaar,P.Y, and Sanges,M., editors 1992 EarlyMan in Island Environments: Proceedingsof the Oliena (Sardinia) Colloquium(25 Sept-2 Oct 1988).Sassari:IndustriaGraficaStampacolor. Steiner,G. 1989 "Schiffevon A1hijawa"oder "Kriegschiffe"von Amurruim Sau'kamuwaVertrag?Ugarit-Forschungen21: 393-411. Stos-Gale,Z. A., and Gale, N. H. 1992 New Lighton the Provenanceof CopperOxhide Ingots Foundon Sardinia. In Sardiniain the Mediterranean: A Footprintin the Sea, edited by R. H. Tykotand T. K. Andrews. Series:Monographsin Mediterranean Archaeology2. Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press. Stos-Gale,Z. A., and MacDonald,C. F. 1991 Sourcesof Metals and Tradein the BronzeAge Aegean.Pp. 249-88 in BronzeAge Tradein the Mediterranean, edited by N. H. Gale. Series: Studiesin Mediterranean Archaeology 90. G6teborg:P.Astrom'sForlag. Strange,J. 1980 Caphtor/Keftiu:A New Investigation.

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.liblical

Series:Acta TheologicalDanica 14. Leiden:Brill. Swiny, S. 1986 The Kent State University Expedition to EpiskopiPhaneromeni.Series: Studiesin Mediterranean Archaeology 74: 2. G6teborg:P.Astr6m'sF6rlag. 1989 FromRoundHouse to Duplex:a Reassessmentof PrehistoricBronze Age Cypriot Society.Pp. 14-31 in EarlySociety in Cyprus,edited by E. J.Peltenburg.Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversity Press. Tallon,P. 1985 Archives Royalesde Mari 24. (Texte) TextesAdministratifsdes Salles "Yet Z"du Palais de Mari. Paris:Editions Recherchessur les Civilisations. Terrell,J. 1986 Prehistoryin the Pacific Islands. Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity Press. Trump,D. 1980 The Prehistoryof the Mediterranean. New Haven,CT,and London:Yale University Press. Trkot, R. H. 1989 The Sea Peoples in Sicily, Sardinia and Etruria:a re-examinationof the Archaeologicaland TextualEvidence in Lightof Recent Research.Paper presentedat the FirstArchaeological Congress,Baltimore,MD. 1991 Sea Peoples in Etruria?ItalianContacts with the EasternMediterranean. In Etruscans,volume IV,edited by lane Whitehead. Tykot,R. H., and Andrews,T K., editors 1992 Sardiniain the Mediterranean: A Footprint in the Sea. Series:Monographs in MediterraneanArchaeology2. Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress. Vagnetti,L.,and Lo Schiavo,F 1989 LateBronzeAge LongDistance Trade in the Mediterranean:the Role of the Cypriots.Pp.217-43 in EarlySociety in Cyprus,edited by E. J.Peltenburg. Edinburgh:EdinburghUniversity Press. vanAndel,T H., Zangger,E.,and Demitrack,A. 1990 LandUse and Soil Erosionin Prehistoric and HistoricalGreece. Journal of Field Archaeology 17:379-96. Vercoutter,i. 1956 et le Monde L'Fgypte lgeen Prehellenique. Bibliothequedes etudes 22. Cairo:Institut Francaisd'archeologie orientale. Wachsmann,S. 1987 Aegeans in the ThebanbTombs. Series: Orientalia LovaniensiaAnalecta 20. Leuven:Peeters. Warren,P.M. 1987 Absolute Dating of the AegeanLate BronzeAge.Archaeometry29: 205-11.

c4tr,4haeob$g are Eachyearmanynewdiscoveries of madethatenrichourunderstanding Sinceit therootsof Westentradition. thedlsovezyof theDead firstreported in 1947,b&gcalIAhaeodo SeaScrolls gisthasledthewaywithfascinating of thelatestfieldwork.Pub. reports BAis beginning its lishedquarterly, 55thyearoftimely,challenging articles. Toplaceyoursubscription, complete andreturn itto Scholars thisForm GA P.O.Baox15399,Adanta, Press, orders must 30333M0399. Indvidual

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1988 TheTheraEruption: Continuing Discussion of the Dating. Il: Further

ArgumentsAgainstanEarlyDate.

Archaeometry30: 176-79. 1989 The Aegean Civilizations from Ancient Creteto Mycenae.Oxford: Phaidon. Watrous,L. V 1987 The Role of the Near Eastin the Rise of the CretanPalaces.Pp.65-70 in

TheFunctionof theMinoanPalaces, editedby R.HiggandN. Marinatos. Series:SkrifterUtgivnaavSvenska Instituteti Athen35. Stockholm: SwedishInstitutein Athens. G. S. Webster, 1990 The Functionsand Social Significance of Nuraghi:a ProvisionalModel. In

ArteMilitaree Architettura Nuragica. Atti del Primo Colloquio Internazionale, edited by B. SantilloFrizell. Series:Acta Instituti Romani RegniSueciae.Rome:Istituto Svedese de Studie Classici. Weingarten,J. 1988 The Sealing Structuresof Minoan Crete:MM IIPhaistos to the Destruction of the Palaceat Knossos.PartII: the Evidencefrom Knossos Until the Destruction of the Palace.Oxford Journalof Archaeology 7: 1-25. Wiener,M. 1987 Tradeand Rule in PalatialCrete. Pp. 261-67 in The Function of the Minoan Palaces,edited by R. Higg and N. Marinatos.Series:Skrifter Utgivna av SvenskaInstitutet i Athen 35. Stockholm: Swedish Institute in Athens. 1990 The Isles of Crete?The Minoan ThalassocracyRevisited.Pp. 128-61 in Theraand the Aegean World, volume 3 (1),edited by D. Hardyand others.London:The TheraFoundation. 1991 The Nature and Control of Minoan ForeignTrade.Pp.325-50 in Bronze in the Mediterranean, Age Trade edited by N. H. Gale. Series:Studies in MediterraneanArchaeology90. G6teborg:P Astr6m'sF6rlag. Yoffee,N. 1988 Orienting Collapse. Pp. 1-19 in The Collapse of Ancient States and Civilisations, edited by N. Yoffeeand G. Cowgill. Thcson, AZ: University

of ArizonaPress.

Zangger,E.

1992 TheFloodfromHeaven:Deciphering the Atlantis Legend.London:

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Galilee is the mound upon which the ancient city of Sepphorisonce stood. 289 meters above sea level the situated and overlooking the Bet Netofah Valley to the north, Sepphoris,or Zippori as it was known to the Jewsof antiqWell uity, commanded an impressive position that was evident to Remembered (TheJewish War,book 34,Josephus section 3; the and rabbis Thackeray 1927) (BabylonianTalmudMegillah 6a). About 5 kilometers (approximately 3.1 miles) southeast of Sepphoris was Nazareth. A mere village by byS artuS.Miler comparison, Nazareth was located 345 meters abovesea level in a basin on the southern slope of a mountain rangethat rises in places to more Aerial view of the acropolis of Sepphoris and villa citadel the theater, during than 500 meters. showing excavationsin 1986. Scholarshave long been By the first century C.E.,Sepphointriguedby the influence this thrivingJewish ris had long been recognized as the city could have had on Jesus, who grew up in Nazareth,less than an hour'swalk from capital of LowerGalilee. Josephus Sepphoris. (JewishAntiquities, book 14, section

Sepphoris,

City

74

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

91; Marcus 1943;and War,book 1, section 170;Thackeray 1927)wrote that it had been assigned a synedria in the time of Gabinius (57 B.C.E.). Herod the Great, like the Hasmoneans before him, recognized the strategic value of Sepphoris,which he apparentlyfortified and provided with a royalpalace (basileios). Varus, the legate of Syria, destroyedthe city following the attack on the palace by Judas,son of Ezekias, after Herod's death in 4 B.C.E. (Antiquities, book 17, section 271; Marcus and Wikgren 1963; and War,book 2, section 56; Thackeray1927).HerodAntipas soon rebuilt Sepphoris,however,and, according to Josephus(Antiquities, book 18, section 27; Feldman 1965) made it into the "ornamentof all Galilee."The use of the Greek proschema (ornament),a term applied in classical literature to other impregnable fortress cities, suggests that Antipas fortified the city in the pro-

cess (Miller 1984: 57). Little is known about Nazareth during the same period;the paltry evidence that exists, however,confirms the impression that it was a village of from 1,000-2,000 residents, not unlike others in LowerGalilee (Meyers and Strange 1981:56). Sepphorisand Nazareth left their marks on history for completely different reasons. Not long after the destruction of the Temple in 70 C.E.,Sepphoris began to attract a

life at Tiberias. Other disciples of Hanina, simply referredto as Zippora'ei (Sepphorians),frequently quote their mentor's views in the Palestinian Talmud (Miller 1990, 1992). Sepphoriswould continue to be home to the sages until the end of the fourth century, when RabbiMana and RabbiHanina De-Zippori (of Sepphoris)were associated with the city. Throughout the tannaitic and amoraic periods, the rabbinic center attractedscholars from throughout the country (Miller 1987: 12).Indeed, most of the prominent authorities, particularly,but not exclusively, of Galilee, set foot in Sepphorisat one time or another,either to teach, study or visit. No wonder, then, that the city's legacy would include not only the Mishnah, but also significant contributions to the Palestinian Talmud, which was edited in Tiberias but abounds in opinions that emanate from authorities associated with Sepphoris.Views assigned to Sepphorian rabbisare also frequently quoted in the BabylonianTalmud and Midrashic literature. In sum, Sepphoris is a pivotal city in terms of the history of Judaism. The legacy of Nazareth, of course, is that it was the hometown of Jesus, an early first century Jewwhose movement would eventually evolve into a distinct monotheistic faith. Indeed,Nazareth appearsin Matthew 2:23 and Luke 2:39 and 2:51 as the place where Jesuswas raised by his parents,who apparentlylived there before his birth (Luke1:26,2:4). It is from Nazareth that Jesus set forth on his ministry. Thus the beginnings of "Christianity"can be traced to

significant number of rabbis.In the mid-second century, RabbiYoseben Halafta, a second generation resident of Sepphoris,became one of the leading authorities of his day.Indeed, this tanna, who is credited with the authorship of the rabbinic chronology Seder cOlam Rabbah (Babylonian Talmud Yevamot82b and Babylonian TalmudNiddah 46b), was responsible for a sizable amount of material that was eventually included in the Mishnah (Epstein 1957: 126-47). Thus, by the end of the century, when RabbiJudahHaNasi (Rabbi),the editor of the Mishnah, resettled at Sepphoris,the city had alreadybecome a well-established center of learning. Little is known of Rabbi'sactivities during the 17 years he reportedly lived in Sepphoris (Palestinian TalmudKila'yim 9, 32b; Palestinian TalmudKetubot 12, 35a), but it is reasonableto assume that the Mishnah reached its final form during that period. After Rabbi'sdeath, the importance of Sepphorisas a rabbinic site did not recede. Not only did the patriarchalhouse and court remain in Sepphorisfor a period of time, but the city also became a virtual hub of Nazareth. rabbinic scholarship, as its lecture halls and academies continued to attract the greatest sages of the era. Indeed, one of Rabbi's distinguished disciples at Sepphoris, Rabbi Hanina bar Hama, emerged as one of the most influential sages of the third century. Two of his students, Rabbis Yohanan and Simeon ben Laqish, would eventually dominate rabbinic

Jesus and Sepphoris By the time of Jesus, Sepphoris was a prominent Jewish city of as many as perhaps 20,000 residents. Consequently, scholars have long been intrigued by the influence it might have had on his life. The fact that Sepphoris is not mentioned in the New Testament is of little conse-

quence. Jesus,it is asserted, could not have been oblivious to the prestigious capital, as it was within an hour'swalk of his hometown, which in turn was a short distance from the main road leading northwardsto Sepphoris.Some of these scholars, therefore,maintain that Jesusmust have had some meaningful exposure to the cosmopolitan life of the regional capital. As early as 1906, long before the present interest in the social world of early Christianity, WalterBauer suggested that Jesuspreachedand healed at Sepphorisbut probablywas not received with great sympathy there. Twenty years later, Shirley JacksonCase pursued a more positivistic approach: The unconventionality of Jesus in mingling freely with the common people, his generosity towardthe strangerand the outcast, and his conviction of the equality of all classes before God, perhapsowe their origin in no slight degree to the proximity of Nazareth to Sepphoris.Had Jesusspent his youth in a remote village amid strictly Jewish surroundings,he would have been less likely to acquirethese generous attitudes which later characterized his public career. Accordingto Case, Jesuswas a young lad when the Romans punished Sepphorisfor its involvement in the revoltunderJudasin 4 B.C.E. That Sepphoriswas unwilling to join the First Revolt in 66 C.E.and instead admitted a Roman garrison, suggests to Case that its residents learned an important lesson from the consequences of the earlier insurrection. Jesus,too, must have been affected by the pacifistic inclination of his neighbors: Jesus,living in the environment of Sepphorisand facing life's problems in the light of its experiences, sharedthe conviction that the kingdom of God was not to be established by use of the sword (Case 1926:21).

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

75

fault with Schwank'sview that Jesus could only have learned about banking and the courts at Sepphoris,he agrees that Jesusprobablypreached there. The Gospels' silence regarding Sepphorisforces Bosen to follow Bauer'slead in assuming that Jesus was unsuccessful in the city. Simply put, "therewas nothing positive to report"(BOsen1985:73) as Jesus came up against rejection in Sepphoris similar to what he faced in his hometown of Nazareth and in nearby Cana, where Nathanael challenged him with the words,"Whatgood can come out of Nazareth?"(John1:46). The latest theory.With the renewal of excavations at Sepphoris,the issue of Jesusand his relationship with the city has, not surprisingly,arisen again. In two articles and a book, RichardA. Batey argues that Jesus, excavaalreadyin his youth, very likely LeroyWaterman's1931 visited tion of Sepphoriswas apparently Sepphoris.Batey maintains that conJesuscould have found employpromptedby the site's possible at Sepphoris,where he was ment nection with the life of Jesus(Waterto able man 1937:v). Watermantentatively ply his specialized skills as a woodworker he that theater dated the Roman par(tekton).Bateybelieves use that Antiof time Jesus' of the Greek word tially uncoveredto the reservations hypocrites, which means stage actor, by pas. Despite later who reveals knowledge of the theater, William E Albright (1938: 148), he only could have gained which preferreda second century dating, Benedikt Schwank(1976)postulated that the family of Jesuscould very well have visited the theater. He also suggestedthat various sayings of Jesus reveala knowledge of banking and the judicial system that could only havebeen acquiredat Sepphoris. With the contribution of W. BOsen(1985),the discussion has come full circle. While Bosen finds

Case furtherclaims that Antipas beganhis work on Sepphorissome 10years after the city's subjugation. The entire building projectmust have taken some time to complete, so it is not inconceivable that Jesus, but who was not just a "carpenter" rather"onewho workedat the building trade,"was involved in the construction project.Here Case is cautious, but concludes nonetheless: But whether or not he actually laboredthere, his presence in the city on various occasions can scarcely be doubted, and the fact of such contacts during the formative years of his young manhood may account for attitudes and opinions that show themselves conspicuously during his public ministry (Case 1926: 18).

at Sepphoris.Finally,Batey detects familiarity with the court of Antipas at Sepphorisin the parablesof Jesus: In Sepphoris,Jesuswould have experienced first hand life in a new city of elaborateHellenistic design with its many newcomers, its cosmopolitan atmosphere, theater, and royalcourt. On the streets and in the market places he would have interacted with people who participatedin the commercial, political, religious, and cultural life in the capitala life distinctly different from that in his own village (Batey 1984a:251). Batey'sargumentdepends largely on his own philological and literary inquiries. While he recognizes that Jesusis referredto only once as a tekton, without any further elaboration, in Mark 6:3, he follows Case, who asserted that the term "meant not simply a worker in wood but one who laboredat the building-tradein general"(Batey1991:70; Case 1927: 205; 1926: 18).Batey(1984a:257, note 2; 1991:76) sees the tekton as an artisan with carpentryskills, as the workerdesignated as such utilized

i'

The Roman theater at Sepphoris,which had

5,000,is a seatingcapacityof approximately a centralfigurein thedebateaboutJesus'

relationship with the city. It is not known for certain when the structurewas built, but it is veryconceivable that it was in existence during the time of Jesus.Batey believes that lesus' use of the Greekwordhypocrites,which

meansstageactor,revealsknowledgeof the theater,whichhe couldonlyhavegainedat otherscholarshave However, Sepphoris. shown that lesus would not have to have been familiar with the theater to correctly use the term hypocrites.

76

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

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"ahard material that retains its hardness throughout the operation, e.g., wood and stone or even horn or ivory." Accordingly,when Antipas rebuilt Sepphoris,"artisansfrom Nazareth would have been among those employed"(Batey1991:76). The problem, of course, is that precious little is known about Jesus' earliest years, as the Gospels concentrate instead on his ministry. Assuming that Mark 6:3 is more reliable than Matthew 13:55,which characterizesJesusas the "son"of a tekton, or that the trade was passed on in the family, there simply is no way to be certain of the specific nature of this "carpenter's" expertise. Tektonis used in the Gospels for woodworker,but even this designation has a wide range of associations. The abilities of the tekton might be needed for some aspect of the construction of houses, even though homes in Nazareth and its vicinity were mostly built of stone and mud. In addition, doors, locks and bolts were often composed of wood, and, in any event, the skills of the tekton were certainly requiredfor the assembling of domestic furniture. Justin Martyr,writing in about 155-160 C.E. in Palestine, says that Jesusmade "plowsand yokes"(Dialogue with Trypho88). Although Justin'sremark may be nothing more than exegesis on his part, it does further the impression that tekton had a wide range of meanings but at the same time could be taken in a specific sense depending upon the frame of reference of the one using the word (Furfey 1955:204-9; Meier 1991:281). Similarly, the corresponding terms in Aramaic and Hebrew,naggara'and naggar, are used in both tannaitic and amoraic sources to designate an artisan who might be involved in any number of crafts, some of which were ratherdelicate in nature. The naggarmight be found working in a shop (hanut),where his activities could have included the building of a variety of chests or even the molding of a replacement tooth

Qamma'6:25; 10:8, (To7bsefta'Baba' Palestinian Talmud Shabbat 6, 8c; compare Ayali 1987: 125). Given the diverse meanings of tekton, it is difficult to ascertain what specific types of work Jesus was occupied with. Without this knowledge, it is even more difficult to speculate about the possible need for his services at Sepphoris.Moreover,it should not be assumed that Jesushad to go elsewhere to find work; even a village the size of Nazareth requiredcraftsmen of various types. Whether Jesus specialized in distinct areas of woodworking or, as Paul Hanly Furfey(1955:208) and Batey (1991:76) claim, had more general skills, he would have had no difficulty finding work in his hometown or its immediate vicinity. To be sure, recent studies have shown that there were fewer demarcations between city and country than previously thought (Engels1990; Whittaker 1990;Overman 1988; Edwards1988).This, together with ease of access to the road leading directly to Sepphoris,would seem to argue in favorof Batey'sassertion that artisans from Nazareth would eventually find their way to the leading city. The importance of Sepphoris as the capital of LowerGalilee does suggest that local peasants could have been drawnthere to take advantage of its many services. Nevertheless, this does not necessarily mean that those who lived in ruralareaswere wholly dependent upon the city for employment. Remarks attributed to RabbiYoseben Halafta, the second century Sepphorian sage, refer to the two villages of KefarShihin, which was located a short distance from Sepphorisin the Bet Netofah Valley,and KefarHananyah, on the borderbetween Lower and Upper Galilee, as centers for the manufacture of pottery (Tosefta' Baba'Mezia'6:3; BabylonianTalmud Shabbat 120b).Recent excavations at KefarHananyahand surveys of ceramic finds at Shihin corroborate the literary evidence and, in fact,

suggest that the sites were already known for their pottery in the first century. Kitchen ware producedat KefarHananyah,and storagejars made at Shihin have been shown to comprise the bulk of household vessels found at Sepphoris,which may have producedsome utensils of its own but was not known for their manufacture (Adan-Bayewitz,Perlman 1990). The point is that many of the villages of Galilee, beyond their function as local markets for agricultural produce, fostered their own industry and producedgoods. They should not be seen as existing simply for the sake of the cities, on which they were otherwise dependent for certain services and administrative needs.' This is apparentfrom tannaitic sources, which depict village shops (hanuyot)where local woodworkers,wool-weavers,smiths and potters made and sold their wares (Safrai1990: 111;Goodman 1983: 54-63). Although these sources reflect conditions in the second century and later, there is no reason to assume that the situation was much different earlier.Woodworkersor other artisans from Nazareth may have slipped into Sepphorisoccasionally, but not necessarily in order to find employment or a market for their goods. As to the likelihood that Jesus frequentedthe theater of Sepphoris, there are several difficulties. First, there is the matter of the dating of the structure. The excavatorshave gone back and forth on this issue with dates rangingfrom the first to the early second century B.C.E. century C.E.Batey (1991: 90) now ac-

cepts a Herodiandate following the findings of Jim Strangeand the University of South Floridaexpedition (Strangeand Longstaff1987:280). The Joint SepphorisProject,headed by Eric and Carol Meyers and Ehud Netzer, offers three possibilities based on pottery finds, soundings and probes of the building's foundation and substructure:early first

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tive connotation. Alreadyin classical The Ministry of Jesus and Sepphoris Batey confines Jesus'possible visits literature,the terms are used negatively from time to time, as the stage to Sepphoristo the period before his was perceived as a sham and the ac- ministry, which would explain the tors who performedon it were deGospel's silence about the city. Once ceivers. Still it would remain for his teachings and the fact that he had Hellenistic Jewishliterature to lend been baptized by John,whom Antian ethical dimension to the usage. pas had beheaded,became known, Wilckens analysis is illuminating: Jesushad every reason to fear AntiWhat is meant is the "deception" pas (Batey1984a:250). Thus, the saywhich characterizesevil as ings that Bateymarshals as evidence apostasy against God or opposi- of Jesus'awarenessof the theater tion to Him. ... The bad man were formulatedwith his earlier plays the role of a bad man. He impressions of Sepphorisin mind disguises himself when he be(Batey1991:92). comes an evildoer instead of the Bateyseems to be making a simigood man he ought to be accord- lar case where Jesus'use of royaland administrative imagery is concerned. ing to God'sLaw.... This disThe parables,he maintains, often resembling is eo ipso wicked deception, opposition to the truth flect Jesus'awarenessof Antipas' of God? court, particularlyat Sepphoris,but Thus, the use of hypocrites seems to also, as Batey at times admits, at Tihave followed a logical course of de- berias (1991:120, 134).Accordingto velopment by the time early ChrisBatey (1991:119),Jesusmust have tians applied it to playactingand known of the royalcourt of Antipas, hypocrisy.But this hardly means consideringits prominence. Jesus'perthat the theoretical underpinning ceptions, he implies, were not gained of Batey'sargument is correct. The simply through hearsaybut also by direct knowledge resulting from havwidespread,although admittedly Hellenistic, usage of hypocrites in ing lived most of his life at Nazareth while Antipas was at Sepphoris. Jewishsources in senso malo indicates that Jesus,or whoever was reBateyapparentlyfollows Schwank, sponsible for formulating his sayings who has made similar suggestions into Greek, was similarly drawing (1976:205). B6sen, in his detailed consideration of Schwank'shypotheupon a well-known and ubiquitous image and not necessarily on imme- sis (1985:70-72), finds it reasonable diate knowledge of the stage. Meier's that Jesusfrequented Sepphorisbut concludes that there is no direct evijudgment seems decisive: dence that Jesus'parablesdrawon his specific knowledge of the judicial ... the use of hypocrites to and banking situation in the city. the express specific religious That is, it is more likely that Jesus of could be metaphor playacting had other, more general sources of due to early JewishChristians information. translating Jesus'sayings into Greek in an urban Hellenistic The same could easily be said dicated, the usage of hypocrites may about the royal parables. The peasants not be original to the sayings altoJewish-Christiancontext. That of Galilee, whatever their attitude Jesusdid use the metaphor of gether.Assuming that it is, Jesusstill would not have needed to attend thetowards city life; could not have lived playactingin some form is not atrical productions at Sepphoris, or impossible, but even in that case their lives completely oblivious the tradition of the term as a for that matter anywhere else, to be to the presence of the larger cities able to accurately use the term. Ulmoral or religious metaphor in (Meyers 1979: 698; Crossan 1991: both pagan and Jewishculture rich Wilckens (1972) has shown that 17-19). Therefore, it could be argued weakens any deduction about that Jesus' impressions of the royal hypocrites and the verb form hypokrinomai are used in the Septuagint Jesus'firsthand experience of court, however perceptive, were not and by Philo and Josephus with a negaunlike those prevalent among his the Greek theater (1991:315).

century,possibly duringAntipas' reign;under the procuratorFelix (5260 c.E.) when Sepphorisresumed its role as capital of the region (Josephus, Life, sections 37-38; Thackeray 1926);or the early second century, a period that witnessed an increase in the paganpopulation of Sepphoris (see Miller 1984: 14-59). The Joint SepphorisProjectteam now leans towardsthe first two possibilities, with the second being the more likely (E.Meyers,E. Netzer and C. Meyers 1990: 190-91). Since agreement has not yet been reachedin the matter, for arguments sake, we will assume that the theater could have been in existence in Jesus'day.Batey'sstudy of hypocrites (1984b)revealedthat the term is used 17 times, only in the Synoptic Gospels and exclusively in the sayings of Jesus.Most of the occurrences are in Matthew. Chapter23, for instance, has Jesuscriticize the scribes and Pharisees for tending more to their public appearancethan to their faithfulness to God. Their prayersare also depicted as public performances(Matthew6:5), and they made up their faces, much like a tragicactorwould, when they fasted (Matthew6:2). Batey (1984b:571) concludes that this use of hypocrites "stronglysuggests that Jesuswas familiar with stage actors."In his book, Bateygoes further,suggesting "thetheater at Sepphorisprovided the closest setting in which the youthful Jesuscould become acquainted with actors"(1991:92). There are severalproblems with this assessment. Firstof all, as JohnP. Meier (1991:314, note 175)has in-

78

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A page of the manuscript Leidenof the Palestinian Talmud.This manuscriptwas the basis for the first printed edition of the Palestinian Talmudin Venicein 1523. This excerptis from the tractateknown as Tacanit(4, 68d). This page mentions the priestly courseof Yedacyah, which settled in the city sometime during the third century C.E.

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ruralneighbors,who may or may not have visited Sepphoris.Moreover,royalimagery,especially with referenceto God, was not at all unfamiliar since it appearsfrequently in the Tanakh,as Batey concedes in a footnote (1991:215, note 28) and in rabbinicsources (Marmorstein1927; Ziegler 1903). Most scholars maintain that the parables,at least for the most part, reflect circumstances peculiar to the villages and towns of the chora where Jesususually preached (Alt 1961;de Ste. Croix 1975: 1-8; Frend 1980:32; Meeks 1983:9; Stambaugh and Balch 1986:89; Theissen 1977: 47). Jesus'ministry appearsto have been primarilyrestrictedto Nazareth, Nain, Cana and especially, in the Sea of Galilee area,Capernaum Chorazin and Bethsaida.Noticeably missing are allusions to visits to Sepphorisand Tiberias, i.e. Jewish cities with a Hellenistic veneer (Hengel 1989:43). Furthermore, while Jesusappearsto have had the opportunity to venture into "real" citiess such as CaesareaPhillipi, Tyreand those of the Decapolis, he never actually does. Even the scribes and Pharisees with whom Jesus comes into contact in Galilee meet him in ruraltowns such as Capernaum and other, unspecified places (Saldarini1988: 147-48). Jesus'avoidanceof Sepphorisand Tiberias6was probablyintentional, as both were Herodiancenters that posed a distinct threat to him and his followers (Freyne1988: 140).It should be kept in mind that Antipas had certainly relocated to Tiberias, which he founded circa 20 C.E.7by the time the Jesusmovement had begun. When Jesusvisited Nain and Cana, both in the vicinity of Seppho-

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ris, Antipas was alreadyin Tiberias, possibly for quite some time. On the other hand, when he moved on to the northern shore of the Sea with visits to Capernaumand Chorazin, he was close to Antipas'court at Tiberias. His visits to Bethsaidaand environs placed him within the territoryof yet another Herodianprince, Philip (Alt 1961:20). Residents of these towns and villages were no more remote from urban life than those who resided near Sepphoris,and they were at least as well-informed about the royalretinue. Thus, there really is no need to assume a Sepphorian backgroundfor the parables,or to speculate about the influence Antipas'court at Sepphorismay have had on Jesus'thinking earlier on. Ancient Sepphorisand

HistoricalMemory

The New TIstament writers may not have been interested in Sepphoris, but it was hardly a "forgottencity."In fact, ancient Sepphoris/Diocaesarea8 has repeatedlybeen rememberedby Christians and Jewsfrom the early medieval period on? The Jews,of course, had a largememory bank to drawupon. Aside from the attention given to Sepphorisby Josephus,talmudic literature preservedseveral

hundred notices that include the city's physical properties,administrative institutions, synagogues and other realia. This source is also replete with information about the sages who lived there and their circles. In addition, many comments concern the other residents including the wealthy, the priests (kohanim), "heretics"(minim),'oRomans and commoners, i.e., the everyday farmers,butchers, weavers,etc., who probablycomprised the largest segment of Sepphoriansociety. LaterJewishsources would preserve many aspects of Sepphoris'glorious past. The seventh century payytan or liturgical poet EleazarKallir alluded to the priests of Sepphorisin his elegy for the Ninth of Av.In the following century, another payytan, Phineas ben JacobHa-Kohen,composed a prayercommemorating the priestly courses (mishmarot)that settled in the Galilee sometime in the third century,and included Yedacyah, the mishmar associated with Sepphoris (Miller 1984: 116-32)." Responsa literature (teshuvot) from the thirteenth to the nineteenth century mentions Sepphorisalongside Tiberias, bringing to mind the frequent association of the two cities in talmudic literature. Interestingly,

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79

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View of the interiorof the Churchof Saint Anna. It is likely that the tradition that Anna and Mary were born at Sepphoris,which was repeatedoften by Latinpilgrims, stemmed from the Piacenza Pilgrim'sreportconcerning the relics. The Anna tradition persisted into the seventeenth century when Francesco Quaresmius stated that the Churchof Saint Anna was built where the house (domus)of Joachimhad once stood.

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these referencesare not usually the (earlythirteenth century), the Spanish KabbalistRabbiIsaac ben Joseph result of actual visits to Sepphoris ibn Chelbo (earlyfourteenth cenor Tiberias,but ratherrepresentthe Rabbis'need for suitable place names tury), RabbiIsaac ibn Al-Faraof to addressissues in a hypothetical Malaga(fifteenth century), Rabbi way (Assaf 1946:63; Yaari1946:64). Gershom of Scarmilla (sixteenth The late thirteenth century the- century), RabbiMoshe Yerushalmi osophic work, the Zohar,refersto (eighteenth century).'3There is even Sepphorisseveral times and even in- a Cairo Geniza fragmentfrom the Fatimidperiod that includes what cludes reports,reminiscent of those found in rabbinicsources (Miller may be a prayerof one Yafetbar 1987: 12),of talmudic sages travelAmram, to be recited over Rabbi's graveat Safuriyeh(Sepphoris;Mann ling from Tiberias to Sepphoris 1922:357; Prawer1988: 130, note 3). (Scholem 1926: 54).12 That ancient Mention should also be made Sepphoris(andTiberias)is alluded of the prominent role given to Rabbi to in both the responsa literature and the Zohar further testifies to its and Sepphorisin a historical novel, enduringlegacy. Sepphorisund Rom (1866),written Finally,the affiliation of the pa- by the nineteenth century Reform triarchalhouse with Sepphoriswould Rabbi,LudwigPhilippson. Also, a tomb located 500 meters northwest be especially remembered.Despite of the summit and known locally as the fact that the Talmudplaces Rabbi JudahHa-Nasi'sburialat Bet Shearim qabr banat yacaqub ("Tombof the (PalestinianTalmudKila'yim 9, 32b; Daughters of Jacob"),has occasionalPalestinian Talmud Ketubot 12, 35a; ly been thought to be Rabbi's.Today compareEccl. Rabbah 7:11and 9:10), it is often designated in Israelitourist medieval Jewishtravellersreport literature as the burial place of his visits to his tomb and that of his wife, grandson,RabbiJudahNesia'.The sons and other scholars at Sepphoris. association of the patriarchalhouse These include: Benjaminof TUdela with Sepphorisindeed lives on! and RabbiPetahiaof Ratisbon (both Christian writers first expressed late twelfth century), RabbiJacobthe interest in Sepphorisin the fourth messenger of RabbiYehiel of Paris century. At that time, Epiphanius

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Bishop of Salamis (315-403) and Theodoret Bishop of Cyrus (393-460) commented on the Jewishcharacter of the city. Epiphaniusrelates (Panarion: 30) how the Jewishapostate and "count"(komes)Josephof Tiberiaswas able nevertheless to build a church there (Goranson 1990).Theodoret reports (PG 82: 1180c)that 11bishops of Egyptwere banished around373 C.E.by the Arians "toa place named Diocaesarea [Sepphoris],inhabited by Jews."Palladius (circa365-425) adds that Melania the Elderjoined the exiled bishops and providedfor them, (Lausiac History 1117).Jerome (circa380) and Church chronographers beginning with Socrates (circa 380-450) speak of an uprising against the Romans around352 and the resulting destruction of the city by Gallus (Geller Nathanson 1986). Christian pilgrims maintained other traditions.The PiacenzaPilgrim visited Diocaesarea circa 570 and reported that the flagon and breadbasket of Mary were veneratedthere. He also states that the chair on which Mary was sitting "when the angel came to her"was also to be found at Diocaesarea (Wilkinson 1977: 79). The tradition that Mary'smother Anna was from Sepphoriswas repeated often by Latin pilgrims, especially in the twelfth century (e.g. Fretellus and Theodorich) when the Church of Saint Anna was probably built there. It is likely that this belief stemmed from the Piacenza Pilgrim's report,which was taken to mean that Mary spent her early years in the city (Folda1991:88). Curiously, Johnof Wurzburg(circa 1170),in his extract of a work assigned to Fretellus, reports"it is said"that Marywas

born there. It is then asserted on the authority of Jerome that Mary was in fact born in Nazareth (Stewart 1971: 4; Wilkinson 1988: 245, note 1). The association of Anna with Sepphoris, however, persisted into the seventeenth century when Francesco Quaresmius stated that the Church of Saint Anna was built where the house (domus) of Joachim (Anna's husband) once stood (Folda 1991: 89). In the eighteenth century, E Hasselquist visited the ruins of the church "which is said to have been built in memory of the mother St. Anna and St. Mary" (Hasselquist 1766: 153). These traditions are remarkable in light of our discussion. Christian interest in Sepphoris is not surprising considering the city's proximity to Nazareth and the fact that a bishopric was eventually established there in the fifth century. It is evident that the medieval writers at least sought to connect the city with the life of Jesus. But the tradition that is repeated does not place Jesus at Sepphoris or associate him with the city in any direct way. What we are informed of instead is that his grandparents may have lived at Sepphoris at one time and that Mary may have been born there. Moreover, the earliest Christian notices of the city, those of Epiphanius and Theodoret, say nothing about Jesus (or his family) at Sepphoris.

Conclusion The fact that Sepphoris was such a well-remembered city even in later Christian traditions makes the New Testament's silence all the more curious. The most reasonable explanation is that the city played no known or significant role in Jesus' early life, and that he probably avoided it once his ministry began. There is no evidence or reason to suppose that Jesus preached at Sepphoris but met with opposition. As Seane Freyne has argued, the Gospels are not silent about Jesus' unsuccessful ministries (Freyne 1988: 140, note 11).

Jesusprobablyknew something of Sepphoris,but what precisely cannot be ascertained. This is not to say that our knowledge of Sepphorishas no bearingon the earliest Jesusmovement; it undoubtedly does. Inasmuch as Galilean Jewswere involved, the existing archaeological and literary evidence helps us to further appreciate the social world and context of that movement. In the end, however, it must be admitted that other cities were "seton a hill and could not be hid"(Matthew 5:14;contrast Batey 1991: 1).If Jesusdid have a specific city in mind, Sepphoris,was not necessarily the one.

probablyresidents of the countryside (Freyne1980),who resentedthe city's proRoman stance. On rural-urbantensions in general,see MacMullen (1974:28-56). 5This is not the place to enter into a discussion of the terms used in Josephus, the New Testamentand talmudic literature for the various types of settlements (city,town, village, etc.) Markis perhaps most precise in referringto the larger Galilean villages as komopoleis. Further investigation of the Semitic and Greek terms is a desideratum.Fornow, SherwinWhite (1963: 127-32) and Samuel Krauss (1922)should be consulted. It should be noted that cayyarot (towns)is used often in connection with Sepphoris(Krauss13) and many villages in the city's region are named in rabbinicsources.Josephusnotes that Sepphoriswas surroundedby numerNotes ous villages (Life,section 346; Thackeray 'Some conflicts of jurisdiction may 1926).The fact that Nazareth is not have actually existed between city and mentioned at all in talmudic sources village where judicial matters were con- (Meyersand Strange1981:56, 134 is incerned, as has been shown for a slightly accurate)or in Josephusis not significant later period by Martin Goodman (1983: given the density of LowerGalilee. On 155-71). Goodman also arguesthat while the environs of Sepphoris,see Zuq (1987). there may have been political disputes between city and village, there was great6Tiberiasappearsonly in relation to er continuity with regardto culture. Douglas R. Edwards(1988: 169-82) ques- the sea named after it in John6:1, 23, tions the usual notion of a parasitic rela- and 21:1. 7Theprecise date is still disputed. tionship between urbanand ruralareas and arguesthat "Jesusand the Jesusmove- See Kasher(1988:5) for a summation of the views. ment were part of an itinerant stream 8The Romansnamed the city Diothat travelledfrom market to market in both village and city."If so, Jesuscertain- caesareaaround 130 c.E. (Miller 1984:3). 9Whichmakes the advertisingfor ly would not have been dependent upon Sepphorisfor either his livelihood or cul- Batey'svolume, which includes the statement "thecity that Jesusknew and time ture, quite the contrary.Forrecent reassessments of the notion of "consumer forgot,"totally inexplicable. '0Myforthcoming study of these city"and the difficulties in positing an minim focuses on precisely who is urban-ruraldichotomy, see Whittaker intended. (1990)and Engels (1990). "The oft repeatedview that Seppho2Wilckensgoes on to suggest that this dissembling is describedas "acting" ris was a priestly city alreadyin the time of the SecondTemplehas little evidence because the theater was regardedas a to supportit. See Trifon(1990),who furwicked paganinstitution by both pious circles and the Church. ther substantiates the view I put forth in Jewish early if contends that my book (1984). 3Batey(1984b:572) '2The fact that Zohar contains inJesusdid attend the theater at Sepphoris he must also have understoodand spoken accurategeographicinformation and confused referencesto known and unGreek, which in turn suggests that the in were Greek and known sages of talmudic times is of no originally sayings not, as commonly assumed, in Aramaic. consequence here. '3RabbiEshtoriHa-Parli reportsthe 4Duringthe First Revolt, so Josephus relates (Life,sections 30, 375-84; Thack- traditionbut tends to doubt it. See Avigad eray 1926),the residents of Sepphoris (1976:64) for a discussion of this and fearedattack by the "Galileans,"most some of the other reports.

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Mann, J. 1922 The Jewsin Egyptand in Palestine under the Fatimid Caliphs, volume II.Oxford. Marmorstein,A. 1927 The Old Rabbinic Doctrine of God, volume I. The Names and Attributes of God. London. Meeks, W A. 1983 The First Urban Christians:The Social Worldof the Apostle Paul. New Haven,CT,and London:Yale University Press. Meier, J.P. 1991 A MarginalJew:Rethinking the Historical Jesus.New York:Doubleday. Meyers,E. M. 1979 The Cultural Setting of Galilee: The Case of Regionalismand EarlyJudaism. Pp.686-702 in Aufstieg und Niedergangder r6mischen Welt2.19. Meyers,E. M., Netzer, E., and Meyers,C. L. 1986 Sepphoris"Ornament"of all Galilee. Biblical Archaeologist 49: 4-19. 1990 The RomanTheater at Sepphoris. Biblical Archaeologist 53: 190-91. Meyers,E. M., and Strange,J.F. 1981 Archaeology,the Rabbis, and Early Christianity: The Social and Historical Setting of Palestinian Judaism and Christianity.Nashville: Abingdon. Miller, S. S. 1984 Studies in the History and Traditions of Sepphoris.Leiden:Brill. 1987 IntercityRelations in RomanPalestine: The Case of Sepphorisand Tiberias.Association for Jewish Studies Review 12: 1-24. 1990 Zippora'ei,Tibera'eiand Deroma'ei: Their Origins, Interestsand Relationship. Pp. 15-22 in Proceedingsof the TenthWorldCongressof Jewish Studies. Jerusalem:Magnes. 1992 R. HaninabarHama at Sepphoris. Pp. 175-200 in Studies on the Galilee in LateAntiquity, edited by L. I. Levine.New Yorkand Atlanta:JTS and ScholarsPress. forth- The Minim of SepphorisReconsidered. coming Overman,J.A. 1988 WhoWerethe FirstUrbanChristians? Urbanizationin Galilee in the First Century.Pp. 160-68 in Society of Biblical LiteratureSeminarPapers. Atlanta: ScholarsPress. Philippson, L. 1866 Sepphorisund Rom.Berlin:L.Gerscel. Prawer,J. 1988 The History of the Jewsin the Latin Kingdomof Jerusalem.Oxford: Clarendon.

Safrai,Z. 1990 Tradein 'Ere, Yisra'elin the Roman Period.Pp. 108-39 in Chaptersin the History of Tradein 'ErezYisra'el, edited by B. Z. Kadarand others. Jerusalem:YadYizhak ben Zevi (in Hebrew). Saldarini,A. J. 1988 Pharisees,Scribes and Sadducees in Palestinian Society:A Sociological Approach.Wilmington:Michael Glazier. Scholem, G. 1926 Issues in ZoharCriticism Derived from its Knowledgeof the Landof Israel.Meassef Ziyyon 1:40-55 (in Hebrew). Schwank,B. 1976 Das Theater von Sepphorisund die JugendjahreJesu.Erbeund Auftrag 52: 199-206. Sherwin-White,A. N. 1963 Roman Society and Roman Law in the New Testament.GrandRapids, MI:BakerBook House. Stambaugh,J.E., and Balch,D. L. 1986 The New Testamentin its Social Environment.Philadelphia:Westminster. Stewart,A., translator 1971 Johnof Wurzburg.Description of the Holy Land. Series:PalestinePilgrims

Text Society,volume V.New York: AMS Press (reprint). Strange,J.F.,and Longstaff,T. R. W. 1987 Sepphoris(Sippori),1986, volume II. Israel ExplorationJournal37. Thackeray,H. St. J.,translator 1926 The Life/AgainstAppion. Series:The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge, MA, and London:HarvardUniversity Press and Heinemann. 1927 TheJewish War,two volumes. Series: The LoebClassical Library.Cambridge,MA, and London:Harvard University Press and Heinemann. Thackeray,H. St. J.,Marcus,R., Wikgren,A., and Feldman,L., translators 1930- Jewish Antiquities, six volumes. 1965 Series:The LoebClassical Library. Cambridge,MA,andLondon:Harvard University Press and Heinemann. Theissen, G. 1978 Sociology of Early Christianity. Philadelphia:FortressPress. Trifon,D. 1990 Did the Priestly Courses Move From Judeato Galilee afterthe BarKokhba Revolt?Tarbiz59: 77-93 (in Hebrew). Waterman,L., and others 1937 PreliminaryReportof the University of Michigan Excavationsat Seppho-

ris, Palestine, in 1931.Ann Arbor, MI:University of MichiganPress. Whittaker,C. R. 1990 The Consumer City Revisited:the vicus and the City. The Journalof RomanArchaeology3: 110-18. Wilckens,U. 1972 hypokrinomai,etc. Pp. 559-71 in volume 8 of The TheologicalDictionary of the New Testament,edited by G. Kittel and G. Friedrichand translatedby G. W Bromiley.Grand Rapids,MI, and London. Wilkinson, J. 1977 JerusalemPilgrims beforethe Crusades.Warminster:Aris & Phillips, Ltd. 1988 JerusalemPilgrimage:1099-1185. London:The Hakluyt Society. Yaari,A. 1946 TiberiasandSepphorisas Reubenand Simeon. Tarbiz18:64 (in Hebrew). Ziegler, I. 1903 Die K6nigsgleichnisseder Midrasch beleuchtet durch die romische Kaiserzeit. Breslau. Zuq, Z. 1987 Sepphorisand its Environs.Israel: The Society for the Protectionof Nature (in Hebrew).

While searching through a prefabricated metal storage shed eerily reminiscent of a fourth-century-B.C.E.stone

sarcophagus,the editors of Biblical Archaeologist unearthed a cache of valuable manuals believed to date to the mid 1980s. These rare texts have been identified as a

Comprehensive Index to Biblical Archaeologist: Volumes

S' /

36-45. On a limited basis, this priceless research tool is available to the general public for $10 plus $2.50 for shipping. Send payment to ASOR Membership/Subscriber Services, P.O. Box 15399, Atlanta, GA 30333-0399. Don't miss out on this once-in-a-lifetime chance to own a part of the past!

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83

Plan of the work of the JointAmerican-Israeli excavation on the acropolis. The domestic area on the west is to the left; the Roman villa of Dionysos lies southeast of the theater. Sepphoris,like many cities throughoutPalestine, was made, at least physically, into the shape and form of a Greco-Romancity Drawing by J.Salzberg.

rl lotr

it waspreciselybecause conquest; Hellenismcouldso easilyexpress culturethatit aspectsofindigenous

A,.

prosperedfor so long. By the first

century C.E.,most Near Eastern cul-

The Challenge Of Hellenism for Early

Judaism and

tures had been deeply affected by Hellenism. Just as important an issue, however,is assessing the degree to which aspects of that world culture influenced a particularculture, religion or ethnic group.How did Judaismor Christianity maintain their own values and culture in the face of a thriving world culture like heappearance ofHellenismHellenism? in the ancient Near East Viewing this issue from the long is usually associated with perspective of the Second Temple Alexander the Greatin the period as a whole, we must first turn latter part of the fourth century B.C.E.' our sights backward,considerably This cultural phenomenon has before the time of Alexander,to unin been described terms of derstandmore fully the story of the usually imwhich Hellenization, seemingly meeting of east and west. As archaea to deliberate plies attempt impose ologists and economic historianshave Greek ways on local culture. If, how- long noted, trade between Palestine and Greek lands in the Aegean was ever,as Glenn Bowersock(1990) Hellenization recently suggested, alreadysignificant in the LateBronze a form of "cultural dominaimplies Age. The Sea Peoples and the Philisthen it is a term that should be tines in particularcame from that tion," avoided.Rather,the problem of Hel- region to the Levantand maintained lenism is how Greek languageand their close connections to their place traditions were graftedon or adapted of origin long after they had estabto new cultural milieus that had their lished themselves on the Palestinian own distinctive and time-honored mainland. It is quite clear, too, that character.In contrast to its classical Greek mercenaries served Near EastGreek antecedent, Hellenism abern rulers throughout the First sorbedmany elements of local culTemple period. ture that often made it indistinguishThe true beginnings of Greek able from the indigenous culture to culture in Palestine can be traced to which it was united. the beginning of the Persianperiod,in the second half of the sixth century. Hellenism, therefore,need not be viewed so much as a conflict or After all, the AchaemenidEmpireconclash between cultures, but as the trolled numerous Greek territories intersection of Greek culture and in Asia Minor and took conscripts in languagewith native culture. Bower- their armies; and later mercenaries sock emphasizes that Hellenism administeredthe territories, some of remained healthy and robust in the whom were doubtless stationed in east until the time of the Muslim Palestine. It was precisely at this

Christianity byEt*M. Meyers

84

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

time that Palestine yielded the first physical evidence of these connections in the form of Attic coins and importedblack-figuredwares. The first signs of Hellenistic culture in the Holy Landthus were very modest by any standard. With the establishment of trading emporia and the advent of the Greco-Persianwars in the mid-fifth century, more and more imported goods as well as individual traders began to infiltrate society at every level. With goods and services, it was inevitable that Greekways also began to take root. Although the Greeks successfully repelled Persianadvances, by the mid-fifth century the handwritingwas alreadyon the wall, and it was in Greek. Alexander'svictories a century later only hastened a process that had begun long before. Alexanderaddedthe idea that a common languageand culture could unite portions of the world that were disparateand discrete. If Bowersock is correct in his assessment of the nature of Hellenism, however,what was implanted on Near Easternsoil was only a frameworkthat enabled local religions and cultures to flourish within a new setting without compromising its indigenous character and unique self-definition. This question is especially apposite with respect to assessing Martin Hengel'sprogrammaticwork, Judaism and Hellenism, in which he advocates the extreme position that Judaismwas fully Hellenized by Maccabeanor late Hellenistic times (Hengel 1974).This enables him to explain the Maccabeanrevolt in terms of the conflict over Hellenization, a framework that in light of recent research seems far too narrow. Admittedly, Greek names are found in all segments of the Jewish community from this time forth; "biblical" works from this period reflect in a limited way the advent of Greek culture, and the Torah itself is translated into Greek; also, elements of the Greek educational system are

evident in Palestine by 175 B.C.E. In addition, Hengel points to a considerable Hellenistic Jewishliterature by this time, which encouragedhim to conclude that Judaismby the second century B.C.E., both within Palestine and in the Diaspora,was cut of the same cloth. Indeed,he says, it was Judaism'sunique ability to adjust to the new culture that enabled it "ina differentgarb"to preserveits traditional religious heritage. But if Judaismwas so thoroughly Hellenized by the Hasmonean period, why were so many essential elements of Judaismyet to be articulated? How is it that the Qumran sectarian movement and nascent rabbinicJudaismor early Pharisaism partook of such conservative, Semitic elements of Judaicreligion?How is it that, despite some intellectual inroads of Greek thought, especially in the areaof beliefs in afterlife, Jewish attitudes towardspostmortem existence reflected the special perspective of Semitic thought that came to be articulated in the dominant view in resurrection? Despite the Roman conquest of Palestine in 63 B.C.E., and despite

Rome'sready embrace of Hellenistic culture and the reality that it had become its greatest purveyor,it was Hellenism's inclusive naturethat permitted Judaeansociety to establish multiple tracks of accommodation to yet another foreign conqueror. Within decades after the successful Maccabeanrevolt, the descendants of JudahMaccabee established a tyrannical dynasty and realm that was more like that of the Hellenistic tyrants than of the former rulers of Israel. In their public demeanor and style, they were just like their nonJewishcounterparts.But the attachment to Hebrew tradition among the general population was undiminished. The Hasmonean dynasty,although successful in expanding its geographiclimits and beautifying its physical setting, alienated much of the populace at large and in truth contradicted the tendency among them to return to more traditional modes of authentication and practice while indirectly contributing to that Plan of the villa of Dionysos as it lies just south of the Roman theater.Note the

tricliniumor banquethall in thecenter

and the courtyardto the south.

\

\

S'41"

I

I~Ar3I A

,,<,, scmorn

L.

I(

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

85

end. The ultimate irony is that while Jerusalemand numerous cities of Palestine were being made overphysically into the shape and form of Greco-Romancities, society at large was undergoinga thorough reinterpretation that resulted in several streams that rancounter to the superficial direction and course of the Hasmoneans and Herod the Great. Indeed, the end of the Second Templeperiod may be characterized by the resurgenceof such conservative groups as the Qumran community, the Pharisees, the Sadducees and the Zealots. Such sects all participated fully in the contemporary world in which classical architectural standardsprevailed,imported pottery forms competed with local wares, and classical intellectual modes of understandingcompeted with local ways of perceiving the world about. The environment of first century Palestine was very much one of choices. The cities, like today,providedmore options than the choices availablein ruralhamlets and settings awayfrom the city. It was a tumultuous and challenging time, and the clash of cultures east and west undoubtedly gave impetus to the locals to articulate even better than before the full measure of their tradition. The early Pharisaic movement thus is born in the synergistic setting of the meeting of two cultures; the Herodian royalfamily's official patronageof a new society like that of Rome had little impact on internal religious developments. Rather,the pious and liberal Jewsof the first century charteda new course and new understandingof their Mo-

know it, Torahand Prophets,which were redactedno later than the end of the Persianperiod (circa400 B.C.E.); most of the Hagiographa,the third section of the Bible, was availableby this time as well. Whatwas to become

saic tradition that was deeply rooted in the past. The first wave of synergism produced extraordinary results in terms of contemporary standards of literacy and belles lettres. The communal response of the first generation of Jews after the Exile had set the tone for centuries to come. Out of exile and diaspora had come at least two segments of the Hebrew Bible as we

ary standards had influenced the Essenes as well as an opportunity to reflect on the community's broader ties to society at large. As Yigael Yadin pointed out in his doctoral dissertation on the War Scroll, complete familiarity with the details of Roman war technology did not lead the sect away from their own idiosyncratic, Semitic views of eschatology, ritual purity and separation.

86

normative after 70 c.E. in Judaism

had mostly been achieved and promulgated a half millennium before. By the third century B.C.E.,a

similar effort is expended in Egyptto make the Hebrew Scripturesavailable in Greek. The lively, acquisitive and increasingly cosmopolitan world that was the Ptolemaic age is reflected in any number of nonPalestinian literary creations, but only the Book of Ecclesiastes (Qoheleth) seems to reflect the ambivalence felt in Palestinian circles. The tremendous social and economic changes that were occurring are reflected in the Zenon papyri. Equally as important in relation to the production of literaryworks is the phenomenal degree of literary creativity reflected in the Dead Sea Scrolls. This creativity is especially significant in consideringthe amount of non-canonical literaturepreserved in the corpus, some of it, such as Jubilees,clearly dating to the latter part of the third century. That many of these documents do not relate at all to the unique history of the Dead Sea sect, probablyto be identified with the Essenes, is today quite clear. Hence, the vast amount of noncanonical literaturepreservedin Qumran provides a special opportunity to view Judaeansociety as a whole. Even the sectarian literature enables the sophisticated readerto ponder the degree to which contemporaryliter-

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

In short, by the end of the Second Templeperiod, all facets of Judaean society had revealeda remarkable propensity for literary creativity and output. The variedQumran corpus is really a collection that illumines this reality. Publication of this corpus will only enhance our understanding of this epochal era in human history. How Hellenism was incorporated into Semitic society, thus, is a far more complex process than most scholars would allow. Despite five centuries in which Greeks, Greek language and culture, artifacts and numerous architectural structures and decorative arts were adoptedin the land of Israel, Semitic modes of intellectual reasoning were still dominant. The land of Israelhad not lost its distinctive characterin the first century; its peoples had not compromised its values and traditions. Rather,the inroads of Hellenism spawned a sterner and stricter sort of attitude among segments of the Jewish population. Louis Feldman(1986) put it this way: The question is not so much how greatly Jewsand Judaismin the Landof Israelwere Hellenized, as how strongly they resisted Hellenization. In other words, what was the power of Judaism that enabled it to remain strong despite the challenge of Hellenism and later of Christianity? While Feldmanmay haveexaggerated the case somewhat, the fact is that despite the physical changes imposed by Herod the Great in Jerusalem and on the royalcities and fortresses, which gave them a classical "Roman"aura, Palestine retained its unique character. The population still eschewed a belief in immortality of the soul and adhered to the Semitic view of resurrection; they moved closer to adopting a more or less fixed corpus of biblical books as normative in their community, albeit debating in key instances what those books would be; and they developed a system of biblical interpretation - inter-

ca-

4VI,

f

Villa of Dionysos after removing the mosaic floor, which features scenes from the mythology, life and times of Dionysos. The trench representsthe probe sunk under the floor after the mosaic was taken away. The villa adioins the southern edge of the theater.

4of?

lift

Stepsat the southeast end of the theater. The steep incline shows how the theater had been cut into the north side of the mound of the hill. By the mid-second centuryc.E., the pluralistic nature of Sepphoris,and hence its Hellenistic ambiance, was greatlyheightened. In such a setting a theater truly becomes a tool for Romanpropaganda,a place where non-Jewishformsof entertainment(e.g.mime, music, water games and an occasional drama)could be performed.

textuality, or biblical exegesis -they could claim was uniquely their own, although some Roman rhetorical tools were employed to do so. Even the New Testament employs this style of exegesis both to express and supportthe message it sought to tell. Some geographicalareas remained relatively immune to or isolated from the major characteristics of Hellenism - Greek language,literature and some forms of material culture- namely, the upper Galilee or Tetracomiaand the Golan, also known as Gaulanitis. But even in the most self-consciously isolated areas as these, aspects of Hellenistic culture were apparentin architecture, city planning, some ceramic vessels and lamps, and items of personal adornment. Other areas closer to the oriental cities were touched more deeply by Hellenistic culture: along the main roads,for example the via maris, in the Rift Valley,alongside the coastal port cities, and in many

AR":w

parts of the LowerGalilee. Addingto this complexity arethe two wars with Rome in 70 and 135 C.E., both of which greatly affected the demographicsthroughout Palestine. Priorto the Great War(66-73 C.E.), the Galilee was relatively free of foreign soldiers, but many Roman legionnaires were absorbedafter 135 C.E. Therefore,the question is not so much how deeply Hellenized individual cities or regions of Palestine were in the first century, but which place or places might have been. Let us examine the case of Sepphorisfirst in this connection, and then briefly examine a marriagecontract from the borderof eastern Judaea. Sepphoris RichardBatey'srecent book, Jesus and the ForgottenCity, attempts to reconstruct the Galilean world of the first century C.E.from literary sources and recent archaeological work at Sepphoris.He contends that

the city of Sepphorisprovidedan "urban setting"to Jesus'Galilean years. It was such a cosmopolitan atmosphere, Batey maintains, that points "tothe probability that Jesusspoke Greek as well as Aramaic"and may have "delivereda number of parables originally in Greek"(Batey1991:209). There is no doubt that Greek language was widely used in Palestine by the first century, especially in daily commercial settings and in simple forms of communication. However,it is quite another matter to suggest that a high degreeof Greek literacy dominated certain circles of the Jewishcommunity where the majority of the population was Jewish. What does it mean to live near one of the urban centers such as Sepphoris?What is the evidence for a non-JewishRoman population there at all before the second century? If HerodAntipas did beautify Sepphoris and had planned to build a theater, let alone complete it and organize

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

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- issuesthat theatricalperformances arefarfromresolved- doesthat meanthatGreeklanguageandstandardsof literacydominated? As StuartMillerhas so ably demonstratedin his extensivewritSepphoris,in the first ingon "Jewish" centurythe city wasfull of priests, andanoverhada patriciancharacter, whelmingmajorityof the inhabitants wereJewish.Sepphoriswasno doubt in its politicalposture, pro-Roman especiallyin lightof its pacifistic, stanceduringthe first pro-Roman waragainstRome.Inadoptingsuch no doubt a stance,the Sepphoreans arousedthe ire of the Galileanpeasantsfromthe environswho constitutedthe coregroupopposingRomanrule.Jesuscertainlywouldnot havehada particularlyfavorable hearingamongthe elite, Herodian andpriestlyclasses. Thereis no mentionin the New Testamentof SepphorisorTiberiassuccessorto Sepphoadministrative ris in the firstcentury- andthe theaterandotherso-calledpaganor Romanaspectsof Sepphoriscannot be positivelydatedto the firstcentury.Therefore,it is simplyunjustifiedto claimthat the city wasfully Romanizedearlyin the firstcentury,eitherin termsof populationor languageandculture. The considerablefirstcentury remainsuncoveredby the Joint excavationpointto American-Israel aTorah-true population,judgingfrom the enormousnumberof miqvacot thatwerefoundandbythe strict Jewishburialpracticesthat areattestedin the necropolisoutsidethe city precincts.The city hadalready

century, its bordersran westwardto Acco-Ptolemais and eastwardto Tiberias after its founding. Within a few kilometers on any side of the city was a rural,agriculturallydominated world. The city was physically at the core of the municipality or largercity territory.To the north stood Upper Galilee or Tetracomia, and to the southwest, after 70 C.E.,

stood the city territoryof Legio, home of the Sixth Legion, Legio VI Ferrata.The Romans committed additional troops to the area (in addition to the Legio Decima Fretensis), when Judaeawas raised to the rank of consular province and its named changed to Syria Palestine. It was not until the reign of Hadrian (117-38 C.E.)that the "ancient

government"of Sepphoriswas abolished and a gentile administration installed. It was then that the city became known as Diocaesarea, i.e., city of Zeus (Dio).Moreover,Emperor Hadrianadoptedthe title Zeus Olympios, and a Capitoline temple was apparentlybuilt at the site. A milestone bearing the legend "Diocaesarea" and dating to 130 C.E.has

been found on the newly built road from Acco to Tiberias and confirms that many majorchanges at Sepphoris occurredduring Hadrian'sreign. r.

earnedfame as a Jewishstrongholdin the late Hellenistic period, and it ultimately became home to the priestly clan of Jedaiahby the mid-first century C.E.

'n

A word of caution should be stated regardingdrawingtoo sharp a distinction between city and town, urbancenter and countryside. Even though the population of Sepphoris grew to about 20,000 by the late first

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Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

C

The new Romanroadsurelyled to

close commercial ties among the municipalities and to a lessening of the separationbetween city and town.

Therefore,it seems farmorereasonableto concludethatDiocaesarea cameto be moreHellenizedin the second century C.E.because of a fun-

damental demographicshift within its territory and the vicinity. It is not

at all clearthat Sepphoreans played anymajorrole in the SecondRevolt againstRome- the BarKochbaWar. Coins bearing the title Diocaesarea first appearedunder Antoninus Pius (138-61 C.E.);so we may conclude that

bythe mid-secondcenturythe pluralistic nature of Sepphoris,and hence its Hellenistic ambiance, was greatly heightened. In such a setting a

theatertrulybecomesa tool forRo-

man propaganda,a place where non-

Jewishformsof entertainment(e.g. mime,music,watergamesandanoccasionaldrama)couldbe performed. None of these changes,however, seemedto alterthe fundamental Jewishcharacterof the place.This is Restorersfrom the Israel museum "rollup" the Dionysos mosaic after removing the stone tiles from the plaster underbedding.Excavation of the material underneaththe mosaic enabled the excavatorsto date the construction to the first third of the third centurycE. A

"

symbolized best when Sepphorisbecame the focal point of Jewishintellectual life when Judahthe Patriarch resided there (200-217 c.E.)and when the Sanhedrin- judicial seat of authority-was transferredthere. It was at this time and in this place that the Mishnah was codified and redacted.The activities associated with the redactionand publication of the Mishnah no doubt attracted many other rabbinicleaders and their students to the place also. RabbiJudah'srole in Jewishlife, however,transcendedscholarship:he also playeda central role in politics with Rome and even with diaspora Jewishcommunities. His legendary friendshipwith Caracalla(Antoninus) reflects the growing closeness and accommodation between Rome and the Jewishcommunity of Eretz Israeland Sepphoris,in particular. A coin from this period mentions a treaty of friendshipbetween the boule, or Holy Council, of Sepphoris and the Senate of the Roman people (Meshorer1985:37). The council of Sepphorisat this time, despite a Roman paganpresence, remained predominantly Jewish. During the second century c.E., a majorchange in the demography, and hence character,of LowerGalilee took place. The needs of the Roman armywere great- food, supplies, entertainment and outlets for religious expression- and the facilities of the local population could not serve these needs. Hence, many of the majorcity buildings and structures were built in this era. The predominant characterof the Galilee as a region remained Jewish,although in external forms at least, the LowerGalilee began to assume more and more the characterof the cities of the Hellenistic east. This shift may be noted in the coins of Sepphoris:in the reign

caesarea,there are representations of the Capitoline Triad,Tyche and various temples. During the second century, too, all mannerof Romandecoratedlamps can be found, including ones with

life and times of Dionysos decorated a triclinium (banquethall) in the main room of the villa's first floor. A peristyle courtyardlay to the south, and rooms of all kinds were situated throughout the complex. The villa adjoins the southern edge of the theater, which had a seating capacity of about 5,000. The mosaic floor was laid on bedrock. Its removal, and excavation of the material underneath, enabled the excavatorsto date the construction to the first third of the third century C.E. The floor is replete with scenes from all aspects of mythology and ritual associated with Dionysos, all N."v labeled in Greek:drinking, carousing, AMO wine, ecstasy, music and preparing 111h6: various scenes from the god'slife story- infancy,childhood, adulthood, The legendaryfriendship between Rabbi conquest and marriage.The surroundludah and Caracalla(Antoninus)is reflected on this coin, which mentions a treaty of ing acanthus medallions depict huntfriendshipbetween the boule, or Holy Couning scenes with many of the animals cil, of Sepphorisand the Senate of the Roman associated with Dionysos: tigers, people. The council of Sepphorisat this time, deer and The lively remained a Roman goats, leopards. presence, pagan despite predominantlyJewish. Photo from Meshorer animals are shown being hunted by 1985:37, number 95. naked erotes or cupids armed with bows and arrows.All elements serve mythological figures and a variety of to dramatize the appearanceof two female portraits on either end, the erotic themes. Many are found in one on the northern edge preserved Jewishdomestic areas, indicating in exquisite detail. their sense of being at home in a Of three surroundingpanels, the physical environment in which pabest is on the west and depicts a progan themes and symbols came to cession: one figure- presumably a dominate. The actual trappingsof male - is shown ridingan animal, and Hellenistic culture, therefore,were welcomed in a thriving Jewishenvi- all othersarecarryinggarlandsof flowronment. The Upper Galilee and the ers, baskets laden with fruits, ducks Golan, except for the architecture of and roosters.These items appearto the synagogue itself and some deco- be offerings,and the procession may ratedlamps, were more removedfrom relate to the Dionysos cult. The other such overt forms of accommodation panels are equally of pagan content. The villa is very close to the doto Hellenism; but all three regions seemed determined to allow their mestic area where many ritual baths were found. In the third century there expressions of Judaismto survive and prevail. were only three known groups at The third century c.E.at Seppho- Sepphoris:Jews,Jewish-Christians ris was, in many ways, the pinnacle and Romans (pagans).The theater of Jewishachievement. Ironically, functioned while RabbiJudahcarried of Trajan (98-117 c.E.) coins minted but perhapsmost significantly, the on his work on the Mishnah, and no there bore symbols long used by the doubt the city exhibited the hustle Jewishcommunity-the laurelwreath, splendid Villa of Dionysos and the the palm tree, caduceus and ears of compilation of the Mishnah aredated and bustle of a Helleno-oriental city grain. During the reign of Antoninus to this period. The mosaic floor that in the east at the height of Roman features scenes from the mythology, influence. The next century saw a Pius, using the paganname of DioBiblical Archaeologist, June 1992

89

,moo,

This thirdcentury erotic Romanlamp was found in a Jewishhome in the western domestic areaon the acropolis,along with many other fragmentsof erotic lamps and lamps with paganimages in them. Manyof the lamps were found in Jewishdomestic areas, indicating their sense of being at home in a physical environmentin which pagan themes and symbols came to dominate. The actual trappings of Hellenistic culture, therefore,were welcomed in a thrivingJewish environment.

pearanceof the phrase"inaccordance with Helleniclaw"in a marriage contractbetweenJudahCimberand Shelamzion,daughterof Judah,son of EleazarKhthousion,has raiseda vigorousdiscussionaboutthe nature of Hellenismin the secondcentury 1989)beyondthe bor(Wasserstein dersof EretzIsrael.The contractis writtenin Greekanddatesto 128c.E. In the contract,the husbandassumesthe obligationto providefor his futurewife andchildrento be born"inaccordancewith Greekor Helleniclaw." Whatis so interestingaboutthe documentis thatit showsHellenism to be anenablerof orientaltraditions, cultureandcustoms.The marriage contractanddowryas institutions

40 -1

•

v

This Aramaic inscription hangs in the Crusader Churchof Saint Anna and probably dates to the third century.It recalls the memory of Rabbi Judahbar Tanhum.The activities associated with the redaction and publication of the Mishnah, which occurred in Sepphorisduring the third century C.E.,no doubt attracted many other rabbinic leaders and their students to the place also.

IL distinct Christian presence established at Sepphoris.

in the ancient Near East date back to the second millennium. Jewishdocuments from Elephantine in Egypt

4t

During the third century c.E.,

there was an explosion of creative symbiosis at Sepphoris:Roman paganism surely flourishedat this time; nascent Christianity was clearly sinking its roots; and Jewishliterary creativity peaked.That such literary, spiritual and religious creativity occurredshould not be a surprise. Hellenism had served for many years as the cultural frameworkfor strengthening Jewishparticularity in new and imaginative ways. It wasn'tuntil

dating to the fifth century B.C.E.uti-

7-i

lize both elements. Lawsand customs were certainly modified through the centuries, and such changes are reflected in PY 18. While Jewishlaw was emerging and being compiled in Sepphorisin Palestine properin the second century C.E.,in Provincia

ArabiaNova, a non-Jewishenvironment, Jewsmade full use of the law there and lived according to it. That law, however,contained within it much that was local or oriental, so it the third century c.E. that such an was intersection of cultures yielded maxicongenial to Jewish custom and .:S, mum results, not in the first century practice. It expressed those laws, however,in a way that was also conC.E., as Bateyclaims. genial to Hellenic law. The family of Babatha,from Marriageand Hellenism whose archive the marriagecontract The publication of PapyrisYadin 18, a marriagecontract from the Babatha comes, was so integrated into the enarchivefrom the Province of Arabia vironment, but not necessarily comor end This ritual bath the of from first century Nova at Ein Gedi, provides stunning pletely Hellenized, that one guardian the Second Templeperiod is so well preserved Helleof appointed for the orphanedson of insight into the dynamics because it is cut out of the bedrock.It comes Babathawas a non-Jewand a Nabanism within the Jewishcommunity from the northwesternacropolis area. Many were near the domestic ritual baths found taean (Document number 12).Wasarea in a predominantly non-Jewish area near the villa. The in the second century C.E. serstein, in assessing these and simiap?iF

?

.

?

. . "$ :

?

,,,

90

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

L .

[•|] rA

lar phenomena, evaluates Hellenism very much as does Bowersock,as a cultural movement and phenomenon that could absorbimportant elements of local cultures, and "which is clothed with the name and language of the Hellenes. This is true in many fields; it is particularly evident in law and custom"(Wasserstein 1989: 130). Conclusion The Roman phase of Hellenism in Palestine should not be viewed as one of confrontation. Rather,in many ways it unleashed a kind of creative synergism that enabled Judaismnot only to survive the traumas of two catastrophicwars with Rome, but to prevailin a form and shape that constituted the essential frameworkof a classical Judaismthat dominated until the eighteenth century. ForSepphorisand Galilee during the first century, such an era had not yet dawned;but by the mid-second century, the process of creative synergism had greatly accelerated. It lasted approximatelyfrom that time until the mid-fourth century C.E.,

when Constantine's conversion to Christianity unleashed a number of new forces that put Judaismsomewhat on the defensive in some areas, and caused it to turn more inward that outward. The challenge of Hellenism, therefore,need not be viewed so much as a clash between two cultures, but as a meeting of two traditions that would one day enhance one another, blending one with the other. Christianity throughout history has identified more with its Hellenic roots than with its Semitic ones. Judaism has perhaps stressed the latter sometimes to the exclusion of the former. Bringing back elements of both into better balance as aspects of each religious tradition will surely benefit both traditions. It will also help to illuminate the richness and complexity of the Judaeo-Christian heritage.

Notes 'Aslightlydifferentversionof this article wasdeliveredas the plenaryaddressat the Southeastern RegionalMeetingof AAR/SBL/ASOR on March 14, 1992.

Bibliography Batey,R. 1991 Jesusand the ForgottenCity. Grand Rapids,MI:BakerBook House. 1992 Sepphoris-An Urban Portraitof Jesus.Biblical Archaeology Review 18 (3):50-62. Bowersock,G. 1990 Hellenism in LateAntiquity. Ann Arbor,MI:University of Michigan. Feldman,L. 1986 How much Hellenism in Jewish Palestine?Pp. 83-111 in Hebrew Union CollegeAnnual. Cincinnati: HebrewUnion College. Hengel, M. 1974 Judaismand Hellenism. Philadelphia: FortressPress. Meshorer,Y. 1985 City-Coinsof Eretz-Israeland the Decapolis in the Roman Period. Jerusalem:The IsraelMuseum. Meyers,E. forth- RomanSepphorisin Light of New coming ArchaeologicalEvidenceand Recent Research.In Proceedingsof the First International Conferenceon Galilean Studies in Antiquity, edited by L. Levine.New York:The Jewish Theological Seminaryof America. Meyers,E., Meyers,C., and Netzer, E. 1992 Sepphoris.Winona Lake,IN: Eisenbrauns. Wasserstein,L. 1989 A MarriageContractfrom the Provinceof ArabiaNova:Notes on PapyrusYadin18. Jewish Quarterly Review 80 (1-2):93-130.

I NEW

FROM

MOHR:I

Synoptic presentation and translationof centraltexts in Ancient Judaisticliterature Obersetzung der Hekhalot-Literatur Band IV:?? 598-985 in collaboraPeter Editedby Schhler tion with Hans-JtirgenBecker,Klaus Hermann,ClaudiaRohrbacher-Sticker and StefanSiebers This second volume of the translation of Hekhalotliteratureprovides a translationof paragraphs598-985 of the Synopse zur Hekhalot-Literatur which correspondwith the text of MerkavaRabbaand Harbade-Moshe, Shi'urQoma.The translationfollows the manuscriptsof the Synopseand the zurHekhalot-Literatur, Geniza-Fragmente and takes into account all important variants of manuscripts.When needed, the differentversions of the manuscriptsare presented in synoptic columns.The style of the translationis as literalas possible. 1991.XLV,208 pages (Texteund Studien zum Antiken Judentum29). ISBN 3-16-145745-5 cloth $56.50 Synopse zum Talmud Yerushalmi 1/3-5OrderZera'im-Treatises Demai - Shevi it. Editedby PeterSchifer and Hans-Jirgen Beckerwith Gottfried Reeg assisted by Anja Engel,Kerstin Ipta,Uta Lohmann,MartinaUrban and GertWildensee This is a synoptic presentationof the most importanttextual evidence of the TalmudYerushalmi.Editedfor the first time are the famous 'Leiden'and 'Vatican'manuscriptsand the so-called Sirillomanuscripts'Paris/Moscow' and'London'together with the editio princeps'Venice',the printededitions 'Constantinople'and 'Amsterdam'as well as the TalmudYerushalmicollections in (EnYa'aqovand in Yalqut Shim'oni. 1992.360 pages (est.) large quarto format (Texteund Studienzum Antiken Judentum).ISBN3-16-145924-5 cloth $184.00 InNorthAmericathesebooksare availablefromCoronet BooksInc., PA 311 BainbridgeStreet,Philadelphia, 19147, USA,Phone (215) 925-2762

ARTIBUS

I

J.C.B.MOHR IwoI iiMti (PAUL SIEBECK) 14M.I?I TUBINGEN Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

91

NAME

INV.

# OLD

EDITOR(S)

PUBLICATION NOTES PRELIMINARY

1

Gen-Exoda

Davila Davila Davila Davila Davila Davila Davila Davila Davila Davila

Ta,Pa

Genb Genc Gend Gene Genf Geng Genhl Genh2 Genhpara Genhtag Geni Genk paleoGen-Exi

Cl C7a C7b C2 C3 C4 C5 C2b C2a C2a

Davila (1988)

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 8a 8b 8c 9 10 11

169 397 391 215 393 1071 420 273 275 275

Davila (1988) Davila (1988) Davila (1988) Davila (1988) Davila (1988) Davila (1988) Davila (1988)

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta.Pa Ta,Pa

Davila (1988) Davila (1988) DJDIX(1992)pis.I-VI

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa,1

12 13 14

paleoGenm Exodb Exodc

OJOIX(1992)pl.VI

Ta,Pa,1

15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22

Exodd Exode Exodf Exodg Exodh ExodJ Exodk paleoExodm

Cross(1965)pt 3

Pm

IX(1992)pls.VII-XXXIII DJOD

Ta,Pa,1

23

Lev-Numa

24

Levb

1073 C4b C4a 1072 393 C5a Snib 402 Sn1b 204 422 Sn2 Sn3 398 Sn3b 395 1125 Snla C6 659 1075 C8a C8b 1074 1076 C8c 242 C9 C10a 396 1002 C11 1075 ClOb 201 C15c 201 C15e 201 C15d Sn4 1005 1126 Sn5 Sn6 661 Sn7 1127 Sn8 1128 Sn9 1129 SnlO 1130 Sn11 1131 1132 Sn12 1133 Sn13 Sn14 1134 1135 Sn15 AMMANSn15a 1136 Sn16 Snl6a 1137 1155 Sn51 Sn5la 1156 1157 Sn51b 1154 Sn52 Sn52 1158 1158 Sn53 1160 Sn54 Sn55 1159 1161 Sn56 1162 Sn57 1163 Sn58 272 C12a 271 C12b 419 C16a C16b 399 Cl7a 401 418 C17b 1077 C13b

Levc

1078 1079 316

C13c C13a C14

Ulrich Ulrich Tov

C15a C15b C19a C19b C19b C20a C20b C21a C21a C21b C21b C22a C22a C22b C22c C23

Toy Tov Jastram Jastram Jastrarn Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram Jastram White

TovMilgrom(forthcoming) Tovvander Woude(forthcoming)

Ta

197 198 1080 1081A 10818 1082 1083 1084A 10848 1085A 1085B 1086A 10868 1087 1088 256

Jastram(1990)

Ta,Pa

White(1988)

Ta,Pa

4Q#

Qumran Update

The

Unpublished Qumran exts from and

Caves

4

11

byEmatwallbv he following lists all the

texts(4Q1-127, Qumran

196-575 and 11Q1-23) that have not yet appeared in the official series, Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert (publishedby OxfordUniversity Press).'Also included are most of the Enoch texts (4Q201-12)and 11Q5, 10, 19, for which no furthereditions areplanned for the DJD series, and volumes IX and X of DJD,which are now at OxfordUniversity Press. Foreach text the following information is provided: 1. The sequential number in the list of the manuscripts of the Qumran inventory of caves 4 and 11,such as 4Q201; and the name of the composition, e.g. Ena.In the system of names for the texts a distinction is made between lowercase letters designating different copies of the same composition, such as Genb, Genc, etc.; and uppercaseletters designating different compositions

25 26

Levd

27

Numb

28

Deuta

within a certain literary genre, such

as TohorotA, TohorotB. 2. Previous sigla and the names of the prospective editor(s) (C = Cross; M = Milik; S1 = Strugnell; Sn = Skehan; Sy = Starcky; UI = Ulrich).

94 Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

Davila Davila SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa Skehan,Ulrich Cross Sanderson Sanderson Sanderson Sanderson Sanderson Cross Sanderson Sanderson Sanderson Sanderson SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa SnUSa Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich

Ta

KEY TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa - Photograph-all Da- Drawn-all 1- paleo-Hebrew 4-Aramaic 7-crypticB 5-Nabatean 8-Semitic NOTES Tm-Transcription-mostPm-Photograph-mostDm- Drawn-most 2-papyrus 6-crypticA Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3-Greek

40#

NAME

INV.

# OLD

EDITOR(S)

PREUMINARY PUBUCATION

NOTES

29 30

Deutb Deutc

White(1988) Duncan (1989) White(1988)

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa

34 35 36 37

Deuto Deuth Deut Deuti

White(1988) Duncan (1989) White(1988) Duncan (1989)

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa

38

Deutk

Duncan (1989)

Ta,Pa

39 40 41

Deutd Deutm Deutn

C30a C30b C30c C31a C31c C32a C32b C32c

Duncan White White White White Duncan White White White Duncan White Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan Duncan White

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa

Deutd Deute Deut'

C24 C25a C25b C25c C26 C27 C28a C28b C31b C29

Duncan (1989) White(1988)

31 32 33

1089 243 237 238 323 233 322 317 400 389 323 170 172 171 1090 1090 390 255 981

Duncan (1989)

Ta,Pa

42

Deuto

43 44 45

DeutP Deutq paleoDeut'

46 47

paleoDeuts Josha

48 49 50 51

Joshb Judga Judgb Sam'

52

Samb

53

Samc

54 55

Kgs Isa'

56

Isab

57

Isac

58

Isad

59 60 61 62

Isae Isa' IsaO Isah

63 64 65 66 67 68 69 69a 69b 70

Isa Isak Isa' Isam Isa' Isao

1091 178 1091 676 1138 1139 1139 1092 1093 392 305 1123 998 1094 1095 1096 1097 1098 1099 1100 1101 1102 1103 1104 1105 1106 1107 206 195 405 406 1108 266 660 1140 1141 363 382 387 250 236 262 324 175 262 261 1142 250 262 261 261 261 261

C32d C32d C32d Sn19 Sn17 Sn18,58 Sn58 C33a C33b C34 C35a C35b C36 C37a C37b C38 C39a C39b C40a C40b C41a C41b C42 C43a C43b C44a C44b C45a C45b C46a C46b C47 Sn20 Sn20 Sn21 Sn21 Sn22 Sn22 Sn22 Sn23 Sn23 n27 Sn28 Sn29a n27 Sn29c Sn29b Sn25 Sn27 Sn29c Sn29c Sn29c Sn29c

1109 1110 1111 152

C48a C48b C48c C49

71

paplsaP Isaq Isar Jera Jerb

Duncan Duncan Duncan Skehan,Ulrich SnUSa SnUSa Skehan,Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Toy Trebolle Trebolle Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Cross Ulrich Ulrich Trebolle Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Ulrich Skehan, Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan.Ulrich Ulrich Skehan, Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich SkehanUlrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich SkehanUlrich Skehan, Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich SkehanUlrich Skehan,Ulrich. Skehan,Ulrich Tov Tov Toy Toy

White(1988) (1989) LMayers-Cassen

Ta,Pa Pp

Skehan (1954) DJDIX(1992)p1s.XXXIV-XXXVI

Tp,Pp Ta,Pa,1

OJDIX(1992)pl.XXXVII

Ta,Pa,1

TovMilk(forthcoming) Trebolle (1990) Trebolle (1991) Cross(1958)p. 101 Skehan(1965)p.96 Skehan(1979)pl.889 [Cross(1983a)

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Pp Pp Pp Tp,Pp

Skehan(1979)pl.888 Cross(1955)fig.6 Ulrich (1979)

Pp Tp,Pp Ta,Pa

Trebolle (1992a) (1954b) Muilenburg

Tm,Pm,Dm Pp

to besubdivided intofivemss

2

Tov (1989-90) p. 196,pl III Janzen(1973) p. 196,pl.III [toy(1989-90)

152

C49

Tov

published in The Dead Sea Scrolls: Forty Years of Research, edited by D. Dimant and U. Rappaport (Jerusalem: The Magnes Press, 1992)?

Pp Tm

Potential future changes Severaltypes of information may

Pa

change in the future. The names of compositions are often changed as a

Pa p 196,p1.III [oV (1989-90) Jer? Ta,Pa LvRQ16(forthcoming) Pa Tov 71b 152 Jere C49 [ov (1989-90) p. 196 III pl. LiwRD16(forthcoming) Ta,Pa 4 1 Pa Da Drawn-all Aramaic KEY TO Ta-Transcription-all paleo-Hebrew 7-crypticB Photograph-all 5-Nabatean 8- Semitic most Pm- Photograph-mostDminDrawn-most 2- papyrus NOTES Tm-TranscriptionA 6- cryptic Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3- Greek 71a

3. Referencesto preliminary publications, in either articles or monographs.Partialor complete editions supersededby later preliminary or final editions are excluded from the list. It mentions separatelythe existence of a transcriptionand/or photographand/ordrawingin the preliminary publication. An abbreviated form of these referencesoccurs in the list itself, while full bibliographicreferencesare listed at the end of the article. The list does not include studies merely analyzing the texts (with occasional quotations and/orpartial transcriptions).The "all"and "most"in the words "part," refer to how much of the manukey is covered script by the preliminary publication. 4. Notes regardingthe material (papyrus),language( Greek, Aramaic, Nabatean, Semitic), and script (paleoHebrew,cryptic [A or B]).All other documents are in Hebrew,written on leather. Information on all columns appearingto the right of the editors' column (preliminarypublications, etc.) belongs to all lines of the relevant 4Q or 11Qnumber. Thus, under 4Q22, the references"DIDIX ... ", "all"and "paleo"pertain to all 26 lines of that entry. This list was compiled with the assistance of Stephen J.Pfann, Steve Reed and EugeneUlrich and the bibliographywith that of Pfann and Jan Karnis.E Garcia Martinez sent several corrections and providedinformation on some items still in press. Informationfor the texts from cave 11 drawsheavily on the article by Garcia Martinez, "Textsfrom Cave 11,"to be

result of improvedknowledge, and the editors of certain texts are some-

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992 95

40#

times changed as well. Also, as new fragmentsarejoinedwith or separated from other fragments,new items on the list may be created,or two extant items may be combined into one. Indeed, in a few cases, older 4Q numbers have been changed during the past few years, especially in the course of the recent reorganization of the material. A few additional 4Q numbers have been introducedwhen it was recognized that a groupof fragments,designatedby a single number, actually consisted of two or more different compositions. In such cases, the additional number is denoted as "a"(e.g. 4Q321a).In other cases, texts with an additional 4Q number have been identified with items with a simple 4Q number. For example, 4Q251 was previouslylisted as 4Q363a, and 4Q265 was previously listed as 4Q363b. In yet other cases, fragments have been regrouped.Older lists thereforediffer in part from this one. There are also a few names of compositions for which no identifying data are presented. These items (usually reflecting small fragments) were given an identifying label at an early stage of the work on the scrolls (e.g. 4Q230 Catalogue of Spiritsa), but so far they have not yet been found on the photographs.With the continuation of the work, and when all fragments on the photographs and in the RockefellerMuseum are identified, by elimination the as yet unrecognized items will be located. Informationon the texts from NaIal Seelim is providedin JonasC. Greenfield, "TheTexts from NaIal Seelim (WadiSeiyal),"to be published in Proceedings of the International Congresson the Dead Sea ScrollsMadrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L. VegasMontaner (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah10;UniversidadComplutense/Brill:Madrid/Leiden,1992). In spite of the need for future corrections in the list, it is thought to be in the interest of fellow scholars that this list should appearat once. 96 Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

NAME

72

Jerc

73

Ezeka

74 75 76

Ezekb Ezekc Xlla

77 78

XIIb XIIC

79 80 81 82

Xlld Xlle XIIf Xllg

83 84

Psa Psb

85

Psc

86 87 88

Psd Pse Ps'

89 90 91 92 93 94 95 96 97 98 98a 98b 98c 98d 99 100 101 102 103 104 105 106 107

Psg Psh Psi

108

Psk

Psi Psm Psn Pso PsP Psq Psr Pss Psfrg1 Psfrg2 Joba Jobb paleoJobc Prova Provb Rutha Ruthb Canta Cantb

INV.

OLD #

EDITOR(S)

PRELIMINARY PUBLICATION NOTES

671 246 232 245 244 1112

C50a C50b C51a C51b C52 C53

Tov Tov Tov Tov Tov Sanderson

Tov(1991)pls. -VII

Ta,Pa Tp

207 207 296 1114 314 1113 162 161 410 258 1115 1143 1144 1145 1146 1147 1164 1165 1166 1167 1168 1169 1170 1171 1148 383 360 999 312 312 225 263 1149 436 1150 1150 1151 1151 1151 1151 1151 1151 1151

C54 C54bis C55a C55b C56 C57 C58a C58b C59 C60 C60bis Sn30 Sn31 Sn32 Sn33 Sn34 Sn59 Sn60 Sn61 Sn62 Sn63 Sn64 Sn65 Sn65a Sn35 Sn36 Sn37a Sn37 Sn38 Sn39 Sn40 Sn41 Sn42a Sn40 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43 Sn43

Lust(1986) Sinclair (1989-90) Zimmerli (1979,1983)coverphoto Lust(1986)

Ta Tp,Dp Pp Ta

Fuller (1988)

Ta,Pa

Fuller (1988) Fuller (1988)

Ta.Pa Ta.Pa Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa

1151

Sn43

1116 1117 1152 1153 1153 410 1117 1118 1119

C61 C61bis Sn44 Sn45 Sn45 C62a C62b C64a C64

Sanderson Sanderson Fuller Fuller Fuller Fuller Fuller Fuller Fuller Fuller Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Fuller Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Cross Cross

109

Cantc Qoha

1118 DAJ

C64b C65a

Cross Ulrich

110 111 112

Qohb Lam Dana

1117 667

Ulrich Cross

113

Danb

388 394 1120 1121 224 1122 153 1124 1124 1004

C65b C66 C67 C68 C69 C70 C71 C72 C76 C73 C74 Sn46

376 378 379 265

Sn47 Sn48 Sn48a Sn49

114 115 116 117 118 119 120

Danc Dand Dane Ezra Chr LXXLeva papLXXLevb

121

LXXNum

Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Trebolle Skehan, Ulrich Skehan, Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich Skehan, Ulrich Skehan,Ulrich

Fuller (1988) Fuller (1988) Fuller (1988)

[Skehan(1965b)pl.18 [Skehan(1964)

Pp Tp,Pp

(1966)pp.355-57,pl.XVIll Starcky

Tp,Pp

Milik (1957)pls.I-IV

Ta,Pa

Skehan(1981)

Ta

DJDIX(1992)pl.XXXVII

Ta,Pa,1

Muilenburg(1954a) p. 22 Cross (1958) p. 101

Pm Pp

Cross (1983b) Ulrich(1987) pls. IV-VI

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa

Ulrich(1989) pls. III,IV

Ta,Pa

Ulrich(1989) pls. VII,VIII

Ta,Pa

Trebolle(1992b) oDXIX(1992) XXXVIII pl. IX(1992) pls. XXXlX-XLI OJD

Ta,Pa Ta,Pa, 3 Ta,Pa, 2, 3

DiD IX(1992) pls. XLII-XLlI

Tm,Pm, 3

1- paleo-Hebrew 4-Aramaic 7-cryptic8 TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da-Drawn-all KEY 5-Nabatean 8-Semitic NOTES Tm-Transcription-mostPm- Photograph-mostDm-Drawn-most 2- papyrus Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3-Greek 6-crypticA

4Q# 122 123 124 125 126 127

NAME LXXDeut paleoParaJosh 1 paleoUnid 2 paleoUnid Unidgr papParaExodgr

196

ara 4QpapTob

197

Tobarb

198 199 200

Tobarc Tobard Tob(?)heb

201

Ena

202 203

Enb EnGiantsa

204

Enc

205 206

End Ene

207 208

Ent Enastra

209

Enastrb

210 211 212 213

Enastrc Enastrd Eng ofEnoch) (also= Letter TLevi ara

214 215

arb TLevi TNaph

216

Juba

217 218 219 220 221

Jubb Jubc Jubd Jube Jub'

222 223

Jubg papJubh

224 225 226 227 228 229 230 231 232 233 234 235 236 237 238 239 240 241 242

papJubw PsJuba PsJubb PsJubc ofJub workwithcitation Heb. pseudepworkinmishnaic Catalogue ofSpiritsa Catalogue ofSpiritsb JNHebr. with frgs placenames Gen27:20fexercal. frgsBookof Kings Psalm89 psalter Hab3 andsongs Pesharim: trueIsrael onCanticles? Commentary frgscit.Lamentations PrNab

243

psDanara

INV.

OLD #

EDITOR(S)

PUBLICATION NOTES PRELIMINARY

265 1152 1152 1152 265 374 375 666 851 852 822 808 132 133 231 231 848 850 821 904 380 188 189 906 199 200 191 188 189 142 359 386 358 143 846 823 814 847 856 857 229 369 227 228 817 816 249 370 368 371 385 385 384 586 849 300 849 361

Sn49 Sn44 Sn44 Sn44 Sn49 Sn50 Sn50a M5 M6 M7 M8 M9 M10 Ml M12 M12 M13 M14 M25 M26 M29 M28 M28 M28a M27 M27a M28 M28 M28 M31 M30 M30a M30b M31a M32 M34 M35a M33 M34 M34 M36 M36a M37 M37a M41a M41b M41 M42b M43 M43a M15 M16 M17 M126 M19 M18 M19 M20

Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Ulrich Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Fitzmyer Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik Milik

DJDIX(1992)pt.XLIII DJOIX(1992)pl.XLVI DJDIX(1992)pls.XLIV-XLV OJDIX(1992)pl.XLVI DJOIX(1992)pl.XLVI DJOIX(1992)pl.XLVII

Ta,Pa,3 Ta,Pa,1 Ta,Pa,1 Ta,Pa,1 Ta,Pa,3 Ta,Pa,2, 3

Milik (1992)

Tp,2, 4

230 134 135 136 311 811 812 309

M21 M22 M23 M24 M39a M40 M39a M124

603 601 304

M129a M127

4 4 4

Milik (1976)pp.139-63,340-43,pls.I-V

Tm,Pm,4

Milik 344-46,pls.VI-IX Tm,Pm,4 (1976)pp.164-78, Milik (1976)pp.310-17,pls.XXX-XXXII Tm,Pm,4 Milik 346ff,pls.IX-XV Tm,Pm,4 (1976)pp.178-217,

Milik 353-55,pis.XVI-XVII Ta,Pa,4 (1976) pp.217-25, Tm,Pm,4 Milik (1976)pp.225-44,355ff,pls.XVIII-XXI Milik (1976)pp.244-45,359,pL.XXI

Ta,Pa,4 4

XXXTp,Pp,4 Milik Milik (1976)pp.278-96,pis.XXV-XXVII, Milik Milik XXX Ta,Pa,4 Milik Milik (1976)pp.284-88,pls.XXVIII, Milik Milik Ta,Pa,4 (1976)pp.296-97,pl.XXIX Milik Milik Tm,Pm,4 pp.245-72,360-62,pls.XXI-XXIV (1976) 4 Milik Tp,4 Stone,Greenfield Milik (1976)p. 23f Stone,Greenfield [Milik Tp,Pp (1955)pl.IV Stone,Greenfield 4 Stone,Greenfield Stone,Greenfield Stone,Greenfield VanderKam andMilik VanderKam Ta,Pa (1991) VanderKam VanderKam 2 VanderKam VanderKam VanderKam VanderKam Tp (1992) VanderKam VanderKam Milik Tp,Pp (1966)p. 104,pl.II Tp [VanderKam (1992) VanderKam 2 VanderKam 2 VanderKam VanderKam VanderKam VanderKam Milik VanderKam Tp (1976)p. 12

248 665

M44

Collins Collins

854

M45

Collins

Milik (1966)p1.I

5 Ta,Pa

Milik (1956)pl.1 Grelot (1978) Cross(1984) Milik (1956)pp.411-15

Ta,Pa,4 Tm,4 Tm,Om,4 Tp,4

KEY TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da-Drawn-all 1-paleo-Hebrew 4-Aramaic 7-crypticB 5-Nabatean 8-Semitic NOTES Tm-Transcription-mostPm- Photograph-mostDm- Drawn-most 2-papyrus A 6- cryptic Tp-Transcription-partPp - Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3-Greek

Notes 'The list is current through March 10, 1992. 2Fora complete recordof all the photographsof a particularfragment,the readeris referredto the preliminarylist by Stephen Reed, Dead Sea Scrolls Inventory Project,fascicles 1-15, producedby the Ancient Biblical ManuscriptCenter in Claremont, California,in cooperation with the IsraelAntiquities Authority,to be published in 1992.

Bibliography Allegro,J.M.

1956 FurtherMessianicReferences in

QumranLiterature.Journalof Biblical Literature75: 174-87. [4Q252] Baumgarten,J. 1976 4Q Halakaha5, the Lawof Hadash, and the PentecontadCalendar.Journal of Jewish Studies 27: 36-46. [4Q251] 1990 The 4Q Zadokite Fragmentson Skin Disease. Journalof Jewish Studies 41: 153-65. (4Q266, 269, 272, 273] 1992 The Disqualifications of Priests in 4Q Fragmentsof the "Damascus Document,"A Specimenof the Recoveryof pre-RabbinicHalakha.In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea ScrollsMadrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L. VegasMontaner. Series:Studies on the Textsof the Desert of Judah10. Universidad Complutense/Brill:Madrid/Leiden. [4Q266] forth- Proceedingsof the Institute for Adcoming vanced Studies.Jerusalem:Hebrew University.[4Q274] Brownlee,W 1963 The Scroll of Ezekiel from the Eleventh QumranCave.Revuede Qumran 4: 11-28. [11Q4] Cross, F.M. 1953 A New QumranBiblical Fragment Relatedto the OriginalHebrewUnderlyingthe Septuagint.Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 132: 15-26. [4Q51] 1955 The Oldest Manuscriptsfrom Qumran.Journalof Biblical Literature 74: 147-72. [4Q52] 1958 The Ancient Libraryof Qumranand ModernBiblical Studies. Garden City, NY:Doubleday.[4Q52, 109] 1965 Scrolls from the Wildernessof the Dead Sea. Series:Smithsonian Institution Exhibit Catalogue.Cambridge, MA:American Schools of Oriental Research(plate3). [4Q17] 1983a The Ammonite Oppressionof the Tribesof Gad and Reuben:Missing Versesfrom 1 Samuel 11Foundin

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992 97

40#

4QSamuela.Pp. 148-58 in History, Historiographyand Interpretation: Studies in Biblical and Cuneiform Literature,edited by H. Tadmorand M. Weinfeld.Jerusalem:Magnes Press.[4Q51] 1983b Studies in the Structureof Hebrew Verse:The Prosodyof Lamentations 1:1-22. Pp. 129-55 in The Wordof the LordShall Go Forth.Essaysin Honorof David Noel Freedmanin Celebrationof His Sixtieth Birthday. WinonaLake,IN: Eisenbrauns. [4Qlll]

1984 Fragmentsof the Prayerof Nabonidus. Israel ExplorationJournal34: 260-64. [4Q2421 Davila, J.R. 1988 Unpublished PentateuchalManuscripts from Cave IV Qumran: 4QGenExa,4QGenb-h,j-k. Ph.D. diss, HarvardUniversity.Ann Arbor, MI:University Microfilms. [4Q1-10] Dimant, D. 1992 New Light from Qumranon the JewishPseudepigrapha- 4Q390. In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea ScrollsMadrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner.Series:Studies on the Textsof the Desert of Judah10. UniversidadComplutense/Brill: Madrid/Leiden.[4Q390] Dimant, D. and Strugnell,J. 1990 The MerkabahVision in SecondEzekiel (4Q3854). Revuede Qumran 14:331-48. [4Q385] Duncan, J. 1989 A Critical Edition of Deuteronomy Manuscriptsfrom Qumran. Cave IV: 4QDtb, 4QDte, 4QDth, 4QDti, 4QDtk, 4QDtl. Ph.D. Diss., Harvard University. [4Q29,32, 35, 37-39] Eshel, E. 1992 4QMg:UnpublishedFragmentsof the WarScrollfrom Cave4 and Some Observationson the Recensions of this Composition. In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea Scrolls-Madrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L. VegasMontaner.Series:Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah 10. Universidad Complutense/Brill: Madrid/Leiden. [4Q471] Fitzmyer, J. A. 1965 A Messianic Text. Plate 11 in Scrolls from the Wilderness of the Dead Sea. Series: Smithsonian Institution Exhibit Catalogue. Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Oriental Research. [4Q534] 1974 The Contribution of Qumran Aramaic to the Study of the New Testament. New Testament Studies: 20: 391-94.

98 Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

NAME

244 245 246

psDanarb psDanarc Aramaic Apocalypse

247 248 249

ApocWeeks Actsofa Greek King A papMSM Cryptic SeferMoshe) (Midrash

250 251 252 253 254 255 256 257 258 259 260 261 262 263 264 265

266

267 268 269 270

271

INV.

# OLD

EDITOR(S)

908 855 853 247 209

M45a M45b M46 M46a M132

Collins Collins Collins Collins Puech

377

M47b

589 590 598 597 596 593 textonversoof MSM 593 onTorah 702 Legalcommentary 711 670 pGena 819 113 pGenb 820 pGenc 668 177 papSa 907 Sb 905 (olimSd) 858 papSc 859 Sd 140 141 (olimSb) Se 810 S' 366 Sg 705 105 Sh S1 251 SI 297 SD 306 307 308 701 Da 680 (olimDb) 699 704+ 700 686 687 707 688 706 689 106 Db 107 (olimDd) 373 Dc(olimDa) 220 Dd 221 (olimD') 698 De 685 690 697 703 357 D'

Broshi.Yardeni Broshi.Yardeni M108 Pfann Kister. Pfann M109 Kister. Pfann Ml10 Kister. M11l Pfann Kister. M112 Pfann Kister. Pfann M113a Kister. M113a Pfann M80 Baumgarten M81 Baumgarten M131 Kister M38a Kister M125 Kister M38 Kister M38 Kister M49 Oimron Vermes. M50 Vermes. Oimron M50a Vermes, Oimron M51 Oimron Vermes. M51a Oimron Vermes. M52 Vermes. Oimron Qimron Vermes. M53 M54 Vermes, Oimron M55 Vermes, Oimron M56 Qimron Vermes. M57 Vermes, Oimron M57a Qimron Vermes. M57b Vermes, Oimron Baumgarten M78' Baumgarten Baumgarten M59a Baumgarten M60 Baumgarten M60 Baumgarten M61 Baumgarten M62 Baumgarten M63 Baumgarten M63 Baumgarten M64 Baumgarten M65 Baumgarten M65 Baumgarten M66 Baumgarten M69 Baumgarten M70 Baumgarten M58 Baumgarten M75 Baumgarten M75 Baumgarten M71 Baumgarten M72 Baumgarten M73 Baumgarten M74 Baumgarten M74 Baumgarten M67 Baumgarten

PRELIMINARY PUBLICATION NOTES Milik (1956)pp 411-15 Milik (1956)pp 411-15 (1974) Fitzmyer Puech(1992b) Milik (1976)p 256

Tp.4 Tp.4 Tp.4 Ta.Pa Ta 2. 6

(1976) Baumgarten

2 Tp

(1956)pp 174-76. pl I Allegro

Tp.Pp

Milik (1977b) Vermes (1991)

2 Tp Tp.Pp 2

Vermes (1991)

Tp,Pp

Milik (1966)p. 105,pl III Milik pl IV (1977a) Milik p. 135 (1972b) Milik (1977b) (1990) Baumgarten (1992) Baumgarten

Tp.Pp Pp Pp Tp,Pp Tp.Pp Tp.Pp

Baumgarten (1990)

Tp.Pp

Milik (1972b) p 135

Tp

(olimDc)

362

M68

Baumgarten

Dg papDh A Tohorot

219 108 182 111

M76a M77 M82a M82a

Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten

Baumgarten (1990) Baumgarten (1990) Baumgarten (forthcoming)

Tp.Pp Tp.Pp.2 Tp

275

TohorotBa

Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Baumgarten Vermes Nitzan Nitzan Nitzan

Milik(1972b)p. 130f

Tp

TohorotBb TohorotBC TohorotC? TohorotDa? TohorotDb? TohorotEa? TohorotEb? TohorotF? Serekhha-niddot Leqet Serekhha-milhamah Bera

679 111

M79b

276 277 278 279 280 281 282 283 284 284a 285 286

Milik(1972b)pl II

Tm.Pm

Vermes(1992) Milik(1972b)pp 130-31. pl II

Tp.Pp

287 288 289 290

Berb Berc Berd Bere

Milik(1972b)

Tp.Pp

272 273 274

111 223

239 301 709 691 692 381 222 222

M82a M82a M82a M82b M76c

M83 M79b M48 M84 M85 M85a M86 M85b M87a

Nitzan Nitzan Nitzan Nitzan

KEY 1- paleo-Hebrew 4- Aramaic 7-crypticB TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da-Drawn-all NOTES Tm-Transcription-mostPm- Photograph-mostDm-Drawn-most 2 - papyrus 5 - Nabatean 8-Semitic Tp-Transcription-partPp - Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3- Greek 6-crypticA

4Q#

NAME

INV.

222 workcont.prayers 291 223 workcont.prayers 292 222 workcont.prayers 293 294 frgsRules&Euchol? 295 frgsRules&Euchol? 296 frgsRules&Euchol? 297 frgsRules&Euchol? 298 Wordsof aSagetoSonsofDawn 898 605 299 Mysta 604 594 595 592 591 300 Mystb 582 301 Mystc of 356 Praise God 302 pap Parable oftheTree 333 302a Aa 350 Meditation onCreation 303 Ab 295 onCreation 304 Meditation B 295 onCreation 305 Meditation 350 MenofPeoplewhoErr 306 307 sapiential frgs? 308 sapiential frgs? in Aram work cursive 309 Aram text on 310 papyrus 311 Hebtextonpapyrus HebinPhoencursive? 312 A 313 frgsinCryptic 2 parcelsof leather 314 2 parcelsof leather 315 316 frgsinHeb 896 317 Phasesof MoonCrypt 899 (olimAstrCrypt) 903 902 897 900 318 &Brontology 805 Zodiology 683 319 Otot (Olim405b = 40260B)

320

Calendrical Doc.A

321

Doc.Ba Calendrical

321a 322 323 324 324a 324b 324c

Calendrical Doc.Bb Calendrical Doc.Ca Calendrical Doc.Cb Calendrical Doc.Cc Calendrical Doc.Cd Doc.Ce papCalendrical Calendrical Doc.Cf

325 326 327 328 329 329a 330 331 332 333 334

Calendrical Doc.D Calendrical Doc.Ea Calendrical Doc.Eb Calendrical Doc.Fa Calendrical Doc.Fb Calendrical Doc.G Doc.H Calendrical Worka papHistorical Historical Workb Historical Workc Ordo

335 336 337 338 339 340 341 342

Astronomicalfrgs? Astronomicalfrgs? frg of Calendar Geneologicallist Listof false prophets Listof netinim Listof propernames Letterin Judeo-Aram

343

Letterin Nabatean

344

Debtacknowledgement

345

Sale of landin Aram

346 347 348

Sale of landin Aram Acton papyrus,Aram Actre ownership,Heb

# OLD

EDITOR(S)

M87d M87c M87b

Milgrom Milgrom Milgrom Milgrom Milgrom Milgrom Milgrom Pfann Kister, Schiffman Schiffman Schiffman Schiffman Schiffman Schiffman Schiffman Milgrom Milgrom Niehoff Niehoff Niehoff Niehoff Niehoff Niehoff Kaufman Kaufman Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Pfann -

M113 M117 M117a M118 M119 M120 M116 M121 M122 M123 M124b M124b M124

6

2 2

4 2, 4 2 6 Nowriting Nowriting

M101 M1Ola M102 M103 M104 M105 M100 M97

Pfann Milik Glessmer, (1976)pp.68-69 Pfann Glessmer, Pfann Glessmer, Pfann Glessmer, Pfann Glessmer, Pfann Glessmer, Sokoloff Greenfield, Milik Glessmer (1976)p.62 Glessmer

695

M97a

696 708 681 682 372 365 190 694 694 694 684 302 240 241 226 693 693 693 710 710 710 302 694 694 710

M98 M99 M90 M91 M88 M89 M92a M94a M95a M95b M95c M95' M107 M106 M93a M96b M96a M92b M93b M94b M94c M95' M95a M95b M94d

110 821 377 346 346 602 602 601 601 602 602 602 602

M96c

602 602

PRELIMINARY PUBLICATION NOTES

M47a M130 M130a M129e M129a M129b M129c

M129d

Glessmer Glessmer Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon andKnohl Talmon, (forthcoming) Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Pfann,Talmon, Knohl Pfann,Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Knohl Talmon, Glessmer Talmon, Knohl, Greenfield,Sokoloff Greenfield,Sokoloff Glessmer Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Naveh Naveh(1986) pl. 11 Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni

Tp,6

4 Tp

2 6

2

Ta,Pa 4 5

4 4 2, 4

TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa - Photograph-all Da- Drawn-all 1- paleo-Hebrew 4- Aramaic 7- crypticB KEY NOTES Tm-Transcription-mostPm- Photograph-mostDinmDrawn-most 2- papyrus 5-Nabatean 8-Semitic A 6- cryptic Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3- Greek

Cf. Milik, J.T., Public Lectureat HarvardUniversity,December 1972. [4Q246,olim 4Q2431 Freedman,D. N., and Mathews,K. A. 1985 The Paleo-HebrewLeviticus Scroll. Eisenbrauns:WinonaLake,IN. [11Q1] Fuller,R. E. 1988 The Minor ProphetsManuscripts from Qumran, Cave IV Ph.D. Diss., HarvardUniversity.Ann Arbor,MI: University Microfilms. [4Q76-81] GarciaMartinez,E 1992 11QTempleb: A PreliminaryEdition. In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea ScrollsMadrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner.Series:Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah10. UniversidadComplutense/Brill:Madrid/ Leiden.[11Q20] Grelot, P. 1978 Laprierede Nabonide. Revuede Qumran9: 483-95. [4Q242] Janzen,J.G. 1973 Studies in the Textof Jeremiah. Series:HSM6. Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversity. [4Q70] Jastram,N. 1990 The Book of Numbers from Qumran Cave IV (4QNumb).Ph.D. Diss., HarvardUniversity. [4Q27] Jongeling,B. 1970 Publicationprovisoired'unfragment provenantde la grotte 11de Qumran (11QJ6rNouv ar).Journalfor the Study of Judaism 1:58-64. [11Q18] Kobelski,Paul J. 1981 Melchizedekand Melchiresha.Series: CBQMonographSeries 10. [4Q544] Lust,J. 1986 Ezekiel Manuscriptsin Qumran: PreliminaryEdition of 4Q Ezaand b. Pp. 90-100 in Ezekiel and His Book: Textualand LiteraryCriticism and their Interrelation(BETL74),edited by J.Lust. Louvain:Peeters/Leuven University. [4Q73, 74] Mayers,E Cassen 1989 ABC TheAlef-BetBook, the Israel Museum, Jerusalem.New York: Domino Press.Photographof Deuteronomy scroll on inside front cover. [4Q41] Milik, J.T. 1955 Le Testamentde Levien arameen: Fragmentde la grotte 4 de QumrAn. Revue Biblique 62: 398-406. [4Q213] 1956 Prierede Nabonide et autresecrits d'uncycle de Daniel, fragments de QumrAn4. Revue Biblique 63: 407-15. [4Q242-45] 1957 Deux documents inedits du desert de Juda.Biblica 38: 245-68. [4Q98] 1966 Fragmentd'unesource du Psautier (4Q Ps 89). Revue Biblique 73:

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992 99

4Q#

94-106. [4Q221,236, 266] 1972a 4Q Visions de cAmramet une citation d'Origene.Revue Biblique 79: 77-97. [4Q543-46, 548] 1972b Milki-sedeqet Milki-resa.Journalof Jewish Studies 23: 95-144. [4Q266, 270, 275, 280, 286, 287] 1973 A proposde 11QJub.Biblica 54: 77-78. [11Q121 1976 Books of Enoch. Oxford:Clarendon Press. [4Q201-7, 209-13, 227, 247, 317, 319, 530, 531] 1977a Tefillin,Mezuzotet Targums.Series: Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert, Volume6. Oxford:The Clarendon Press. [4Q266, 448] 1977b Numerotation des feuilles des rouleaux dansle scriptoriumde Qumran. Semitica 27: 75-81. [4Q256,258, 266] 1978 Ecritspreesseniens de Qumran: d'Henocha 'Amram.Pp.91-106 in Qumran:Sa pidtd,sa theologie et son milieu. Editedby M. Delcor. Series: BETL46. Gembloux and Louvain: Duculot and LeuvenUniversity. [4Q537-39] 1981 Daniel et Susannea Qumran?Pp.33759 in De la T6rahau Messie:Etudes bibd'exig&seet d'hermrneutique liques offertesa Henri Cazelles, edited by M. Carrezand others. Paris:Desclee. [4Q5511 1992 Les mod0les arameensdu livre d'Estherdans la grotte 4 de Qumran. Revue de Qumran 15:321-406. [4Q196,550] Muilenburg,J. 1954a A Qoheleth Scroll from Qumran. Bulletin of the American Schools of OrientalResearch135:20-28. [4Q109] 1954b Fragmentsof AnotherQumranIsaiah Scroll. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 135: 28-32. [4Q551 Naveh, J. 1986 A Medical Document or a Writing Exercise?The So-called4QTherapeia. Israel ExplorationJournal36: 52-55. [4Q3411 Newsom, C. A. 1985 Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice: A Critical Edition. Series:HSS 27. Atlanta, GA: ScholarsPress. [4Q400-7, llQ17] 1988a 4Q370:An Admonition Basedon the Flood.Revue de Qumran 13:23-41. [4Q370] 1988b The "Psalmsof Joshua"from Qumran Cave 4. Journalof Jewish Studies 39: 56-73. [4Q378,379] 1992 4Q374: A Discourse on the Exodus/ Conquest Tradition.Pp. 40-52 in The Dead Sea Scrolls:FortyYearsof Research,edited by D. Dimant and U. Rappaport.Jerusalem:The Magnes Press. [4Q374]

100 Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

349 350 351 352 353 354 355 356 357 358 359 360 361 362 363 364

365

366 367 368 369 370 371 372 373 374 375 376 377 378 379 380 381

382

383

384 385 385a 385b 386 387 387a 387b 388 388a 389 389a 390 391

NAME

INV.

392 393 394

Liturgicalwork Liturgicalwork MMTa

395 396

MMTb MMTc

397

MMTd

EDITOR(S)

PRELIMINARY PUBLICATION NOTES

SI10 S116 Sill? S112 S146 S112' S115' S115 S113 S114 S17 S118 S118b S119 S119a S120 St20a SI21b S17 S124b Sl124c Sl30b S129 S122 S122 S122a S123 S148 SI24a SI24a S124a

125 125 524 524 349 454 523 453 455 126 124

SI25 S125 S130 SI30 Sl27 S194.1 S194 S195.1 SI95 SI25a SI26

Dimant Dimant Dimant Dimant Dimant Smith Smith Smith Smith Dimant Dimant

336 335 187 520 526 121b 157a 121a

S132 S132

Qimron,Strugnell [imron and Strugnell(1985a) X Qimron,Strugnell _JD (forthcoming) Qimron,Strugnell DJOX (forthcoming) Qimron,Strugnell OJOX (forthcoming) Qimron,Strugnell Qimron,Strugnell DJDX (forthcoming) Qimron.Strugnell Oimron,Strugnell

603 184 901 112 367 Undeciph. crypticB 364 483 Pent.Paraphrasea 484 477 482 459 458 800 Pent.Paraphraseb 807 480 475 460 Pent.Paraphrasec 257 467 Pent.Paraphrased Pent.Apocryphon 268 264 Apocryphona FloodApocryphon 341 JosephApocryphona 176 JosephApocryphonb 337 JosephApocryphonc 469 A 476 MosesApocryphon MosesApocryphon B 122a 3 tonguesoffire 355 MosesApocryphon C 122b PsalmsofJosha 167 168 PsalmsofJoshb 479 481 283 ApocrPsalms 472 ApocrPsalms 471 478 470 Haavot 351 papTehilot 339 338 340 A? 519 ApocrJer 519 519 120 B? papApocrJer 270 psEzeka 274 274 psMosa 267 ApocrJerc 269 psEzekb 525 psEzekc 525 psMosb 525 ApocrJerd psEzekd psMosc psMosd ApocrJere psMose pap psEzek?O

OLD #

Yardeni Broshi, Cotan Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi.Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi.Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Broshi,Yardeni Yardeni Broshi, Pfann Pfann Pfann Pfann White(1992) Toy,White White Tovy, White Tovy, Tov,White White Tovy, Toy,White White(1992) White Tovy, Yadin Tov,White (1983)pls.XXXVIII-XL White Tovy, Toy,White Toy,White White Tovy, White Tovy, Dimant Strugnell, Attridge Newsom Newsom (1988a)pl.I Schuller Schuller Schuller (1990) Schuller Schuller (1992) Newsom Newsom (forthcoming) Strugnell Strugnell (1990)pp.224-34 Strugnell (1990)pp.234-48 Strugnell Dimant Newsom Newsom(1988b) Newsom Newsom Newsom (1988b) Newsom Schuller Schuller (1986)pp.241-65,pl.VIII Schuller Schuller IX (1986)pp.61-240,pis.I-VII, Schuller Schuller Schuller Olyan Olyan Olyan Olyan Dimant Dimant Dimant Smith Dimant andDimant (1988) Strugnell Dimant andStrugnell Dimant (1990) Dimant Dimant Dimant Dimant Dimant Dimant

Saleof property, Heb ofcereal,Gr Account Account ofcereal ofcereal Account ofcereal Account of cereal? Account ofmoney Account of money Account of money Account of money Account Listof people calami Exercitum doodlesonpapyrus Undeciph. cryptic8

M130c M114 M115b M115 M115a Sl Sil S12 Sl2' S13 SI SI14 S17 S121 S111? S16 S17 S17 S15 S178+ 9a S128 S197

S135a 5133 Sl33 SI34 SI35b SI34

Dimant(1992)

3 8 2, 8 2, 8 8 4 8 2, 8 2, 4 2 7 7 Tp

Tp Pp

Ta,Pa Tp,Pp Ta.Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Tp,Pp Tp,Pp Ta,Ta Ta,Pa

2

2 Tp,Pp Tp,Pp

Ta,Pa 2

P Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa Ta,Pa

KEY B TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da-Drawn-all 1-paleo-Hebrew 4- Aramaic 7- cryptic Pm- Photograph-mostDm- Drawn-most 2- papyrus 5- Nabatean 8-Semitic NOTES Tm-Transcription-most A 6- cryptic Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3 - Greek

40Q 398 399 400 401 402 403 404 405

406 407 408 409 410 411 412 413 414 415 416 417

418

419 420 421 422 422a 423 423a 424 425 426 427 428

429

NAME

INV.

157b 157c 292 MMT' 674 ShirShabba 491 ShirShabbb 282 ShirShabbc 155 ShirShabbd 517 ShirShabbe ShirShabb' 669 506 518 507 497 504 503 155 ShirShabbo 127 ShirShabbh work 253 sapiential 292 Liturgy 510 work sapiential 292 work sapiential 292 sapiential work 127 work sapiential 488 Baptismal Liturgy 487 Ba 488 Sap.Work 487 Sap.Work Bb Ab 181 Sap.Work 180 Ac 329 Sap.Work 331 321 505 Sap.Work Aa 493 494 489 500 496 498 495 511 499 486 502 Ad 509 Sap.Work Waysof Righteousnessa 509 (olimSap.Work Da) Waysof Righteousnessb 512 (olimSap.Work Db) 165 GenComm 166 ExodComm 183 RulefortheFarmer (olimTreeof Knowledge) 185 E 185 Sap.Work 123 sap.work C 501 Sap.Work 276 sap.work 115 Hoda 116 Hodb 515 514 514 521 514 522 Hodc papMMTe

522 430 431 432

Hodd Hode papHodt

433 434

Hodayot-Like Frg BarkiNafshia

435 436 437

BarkiNafshib BarkiNafshic BarkiNafshid

438 439 440 441 442 443 444

BarkiNafshie Wksim. to BarkiNaf HodayotLike Prayer? Prayer? Prayer Prayer

352 513 117 118 513 156 327 325 325 516 259 334 508 492 492 345 194

# OLD

EDITOR(S)

PREUMINARY PUBUCATION

NOTES

S172 S172 SI82a S140 S140,43 S141 S142 SI43b SI137b S136 S137 SI38 SI37a S139 S139a S142 SI49d S184 43a S146 SI182c Sl82b Sl42d S147 SI47a S147 S147a S153 Sl48a S150 S150' SI51 S 53 S154 S156 SI55 S 57 SI58 Sl58a SI56a SI59b S157 SI53a S159a S152 S152,61b

andStrugnell Pm,2 Qimron, (1985b)p. 10 Strugnell Qimron Ta,Pa,2 Strugnell [DJDX(forthcoming) Qimron, Ta,Pa Qimron, Strugnell DjDX(forthcoming) Newsom Newsom Ta,Pa (1985)pp.85-123,pl.I Newsom Newsom Ta,Pa (1985)pp.125-46,pls.II-I11 Newsom Newsom Ta,Pa (1985)pp.147-84,pl.I Newsom Newsom Ta,Pa pl.IV (1985)pp.185-247, Newsom Ta,Pa Newsom (1985)pp.249-55,pl.V Newsom Newsom (1985)pp.257-354,pls.VI-XVI Ta,Pa Newsom Newsom Newsom Newsom Newsom Newsom Newsom Newsom Ta,Pa (1985)pp.359-60,pl.XV Newsom Newsom (1985)pp.355-57,pl.XV Ta,Pa Steudel Ta,Pa Qimron Qimron (1990) Steudel Steudel Steudel Qimron Eshel Eshel Tanzer, Strugnell Tanzer, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Strugnell Harrington, Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Harrington, Strugnell Elgvin

SI61a

Elgvin

S162' S162 S160' S160 S160 S161 Si14b S163 S165 SI65 S168 S169 S169 SI68 S169 S164

Elgvin Tov Elgvin Elgvin Elgvin Tanzer, Strugnell Steudel,Strugnell Steudel,Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell Schuller, Strugnell

SI64

Schuller,Strugnell Schuller,Strugnell SI66 SI69,11b,67Schuller,Strugnell Schuller,Strugnell S170 SI71,72 Schuller,Strugnell SI69 Schuller,Strugnell S193 Weinfeld Weinfeld Sl93a Weinfeld SI73b SI73a Weinfeld Weinfeld SI73a S174 Weinfeld S187 Weinfeld S176 Weinfeld SI77 Schuller,Strugnell SI78 Chazon S179,71' Chazon Chazon Sl80a Sl81a Chazon

2 2

KEY 10 Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da- Drawn-all 1- paleo-Hebrew 4- Aramaic 7- crypticB 5- Nabatean 8-Semitic Drawn-most 2-papyrus NOTES Tm-Transcription-most Pm-Photograph-mostDmnA 6- cryptic Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3-Greek

Ploeg, J.van der 1967 Fragmentsd'unmanuscritde Psaumes de Qumran(11QPsb).Revue Biblique 74: 408-12. [11Q6] 1968 Ltv.IX,23-X,2 dansun textede Qumran.Pp. 153-55 in Bibel und zur Erforschung Qumran:BeitriMge der Beziehungenzwischen Bibelund Qumranwissenschaft:Hans Bardtkezum 22.8.1966, edited by S. Wagner.Berlin:EvangelischeHauptBibelgesellschaft.[11Q2] 1971 Un petit rouleaude psaumes apocryphes. Pp. 128-39 in Traditionund Glaube: Das friihe Christentumin seiner Umwelt: Festgabef!ir Karl GeorgKuhnzum 65. Gerburtstag, edited by J.Jeremiasand others. G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht. [11Q11] 1973 Fragmentsd'unpsautier de Qumran. Pp.307-9 in Symbolae biblicae et Mesopotamicae,edited by M. Beek and others. Leiden:E.J.Brill. [11Q7] 1985 Lesmanuscrits de la grotte XIde Qumran.Revuede Qumran 12:3-15. [llQ3, 15, 16) Ploeg, J.van der,and Woude,A. van der 1971 Le targumde Jobde la grotteXI de Qumran.Leiden:Brill. [llQ10) Puech, E. 1977- Fragmentsdu Psaume 122dans un 1978 manuscrit hebreude la grotteiv. Revuede Qumran9: 547-54. [4Q522] 1987 Notes sur le manuscrit de XIQMelkisedeq.Revue de Qumran 12:483513. [11Q13] 1988 Un hymne essenien en partieretrouve et les beatitudes: 1QHV 12-VI18 (= col. XIII-XIV7) et 4QBeat.Revue de Qumran 13 (MemorialJeanCarmignac):59-88. [4Q525] 1989 Notes en margede 11QPaleolevitique le fragmentL, des fragmentsinedits et une jarrede la grotte 11.Revue Biblique 96: 161-89. [1lQ1] 1991a 4Q525 et les pericopesdes beatitudes en Ben Siraet Matthieu. Revue Biblique 98: 80-106. [4Q525] 1991b Letestament de Qahaten arameen de la grotte 4 (4QTQah).Revue de Qumran 15:23-54. [4Q542] 1992a Fragmentsd'unapocryphede Ievi et le personnageeschatologique, et 4QAJa.In Proceed4QTestLevic-d(?) ings of the InternationalCongresson the Dead Sea Scrolls-Madrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.Trebolle Barreraand L.VegasMontaner. Series:Studies on the Textsof the Desert of Judah10. Universidad Complutense/Brill:Madrid/Leiden. [4Q537, 540, 541] 1992b Fragmentd'uneapocalypseen arameen (4Q246 = PseudoDand)et le "royaumede Dieu."Revue Biblique

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992 101

401

99. [4Q246] 1992c 4Q ApocalypseMessianique(4Q521). Revue de Qumran 15. [4Q521] 1992d Les deux derniersPsaumes Davidiques du rituel d'exorcisme, 11QPsApaIV.4-V.14.Pp.64-93 in The Dead Sea Scrolls:Forty Yearsof Research,edited by D. Dimant and U. Rappaport.Jerusalem:The MagnesPress. [11Q11] Qimron, E. 1990 Times for PraisingGod:A Fragment of a Scroll from Qumran(4Q409). Jewish QuarterlyReview 80: 341-47. [4Q409] Qimron, E., and Strugnell,J. 1985 An UnpublishedHalakhic Letter from Qumran.Pp.400-7 in Biblical Archaeology bToday: Proceedingsof the International Congresson Biblical Archaeology,Jerusalem,April 1984. Jerusalem:IsraelExploration Society. [4Q394] 1985 An UnpublishedHalakhicLetterfrom Qumran.Israel Museum Journal4: 9-12. [4Q398] Sanders,J.A. 1965 The Psalms Scrollof Qumran Cave 11. Series:Discoveries in the Judaean Desert, volume 4. Oxford:The ClarendonPress. [11Q5] Schuller,E. M. 1986 Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran:A PseudepigraphicCollection. Series:HSS 28. Atlanta, GA: Scholars Press. [4Q380,381] 1990 4Q372 1:A Textabout Joseph.Revue de Qumran 14:349-76. [4Q372] 1992 A PreliminaryStudy of 4Q373 and Some Related(?)Fragments.In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea ScrollsMadrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner.Series:Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah10. UniversidadComplutense/Brill: Madrid/Leiden.[4Q373] Sinclair,L. 1989- A QumranBiblicalFragment4QEzeka 1990 (Ezek.10, 17-11, 11).Revue de Qum-

ran 14:99-105.[4Q73]

Skehan,P.W 1954 A Fragmentof the "Songof Moses" (Deut 32) from Qumran.Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research 136: 12-15. [4Q44] 1964 A Psalm Manuscriptfrom Qumran (4QPsb).Catholic Biblical Quarterly 26: 313-22. [4Q84] 1965a The Biblical Scrolls from Qumran and Textof the Old Testament.Biblical Archaeologist 28: 87-100. [4Q51] 1965b Scrollsfrom the Wildernessof the Dead Sea (plate 18).Series:Smithso-

102 Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

445 446 447 448 449 450 451 452 453 454 455 456 457 458 459 460 461 462 463 464 465 466 467 468 469 470 471 471a 471b 472 473 474 475 476 477 478 479 480 481 481a 481b 481c 481d 481e

NAME

INV. 490 490 490 490 186 186 186 186 186 186 186 186 355 442 254 254 441 163 441 264 268 194 194 194 519 519 129 129 129 129

# OLD

481f 521 522 523 524 525

Poeticfrgs Poeticfrgs Poeticfrgs Ps.andPrayer Apocr. Prayers Prayers Prayers Prayers Prayers Prayers Prayers Prayers misc.narratives Narrative Work Pseudep. Work Pseudep. Narrative Narrative Narrative Apocryphonb unidentified Apocryphon? Apocryphon? Apocryphon? Apocryphon? frgment.Zedekiah Mg Polemical frg of Michael Prayer sap.work Sap.Work-2 Ways sap.work sap.work sap.work DecreesofSect papfrg(Tobit?) unid.frgs unid.frgs unid.frgs frgment.Elisha unid.frg unid.frg unid.frg unid.frg misc.frgs misc.frgs Messianic Apocalypse Work withplacenames Hebrew frg8 Halakhic Text WisdtextwithBeat.

526 527 528 529 530 531

Hebrew frgC Hebrew frgD Hebrew frgE of Michael Words BookofGiantsb BookofGiantsc

128 443 194 186 186 186 194 194 194 194 194 485 203 330 425 288 320 423 424 432 252 252 252 164 437 328

532 533 534

BookofGiantsd Giants orpseudoEnoch ElectofGod

148 428 1006

535 536 537

N Aramaic C Aramaic AJa= A(ram)Ja(cob)

348 451 260

SI83a SI83b SI83c SI185 SI81 S181 S181 SI181 S181 SI81 S181 S181 S142b S190 S1103 S175 SI89b SI89a S189c S178+ 9a SI81 SI SI SI SI30b Sl24c S186 S186 S186 SI86' SI S192,92" SI S91 SI88 S181 SI SI SI SI SI SI SI SI SI S181" Sy37 Sy16 Sy49b Sy48 Sy38 Sy39 Sy39b Sy49c Sy49c Sy49c Syl Sy2 Sy3 Sy4 Sy5 Sy53b Sy50O Sy51 Sy4b Sy54a Sy2S

538 539 540 541

AJu- A(ram)Ju(dah) AJo- A(ram)Jo(seph) AhA(bis)- TestLevic? AhA= TestLevid?

542 543

Testament ofQahat VisionsofAmrama

544

VisionsofAmramb

450 433 150 149 147 193 347 343 431

Sy8 Sy55b Syl3b Sy12 Sy13 Sy7b SylOa SylOb Syll

545 546 547 548 549

VisionsofAmramc VisionsofAmramd VisionsofAmrame VisionsofAmram'? Work ment.HurandMiriam

? 434 144 427 447

Sy9 Sy14 Sy7 Sy53 Sy15

444

EDITOR(S)

PRELIMINARY PUBUCATION

Eshel Eshel Eshel Milik Eshel,Yardeni (1977a) pl.IV Chazon Chazon Chazon Chazon Chazon Chazon Chazon Chazon Chazon Larson Larson Larson Strugnell, Larson Smith Smith(1991) Smith Steudel(1991)pp.14-18,pl. 1 Eshel,Stone Larson Larson Larson Larson Larson Larson Schiffman, Eshel Eshel(1992) Eshel Eshel Elgvin Elgvin Elgvin Elgvin Elgvin Eshel Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Trebolle Schiffman, Larson Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Larson Schiffman, Puech Peuch(1992c) Puech Puech(1977-78) p. 551 Puech Puech Puech Puech(1988)pp.84-87 Puech Puech(1991a) pp.80-106 Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Milik (1976)pp.304-6 Milik Puech (1976)pp.307-8 Puech Puech Puech Puech [tarcky(1964) Puech (1965)pl. 11 IFitzmyer Puech Puech Puech Testuz (1975) Milik (1978) Puech(1992a) Puech Milik (1978) Milik Puech (1978) Puech Puech(1992a) Puech Puech(1992a) Puech Puech(1991) Puech Puech Milik (1972a) Puech Puech (1972a) Milik Puech [Kobelski (1981)p.24 Puech Milik (1972a) Milik Puech (1972a) Puech Puech Milik (1972a) Puech

NOTES

Pa

Tp,Pp Ta,Pa 2

Ta

2 2

Ta,Pa Tp,Pp,Dp Tp Tp,Pp

4 Tp,4 Tp,4 4 4 Ta,Pa,4 Pp 4 4 Pp,4 Tp,Pp Tp,Pp Ta,Pa,4 Ta,Pa,4 Ta,4 Ta,Pa,4 Ta,Pa,4 Tp,4 Ta,Pa,4 Tp Tp,4 Tp,4 4 Tp,4 4

KEY 1- paleo-Hebrew 4-Aramaic 7-cryptic8 TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da-Drawn-all NOTES Tmi-Transcription-most 5-Nabatean 8-Semitic Pm-Photograph-mostDm-Drawn-most 2- papyrus Tp-Transcription-partPp -Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3-Greek 6-crypticA

40# 550 551 552 553 554 555 556 557 558

559 560 561 562 563 564 565 566 567 568 569 570 571 572 573 574 575

NAME a- e + f PrEsther

INV.

# OLD

EDITOR(S)

PUBLICATION NOTES PREUMINARY

426

Sy17 Syl7b Sy18 Sy19 Sy20 Sy22 Sy23-4 Sy57 Sy2b Sy29a Sy26 Sy27 Sy28a Sy28b Sy30 Sy36 Sy52 Sy54b Sy55a Sy55b Sy55b Sy55b Sy55b Sy55b Sy55b Sy55c Sy56 Sy56 Sy56 Sy56 Sy56

Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech Puech

Milik (1992)

Ta,Pa,4

Milik (1981)

Ta,Pae4 4 4 Pp,4

? 278 353 319 318 205 JNb 446 Visiona 313 Visionc 448 papVisionb 452 449 440 papBibChronology 438 445 ? proverbs Physiognomic/Horoscope439 332 D Aramaic 159 E Aramaic 433 Aramaic F 433 Aramaic G 433 Aramaic H 433 Aramaic I 433 K Aramaic Aramaic 433 L Aramaic 429 R 435 Aramaic V 435 W Aramaic 435 Aramaic X V 435 Aramaic Z 435 Aramaic ? DanSuz FourKingdomsa FourKingdomsb JNa

INV.

110#

NAME

1

paleoLev

2

Lev

3 4

Deut Ezek

5

Psa

6

Psb

7

Psc

8

Psd

9 10

Pse tgJob

11

ApPsa

12

Jub

13

Melch

579

14 15 16

Berakhah Hymnsa Hymnsb

17

ShirShabb

607 576 625 614? 565 609

18

JN

19 20

Templea Templeb

21 22 23

paleoUnid. unid.frgs unid.frgs

EDITOR(S) Freedman

566 615 576 1013 1013a 974 979 576 613 605 621b 569 613 621b 621 623-624 626-638 61 612 619

(1977) Starcky

4 4 4 2, 4

2, 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4 4

PUBLICATION NOTES PREULIMINARY andMathews (1985) [Freedman LPuech (1989) vanderPloeg(1968) [yn derPloeg(1985)p. 10 vanderPloeg(1985)p. 10 Brownlee (1963)

vanderPloeg vanderPloeg vanderPloeg Brownlee Brownlee Sanders (1966)pls.I-V DJDIV+ Yadin Sanders vanderPloeg(1967)pls.I-II vanderPloeg vanderPloeg vanderPloeg(1973) vanderPloeg vanderPloeg vanderPloeg vanderPloeg vanderPloeg vdWoude vanderPloegandvanderWoude (1971) vdPloeg, vdWoude vdPloeg, vdWoude vdPloeg, vanderPloeg(1971) vanderPloeg ? vanderPloeg IPuech(forthcoming) vanderWoude vanderWoude (1971) Milik (1973)pp.77-78 tn derWoude vanderWoude vanderWoude (1965) vanderWoude IPuech(1987) vanderWoude vanderWoude (1968) vanderPloeg(1985)p. 11 vanderPloeg vanderPloeg(1985)p. 11 vanderPloeg vanderPloeg Newsom Newsom (1985)p.361ff,pis.XVII-XIX Newsom

618 620 564 568 570-575 578 611 617

Newsom Newsom GarciaMartinez

Shrine 566 577 580 607 608 610 614b

Yadin GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez

Ta,Pa,1 Tp,Pp Tp,Pp Tp Tm Tp,Pp Ta,Pa Tp,Pp Tp,Pp

Ta,Pa,4

Tm,Pm Tm,Dm Tm,Pm Tp Ta,Pa Ta,Da Tm,Pm Ta Tp Tm,Pm

Jongeling(1970)

Tp,Pp, 4

Yadin(1983) Yadin(1983) vander Woude(1988) GarciaMartinez(1992)

Ta,Pa Pm Tp,Pp Tm,Pm

GarciaMartinez GarcIaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez GarciaMartinez

1

1-paleo-Hebrew 4-Aramaic 7-crypticB KEY TO Ta-Transcription-all Pa -Photograph-all Da-Drawn-all 5-Nabatean 8-Semitic NOTES Tm-Transcription-mostPm-Photograph-mostDm-Drawn-most 2- papyrus A 6- cryptic Tp-Transcription-partPp- Photograph-part Dp-Drawn-part 3-Greek

nian Institution ExhibitCatalogue. Cambridge,MA:American Schools of Oriental Research.[4Q84j 1979 QumranIV,littdraturede Qumran, A, TextesBibliques.Dictionnaire de la Bible Supplement,Volume 9, columns 805-96. Paris:Letouzeyand And. [4Q51,52] 1981 Gleanings from Psalm Textsfrom QumrAn.Pp.439-52 in M6langes bibliques et orientaux en l'honneur de M. Henri Cazelles. Series:AOAT 212. Kevelaer:Butzen & Bercker. [4Q98b] Skehan,P.,Ulrich, E., and Sanderson,J. 1992 Qumran Cave 4, volume IV:PalaeoHebrew and GreekBiblical Manuscripts. Series:Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert, volume 9. Oxford: The ClarendonPress. [4Q11,12, 22, 45, 46, 101, 119-27] Smith, M. 1991 4Q462 (Narrative)Fragment1:A PreliminaryEdition. Revue de Qumran 15:55-77. [4Q462] Starcky,J. 1964 Un texte messianique aram6ende la grotte 4 de Qumran.Pp. 51-66 in Ecole des langues orientales anciennes de l'Institut Catholique de Paris:Mdmorialdu cinquantenaire 1914-1964.Series:Travauxde l'Institut Catholique de Paris 10. Paris: Bloudet Gay.[4Q534] 1966 Psaumes apocryphesde la grotte 4 de QumrAn(4QPsfVII-X).Revue Biblique 73: 353-71. [4Q88) 1977 Jdrusalemet les manuscrits de la Mer Morte. Le Monde de la Bible, volume 1:38-40. [4Q5541 Steudel,A. 1991 DerMidrashzurEschatologieaus der Qumrangemeinde(4QMidrEschtb). Ph.D. diss., University of Gottingen. [4Q463] Strugnell,J. at Qumran: 1990 Moses-Pseudepigrapha 4Q375, 4Q376, and SimilarWorks. Pp. 221-56 in Archaeologyand History in the Dead Sea Scrolls,edited by L. Schiffman.Sheffield:JSOT Press. [4Q375,376) Strugnell,J.,and Dimant, D. 1988 4Q SecondEzekiel. Revuede Qumran 13:45-58. [4Q385] Strugnell,J.,and Qimron, E. forth- 4QMMT Series:Discoveries in the coming JudaeanDesert, volume 10. Oxford: The ClarendonPress. [4Q394-99J Talmon, S., and Knohl, I. forth- A CalendricalScroll from Qumran coming CaveIV:4Q321. In FestschriftMilgrom. [4Q321] Testuz,M. 1955 Deux fragmentsinedits des manuscrits de la Mer Morte. Semitica

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992 103

The Archaeology of Ancient Israel edited by Amnon Ben-Tor translatedby R. Greenberg

In thislavishly book illustrated someof Israel's foremost archaeologists presenta thorough,up-todate,andreadily accessiblesurvey of earlylifein the landof theBible, fromthe Neolithicerato the fallof and Jerusalem the destruction of the First Templein 586 B.C.E. 260 b/w + 40 color illus. s45.oo

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Yale University Press

92A Yale Station, New Haven, CT o6520

104

5: 37-38. [4Q5371 Toy,E. 1989- The JeremiahScrolls from Qumran. 1990 Revuede Qumran 14: 189-206.

[4Q70,71,71a,71b]

1991 "4QJerc(4Q72)."Pp. 248-76 in 7Tadition of the Text,edited by G. Norton and S. Pisano.G6ttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.[4Q72) 1992 Three Fragmentsof Jeremiahfrom Cave 4. Revuede Qumran 15. [4Q71, 71a, 71b] forth- 4QLevc(4Q25).In FestschriftMilcoming grom, edited by D.N. Freedmanand others. [4Q25) forth- 4QLevd(4Q26).In Festschriftvan coming der Woude,edited by A. Hilhorst and others. Series:ISOTSupplement. [4Q26] forth- 4QJoshb.In FestschriftMilik. [4Q48] coming TrebolleBarrera,J. 1990 TextualVariantsin 4QJugesaand the Textualand EditorialHistory of the Bookof Judges(1).Revuede Qumran 14:229-45. [4Q49] 1991 "Editionpreliminairede 4QJugesb. Contributiondes manuscrits Qumriniens des Jugesa l'etudetextuelle et litterairedu livre. Revue de Qumran 15:79-100. [4Q50] 1992a 4QKings(4Q54)A Preliminary Edition.In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea Scrolls-Madrid, 18-21 March 1991, edited by i. TrebolleBarreraand L.VegasMontaner.Series:Studies on the Textsof the Desert of Judah 10. UniversidadComplutense/Brill: Madrid/Leiden.[4Q54] 1992b Revuede Qumran 15. [4Q118J Ulrich, E. 1979 4QSamc:A FragmentaryManuscript of 2 Samuel 14-15 from the Scribeof the Serek Hay-yahad(lQS). Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research235: 1-25. [4Q53] 1987 Daniel Manuscriptsfrom Qumran. Part 1:A PreliminaryEditionof 4QDana.Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research268: 17-37. [4Q112J 1989 Daniel Manuscriptsfrom Qumran. Part2: PreliminaryEditionsof 4QDanband 4QDanc. Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research274: 3-26. [4Q113,114] VanderKam,I.C. 1992 The lubilees FragmentsfromQumran Cave 4. In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea Scrolls-Madrid, 18-21 March 1991, edited by i. TrebolleBarreraand L.VegasMontaner.Series:Studies on the Textsof the Desert of Judah 10. UniversidadComplutense/Brill: Madrid/Leiden.[4Q219,221] VanderKam,I.C.,and Milik, I.T

BiblicalArchaeologist,June1992

1991 TheFirstJubileesManuscript from QumranCave4:A Preliminary Publication.lournalof BiblicalLiterature 110:243-70. [4Q216)

Vermes,G. 1991 Preliminary Remarks on Unpublished of the CommunityRule Fragments from QumranCave 4. Journalof lewish Studies 42: 250-55. [4Q256,258) 1992 The OxfordForumfor QumranResearch:Seminaron the Rule of War from Cave 4 (4Q285).Journalof Jewish Studies 43: 85-90. [4Q285) White, S.A. 1988 A Critical Edition of SevenManuscripts of Deuteronomy:4QDta, 4QDtc, 4QDtd, 4QDtf, 4QDtg, 4QDti, and 4QDtn. Ph.D. Diss., HarvardUniversity.Ann Arbor,MI: University Microfilms. (4Q28,30, 31, 33, 34, 36, 41) 1992 4Q364 & 365: A PreliminaryReport. In Proceedingsof the International Congresson the Dead Sea ScrollsMadrid, 18-21 March 1991,edited by J.TrebolleBarreraand L.Vegas Montaner.Series:Studies on the Textsof the.Desert of Judah10. UniversidadComplutense/Brill:Madrid/ Leiden.(4Q364,365] Woude,A. van der 1965 Melchisedek als himmlische Erl6sergestalt in den neugefundenen eschatologischen Midraschimaus QumranH6hle XI. Oudtestamentische Studien 14:354-73. [11Q13J 1968 Ein neuer Segensspruchaus Qumran (llQBer). Pp.253-58 in Bibel und Qumran:Beitriigezur Erforschung der Beziehungenzwischen Bibelund Qumranwissenschaft:Hans Bardtkezum 22.8.1966,edited by S. Wagner.Berlin:EvangelischeHauptBibelgesellschaft.[IIQ14) 1971 Fragmentedes Buches Jubilaenaus QumranH6hle XI (llQJub).Pp. 14046 in und Glaube:Das frifhe Tradition Christentum in seiner Umwelt: FestgabefijrKarlGeorgKuhnzum 65. Gerburtstag,edited by J. Jeremias and others. G6ttingen:Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.[11Q12J 1987 Ein bisher unver6ffentlichtesFragment der Tempelrolle.Revuede Qumran 13:89-92. [11Q20] Yadin,Y 1966 Another Fragment(E)of the Psalms Scroll fromQumranCave 11(llQPsa). Textus5: 1-10. [11Q5] 1983 The TempleScroll. Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety.[4Q365,l1Q19,20] Zimmerli, W 1979 Ezekiel. Hermeneia,volume 1. Philadelphia:Fortress.[4Q73] 1983 Ezekiel. Hermeneia,volume 2. Philadelphia:Fortress.[4Q73]

Book

Reviews

Jesusand the ForgottenCity, New Light on Sepphorisand the UrbanWorldof Jesus,by RichardA. Batey,forewordby Paul L. Maier,illustrated by I. Robert Teringo,224 pp. Grand Rapids, MI: BakerBook House, 1991;$19.95.

cool blue water with hot red blood.") When Bateycomposed the additional material, he used the past tense, remembering that he was supposedto be writing as a historian. The book correctly asserts that Jesusgrew up only a few miles from Eversince Yigael Yadin'sMasada (New Sepphoris,which was a majorGalilean York:RandomHouse, 1966),it has been city by the time of Herod.The New standardprocedurefor excavatorsto Testamentnever mentions this city and issue richly illustrated, popularvolumes depicts Jesus'careeras carriedout only in the countryside and in Jerusalem. that bring the results of their technical This does not stop Bateyfrom speculatwork to wider audiences. The title of Jesusadtdthe ForgottenCity suggests ing that Jesusworkedon the rebuilding of Sepphorisunder Antipas from 3 B.C.E., that it is a similar book that seeks to portraythe city of Sepphorisin the Gali- and that he also had the skills of a stonemason. Batey'sclaim that Nazarethwas lee and to bring to life the nature of a Galilean city in the time of Jesus. effectively part of the hinterland of Nothing could be further from the Sepphoris(page63) requirescareful truth. Instead,Jesusand the Forgotten proof and attention to the roadsystem and other aspects of historical and City is a strangeamalgamof a retelling economic geography. of the Gospel narrativeof Jesus'life and Furtherspeculation concerns the death, brought into exaggeratedrelationto all with a that Antipas ruled his tetrarchy notion city that, according ship from Sepphoris,and that Jesus'parables historical sources, seems to have been unimportant in this context. Further, regardingkings and royaltyare all dependent on firsthandexperience of the royal the book pays little attention to prior researchon Sepphoris,does not consider court at Sepphoris(pages 119-28). This view is extremely problematical.First, the serious issues raisedby New Testament scholarship,and has what I pretannaitic midrashim are suffused with such parables,which were clearly part sume is an accidentally infused dose of of the wider cultural milieu, based on an anti-Semitism. Perhapsmost curiously, it contains very little informationon the understandingof the governmentalsysexcavationof Sepphorisbeyondvague tem of the time. They have no relationship to Jesus'experiences in Sepphoris generalities, not even mentioning the or any other city. Second, the periodof "MonaLisa"mosaic, probablybecause it was found by another excavationteam. Antipas'srule at Sepphorislasted only from circa 4 B.C.E.-18 C.E.So the notion Bateyclaims that the editors of that his rule at Sepphoriswas formative National Geographic"realizedthe potentially explosive natureof the evidence is exaggerated.Finally,there never was a king at Sepphoris(a minor problem!) being recoveredat Sepphoris"and withsince the title Antipas bore was tetrarch drew from publishing the article they had commissioned because it was "too (one of four joint rulers),a far cry from controversial"(page24). In fact, the arroyalpower. Over and over,Bateyuses the lanticle was droppedbecause important scholars in the field took issue with guage of assumption to make the connection between Sepphorisand Jesus: Batey'sevaluation of the significance of "his [Jesus'presence in the city . .. can the excavationsof Sepphorisfor early Christian history and felt that the article scarcely be doubted (page70);"Sepphoris... may well be included"in Jesus' and illustrations, as they then stood, would, even if unintentionally, be offen- preachingtour of the Galilee (page158); sive to Jewishreaders.The remnants of Jesus"might"have easily learned the details of Antipas'stax system in Sepphoris the house style of National Geographic remain in those sections written in the (page175;italics added). The speculative nature of the conpresent tense. (The worst example is on nection between Sepphorisand Jesus scream 39: wounded, "Men, mortally page reaches its height when Bateyassumes with their last breath . .. staining the

that Jesusnot only visited the city, but that he attended the theater there. Batey conveniently accepts the view that Jesus knew Greek, the languageof the performances held there. Basedon this unprovenassumption, he claims that Jesus' attacks on hypocrisy (froma Greek word referringto actors)are to be seen as the result of intimate association with and knowledge of actors and the theater (pages 100-3). Indeed,Jesuseven had become "acquainted" with the theater on a visit to Jerusalemwhen he was 12 (page92). But this is not historical research. History must be reconstructed based on provenfacts, which may then be interpreted,and not on inferences that are based on assumptions. Among the strangestaspects of this book is that as it retells the entire life story of Jesus,it slavishly copies from the Gospels, harmonizing conflicting accounts, with no attention to the problems raised in New Testament scholarship.It is assumed that all of Jesus'wordswere indeed spoken by him, that there is no later development in the Gospel tradition, and that none of the polemic reflects later circumstances. This retelling reaches its low point when the events surroundingJesus'death are related literalistically, so that here the Jewsare held accountable (in Batey's own words,not in unexamined quotations) as if they were the bearersof collective guilt. This simplistic presentation, in no way mitigated by the results of historical researchor by any other hermeneutic, is simply unacceptablein a scholarly work. This is not the only offensive material. Severaltimes, Bateydepicts Jewish practices as mechanistic and phony,and

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as a group,Jewsare seen as unloving or uncaringabout their fellow man. Did Jewishpublic prayerreally have to appear in this book as an example of hypocrisy (page88)?Strangely,the Lord'sprayer, cited there as a model as opposed to "emptyphrasesor mindless repetitions"clearly a characterizationfor Jewish liturgy by Batey- is totally derivedfrom earlier Jewishprayertraditions.Is the blowing of the ram'shorn (shofar)on fast daysor on the New Year(RoshHashanah) really a sign of hypocrisy,as Bateysuggests (pages88-89)? All this smacks of outdatedviews of Judaismamong Christian scholars;that is, outdateduntil the publication of this book. Forthe value of charity given by the poor, did Bateyreally have to quote Kahlil Gibran (page89) when a quotation from Talmudicliteraturewould have providedthe historical backgroundfor the New Testamenttraditions he cites? How strange,since all the teachings cited here from the New Testamenthave virtually verbatimparallels in Rabbinic literature,much of it from the tannaitic period. This book, apparentlyunintentionally, confirms the worst of antiSemitic stereotypes.In this respect, it goes against the tendency of modern historical researchto instill greaterintergroupunderstandingby examining the common bonds between Judaismand Christianity. Occasionally, the volume seems to leave the realm of scholarship and enter that of theology. How else can the statement on page 134 be judged:"thevision of hell is redemptivefor those who yet have time to accept the full meaning of the kingdom of God." Evenmore egregious is the net result of the book. The history of Sepphoris shows that it was a Hasmonean city, conqueredby Herodand rebuilt by Antipas. In the Herodianperiod, large numbers of pagansand Hellenized Jewsinhabited the city. The population shifted after the destruction of the Templein 70 C.E.as priestly clans migratednorthward,and later, as RabbiJudahthe Prince located his Patriarchalcourt there towardthe end of the second century C.E.Sepphoris became a strongly Jewishcity, home to priests, tannaitic Rabbis,and even Jewish heretics, even though a sizable pagan population still dwelled there. These are the results of the excavationsof the real Sepphoris,which is a very important site

106

for Jewishhistory. In Batey'shands, the site is appropriatedand Christianized,an approachthat both distorts and offends. Manyparticulars,and I will only list a few, raise furtherquestions about the value of this work. The weight discussed as relevantto the time of Jesus(page180) is of uncertaindate.Jewishpoll taxes were paid by those older than 20, not 14 (page 191).The referenceto Jesusin Josephus (page205) needs to be treatedmuch more critically. StuartMiller'sdissertation (page218, number 4) has been superseded by his Studies in the History and Traditions of Sepphoris(Leiden:E.J.Brill, 1984). The truth be told, Jesusand the Forgotten City is not a scholarly book. Batey does not sense the importance of the excavationsof Sepphoris,but chooses to use them as a startingpoint to present

his simplistic and uncritical account of Jesus'career.The connection of Sepphoris with the life of Jesusand the ascent of Christianity was never"forgotten"(page 207); it simply never existed. One would have hoped that after the wise decision of National Geographicto cancel publication of this material, Bateywould have reconsideredboth his thesis and the manner in which he presents it. Now we can only hope that this attempt to reconstruct the "urbanworld of Jesus"will itself be forgotten. LawrenceH. Schiffman New YorkUniversity

The Drawingsof J. RobertTeringoinJesus and the Forgotten City s a formerassociate art director for National Geographic,J.RobertTeringowould A be to the line to Richard

expected produce highest quality drawings accompany Batey'stext in Jesus and the ForgottenCity. On the surface, the 14 drawingsappearto be just that. Tfringo clearly has a beautiful hand and can drawwith great accuracyand considerable delicacy. The colors he uses to fill out the artist's presentation plan are well chosen and carefully added to the sketches. In every instance, the result provides a sense of realism and three-dimensionality. Unfortunately, the drawings also reinforce negative stereotypes of Jews while depicting the clean-shaven gentiles as Aryan, Anglo-Saxon beauties. The contrast is unfortunate. His renderingof the protrudingnoses of the Jewsis also grossly overdone. He also implies that male Jews in antiquity went everywhere in their prayershawls (tallit) and phylacteries (tefillin), as is presented in the caricature of the Jew on the cover, who looks persecuted, forlorn and somewhat discombobulated as he walks about the forum at Sepphoris surroundedby gentiles. In the forum stands a huge pagantemple, a triumphantarchto Tiberias Caesar,and a bustling theater,all of which suggest and evoke the picture of a thriving and dynamic urban center at Sepphorisin a time when Jesuswould have presumably been a regular visitor. But as the articles in this issue of BA demonstrate, a dominant and visible gentile or paganpresence at Sepphorisat that time is very much open to serious debate. Therefore, to present gentile culture in so positive a light and Jewish culture in so negative and stereotypical a way thus is nothing less than irresponsible on the part of the author and the artist. Teringo'spresentation of the Sanhedrinat Sepphorison pages 200-1 is in this vein. Aside from the fact the Sanhedrindid not move from Jerusalem until after 70 c.E.,the hirsute Jewsin the drawingappearto be debating the minutiae of the law; they aredressedin their rathermodest striped cloaks. When they appearin the synagogue, as on page 159, all but the children are again wearing tallit and tefillin, which are only donned for daily prayer,and not for sabbath and holidays-they are never worn in the marketplace,as is the case on the cover. Because of the assumption that Sepphoriswas a fully developedurban center with a mixed population at the time of Jesus,many scenes that arepresentedarenot reliable. Since there is no real evidence for a pagan temple in the time of Herod Antipas, the depiction of a Roman sacrificial procession on page 62 cannot be accepted. The threestory, first century apartment house on pages 74-75 is far too lavish, too gentile and lacks the usual courtyardwith oven and other agriculturalgoods and spaces for food-

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

which has centered aroundone question: Why is it that 40 years after their discovery,the publication of the scrolls has not been completed? A respected Oxforddon called this delay "theacademic scandal par excellence of the Should poor, silly books be reviewed? twentieth century."A scandal it may be, The answer is not an easy one. Even Solomon, the wisest of all humans, vac- but to keep it in the right perspective,it should be rememberedthat almost 80 illates. In Proverbs26:4-5, he advises, 'Answernot a fool accordingto his folly, percent of the scrolls (byword count) had been published before 1991.Only 20 lest you also be like unto him,"then percent were awaitingpublication, not 75 immediately counsels the opposite, 'Answera fool accordingto his folly, percent as the authors of this book claim. lest he be wise in his own conceit." Baigent and Leigh sought to find out The reason we believe this book de- why the scrolls were being concealed from the public. Their researchled them serves a review is not to denigratethe of to conclude "thatthe labels used to difreaders to warn but authors, potential the false theory it advances.In the last few ferentiate between the various groups years, the Dead Sea Scrolls have been a (of Second Commonwealth Judaism)Pharisees, Sadducees,Essenes, Zealots, subject of heated controversy,most of

The Dead Sea Scrolls Deception, by Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh, 268 pp., New York:Summit Books, 1992; $20.00.

related activities, or adjoining manufacturing space of the oriental city. The reconstruction inside the theater not only depicts a mixed audience of Jewsand gentiles, but suggests that theatrical performances were held regularly,a suggestion that Mary T. Boatwright questioned in the December 1990 issue of BA (53: 184-92); all this aside from the main issue of the dating of the theater itself. Teringo'smost elaborate drawing is his reconstruction of the acropolis area on pages 54-55. While it is a magnificent drawing, sketched and painted after first constructing an elaborate model that is shown on page 73, it is clearly a representation of an idealized Roman city. The details of the drawingcannot be substantiated by hardly any archaeologicalevidence of first century Sepphoris:the theater may be much later; the huge temple, of which there is no evidence, may have been built in the second century, if we take seriously the coins at Sepphoris;and there is no evidence for the triumphant arch. The walls of the city are not to be found, let alone a second or outer wall shown to the south. The water wheels depicted to the north and northwest of the theater areknown only from later rabbinicsources; no traces of them havebeen found, nor do they align with the known aqueducts and water reservoiror holding tank to the southeast. The known east-west roadwayexcavatedby the Joint ExcavationProjectin the western acropolis,which might go back to the Second Thmpleperiod, is nowhere to be found. In short, Thringo,like Batey,has misled the readerinto thinking of Sepphorisin the time of Jesusas a mixed Helleno-oriental city, with some Jewsand many gentiles. The quest for reconstructing the demographics of the Galilee is difficult enough, and neither ibringo'sdrawingsnor Batey'stext help very much. One forthcoming publication that will no doubt help clarify these and other problems relating to the history of the Galilee is the proceedings of the first conference on the Galilee, held at Kibbutz Hanatonin 1989,to be published by the JewishTheological Seminary and edited by Lee Levine.When the participants of that conference saw Teringo'sdrawings,virtually all the scholars assembled urgedNational Geographicnot to publish them or the accompanyingtext by Batey.The article, scheduled to appearin the Christmas 1989issue, was ultimately recalled because it was judgedtoo controversial (page24). It is unfortunate that the drawingshave resurfacedin this BakerBook House publication; they make the task of Jewish-Christianunderstandingall the more difficult. Eric M. Meyers Editor-in-Chief

Nazorenes (sic)-were neither accurate nor useful."This, it should be said in their defense, is sometimes the feeling of the uninitiated when confrontedwith a complex problem.Touse their own word, they found themselves in a "muddle." To their relief, they found a scholar with whom they agreed-Robert Eisenman, Professorof Middle East Religions at California State University in Long Beach. The book is essentially a mouthpiece for Eisenman'stheories. This is not the place to deal with all of Eisenman'stheories, the primary one of which is that the members of the Qumran community were not Essenes, but proto-Christianscum Zealots. The thesis I wish to discuss is whether the publication of the Scrolls was suppressed due to a Catholic conspiracyheadedby the late Dominican priest, R.P.Roland de Vaux.As a matter of fact, the thesis was inventedby the late JohnAllegro long beforeEisenmantried to circulate it. Therefore,Allegro is eulogized throughout the volume. On page 45, the authors, in just three lines, heap on him a series of superlatives:"mostdynamic, original and audacious ... the most spontaneous, the most independent minded, the most resistant to suppressionof material." The truth is that Allegro is unanimously regardedas the black sheep of the profession, lacking both in integrity and scholarly standards.His Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert V is so repletewith errorsthat the review article of this sloppy piece of work is the only case known to me of a review almost as long as the original. His later books are, to say the least, strange.Forinstance, in The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Myth (1979), he ascribes to the celibate authors of the scrolls lewd practices. This makes the index readas if it was borrowedfrom a sex manual. Allegro alleged that the team headed by de Vaux,which included Catholic and Protestantscholars,was concealing material that robbedChristianity of its originality. Eventhough he had free access to all the material (aprerogativehe abused when he published a piratededition of the CopperScroll),Allegro never produced any evidence to back his allegations. This theory was revivedby Eisenman and is elaboratedupon in this book. The authors back up their allegations with dubious circumstantial evidence and insinuations. Such accusations are hardto

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

107

which has centered aroundone question: Why is it that 40 years after their discovery,the publication of the scrolls has not been completed? A respected Oxforddon called this delay "theacademic scandal par excellence of the Should poor, silly books be reviewed? twentieth century."A scandal it may be, The answer is not an easy one. Even Solomon, the wisest of all humans, vac- but to keep it in the right perspective,it should be rememberedthat almost 80 illates. In Proverbs26:4-5, he advises, 'Answernot a fool accordingto his folly, percent of the scrolls (byword count) had been published before 1991.Only 20 lest you also be like unto him,"then percent were awaitingpublication, not 75 immediately counsels the opposite, 'Answera fool accordingto his folly, percent as the authors of this book claim. lest he be wise in his own conceit." Baigent and Leigh sought to find out The reason we believe this book de- why the scrolls were being concealed from the public. Their researchled them serves a review is not to denigratethe of to conclude "thatthe labels used to difreaders to warn but authors, potential the false theory it advances.In the last few ferentiate between the various groups years, the Dead Sea Scrolls have been a (of Second Commonwealth Judaism)Pharisees, Sadducees,Essenes, Zealots, subject of heated controversy,most of

The Dead Sea Scrolls Deception, by Michael Baigent and Richard Leigh, 268 pp., New York:Summit Books, 1992; $20.00.

related activities, or adjoining manufacturing space of the oriental city. The reconstruction inside the theater not only depicts a mixed audience of Jewsand gentiles, but suggests that theatrical performances were held regularly,a suggestion that Mary T. Boatwright questioned in the December 1990 issue of BA (53: 184-92); all this aside from the main issue of the dating of the theater itself. Teringo'smost elaborate drawing is his reconstruction of the acropolis area on pages 54-55. While it is a magnificent drawing, sketched and painted after first constructing an elaborate model that is shown on page 73, it is clearly a representation of an idealized Roman city. The details of the drawingcannot be substantiated by hardly any archaeologicalevidence of first century Sepphoris:the theater may be much later; the huge temple, of which there is no evidence, may have been built in the second century, if we take seriously the coins at Sepphoris;and there is no evidence for the triumphant arch. The walls of the city are not to be found, let alone a second or outer wall shown to the south. The water wheels depicted to the north and northwest of the theater areknown only from later rabbinicsources; no traces of them havebeen found, nor do they align with the known aqueducts and water reservoiror holding tank to the southeast. The known east-west roadwayexcavatedby the Joint ExcavationProjectin the western acropolis,which might go back to the Second Thmpleperiod, is nowhere to be found. In short, Thringo,like Batey,has misled the readerinto thinking of Sepphorisin the time of Jesusas a mixed Helleno-oriental city, with some Jewsand many gentiles. The quest for reconstructing the demographics of the Galilee is difficult enough, and neither ibringo'sdrawingsnor Batey'stext help very much. One forthcoming publication that will no doubt help clarify these and other problems relating to the history of the Galilee is the proceedings of the first conference on the Galilee, held at Kibbutz Hanatonin 1989,to be published by the JewishTheological Seminary and edited by Lee Levine.When the participants of that conference saw Teringo'sdrawings,virtually all the scholars assembled urgedNational Geographicnot to publish them or the accompanyingtext by Batey.The article, scheduled to appearin the Christmas 1989issue, was ultimately recalled because it was judgedtoo controversial (page24). It is unfortunate that the drawingshave resurfacedin this BakerBook House publication; they make the task of Jewish-Christianunderstandingall the more difficult. Eric M. Meyers Editor-in-Chief

Nazorenes (sic)-were neither accurate nor useful."This, it should be said in their defense, is sometimes the feeling of the uninitiated when confrontedwith a complex problem.Touse their own word, they found themselves in a "muddle." To their relief, they found a scholar with whom they agreed-Robert Eisenman, Professorof Middle East Religions at California State University in Long Beach. The book is essentially a mouthpiece for Eisenman'stheories. This is not the place to deal with all of Eisenman'stheories, the primary one of which is that the members of the Qumran community were not Essenes, but proto-Christianscum Zealots. The thesis I wish to discuss is whether the publication of the Scrolls was suppressed due to a Catholic conspiracyheadedby the late Dominican priest, R.P.Roland de Vaux.As a matter of fact, the thesis was inventedby the late JohnAllegro long beforeEisenmantried to circulate it. Therefore,Allegro is eulogized throughout the volume. On page 45, the authors, in just three lines, heap on him a series of superlatives:"mostdynamic, original and audacious ... the most spontaneous, the most independent minded, the most resistant to suppressionof material." The truth is that Allegro is unanimously regardedas the black sheep of the profession, lacking both in integrity and scholarly standards.His Discoveries in the JudaeanDesert V is so repletewith errorsthat the review article of this sloppy piece of work is the only case known to me of a review almost as long as the original. His later books are, to say the least, strange.Forinstance, in The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Myth (1979), he ascribes to the celibate authors of the scrolls lewd practices. This makes the index readas if it was borrowedfrom a sex manual. Allegro alleged that the team headed by de Vaux,which included Catholic and Protestantscholars,was concealing material that robbedChristianity of its originality. Eventhough he had free access to all the material (aprerogativehe abused when he published a piratededition of the CopperScroll),Allegro never produced any evidence to back his allegations. This theory was revivedby Eisenman and is elaboratedupon in this book. The authors back up their allegations with dubious circumstantial evidence and insinuations. Such accusations are hardto

Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

107

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refute- how can anybodyprovethat there are no scroll fragmentshidden in the Ecole Biblique in Jerusalem(page101)? However,I will try to show that these invidious allegations are most unlikely. The conspiracytheory is based on two assumptions:that the Catholic church, especially the Jerusalemcircle headed by de Vaux,had reasons to fear the DSS might contain material of an EDITEDBY WILLIAML. MORAN embarrassingnature to Christianity; and that de Vauxwas a reactionaryand a bigot tablets who was capableof suppressingmaterial cuneiform fourhundred Nearly of the that he deemed damagingto his faith. containing correspondence The truth is that Catholic scholars at"The court werediscovered Egyptian Ecole Biblique being among the pio(the atel ofthePharaoh" PlaceoftheLetters studied the scrolls from the very neers) Thisauthoritative Amarna. English with enthusiasm and went to beginning anintroduction, extensive with translation, the indebtedness of is anessential greatpains totoshow notes,andcommentary, the Dead Sea sect, the Christianity forthestudyof theEgyptian Essenes. This can be discoveredin resource any NewKingdom aswellasofSyria-Palestinebibliographyof the Dead Sea Scrolls, or inthelateBronze Age. by looking at KristerStendahl'sThe Scrolls and the New Testamentpub$68.00hardcover lished in 1958 (anexcellent collection of articles written in the first decade of research)to see what a prominent role Catholic priests played. However,the identification of the Dead Sea sect with the Essenes (which Deception opposes vehemently) is not a Catholic invention. It was first suggested by E. L. Sukenik (aJew)and later,perhaps independently,by A. Dupont-Sommer (a lapsed Catholic priest who was a fullfledged agnostic when the Scrolls were DAVID A. DORSEY discovered).It is interesting to note, howonly about a dozen scholarsproonliterary andarchaeologicalever,that Drawing identifications other than Essenes pose DavidDorsey examines the for the sect. Of these, almost all are Jewevidence, andphysical nature characteristics of ish (most notably,G. R. Driver).Israeli roadsinancient Israel andreconstructs scholars are almost unanimously of the asitexisted Israel's roadnetwork during Essene school, with the notable excep17maps. theOldTestament tion of Y.Baer.What is the matter with period. those Israelis.Aren'tthey Jewishenough? $39.95hardcover The second argument-that de Vaux, out of religious zeal, deliberately suppressed the publication of the scrollsis utterly absurd.He might havebelonged to the Action Francaise,an extreme, naTHE JOHNS HOPKINS tionalistic, monarchic party with Fascist UNIVERSITY PRESS elements, and he was most probably 701West40thStreet, Suite275 anti-Semitic and anti-Israel.Even so, he 21211 Baltimore, was an imminently progressivescholar, Maryland call1-800-537-5487. which can be seen in his excellent paper Toorder,

THE AMARNA LETTERS

"OnRight and WrongUses of Archaeology"(pages64-80 in Near Eastern Archaeology in the TtventiethCentury, edited by J.A. Sanders),where he challenges biblical traditions.In many respects, de Vauxwas more progressivethan some of the famous agnostic scholars of his era. It is only out of sheer ignorance that the authors and their mentor could attribute obscurantist misdeeds to de Vaux. There are also numerous errorsin the book (forexample, Habakkukof the TwelveMinor Prophetsis describedas belonging to the Apocrypha;Jerusalem is said to have been conqueredby the Romans in 68 c.E.).However,my only purpose is to show that the pernicious theory advancedin Deception is completely unfounded. Therefore,I conclude that the book cannot be recommended to anyone. MagenBroshi The IsraelMuseum

THE ROADS AND H ICHWAYS OF ANCIENT ISRAEL

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Biblical Archaeologist, June 1992

BOOK PUBLISHERS Please send all review copies to: Dr. JamesC. Moyer Department of Religious Studies Southwest Missouri State University 901 South National, Box 167 Springfield,MO 65804-0095