OBSERVATIONS ON THE TEMPLE PRECINCT ES3 IN ARCHAIC URUK Krystyna Szarzynska (Warsaw)
The Sumerian city of Uruk was the oldest and largest urban center of early high civilization in southern Mesopotamia (Nissen 1988: 65-106). The period designated as "archaic," corresponding to ca. 3200-3000 B.C., has been divided into two sub-periods, namely. Late Uruk, corresponding to archaeological levels Vl-IV, and Jemdet Nasr, which covers level III. The monumental architecture of Uruk was concentrated in two separate ceremonial districts: the central one, probably called Unug, was located in the southern and southwestern areas that were later occupied by the Eana ziggurat, and a second one named KuUaba, which Nissen (1988: 100-101) situates ca. 0.5 km west of Unug.' Both cultic areas were eventually joined into one urban center, and by Early Dynastic times were surrounded by one great wall. German excavations at the site period document late Uruk occupation in the area presumed to be Kullaba. One such area is the so-called Old Terrace, which lay under the debris of the large Assyrian Bit Res temple. Soundings at this locus have revealed remains of a big terrace that was constructed of large bricks. This terrace dates to Uruk IVa or IVb. The ziggurat discovered in square K XVII in all probability was also associated with Kullaba; its oldest levels go back to Ubaid times. Nearby lay a unique underground cult installation, dubbed the Steingebaude by archaeologists, which was probably built during the early Uruk IVa period at the bottom of the scarp of the ziggurat (Heinrich 1982: 36-37; Szarzynska 1981). It is important to stress that in archaic Uruk the chief deity of both Unug as well as Kullaba was Inana. Thus, the Unug archaic texts mention, among others, temple names such as eSj ''inana, es^ ''inana-sig ("Inana-ofthe-Evening"), agrun MUSj/'^inana (Szarzynska 1992: 269-87). That Inana was also the chief deity of Kullaba is documented in the Early Dynastic "Temple Hymns" from Abu Salabikh, dating to ca. 2400 B.C., and in later literary texts that preserve early traditions. The third "Temple Hymn" invokes the temple name e,-sig^ kul-aba^ (1. 19), and it ends with''inana zaj-mi,, "To Inana be praise!" (Biggs 1974:446-47). One cannot exclude the possibility that Kullaba was the older of the two cult centers, and that the impetus for the laterdevelopment of the combined urban center came from Kullaba (Nissen 1988: 100-101).' However, while the main elements of early Mesopotamian culture were established during the Late Uruk period, they can only be recovered in detail from the excavations in Uruk, because, aside from monumental architecture, Kullaba of this time has not been sufficiently excavated.
1. These two identifications remain hypothetical; conclusive evidence is as yet missing. 2. However, such a development appears to be contradicted by the fact that the writing of KuUaba's name derives from that of Unug, since the traditional reading kul-aba, actually represents '"''kullab(a)^(UNUG). ICS63(2011)
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Intensive archaeological excavations in Unug have brought to light many elements of advanced building techniques such as walls decorated with niches or mosaics created by means of various types of cones, mostly made of clay, but in rare cases also of stone, decorative slabs, as well as figurative sculpture. Moreover, archaeologists have recovered many Uruk period cylinder seals and sealings, as well as thousands of proto-cuneiform tablets. The vast majority of archaic tablets were discovered in the central district of Unug. Most are economic records illustrating the redistributive economy that involved administrative units associated with temples or, perhaps, with the central administrative institution of the city (Nissen 1986a: 324). The central precinct of Unug contained a group of buildings erected on a flat foundation platform. Two of the temples, the so-called Stone Cone Temple and the Limestone Temple, belong to levels VI-V, while the other constructions date to the Uruk IV period, further subdivided into three stages, a, b, and c. The first reorganization of the precinct took place at the end of Uruk IVb, the second one at the end of Uruk IV, and the third one towards the beginning of Uruk in. nij Before each change in the plan of the precinct the old buildings were leveled down to their foundations or to the lower parts of their walls, while all the furnishings and equipment were removed and temporarily stored somewhere nearby. All depressions in the ground within and inside the buildings were filled with the debris of the old bricks, pottery shards, rubble, and refuse; all the other remains were transferred to deposit pits such as the one that contained the largest collection of discarded archaic tablets. The leveled areas were then purified with fire to prepare them for the foundations of new buildings (Nissen 1988: 100-101). As a result, the recovered debris, including the tablets, various small objects and remains of decorations comes from heterogeneous secondary contexts that contained mixtures of materials from different buildings and their original locations cannot be determined. Only seven archaic tablets were found in situ in Temple C, but even these may have been transferred there from elsewhere (Nissen). To complicate matters even further, even when a temple name occurs in a document, it does not necessarily indicate the place of its origin, because the name may refer to another administrative unit involved in the operation and not necessarily to the institution in which it was written. The Sumerian word es,(AB) designated a cult precinct, within which the temple of the city's main deity was situated. In the majority of cases, a wall surrounded such precincts, together with their administrative and economic buildings. The individual temples were described by the term e^, "house," complemented by the name of the deity it housed or by an epithet (Szarzyriska 1992). It is difficult to establish the location of the e§j of Uruk during the archaic period. Later sources locate it in the center of Unug, eventually named eSj e^-an-na.^ But the situation may have been quite different in early archaic times and the main eá^ precinct of Inana could just as well been in Unug as in KuUaba. There is no evidence at present to help us solve this problem." Because we cannot identify specific temples or precincts on the basis of the archaic tablets, we cannot localize them in Unug, Kullaba, or in the area of the Western Ziggurat that was the site of the much later Anu ziggurat. In such a situation, we can only rely on signs from the small finds discarded in the debris from the leveled older buildings on the site. Archaeological investigations in Kullaba and in the area of the Western Ziggurat have not recovered any materials that shed any light on the matter. In the trash deposits of Unug, however, in the areas occupied by the monumental buildings, excavations have revealed numerous decorative elements, including several emblems that provide important information on religious matters. The majority of these were discovered in locus Qa XVI2 and in the ruins of the Red Temple, dating to Uruk IVa (UVB 2: 31-39, Heinrich 1982: 83). The most important of these are terracotta figurines:
3. E.g., Shulgi Hymn X:, Hymn to the Hoe . 4. As observed by Schmidt 1983: 21-22: "Wir bis Heute nichts über die Lage des Zentrum in diesenfrühenZeit wissen."
OBSERVATIONS ON THE TEMPLE PRECINCT E§, IN ARCHAIC URUK 1.
2. 3. 4.
M U § 3. This is the symbol of the goddess Inana. The figurine shows in detail pole made of long reed stalks rolled into a volute at the top, with a short bundle of stalks descending the opposite side. This symbol is represented by the proto-cuneiform MUS3 sign. A symbol of an unidentified deity, also modeled from long reeds crowned with a volute; see the sign ATU 1 210 (Falkenstein 1936: xxx). Terracotta rosettes with five, six, or eight leaves that constituted the symbol of Inana.' An unidentified symbol in the shape of an isosceles cross (Jordan 1931: 31-35).
In addition, many clay cones, slabs of wall decorations, figurines of animals, etc., were found in the rubbish in the Red Temple and its vicinity. In this context of special interest is a terracotta rosette, which must have come from a wall frieze that decorated one of the main temples surrounding the later Eana zikkurat. The shaft of the rosette is incised with a carefully rendered es, sign. The object was found in the debris located in square Qa XVI,, northeast of the Uruk IV Red Temple. The rosette had been manufactured in a workshop, perhaps within the walled enclosure and then brought to temple. Its final destination was marked as eS3 on the shaft that was to be inserted into the wall. The rosette is a singular architectural element that carries the mark of its provenance. It was found together with other small objects that clearly date to the Uruk IV period. The word es3, inscribed on the shaft, designates the name of the temple which it adorned, which was the home of the main deity of Unug, but it is also possible that it referred to the whole ceremonial center, which included this temple. Decorative friezes adorned only the most important temples, but the identity of the place of origin of the rosette remains unknown. This rosette proves, however, that the archaic precinct es3 was located in the central ceremonial district of Unug. Moreover, it is certain that the goddess Inana was worshiped in that precinct already in Uruk IV times, because the rosette was her symbol throughout southern Babylonia (Steinkeller 2002: 363). The rosette presented here has never been published, although I referred to it in passing in my writings on archaic Uruk (Szarzyriska 1992; 270; 1993: 24 n.l3; 2000: 67). The object, which belongs to the Uruk/Warka collections of the Vorderasiatischen Museum, Staatlische Museum zu Berlin, has the museum number VA 14942, excavation number W 10220. Its dimensions are: 14.9 cm between opposing tips of leaves, ca. 7.4, with 5.8 cm. the length of the shaft. It was first brought to my attention by Dr. Andrzej Reiche of the National Museum, Warsaw and is published here by kind permission of the authorities of the Vorderasiatischen Museum. The photographs were made by Olaf M.Teemer/SMB of the Museum.
Fig. 1. VA 14942 (W 10220). © Olaf M.Teemer/SMB.
5. For photographs of M U S j symbols see under ATU 1210 (Falkenstein); for photographs of elay crosses see Jordan 1931 : pi. 2 ( M .
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References Biggs, R. D. 1974 Inscriptions from Tell Abu ^alabikh. OIP 99. Chicago: Chicago University Press. Falkenstein, A. 1936 Archaische Texte aus Unit ATU 1. Berlin: Deutsche Forschungsgemeinschaft. Heinrich, E. 1982 Die Tempel und Heiligtümer im alten Mesopotamien: Typologie. Morphologie und Geschichte. Denkmäler antiker Architektur 14. Berlin: de Gruyter. Jordan, J. 1931 Zweiter vorläufiger Bericht über die von der Notgemeinschaft der Deutschen Wissenschaft in Uruk unternommenen Ausgrabungen. Abhandlungen der Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschanen, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Jahrgang 1930, Nr. 4. Berlin: Verlag der Akademie der Wissenschaften. Nissen, H. J. 1986a The Archaic Texts from Uruk. World Archaeology 17: 317-34. 1986b The Development of Writing and of Glyptic Art. Pp. 316-31 in Gamdat Nasr: Period or Regional Style?, ed. U. Finkbeiner and W. Röllig. Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B 62, Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. 1988 The Early History of the Ancient Near East, 9000-2000 B. C. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Szarzynska, K. 1981 Some Remarks on the So-Called "Steingebäude" in Archaic Uruk-Warka. Akkadica 23: 4 5 ^ 9 . 1992 Names of Temples in the Archaic Texts from Uruk. ASJ 14: 269-87. 1993 Offerings for the Goddess Inana in Archaic Uruk. RA 87: 7-28. 2000 The Cuit of the Goddess Inana in Archaic Uruk. NIN \ : 62,-1 A. Schmidt, J. 1972 26. und 27. vorläufiger Bericht über die von dem Deutschen Archäologischen Institut und der Deutschen OrientGesellschaft aus Mitteln der Deutschen Forschungsgemeinschaft unternommenen Ausgrabungen in Uruk- Warka 1968 und 1969. Abhandlungen der Deutschen Orient-Gesellschaft 16. Berlin: Mann. Steinkelier, P. 2002 Stars and Stripes in Ancient Mesopotamia: A Note on Two Decorative Elements of Babylonian Doors. Iranica Antiqua 21. 2,59-1 \.
IN SEARCH OF ARMI Alfonso Archi (Università di Roma "La Sapienza")
The older writing of the name of the city of Armi in Eblaite documents is Ar-mi-um^ (Bonechi 1990a; genitive form in ARETXU 1108 II 4: PN Ar-mi-im^). It is attested in some documents from the time of the minister Arrukum, forty to thirty-six years before the destruction of Ebla, sometimes together with the later form: Ar-mi^'.^ Arrukum was minister during the last five years of king Irkab-damu (the successor of Igris-Halab), who probably reigned for eleven years. The king and minister both died in the same year. Isar-damu, who reigned for thirty-five years, until the fall of Ebla, succeeded his father Irkab-damu on the throne. For the first eighteen years, Ibrium was minister, followed by his son Ibbi-zikir, who remained in charge for seventeen years, until the fall of the city.
1. The Region under the Hegemony of Ebla during the Last Ten Years At the time of Irkab-damu, the territory of Ebla included Alalakh to the north (with the Antioch Plain, Amuq; Archi 2006) and Karkamis on the Euphrates {ARES II: 238-39). It was in the first years of Irkab-damu's rule (or the last years of Igris-Halab) that Ebla was able to draw up a treaty with Abarsal (probably Tell Chuera; ARES II: 8791), a document that lists the cities along the Euphrates that either belonged to Ebla or came under its hegemony {in su en Ib-la^; ARETXIU 5). In the treaty, Karkamis appears after Kablul and Gudadanum in §§ 2-6. Unlike Karkamis, these two cities had their own kings right up until the fall of Ebla. Kablul, at least, is to be located north of Karkamis. Of the cities mentioned in the treaty, the southernmost would appear to have been Haddu {'À-du^\ § 17), which most likely lay on the other side of the Euphrates (Tell Malhat ed-Derû') and bordered on the lands under the control of Mari's {ARETXllh 196). To the south, the kingdom of Ebla included Hamath ÇÀ-ma-ad/du'''; present-day Hamá) and, to the west, its territories probably did not extend as far as the sea (fig. 1). Armi remained independent for all of the forty-five years documented in the Ebla archives. It appears in neither the treaty with Abarsal, before the time on oflice of the minister Arrukum, nor was it included in the group of independent states that were Ebla's control and recognized the city's hegemony. Documents from the last ten years, when Ibbi-zikir was the minister, show that the Eblaite administration maintained friendly relations with these
Adelheid Otto is the author of a remarkable study where she suggested the identification of Armi/Armanum with Tell Bazi, on the Middle Euphrates, making use of both archaeological and philological data (Otto 2006). She also presented her thesis at the 6th ICAANE, Rome, May 2008, together with M. G. Biga, who was in agreement with Otto's view. Abbreviations: AAM: Annual Account of Distribution of Metals; MAT: Monthly Accounts of Textile Distribution. 1. For documents of the Arrukum period presenting both forms; see ARETXV 6 (34): Ar-mi-um^; (2) and (43): Ar-mi^'; MEE X 27+ rev. Ill 9 and IV 8: Ar-mi-um'^; obv. VIH' 5: Ar-mi^'. On the reduplication Ar-mi'^'-Ar-mi", see below, 7.2. 5
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\ A r i l Barsip ¿Tell Banat
Tell Khucra (Abarsal)'
Alalah utliil
r.bl
Hamath
Mari Fig. 1. Extension of the kingdom of Ebla. (Hassuwan/Hassum was included during the mandate of minister Ibrium.) cities, sending sets of clothes as gifts to their sovereigns and elders once a year; usually in month IX (iti za-lul).^ Few of these cities can be securely localized, even though the names of some of them survived into succeeding centuries. The list of these cities {ARETl 1-9) opens with NIrar, probably north of Karkamis. Kakmium must have been in the same area. Ra'ak was close to the Euphrates, south of Emar (Letter of Enna-Dagan, ARiiT XIII 4 § 6). Emar (Meskene), on the Euphrates and the same latitude as Ebla, was repeatedly defeated by the rulers of Mari, Istup-Sar, and Iblul-il (Letter of Enna-Dagan), when Igris-Halab occupied the Ebla throne. Later, Irkab-Damu allied Emar with Ebla by means of an inter-dynastic marriage (ARES II: 290). A little further north of Emar, Ebla possessed a bridgehead on the Euphrates: Má-NE'*' (ARES II: 379-81). The list includes Burman, whose territory bordered the Euphrates (ARET Xlll 4 § 12); it seems that this city was also bound to Ebla by an inter-dynastic marriage (ARES II185; ARETXUl: 79). The identification of Dub (later Tuba) with Umm el-Marra (about 50 km east of Aleppo) is uncertain; it could, instead, be located north of the road that linked Halab with Mari. Garmu and Lumnan should be localized in the Euphrates Valley (Bonechi 1993:151,224; Archi 2005a: 17). Ursaum (Ursum) laid at Gaziantep, or between Gaziantep and the Euphrates. There is no secure information enabling us to locate Utig(u) or Dulu(m). The cities of Iritum, Harran, Sanapzugum, and Gudadanum shared with Ursaum and Abarsal the peculiarity that the minister, who was second in rank after the king, was designated with the title ba-da-lum. These occupied an area that today mainly lies in Turkish territory and which stretched from the Euphrates, on a level with Gaziantep (Ursaum) as far as the Balih (Harran). According to the Hittite sources, Ir(r)itum (Irrite) was east of Karkamis, on the way to Harran (del Monte and Tischler 1978: 144; Kessler 1980). We have no certain information regarding Sarhu, Arhadu, or Hutimu. The list then mentions a sheikh (§ura-garru) and the chiefs of his tribe (20 gurus): their habitat must have been to the east (near lake Jabboul), southeast of Ebla. Tisum must also have been found in the same area (ARES II: 451). Ibal ("of the steppe," eden; "of the canal," Iti pa^.; "of the water-store," a-tuk) is
2. The tablets are ARET I 1-9 (no 2 joins AÄETIV 23; no 3 joins ARETXII 146; no 7 joins ARET XII 934+936), see the table in ARET I: 224-25 and n. 34 below. There are some previous documents, e.g., TM.75.G.1731, where the list of these cities does not open the document.
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undoubtedly to be located southeast of Salamiya and Homs. A few documents also include Kablul, which we are certain lay north of Karkamis, in the area of the Euphrates. Kablul and its fortresses came under the hegemony of Ebla (Abarsal Treaty, ARETXUl 5 § 2; Archi 1989: 13). This list obliges us to seek Armi beyond the extensive region lying between the latitude of Ursaum-Harran and that of modern-day Homs.
2. Armi in the Documentation of Minister Arrukum No documents from the period of Irkab-damu can be ascribed precisely to any of his regnal years. We can only attribute the documents (those containing some prosopographic data) to either thefiveyears of minister Arrukum or roughly to the six preceding years. For this reason, it is best to examine the documents according to their emic classification.
2.1 The Monthly Accounts of Textiles There are sixty-three Monthly Accounts Concerning the Distribution of Textiles [MATs], sixty of which have been published by F. Pomponio in ARET XV. These cover almost five complete years, that is the years forty to thirty-six before the destruction of Ebla, but cannot be ordered chronologically. Every two months, at least, a messenger from Armi(um) travelled to Ebla, or vice versa. Armi(um), therefore, was located in an area of great interest to Ebla. The data contained in these documents show how Ebla was attempting, at that time, to consolidate its northern and northeastern borders. Since this is the earliest period systematically documented on a monthly basis, the most relevant passages concerning Armi are given here: 1) ARET II 14 § 35: Ar-mi''' h i - m u - t ú m nig-kas^ si-in A-da-bí-i¿" "(garments to someone from) A. to be delivered (for) the military expedition against the town of Adabig" (Adabig was inside the horizon of Alalakh, ARES II: 96; Bonechi 1993: 17). 2) ARET IV 16 § 65: 1 gold plate of 40 shekels to Bar-i who went to A. (DU Ar-mi'''); § 48: Enna-i(l), the messenger who went with PN, and PN^ to A. {En-na-i ma-za-lum DU ás-ti PN, PN^ Ar-wi'"). 3) ARET IV 17 § 40: Enna-malik brought the news that the king (of A. / Ebla?) arriving from A. (en mi-nu Armi'" ba^-ti); § 45: a man of A. resided in Dulu, gurus Ar-mi^ tuá Du-lu^'; § 47: someone of A. who went to Daga-na-am^' and §a-bar-tum'" (in the Habur region); § 61: someone of A. who went with a man (guruá) of Mari. 4) ARET XV 5 § 16: someone from A. who brought the news of the conquest of (TUMxSAL) Dar-áb'^\ § 22: someone from A. who came up from (e^^ ás-ti) Mari; § 36: wool for the sessel (GI§-uJtil) of the king of A. (similarly XV 15 § 31). 5) ARET XV 6 §§ 1-4: Ha-zu-wa-an''' Ar-mi''' Ur-sá-um^' l-bu^^-bu^\ §§ 34-37: Ar-mi-um^' Ha-zu-wa-an^' Kakmi-um^'; § 48: someone from Darib who went with someone from A. (Da-ri-ib^ DU ás-ti Ar-mi'^') to Nagar. 6) ARET XV 8 §§ 3-5: the delegation from A. to Ebla consisted of Hursana (who received 1 plate of 470 g. of gold), Sumiau (1 plate of 313 g. of gold), his wife and a messenger {ma-za-lum); §§ 1-9: Abarsal, NIrar, A., Bali, Hassuwan, Abarsal. 7) ARETXV 10 § 42: someone of Dar-ha-ti^ who brought the news that the king of A. was present (en Ar-mi'^ 1-ti); § 77: Abulu of A. because he has to deliver for the military expedition of A. (nig-kas^-kas^ Ar-mi'^); § 78: ugula Dar-ha-ti^' (D. was a town close to A.). 8) ARETXV 16 § 23: gift for the news that the city of Kakmium the king ... the battle(!?) of A. (en igi-du^ me Ar-mi^').
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9) ARETXV 17 § 1: Alalaia of A.; §§5-10: Itium ugula sur_^-BAR.AN - ur^ - Hursana - en A. - ] . . . - someone from A.; § 15: garments, 1 gold plate of 470 g. for Hamarasda from A. ... his brother (ses-5Ù) ... his representative (maskim-sti), 26 garments for his representatives (maskim-maskim-5Ù), 2 garments for two of his wives (dam); §§ 28-32: Ulama from A., someone from A. who went to the cities of Nasa, Cagaban, Sanabzugum (Cagaban was in the region of Nagar, Sanabzugum between the Euphrates and Harran); a messenger who went with someone from A.; 1030 garments, gift for the king of A., 1 plate of 1 mina of gold and jewels of 470 g. of silver for Hursana on the occasion of his presence with the couriers (kas^-kas J by the king (of Ebla); § 37: Umu from A. 10) ARETXV 18 § 16: 2 men from A. who went to Dulu (2 gurus A. DU Du-lu^'); § 19: someone from Nagar who went to A.; § 20: Iti-Rasap, a messenger, who went with Bar from A. 11) ARETXV 21 § 26: Hamarasda from A.; § 52: for the news that Hassuwan went to A. to capture it (DU A. su-dUj); § 60: Hassuwan captured (su-du^) A. 12) ARETXV 25 § 33: 1 gold plate of 313 g. for Murilu of A. who brought the news that the town of §arabik was captured. 13) ARETXV 26 § 15: 1 gold plate of 392 g. and jewels of 1 mina of silver for Lawu'u of A.; garments for the man who stays on his chariot, his wife and his maskim; § 30: 3 men from Mari, 2 men from Abarsal, 2 men from Darab, 6 men from Hassuwan, 1 man from Ibubu to be brought to A. 14) ARET XV 27 § 11 : a man from A. who went to Sabartinilutum (probably to connect with Sabartum in the region of Nagar); § 43: Awaru from A. who went to Mari. 15) ARETXV 28 §§ 14-15: Hamarasda [from A.]; a messenger from A. who went to Mari {ma-za-lum A. DU M.); § 19: someone from A. who went to Abarsal; §§ 31 and 52: a maskim of Hamarsda from A.; § 35: someone from A., brother of the chief of the couriers (kas^-kas^); § 57: Hamarasda from A.; § 82: someone from A. for the defeat of Hassuwan (TIL H.). 16) ARETXV 29 § 1: 1 plate of 313 shekels of gold to AdarNElu; garments for his maskim (from A.). 17) ARETXM 31 § 48: 1 belt of 1 mina of gold, 1 gold plate of 1 mina, 1 dagger decorated with gold, 1 dish of 13 shekels of gold: gift for the king of A. 18) ARETXW 41 § 44: 3 messengers {ma-za-lum) from A.; § 73: Bumalia oíA-si-ar-ru^^' who went to A.; § 79: Bari who went to A. The document registers intense relations with Hassuwan; § 40: defeat (til-til) of Abarsal. 19) ARET XV 42 § 53: someone from A. and his maäkim; § 79: someone from A.: the cupbearer; § 106: someone from A. 20) ARETXV 43 § 62: a representative ... from A.; § 70: Enna-i(l) messenger {ma-za-lum) of A. 21) ARETXN 44 § 10: 1 plate of 1 mina of gold to someone from A. who brought the news of the conquest (TUMxSAL) of Abarsal, his maskim; § 11: someone from A. who brought a bow (GiS-pan) for the minister Arrukum; § 12: someone from A.; § 13: someone from A. who delivered (something from) Abarsal (mu-túm Abar-sal^); § 14: Guli, the chief of the pairs of mules (ugula sur^-BAR.AN) who went to A., his (two) maskim; § 15: Bad (who went to A.); § 16: Enna-i(l) messenger {ma-za-um) (of A.); § 17: someone from A. because he brought ...; § 18: 1 gold plate of 392 g. for Lawu'u and his maskim from A., for bringing a sessel (GIË-sudul), vinegar and malt. 22) ARETXV 45 § 6: Adar-NElu, his maskim, his wife, from A.; § 74: Ir-i-ba Aw^-MÁH A. 23) ARETXN 46 § 35: Isma-gardu the carpenter (nagar) from A.; § 57: the representative (maskim) of Dubi who brought the news that A. was defeated (til); (on this defeat of A., see the commentary to TM.75.G.2029, below, 2.3. no 15). 24) ARETXV 47 § 49: NEhadu, his maskim from A.; § 52: the chief of the pairs of mules of minister Arrukum who went to A. 25) ARET XV 49 § 57: someone who brought a fugitive from A.; § 102: a cook (muhaldim) from A. 26) ARETXV 50 § 6: [...]NI the chief of the men (ugula gurus-gurus) from A.; § 54: 2 people present from Nagar; § 55: someone from Nagar who brought a fugitive; § 67: 2 people from A. who went to Nagar.
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27) ARETXV 51 § 22: someone from A. who was a courier (u^) to/of the town of'A-ma'" (north of Karkamis); § 29: someone from A. who ME-sig the boxwood which Isdama has received; § 30: the representative-messengers (e-gi^-maskim) from A. who were couriers (u^) to/of'A-ma''', who brought boxwood. 28) ARETXV 52 § 6: two people from A., their messenger. 29) ARETXV 53 § 45: the attendant (pa^-ses) of the son of the king of A.; § 56: [...] the king of A. [...]; § 62: the spouse of Arrada from A.; § 64: the chief of the pair of mules of the king of A.; § 67: Dudarau from A. when [PN] went to A. 30) ARET XV 54 § 8: [... ] 2 girls and 1 boy present from A. 31) ARETXV 56 §§ 6-7: Iram-gamal and Iram-damu who went to A.; § 16: Ibduru who went to A.; § 20: [... brought] the news that Kakmium defeated A. (nig-mul Kak-mi-um^' Ar-mi-um'^' til-til); § 33: Au and Ibdurisar who went to A.; § 62: Ibdur-il and Isma-gardu who brought 940 g. of tin from A.; § 64: Ibduru, the messenger {ma-za-um), who went to A. 32) ARETXV 58 §§ 1-2: 1 plate of 1 mina of gold for Kun-tidu (king of Armi?), garments to a messenger from A., when he brought the heads of the king of SuNEdu and of the king of Zamarum; § 31: someone of A. who was courier (u^) to/of'A-ma'^; § 45: Ana and Lagab went to A.; § 59: a representative-messenger (e-gi^:maákim) from A. (who was also) courier (u^) of/to 'k-ma^', his messenger. The delivery of the heads of the kings of SuNEdu and Zamarum to Ebla, and the gifts for Kun-tidu (perhaps the king of Armi in this period) is recorded also in TM.75.G.1902 (= MEE X 27)(+) rev. Ill 6-IV 4 (see below, 2.3 no 18) and in TM.76.G.689: "1 plate of 235 g. of gold: gift (for) Kun-tidu of. A. on the occasion of the consignment of the head (sag s u - m u - t a g j of the king of SiNEdu and of the head of the king of Zamarum."'
2.2 mu-túm Documents The mu-túm documents {ARETXW) register deliveries to the central administration from several officials and centers belonging to the kingdom and also from certain independent city-states. Of these, Mari is the most frequently mentioned (7 texts); the others are: Abarsal (3), Armi (4), Dub (3), Gudadanum (4), Hassuwan (1), Iritum (1), Kablul (5), Kakmium (1), NIrar (2), Ursaum (2).
2.3 Documents Concerning Precious Objects Four texts can be considered as Annual Accounts of the Distribution of Metals (AAMs) for the period of the minister Arrukum (some with lengthy lacunae), although the typology of this kind of document had not yet been definitively established. Three of these mention Armi(um). 1) TM.75.G.1872 rev. XIV 19-XV 4: 78 g. of silver: gift for Iramu who went to A. 2)TM.75.G.10001 obv. VII l'-3': [...] 5 mantelszara^-TÚG for thekingof A. 3) TM.77.G.730 obv. VIII 9-15: 940 g. of gold: property of the daughter of the king who went to/for A. (ZA__ d u m u - m u n u s en DU is A.; this might have been the dowry of an Eblaite princess who went as a bride to Armi); rev. Ill 13-IV 4: 235 g. of silver: travel provisions for Is-damu who went to A. Many other documents, mostly from the time of minister Arrukum, testify' to remarkably intense relations between Ebla and Armi during the reign of Irkab-damu, which had begun under his predecessor, Igris-Halab. None of this information is included in the three AAMs mentioned above. 4) ARET XIV 4, the earliest document as it is dated to king Igris-Halab (thus, at least seven years before Arrukum became minister), registers a total of 8,000 (lance) heads + 1,012 blades/head (of goads) for mules (GlS-
3. These passages are discussed in Archi 1998b: 389-90.
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ALFONSO ARCHI
gu-kak-gíd §ub BAR.AN-BAR.AN). 120 of these goads, for a total weight of 40 minas of bronze (18.80 kg), came from Armium, § 7. Some passages record goods for individuals going to, or arriving from Armi. 5)TM.75.G.1353rev. IIl-III7:3;36ma-na kù-gi 3;25ma-na kù-babbar nig-ha-sù DU Ar-mi-um'^Enna-ilIb-dur-i-sarîr-am^-ga-ma-al su-ha^-ti l;05ma-na kù-babbar 50ma-na urudu lu nig-sa^^^ uduudu nig-kaskal-sw "1692 g. of gold and 1606 g. of silver: their gift (for) going to A.; Enna-il, Ibdur-isar (and) Iram-gamal have received. 509 g. of silver, 23;5 kg. of copper which is the value of sheep: their travel provisions" (Alberti 1981: 41). This very rich "gift" was given to the Eblaite messengers who went to Armium. 6) TM.75.G.1379 rev. VII 15-VIII 2: 100 g. of silver to Isma-NEdu and Irib-gar who went to A.; XIII 7-12: 235 g. of silver as travel provision for Isar son of Gubara who went to A. 7) TM.75.G.1406 obv. VI 10-VII 2: goods] for A.: travel (kaskal) of the minister Arrukum; rev. X 5-9 (colophon): bronze, copper, tin as travel provisions for a trip to A. and as gifts to the gods. 8) TM.75.G.1413 obv. IX 6-10: 940 g. of silver (for?) 1 gold plate of 235 g. for NIzaran of A. 9) TM.75.G.1540(+) obv. VII 5-8: 1802 g. of gold for 4 plates: gift for A. 10) MEE X (TM.75.G.1796) 4 obv. VI 3-5: gold and silver] for decorating the chariot of the king of A. 11) TM.75.G. 1915 obv. IV 8-13:1214 g.ofcopper: buckles of reins for 4 merchants (dam-gàr) of A. who went to Mari. 12) TM.75.G.1928 obv. I l-II 7: 885 - 548 - 783 g. of silver: buckles of reins for 3 travels (kaskal) to A. In the following sections, gifts for the queen of Ibubu; gifts for the kings of Kakmium and Hassuwan. The following document registers a notable quantity of gold and silver delivered by Armi on an undefined occasion. 13) TM.75.G.2596 obv. V 5-VI 4: AN.SE.GÚ 54;03 ma-na kù-gi 168;45 ma-na kù-babbar lu Ar-mi* i n - n a - s u m in ud su mu-nigin SA.ZA^''' ... (rev. I 1-7) 10 gin kù-gi 1 dib Nu-ba-an^' maskim Sa-li-im TUS.LÚxTIL in A. "Total: 25.40 kg. of gold, 79.21 kg. of silver which A. has given on the occasion of the return to the palace (of Ebla). 78 g. of gold (for) 1 plate (for someone) from Nuban representative of Salim, resident in A." A defeat sufifered by Armi is announced by four messengers from this city (see above, 2.1 nos. 23, 31); this is followed by news of the defeat of Abarsal (see above 2.1 nos. 18 and 21). 14) TM.75.G.2029 obv. 11-IV 1: (garments) 1 (gold) plate of 70 g.: Arrada ... his representative (maskim-sw); (garments) 1 (gold) plate of 313 g.: "Haranau ... his representative of Armi, who brought the news of the defeat of Armi" (nig-mul til Ar-wi"^); (rev. II 2-3: nig-mul ti\ A-bar-sat^). Gifts were exchanged between the kings of the two cities and between the two royal families. 15) TM.75.G.2599 rev. IV 1-V 3: nig-ba en lu en Ar-mi-wm'''in-na-sum ¿n ud kas^-kas^ Dar-áb'''[•••] A-bar-sal^''' Ma-ri^' "(several garments and some jewels,) gift (for) the king (of Ebla) which the king of Armium has given, on the occasion of the messengers of the cities of Darab, [X], Abarsal (and) Mari." 16) Some officials (Imur-lim, Dubi-zikir, Ibduru, Bumau) brought to Armi the following gifts (nig-ba). Eor the king of Armi: 2-1-2 garments, 1 belt decorated with 470 g. of gold, 1 gold plate of 470 g., 1 axe (GiS-silig) of 117 g. of gold, 1 dagger decorated with gold; for the queen: 2 garments and 2 toggle-pins of 78 g. of gold; for the king's daughters: 2 buckles and 2 toggle-pins of 157 g. of gold; 3-1-3+3 garments for the king's sons; 1 set of garments, 1 belt of 470 g. of gold, 1 gold plate [of x g.], 1 dagger decorated with gold for Sa-ma-an (for) nig-ág of the king of Armi. 17) TM.75.G.1902 {ARETX27){+) registers two deliveries of "gifts," nig-ba, to the royal family of Armi. The first one was consigned by Sagdamu and DurduLUM: 1 belt, 1 plate and harness for a total of 1566 g. of gold for the king of Armi; 2 bracelet of 313 g. of gold; harness of 626 g. of gold for §ar-da-da (for) níg-ág en Ar-mi^'. The second delivery was brought to Mari by the minister Arrukum himself: about the same gift for the king; jewels for the queen weighing 548 g. of gold; 4 bracelet, 1 buckle, 2 toggle-pins for 491 g. of gold; harness and objects for the chariot for Sar-íifl-íía (for) nig-ág en Ar-mi^. Imur-lim and Bumau (see the preceding text, no 17) brought 1 gold
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plate of 470 g. for Sa-ma-an (for) n ig- ág en Ar-mi^K" It follows the gifts for Kun-tidu of Armi for having delivered to Ebla the heads of the kings of SuNEdu and Zamarum to Ebla (see 2.1 no 32).
2.4 Considerations The list of the cities that delivered goods (mu-túm; 2.2) shows that, in this period, Ebla conducted political relations with Mari, with Armi, and with cities lying to the north and northeast, probably so as to re-establish alliances following the defeat of Abarsal. Armi is usually linked to cities like Hassuwan and Ursaum, which must have been situated not far from the modern border between Syria and Turkey: Hassuwan - Armi - Ursaum - Ibubu (2.1. no 5) NIrar - Armi - Hassuwan - Abarsal (2.1. no 6) Hassuwan - Armi (2.1. nos 11,15) Abarsal - Darab - Hassuwan - Ibubu - Armi (2.1 no 13) Armi - Ibubu - Kakmium - Hassuwan (2.3. no. 12) It is impossible to determine the location of Ibubu, NIrar or Kakmium. Both the Treaty with Abarsal, ARET XIII 4 (39) and a letter of a king of Manuwat, ARÊT XIII 10 (10), list the sequence: Kakmium - Hassuwan - NIrar, which must relate to an area not far from the Euphrates. Armi must have been further towards the edges of the area occupied by these three cities. It has been proposed that Hassuwan is to be identified with Tilbeshar (south of Gaziantep, on the latitude of Karkamis), a tell presenting the typical morphology of a great Middle Bronze Age city (Archi 2008a). Ursaum lay immediately to the north, at Gaziantep, or in the area between this city and the Euphrates. Kablul and Gudadanum are mentioned at the start of the Treaty with Abarsal, before Karkamis. Since Karkamis was already under Eblas dominion, whereas Kablul and Gudadanum were ruled by a king until the last days of Ebla, these two cities must have been further away Abarsal lay beyond the Euphrates (Tell Chuera?). Iritum was on the road from Karkamis towards Harran. NIrar is mentioned before Kakmium in the lists discussed above (§ 1 ). The territory of Kakmium bordered on that of Armi, since two texts mention military conflicts between the two cities (2.1. nos. 8, 31). Kakmium cannot have been far from the territory of Hassuwan: ARETXY 57 § 18 records the news that a man from Kakmium had killed someone from Hassuwan: nig-mul K. gurus H. ús.A location to the north for Kakmium is suggested also by a passage in the Treaty with Abarsal, AR£T XIII5 § 39: "(If) the cities of Kakmium, Hassuwan, and NIrar enter into alliance (with Ebla) ...." In terms of the geographical position of Armi, it is relevant that this city's couriers reached Hama (2.1 nos. 27, 32), at the centre of a system of fortified villages (bàd'^ / uru''^), and thus in an area bordering on the kingdom of Ebla.5 Armi had frequent relations with Mari (2.1. nos. 4, 13, 14, 15; 2.3. nos. 11, 15), with the region of the Upper Habur under the control of Nagar (Tell Brak), (2.1 nos. 5, 9, 10, 14, 26),"* and with Abarsal (Tell Chuera'), which had already been defeated by Ebla before the period of the minister Arrukum (2.1. nos. 6, 13, 15, 18, 21; 2.3 15). Since the administrative documents of Ebla mention these exchanges of messengers so frequently, it is clear that Armi played a dominant role in its region.
4. Saman (also in text no 17) and Sardada are mentioned in connection with níg-ág, a term that has to express the occasion for the gifts sent to Armi (Archi 2000). ARET Vll 79 § 15 present the variant 5a-ág: "harness (for) the pair of mules of the king of Armi (for) his s. (sá-ág-sw)." 5. ARES II: 130-31 (10 - 14, see respectively Ai££ II 32 obv. VI 13-15 and ARET III 236 VIII). Another group of fortresses was under the control of Luatum (mentioned also in the Treaty with Abarsal), north, northeast(?) of Karkamis, ARES II: 334 (the document is TM.75.G.1975). 6. See also TM.75.G.10094 obv. Ill 3-rev. I 1: (J-zi Na-gàt^' e,, in Ar-mi'^ "Uzi of Nagar went up to Armi."
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ALFONSO ARCHI
The exchange of messengers between Ebla and Armi was extremely frequent, at least once every two months, according to the preserved documentation. The heads of the Armi delegation received the kind of gifts that the administration gave to individuals of particularly high rank: 1 plate of gold of 1 mina, or 50 - 40 - 30 shekels (470 - 392 - 313 - 235 g.): 2.1 nos. 6, 9, 12, 13, 16, 21; 2.3 nos. 8, 9, 14. The relationship between the cities was almost that of equals. On one occasion Armi delivered the notable amount of 25.40 kg. of gold and 79.21 kg. of silver (2.3 no. 13). Ebla itself sent precious gifts to the king of Armi (2.1 nos. 17, 29, 32) and his family (2.3 nos. 16, 17). It is not certain whether the military defeat of Armi recorded in 2.1. no 23 (?) and 2.3 no 14, was at the hands of Ebla.
3. Armi in the Documents of the Eighteen Years of Minister Ibrium Frequent relations between Ebla and Armi continued in the period of Ibrium. However, no particularly important events are recorded and the gifts exchanged were modest.
3.1 Themu-túm
Documents
The yearly mu-túm documents of the minister Ibrium include a section relating to deliveries from cities under Ebla's control and from friendly city-states (listed in ARETXIV). The number of such city-states gradually increased and Ebla's hegemony expanded. ARETXIV 60 (Ibr. 8) lists: Dub, Ibubu, Iritum and Kablul; ARETXIV 64 (Ibr. 12): Dub, Dulu, Harran, Ibubu, Kablul (en / ugula), Sanapzugum, Utig; ARETXIV 70 (Ibr. 18): Dub, Harran, Ibubu, Iritum, Kablul, Sanapzugum, Utig. Some of the cities that recur with certain regularity lay roughly along the current Syrian-Turkish border, as far as the Balih (Iritum, Sanapzugum, Harran). Gudadanum appears in two documents, and Emar and Tuttul, further south along the Euphrates, only in one text each. Abarsal had, by then, become a minor center. Ursaum appears only once, in the last document (ARETXIV 71, Ibr. 19) while Armi is mentioned in those of the first two years. Clearly, these two cities were not in the region over which Ebla exercised hegemony. ARET XIV 54 (Ibr. 1) is dated to the year in which Irkab-damu died; §31:1 ma-na kCi-babbar en Ar-mi'^'lú en Ha-ma-zafl''' 5u-mu-"tag^" wfl i-na-sum-sù nig-ba Is-mà-gàr-dumaskim-e-gi^en 7£i-/a'" "470 g. of silver of the king of A. which the king of Hamazi has handed over and is his giving (as) a gift to PN, the representative-messenger, (for) the king of Ebla". AR£TXIV 55 (Ibr. 2) §§ 6, 11,15-17: silver, garments mu-túm PN túg-túg hi-gar Arwj* "garments to bring(?) (to) A.". Armi, therefore, was capable of maintaining political relations with Hamazi, an important state east of the Tigris. According to the first passage, which is admittedly difficult to interpret, a messenger from Armi was given the task of bringing a gift to Ebla from the king of Hamazi. Just a few years earlier, the king Irkab-damu had sent a letter to Zizi, king of Hamazi {ARETXlll 3).
3.2 The Annuals Accounts of Metals The eighteen AAMs from the time of Ibrium do not record any particularly important events in relations between the two cities. 1) TM.76.G.672(+) (AAM Ibr. 1) obv. V 16-19: Irkab-ar went to A.; VI 14-VII 3: NaNE from Nagar received 157 g. of silver as travel provisions (nig-kaskal because he went to A. NaNE was an official of Nagar in charge of the relations with Ebla, which he reached several times during the first seven years of Ibrium. This time the Eblaite administration entrusted him with a mission to A. According to the following lines (VII4-9), Puzurra-agu of Ebla received provisions because he went to Nagar.
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2) TM.75.G.10077(+) (AAM Ibr. 2) obv. XIII 11-15: 'Adas, the messenger (ma-za-lum), went to A.; rev. VIII 5-15: Nizima-il went to Nagar, [PN] and a messenger (ma-za-lum) went to A. 3) TM.75.G.2464 (AAM Ibr. 3) obv. IV 1-21: Iram-malik went to Nagar and seven other town belonging to Nagar; V 9-13: 'Adas went to A.; IX 18-IX 2: Airra, A-KA-bii-lu of the town of Utig and A-KA went to A.; XV 2-8: Airra and A-KA-bù-lu, representatives of Hara-il, went to A.; rev. II 3-6: Zagar of the town of Adarkizu went to A.; IV 9-11: someone of the town of HAR-zàr-iiw''^ went to A. 4) TM.75.G.3481(+) (AAM Ibr. 6) obv. II 14'-17': PN] went to A. being representative(s) of Hara-i(l); rev. II 12-15: Dubi of Isda-ma who resided (lú-tus-LÚxTIL) in A.; Ill 2'-6': Enar-lim, son of Dubi-sum of the town of Abad of A.; IV 1-3: (someone) of the town of Buratin who resided in A. 5) TM.75.G.1904 (AAM Ibr. 7) obv. XIV 12-XV 4: Tesna and Warutum of Mari; Enna-BAD of the town of Zuti, representative of Dubi, who went to A. gift to someone from Nagar; gift to someone from Gagaban (of the region of Nagar); XV 19-v. 15: Ilra-BAD representative of NIbarum who went to A.; Ibgitum of Mari who brought the news that Nagar was destroyed (til); someone of the town of Adabig who was present coming from A.; gift to Isga'um of Mari; gift to Tesna and Warutum of Mari. 6) TM.75.G.10148 (AAM Ibr. 8) rev. VIII6-8: someone of the town of Kablul who went to A. 7) TM.75.2465 (AAM Ibr. 16) obv. VIII 17-21: NEis-dar of the town of Kablul who went to A. 8) TM.75.G.1923 (AAM Ibr. 18) rev. X 3'-7': Bugallu of the town of Bazimu who went to A. In one passage, text no. 3 records a mission to Nagar and one to Armi. In no. 5, Armi appears in a section that is preceded by a mention of Nagar and followed by one referring to Mari. Rather than indicating a geographical position, this information would seem to suggest that the political weight of Armi was comparable to that of these two great cities. At the start of this minister's period, there was a war against Mari (Ibr. 2-3; Archi and Biga 2003: 10-11). Later, Ibrium led a number of military expeditions in the northern regions against: Gudadanum (Ibr. 8), Manuwat (Ibr. 9),' Kakmium (Ibr. 11 and 14) and Halsum (Ibr. 13) (Gudadanum and Halsum belonged to the "badalum-region"). The fragmentary document ARET III 737 obv. V 5-8 alludes to a military campaign led by Ibrium in cooperation with Armi, rather than a battle against this city: nig-mul Ib-ri-um mè Ar-mi'" DU.DU "who brought the news that Ibrium went (to) the battle of A." (see also VI11-13: nig-mul Ib-ri-um mè DU.DU). This event fell probably in the thirteenth year, when the minister led an expedition against Sidarin, according to the annual document TM.75.G.2365. According to ARETXIII9 §§ 46-47 183, Armi took part in this expedition. In Ibr. 16, Ebla fought against Zahiran, in the Euphrates valley, a city that the Letter of Enna-Dagan connects with Abarsal, ARE! XIII 4 (10). The last year of Ibrium saw a war against Mari, starting from Tuttul, TM.75.G.1923(-i-) (Ibr. 18) obv. II 8-10: kaskal nig-kas^ Du-du-M'\ XIII4-7: in nig-kas^ Ma-ri^' (Archi and Biga 2003: 12). Armi, in general, remained outside the area of Ibrium's military activities.
4. Armi in the Documents of the Seventeen Years of Minister Ibbi-zikir (I.Z.) 4.1 The Eirst Thirteen Years
There was an increase in warfare under Ibbi-zikir compared to the period of Ibrium. The relations between Ebla and Armi are outlined by the AAMs, together with information that can be gleaned from other documents. The yearly m u - t ú m documents are one year behind with respect to the AAMs, probably because they were drawn up in different periods of the same year; that is, the data in AAM I.Z. 3 corresponds to that found in the m u - t ú m text I.Z. 4.
7. The king ofManuwat is mentioned in the yearly mu-túm texts only for the year 1 and 10 of Ibrium.
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ALFONSO ARCHI
1st year. In the last year of Ibrium, a certain Bù-gal-lu from the city of Bazimu received the usual travel provisions (nig-kaskal) of 157 g. of silver for a trip to A. The AAM of the 1st year of minister Ibbi-zikir records the delivery of 157 shekels of silver for Ma-gal of Bazimu who went to A., M££X 20 (TM.75.G.1860, AAM I.Z. 1) obv. XV 5-11. The location of Bazimu is not known. 2nd year. TM.75.G.2462 (AAM I.Z. 2) obv. VIII 20-25 registers 470 g. of silver for an undefined number of people from Kablul who travelled to A. The Ebla administration sometimes gave travel provisions to individuals from foreign cities travelling to other destinations. 3rd year. TM.75.G.10088(+) (AAM I.Z. 3) obv. XVII 7-18 registers 908 g. of tin and 66;18 kg minas of copper for a delivery of axes (gin) and hammers or chisels (dub-nagar) for carpenters (nagar) from A., who were resident in A[-...]. Among the messengers sent to A., there were 'Adas and Miga-i(l), who travelled with AbaKA (respectively rev. VI 15-20 and XII 3-12). The m u - t ú m text ARETXIV 80 (I.Z. 4) registers in §§ 30 and 32 the gifts which they received in A. Large sections of this AAM relate to the war against Bagara, a town that is otherwise very rarely mentioned. It would appear, therefore, that this war was directed by Ebla against a peripheral region. Associated with the war against Bagara is the (unexpected) war against Armi. The MAT TM.75.G.2435(+) narrates that the minister had returned from the expedition against Bagara (rev. V 3-8: /« ud i-ti I-bt-zi-kir mi-nu nig-kas^ Ba-ga-ra^), and from one against A. (VI 8-12: 7-W-zi-/c/r mi-nu nig-kas^ Ar-mi'''). It is probable that Bagara and Armi were located in roughly the same region. 4th year. Already in the previous year, a certain Guti had been sent to A. (TM.75.G. 10088(4-) rev. XV 7-10: Gu^-ti DU.DU si-in A.). In the year of the peace agreement, Guti went back to A. for the second time, accompanied on his return journey by Mimiadu. In Ebla the latter received 1 gold plate of 313 g. (TM.75.G.10201, AAM I.Z. 4, obv. IV 4-21). Mimiadu returned to Ebla shortly afterwards, accompanied by ENamu (VI 25-31). Bamiadu and Mimiadu swore terms of peace at Ebla: "1 plate of 392 g. of gold (for) Bamiadu (and) 1 plate of 313 g. of gold (for) Mimiadu of A., that of (his) going (to) the oil offering (and) 8 g. of silver (for) his swearing (in) the temple of Kura" (iè DU.DU nidba i-gis 1 gin kú-babbar nam-kud-sù é''íCM-ra; obv. VIII 1-17). Guti (with En'amu) returned once again to A. (obv. XXVII 5-9). Guti received 1 ti-gi-na of 705 g. of gold in connection with "the expedition (against) A. (nig-kas^ Ar-mi^')" at Hardagum; he received another ti-gi-na of gold of 627 g. at A.: these gifts are registered in the m u - t ú m texts I.Z. 5, ARETXIV 81 §§52 and 55. Other officials from A. were present at Ebla: Isbudu messenger of Mimiadu; further, NImirna, Aliluwada and Baba'u on their way back from an expedition (nig-kas^) of A. against Darhadu (TM.75.G.10201 rev. IV 16-33).* Darhadu, a city which is rarely mentioned, must therefore have been close to A. That year, A. participated symbolically in the annual renewal of the silver mask of Kura (Archi 2005b: 81-82), in whose temple the peace with Ebla was sealed: "[470 g. of silver (for) the god Kura,] (for) his head; 16 g. of silver (from) A. (for) the god Kura; 8 g. of silver (for) the head of silver (from) A. (for) the god Hadda" (TM.75.G.10201 obv. 11-11). This recognition was of great importance, never being given to any other city.' 5th year. The peace with Armi, achieved following a military confrontation, was consolidated by stable and friendly relations. The frequent exchange of messengers and gifts, comparable only by those exchanged with Mari, marked the importance of this alliance. The end of the previous year had seen the journey of Isgi-bair and Nazumu to A. (TM.75.G. 10201 rev. XIV 17-27). The 5th year registers three journeys by messengers to A. Isgi-bair, Nazumu (both mentioned also in the preceding document) and ENaum together with Wabarum, his messenger (ma-za-lum) took part in the first of these journeys (AAM I.Z. 5, TM.75.G.1918 = MEE X 29 obv. V 1-16: kaskalI). They may have been entrusted with the valuable gifts destined for the principal figures at A.: 1 bracelet (gú-li-
8. The expedition of Armi against Darhadu is mentioned also in AKETl 16 §§ 1-3: (4+4+4 garments) (7-mi-nin-us-MU§EN Mi-mi-adu A-la-lu; (1 + 1 + 1 garments, 1 bracelet of gold and silver) Is^^-gi-bù-du; (3+3+3 garments, 3 bracelets of silver for) NI-m¿-ír-«a A-la-lu-wa-du Ba-ba-ii Ar-mi'^' i-ti mi-nu mè Dar-ha-ti'^. See also the passage 2.1 no 7. 9. A fragmentary text, TM.76.G.729, without any indication of date, mentions in obv. II 1-4 an "offering to the Weather-god Hadda (by people of) Armi for [...] nidba •''A-da Ar-mi* si'-m [...].
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lum) of 940 g. of gold for the king; 1 plate of 470 g. of gold for í7-mi-nin.u§.MU§EN; 1 plate of 395 g. of gold for Bamiadu; 1 plate of 313 g. of gold for Mimiadu; 1 plate of 235 g. of gold for Aralu (V 19-VI12; cf. the MAT ARET IV 6 § 48). Mimiadu, together with Raizu and Ibgi, the son of Igi (from Ebla?), was at the head of another expedition of A. against the town of Darhadu; after the battle (mè), he received another plate of 313 g. of gold (IX 3-21). At this point, a second journey (kaskal-II) is registered concerning five people who accompanied Mimiadu back to A. (IX 22-38). This is followed by a third journey (kaskal-UI) to A. (XX 30-XXI 9). i7-wií-nin.us.MU§EN and Bamiadu received two more plates of 395 g. of gold each, and Mimiadu one of 313 g. of gold, this time in 'Azan, a secondary Eblaite royal residence (XXIII 19-XXIV 31). Darzimu and Ü-w¿-nin.us.MU§EN (again present, i-ti, at Ebla) received a plate of 470 g. of gold each (rev. V 13-21).'" The king (en) of A. returned these gifts with substantial goods given to the messengers of Ebla (Isma-damu, Enna-malik, and Dubuhu-malik) who arrived at A. together with Mimiadu (XXV 22-30, rev. V 27-35; the value of these gifts, consigned by the messengers to the palace, is registered in the mu-túm text of I.Z. 6, ARETXIV 82 § 20:1308 g. of gold, §§ 26, 32, (42). 6th year. Relations with A. take up most of AAM I.Z. 6, TM.75.G.10074. Darzimu and HARhunu from A. received two daggers decorated with gold (obv. I 9-12). 960 arrowheads (GiS-ti) of bronze were sent to A. (Ill 8-12). The messengers ENamu, Isma-damu and Nazumu were sent later (XIII16-23), and again Ati, Nazumu, and Isma-damu (rev. X 17-24). The mu-túm text of I.Z. 7, ARETXIV 83 (42)-(44), registers the gifts given to them. Sarmilu of A. received 1 plate of 313 g. of gold (rev. IX 27-30). The question of boundaries had yet to be finalized. The two states did not border each other directly, see the eighth year, below; similarly, the treaty with Abarsal defined Ebla's sphere of influence in relation to that of Abarsal. Darzimu and Sarmilu of A. each received a gold plate, respectively weighing 470 and 392 g.; Isbudu, their messenger {ma-za-lum), received a bracelet, "for traveling to (fix) the boundary stones of the border of Ebla and A.; previous journey," DU.DU da-ma-ti-is ki-sur Ib-la^ wa Ar-mi'^ kaskal libir-rá (obv. X 11-26)." A second journey then had to be made by Sarmilu and Muria, together with Isbudu (XI 1-13). Parallel to this text, we have MAT TM.75.G.1382 obv. I 2-II 5: 3 dib 30 (gin) kù-gi Darzi-mu Sar-mi-lu Mu-ri-a ... Is-bù-du ma-za-lum in ud [D]U.DU da-ma-ti-is S U R . A S . K I (= k i - s u r ! ) Ib-la^' wa Ar-mi*"; rev. V 13-VI 1: Dar-zi-mu Sar-mi-lu Mu-ri-a Ar-mi^K '^
In this year Ebla conducted two wars: against Ilwum (XI 29-31), a city in the direction of Mari (ARETXIU 13 § 6), and Nabu: a small city-state not far from Kakmium {ARES II: 390-391; ARET IV 18 § 95) and A., because a representative (maskim) of the minister Ibbi-zikir "went to A. in order to hand over the king of Nabu," DU.DU si-in A. h i - m u - t ú m en Na-bii"' (TM.75.G.10074 rev. XV 15-20). This event is registered also in TM.75.G.2062 rev. IV 2-10, showing that Ebla received aid from Armi": l;20 ma-na kù-gi 2 dib [40] Sar-mi-lu Dar-zi-mu Ar-mi^' in ud h i - m u - t ú m en Na-bù^' "626 g. of gold (for) 2 plate of [313 g. (each)] (to) Sarmilu (and) Darzimu
10. TM.75.G.1890+11556 obv. XII 10-15 registers garments received by Uti for someone from Armi who was representative (maákim) ofUmi-nin.us.MUSEN. 11. On da-ma-ti linked to ki-sur, see Archi 1998a: 23. 12. TM.75.G.10074obv. X21 and XI 11, has the writing ki-sur, attested also in the Lexical Lists, no 141 (MÊ£ IV: 213). 13. The soldiers of Armi were concentrated at Gizan, TM.75.G.1381 obv. IX 12-X 5: 180 gada-TÚG túg-túg Ar-mi''' al^-tuá Gi-za-an'^ in ud è si-in nig-kas, Na-bO'' "180 linen clothes (for) garments (for the people) of Armi residing in Gizan, when they went out on a military expedition (against) Nabu." Similarly obv. X 6-XI 4: "(the people) of Armi residing in Gizan received 60+207+206+57+200 garments in Barru upon arriving from the expedition (against) Nabu {á¡-du i-ti mi-nu nig-kas, Na-hH^)? Also belonging to the 6th year of Ibbi-zikir is the following passage, TM.75.G.10074 rev. VII 22-VIII 4: weapons and tools for people of Armi residing at Gizan, 30 gin-gal 60 gin-tur 160 dub-nagar 50 sum. Gizan(u) belonged to the fortified settlements depending from Luatum, to the north of Karkamis (AR£S II: 244-45). ARET I 15 § 53: "550 KIN-measures of wool (for people from) Armi residing (in) Gizan;" IV 5 § 22: "200 linen clothes as clothing (for people of) Armi residing in Gizan." ARET IV 25 § 26 has: " 1140 KIN-measures of wool (for) garments (for people from) Armi residing (in) Gizan in Hamadu." The writing 'A-mu-dw'" is a mistake for 'A-ma!'\ which lay to the north of Karkamis, and was the center of a fortification system to the northern boundary of the Bblaite state (see 2.1 no 27). The same mistake is encountered in TM.75.G.10029 obv. VI 4-9: kú Gasa''-' ... 83 Ar-mi^' 'A-ma-duy' "consumption (for people) of Gasa ... 83 (measure of... for people) of Armi (at) Hamadu(!).'' Gasa was a center of 'A-ma'^* (ARES II: 233)! 'A-ma-du^' was the correct writing for present Hamath (ARES II: 130-132). Other documents attest the presence of people from Armi placed at the border of the Ehlaite kingdom, ARET IV 8 § 27: "1034 KINmeasures of wool (for) garments (for people from) Armi residing (in) A'alu."
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of A. on the occasion of the handover of the king of the town of Nabu."'"* In the action against Nabu, Ebla received aid from Armi: Darzimu and Sarmilu delivered the king of Nabu to Ebla. 7th year. TM.75.G.2622, AAM I.Z. 7, records also for this year the presence at Ebla of Sarmilu and Darzimu, who each received a gold plate weighing 862 g. (obv. XII 32-35, XXI 3-6). The messenger sent to A. was Nazumu (VII10-18). 8th year. This was the first year of the war against Ibal, which is probably to be located south or southeast of Salamiye. Relations with A., as also with Mari and Nagar, were intense. Isma-damu and Nazumu reached A. (TM.75.G.2428, AAM I.Z. 8, obv. V 3-9). Sarmilu arrived from A. and received 1 gold plate of 392 g. of gold (V 12-15). Another journey undertaken by Sarmilu, together with Muria (1 gold plate each of, respectively, 392 and 235 g.) had the aim of defining the borders with the city of Nabu, DU.DU si-in ki-sur Na-bù^' (XII 27-XIII 2; see 6th year above). Sarmilu received another gold plate of 470 g. for accompanying Isma-damu and Nazumu to A. where they were to establish definitively which cities came under the hegemony of Ebla, di-kud aZ^ uru'"-uru'" /ÍJ-Za" (XIII 3-13, XXI 36-XXII 1). The gift taken by Sarmilu to Ebla, and those received by the two Eblaite messengers are registered in the m u - t ú m text of I.Z. 9, AR£rXIV 85 §§ 28-32. When the two messengers, Nazumu and Isma-damu, consigned the gifts from A. at Ebla, they received in exchange, from the central administration, 470 g. of silver (TM.75.G.2428 obv. VII 19-25). Another messenger {ma-za-lum), Wabarum, reached A. (obv. XXVII 24-30). Mimiadu and Salilu received a plate of gold, weighing 313 and 235 g., respectively. 9th year. War against Zabu, on the edges of the area dominated by Ebla. Relations with A. were intense. Ismadamu and Nazumu made three journeys to A. (TM.75.G.2508, AAM I.Z. 9, obv. VII 33-VIII21; XXIV 27-34 and rev. XIII 21-30: VI month; XIV 4-12 and XVII 13-19: IX month). Their presence at A. is also confirmed by the m u - t ú m of I.Z. 10, ARETXW 86 §§ 27-29. On returning to Ebla, they were accompanied on one occasion by Daru-muru (TM.75.G.2508 rev. XIV 2-3) and, on the other, by Dagura(du) who would appear to have brought mules to Ebla; for this service they received a gold plate of 313 g. (rev. XXIV 5-12; see also TM.75.G.2418 obv. Ill 5-7). Isma-damu and Nazumu received from the central administration 470 g. of silver in exchange for gifts received in A. that they had delivered (TM.75.G.2508 rev. XXIV 12-21). 10th year. War against Asdar(lum), location unknown. Mission of Halzaum to A. (TM.75.G.2429, AAM I.Z. 10, obv. 120-24). Arilu of A. reached Ebla together with Daru-muru and Daguradu (XIV 15-22). Zusa-bir travelled twice to A. (the first time with 'Adas; XXVIII 16-23, rev. VII 10-15). Isma-damu travelled to A. with Irig-i(l) (XXV 17-23). The m u - t ú m text I.Z. 11, ARETXIV 87 §§ 27-28, 37-39, registers the gifts brought to Ebla by these officials. 11th year. War against Ibal and Harbatum. Awa from A. received a gold plate of 313 g. (TM.75.G.2507, AAM I.Z. 11, obv. XI 14-18), as well as Mulia and Lilu (rev. XX 27-31). Isma-damu and Irig-i(l) also travelled this year to A. (XV 11-16); see, further, the mu-túm text I.Z. 12, ARETXIV 89 § 26. 12th year. Continuation of the war against Ibal. The king (en ) of A. (mentioned already in TM.76.G.534(-i-), AAM I.Z. 12, obv. I 3"-4") came back from a victorious battle against an unmentioned enemy. Mulawadu from A., who brought this news, received a gold plate of 313 g. and two earrings, obv. XXIII 1-16: (gifts) Mu-lu-wa-du Ar-mi^' nig-mul en Ar-mi*' mi-nu nig-kas^ i-ti, obv. XXIII 2-16 = ARET VIII 534 § 19.'' Irig-i(l) reached A. also this year (XX 1-4); the gift he received was registered in the mu-túm text I.Z. 13, ARET XIV 91 § 17. This document lists also a delivery of 2293 g. of gold from A. to Ebla, § 16.
14. TM.75.G.2276 (to be dated also to the 6th year) obv. VIII 5-11 mentions the handover of a head (or a person) by a man of Ebla "in (relation to) the military expedition of Armi;" (1+1+1 garments) Na-am^-i - g i s lu sag su-mu-tag^ in [nig)-kas^ Ar-mi^. This event has to be related to the campaign against Nabu, when Armi collaborated witb Ebla. In obv. 8-14: (1 garment) KU.TU Ar-mi" s u - d u , é Du-bù-hu•^'Ä-da áu-ba,-ti; cf. TM.75.G.2274 obv. VI 12-VII 2: (garments) Mi-ga-i ma-za-lum Ur-sá-um'" h i - m u - t ú m KUTU-KUTU Ar-mi'''si-in SA.ZA^'". 15. See AR£T VIII 542 (4): "who brought the news of the military expedition of(?) Armi, residing (al^-tué) in the city of Zaburrum (which was) destroyed (til)".
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13th year. War against Ibal. Isma-damu and Amur-lim travelled to A. (TM.75.G. 10202, AAM I.Z. 13, rev. XV 21-28). The AAMs for the last three years of Ibbi-zikir, consisting of only a few fragments in which Armi is not mentioned, do not enable us to follow his activities during this period.
4.2 The Confrontation with Mari and the Last War against Armi (Eour Years before the Destruction of Ebla) These are the years of the great political game Ebla played against Mari. Ebla succeeded in forming an alliance with Nagar and Kis, the two regional states bordering on Mari, to the north and south, respectively" Envoys of the kings of Nagar and Kish accompanied the Eblaite army on its march under the command of the minister Ibbi-zikir. TM.75.G.2277 registers garments sent before the battle as gifts to the kings and elders of the Syrian cities traditionally allied with Ebla. These are Ra'ak, Burman, [...],[...], Garmu, [...], Ibubu, Utig, Iritum, Kakmium, and NIrar (Archi and Biga 2003:14-15). Mari was defeated at Terqa. Having achieved peace with Mari, Ebla consolidated her alliances by means of the marriage of the princess Kesdut to the son of the king of Kis. Armi was the only city-state with which Ebla enjoyed frequent diplomatic relations not directly involved in the fatal confiict with Mari that, three years later, led to the destruction of Ebla. The complete list of the cities that allied themselves openly with Ebla is found in TM.75.G.2335, which registers garments and precious objects sent to the allies after the victory A parallel account, TM.75.G.2426, deals exclusively with objects in precious metals (Archi and Biga 2003: 19; 40-44). First listed are the twelve Syrian cities long allied with Ebla that (presumably) assisted in some way during the expedition against Mari: NIrar, Ra'ak, Burman, Dub, Emar, Garmu, Lumnan, Ibubu, Ursaum, Utik, Kakmium, and Iritum. Each of their kings received a 470 g. golden plate. The bada/ww-officials of Harran, Sanapzugum, Ursaum and Gudadanum follow, together with a man from NIrar. They each received gold plates weighing 392 g. The northern limit of the area in which these cities were located was roughly along a line from Gaziantep to Urfa, where Ursaum, Kakmium, Iritum Sanapzugum, Gudadanum and Harran were found. Some other cities lay in the valley of the Euphrates, such as Emar, probably the southernmost. The two documents then cite the representatives of the three great states which had supported Ebla: Haddu, Nagar, and Kis. They each received a 313 g. golden plate, as did the representative of Kakmium, a city in the north. Lastly, Nesi, a representative of Ibbi-zikir, and Duduwasu from Armi, an ugula of the town of Arhadu each received a golden plate of 235 g. The city-states under Ebla's hegemony that annually delivered their tribute were: Dub, Dulu, Harran, Ibubu, Iritum, Kablul, Sanapzugum, Ursaum, and Utik (Ursaum had been added to the eight cities of the last documents of Ibrium, 3.1). Ebla also succeeded in involving Burman, Garmu, Kakmium, Lumnan, and NIrar in the campaign against Mari. Clearly Armi, which is absent from this list of cities, is to be located beyond the region lying within the line Gaziantep-Harran and Emar and, therefore it must have been situated to the north, because the region to the south, between Emar and Tuttul on the Balih, was already under the control of Mari. It is just after the campaign against Mari that a war against Armi is recorded. Only the data provided by some monthly documents enables us to date this event because the three last annual documents (AAMs) of minister Ibbi-zikir are very poorly preserved.'^ TM.75.G.2426 (quoted above), registering the gifts for the allies in the expedition against Mari, is to be dated to the 14th year of Ibbi-zikir, because the AAM of the fourteenth year, TM.75.G. 12450, mentions the war against Mari and the subsequent conclusion of peace (Archi and Biga 2003: 14). According to TM.75.G.2426, (Ultumhuhu) the son of the king of Nagar was present at Ebla, accompanied by Nizi (second in authority after the king
16. A distribution of spearheads to Nagar, Kish, Ibi/ubu, Ursaum and other cities has been interpreted as a diplomatic action aimed to persuade them to participate in the expedition against Mari (Archi 2008b). 17. These fragments are: TM.75.G.12450 (14th year); TM.75.G.12278(+)15772 (15th or 16th year); TM.75.G.12373 (16th or 15th year), see Archi and Biga 2003: 9. In the 17th year was the fall of Ebla.
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ofthat city) and 7 elders, rev. II 3-15: "1 gold plate of 313 g. (to) the son of the king of Nagar; 1 gold plate of 470 g. (to) Nizi, the ur^ of Nagar; 7 gold plate of 78 g. (to) 7 of its elders."'* The prince had to be in Ebla to arrange the marriage with the princess Tagris-damu." According to TM.75.G.1249(-H), garments were given as a "gift," nig-ba, to the king of Nagar and to "his son;" other garments were given to the king of Nagar by the princess Tagris-damu when the messengers left (kas^kas^ è) (obv. V 15-VI 3). A certain Mar-zam^ from Nagar was given the task of transmitting (to Nagar?) Tagrisdamu's consent (KA-as) to the marriage; he received garments "from the king of Nagar, present at the palace in Ebla, coming back from the expedition against Armi" (V 12-VI 20: ás-du en Na-gàr^' in SA.ZA^''' su-ba^-ti lu gi^ mi-nu nig-kas^ Ar-mi^') (Biga 1998: 18). This monthly document is for the month preceding the marriage of Tagris-damu to Ultum-huhu, who was undoubtedly the hereditary prince of Nagar.™ This was was not only between Armi and Nagar: Ebla stood at the head of a large coalition. Ebla's involvement is made clear in the first part of the document, obv. I l-II 1: (garments) Ru^^-zi-ma-lik d u m u - n i t a l-bi-zi-kir tus-LLJxTIL in Ar-wi'" (garments) Bu^-ma-i maskim Ru^^-zi-ma-lik su-mu-tag^ 1 sag tus-LÚxTIL Ru^^-zi-ma-lik (garments) Abar maskim Ru^^-zi-ma-lik nig-mul Ru^^-zi-ma-lik tus-LÜxTIL "(garments for) Ruzi-malik, the son of (the minister) Ibbi-zikir, who resided in A.; (garments to) Buma-i(l), the representative of Ruzi-malik (who) consigned 1 head (/person to) the residing (?) Ruzi-malik; (garments for) Abar, the representative of Ruzi-malik who brought the news that Ruzi-malik was residing (there)"; IV 1-V 7: Ü-wa-nu Ib-hur-li-im Du-lu'^ su-mu-tag_, igi-du^ en lu nig-kas_, Ar-m/'"... l-bi-zi-kir A-bu su-[ba^-]ti ... l-bi-zi-kir I-ti-lum lu Ru^^-zu si-in nig-kas^ Ar-mi"^ ...'A-mw-ru^j-gua-mu-SM §u-ba^-ti ... 1-du-Nl-i-du Zu-i-du Da-da I-da-i Kis'^ lu gi^mi-nu níg-kas^Ar-mi^' "(garments to) Uwanu (and) Ibhur-lim of the city of Dulu who have consigned the gift (?) (for) the king, that (for) the military expedition (against) A.; (garments to) Ibbi-zikir, Abu has received; (garments for) Ibbi-zikir (and) Itilum of Ruzu for the military expedition (against) A.; (garments:) Amurugu, his father, has received; (garments for) IduNIidu, Zuidu, Dada, Ida-i(l) of Kis, who returned from the military expedition (against) A." It follows garments for four people from Kis. TM.75.G.10069 refers to this same campaign, because it is again Ruzi-malik, son of the minister Ibbi-zikir, who plays an important role in the expedition against Armi: obv. V 5-9: d u m u - n i t a en Nl-ra-ar"" è in nig-kas^ Ar-mf"' a l j - t u s ïr-ku-tu^; VI 19-24: Ru^^-zi-ma-lik lu l-bi-zi-kir lu i - t i in n i g - k a s ^ ; VIII 13-23: Da-zi-ma-at m a s k i m l-bi-zi-kir n i g - m u l Ru^^-zi-ma-lik til Ir-ku-tu'^ wa Ma-Nl-lum Ar-mi^' "(garments for) the son of the
king of NIrar, (who), coming up for the expedition (against) Armi, resided in Irkutu;... (garments for) Ruzi-malik (son) of Ibbi-zikir, who was present for the expedition (against) Armi; ... (garments to) Dazimat, the representative of Ibbi-zikir, who brought the news that Ruzi-malik defeated Irkutu and MaNIlum of Armi."^' The campaign against Armi is also mentioned in TM.75.G.2276 obv. VIII 9-11: in [nig]-kas^ Ar-mi^. This document also records the death of Tiste-damu (Archi and Biga 2003: 27 note 70), a princess who married in I.Z.
18. In this late period the ratio between gold and silver was 2.5 : 1; not 5 : 1, as it was at the beginning of the Ibbi-zikir period. 19. Kesdut, Tagriá-damu's sister, who had to marry a prince of Kis, was still at Ebla: she is mentioned in rev. IV 3. 20. The wedding between Ultum-huhu and Tagriä-damu is mentioned in the MAT TM.75.G.1250, placed on the shelf beside the tablet TM.75.G.1249 (as it is deduced by the inventory numbers) see Biga 1998: 18-20; Archi and Biga 2003: 27, note 70. TM.75.G.1253, which mentions again Ruzi-malik in connection with a war against Armi, belonged to the same period, obv. Ill 13-IV 9: (1 + 1 garment) 'A-da-i¡u] Ü-t[i] $è Ru^^-zi-ma-lik wa-sù i-ti in níg-kas, Ar-mi'". 21. See, further, TM.75.G.2453 obv. I I 1 - 9 : En-na-i lu Du-bíA-wa-sum''' m a s k i m Kùn-da-ba-an tus-LÚxTIL Ar-»i!'''flí-dfl A-iu'^; ARET XII 343 left edge: gaba-ru nig-kas, Ar-mi'"' uru-bar. TM.75.G.1216 has also to be dated to this period ("Keádud d u m u munus en," obv. IV 22-24, was still at Ebla). The text mentions: 5fl-a-NE MaS-bar-rä" tur Su-du^ in Ar-mi'^' ... 'A-mi-Sum lu Ü-za-nu SA.ZA/' tuS-LÚxTIL Ar-wi'" (obv. VII 2-14); further: 2+1+2+1 "merchants," lú-kar, of Armi (IX 9-21). See, further, TM.75.G.1729 (of the same period) obv. II 3-11: (3 garments) I-bi-zi-icir si-in nig-kas^ Ar-mi''' Bü-da-i maäkim I-bi-zi-kir §u-ba^-ti "Buda-i(l), representative of Ibbi-zikir, received (garments for) Ibbi-zikir for the expedition (against) Armi." On the engagement of Buda-i(l) for the war against Armi, see also TM.75.G.2409+2471 obv.V 1-6: (1 garment) Bù-da-i Gal-tum'" è in Ar-mi'" (in III 2-5: !r-mas-i A-du-bù^' iu-du, in Ar-mi'"; IX 10-14: Ni-zi-ma-iiu I-ti-ga-mi-iS Su-du^ in Ar-mi'").
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8, and gave birth to a child in the following year. Her death, which is not mentioned in the well-preserved AAMs, had to have taken place sometime in the years I.Z. 14-16 In the documents collected in ARET VIII, all from the very last years,^^ mention is made of Armi's expansionist activities, including a successful action against Harran. Ebla probably intervened—if somewhat late—in support of its ally. ARET VIII 527 § 14: "Sasa-NI... Ennani-i(l), two people of Harran who brought the news that the cities of Utigu and Armi have defeated (til) Harran". ARET VIII 522 § 15: "... the news that the king has captured the brother of Ba-Estar and that 120 people from Armi and 180 people from the city of Abatum were killed ( u g j in the towns (uru'^-uru'^) of Gudadanum." Utigu and Gudadanum were located in the area of Ursaum and Harran according to the list in ARET I: 224-225.'^ Manuwat, an allied city, provided men for the war against Armi, ARET VIII 522 § 1: "(12 garments to 12) elders, (40 garments to) 40 people (2 é-duru^"") of the city of Manuwat, which is the delivery (when they) resided at the palace (of Ebla): those (who took part in) the battle (against) A. (lu mè Ar-mi^)!' If Ebla involved Nagar and other allied cities in this war, and even the envoys of Kis were present, Armi must have been at the head of a regional state located to the north, northeast of the Eblaite state, not far from the territory of Harran and strong enough to worry Nagar, the regional state lying to the east. Since the expedition against Armi is documented for the month in which gifts were given to the cities allied with Ebla against Mari, we must deduce that Armi attacked Harran, another of Ebla's allies, tooking advantage of the fact that the Eblaite army, under Ibbi-sikir's command, was tied up in the expedition against Mari. This could be the reason why Ibbi-zikir, after the victory over Mari at Terqa, decided to fall back and abandon the attempt to conquer the city of Mari itself. If this was the case, and the destruction of Ebla was brought about by Mari, as is extremely likely, then Armi's actions were to prove fatal for Ebla. It is possible that the ritual prescriptions established in ARET XIII 16-17 (a difficult text to interpret) refer to the peace agreements that followed the defeat
4.3 The Relations between Ebla and Armi in the Last Three Years That a state of marked political instability existed can be deduced from the fact that several years of friendly relations were interrupted by military clashes which generally lasted only a few months, peace treaties then ushering in another period of peace. Ihe last period of Ebla is documented by two kinds of texts that are not found in previous years. The texts in ARET IX and X (from room L. 2712) relate to the delivery of foodstuffs for the last three years in the city's life. The distribution of sheep to the palace during the two years preceding the final catastrophe are registered month after month in twenty-two monthly documents. These documents, which follow immediately after the war with Armi, reveal that Ebla's relations with the latter city were even more frequent than those with Mari." The only lu - kar (a kind of merchant), who appear in the first group of documents are those from Armi {ARET IX: 395). In some of the monthly texts registering the deliveries of cereals "(for) Armi," that is to say, for people from Armi present in the city of Ebla, these come immediately after the consignments for the king, the elders and the god Kura {ARET IX 5, 6). In various other documents, the disbursements for "(the people of) Armi" follow upon those for "workers," g u r u s - g u r u s , of Ebla {ARET IX 8,
22. These twenty-one tablets and fragments were found lying on a wooden table, left in the Audience Hall, a few meters from the central archive, as a consequence of an attempt to sack the archive during the fire of the royal palace. 23. See above, 1. 24. These documents mention Ibbi-zikir in § 5. Another difficult text concerning Armi, ARET XIII 18, could also be dated to the Ibbi-zikir period. It refers to an expedition against Nagar, § 5: s u - d u ^ m á s gú-nu m è si-in DU.DU Na-gàr^' u r u ' ' [áu-ba^-tji "the omen you took (for) the battle concerning (your) going (to) Nagar (and) [the conquest'] of the city." 25. See the indices in ARET IX: 373-76.
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9, 10, etc.). In some cases, these are individuals who perform a specific function, in particular as "merchants," 1Ú - k a r : ARET X 102 obv. V 10-12 mentions "40 people (2 é - d u r u ^^') of the 1 ú - k a r of Armi" (together with 40 people from Mari and 40 from Nagar); a further 40 l ú - k a r of Armi are registered in ARETX 105 § 32. There is no indication of what kind of goods these merchants carried and we cannot, therefore, understand why so many people from Armi were present in Ebla. The second group of documents confirms the fact that numerous people from Armi were present in Ebla, enough to warrant their appearing as the only foreigners constituting a separate group that received sheep together with the people of the palace, SA.ZA^^". An annual account (from month III to month III of the following year), TM.75.G.2538, drawn up on the basis of the monthly texts, provides us with a clear picture of this situation: obv.
I. 1. 3. II. 1. 3. 5. [II. 1. 3. 5. 7. 9. IV 1. 3. 5. I. 1. 3. II. 1. III. IV. 1. 3.
4 //' 8 mi udu é dingir-dingir-dingir-dingir 1 li 7 mi 80 udu kú en Ir-'à-ag-da-mu 1 li 6 mi 45 udu al^-du^^-ga 2li9 mi 66 udu kú SA.ZA^"' wa Ib-la^ é Du-bíi-hu-<'^'A-da> 1 li 8 mi 3 udu kú SA.ZA/' á¡-da I-bi-zi-kir 3 mi 6 udu Ar-mi'" 5 mi udu áu-du, PAP.PAP.PAP 2 li 5 mi 50 udu gaba[-ru] [SA.Z]A^" 4 li 8 mi 60 udu se-ba (blank) [ ] 10 udu (blank) ás-da iti za-'à-tum si-in za-'à-tum
"(obv. I) 4800 sheep: (for) the temples of the gods. 1780 sheep: (for) consumption (II) of the king (and the crown prince) Iraq-damu. 1645 sheep: requested. 2966 sbeep: (for) consumption (III) of the palace and the city of Ebla (and) the house of Dubuhu-Hadda (son of the minister). 1803 sheep (for) consumption of the palace by (IV) (minister) Ibbi-zikir (and his son) Ruzi-malik. 306 sheep (for people) of Armi. 500 sheep: taken in possession .... (rev. I) 2550 sheep: receipt of the palace. 4860 sheep: (II) (for) rations (to) Ebla. (Ill) [...] 10 sheep. (IV) From month III to month III."
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The total, not calculated by the scribe, is 21,220 sheep. Of these, 306 (1/70) are for people from Armi. The monthly documents specify the outgoing quantities of these animals as follows. TM.75.G.10103 (month I) rev II 23-25: 9 udu kú Ar-mi^', IV 9-11: 30 udu kú Ar-mi-Ar-mi^', IV 12-15: 7 udu kú Ar-mi^''À-bi-{da} "9 sheep: (for) consumption (of people) of Armi; 30 sheep: (for) consumption (of people) of Armi; 7 sheep: (for) consumption (of people) of Armi, Abi (has taken)." 75.G.10167 provides a few more details: Dubuhu-Hadda gives 6 sheep for the marriage of some men from Armi, possibly to women of Ebla, obv. IX 22-X 2: 6 udu Ar-mi-Ar-mi^' Dubù-hu-'À-dai-na-sum n i g - m u - s á - n i g - m u - s á b u r - k a k - b u r - k a k dam-d am-5Ù; the following passages show that most of the people from Armi were "merchants," lú-kar, obv. X 8-26: 12 udu kú Ar-mi^'-Ar-mi'^ I i b i r - r á 8 udu kú Bw-//wa Ar-ia-ii-Za [Ar-/n¿'"] lú-kar-II 8 udu kú Ar-mi^'-Ar-mi^'lú-kar tag^4udu kú 2 Ar-mi''' sa in Ü-ba-zu-gú^'lú-kar "12 sheep: (for) consumption of (people from) Armi, former (delivery). 8 sheep: (for) consumption of Buli and Arsa-tila [of Armi], the merchants, 2nd (delivery). 8 sheep: (for) consumption of (people from) Armi, merchants, remaining (delivery); 4 sheep: consumption (for) 2 (people from) Armi who were merchants in GN." Following Ebla's military victory, friendly relations were once again fully restored between the two cities.^'' The texts relating to the distribution of garments and precious objects and the deliveries to the palace (above: 2.1, 2.2, 2.3) show that such relations were already frequent during the reign of king Irkab-damu. TM.75.G.2651(+) is the only ancient document similar to TM.75.G.2538 not to have been destroyed after a few months or a year as happened to most of the texts relating to the consumption of animals. This document has to be dated to the first years of Irkab-damu, when Darmia and Tir were at the head of the administration, before the time of minister Arrukum. While the consumption of goods such as garments and precious objects underwent a marked increase during the forty years documented by the central archive, the number of sheep allotted to people of the palace in the period of the king Irkab-damu remains the same, and those allotted to people from Armi even greater, representing roughly 1/19th out of the total of 9510 animals: rev. II 2-IV 5: "2360 sheep: (for) offerings (to) the gods; 1700 sheep: (for) consumption of the messengers (kas kas^); [...] (for) consumption of the king; 98 sheep: (for) consumption of the women (of the king); ... 554 sheep: (for people) of Armium."
5. The Personal Names of Armi(um) 27 A-ba-lallu ARET IV 11 § 61,16 § 44 (Ibr.) A-bt-a lú-kar ARETIV 2 § 42 (I.Z.) A-bù-lu ARETXW 10 § 77 (Arr.) A-da-nu-LVM 75.2274 obv. Ill 21 (I.Z.) A-da-nu-mi ARET IV 8 § 25 (I.Z.) A-dar-UE-a/lu ARETXV 5 § 20, 9 § 7 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels); 17 § 25, 29 § 1 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels; see the commentary in ARETXV,l: 315); 75.1902 (= MEE X 27)(+) rev. IV 7 (2 gold plate of 1 mina each) (Arr.) A-du lú-kar ARETIV 4 § 42 (I.Z.) A-/fl-/i-aARErXV 17 § 1 (Arr.) A/Ä-la-lu ARET I 16 § 1; IV 4 § 17 (maskim-e-gi^); MEE XII 7 obv. Ill 6 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.10201 rev. IV 7 (maskim-e-gij (I.Z.) A-la-lu-wa-du,A-li-lu-wa-daARETl 16 § 3; A Î Ê £ X 29 rev. XIV 7; 75.10201 rev. IV 17(I.Z.)
26. An "oil offering," nidba i gis for peace, brought by [PN and A-su-is]-dar, his representative (maákim-sii), ARET III 368 III 1-3, could refer to that period. 27. Abbreviations: 75./76. = TM.75./76.G.; Arr: minister Arrukum; Ibr.: minister Ibrium; I.Z.: minister Ibbi-zikir. For previous lists of the PNs from Armi, see Bonechi 1990b: 22-25; ARES II: 155-58, 167.
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ALFONSO ARCHI
A-lillu-wa-daldu ARET 110 § 7; MEE X 29 rev. XIV 4 (I.Z.) A-li-ha-da ARET IV 6 § 69 (I.Z.) Am^-MÁH ARETXV 45 § 74 (Arr.) A-ra-lu, A-ri-lu ARET IV 6 §§ 49, 68; AÍE£ X 29 obv. VI 1 ( 1 gold plate of 30 shekels); M££ XII 7 obv. II6; 75.2429 obv. XIV 14 (I.Z.) Ar-gi-lu MEE XII 7 obv. IV 9 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); rev. 16(1 gold plate of 50 shekels) (I.Z.) Ar-la-ti-is 75.2598 obv. XIII 28 (I.Z.) A/Ar-ra-da ARETXV 36 §§ 52-53, 53 § 62; 75.2029 obv. 13(1 gold plate of 10 shekels) (Arr.) Ar-ra-ti-lu ARET III 767 II 3 (I.Z.) Ar-sè-ti-lu MEEXU 26 rev. 12; 75.3858(+) obv. VII 23 {Ar-sè-da-la); 75.10167 r. X 12 {Ar-sa-ti-la) (lú-kar) (I.Z.) Ar-zi-da-la lú-kar 75.2453 obv. Ill 10 (I.Z.) A-ia-NE-ra maskim-e-gi^ AßETIV 4 § 17; 75.10201 rev. IV 8 (I.Z.) A-SM-i5,,-dar lú-kar ARETIV 2 § 5 (I.Z.) (cf [A-5U-i5,J-iiflr in AÄETIII 1, maskim) A-wa ARET III 767 II 2; MEE XII 7 obv. V 1 and rev. II1 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.2507 obv. XI 16 (I.Z.) A-wa-ru^^ ARETXV 27 § 43 (Arr.) Ba-ba-ù maskim-e-gi^ ARETI10 § 8,16 § 3;MEEX29 rev. XIV 8; 75.10201 rev. IV 18 (I.Z.) Ba-mi-a-du ARET I 16 § 1; IV 6 § 48; MEE X 29 obv. VI1 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels); 75.10201 obv. VIII 3 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels) (LZ.) Ba-wi-a-du ARET III 582 II (I.Z.) Ba-V-iw lú-kar ARETIV 2 § 48 (I.Z.) Bù-li 75.2238 rev. V 10; 75.2453 obv. V 6 (lú-kar); 75.3858(+) obv. VII 24; 75.10167 obv. 10 (lú-kar) (LZ.) Da-gú-ra, Da-gú-ra-du MEE XII 7 obv. I 8 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels), II 3 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels), IV 2 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels); 75.2429 obv. XIV 22; 75.2508 obv. XXIII 19 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels), rev. XXIV 6 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.10013 obv. IV 6; see also Da-gú-la, ARETl 11 § 22 (I.Z.) Da-ri-lu ARET IV 6 § 49 (LZ.) Da-ru^^-mu-ru^^ 75.2429 obv. XIV 19; 75.2508 obv. XXIII 19 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels), rev. XIV 2; 75.2608 obv. Ill 1,IV4, rev. IX9(I.Z.) Dar-zi-mu ARET I 6 § 37, 13 §§ 5-7; ARETIV 6 §§ 47-48; AilETXII 475 I; MEE X 29 rev. V 15 (1 gold plate of 1 mina); 75.1382 obv. I 3, rev. V 13; 75.2062 rev. IV 5 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.2369 obv. X 2 (1 gold plate of 20 shekels); 75.2622 obv. XXI 5 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels); 75.10074 obv. 18(1 gold plate of 1 mina), X 13 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels), rev. IX 24 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels), rev. IX 24 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels) (mentioned with Sarmilu and Umi-nin.us-MUSEN) (LZ.) Da-us-mu-ru^, MEE XII 7 obv. I 3 (1 gold plate of 1 mina), II 2 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels) (I.Z.) Du-da-ra-ù ARETXV 53 § 67 (Arr.) Du-du-wa-su 75.2335 rev. II 2; 75.2426 obv. VII 7 (I.Z.) DM-/ii-fl lú-kar ARET VII 130 § 1 (LZ.) En-na-ililARETlX 61 § 7 (I.Z.); ARETXV 5 § 24 and 40 § 22 {ma-za-um); ARETXV 26 (44) (ur J (Arr.) Gàr-da-um ARETIV 16 § 48 (Arr.) GlxGl-du 75.10074 obv. IV 1 (LZ.) Gú-li sur^-BAR.AN ARETXV 25 § 29 (Arr.) Ha-mar-ás-da ARET IV 16 § 39 (kas^-kas^ maskim H.); AJRETXV 21 § 26; 28 § 14, § 31, § 57 (maskim-e-gi^ H.; see § 35: ses ugula kas^-kas^). Ha-mas-da-ar ARET XV 6 § 29 (H., maskim-sù, ma-za-lum, 2 dumu-nita-5w, maskim-sii); 7 § 44 (1 gold plate of 1 mina, dam-sù: 2 bu-di 1 mina silver, maskim-sw); 17 § 15 (1 gold plate of 1 mina, ses-sù: 1 mina silver, maskim-5Ù tuá GiS-ustil, maskim-maskim-xù, 2 dam); {cf. ARETXV: 50-51) (Arr.) Ha-ra-na-ù ARETIV 16 § 70 (1 gold plate of 35 shekels); ARETXV 5 § 16 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.2029 obv. III1 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels) (Arr.)
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Hfl-ra-NE-iilú-kar AR£TIV2 § 18 (I.Z.) Ha-ásisi-ti-lu ARET III 225 III; ARETXV 14 § 37 (Arr.) HAR-/1M-MU AR£r I 6 § 27 (not: Càr-\); MEE X 29 rev. XVIII 12 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.10074 obv. I 11 (LZ.) Hu-da-su 75.2508 obv. XXIII 24 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels) (LZ.) Hu-úr-sa-na ARETXV 8 § 3 (1 gold plate of 1 mina), 17 §§ 7 and 32 (commentary in ARETXV, 1: 76); MEE X 23 obv. IV 2; 75.2029 obv. Ill 3 (Arr.) Ib-du-ru^^ ARET VII110 (Arr.) lm-mar-nu maskim-e-gi^ AR£TIV 4 § 17; 75.10201 rev. IV 9 (I.Z.) In-da-mu ARETIV 16 § 48 (Arr.) h-am^-ga-ma-al^ ARET IV 16 § 44 (Arr.) Ir-i-ba ARETXV 45 §74 (Arr.) I-ri-ig-i ARET IX 61 § 7 (I.Z.) 2-n-mwAR£TIV8§25(LZ.) I-sarARETXV 18 § 20 (Arr.) E-bù'du ma-za-lum {Mi-mi-a-du) ARET I 13 § 7; ARET III 171 II; ARET IV 6 § 8 and 20 § 2; 75.1382 obv. I 8; 75.10074 obv. XI 5 (LZ.) Is^^-ga-sa-du 75.1225 v. Ill 5 (I.Z.) U^^-gi-bù-du ARET IV 16 § 2 (Arr.) Is-ma-gàr-du nagar ARETXV § 35 (see also AR£T VII § 1) (Arr.) I-ti-gú ARET IX 82 §§ 5-8, 11 (Arr.) I-ti-um ugula sur^-BAR.AN ARETXV 17 § 5 (Arr.) Ki-birçki-U ma-za-]um ARETXV 38 § 35 (Arr.) Kùn-ti-dulï ARET XV 58 § 1 (1 gold plate of 1 mina); 75.1902 (= MEE X 27)(+) rev. Ill 8 and 76.689 obv. I 3 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels); (Arr.) La-lullum ARETXll 672 rev. Ill 5, 829 obv. Ill 3 (Ibr. / I.Z.) La-wu-{u^) ARET IV 6 § 47 (I.Z.); AR£TXV 26 § 15 and 44 § 18 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels) (Arr.) La-wa-du 75.2369 obv. X 19 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels) (I.Z.) Li-lu 75.2507 rev. XX 30 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels) (LZ.) Mfl-a-LUM ARET II14 § 70 (Arr.) Mi-^i-NE ARET VII 54 § 2 (1 gold plate of 35 shekels) (I.Z.) Mi-i-LUM 75.2409+2471 rev. IV 16: M. us; 75.10069 obv. VIII 22-23 (I.Z.) Mi-mi-a-du ARET I 16 § 1; ARET III 582 II 2; ARET IV 6 §§ 7-9, 47-48; MEE X 29 obv. VI 6 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels), IX 16 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels), XXIII27 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.2428 rev. 17 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.10188 rev. VIII 4; 75.10201 obv. IV 6 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels), VI 27 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels), VIII 8 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels) (LZ.) Mi-nu ARETIV 2 § 28 (PN ??) (I.Z.) Mu-lu-wa-du ARET VIII 534 § 19 (LZ.) Mu-ri-{a) ARET II 14 § 48; ARET III 31 obv III 7; ARETXV 23 § 23 (ur^); MEE II 40 obv. I 4; 75.1382 obv. I 5, rev. V 15; 75.1573 rev. IV 2 (ur^); 75.2428 obv. XII 35 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels); 75.10074 obv. XI 2 (Arr.; Ibr.; I.Z.) Mu-li-a 75.2369 obv. VI15 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.2507 rev. XX 29 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels) (LZ.) Mu-ri-lu ARETXV 25 § 33 (Arr.) NE-fcfl-dM 75.1379 rev. X 6 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels) (Arr.) NE-^ia-dw ARETXV 46 § 49 (Arr.) NE-LUM ARET VIII 542 § 9 (I.Z.) NE-NE-a-(fl) lú-kar AR£T VIII 533 § 49; 542 § 34 (I.Z.)
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m-mi-ir-na ARETl 16 § 3; 75.10201 rev. IV 16 (I.Z.) Nl-n-mw ARET IV 8 § 25 (I.Z.) m-za-ra-an/nu/ù ARETIV 16 § 45; ARETXV 6 § 2 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels), 14 § 48, 25 § 4; 75.1413 obv. IX 9 (Arr.) Ru^^-zi-ma-lik 75.2407 obv. IV 18 (I.Z.) Su-mi-a-{ù) ARETXll 1108 II 3; ARETXV 6 § 34 and 8 § 4 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 25 § 3; 37 § 41 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels); 75.1413 obv. IX 9 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels) (Arr.) Èa-la ARETVll 54 (1) (from Armi ?) (I.Z.) §a-li-lu ma-za-lum ARET IV 6 § 49; 75.2428 rev. XVIII 22 (1 gold plate of 30 shekels) (LZ.) Sa-ma-an 75.1902(-f-) rev. II 9 (1 gold plate of 1 mina) (Arr.) Sar-da-da 75.1902(+) obv. Ill 2 (1 gold plate of 1 mina), VII 3 (Arr.) Sar-mi-lu ARET I 13 §§ 5-7; ARET VII 18 § 6; ARETXll 1110 obv. I 2; 75.1382 obv. I 4, rev. V 14; 75.2062 rev. IV 4 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.2428 obv. V 14, XII 29 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels), XXI 38 (1 gold plate of 1 mina); 75.2622 obv. XII 34 (1 gold plate of 1 mina); 75.10074 obv. X 13 (1 gold plate of 50 shekels), XI1, rev. IX 29 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels); 75.10022 obv. I 3 (1 gold plate of 1 mina); 75.10236 obv. X 12 (I.Z.) Sé-NI-tó lú-kar ARETIV 2 § 42 (I.Z.) Su-mi-a ARETII 14 §§ 47, 69; ARETXV 25 §§ 3 and 31 (Arr.) Tar^-hi-li 75.1379 rev. VIII 5 (1 gold plate of 40 shekels) (Arr.) Tas-ma-lu maskim-e-gi^ AiîETI 16 § 8 (I.Z.) Ü-la-ma-{du) ARETl 16 § 8; ARETXV 17 § 28 (Arr.; I.Z.) Ù'-m(-nin.us.MU§EN AiiETI 16 (1); ARETIV 6 (48); MEEX29 V 28 (1 gold plate of 1 mina), rev. V 17 (1 gold plateofl mina); 75.10201 obv. VII 32(1 goldplateof 1 mina) (LZ.) LJ-mu ARETXV 17 § 37 (Arr.) tJ-ri-mu ARET IV 6 § 69; MEE X 29 rev. XIV 5 (LZ.) Zi-Za-/¿ ARET IX 41 § 2 (LZ.) ... ] -BAD ARET XII 511 I 2 (Ibr. / I.Z.)
Most of these personal names belong to a name-giving tradition different from that of Ebla; Arra-ti/tulu(m) is attested also at Dulu, a neighbouring city-state (Bonechi 1990b: 22-25).^' We must, therefore, deduce that Armi belonged to a marginal, partially Semitized linguistic area different from the ethno-linguistic region dominated by Ebla. Typical are masculine personal names ending in -a-du: A-lalli-wa-dulda, A-li/lu-wa-du, Ba-mi-a-du, La-wadu, Mi-mi-a-du, Mu-lu-wa-du. This reminds one of the suffix -{a)nda, -{a)ndu, very productive in the Anatolian branch of Indo-European (Laroche 1966: 329). Elements such as ali-, alali-, lawadu-, memi-, mulali- are attested in Anatolian personal names of the Old Assyrian period (Laroche 1966: 26-27, 106, 118, 120). Most of the names beginning with a- are typical for Armi. There is another A-bi-a lú-kar from Mari {ARETl 5 § 90). For Ar-ra-da, see Ar-ra-tum, ARET III: 262. Ar-ra-ti-lu is attested also at Dulu {ARET I 16 § 6; IV 8 § 13; IV 24 § 12; MEE XII 35 § 112) and at 'A^-a-bù-du^ (AfiET VIII 524 § 9), a town in relation with Armi {ARES II: 139;" for the variant Ar-ra-du-lum at Dulu, see ARET III: 261; XII: 387). For A-su-is-dar, cf. A-su-gú-dalma-lik (Krebernik 1988: 130). Ar-sèlsi- is an element common to the Semitic area. For A-wa-ru^^, see A-wa-ra, attested also at Adabik and Hutimu {ARETXll: 389).
28. Some lists quote Dulu between Ursaum-Utigu and Iritum-Harran, ARETl: 224-225; see also ARÊSII: 210-211. In favor of the reading Du-lu/lum''' is the variant Du-ru^^, ARES II: 214; Archi 1997:419-20, and the fact that the PN Du-lu is attested to for this city {ARES II: 206). Dulu is still read Gub-lu'^' and identified with Byblos in MEE XII: 59 § 24. 29. See Ar-ti-lu, perhaps an Eblaite name: ARET IV 12 § 22; VIII 528 § 7. Ar-ra- is however, an element of the Eblaite onomasticon (Krebernik 1988: 143).
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Ba-ba-ù, Ba-milwi-a-du and Bù-li are typical Armi names. En-na-i/il is a widespread Semitic name. The names beginning with d-, g-, h- are typical Armi names. The element ha-ra- is found in the Eblaite name Ha-ra-i{l). Im-mar-nu, a ga-ras, is found also in a context concerning Mari, TM.75.G.1559 obv. Ill 1 (Archi 1981b: 159). I-ri-mu, Is-bù-du, U-ga-sa-du are typical Armi names. Ib-du-ru^^ (cf. Ib-du-ra, Ib-dur-), In-da-mu, Ir-am-ga-ma-al^, îr-am-ma-li-ik, îr-i-ba, I-ri-ig-i, I-sar, H-gi-bù-du, H-mà-gàr-du, I-ti-gú, I-ti-um are names well known also from the Eblaite area. The two names beginning with k- are attested to only at Armi. La-lu, Li-lu: there is a La-li from Mari: ARETIV 1 (63). La-wu-{u^, La-wa-du is a name from Armi. All the names beginning with m- and n- (NE-LUM excepted) are attested to only at Armi. Ru^^-zi-ma-lik is widely attested in the Semitic regions. The names beginning with s-, t-, ù-, z- are attested only at Armi.
6. General Considerations 6.1 Historical Contexts The administrative documents of Ebla, which can be roughly arranged chronographically by means of prosopographic analysis, provide us with an unusual amount of information. Their limitation lies in the fact that the accounts record incoming and outgoing goods without specifying any context. We are, therefore, obliged to reconstruct the historical events on the basis of circumstantial evidence, with all the risks that this entails. The annual account TM.75.G.2651(+), dated to the first five or six years of the king Irkab-damu, registers the allocation of 554 sheep to people from Armi out of a total of 9510 animals destined for the palace, thus indicating the privileged relationship that Armi enjoyed with Ebla as much as forty-five years before the destruction of the city. A document of the same type, dated to roughly one to three years before this event, TM.75.G.2538, allocating 306 sheep to the people of Armi present at Ebla, shows that this relationship continued unchanged, the occasional interruption notwithstanding, right up to the final destruction of Ebla (both texts are discussed in 4.3). Only the last five years of king Irkab-damu, when Arrukum was his vizier, are documented in detail by the monthly textile delivery accounts relating, and by reports registering incoming quantities or silver and outgoing objects made of precious metals. The king (en) of Armi is mentioned in various passages (e.g., 2.1 nos. 7, 17, 29; 2.3 no 10, 15, 16, 17). The context in 2.1 no. 32 could suggest that Kun-tidu was king in these years. Texts 2.3 nos. 15-17 register rich gifts for the royal family—king, queen, the king's daughters and sons—on the occasion of the níg-ág of the king of Armi. Two officials, Saman and Sardada, are associated with the deliveries of these gifts to royals. It seems that a princess was sent, presumably in marriage, to Armi (2.3 no. 3). Gold and silver were given to messengers going to Armi (in 2.3 no. 5); gold plates were given to people of Armi who arrived in Ebla (2.3 no. 8: NIzaran). These precious objects were later consigned by the messengers to the palace (see the later and more detailed texts, 4.1, 8th and 10th year). The men who usually led the Armi missions to Ebla in this period were Hursana (2.1 nos. 6, 9), Hamarasda/ Hamasdar (2.1 nos. 9,11,15) and Lawu'u (2.1 nos. 13,21). Armi on one occasion sent a remarkable amount of gold and silver (25.40 and 79.21 kg respectively) (2.3 no. 13). Armi was defeated by Kakmium (2.1 nos. 8,23,31; 2.3 no. 14), albeit not by the forces of Ebla. Also at this time, Abarsal was also defeated, again not by Ebla (2.1 nos. 18,21). In the first seven years of the minister Ibrium interest in the northern regions seems to have diminished. Abarsal had been subdued and, in an unspecified year, Hassuwan had been incorporated into the Ebla realm (Archi 2008a: 91-92).
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In his third year as minister, Ibbi-zikir led an expedition against Bagara (a town in the periphery) and Armi. Guti was the Eblaite representative who led the initial peace negotiations. Bamiadu and Mimiadu swore peace in the temple of Kura at Ebla. Armi was permitted to offer a symbolic quantity of silver as a contribution to the annual ritual of renewal for the mask of Kura, a privilege not enjoyed by other cities (4.1, 4th year). The next four years witnessed a frequent exchange of messengers and numerous gifts as borders between the two states, or, more probably, their areas of influence were negotiated, which clearly was not an easy task. Alongside Bamiadu and Mimiadu, we now find Umi-nin.us.MUSEN, later Darzimu and Sarmilu. Relations with Armi were very friendly: in the 12th year, Mulawadu brings news of a military victory gained by his king and is rewarded with a gold plate and two earrings. The new war against Armi has to fall in the 14th year. After the victory achieved by Ebla with the assistance of Nagar, close relations with Armi resumed once again (4.3). The yearly documents of the fourteenth, fifteenth, and sixteenth years of Ibbi-zikir are extremely fragmentary. The document for the seventeenth year was apparently never redacted. Two documents belonging to the very last years of Ebla mention Armi in an obscure context. TM.75.G.1310 rev. I 2-II4: DI§ mu al^-tus Ar-mi^ in Ib-la^' "year (in which the people of) Armi stayed in Ebla".^" TM.75.G.410 (ARETX 2) (of the last three years): DIS mu TIL DU.DU.A Ar-mi'" mu-túm é en, "year of the destruction ... of Armi. Delivery (for) the house of the king." Ebla held certain specialists from Armi in high esteem. ARET VIII 527 § 10: "2 KA-dib i-ti mi-nu Ar-mi^' "two magicians arrived from Armi."^' Similarly, ARETIV 3 § 24: (garments) I-lum.Kl KA-dib lu i-ti mi-nu Ar-mi^'. ARETXV 11 § 55: dam a - su (!) Ar-mi'''ÉxPAP "(garments and jewels for) the wife of the physician (from) Armi (for her) funerary ceremony." A cupbearer (2.1 no 19), a cook (2.1 no 25), carpenters (2.1 no 23; 4.1 3rd year) from Armi reached Ebla in the period of Arrukum. A bow was sent to Ebla (2.1 no 21). Two men from Armi received garments for having made bows, ARET I 4 § 85: 2 Ar-mi* kin^-ag GI§-pan-GI§-pan. These two men came to Ebla to teach their art to twenty young people, ARET IV 8 § 25-26: "2-i-2-h2 garments (to) Adanumi (and) NIrimu of Armi (who) made the bows of the king (and) Ibbi-zikir. 20+1-1-2 garments (to) the young men of Ebla (becoming) expert (in making) bows ( d u m u - n i t a - d u m u - n i t a Ib-la^' dub-zu-zu GiS-pan-GIS-pan)."" During the reign Igris-Halab, Armi sent bronze goads weighing a total of 18.80 kg (2.3 no 4). TM.75.G.1642 {MEE VII13) registers a small numbers of spearheads (80) from Armi (period of Ibbi-zikir) and a blade for a battering ram (eme gud-si-dili), came from Armi, ARETIV 2 § 25. This might indicate that Armi was located in a region where copper was readily available. Relations with Armi were so intense that a relatively common personal name had Armi as second element: Enàr-Ar-mi^ /yinhar/-t-GN "Armi has smitten" (Pagan 1998: 147, with previous bibliography), ARET III 939 rev. II 3 (collated); IV 1 rev. IV 20; VIII 525 V 19,527 XIII14,532IX 3,540 VI18, XII8,541 V 10, IX 11; TM.75.G.10025(-h) obv. V 5; for documents concerning the administration of agricultural products, see TM.75.G.2085 obv. II 5; TM.75.G.10218(-i-) obv. II 6, V 9.
6.2 Geographical Data The documents from the period of minister Arrukum (2) clearly show that Armi lay to the north of Ebla's borders (beyond the Alalakh - Karkamis line, both towns belonging to Ebla). 2.1 no 5 lists: Hassuwan - Armi - Ursaum - Ibubu; Armium - Hassuwan - Kakmium; no 6: Abarsal - NIrar - Armi - Bali - Hassuwan - Abarsal; 2.1 no 13: Mari - Abarsal - Darab - Hassuwan - Ibubu - Armi.
30. Obv. II 3 mentions Tubuhu-Adda, son of the minister Ibbi-zikir (Archi 1981a: 5). 31. On KA-dib, see Conti 1990: 101; for a list of KA-dib in Ebla, see Catagnoti and Bonechi 1998:35-36. 32. A metalworker, simug, of Ebla went to Armi for "exchanging gold," su-bal-ag kù-gi, ARET I 16 § 5. His name could reflect his profession: t-sa-tum íisátuml "fire."
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Darhadu/Darhati bordered with Armi (2.1 no 7; 4.1 4th and 5th years) and probably with Dulu (2.1 no 10). It was defeated by Kakmium (6.1), which was probably east of Hassuwan (Abarsal Treaty, ARET XIII 5 § 39: Kakmium, Hassuwan, NIrar). Armi maintained relations with Mari (2.1 nos 3, 15); Nagar (2.1 nos. 9,14, 26); Abarsal (2.1 nos. 15, 21); Hassuwan (2.1 nos. 11, 18); and Sanapzugum (between the Euphrates and Harran; 2.1 no 9). Its representatives also reached Hamazi (3.1). The city-states to the north that came under Ebla's domination were NIrar and Kakmium. Irritum, Harran, Sanapzugum, and Gudadanum lay east of Karkamish up to the Balih; Emar and Ibal numbered amongst those lying to the south (the last beyond present-day Salamiya). Armi is not mentioned among these city-states (listed above, § 1).^' It is unlikely that Armi was in the Karasu valley, where we have to locate A/Igagalis, never mentioned in context with Armi (ARES II: 100; this city or Zaluwar could be identified with Tilmen hüyük). To the north, northeast of the region of Gaziantep, which was dominated by Ursaum, the land is extremely mountainous and it is only still further north that a valley with another Karasu opens out, 42 km in length and 8 km at its widest point, providing the opportunity for a large human settlement, with the large húyük of Araban as its center (Archi, Pecorella, Salvini 1971:20,49-51). We must, therefore, seek Armi in the area between the Euphrates and Urfa, an area that today is mainly a barren plateau. The onomastic tradition of Armi, so different from that of Ebla and her allies (§ 5), obliges us to locate this city on the edges of the Semitized area and, thus, necessarily north of the line running through Hassuwan - Ursaum - Irritum - Harran. If Armi were to be found at Banat-Bazi, it would have represented an anomaly within an otherwise homogenous linguistic scenario.''' Taken as a whole, the available information suggests that Armi was a regional state, which enjoyed a privileged relationship with Ebla: the exchange of goods between the two cities was comparable only to that between Ebla and Mari. No other state sent so many people to Ebla, especially merchants, lú-kar. It is only a hypothesis that Armi was the go-between for Ebla and for the areas where silver and copper were extracted.
7. Armi(um) - Armanum 7.1 The Conquest of Armanum by Naram-Sin One of the greatest achievements of which Naram-Sin of Akkad boasted is his Syrian campaign, during which he reached the Upper Sea and the bordering mountains. The most important military undertaking was the conquest of Armanum, whose citadel was so well fortified that it was depicted on a statue (dül = tamstlu, "image," III 12,33) of the king (presumably on its lower part or pedestal). The inscription and the captions describing the city ("Total: 404 cubits in height, from ground (level) to the top of the wall," V 8-13), is preserved in an Old Babylonian tablet, UETI 275 (RIME 2, Narâm-Sîn E2.4.26):'^
33. Otto (2006: 20) suggests that it could be that Armi was no longer independent when the documents ARET I 1-9 (mentioned in § 1 above) were written. These are monthly documents registering the gifts of set of garment to the kings and elders (ábba), in some cases also to representatives, maSkim, and messengers, ma-za-lum of the allied city-states. However, they cover the last ten years of the period of minister Ibbi-zikir, because these deliveries fell only once a year (documents nos 1, 5, 6, 8 are dated to month IX, za-lui, one each respectively to months XI and XII, MAxGANAiÊ«û-sag/ugur; in nos. 4, 7 and 9 the month name is in a break). The king (en) of Armi is mentioned in the penultimate rather well preserved annual document (AAM) TM.76.G.534(+), which dates from the 12th year of the minister. This evidence, and the documentation discussed in 4.1 and 4.3, show that Armi remained independent until the end of Ebla, and that the relations between the two cities deteriorated only during the war in the 14th year of Ibbi-zikir (4.2), contrary to what Biga suggested to Otto (2006: 20 n. 44). 34. A. Otto, who studied carefully the written documentation, was aware of this aporia (Otto 2006: 19, quoting Bonechi). 35. The latest edition is by D. Frayne (1993: 132-35), whose translation is used here. The description of the citadel of Armanum has been discussed by Kraus 1948, Foster 1982 and Otto 2000: 1-6,13-16.
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ALFONSO ARCHI Wheras, for all time since the creation of mankind, no king whosoever had destroyed Armânum and Ebla, the god Nergal, by means of (his) weapons opened the way for Narâm-Sin, the mighty, and gave him Armanum and Ebla. Further, he gave to him the Amanus, the Cedar Mountain, and the Upper Sea. ... Naräm-Sin, the mighty, conquered Armanum and Ebla. Further, from the side of the Euphrates River as far as (the city of) Ulisum, he smote the people whom the god Dagan had given to him for thefirsttime.... The god Dagan gave me Armanum and Ebla, and I captured Rid-Adad, king of Armânum. (I 1-29, II 2-19, III 23-31).
The Ebla that Naram-Sin saw had partially recovered from the devastation presumably inflicted upon it by Mari, which sealed the levels dating to the Mardikh IIBl period. The occupation levels on the acropolis of the Mardikh IIB2 period, which cover large parts of the northern area, were, however, greatly disturbed by extensive restoration works carried out in the MB I period and are therefore difficult to analyze (Matthiae 1989: 125-32). Partial remains of foundations of an Archaic Palace have been found in the lower city, near the northern gate (Matthiae 1995: 654-77).'' The destruction suffered perhaps no more than seventy years earlier had ended any hope Ebla may have held of further regional hegemony. The glory of the Pre-Sargonic period at Ebla was but a memory. The greatest resistance to the Akkadian king came from Rid-Adad of Armanum, holed up in his formidable fortress. Syria presented the same scenario as that which Sargon had encountered roughly fifty or sixty years earlier: "He (the god Dagan) gave to him (Sargon) the Upper Land: Mari, Iarmuti and Ebla as far as the Cedar Forest and the Silver Mountains," {RIME 2, Sargon E2.1.1.11). Sargon claims dominion over a region defined by the name of two cities and NaramSin says that he has conquered these two cities and reached the Mediterranean. The name of the most distant and less famous city reached the officers of Sargon in a corrupted form: there is no doubt that Armanum and Iarmuti were intended to denote the same state entity. Naram-Sin, who did in fact reach this city, reproduces the name in a way that is fairly faithful to the original form. Armi(um) of the Eblaite documents and OAkk. Armanum must refer to the same city. The similarity between the two names, and the fact that Armi(um) was the most important state located beyond Ebla's territory oblige us to conclude that the two toponyms indicate the same place, despite the partial discordance between the two names.
7.2 Reduplication of GNs at Ebla There is no reason to interpret Armanum as a plural form.'^ A certain number of geographical names of the Ebla period include the ending -än{um), as in Gú-da-da-núm^' (with the variant Gú-da-an^ in ARET XIII 9 rev. VIII10, a document of the period of Arrukum or Ibrium).'" The adnominal afformative -änu{m) has the function to emphasize the subject aspect." Reduplication of a geographical name in later documents expresses in general a plurality of people from those centres. TM.75.G.1764 rev. Ill 7-9: 1 udu I-bu^^-bu-I-bu^^-bu^' más su-du^ "1 sheep (to people from) Ibubu (for) takinganomen."TM.75.G.2635obv. Xlobv. XI4-6:3 udu ri-iwrn-rZ-sum'^lu-kar-lu-kar en i-na-sum "3 sheep (for people) of Tisum, merchants, the king has given." Tisum was, however, a political entity organized on different centres {ARES II: 451), as it was probably the case of Arimu of the steppe, ARETU 27 (11): 1 li gána-ki A-rí-mu-A-rí-mu^' "1000 units of land (in the hamlets of) Arimu;" VII 155 obv. II 10-13: wa ab-si-ga A-rt-mu^-A-ri-mu^ Edin "and included (the hamlets of) Arimu
36. This building could be dated to the period of the Third Dynasty of Ur, when Ebla was one of the Syrian principalities that maintained contacts with the administration of Ur (Owen 1992: 121). 37. M. Krebernik, apud Otto 2006: 1 n. 3, has noted that "the equation Armium = Armanum is only possible if a plural is postulated." 38. Several names are listed in ARES II: 24. 39. This has been pointed to me by P. Michalowski. On the suffix -änu(m) see Goetze 1946; Buccellati 1976; 1996: 140-41; von Soden 1995: 85-86. The plural suffix -änü(m) seems not to be attested in the Eblaite language.
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of the steppe." There was a MaNE of Emar, Gaduru and Igdura (ARES II: 380). This multeplicity explains the reduplication Má-NE'"-Má-NE'". TM.75.G.2238 rev. X 1-5: 3 udu kú en in Má-NE'^-Má-NE''' "3 sheep (for) consumption of the king (of Ebla) in the different centres of MaNE." ARET III 230 II 8-10: En-bù-ma-lik ugula Ma-NE-Aifl-NE*^. ARETX 120 rev. 3-7: wa gána-ki Gul-la Ma-NEi^'-Má-NE^'. The reduplicated form of Armi, rather frequent in the monthly documents of deliveries of sheep of the last two years of Ebla, relates to the presence of many people of Armi at Ebla in that period. TM.75.G.10169(+-) obv. IX 6-11: [xudu '^As-da]-bil Ar-mi'^-Ar-mi^' nidba «n si[kil] "[x sheep (for) thegod Asda]bil (people of) Armi have offered for purification;" X 4-11: 12 udu kú Ar-mi^^'-Ar-mi^ [lib]ir-rá 8 udu kú 2 Ar-m;'''gibil "12 sheep (for) consumption of (people from) Armi, former (delivery); 8 sheep (for) consumption of two (people from) Armi, new (delivery)." TM.75.G.2635 rev. II 18-20: 30 udu kú Ar-mi-Ar-mi'^.'"
7.3 Armanum at Samsat? The sum of cubits given in the Naram-Sin inscription E2.4.26 V 8 for "the height" of the citadel of Armanum is 404, that is about 200 m., which is very high ("Total: 404 cubits in height, from ground (level) to the top of the wall," V 8...13). Eoster (1982: 36) suggested, however, that the length of the slope was meant, not the height of the hill ("from the river to the quay wall: 196 cubits is the height of the hill (and 20 cubits ...)," VI 1-8. The river on which Armanum lay had to be the Euphrates. Naram-Sin conquered Armanum and Ebla "by means of the god Dagan," (I 30-31). Dagan was the lord of the region of the Middle Euphrates. A few lines later, Naram-Sin adds: "Eurther, from the side/front {istum-ma puti; i.e., the bank) of the Euphrates as far as (the city of) Ulisum, he smote the people whom the god Dagan had given to him for the first time," (II 8-19). This city must be Ursum (/Uriaum/ according to the texts of Ebla), which lay north of Hassuwan/Hassum, and has been placed between Gaziantep and Birecik on the Euphrates, or at Gaziantep itself."" At Birecik and Zeugma (on the left and right bank of the river, respectively) there is no trace of a large pre-classical site. As A. Otto (2006:7) has remarked, "no Early Bronze Age citadels or fortresses situated on high natural hills had been found in Syria ... (until) the unexpected discovery of an Early Bronze Age building on the top of the citadel hill of Bazi." If Armanum is Armi, the written sources from Ebla force us, however, to locate this city further north. North of Birecik the valley narrows greatly; from Halfeti to the edge of the plain of Samsat (where the course of the river is now blocked by the Atatiirk dam) the river is impassable, running between high, rocky banks.^^ On the plain north of the dam stands the high and large artificial mound of the citadel of Samasat on the west bank of the river. This has a trapezoidal profile resting on a wide base and the summit can only be reached via a very steep incline. Helmuth von Moltke, who visited the site in April 1838, described it as follows: "dort ist das Thal weit, und der Fluß gleicht der Oder nahe oberhalb Frankfurt. ... Auf einem von Menschenhänden aufgeführten Berge, der einst die pig. 2. The teil of Samsat from tbe southeast. (Photo courtesy Akropolis trug, stehen noch heute schöne Ruinen of H. Hauptmann.)
40. For other passages, see above 4.3. 41. For tbe first hypothesis see Garelli 1963: 107; for the second one, Archi, Pecorella, and Salvini 1971: 45-46. At least in the Eblaite period, /r/ could be pronounced III, e. g. Lexical Lists no. 237 (MEE IV: 225): m i - d u ^ - g a = ra-a-tnu-um I la-a-mu-um IraämumI "to love;" seeGonti 1990: 103-4. 42. For a brief description of this stretch of the Euphrates, see Naval Intelligence Division 142: 170-71.
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Fig. 3. Hie submerged tell of Samasat. (Photo courtesy of H. Hauptmann.)
eines viereckigen Gebäudes.""" Rising solitary above the wide plain, the acropolis of Samsat is the most impressive tell on the Euphrates north of Mari (fig. 2). Deep soundings have reached levels 25-27 of the Late Uruk period." Today the mound is entirely submerged by the waters of the reservoir, thus preventing any further attempts to investigate its history (fig. 3).
7.4 An illustration Naram-Sin's Campaign in Northern Syria and Eastern Anatolia In a famous study, M. Mellink (1963) interpreted the stele of Nasiriyah, whose major fragments are in the Iraq Museum, Baghdad, as an illustration of an Akkadian campaign in Cilicia. She noted that the booty carried by at least three Akkadian soldiers in the lower register, consists of belts with daggers and a two-handled goblet that are of non-Mesopotamian type (fig. 4). "The pointed blade with wide, sloping or squared shoulders, and three rivets (one in the narrow tang and one in each shoulder) has a remarkable Early Bronze III distribution along the Anatolian coast, from Samos to Lycia, Cilicia, Cyprus and Ugarit.""* ... The two loop-handles (of the goblet) rise from the widest part of the body and curve back below the rim along the upper part of the vessel. ... The material of this goblet can be identified as metal, since the upper part has two bold grooves which indicate fiuting." Mellink recognized that the cup on the stele "is a relative of the Anatolian category for which Schliemann established
43. von Moltke 1893: 236-37 (p. 222 in the first edition, 1841). 44. The evidence for the Late Uruk period occupation of the site has been presented by N. Özgüc (1992). During the final season at Samsat, N. Özgüc has found also a postern of the (Hittite) Kummuh period: "a postern, a staircase-tunnel constructed in limstone on the northeast side of the mound. Its vertical walls are built of masonry with clay mortar, but the roofing is made of Cyclopean blocks in Hittite fashion. The tunnel gives access from the Kummub fortification system down to the slope of the mound to the level of a spring. A total of 63 steps were cleared. Near the lower end is a cistern with steps leading down," (Mellink 1991: 135). The final report on tbe at Samsat excavations is Özgüc (2009). See, further, Orthmann 2006-2008. 45. McKeon 1970:228, however, interprets this object as "a sheath containing a dagger." The Eblaite documents list frequently "belts (with) sheath and frog:" ib-U si-ti-tum gir-kun, ME£XII: 69-70.
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Fig. 4. Fragment A of the Nasiriyah stele, Baghdad Museum. (After Bulletin: Museum of Fine Arts, Boston vol, LXVIIII, 1970, pp. 229-30.)
Fig. 5. Depas trom Fitris. (Photo courtesy of G. Algaze.)
the misnomer depas amphikypellon!' This form "makes its appearence in Troy level lie and is most characteristic of the various phases of II. ... The same basic variants of the depas shape are familiar in Cilicia (Tarsus) in the Early III Bronze period." (Mellink 1963: 106-7). Mellink could write at her time: "a Syrian origin of the metal booty would seen unlikely, since the cultural province of coastal Anatolia does not extend into Northern Syria in the Early Bronze III phase." (Mellink 1963: 111-12). Several years later, Kontani (1995: 113, 119, fig. 1, 14 and 26) was able to point out a single handled tankard from Tell Mardikh II B2, and a depas from Amuq Level J. More recently, a complete depas vase has been found at Titris (fig. 5); others examples at Tell Bi'a and Tell Afes."* The stele of Nasiriyah is dated on stylistic grounds to the time of Naram-Sin (McKeon 1970). Mellink thought
46. A picture of the depas from TitriS was given by Mellink 1993: 119 (here, fig. 5); see further Matney, Algaze, and Pittman 1997: 81 fig. 15. For the example from Tell Bi'a, see Spanos and Strommenger 1993, fig. 1. The depas from Tell Afes was found in Area E3, and is dated to phase 2, EB IVB (courtesy of S. Mazzoni, to whom I also owe the reference to Kontani's study). Others examples have been found at Gedikli/ Karahöyük (Alkim 1965,fig.11), Zinçirli (Andrae 1943,fig.60, table 25), Tilbeshar (Kepinski 2005:fig.4,17 and 5,18), Tell Selenkahiye (Spanos and Strommenger 1993, fig. 2). The distribution of this typology has been discussed recently by Rahmstorf 2006: 52-55, with bibliography: 84-85.
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that the stele would lend new support to the credibility of pseudo-historical literary claims that Akkadian armies marched into Anatolia, such as Sargon's expedition in aid of Akkadian merchants in Anatolia, or Naram-Sin's war against an alliance of seventeen Anatolian kings.*' The examples of the depas recently found from northern Syria up to the large bent of the Euphrates beyond Halfeti agree instead with the Naram-Sin's historical depiction of his achievememnts in northern Syria and eastern Anatolia. Titris has to be identified with one of the cities connected with Armi in the Eblaite documents, as Darhatum or Dulu (see respectively, 2.1 no 7, 4.1 4th and 5th year; and 1, 2.1 no 10, 3.1).
References Alberti, A. 1981 TM.75.G.1353: un singolare "bilancio a pareggio" da Ebla. OA 20: 37-49. Alkim, U. B. 1965 Islahiye Bölgesi araçtirmalari ve Gedikli (Karahüyük) kazisi. Turk Ark. Dergisi 14: 79-86. Andrae, W. 1943 Die Kleinfunde von Sendschirli. Ausgrabungen in Sendschirli V. Berlin: de Gruyter. Archi, A. 1981a Notes on Eblaite Geography II. Studi Eblaiti 4: 1-17. 1981b I rapporti tra Ebla e Mari. Studi Eblaiti 4: 129-66. 1989 GA-NE-IS/SU"'in the Ebla Texts. Pp. li-UinAnatolianandthe Ancient Near East Studies in Honor of. T. Özgüc, ed. K. Emre, B. Hrouda, A. Mellink and N. Özgüc. Ankara. 1997 Studies in the Ebla Pantheon, II. OrNS 66: 414-25. 1998a The Stele (na-rú) in the Ebla Documents. Pp. 15-24 in Written on Clay and Stone: Ancient Near Eastern Studies Presented to K. Szarzynska, ed. J. Braun, K. Lyczkowska, M. Popko, and P. Steinkeller. Warsaw: Agade. 1998b Two Heads for the King of Ebla. Pp. 386-95 in Boundaries of the Ancient Near Eastern World: A Tribute to Cyrus H. Gordon, ed. M. Lubetski, Cl. Gottlieb and Sh. Keller. Scheffield: Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Supplement Series 273. Scheffield: Scheffield Academic Press. 2000 Minima eblaitica 12: níg-ág. N.A.B.U. 2000/12: 15-16. 2005a The Business of Mr. Iram-malik. Pp. 9-19 in Memoriae Igor. M. Diakonoff, ed. L. Kogan, N. Koslova, S. Loesov, and S. Tishchenko. Babel and Bibel 2. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. 2005b The Head of Kura - The Head of 'Adabal. JNES 64: 81 -100. 2006 Alalah al tempo del regno di Ebla. Pp. 3-5 in Tra Oriente e Occidente. Studi in onore di E. Di Fiiippo Balestrazzi, ed. D. Morandi Bonacossi, E. Rova, F. Veronese, and P Zanovello. Padova: S.A.R.G.O.N. 2008a Hassum/Hassuwan and Ursum/Ursaum from the point of view of Ebla. Pp. 87-102 in Muliibbe Darga Armagani, ed. T. Tarhan, A. Tibet, and E. Konyar. Istanbul: Sadberk Hanim Miizesi. 2008b Gonsiderations on a Delivery of Spearheads from Ebla. JCS 60: 1-5. Archi, A., and Biga, M. G. 2003 A Victory over Mari and the Fall of Ebla. JCS 55: I -44. Archi, A., Pecorella, P. E., and Salvini, M. 1971 Gaziantep e la sua regione. Uno studio storico e topográfico degli insediamentipreclassici. Roma: Edizioni dell'Ateneo. Biga, M. G. 1998 The Marriage of Eblaite Princess Tagris-Damu with a Son of Nagar's King. Subartu 4.2: 17-22. Bonechi, M. 1990a Sulle alternanze grafiche a Ebla: la toponomástica. N.A.B. U. 1990/28. 1990b Aleppo in età arcaica. A proposito di un'opera recente. SEL 7: 15-37. 1993 / nomi geografici dei testi di Ebla. RGTC 12/1. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Buccellati, G. 1976 The Case of the Alleged Akkadian Plural Morpheme -änü. Afroasiatic Linguistics 3/2: 28-30. 1996 A Structural Grammar of Babylonian. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
47. For the use of these sources from a historical point of view, see Liverani 1993.
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Catagnoti, A., and Bonechi, M. 1998 Magic and Divination at III"' Millennium Ebla, I. Textual Typologies and Preliminary Lexical Approach. SEL 15: 17-39. Conti, G. 1990 II sillabario della quarta fonte della lista lessicale bilingue eblaita. Pp. 1-220 in Miscellanea Eblaitica 3, ed. P. Fronzaroli. Quaderni di Semitistica 17. Eirenze: Università di Eirenze. del Monte, G., and Tischler, J. 1978 Die Orts- und Gewässernamen der hethitischen Texte. RGTC 6. Wiesbaden: Reichert. Eoster, B. R. 1982 The Siege of Armanum. JANES 14: 27-36. Erayne, D. R. 1993 Sargonic and Gutian Periods. RIME 2. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Gareili, R 1963 Les Assyriens en Cappadoce. Paris: Librairie Adrien Maisonneuve. Goetze, A. 1946 The Akkadian Masculine Plural -änu{m) and Its Semitic Background. Language 22: 121-30. Kepinski, C. 2005 Tilbeshar. A Bronze Age City in the Sajur Valley (Southeast Anatolia). Anatolica 31: 145-59. Kessler, K. 1980 Das Schicksal von Irridu unter Adad-naràri 1. RA 74: 61-66. Kontani, R. 1995 Relations between Kiiltepe and Northern Syria during the Third Millennium B.C. Bulletin of the Ancient Museum, Tokyo 16: 109-42. Kraus, E R. 1948 Ein altakkadisches Eestungsbild. Iraq 10: 81-92. Krebernik, M. 1988 Die Personennamen der Ebla-Texte. BBVO 7. Berlin: Reimer. Liverani, M. 1993 Model and Actualization. The Kings of Akkad in the Historical Tradition. Pp. 41-67 in Akkad. The First World Empire, ed. M. Liverani. Padova: S.A.R.G.O.N. Matney, T, Algaze, G., and Pittman, H. 1997 Excavations at Titriç Höyük in Southeastern Turkey. A Preliminary Report of the 1996 Season. Anatolica 23: 61-84. Matthiae, P. 1989 Ebla. Un impero ritrovato^. Torino: Giulio Einaudi. 1995 Eouilles à Ebla en 1993-94: les palais de la ville basse nord. Comptes rendus (de séances de l')Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres (Paris) 1995: 651-81. McKeon, J. E X. 1970 An Akkadian Victory Stele. Boston Museum Bulletin 68 no 354: 226-43. Mellink, M. J. 1963 An Akkadian Illustration of a Campaign in Cilicia? Anatolia 7: 101-15, pi. XXVIII-XXXI. 1991 Archaeology in Anatolia. AJA 95: 123-53. 1993 Archaeology in Anatolia. A]A 97: 105-33. Naval Intelligence Division 1942 Turkey I. Geographical Handbook Series B.R. 507, 2 vols. London: Naval Intelligence Division. Orthmann, W. 2006Samsat. Pp. 629-32 in Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie 11, ed. M. P. Streck. Ber2008 lin: de Gruyter. Otto, A. 2006 Archaeological Perspectives on the Localization of Naram-Sin's Armanum. JCS 58: 1-26. Owen, D. 1. 1992 Syrians in Sumerian Sources from the Ur III Period. Pp. 107-75 in New Horizons in the Study ofAncient Syria, ed. M. W. Chávalas and J. L. Hayes. Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 25. Malibu: Undena. Özgüc, N. 1992 The Uruk Culture at Samsat. Pp. 151-57 in Von Uruk nach Tuttul. Festschrift Eva Strommenger, ed. B. Hrouda, S. Kroll, and P. Spanos. München: Profil.
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2009 Samsat. Sümeysat, Samosata, Kumaha, Hahha, Hahhum. Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi. Pagan, J. M. 1998
A Morphoiogical and Lexical Study of Personal Names in the Ebla Texts. ARES III. Rome: Università degli Studi di Roma "La Sapienza." Rahmstorf, L. 2006 Zur Ausbreitung vorderasiatischer Innovationen in die frübronzezeitliche Ägäis. Praehistorische Zeitschrift 81: 49-96. Spanos, P. Z., and Strommenger, E. 1993 Zu den Beziehungen zwischen Nordwestanatolien und Nordsyrien / Nordmesopotamien im III. Jahrtausend vor Christus. Pp. 573-78 in Aspects of Art and Iconography: Anatolia and Its Neighbours. Studies in Honor ofNimet Özgüc, ed. M. J. Mellink, E. Porada, and T. Özgüc. Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu Basimevi. von Moltke, H. 1893 Briefe über Zustände und Begebenheiten in der Türkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839. Berlin: Ernst Siegfried Mittler und Sohn, von Soden, W. 1995 Grundriss der Akkadischen Grammatik, 3. Auflage. Roma: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico.
GROUNDS FOR THE Ù Benjamin Studevent-Hickman (Harvard University)
HSM 6485 (Accession no. 1909.5.321) is an Ur III administrative tablet from Girsu in the collection of the Harvard Semitic Museum, published here for the first time.' The tablet measures 11.70 x 7.66 x 3.10 cm (length X width X thickness) and is well preserved except for a clean break near the bottom of the obverse/top of the reverse—a lacuna offiveto eight lines per side. As the accession number indicates, the tablet came to the museum in 1909, as the 321st item of the fifth lot of objects acquired that year. Museum records further show that it was purchased from Daniel Z. Noorian, of New York, together with some 680 tablets "said to be from Tello and Abu Habba," two relief fragments of Assurnasirpal II bearing parts of the standard inscription and ten cylinder seals.^ While archaeological context for the tablet is lacking, there is no reason to doubt that it came from the archive of the provincial governor at Girsu, like the thousands of other Ur III records discovered during the excavations at Telloh or otherwise looted from the site in the late-nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries. According to its summary, HSM 6485 deals with the "construction of an Ü under the supervision of the sangaofticial of the god ''Nin-dar-a" (Ü dù-a ugula sanga ''nin-dar-a). This project was connected to excavation work along a portion of the Îd-NINA'"-sè-du canal, the principal artery connecting the cities of Girsu and NINA'" (modern Surghul).' Such explicit reference to the construction of an Ù, at least with such detail, is otherwise lacking in the Ur III corpus, so the tablet provides important new evidence for the identification of this structure. In addition, the text raises several issues concerning the geography and socioeconomic organization of the province of Girsu/Lagash; further discussion of these and other topics will appear in a monograph in preparation by the author.
HSM 6485 and BM 93831 Of immediate relevance is the fact that HSM 6485 is virtually identical to a tablet in the British Museum (BM 93831), which was published by K. Maekawa nearly fifteen years ago." The two texts deal, specifically, with a fivekilometer stretch of the Îd-NINAi^'-sè-du canal demarcated by two of the canal's branches: the fd-kun and Id - sag-eren - dUg-a. Both banks of the Îd-NINAi^-sè-du are incorporated into the project: the Ki-es-sa'" side (or district. Sum. á), and the (A-sag J-Ambar-tur-''Nanna side. While the tablets are very similar, the Harvard
1 I thank Miguel Civil, William E. Doolittle, McGuire Gibson, Robert Hunt, Stephanie Rost, and Piotr Steinkeller for discussing various aspects of this paper with me. I also thank the participants of the Harvard Workshop on the History and Historiography of the Ancient Near East for many helpful comments, and James Armstrong, Assistant Curator of Collections during my visits to the museum basement, for his hospitality and feedback (and for his permission to publish a photograph from his personal collection as fig. 4). HSM 6485 is published here with the kind permission of Piotr Steinkeller, Curator of Cuneiform Collections, and Lawrence E. Stager, Director and Curator. 2. For a total price of $3,675: $3,000 for the tablets (negotiated from an original asking price of $4,000), $275 for the relief fragments and $400 for the seals. 3. F. Carroué, "Le *Cours-d'Eau-AIlant-à-NINA"V'/lS/8 (1986) 13-57. 4. K. Maekawa, "The Agricultural Texts of Ur III Lagash in the British Museum (XI)," ASI 19 (1997) 128-30, 142-43 (text 127). 35
JCS 63 (2011)
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BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HICKMAN
text nonetheless merits its own presentation because it offers new perspectives on several important aspects of the BM tablet and the project(s) the two record. A transliteration and translation of HSM 6485 appear below, as do the corresponding sections of BM 93831. Translated items in bold indicate points where the texts differ; those in bold italics indicate where Maekawa's readings have been updated (for which see the textual notes). Double slashes (//) indicate points within a text field where the writing continues on a new, indented line. A photograph and copie of the tablet appear as figs. 1 and 2, respectively; a schematic diagram showing the stretch of the Id-NINA'^'-sè-du in question, as well as the segments and individuals mentioned, appears in fig. 3.
HSM 6485 Transliteration and Translation Obverse Column Í I. ^(x) ka^ id-kun-ta 2. [á a-sa]g^' ambar-es-sá-ka//-bi 3. ^53'' ninda gíd 10 gín-ta 4. a-§ag^ 8 5/6 sar 5. ígí-ním id-kun-ta 6. gaba-ri id-kun-5è 7. 48 Vi ninda 10 gin-ta 8. a-äag^ 8 '^sar^ 5 gin 9. sanga ''nin-dar-a i-dab^ 10. 20 ninda gíd Vi sar-ta 11. sag^ "''kiri^ ur-gá-nun 12. 10 ninda gíd H sar-ta 13. sag^ *'*kiri^ na-ba-sílím 14. '/2 (erasure?) ninda ka A.DU 15. 20 ninda gíd H-ta 16. 32 ninda 10 gin-ta 17. 30 ninda Vi sar-ta 18. eren ki-ès-sa'"-sè 19. 70 ninda gíd 10 '^gín^-ta 20. 1 Vi ninda '^ka A\DU 21. 91 ninda 10 gín-'^ta^ blank line 22. ''áu+nígin 275 ninda^ gíd 23. 'suH-nígin 62 H sar^ [24. sabra ''nanna i-dab.] [25. 30 ninda gíd 10 gín-ta] [26. Vi ninda ka A.DU] [27. 42 ninda gíd Vi sar-ta] [blank line]
Obverse Column i 1. ... from the mouth of the Id-kun: 2. the (Field of) Ambar-es-sá side. 3. 318 m, the length; 3 cubic meters (excavated) each 6 m 4. the volume: 159 cubic meters 5. from above the Id-kun 6. to (a point) opposite the Id-kun. 7. 291 m, the length; 3 m' each 6 m 8. the volume: 145 Vi m' 9. the sanga of ''Nin-dar-a took charge of. 10. 120 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m 11. in the orchard of Ur-gá-nun; 12. 60 m, the length; 9 m' each 6 m 13. in the orchard of Na-ba-silím; 14. 3 m, opening of an A.DU 15. 120 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m 16. 192 m; 3 m' each 6 m 17. 180 m; 9 m'each 6 m 18. for the éren of Ki-ès-sa'"'; 19. 420 m, the length; 3 m' each 6 m 20. 9 m: opening of an A.DU 21. 546 m; 3 m'each 6 m
Column ii I. áu+nígin 72'(82) Vi ninda gíd 2. su+nígín 20 lá 1 [(sar)] 3. aga-ús lugal-me 4. ••ugula^ ad-da-mu 5. •^37-^(38) ninda gíd '^Vi^ <sar>-ta
Column ii 1. total: 435'(495) meters, the length 2. total: 342 [(cubic meters)] 3. they are royal guards 4. under the supervision of Ad-da-mu. 5. 222'(228) m, the length; 6 <m'> each 6 m
22. 23. [24. [25. [26. [27.
total: 1650 meters, the length total: 1122 cubic meters the household manager of''Nanna took charge of.] 180 m, the length; 3 m'each 6 m] 3 m: opening of an A.DU] 252 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m]
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Fig. 1. HSM 6485 obverse and reverse.
6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. [26.
^a^-áag^ 12 1/3 sa[r] ur-dingir-ra sabra '"94"' '/2 ninda gid V2 ''sar''-ta a-''sag^M7sar 15gin lu-r-'^utu sabra r n i n d a ka^ A.DU ^67"'ninda gid'/3-ta a-^àag^ 22^ W sar '^sanga"' '""nin-dar"'-a i-dab^ 18 ninda'^gid'/3 sar^-ta ^a-sag/rei sar ^uru^-làl sabra 81 ninda gid^Và^-ta a-sag^ 27 '^sar^ rénsi'(PA.TE.sr) susini''' i-dab^ 4 0 ninda gid 1/3 ^-ta 46^ Vi f
gid V2 sar^-ta ^a-sag^U y2sarir5igin ^en •inanse i''-dab3 [17 V2 ninda 2 kùs gid 10] ^gin^10 ninda gid 15 gin-ta]
6. 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. [26.
the volume: 222 m' Ur-dingir-ra, household manager. 567 m, the length; 9 m' each 6 m the volume: 850 Vi m^ Lú-''Utu, household manager. 6 m: opening of an A.DU 402 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m the volume: 402 m' the sanga of''Nin-dar-a took charge of. 108 m, the length; 6 m^ each 6 m the volume: 108m' Uru-làl, household manager. 486 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m the volume: 486 m' the governor of Susa took charge of. 60 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m 99 <meters>, the length; 9 m^ each 6 m the volume: 208 Vi m' the en of Nanse took charge of. [106 m, the length; 3 m'each 6 m] 60 m, the length; 4 V2] m' each 6 m
37
BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HICKMAN
38
u
10
15
15
20
20
25
HSM 6485 obverse
NEW GROUNDS FOR THE Ü
IV
39
111
25'
30'
HSM 6485 reverse
40
BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HICKMAN
[27. a-sag^ 5 V} sar 5 gin] [28. nu-bànda éren-na ''nin-dar-a-me] [29. 25 ninda gid Vi sar-ta] [30. a-sag^ 8 Vs sar] [31. ugula sanga ''dumu-zi] [blank space]
[27. [28. [29. [30. [31.
Reverse Column iii [1. ka id-sag-eren-dUjj-sè] [2. á a-sag^ ambar-tur-''nanna//-ka-bi] [3. 10 ninda gid 1 sar-ta] [4. 4 ninda gid 2 sar-ta] [5. a-sag^ 18 sar] [6. igi-nim id-kun-Sè] 7'. 2 '/2 ^ninda ka A.DU"' 8'. ka id kun-ta
Reverse Column iii [ 1. To the mouth of Id-sag-eren-du^,:] [2. the Field of Ambar-tur-''Nanna side] [3. 60 m, the length; 18 m' each 6 m] [4. 24 m, the length; 38 m^ each 6 m] [5. the volume: 324 m'] [6. extending above the íd-kun.] 7'. 15 m: opening of an A.DU 8'. From the mouth of the Id-kun: 9'. the Ki-Es,-sá side. 10'. 15 m, the length; 18 m''each 6 m 11'. 180 m, the length; 1 Vi m' each 6 m 12'. 240 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m 13'. the volume: 330 m' 14'. 360 m, the length; not worked 15'. 60 m, the length; 18 m'each 6 m 16'. the volume: 180 m^ 17'. to the Id-má-gur^-ra canal; 18'. 72 m, the length; 9 m'each 6 m 19'. the volume: 108 m' 20'. to the íd-má-gurj-ra-BAD canal.
10'. 2 Vi ninda gíd 1 sar-ta ir. 30 ninda gíd 5 gín-ta 12'. 40 ninda gíd Vá sar-'^ta^ 13'. a-sag^ 18 Vi '"sar"' 14'. 60 ninda gíd nu-ak 15'. 10 ninda gíd 1 sar-'^ta^ 16'. a-sag^ 10 sar 17'. íd-má-gurg-ra[-se] 18'. 12 ninda gíd V2 s[ar]-ta 19'. a-sag^6sa[r] 20'. íd-má-gurj,-ra-BAD-ae blank line 21'. '"su-t-níginM71 ninda gid 22'. '"su-i-nígin"' 52 sar 5 gín 23'. sanga''nin-dar-'^a^ i-dab^ 24'. 231 Vi ninda gid Vi sar-ta 25'. a-sag^ 73 Vi sar 26'. ugula ur-zikum-ma ugula ága-ús lugal 27'. 480 ninda gíd V3' sar-ta 28'. a-sag^ 160 '^sar^ 29'. ugula HAR-ra-an-na-'^sag^^ blank line 30'. ka id-sag-e[ren-dUj-a-sè] Column iv blank space 2'. ka íd-kun-ta 3'. ka id-sag-eren-dUj-//a-sè 4'. gú-íd-NINAi^-se-du // á 2-a-bi blank space partial erasure of dividing line 6'. U dù-a 7'. ugula sanga ''nin-dar-a
21'. 22'. 23'. 24'. 25'. 26'. 27'. 28'. 29'. 30'.
the volume: 97 Vi m^ they are colonels of the eren (of) ''Nin-dar-a.] 150 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m] the volume: 150 m'] under the supervision of the sanga of''Dumu-zi.]
Total: 1,026 meters, the length total: 937 Vi cubic meters the sanga of''Nin-dar-a took charge of. 1,389 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m the volume: 1323 m' under the supervision of Ur-zikum-ma, foreman of the royal guards. 2,880 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m the volume: 2880 m' under the supervision of HAR-ra-an-na-sag^. To the mouth of Id-sag-eren-du^-a
Column iv [1. the Ki-ès-sa'" side.] 2'. From the mouth of the Id-kun 3'. to the mouth of the íd-sag-eren-du^-a; 4'. the banks of the td-NINA'^'-se-du, both its sides. 5'. To the mouth of the f d-sag-eren-dUg-: 6'. An Ù constructed 7'. under the supervision of the sanga of ''Nin-dar-a.
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41
Textual Notes, HSM 6485 i 4, 8: The HSM text includes a volume total; the BM text does not. i 5-6: This 318-meter section lay just above the point across from the Id-kun. For evidence supporting this, see below, p. 41 (note to ii 11-13), and p. 46. i 14: The phrase ka A.DU is unclear. Possible readings include, among others, k a a-rá, "opening of a path/waterway" (Akk. alaktu), although a-rá is rarely, if ever, attested with the meaning "(physical) path" in Ur III times; and ka a-túm/de^, "opening (for) water bringing." The ka A.DU is always relatively small (max. ca. 2 V2 ninda [ 15 meters] ) by comparison with the other segments; moreover, it is never associated with excavation rates in these two texts. In light of these facts, it probably represented an inlet for irrigation water and path for water traffic. In support of this, note i 7-8 of the BM text, where a ka A.DU seems to be equated with the mouth of the I'd-kun. i 22-23: These totals exclude the entries in 11. 3 and 7 and, for the length, include those for the ka A.DU. The length is correct; according to the excavation rates, the total volume should be 65 Vi sar (1179 m'). ii 1. The total length is emended based on that of the BM text. ii 3. The HSM text adds "they are the royal guards" (aga-ús lugal-me). ii 5. Emendation based on the total volume excavated in ii 6, and on the parallel portion in the BM text. ii 20. The HSM text adds "took charge of" (i-dab^). ii 22. Both the length and excavation rate differ from those in the BM text. ii 23. A considerably larger volume, resulting from the higher excavation rates in ii 22. Note that the HSM text lacks the subtotal for the length, which is provided by the BM text. iii 1. Although they appear in the BM text, totals for the A-sag^-Ambar-tur-''Nanna side of the canal are omitted from the restoration since they appear to be omitted for the Ki-es-sá"^ side (see iii 29'-30'). iii 7'. Note the placement of the 15-meter "opening of an A.DU." Here, it lies above the I'd-kun; in the BM text, it appears to be equated with the mouth of the canal. iii 20'. BAD is clearly written, but its meaning is obscure. The context suggests that it somehow deals with another part—possibly the opposite bank—of theld-má-gur^-ra. iii 26'. The text adds "foreman of the royal guards" (ugula aga-ús lugal), which is lacking in the BM text. iv 2'-3'. A clear summary of the endpoints of the districts, which is lacking in the BM text. iv 5'. The phrase is repeated in the HSM text. iv 6'-7'. For the difference between the two summaries, see below.
BM 93831 Translation Obverse Column ÍÍ 5: 318 m, the length; 1 V¡ m' each 6 m 6. to (a point) opposite the fd-kun 7. from above the fd-kun. 8. From (a point) opposite the Id-kun: 9. the Ambar-tur-''Nanna side. 10. 291 m, the length; 3 m'each 6 m 11. total: 609 meters 12. total: 220 Vi cubic meters 13. from above Ki-ès-sa''' 14. the sanga of ''Nin-dar-a took charge of. 15. 120 m, the length; 6 m'each 6 m 16. in the orchard of Ur-gá-nun;
17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22.
60 m, the length; 9 m' each 6 m in the orchard of Na-ba-silim; 3 m: opening of an A.DU 120 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m 192 m, the length; 1'/2 m'each 6 m 180 m, the length; 9 m' each 6 m
Column ÍÍÍ 1. for the eren of Ki-es-sá'''; 420 m, the length; 3 m' each 6 m 9 m: opening of an A.DU 546 m, the length; 3 m' each 6 m total: 1650 meters, the length, total: 1122 cubic meters
BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HIGKMAN
42 7. 8. 9. 10. 11. 12. 13. 14. 15. 16. 17. 18. 19. 20. 21. 22. 23. 24. 25. 26. 27.
the household manager of ""Nanna took charge of. 180 m, the length; 3 m'each 6 m 3 m: opening of an A.DU 252 m, the length; 6 <m'> each 6 m total: 435 meters, the length total: 342 cubic meters under the supervision of Ad-da-mu. 222 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m the volume: 222 m' Ur-dingir-ra, household manager. 567 m, the length; 9 m'each 6 m the volume: 850'/2 m^ Lú-''Utu, household manager. 3ffi:opening of an A.DU 402 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m the volume: 402 m' the sanga of''Nin-dar-a took charge of. 108 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m the volume: 108 m' Uru-làl, household manager. 486 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m
Reverse Column iv 1. the volume: 486 m' 2. the governor of Susa. 3. 60 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m 4. 105 m, the length; 1 1/5 m' each 6 m 5. total: 165 meters, the length 6. total: 87 cubic meters 7. the en of Nanse took charge of. 8. 106 m, the length; 3 m^ each 6 m 9. 60 m, the length; 4 Vi m' each 6 m 10. the volume: 97 Vi m' 11. they are colonels of the eren (of) ""Nin-dar-a 12. 150 m, the length; 6 <m^> each 6 m 13. the volume: 150 m' 14. under the supervision of the sanga of''Dumu-zi. 15. Total: 5307 meters 16. total: 4000'/2 cubic meters 17. to the mouth of the íd-sag-eren-dUj canal (is) 18. the Field of Ambar-tur-''Nanna side.
Column i 1. 60 m, the length; 18 m' each 6 m 2. 24 m, the length; 38 m' each 6 m 3. the volume: 324 m' 4. extending above the Id-kun. 5. From the mouth of the íd-kun 6. the Ki-es-sá side. 7. 15 m: opening of an A.DU 8. mouth of the fd-kun; 9. 15 m, the length; 18 m' each 6 m 10. 180 m, the length; 1 Vi m' each 6 m 11. 240 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m 12. 360 m, the length; not done 13. 60 m, the length; 18 m' each 6 m 14. the volume: 510 m' 15. to the mouth of the Id-má-gur^-ra canal. 16. 69 m, the length; 9 m' each 6 m 17. the volume: 103 V4 m' 18. total: 1,023 meters, the length 19. total: 697 Vi cubic meters 20. the sanga of ""Nin-dar-a took charge of 21. 1,389 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m 22. the volume: 1323 m' 23. under the supervision of Ur-zikum-ma. 24. 2,880 m, the length; 6 m' each 6 m 25. the volume: 2880 m' 26. under the supervision of HAR-ra-an-na-Sag Column ii 1. Total: 5295 meters, the length 2. total: 4900 VÎ cubic meters 3. to the mouth of the Id-sag-eren-du^-a (is) 4. the Ki-ès-sa side. Column iv 19. The banks of the fd-NINA'^-sè-du, both its sides Column V Column vi 1. 2. 3.
Via Ha-ba-zi-zi and via Ur-''Nin-pirig Year ""Nanna of Kar-zi-da entered his temple (= Sulgi 36)
Textual Notes, BM 93831 ii 5. A lower excavation rate. ii 7. As in HSM 6485 i 5-6, the use of igi-ni m is peculiar since it clearly refers to the area above the point opposite the íd-kun canal. See also the comment to ii 13, below. ii 8-9. The beginning of the Ambar-tur-''Nanna district is explicitly noted; this is lacking in the HSM text.
NEW GROUNDS FOR THE Ü
43
ii 11-13. The totals incorporate the 318-meter segment above the point opposite the íd-kun, which also falls under the jurisdiction of the sanga of''Nin-dar-a even though it belongs to another district (see below). The same is true for the two segments listed above the Id-kun itself, on the opposite side of the Id-NINAi^-sè-du (see i 1-2). The use of the phrase igi-nim Ki-es-sái^'-ta in ii 13 is perplexing since the Ki-es-sá''' side lay on the opposite side of the canal. ii 21. A lower excavation rate. iii 1. The BM text is partially effaced here according to the copy. Maekawa reads sag^, with uncertainty; the sign is clearly eren in the HSM text. iii 20. Maekawa reads "60 nindan ka-a-DU." Read, instead, "1 ninda" or "3 m" (per the note to HSM 6485 i 14, above). This still results in a different length than that found in the HSM text (there 6 m). iv 5. As noted above, the BM text includes a subtotal for the length along with the volume. iv 12. Maekawa includes sar in his transliteration; it is lacking in his copy. iv 15-16. The total for the length of the entire bank is, inexplicably, nearly 350 meters longer than the segments listed; perhaps a collation of the text would rectify this problem. Note that a total length, with its corresponding volume of earth, is presumably lacking in the HSM text (see comments on iii 1 for that text). i 14. The text adds 10 sar to the total, if copied correctly. 18 Va sar is expected. i 16-17. A slightly shorter length than that of the HSM text. i 18-19. Both totals are lower than those given in the HSM text, the volume substantially so. ii 1-2. A total length and volume for the Ki-es-sa''' side, which is lacking in the HSM text.
On the Identification of the Ü Aside from the relatively minor discrepancies cited above, the two texts differ in three notable ways. First, BM 93831 starts on the Ki-ès-sa"" side of the Îd-NINA'''-sè-du canal, at the Id-kun, and covers the full length of that bank before crossing to the other side; by contrast, HSM 6485 starts on the opposite side. Second, the volumes excavated per unit of length vary at several points, and, where so, those in the HSM text are always greater. Finally, and of particular interest, the summaries of the two texts are different. BM 93831 simply states that the work—possibly the record/data—is "conveyed" by two individuals, namely. Ha-ba-zi-zi and Ur-''Nin-pirig (giri PN ù PN^; vi 1-3); HSM 6485, by contrast, explicitly ties it to the construction of an Ü (iv 6'). These differences may be related. BM 93831 could be an estimate of the work to be done on the canal, a possibility raised by Civil for this type of text' If so, HSM 6485 may represent the corresponding record of the actual work that was performed. Its summary, by mentioning a specific construction project, could support this, as could its higher excavation rates, which may reflect the additional silt that had accumulated along the canal banks since the estimate was performed. This explanation remains tenuous; among other handicaps, the Harvard text is not dated. The fact that both texts offer totals, in some cases apparently at random, may suggest that the work was performed piecemeal. While attestations of the term 0 are plentiful, explicit mention of its construction is limited to this record, and possibly one other.*' A handful of Early Dynastic tablets, also from Girsu, deal with "(earth)work of/on an Ü" (kindú-a Ù ...), and these, too, associate various lengths with specific individuals; other Ur III references, however, which stem principally from Girsu and Umma, either deal with various assignments on the structure after it was
5. Describing BM 21335 (discussed below): "The tablet gives the impression of being a surveyor's field notes to provide an estimate of the necessary work and its assignation to various supervisors and personnel. The type of work is not specified, but it is said to be on both sides of the canal nina^'-Sè-gin.... It is thus most likely that levee work is intended." (M. Civil, The Farmers Instructions: A Sumerian Agricultural Manual, Aula Orientalis Supplement 5 [Barcelona: Ausa, 1994], 119). 6. See UTI 3 1632 (=BPOA 2 2287) 5-7: 6 guruä ud 1-sè ú k u - n u - t i - b a l a - a - r i - k a Ü idigna-bi ak, "Six men for one day, constructing an Ü of the Tigris (at the field) Üku-nu-ti-bala-a-ri-ka."I thank P. Steinkeller for drawing my attention to this reference.
BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HICKMAN
44
opening at an A.DU
Id-kun
the sanga of ''Nin-dar-a took charge of
point opposite the fd-kun
' 120 orchard of Ur-gá-nun i M) orchard of Na-ba-silim 3 opening (it un A.DU
the sanga of Nin-dar-a took charge of
for the eren of Ki-es-sá^i
[the household manager of ''Nanna took charge of]
wo notwwieil
') opening of on A.IHI
Id-má-gur8-ra o ihc íd-mi-gurK-ru-BAD
l.lopcningotan A.DUI
under the supervision of Ur-zikum-ma, foreman of the royal guards
1389
they are royal guards under the supervision of Ad-da-mu Ur-dingir-ra, household manager
Lu-''Utu, household manager
the sanga o f Nin-dar-a took charge of Uru-làl, household manager
the governor of Susin'" took charge of under the supervision of yAR-ra-an-na-sag5
the en o f Nanse took charge of [colonel of the eren of''Nin-dar-a] [under the supervision of the sanga of''Dumu-zi] id-sag-eren-du8-a
td-süe-e[ren-du8-a1
[(Field of) Ambar-tur-''Nanna] (5295 meters)
(4960 meters)
Fig. 3. Schematic diagram of the I d -NINA'''-5 è - d u and its offtakes, with the various segments and persons mentioned in HSM 6485 and BM 93831 (cf. Rost, "Irrigation Mangagement," plan 1, and Carroué, "Le 'Cours-d'Eau-Allant-à-NINA'"','' 30,fig.3).
NEW GROUNDS FOR THE U
45
built (see below) or simply mention it vis-à-vis other topographic features.' These and other data were discussed at some length, also by Civil;' the identification of the structure being paramount, he notes the following among its properties (or cites data from which these may be drawn): • • •
The U was an earthen structure and, as such, subject to erosion. It normally appears in association with watercourses, but also with dams, fields, and forests. It could be planted with trees and vineyards, or contain fields; thus, it could be quite large. It is sometimes listed in surveys of fields, alongside other topographic features or qualitative assessments of land.
Of particular importance for him was the use of ù for u,, which occurs, in some cases, for u = rakäbu, "to ride," and, possibly, in this context: If the assumption that the ù under discussion stands for u^ is correct, then the equations of u^ with sip[A:u] "earth pile" and iku "levee" ... provide a clue to its meaning. The ù would thus be high ground, perhaps old levees or even an island, near the river or canal banks.... Finally, the expression a - u yù - b a, idiomatically translated into Akkadian by mil kissati "high waters," "the cresting of the (yearly) flood," could very well mean in Sumerian "the water in the ù-lands," i.e., the time when the waters cover or reach the higher ground on the banks.... In a region with unstable, meandering watercourses like S. Iraq, one may expects [sic] tofindterms for banks or islands created by the changes in the river beds resulting from the yearly floods.' On the basis of this evidence. Civil leaves the question open, translating "ù grounds," albeit with brief consideration of the suggestion, by Deimel, of "[einje Art Bewässerungsgraben(?)," and, by Steinkeller, of "bridge." Steinkeller further proposes the reading (a)duru^ for the graph in this context, tying it to Sumerian é-''''"'duru , a-dur, and addir—all lexical equivalents of (and perhaps etymologically related to) Akkadian titurru, "bridge, causeway."'" The location of the Ü in HSM 6485 is critical to its identification, yet this is never given. Most likely, it lay on both banks along the full length of the Îd-NINAi^-sè-du, between the Id-kun (or points just above it) and Idsag-eren-dUg-a canals. Several points support this. First, the structure is not associated with any other toponym, so it was presumably located within the area covered by the text. Second, it is unlikely that the length-assignments and the individuals associated with them would have been recorded along with the amount of earth excavated unless the finished project was physically connected to those segments (if this were a balanced account, by contrast, the source of the earth might be given regardless of how it was used). Third, the existence of the Ur III toponym a-sag^ Ü-gú-íd-da, the "field 'Ü (on) the bank of the canal,"' indicates that at least some of these structures lay on canal banks in antiquity." Fourth, in those few cases where an Ü contains arable land, it invariably includes land of the highest quality, which is otherwise known to have lain closest to the canal banks. Fifth, as noted above.
7. A possible exception is the Girsu text TUT 9 (= SVS I/I 9), a record of earthwork along two canals associated with the temple households of''Nin-gir-su and ''Nin-gil-zi-da. There, a volume of earth is given (kin ú sahar), from which smaller volumes associated with one or both of the households are taken and categorized as "performed work" (kin ak). The difference between the two volumes is categorized as "unperformed work" (kin nu-ak), and the canal associated with the work is identified. As with the Harvard text, both banks are incorporated, and, notably, the entire operation is labeled "construction work" (kin dù-a). 8. Farmer's Instructions, 131-32. 9. Farmer's Instructions, 132. 10. P. Steinkeller, "Notes on the Irrigation System in Third Millennium Southern Babylonia," BSA 4 (1988) 81. For lexical equivalents of titurru, see CAD s.v. (or, in AHw, s.v. titüru). 11. UTI 5 3493 iv 5'; see also the di-til-la published by M. Molina, "Some Neo-Sumerian Legal Texts in the British Museum," in Von Sumer nach Ebla und zurück: Festschrift für Giovanni Pettinato zum 27. Sept. 1999 gewidmet von Freunden, Kollegen und Schülern, ed. H. Waetzoldt, HSAO 9 (Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag, 2004), 184 6:2: X sar Ü id-da gú ''ba-ú-hé-gal, "x cubic meters, the Ü of the canal (on) thebankof the''Ba-ú-hé-gál"
46
BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HICKMAN
Ü-structures could be planted with orchards, which were situated along canal banks as well (note the orchards of Ur-gá-nun and Na-ba-silim in i 10-13). Sixth, if the structure were simply a raised mound of earth (as in, say, a marsh turtleback), it would no doubt have been called a "hill" (Sum. du^, Akk. tilu)—a topographic feature that is otherwise distinguished from the Ü.'^ Seventh, communities that engage in this kind of canal maintenance generally move the earth they excavate as short a distance as possible, depositing it directly on the canal banks; presumably, that was the case here." Eighth, these structures are otherwise known to have had banks themselves or to have had their own dikes, suggesting that they lay on (or near) canals;''' of particular interest here are references to a canal's "outer Ü" (Ü bar-ra), one of which includes the obscure expression "extending into its side/ district."'^ Finally, these structures were not only large but long. In BPOA 6 909, an undated topographical survey from Umma, a single Ü is listed at 400 us, or 144 kilometers!?"" Civen such an implausible value, it is more likely that this measurement refers to all the Ü-structures in the area being surveyed; nevertheless, such a measurement highlights the fact that these structures were measured by their lengths. If the Ü lay along the full stretch of the Id-NINA'''-sè-du covered in this text, it would have been ca.fivekilometers long. Notwithstanding these arguments, it remains possible that the Ü in HSM 6485 was confined to a more limited area. In support of this, the temple administrator of''Nin-dar-a supervised the entire project—an indication, perhaps, that the structure was confined to a segment or segments associated with him in the text. Also, the Ur III toponym a-sag^ Ü - k u n - í d - d a , "the field 'Ü (at) the tail of the canal,"'^ suggests that it could be located at a specific point on a canal, as does, perhaps, the reference to an U "across from" a field on a branch of the IdNINA'^-áe-du." In any case, given the absence of any reference to baked bricks or other materials more resistant to erosion in the construction of Ü-structures, which would no doubt have been necessary if they crossed major canals, we presume that the Ü lay on the banks of the Id-NINA'''-sè-du in the HSM text, either along the full length of the canal between the Id-kun and Id-sag-eren-du^-a branches or isolated to a smaller segment (or segments) of it. The evidence in HSM 6485 and elsewhere supports the translation "spoil bank" for the Ü first and foremost. This fits virtually every attestation of the term, and if the earth excavated from the Id-NINA'"-sè-du was deposited directly on its banks and ran the length of the canal (or a portion thereof), the resulting mound of earth was a spoil bank, by definition (indeed, it is inconceivable to have a canal without a spoil bank in southern Babylonia). In antiquity, as today, these structures could become quite massive; to cite one example, after some 1,500 years of defiation and erosion, Sassanian spoil banks still formed one of the more impressive structures of the Babylonian landscape in the 1960s (see fig. 4). And lying along the banks, as they did, it was not uncommon for spoil banks to be planted with trees. By extension, one could further identify the Ü as a "bund" or "causeway," with all these terms entail. The two principal functions of a spoil bank are to keep water at bay and to act as a path for land trafiSc, and the Ü in HSM 6485 would have formed the principal means of accomplishing both goals along this streatch of the Id-NINA""s è - d u. Lying along a major artery, as it did, it would have to have been both high enough to remain above water at peak flood season and large enough to support the heavy traffic it saw by wagons, sledges, animals, and, of course.
12. See, e.g., TUT 12: v' 1-8 i=SVS I/I 12); and, possibly, ÍTT3 6604 reverse ii 2-5. 13. R. Hunt, personal communication. For reference to this practice in the Ur III corpus, see, perhaps, ASJ 13 224 70:14-17: x ninda gíd y sar íd-''na-rú-a-igi-du sahar gar-ra,"x length y volume (per length), earth deposited on the (bank of) Id-''Na-rú-a-igi-du canal. 14. WMAH22l\ 4 (=MVN2 221); NArN447: 4. 15. SeeNRVNl 264: 10 ninda gid 1 ninda 5 [sa]r-ta, sahar-bi 50 sar, 2 ninda gíd 1 ninda 3 sar-ta, sahar-bi 6 sar, Übar-ra id-idigna ''nanna ugula PN^ giri PN^ á-ba lá-a, "60 meters, the length, at 90 cubic meters (excavated) per 6 meters, the earth: 900 cubic meters; 12 meters, the length, at 54 cubic meters per 6 meters, the earth: 108 cubic meters; the 'outer Ü' of the Tigris (of?) ''Nanna, under the supervision of PN,, via PN^, 'extending into its side/district.'" See also OrSP 47-49 361: 5-8 (collation OrAnt 17 [1978] 48). 16. Lines 1-4. A second Ü, in the same text, is listed at 80 uä, or 28.8 kilometers (11. 5-6). This text will be discussed in detail in a forthcoming article by P. Steinkeller on the location of GAR-sa-na'". 17. SAT2 1114 ii 26 and passim. A threshing floor is also associated with the toponym (Í/T7 6 3702: 11). 18. CT 10 49 BM 14334: 5.
NEW GROUNDS FOR THE Ü
47
r
pedestrians, much of it for towing boats upstream, '—m^^^^^^^^m a ubiquitous activity in Ur III sources. Such traffic, ^BÊÊK^^^^M moreover, would have been integral to the fortifiW[^^^M cation of the structure after the earth was initially ^^^^H deposited; indeed, causeway itself ultimately derives .. " ^ ^ V from Latin calx, the term for both "pavement" and "heel," and, by extension, from late Latin calciare, "to •Si-S trample," for the process by which marsh paths were m forged, largely along embankments (compare French chaussée, for both "road" and "embankment"). Unfortunately, nothing in the records dealing with the construction or maintenance of an Ü associates it more precisely with a causeway proper;" aside from Fig. 4. Photo of a Sassanian Spoil Bank. unspecified earthwork,^" assignments include smoo(Courtesy of J. Armstrong.) thing (Sum. su...ùr)^' and cleaning (Sum. su...luh [or su-luh...ak])," both of which are also performed on river beds, among other places.^' Yet another function of the causeway is to separate fresh and brackish water; the toponym a-sag^ Û-a-dùg-ga, "the field 'Ü of fresh water"' may reflect such a role.-" It should be stressed that the enormous size of many of the Ü-structures attested in the Ur III corpus does not mean that all of them were on such scale. While they were associated with major rivers such as the Tigris," they could also appear with smaller canals such as the Id-tur-tur, a branch of the I'd-NINA'^'-se-du.-*' Causeways came in all sizes and formed a critical—perhaps even the most critical—component of land transportation in the alluvial plain. Perhaps reflecting this, we would remind the reader that the graph Ü becomes the principal means of expressing the coordinating conjunctions and and or in the third millennium—the major link between clauses and phrases large and small.
On Ceography, Hydrology, and the Individuals Mentioned in HSM 6485 The geographical and hydrological data in these two texts is of obvious importance for the study of Girsu/ Lagash in Ur III times, all the more so in that this segment of the Id-NINA'^'-sè-du and its adjoining districts can
19. Causeways in Babylonia were dearly formed in part by trampling (Akk. kabásu, in the §-stem [see CAD, s.v., 7c]). Note also the extended use of causeway trafi5c in Akkadian anti-witchcraft literature: salmäniya ina titurri taqbirâ-ma ummänu ukabbisû, "you have buried figurines of me in tbe causeway so that people could step on them" (Maqlu IV 36; cited CAD, s.v. titurru lc). 20. In addition to tbose texts cited by Civil, see SAT 2 147: l - 4 : x s a r kin Ü-id-sal^-la á lu bun-gá, "x cubic meters, (earth) work on the Ü of tbe id-sal^-la canal, work of birelings;" and MVN 5 217:1-2: 248.0.0 se gur su-ga mu sahar Ü id-sè, "74,400 liters of grain repaid, for tbe eartb (work?) of tbe Ü of tbe canal." 21. E.g., l / r / 6 3811: 1-2: 12 gurus ud 14-[sèl Ü-id-idigna su ùr-ra a zi-ga -ba, "x men for 14 days, used to smootb the Ü of tbe Tigris (and) release water." Tbe same assignment also occurs in SA 78 pi. 81 and MVN 21 201: 2-3; note tbe use of tbe grapb LAGABxGUD for dib^dab^ in the former. 22. See 1986 13 222 69 i 20-21 and ii 2-3. 23. Note, bowever, tbe distinction between tbe two verbs in BPOA 2 2546: 6-8: X s abar gii i d - g u r u l " - g i n , - d u su ùr-ra ù §ag ídguruá"-gin,-du áu-lub-ak, "x cubic feet of eartb, (for) smootbing tbe bank of tbe íd-gurus''-gin_-du canal and cleaning tbe bed of tbe Id-gurus^-gin^-du canal." Tbe entire record involves eartb on subsistence plots (Sum. suku), from wbicb tbis assignment is executed and dikes at tbe lower ends of said fields were constructed/fortified (Sum. si-ga, "to pile"; for ég sa-dúr as tbe wide embankment opposite tbe canal on tbe sbort sides of a field, see Civil, Farmer's Instructions 125-29). 24. See CT7 29 BM 18384 14, 26. 25. See, e.g., CT 7 29 BM 18384:19; UTÍ 6 3811:2; /TT 5 6863 (=A«Or 45 246) 36 iii 5. 26. CT 10 49 BM 14334: 1-5; for tbe relationsbip of tbe I d - t u r - t u r to tbis area, see BM 21335, discussed below.
48
BENJAMIN STUDEVENT-HICKMAN
be located more precisely. As noted already by Maekawa,^^ BM 21335 (= CT 3 35 [undated]), one of the principal sources for F. Carroues extensive study of the canal,'* is a similar record dealing with an even longer segment immediately upstream from that found in HSM 6485 and BM 93831. The adjacency of the two segments is confirmed by their sharing a common boundary, namely the Id-kun canal, as well as identical-length assignments just above this boundary—on each bank of the Id-NINA'"-sè-du. As for the districts, their adjacency further illustrates that NINA"' and A l - s a - n a ^ which lay along the two sides of the Îd-NINA'"-sè-du in BM 21335, were located immediately upstream from K i - è s - s á ''' and (A-sagJ-Ambar-tur-''Nanna,onthe same sides of the canal, respectively.^' Together, these texts provide an incredibly detailed look at a fifteen-kilometer stretch of the Îd-NINA'''-sè-du near the cities of NINA''' and Ki-es-sa''', as demarcated by the Id-'^En-ki-zi-áag^-gál (the upper boundary of BM 21335) and Id-sag-eren-du^-a canals. The only extensive study of this combined length, outside Carroué, is by S. Rost, in a recently published manuscript.'" That essay focuses primarily on the organization of labor for the excavation projects recorded in these texts. Sadly, data on the hydrology of the area are essentially confined to these records.^' I discovered HSM 6485 while I was working on my dissertation at Harvard. Having read the colophon of the tablet and recognized its importance for our knowledge of the Ü, and having taken only a cursory glance at its contents, I noted in that manuscript that I would publish the tablet as a separate study. After leaving Harvard, I met Ms. Rost and became acquainted with her work on BM 93831 and BM 21335; then, when I returned to Harvard some three years later and started working on the tablet, I immediately realized, as fate would have it, that it was a copy of one of the principal texts on which her study is based. She and I have openly and constructively discussed these texts and the circumstances of our situation; as a result, it was decided that, despite our disagreements on several important matters, I would limit this study to the identification of the U, in deference to her work and the important questions it raises about the people mentioned along this section of the canal. Further study of these individuals and the significance of their connections to the Id-NINA'''-se-du will appear as either a collaborative study by Ms. Rost and myself or as a section of the aforementioned monograph I am now preparing.
Addendum After submitting this manuscript to the editors, I became aware of the recent contribution by P. Notizia, who offered a transliteration, translation, and photo of HSM 6485 (P. Mander and P. Notizia, "Testi relativi all'agricoltura e a lavori di manutenzione fluviale dallo Harvard Semitic Museum," in Dallo Stirone al Tigri, dal Tevere all'Eufrate. Studi in Onore di Claudio Saporetti, ed. P. Negri Scafa and S. Viaggio [Rome: Aracne, 2009], 239-46,249). In addition, he notes the connections between the Harvard tablet and the others cited above (above all BM 93831), and makes brief reference to the remarks by Civil and Steinkeller on the meaning of Ü. His commentary and discussion are otherwise minimal, so there is relatively little overlap between our two manuscripts. That said, we do have occasional differences in our readings, only two of which are of any real consequence. First, for HSM 6485 iii 20', Notizia reads i^ m á - g u r ^ - r a - s u m u n - s e , translating "verso il canale Magura-sumun" Such a reading is
27. "Agricultural Texts of Ur III Lagasb," 131. 28. "Le 'Cours-d'Eau-Allant-à-NINA^'V esp. 25-29. 29. This is further supported by tbe fact that fd-kun appears to be an appocopated form of Id-kun-NINA''', the "canal at the tail (end) of the NINA" district" (see ITT 3 5111:2). 30. "Irrigation Management in the Ur III Period: A Reconsideration Based on a Gase Study of the Maintenance of tbe Id-NINA-äe-DU Ganal of the Province Lagas," in The Empirical Dimension of Ancient Near Eastern Studies, ed. G. I. Selz, Wiener Offene Orientalistik 6 (Wien: Lit-Verlag, 2011), 211-68 witb Plan 1. I thank Ms. Rost for sharing a copy of this manuscript with me prior to, and immediately after, publication. 31. To my knowledge, tbe only other text mentioning tbe toponyms from HSM 6485/BM 93831 and BM 21335 with respect to each other is MVN 9 159, a poorly preserved record dealing with large swaths of the canal, similarly demarcated, under the supervision of various individuals (see Garroué, "Le 'Gours-d'Eau-AUant-à-NINA^'V 29).
NEW CROUNDS FOR THE Ü
49
certainly plausible, and having the meaning "to the old Id-má-gur^-ra canal," it would suggest that this branch of the Id-NINA'''-sè-du had, at some point, (been) moved 72 meters upstream (note that there is no mention of it in BM 93831—a scribal oversight?). Second, Notizia reads i 18 (and, by extension, BM 93831 iii 1) as sig ki-èssa'^'-sè, which he translates "a sud di Ki'esa," as opposed to eren ki-ès-sa'''-sè, "for the eren of Ki-es-sá""." While sig is an occasional allograph of eren in Ur III sources—the two signs are composed of the same four wedges—and is otherwise rare in this usage and construction, there is good support for his reading. The sign in i 18 is indeed a proper sig, and such an expression there would form a fitting counterpart to the phrase igi-nim ki-es-sá'"-ta, "from above Ki-es-sá""," which is found ten lines earlier in BM 93831 (see ii:13; this phrase is lacking in the Harvard text). I thank Mr. Notizia for sharing a PDF of his article with me, and for the professional and courteous way we have been able to deal with our situation. It is my hope that both our articles will draw new students to this material, leading to further advancements in our understanding of it.
LAMENTFUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBIAL LAMENTS? INTERTEXTUAL CONNECTIONS BETWEEN SUMERIAN PROVERBS AND EMESAL LAMENTS Uri Gabbay (Jerusalem)
Certain items in the Old Babylonian Sumerian proverb collections have an elegiac tone. The most popular proverb collection, namely SP 24-6 (Veldhuis 2000: 384), and other collections as well, begin with a lamentful passage (SP 2.1 and parallels; Alster 1997: 44-46; Veldhuis 2000: 386-87):' ki gul-la-ba ki hé-en-gul ki nu-gul-la-ba gú-gir hé-en-gál ki-ni ki lu-úb'" kud-da hé-a garza-bi gir ba-da-kúr di-ir-ga-a ki ba-e-gul me-bi ba-da-ha-lam garza-bi gir na-ab-ta-ab-kúr-ru-de-en-zé-en dí-ir-ga-a ki nam-ba-e-gul-lu-dè-en-zé-en me-bi na-ab-ta-ab-ha-lam-e-en-zé-en gu^-dè ki-gub-ba na-ab-ta-ab-kur-ru-dè-en-zé-en
Had a place been destroyed in this destroyed place. Had a breach been present in this undestroyed place. Had his place been a place where turnips are harvested. The course of those rites would be changed. The place of the orders would be destroyed. That cult would be annihilated. You must not change the course of those rites. You must not destroy the place of the orders. You must not annihilate that cult. You must not remove the bull from its station!
Although the interpretation of this passage is not certain, its general tone seems to be elegiac, perhaps referring to a funerary procession to a burial area in uncultivated land,^ asking that the allocation of the land not be altered, but should remain for burial rather than for ploughing or for other agricultural activities. The fact that this short literary item was included in the Sumerian proverb collections demonstrates that it was considered to be related to other "real" proverbs in the collections. This may be due to the public nature of funerals, which were not restricted to temple personnel, but were part of life (and death) of every individual. This popular nature of funerals may also
I thank Bendt Alster, Nathan Wasserman and an anonymous reviewer for reading an earlier version of this article and for their comments, references and remarks. 1. Parallels: SP 7.1, UET 6/2, 356, Alster 2005: 396:1; Finkel 1986:4: 4 (Nineveh Sidu catalogue entry). My understanding of the passage is based on the translations by Alster and Veldhuis with slight variations. 2. The public procession may be indicated by the use of the second person plural verbs (-en-zé-en), calling upon the participants in the procession. Note the use of the second person plural form u^ zi-ga-zé-na, "Day of'rise (pi.)!?' in mourning ceremonies (ér) in two Ur III documents from Uruk, likely to refer to public cultic processions (Sallaberger 1993,1: 221; II: 127, table 74), as well as second person plural forms in Emesal laments, referring to processions in which these laments were (originally) performed (Cohen 1988: 276: a-^54-5, a+63, 301-2: 94-96, 321: a+15-16, 325: c-fll9-22).
51
|CS63{2Oli)
52
URICABBAY
have been manifest in at least some of the texts and recitations said within it, and this may have been considered to be one of the reasons for the grouping of these texts with other popular sayings. In addition to this and similar lament-like passages, the Sumerian proverb collections contain a relatively high percentage of words and phrases in the Emesal register of Sumerian,^ a register used in the corpus of laments belonging to the repertoire of the gala I kalû, especially in Balag and Ersema compositions. As will be demonstrated below, some proverbs have exact or very similar parallels in Emesal laments. Are such proverbs to be understood as citations from Emesal laments? Or vice versa, do some passages in Emesal laments quote certain proverbs? The answer to these questions is complex, and the case may be different with each such occurrence, as with other correspondences between literary texts and Sumerian proverbs."* Below, I will discuss some examples of correspondences between Sumerian proverbs and Emesal laments, including an exact parallel arising from an Emesal lament published in the appendix to this article. I will then discuss the passages from Emesal laments in the general context of funerary laments and attempt to explain their connection with the Sumerian proverb collections.
A Sinking Boat in Sumerian Proverbs and in an Emesal Lament A short passage in an Old Babylonian Sumerian proverb collection, preserved on three tablets from Nippur, reads as follows (SP 3.179 [Alster 1997: 110]): ù-Ug-a bí-in-dU|j ^''má ba-da-an-su a-la-la bl-in-du^j gi-mus ba-da-an-has He said 'Woe!' and the boat sank. He said 'Alas!' and the rudder broke. A longer version of this item occurs in two other tablets, the first of which is in another Old Babylonian proverb collection (SP 7.77 [Alster 1997: 161]): ú'(PA)-a bí-m-dU|| má ba-'^da-an^-[su] a-la-la bí-in-du^j ê'*gi..nius ba-da-an-has gurus-e Uj-àm '^u^^-àm di *'*má ki-bé ba-te
He said "Woe!" and the boat sank. He said "Alas!" and the rudder broke. This(?) young man, (while) saying "Woe, Woe!" the boat reached its destination. The second tablet on which this passage is found, in bilingual form, preserves two proverbs,* the second one reading as follows (VAT 17353:10-18 [yS24, 113; Lambert 1960: 274; Alster 1997: 110]):
3. See Alster 1997: xiv: "... it is remarkable that in the Sumerian proverb collections a number of entries are in the emesal dialect, which was often used by women..." 4. See Taylor 2005: 21-22; also Veldhuis 2000: 385; Alster 2007: 6-7,13-15,91; Peterson 2009; Gabbay 2010. Although many of these items are citations from literary texts in the proverb collections, some correspondences which have a clear proverbial nature may be uses of proverbs in literary texts (Alster and Oshima 2006: 42 with n. 15). 5. The restoration of this line (according to photograph in Alster 1997: pi. 51), which differs from Alster s reading and interpretation, was suggested by an anonymous reader. 6. The first proverb on this tablet is also known from other sources (Lambert 1960: 263, 274; Alster 2006: 385-86).
53
LAMENTFUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBIAL LAMENTS?
et-lum lí-Uj iq-bi-ma e-li-pa-su it-te^-bu a-la-li iq-bi-ma si-ka-an-su it-te-e¡-pi-ir ú-Mj ù a-a (ras.)' iq-bi-ma e-li-pa-su a-na ki-ib-ri
[a-l]a-labí-du,j s- b]a-da-has [(O)'bi]-du„ Pmá'KI].A-se
The young man said "Wbe!" and his boat sank. He said 'Alas!' and his rudder broke. He said 'Woe! Ohi' and his boat reached the bank. The entire entry was interpreted as follows by Alster (1997: 349): "The short form present in SP 3.179 seems to indicate that this is a joke based upon the comical effect of uttering something inappropriate for the occasion." The Late Babylonian tablet, BM 114010, edited in the appendix below demonstrates that this interpretation should be reconsidered. The tablet is probably part of a Balag to Damu, wherein Damu is addressed with a standard list of epithets as sinking with his boat in the river of the netherworld. Lines 10' and 18' of the new text correspond precisely to the proverb discussed above (SP 3.179), and to the firstpartofthe longer version of this proverb (SP 7.77 and VS 24, 113), while the lines in between (12'-17') repeat the phrase of line 10' with a change of name or epithet of the protagonist in each line." See the comparative synoptic table below: SP 3.179
BM 114010: lO; 18'
SP 7.77
•^ù-Uj^-abi-in-dUjj
ù-Uj-a bí-in-dU|| *'*má
8''«rmái ba-da-an-^su^
ba-da-an-su
ú'(PA)-a bi-in-dUjí má ba-'^da-an^-[su]
'^a-la-la^ '^bi-in-du^^ gi-musba-an-'^dahas^
a-la-la bí-in-dU|| gimus ba-da-an-has
a-la-la bi-in-dUj^ *''gimus ba-da-an-has
VS 24,113:10-18 [gurus-e]' ''ú'''-Uj' [blí-du,,[S'*má]^rbaida-sù [a-l]a-labi-du,,[ê'*gimus' b]a-da-has
et-lum ú-Ug iq-bi-ma e-li-pa-su if-fe^-bu a-la-li iq-bi-ma si-kaan-iu it-te-eS-pi-ir
The last parts of the longer versions of the item (SP 7.77 and VS 24,113) do not have a parallel in BM 114010, but the phrases ki-bé ba-da-te and [pe]Sjj,([KI].A)-sè [ba]-te in these proverbs are similar to the phrase ki-bé ba-da-gul occurring in BM 114010 (lines r. 3 and r. 6).
A Sleepless Wanderer in a Proverb and an Emesal Lament There is one other proverb, known from Old Babylonian collections and from a bilingual version from Nineveh where only the Akkadian is preserved, which is quite parallel to a passage from an Emesal lament (SP 1.174 = SP 7.47 [Alster 1997: 35, 159] // K.4327-1-, iv: 11-14 [Lambert 1960: 237]):
7. Tbe exclamation ù{-)a-a in tbe Akkadian column, followed by an erasure, was read ù a-a-ru in tbe previous editions by Lambert (1960: 274) and Alster (1997: 110). These editions were based on "a transliteration of A. Falkenstein as communicated by F. Köcber" (Lambert 1960: 274). Since tben, the copy was publisbed in VS 24, 113, indicating tbat tbe last sign is not -ru. 8. For line U', see edition below. Note tbat tbe bilingual version of the proverb begins tbe first line witb etlum, probably corresponding to guruá in tbe broken Sumerian column, wbicb would fit tbe cry "a guruá" in tbe litany edited below. Note tbat guruä also appears in tbe additional pbrase found in SP 7.77.
54
URI GABBAY al-di-di-dè-en nu-kus-ù-dè-en i-di-di-dè-en ù nu-ku-ku-me-en II a-tal-lak [ul] a-na-ah [a-da-a]l-ma [ul a-sa]l-lal
I walk about, I do not get tired. I wander, I do not sleep. Lambert (1960: 238) notes on this item: "Is it a riddle?" Alster (1997: 356) remarks: "This is uttered by someone who never gets tired of moving about, but the implication remains doubtful since the speaker is unknown." This proverb seems to be related to a passage from the Balag a-se-er gi^-ta, describing the goddess roaming in despair after the destruction of her city (SBH 27:15-17 [Cohen 1988: 710: b-t-104-105; Black 1985: 24:198-99]): [al'-dí]-'^dí"'-ín nu-kus-ù-dè-en // [a]-'da''-al ul a-na-hi [ ]-'en' ù nu-mu-un-da-ku-ku // a-na-al ul a-sal-lal I wander, I do not get tired, I [...], I do not sleep. Admittedly, the Akkadian form a-na-al {anal) in the second line would indicate an interpretation: "I lie down, I do not sleep," perhaps with a restoration of the verb nú in the beginning of the Sumerian version. Black (1985: 24, 35) emends the text to: a-da'-al (having our proverb in mind?), and accordingly translates: "I wander, but I do not become tired, I wander, but I cannot sleep."'
Other Possible Correspondences between Sumerian Proverbs and Emesal Laments Many other items among the proverb collections may be related to Emesal laments, but none can be identified with certainty at this point.'" Below is a list of some examples, which may turn out to be derived from such laments based on their vocabulary, although parallels have not yet been found. •
SP 1.167 (// SP 7.22) (Alster 1997:34) mentions balag ér-ra, "balagj-instrument of laments," a phrase known to be used especially in Emesal laments."
9. Note also Cohen 1988: 226: a-f49 (also 102: 175; Löhnert 2009: 269: 46): gaäan-me-en i-di-di-in ù n u - k u - k u - m e - e n , "You(?) are the lady, you(?) wander about and do not sleep." 10. In accordance with SP 3.179, discussed above, it is tempting to see quotations from Damu laments in other proverbs dealing with (sinking) boats (e.g., SP 1.83-1.90, 1.187; Alster 1997: 21-22, 37). Note SP 1.187 (Alster 1997: 37), wbicb has the Emesal form mu-lu-gu^^, as well as CT 58, 30: 1 (Alster 1997: 287; probably the OB version of Lambert 1960: 267: 21), which mentions a sunken Dilmun-boat, and which may be connected to a passage occurring in some Emesal laments (as observed by Krecher 1966: 217). Note also that Alster has already connected phrases from laments related to boarding the boat with traditional utterances used to call the crew to board the boat (lacobsen and Alster 2000: 331). Other lamentful proverbs (not related to boats) maybe SP 1.30 (Alster 1997:12, similar perhaps to a passage from a Dumuzi lament, Cohen 1981: 91, no. 60:21-22, see Katz 2003: 220-21, 231 with n. 99), SP 1.38 (Alster 1997: 13 and 345; note that the first line of this proverb is very similar to a line from a Damu lament [Alster 1986: 27: 4; see Civil 1987: 53, and Katz 2003: 203 with n. 15, 211-12)), and SP 28.9 (Alster 1997: 285, 316; 2007: 59-60). 11. Cohen 1988: 420: a-H36; 471: a-h47//529: 71 //BL 9a-^ßL 73: r. 15 (Gabbay 2007: 393); VS 17, 56: 18//BA 5/5, 25: ll'-12'//BL 48: 6" // BL 105: 4'; BaM Beih. 2, 27: 16'; SBH 83: r. 21-22. Outside tbe corpus of Emesal laments, it appears in Ur Lament 85 (wbich is connected to the use of the term in Emesal laments) and in Dumuzi-Inana F 37 (wbicb may be connected to the mourning rites of Dumuzi, found also in Emesal laments).
LAMENTFUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBLAL LAMENTS? •
55
SP 1.73 (Alster 1997: 19) deals with a merchant leaving the city), an image known from Emesal laments for Enlil (the "merchant") abandoning his city.'^ Similarly, SP 1.165 (Alster 1997: 33) mentions the merchant and uses Emesal forms."
In addition, some of the "gala proverbs" (SP 2.97-106) (Alster 1997: 65-67) may turn out to be derived from the corpus of the gala, that is, Emesal laments:'"* •
•
SP 2.99 (Alster 1997: 65) mentions the gala throwing his son into the water. One manuscript of this item" uses Emesal forms (gala-e d u m u - n a a-a ba-da-zé-èg, and ka-na-ág instead of kalam in the second line). The similar phrase: dumu a-e ... zé-èg occurs in Emesal laments,"" alluding to Damu (and other deities identified with him) killed by the waters." SP 2.100 (Alster 1997: 65) mentions the Emesal speech of the gala concerning the belongings of Inana (èg ga-sa-an-an-na), after a non-verbal act, which was interpreted as wiping the buttocks.'" In my opinion this is not the case, and the phrase (bid ... zé-er) refers to laceration of the buttocks, an act known to be performed by Ninsubur in the myth Inana's Descent during her lamentation over Inana (although using different vocabulary)."
The Elegiac Character of the Proverh Collections The Damu lament edited below, and other Damu laments, may have had a funerary context, since such texts are known to have been associated with ceremonies of this nature (Alster 1986: 22-23; Katz 1999: 107-8; 2003: 197212).^" In the third millennium, and perhaps also in Old Babylonian times, the gala is known to have participated in funerals, probably while performing laments in Emesal.^' There is no evidence to this after the Old Babylonian period, and it seems that other performers participated in funerals, reciting other texts that did not belong to the
12. Gohen 1988: 103: a+197, 132: d+166, 163: b+215; Maul 2005: 27, no. 3: 2; Löhnert 2009: 322: 2: ú r u - t a dam-gàr-ra b a - d a - k ú r dû ka-nag-gá al-lu, "The Merchant moved away from the city, the entire Land is in confusion." This motif is also preserved in STT 360: 1-6 (Livingstone 1989: 39, no. 16); see also Civil 1976: 73, and An-Anum I: 175 13. Note especially the construction ta ... ir, "what has he/she carried?" known elsewhere in Emesal laments (Kramer 1981: 2,11. 1-19). 14. The gala proverbs are usually regarded as drawing a ridiculous character of the gala. Thus, regarding the two proverbs discussed immediately below, Alster (1997: 371) notes: "These are WeUerisms, in which the lamentation singer brings his own ludicrous character to light by the pompous statements he makes in the most inappropriate situations." However, this is a matter of interpretation, and the understanding of these proverbs is not at all certain, especially if at least some of them turn out to be related to Emesal laments. 15. CBS 13980 (Alster 1997: 40, text A). 16. See the following references: (1) Cohen 1981: 74-75, no. 97: 25 (Text B): dumu-gU|u a kig-kig-da g e n - n a - a - n i a-e ba-an-zéeg-gá; (2) Kramer 1982b: 139:25 (seeAlster 1986: 24,n. 14):ama-gan-gen «"ma-gin, P^^,o m u - u [ n - . . . ] dumu a-e b a - a n - z é - ( è g ] ; (3) Cohen 1988:543:86-87 (also 552; 2): ad-da tur-gu^i, dumu ú-gu b a - a n - d é / ad-da gu-la-gu^^ dumu a-e ba-an-zé-èg; (4)BL 182:9'(Ersemasubur-gen subur-gen,line 7;Gabbay 2007: 344,346): [(?) ...] a-e zé-èg-ga-gen subur-[gen];(5) note also using the verb dé, Kramer 1982a: 142*-43*: 4-5, pi. 1 (copy: C r 58, 5; note Alster 1986:24, n. 15): ama-gan-ra eg-áa^-ga-ni ú-gu m u - d a - a n - d é eg-hi-li-a,^_j,,,„,a-e m u - d a - a n - d é ,,„„.,_,. 17. Note that the second line of this proverb (uru"" gá-gin^ hé-dù kalam gá-gin^ hé-ti) is reminiscent of a line from the Curse o/ A^flíie, a composition related to the genre of Emesal laments: uru ... u r u - z u - g i n , hé-dù (Iine212;forthe meaning ofdù here, see Attinger 2007: 55, ad. 212). 18. Note Gordon 1959: 248-49 with n. 6: "wiped ... [l]iterally: 'scraped (out [?])'." According to Gordon the reference to the gala's behind is "[pjrobably a derisive allusion to the kalúm-pñest's rôle as a sacred catamite." 19. /«anas Descent 38, 320: haä-gal ... hur. 20. Note the mention of dead Mesopotamian kings in Damu laments, implying funerary processions to their graves within the framework of the Damu and Dumuzi cult (Cohen 1988: 676-77; Römer 2001: 201; Fritz 2003: 256-59). 21. See Cooper 2006: 42; Frayne 2008: 262-63; Gelb 1975: 65; Gudea Statue B, v: 1-5. Note also the mention of the gala in what seems to be a funerary hymn to Utu (Cohen 1977: 10: 65). This connection to funerals may also be reflected in the muqqabirütu duty of the kalamähu in OB Sippar-Amnanum (Tanret and Van Lerberghe 1993: 436-37).
56
URI GABBAY
tradition of Emesal laments, while the gala and his Emesal laments were much more closely associated with the temple cult. Is it possible that the proverbs retain remnants of laments (in Sumerian and especially in Emesal) performed by the gala and other female lamenters during funerals?^^ Such laments, performed in front of the funeral participants, would be of a much more popular nature than the Emesal laments known from later manuscripts, which were performed in the temples before the cult image of the deity. Possibly, the public or popular nature of funerary rites (as opposed to other corpora of literature which were associated with the palace or temple) was connected to the public and popular nature of proverbs and popular sayings. In any case, whatever the original intention, they were later grouped together with other proverbs, usually according to their opening sign or word, and were reused in curricular context (Veldhuis 2000: 384-89; Alster and Oshima 2006: 31-43). There may be more evidence for the funerary nature of the proverb collections, although hypothetical. In the first millennium, the series including Sumerian proverbs (and other genres) was called si-dû (Einkel 1986: 25053), referring to its alleged composer, a scholar of old times (Erahm 2010: 171-76). As observed by Erahm (2010: 174-75), in addition to many persons in the third millennium bearing the name s i - d ù, the word s i - d ú is attested in texts from Ebla, where it refers to funerary laments.^' Erahm (2010: 175) also noted that the ancient scholar of this name was considered to be a kalû in Mesopotamian tradition, a cultic profession whose main task was to perform laments in Emesal. Could these be related to the elegiac character of the proverbs discussed above and probably others?
Appendix: Edition of BM 114010 The tablet BM 114010 (1919-10-11, 100), published here, belongs to a small collection of LB literary and scholarly texts excavated by H. R. Hall in Ur.^" Most of these tablets contain Emesal laments, especially Balags. The tablet BM 114010 was identified by Geller (2005: 99) in his catalogue of these tablets as containing the Balag eden-na ú sag-gá-ke^, based on its inclusion of the Damu litany." Although this is possible, it is not certain, and the tablet may have belonged to a different Emesal composition. The preserved parts of BM 114010 consist of four sections, separated from each other by dividing lines. The first section (lines r-9') contains a litany, retaining only the names of goddesses connected to the cities of Isin and Larak and the goddess Ninisina, probably here portrayed as the mother of Damu, mentioned in the following section.^** The next section (lines lO'-r. 7) is a lament about Damu whose boat sunk in the waters of the river of the netherworld (discussed above in relation to Sumerian proverbs)." This section, beginning ú-u^^-a bi-in-du,,, is listed as an Ersema of Ninsubur in an OB catalog (Kramer 1975: 155: 74). Eollowing this is a one-line passage (line r. 8), lamenting the haunted deserted temple. The last section preserved on the tablet (lines r. 9-18) is a litany describing the roaming Ninsubur, probably here portrayed as the spouse of Damu (and other gods identified with him).
22. For female lamenters and their connection to Emesal laments and the gala, see Cooper 2006: 43-45. Surely not all entries in the proverb collections containing Emesal forms are related to laments, and some may actually be of colloquial nature. 23. MEE4, 320:1116: si-dù = di-mu-mu, see Fronzaroli 1988: 13; Bonechi 1989: 140-41; see also Pettinato 1988: 313; Xella 1988:355-56, wheresi-dù si-dù en-en refers to funerary lament rituals for the dead rulers. 24. I thank the trustees of the British Museum for permission to publish this text, and Sam Mirelman for extra collations of the tablet. Measurements: 7.3 x 8.2 cm. For the possible archaeological context of tbe Late Babylonian tablets excavated by Hall in Ur, see Gabbay and Mirelman in press. 25. For the Balag edin-na ú-sag-ga-ke^, see Alster 1986: 19-20, n. 3; Cohen 1988: 668-703; Fritz 2003: 178-83. Two new identified texts (whicb do not contribute mucb to the reconstruction of tbe composition) are K.19706+K.19721 (Gabbay 2007: 364 and pi. 18, preserving tbe catchline to tbe Balag), and probably VAT 1789 (see Oelsner 1975: 45; line 3': nis-hi 4-ú e d e n - n [a ], collated). 26. For Ninisina as mother of Damu, see Edzard 2000: 388. 27. For this theme in Damu laments, see lacobsen and Alster 2000: 315-44; Cavigneaux 2000: 11-15; GT 58, 17 // 18; Fritz 2003: 187.
LAMENTFUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBIAL LAMENTS? BM 114010 obv. 2' 3' 4' 5' 6' 7' 8' 9'
[ ] an ki-a ^AN^ [ ] é[gi gasan] ni^-mar-ra [ ]x [ ] é[gi gas]an la^-rà-ak'"-ke^ <> ég[i ga]san i-si-in'"-na <> é[gi] ''ama^ é-du^.-kíi-'^ke^^ "^é^ o [égi a]ma su-hal-'^bi^ é o ['^b]a-ti nu-'^nus^ sa^'g^ é o [è]s- '^é-rab-ri^-ri umun '^''Mi-kUj-''mah''-àm é o
10' '^ù-Ug''-a bi-in-dUjí «"'"'má'' ba-da-an-''su'' 11' [a]'-''la'iaru--Ugi-abí-i[n-d]u,,siSni[á] o 12' '^a^ guru[s] 13' ''a^ guru[s] 14' aguru[s] '^''Mstaran-i-bi-su[ba] 15' a gurus '^alla umun sa-pà[r] 16' a [g]urus li-bi-ir umun sùd-dè 17' "^a^ '^gurus^ mu-lu slr-ra-a-na-gUj|,("NAM") 18' "^a-la-la^ '^bi-in-du^^^ gi-mus ba-an-'^da-has^ 19' id "^kur^-ra ba-an-'^da^-has ^'^má ba-da-an-'^su'^ 20' ''6'^má-bi^ 8ianiá-s[a]g-gá ù-u^-a ba-ni-ib-''gul''-[g]ul 21' [x] X [x] "^ki-^ '^gaz'^-ta ga[g']-bi gti nu-mu--'^ib^-dUj-'^dUj^ (obv. bottom) rev. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
[gu]rus-gU|^ mu-'^lu^ 6'*má-k[e_,' g]id--da-a-ni-ta a-la nu-gi^-gi^ 'l"l''^má'''-lah^-gá 8'*má-[g]urg'--ra-ke^ i-lu-bi im-me ^isr^^i.!,[[]? rgisjjj¿n.g[yj.j].j.g x-''bi'^ gis sa^-ga ki-bé ba-da-gul mu-lu-gá ''mu-lu^ [ ] gid-da-a-ni '^sà'^ x x-ba' a-ba àm-me ^mu''-lu-gU|u mu-lu [ ]-'^a-ni''a-se-er ba-til-la [x (x)] ba-dù-a ki du,J [ ] ki-bé ''ba^-da-^guP l'''"»ùb kù li-rii''-is zaba[r] x [ ] ''AN''' '•Jà-'-bi'' ''a-se'-er'''-ra
8
'^é^ lil-lá-am é lü-lá-am '^ù''-u-'^a^ '^e^-li e-la-lu u
9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17
'^a'' tiru gas[an]-''subur-ra'' '^àm-di''-di [é]gi gasan-subur-ra "^àm-di^-di [é]gigasan-me-ur_|-[u]r^àm-<> sukkal zi an-na àm-<> sukkal é-an-na àm-<> sukkal é-gi^-[p]àr-ra àm-<> a-zu-ni gala ér-ra àm-<> mu-ud-na-ni '^''•ha'^-sur-an-ki-a àm-<> [ ]X [ ] ^gir ^sag-gu,
57
58
URI GABBAY
mmmmi^ BM 114010 obv.
LAMENTFUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBLAL LAMENTS?
BM 114010 rev.
59
60
URI GABBAY
18 [ (rev. rest broken)
]x[ ]x[
]
Translation obv. 1' 2' 3' 4' 5' 6' 7' 8' 9'
[]...[ [ ] of heaven and earth ... [ Pri[ncess, lady] of Nimara, [the House ] ... [ Pri[ncess, lad]y of Larak, [the House Pri[ncess, lajdy of Isin, [the House Pri[ncess, moth]er of Eduku, the House [ [Princess, moth]er Suhalbi, the House [ [Bjau, beautiful woman, the House [ [Shrjine- Er[abr]iri (of) lord Dikumaha, the House [
] ] ] ] ] ] ] ] ]
10' 11' 12' 13' 14' 15' 16' 17' 18' 19' 20' 21'
"Woe!" he said, the [bojat sank. "[Al]as\ oh\ [W]oe!" he said, the boat (sank). Oh, lad! My lad [ Dam] u! Oh, lad! The son Umunmuzida! Oh, lad! I§taran-of-beautiful-eyes! Oh, lad! Alia, lord of the net! Oh, lad! Herald, lord of lament! Oh, lad! My' heavenly singer! "Alas!" he said, the rudder broke, At the river of the netherworld it broke, the boat sank. That boat, the prow of the boat, woe, it is wrecked there! [ ] from the destroyed place (?), its pe[g]' will not be used (any more) for caulking (the boat) at the riverbankl (obv. bottom)
rev. 1 2 3 4 5 6 7
My [l]ad, he of the boat, after towing (the boat), will have no pleasure! My- [sai]lor, he of the ba[r]ge(?), says its lament. That boat, the ba[rge](?), its... ofbeautifulwood(?), was destroyed in that place. My man, he of [...], (after)' towing (the boat) ... who will say? My man, he of [...], his... is ended (in) sighs! [...] which was built,... was wrecked in that place. The pure ùb drum, the bronze 1 i -1 i - i s kettledrum, [...], its (= the temple's') midst is in sighs.
8
The House is haunted! The House is haunted! Woe, alas, ah!
9 10 11 12
Oh, the city! Gas[an]subura is roaming, [Pr]incess, lady Gasansubura is roaming, [Pr]incess, Lady-gathering-the-rites is (roaming), The true vizier of An is (roaming).
LAMENTFUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBIAL LAMENTS?
61
13 The vizier of Eana is (roaming), 14 The vizier of Egipar is (roaming), 15 Her diviner, the gala of laments, is (roaming), 16 Her spouse, Hasurankia{Vi is (roaming), 17 [ ]...[ ]...myhead{^.)...[ ] 18 [ ]...[ ] (rev. rest broken)
Noies 2'-9'. For the divine names in this litany, see Cohen 1988: 181-82: b-i-161-8. The first line of the parallel list has gasan-tin-lu-ba, which would not fit the beginning of line 2' of our text, but perhaps an epithet was preserved in the beginning of the line, followed by'''•'[gasan-tin-lu-ba]. l r . I restored [a]--na-^ a, or [a]'-Ha'^-a, in the beginning of the line, assuming these are cries or exclamations, although a-la is unknown elsewhere as such (note especially in line r. 1 of our text). Therefore, both the restoration and the interpretation of the beginning of the line are uncertain. 12'-17'. For the names and epithets in the litany of these lines, see Cohen 1981: 84, no. 88: 4-9; Cohen 1988: 683, 688, 689, 726; Jacobsen and Alster 2000: 318, 320; Römer 2001: 194-202. In line 17', mu-lu sir-ra-a-nagujj,("NAM") stands for the more regular mu-lu sir-ra-an-na-gu^^j. 21'. My translation reflects du^, "caulk." Although the caulking of a boat is done with bitumen, the verb du^ can also be used generally, referring to the preparation or perhaps also maintenance of the boat (note Sulgi R: 69 and the year name of Sulgi 8, Klein 1990: 106-7,126; probably also Sulgi D: 355; according to P. Michalowski [personal communication] this general meaning is also found in economic texts). Therefore pegs (gag) could perhaps be mentioned in this connection. Another possibility is to understand du^ here simply as the release or departure of the boat from the riverbank, see Enki's Journey to Nippur 89: «'^má ni-bi nam-du^, "The ship is released (from the quay) by itself." r. 2-3. The reading má-gur^ in both lines is very uncertain. r. 4. The signs seem to fit '"sà--ka''-tab'^-ba-, "fasting," although I am unable to make good sense of the line. r. 6. Perhaps a city or temple should be restored in the beginning of the line, note the phrase úru-zé-eb''' ki zé-eb-ba dù-a-ba in several Emesal laments (e.g., Cohen 1988: 49: 13, 179: a-i-70). r. 7. The sign read here as ER (in '^a-se'-er'''-ra) may turn out to be kúr, that is, kúr-ra, but then the previous signs would be difficult to interpret. The phrase "^sà-'-bi^ '^a-se-er^-ra,if read correctly, is found in several Emesal laments (e.g., Cohen 1988: 50: 27, 74: 1). The suffix -bi here may refer to a city or temple (mentioned in the previous line?). r. 8. See Cavigneaux 1996: 70, no. 135, obv: é-e lil-lá, and CBS 2218, i: 2'-8' (according to photograph, courtesy A. Löhnert): líl-lá-am é' [lil-la-àm (?)] (Löhnert [2009: 144, n. 513] reads this slightly differently). The sign U at the end of the line may be a performative indication, known from other texts from LB Ur (Cabbay and Mirelman in press). r. 9-16. Note Volk 2006: 95: 17: gala é-a gasan me ur^-ur^ // ka-lu-ú ina bi-ti be-el-túpar-si ú-sah-ma-am /sa ina bi-ti be-el-tú par-si ú-sá-ah-ma-mu. Note also TIM 9, 31: 7-8 (Maul 2005: 79, no. 10: 9b', 13'): ka-§a-anm e - ú - r u - r i ... / ... a-zu-gu^^i. Nin-me-ur^-ur^ (Emesal: gasan-me-ur^-ur^) is known as a counselor of Inana (Cavigneaux and Krebernik 2001). r. 15-16. I am not sure to whom these lines refer. Since the litany continues with the same verb (àm-di-di), it is expected that these lines would refer to the same figure mentioned in the previous lines, that is, Ninsubur, or to a different figure identified with Ninsubur. If so, the possessive suffix -Ianil would refer to Inana. This would
62
URIGABBAY
make sense in r. 16 since Ninsubur, as a lamenting goddess, may be connected to the g a 1 a (Gabbay 2008:53-54),^* but it would be more diflicult to explain how she is identified with Inana's spouse in line r. 17. Therefore, it is more probable that these lines deal with another deity, or other deities, from the circle of Ninsubur, who wander about with her, namely her diviner (?), the gala, and her spouse. Note that if Ninsubur was indeed Damu's spouse,^' the designation a-zu may refer to the same element found in the name Ninazu (who is identified with Damu in litanies, see, for example, Cohen 1988: 683: 3-4). I do not know of any other attestation of the deity Hasurankia (if the reading of the first signs is indeed correct). Note that the element ha-sur would fit the tree images with which Damu and Ningiszida are portrayed (Fritz 2003: 288; note Römer 2001:198:140).
References Alster, B. 1986
Edin-na ú-sag-gá: Reconstruction, History, and Interpretation of a Sumerian Cultic Lament. Pp. 19-31 in Keilschrifiliche Literaturen: Ausgewählte Vorträge der XXXII. Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale Münster, 8.-12.7.1985, ed. K. Hecker and W. Sommerfeld. Berliner Beiträge zum Vorderen Orient 6. Berlin: Reimer. 1997 Proverbs of Ancient Sumer: The World's Earliest Proverb Collections. Bethesda: CDL. 2005 Wisdom of Ancient Sumer. Bethesda: CDL. 2006 The Tigris Roiled: BM 38283. Studies in Bilingual Proverbs II. OrNS 75: 380-89. 2007 Sumerian Proverbs in the Schoyen Collection. CUSAS 2. Bethesda: CDL. Alster, B., and Oshima, T. 2006 A Sumerian Proverb Tablet in Geneva with Some Thoughts on Sumerian Proverb Collection. OrNS 75: 31-72. Attinger, P 2007 Notes de lecture: la Malédiction d'Agadé. NABU 2007/46: 53-56. Bonechi, M. 1989 Un atto di culto a Ebla. Miscellanea Eblaitica 2: Quaderni di Semitistica 16: 131-47. Cavigneaux, A. 1996 Uruk: Altbabylonische Texte aus dem Planquadrat Pe XVI-4/5 nach Kopien von Adam Ealkenstein. AUWE 23. Mainz: von Zabern. 2000 Fragment d'élégie. ¿M 94: 11 -15. Cavigneaux, A., and Krebernik, M. 2001 Nin-me-urur. RIA 9-7/8: 470-71. Civil, M. 1976 Hnlil, the Merchant: Notes to CT 15 10. JCS 28: 72-81. 1987 Feeding Dumuzi's Sheep: The Lexicon as a Source of Literary Inspiration. Pp. 37-55 in Language, Literature, and History: Philological and Historical Studies Presented to Erica Reiner, ed. F. Rochberg-Halton. AOS 67. New Haven: American Oriental Society. Cohen, M. E 1977 Another Utu Hymn. ZA 67: 1-19. 1981 Sumerian Hymnology: The Ersemma. HUCA Supp. 2. Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College. 1988 The Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia. Potomac: Capital Decisions. Cooper, J. S. 2006 Genre, Gender, and the Sumerian Lamentations. JCS 58: 39-47. Edzard, D. O. 2000 Nin-Isina. RIA 9-5/6: 387-88. Finkel, I. L. 1986 On the Series of Sidu. ZA 76: 250-53.
28. Tbe gala is mentioned in connection to áubur (= Ninäubur?) also in K.6438, an unpublished fragment of an Emesal lament. 29. Wiggermann (2001: 495) notes tbat Nináubur was considered tbe spouse of tbe god of deatb (see in relation to Nergal/Meslamtaea, Wiggermann 1999: 220 and Selz 1995: 265-66, altbough it may also be possible tbat Ninsubur is to be considered Ninazu's motber in PreSargonic Lagaá, see Selz 1995: 214, 265-66).
LAMENTEUL PROVERBS OR PROVERBIAL LAMENTS?
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Frahm, E. 2010
The Latest Sumerian Proverbs. Pp. 155-84 in Opening the Tablet Box: Near Eastern Studies in Honor of Benjamin R. Foster, ed. S. C. Melville and A. L. Slotsky. CHANE 42. Leiden: Brill.
Frayne, D. R. 2008 Presargonic Period (2700-2350 BC). RIME 1. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. Fritz, M. M. 2003 "... und weinten um Tammuz": Die Götter Dumuzi-Ama'usumgal'anna und Damu. AOAT 307. Münster: UgarítVerlag. Fronzarolí, P. 1988 II culto deí re defuntí ín ARET 3.178. Miscellanea Eblaitica 1: Quaderni di Semitistica 15:1-33. Gabbay, U. 2007 The Sumero-Akkadian Prayer "Ersema": A Philological and Religious Analysis. PhD dissertation. Jerusalem: Hebrew University. 2008 The Akkadian Word for Third Gender: The kalù (gala) Once Again. Pp. 49-56 in Proceeding of the 51" Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, ed. R. D. Biggs, I. Myers and M. T. Roth. SAOC 62. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. 2010 The Assyrian Dream Book and Sumerian Proverbs. NABU 2010/30: 37-38. Gabbay, U, and Mirelman, S. in press Two Summary Tablets of Balag Compositions with Performative Indications from Late-Babylonian Ur 2A 101 Gelb, I.J. 1975 Homo Ludens in Early Mesopotamia. StOr 46: 43-75. Gordon, E. 1. 1959 Sumerian Proverbs: Glimpses of Everyday Life in Ancient Mesopotamia. Philadelphia: University Museum. Jacobsen, Th., and Alster, B. 2000 Ningiszida's Boat-Ride to Hades. Pp. 315-44 in Wisdom, Gods and Literature: Studies in Assyriology in Honour of W. G. Lambert, ed. A. R. George and 1. Finkel. Winona Lake, Ind.: Eisenbrauns Katz, D. 1999 The Messenger, Lulil and the Cult of the Dead. RA 93: 107-18. 2003 The ¡mage of the Netherworld in the Sumerian Sources. Bethesda: CDL. Klein, J. 1990 Sulgi and Ismedagan: Originality and Dependence in Sumerian Royal Hymnology. Pp. 65-136 in Bar-Ilan Studies in Assyriology dedicated to Pinhas Artzi, ed. J. Klein and A. Skaist. Ramat Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press Kramer, S. N. 1975 Two British Museum irsemma Catalogues. StOr 46: 141-66. 1981 BM 29616: The Fashioning ofthegflZû. AS/3: 1-11. 1982a BM 98396: A Sumerian Prototype of the Mater-Dolorosa. Eretz Israel 16: 141*-46*. 1982b Lisin, the Weeping Mother Goddess: a New Sumerian Lament. Pp. 133-44 in Zikir Sumim: Assyriological Studies Presented to F.R. Kraus on the Occasion of his Seventieth Birthday, ed. G. van Driel, Th. J. H. Krispijn, M. Stol, K R. Veenhof. Leiden: Brill. Krecher, J. 1966 Sumerische Kultlyrik. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Lambert, W. G. 1960 Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford: Clarendon. Livingstone, A. 1989 Court Poetry and Literary Miscellanea. SAA 3. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press. Löhnert, A. 2009 "Wie die Sonne tritt heraus!": Eine Klage zum Auszug Enlils mit einer Untersuchung zu Komposition und Tradition sumerischer Klagelieder in altbabylonischer Zeit. AOAT 365. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Maul, S. M. 2005 Nos. 2-18: Bilingual (Sumerían-Akkadían) Hymns from the Seleucid-Arsacid Period. Pp. 11-116 in Literary and Scholastic Texts of the First Millennium B.C., ed. 1. Spar and W. G. Lambert. CTMMA 2. New York: The Metrópoli litan Museum of Art; Brepols Publishers. Oelsner, J. 1975 Randbemerkungen zur arsakídíschen Geschichte anhand von Babylonischen Keilschrifttexten. AoF 3: 25-45.
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Peterson, J. 2009 Two Notes on Sumerian Proverbs. NABU 2009/8: 9-10. Pettinato, G. 1988 Nascita, matrimonio, malattia e morte ad Ebla. Pp. 299-316 in Wirtschafl und Gesellschafl von Ebla, ed. H. Hauptmann and H. Waetzoldt. HSAO 2. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag. Römer, W. H. Ph. 2001 Hymnen und Klagelieder in sumerischer Sprache. AOAT 276. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Sallaberger, W. 1993 Der Kultische Kalender der Ur Ill-Zeit. UAVA 7/I-II. Berlin-New York: De Gruyter. Selz, G. 1995 Untersuchungen zur Götterwelt des altsumerischen Stadtstaates von Lagas. Occasional Publications of the Samuel Noah Kramer Fund 13. Philadelphia: University Museum. Tanret, M., and Van Lerberghe, K. 1993 Rituals and Profits in the Ur-Utu Archive. Pp. 435-49 in Ritual and Sacrifice in the Ancient Near East, ed. J. Quaegebeur. OLA 55. Leuven: Peeters. Taylor, J. 2005 The Sumerian Proverb Collections. RA 99: 13-38. Veldhuis, N. 2000 Sumerian Proverbs in Their Curricular Context. MOS 120: 383-99. Volk, K. 2006 Inannas "Tischlein Deck' Dich': Vorläufiger Bericht zur Rekonstruktion der 17. Tafel von úru àm-ma-ir-ra-bi. BflAÍ37:91-116. Wiggermann, F. A. M. 1999 Nergal. A. Philologisch. RM 9-3/4: 215-23. 2001 Nin-áubur. RM 9-7/8: 490-500. Xella, P. 1988 Tradition und Innovation. Bemerkungen zum Pantheon von Ebla. Pp. 349-58 in Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft von Ebla, ed. H. Hauptmann and H. Waetzoldt. HSAO 2. Heidelberg: Heidelberger Orientverlag.
IPIQ-AJA UND DIE KLAGE ÜBER UR Anne Löhnert (Ludwig-Maximilians- Universität)
Ipiq-Aja, der während der Regierungszeit des vorletzten Königs der Babylon-I-Dynastie, Ammisaduqa (ca. 1646-1626 V. Ghr.), in Sippar ansässig war, tritt uns in mindestens zwei Werken als „junger Schreiber" (DUB. SAR TUR) entgegen: vor allem bekannt als Kopist der drei Tafeln des Atram-hasis-Mythos," wird ihm auch eine Version der lexikalischen Liste diri = watrum zugeschrieben.^ Für beide Werke schien Ipiq-Aja die Niederschrift der jeweils vollständigen Gesamtkomposition angestrebt zu haben. Während dies offensichtlich für den Atramhasis-Mythos zutrifft, der sich nach der dritten Tafel als abgeschlossene Dichtung darstellt, ist die Tafel mit der lexikalischen Liste womöglich innerhalb einer Tafelsequenz zu sehen. Ipiq-Aja schrieb diese Kompositionen auf mehrkolumnigen Tafeln nieder—auf den jeweils vierkolumnigen Tafeln des Atram-hasis-Mythos fanden jeweils 416, 439 und 390 Zeilen Platz; für die Tafel mit der lexikalischen Liste können trotz des fragmentarischen Erhaltungszustandes ebenfalls vier Kolumnen angesetzt werden. Bei beiden Werken handelt es sich um Texte eines akkadischsprachigen Umfeldes, wobei in dem ,Wörterbuch' diri = watrum bestimmte Zeichenfolgen mit ihrer sumerischen Aussprache versehen und diese ins Akkadische übersetzt wurden. Doch bereits 1982 wies C. Walker in einem Kurzbeitrag auch auf die Tafel BM 79966 als von Ipiq-Aja' verfaßten literarischen Text in sumerischer Sprache hin (Walker 1982). Nach Auskunft des Katalogs der "Sippar Collection" des British Museum handelt es sich bei der Tafel um einen Text im Emesal, die am 14.10.1889 zusammen mit knapp 700 weiteren Tafeln und beschrifteten Objekten angekauft worden war (CßT VIII: xix, 195-215). Eigentlich auf der Suche nach unveröffentlichten altbabylonischen Klageliedern konnte ich vor einiger Zeit BM 79966 als Textvertreter der ,Klage über Ur''' identifizieren. Von der originalen Größe ist nur noch ein Stück von 10,0x6,2x2,7 cm erhalten, dessen Oberfiäche zudem stark abgerieben ist (fig. 1). Da die Tafel jedoch ursprünglich den gesamten, inklusive der Notationsangaben ± 435 Zeilen zählenden Text umfaßte, wird ihr ursprüngliches Format mit denjenigen der vierkolumnigen Tafeln des Atram-hasis-Mythos vergleichbar gewesen sein.
An dieser Stelle möchte ich mich herzlich bei Christopher Walker, Frans van Koppen und Walther Sallaberger für die fruchtbaren Gespräche bedanken; Christopher Walker machte mir zudem eine Katalogliste sämtlicher bekannter literarischer Texte im British Museum zugänglich. Frans van Koppen überließ mir sein Manuskript zu Ipiq-Aja (= Koppen 2011 ). Den Trustees des British Museum gebührt mein Dank, die Tafel BM 79966 hier publizieren zu dürfen. 1. Aus der langen Literaturliste zum Atram-hasis-Mythos seien hier die editio princeps Lambert und Millard 1969, die Bibliographie Shehata 2001 und die inhaltlich philologische Interpretation Wilcke 1999 genannt. 2. Es handelt sich hierbei um die aus Sippar stammende Tafel BM 94393, die am 15.v. As 10 geschrieben wurde; der Beginn des Schreibernamens läßt auf Ipiq-Aja schließen (s. MSL 15: 53, Fn. 2 fragend mit 'VD\[''a-a]; Koppen 2011 mit SI[G-''A.A (..)]). Zur Version von diri = watru aus Sippar s. a. MSL 15: 4-5. 3. Die Lesung des Namens zog eine langjährige Diskussion nach sich; für die hier verwendete Interpretation SlG-''a-a/Ipiq-Aja s. Wilcke 1999: 68 mit Fn. 10. 4. Zur neuesten Bearbeitung s. Römer 2004; eine Publikation der Neuedition der ,Klage über Ur' durch N. Samet scheint in Vorbereitung zu sein (Samet 2010). 65
ICS63(20il)
66
ANNE LÖHNERT Rs.
Fig. 1. BM 79966 An dieser Stelle soll dem weiteren Wirken Ipiq-Ajas in Sippar nicht weiter nachgegangen werden, da dies andernorts von fachkundiger Seite vorgenommen wurde (Koppen 2011).^ Allerdings seien einige Überlegungen und Beobachtungen aus literaturgeschichtlicher Perspektive angeschlossen. Mit dem Exemplar aus Sippar haben wir eine Abschrifi einer Stadtklage vorliegen, die nicht aus den Schulzentren Nippur, Isin, Larsa oder Ur stammt, sondern aus einem Ort, aus dem bisher kaum Textvertreter von Städteklagen bekannt waren.*" Zudem schrieb Ipiq-Aja mit BM 79966 eines der seltenen Exemplare sogenannter ,Cesamttafeln', auf denen der gesamte Text einer Stadtklage Platz fand'—und dies in einer Zeit, die später als die bisher vermutete Uberlieferungszeit der Städteklagen liegt. Wenn Ipiq-Aja wirklich der Schreiber der lexikalischen Liste diri = watrum war, so schrieb er sie im Monat v A$ 10. Die Tafeln des Atram-hasis-Mythos begann er dann knapp anderthalb Jahre später, da sie in den Zeitraum
5. Zusätzlich wäre eine eingehende Studie zur Paläographie der Tafeln aus den Sammlungen vonnöten, in denen sich Texte des Ipiq-Aja befinden. Nach kursorischer Durchsicht literarischer Texte der Sammlungen 89-4-26 (I. und II. Tafel des Atram-hasis-Mythos) und 10-14-89 (BM 79966) können keine weiteren Tafeln eindeutig der Handschrift Ipiq-Ajas zuzuordnen sein. 6. Unter den Manuskripten mit eindeutig lokalisierbaren Ursprungsorten befindet sich nur ein einziges weiteres Exemplar aus Sippar (,Klage über Nippur'; Siglum Sl bei Tinney 1996). 7. Von den knapp 140 bekannten Manuskripten der Klagen über Ur, Sumer und Ur, Nippur, Eridu und Uruk sind gerade ein Dutzend Tafeln ,Gesamttafeln'.
IPIQ-AJA UND DIE KLAGE ÜBER UR
67
Monat xi As 11 und ii A? 12 datieren; möglicherweise schrieb Ipiq-Aja den Mythos in dieser Zeit sogar zweimal (Wilcke 1999: 68-69 mit Fn. 11). Auch wenn in BM 79966 vom Datum nur der Monatsname (= xii) erhalten geblieben ist (fig. 3), dürfen wir annehmen, daß auch die Niederschrift eines vollständigen sumerischen Textes mit Emesal in etwa in dieselbe Zeit fiel." Zumindest bei den Tafeln des Atram-hasis-Mythos bezeichnet sich Ipiq-Aja als DUB.SAR TUR „junger Schreiber", was sicher auch im Kolophon von BM 79966 zu ergänzen ist. Diese Titulatur darf jedoch nicht darüber hinwegtäuschen, daß Ipiq-Aja wohl ein bereits ausgebildeter Schreiber war, der komplexe literarische Texte (als Bibliotheksexemplare?) anfertigte und sowohl das Akkadische als auch das Sumerische im ,Hauptdialekt' und im Emesal beherrschte.
Bemerkungen zur,Klage über Ur' von Ipiq-Aja Innerhalb der Textvertreter der ,Klage über Ur' stellt BM 79966 eine von sieben Gesamttafeln dar, wobei mit Ipiq-Aja ein zweiter Schreiber neben dem wohl in Uruk wohnhaften Damiq-ilisu als Kopist dieser Klage identifiziert ist.' Wie in der letzten Tafel von Atram-hasis steht hier nach einer Doppellinie der Vermerk al-til „beendet". Die nachfolgende Zeile läßt sich nicht völlig zufriedenstellend interpretieren; in Erwartung der Zeilenzahlangabe lassen sich die Zeichenspuren als [m]u-'^sid-bi-im'^ „es ist seine Zeilenanzahl" lesen, wobei die Zahl selbst nicht vollständig erhalten ist (fig. 2). Orthographisch und grammatikalisch weist die Tafel keine größeren Besonderheiten auf; allerdings fehlen die im Atram-hasis-Mythos verwendeten Zehnerzeilenangaben. Inhaltlich jedoch fügt der Text Gottheiten ein bzw. versieht sie mit Epitheta, die den anderen Textvertretern unbekannt sind. Vor allem die Einfügung des Gottes Ninurta mit seinem Tempel Esumesa in Z. 7-8 ist dabei auftallig, denn nicht nur wird Ninurta in keinem der sieben anderen Textvertreter für diese Zeilen erwähnt,'" sondern seine Einfügung sticht zudem aus der sonst homogen aufgebauten GötterUtanei heraus. Überhaupt wird der Gott in den sonstigen Städteklagen nirgends genannt, einzig in der ,Klage über Nippur' erfährt er eine gewisse Bedeutung." In BM 79966 dagegen führt er, direkt nach seinen Eltern Enlil und Ninlil mit dem Epitheton „Herr des Landes" angerufen, die Auflistung derjenigen Götter an, die ihre Tempel vernachlässigen. Somit erscheint Ninurta eingebettet in seine Familie mit den Eltern Enlil, Ninlil und Ninmah und seiner Gemahlin Ninisina.'^ Wir können nur vermuten, warum ausgerechnet Ipiq-Aja, der mit der Abschrift des Atram-hasis-Mythos eine kritische Haltung gegenüber dem göttlichen Oberhaupt Enlil tradierte, hier an dieser prominenten Textstelle den Enlil-Kreis erweiterte. Reflektiert dies in irgendeiner Art die Relevanz des Enlil-Kultes für Sippar zur Zeit Ipiq-Ajas? Oder wird in dieser Version die Bedeutung des in Nippur beheimateten Götterkreises konserviert, nachdem Nippur selbst bereits am Ende des 18. Jhds. einen Bruch in seiner Besiedlung erfahren hatte?'^
8. Spätestens ab As 17 bezeicbnete sich Ipiq-Aja als DUMU E^.DUB.BA.A, ,Sobn des Hauses (das die) Tafeln (verteilt)' (s. Koppen 2011). Zu Ammiçaduqa-Jabresnamen s. Horsnell 1999, 2: 325-58; die Dicke des Tafelrandes von BM 79966 läßt die Rekonstruktion eines mehrzeiligen Jabresnamen nicbt zu, es sei denn, Ipiq-Aja wicb von seiner Gewobnbeit ab und scbrieb den Jabresnamen entweder über die gesamte Breite des Randes oder verwendete ein abgekürztes Jabresformular. 9. Von den bei Römer 2004: 7-9 vorgestellten Manuskripten können A (= Tafel des Damiq-iliSu), B, C+H, Da, E und K mit Sicherheit als ,Gesamttafeln' angesprochen werden. 10. Bei Textvertretern A, Aa, GG, KK und Y ist die Götterlitanei einwandfrei erbalten; Textvertreter II fügt nacb der Nennung Ninlils ebenfalls nicbt Ninurta ein; für Textvertreter ZZ sind zwar die Götternamen der Zeilen 1-6 abgebrochen; diese Zeilenzahl entspricht der der anderen Textvertreter, so daß aucb bier kein Platz für Ninurta zu sein scbeint. 11. ,Klage über Nippur' Z. 161,239 (Tinney 1996 mit Besprechungen der jeweiligen Zeilen und des Kirugus 6). 12. Zu den familiären Beziehungen s. Tinney 1996: 172-73 ad 239-43, Streck, RIA 9: 513-14. 13. George 2009: 136-37, Lerbergbe/Voet 2009, bes. S. 1-7. Zu Ninurta und dessen Rolle in Nippur s. Richter 2004, bes. S. 58-78, ferner Annus 2002.
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Die weiteren Änderungen innerhalb der Götterauflistung sind aufgrund der bruchstückhaften Kontexte nur zu erwähnen: In Z. 9 wird ein Epitheton (für die Göttin oder ihre Stadt) gebraucht, das mir unbekannt ist; in Z. 21 wird zusätzlich Damgalnuna nach ihrem Gemahl Enki eingefügt,'" und die stark beschädigte Z. 22 scheint möglicherweise eine weitere sonst nicht gelistete Gottheit zu nennen.
Transliteration und Übersetzung'^ Vs. i '" [tur,-ra-na mus, mi-ni-in-ga amas-a-na lil^-e] '^'[am]-e'•tur3''-r[a-na ...] """u3''-mu-un kur-kur-r[a-k]e^ m[us,...]
ma-ke^ m[us ...] ™[''n]in-urt[a] "•e^^'-bi e,-su-me-sa^ [...] 3
,
„
<""<'ga-sa-a[n-mah]-re'' e^-bi kes^'^'-a-ke^ [...] "^'''ga-sa-an-i^-si-in-na'"<-ke^> es^ e^-gal-mah-a "" "^nin ki^-unu'^'-ga-ke^ [...] •""''ga-sa-an-[a]n-''na''<-ke^> e^-bi ki-unu'^-ga-k[ "5'''§E§.''Kr [§E]§.UNU'''-ma [...] <'« r-'EN.ZU-ee^i-kis-nu-gal^ [...] <"' ''dam-a^'-ni '"''ga-sa^'-an-gal-e [...] (18) rdlgg.Jg.^
(20) rdai^i_an-ki am uru^-ze^-ba"" [...] '^" ''dam-a-ni'' ' [Rest von Vs. i-iv abgebrochen] Rs. [Rs. i-Beginn von Rs. i' abgebrochen] i' (= viiiO
b[a-...]
14. Zur Affinität Ipiq-Ajas zum Enki-Kreis s. Koppen 2011. 15. Zeilenabgleich mit Römer 2004: Vs. i l - 1 9 = Z. 1-19 (Anfang des l.Kirugus) Rs. i'l'-17' = Z. 418-435 (Ende des 11. Kirugus)
IPIQ-AJA UND DIE KLAGE ÜBER UR ''' ''mul anku^-gen^"" na[m-...] "' '"lUj^ siskur^ a^-r[a-zu ...] ""•"•''nannaarhus"' [...] x[x ...] (13) ''digir a-ra-zu im"'-me-a-b[i...] "*' HUj siskur^-ra mu''-un-gub-b[a ...] '"•' '""nanna igi^ bar-''ra-zu'' [...] "^•' ^^-lu^-'i-bi {GAGVNr} u^ hul-la [...] <'^' •'sa^ kalam-ma gal^-la^'-za h[e2-...] (18) rdj^anna uru^ ki-bi ge^"'-a-za me-[...] "'" "^ki-ru-gu^^ ll-kam-[ma-amj "»•' al-til ''••' [m]u-''sid-bi-im x' 380-i-n'' [... ] ob.Rd.: <" SU SIG-''fl-a DU[B.SAR TUR] ''' ''MU am-mi-sa''-[du-ga...] Vs. i '" [In ihrer Hürde war (die Gottheit) untätig, in ihrem Pferch (machte die Gottheit es) zu einem Phantom]! '^' Der [Auerochse war untätig in seiner] Hürde, [machte es zu einem Phantom], ''' der Herr der Bergländer [war] un[tätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], '"" Mulhl [war] in [x von'] Nippur [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] <^' Seine Gemahlin Ninhl [war] un [tätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], '^' Ninlil [war] für dieses Haus, Ki'ur, un[tätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] '" [Der He]rr des Landes [war] un [tätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], "" Ninurta [war] für dieses Haus, Esumesa, [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] <'* Die Herrin von Kes ... [war untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], <"" Gasa[nmah war] für dieses Haus von Kes [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] "" Die von Isin [war untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], "^' Gasan-Isina [war] im Heiligtum Egalmah [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] '"' Die Herrin des Ortes Uruk [war untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], "^' Gasanana [war] für dieses Haus, dem Ort von Uruk [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] "'' Nanna [war] in Uruk [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], "^' Su'en [war für] das Ekisnugal [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] "" Seine Gemahlin Gasangal [war untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], <'*' Gasangal [war] in ihrem heiligen Schlafgemach [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] "" Der Auerochse von Uruzeba [war untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom], '^"^ Amanki, der Auerochse [war für] Uruzeba [untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] '^" Seine Gemahlin Damgalnuna [war untätig, machte es zu einem Phantom]] <"'Gottheit x[x...], [Rest von Vs. i-iv abgebrochen]
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Fig. 2. Kolophon auf Rückseite.
Fig. 3. Kolophon aut oberem Rand.
Rs. [Rs. i-Beginn von Rs. i' abgebrochen] i' (= viii-) <'''[...]ur[alt...], <^''Nanna [...], ' ' ' Die Träne [des] stillen Haus [es . . . ] ! '••'' [Mögen] die Schwarzköpfigen, [da sie weggeworfen] sind, [zu dir beten], <^'' [möge] die Stadt, [die du zu] Ruinen [gemacht hast, dir Seufzen vorbringen]\ " ' Nanna, [während du] die Stadt w[iederherstellst, möge sie dir strahlend erscheinen], <^'' wie ein hellglänzender Stern mö[ge sie nicht vernichtet werden, vor dir möge sie vorüberziehen]\ <'' Die Gottheit eines Menschen [brachte dir ein Begrüßungsgeschenk], *'•' Der Mensch [...] Opfer und Geb[et...]! "»' Nanna, [du bist voll] Mitleid [mit dem Land], (u) Herr, Dilimbabbar, [wenn dein Herz dort gesprochen hat].
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"^'' [nachdem du,] Nanna, der M[en]schen [Schuldgelöst hat] ' " ' wenn die Cottheit das Cebet spricht, [möge sich dein Herz für ihn beruhigen]] <'•'•' Der Mensch des Opfers, der dort steht [- nachdem du ihn angesehen hast], "^'> Nanna, [wenn] dein Blick [(in) das sich wendende Eingeweide... hat - ] , '"' [möge es] den Menschen [wie nach] schlimmer Zeit [wieder hell werden], '•""' M[öge es (dem), der] im Inneren deines Landes [ist, gutgehen]\ ' " ' Nanna, wenn du die Stadt wiederherstellst, [mögen sie dich preisen]] <"•' ll.Kirugu. »°'' Beendet. "'•'Seine Zeilenanzahl'...' 380-(-n [...]. ob. Rd. '" Hand des Ipiq-Aja, [junger'] Schr[eiber ...]. '^' Monat Addaru, [Tag x], '" Jahr: Ammisaduqa [...]. Vs. 1: Zu Hl, s. zuletzt George (2010: 114-15); zu lexikalisch-grammatikalischen Gesichtspunkten dieser Z. s. Römer 2004: 107-8 ad Z. lif. Inhaltlich bleibt hier die Frage, worauf sich „Phantom" bezieht: auf den Pferch, das Land, als generelles Bild der Öde und Verwüstung?; zu „Hürde" (t u r3) und „Pferch' (a m a á) s. Tinney 1996: 125, 127-30. 4-6: Zur Schreibung ''e n -1 i 1, - e bzw. ''n i n -1 i 1^ - e statt sonst mit -1 e s. Delnero 2006: 595-96. 12, 14: Die KasussufRxe -ke^ fehlen jeweils. 22: Die Zeichenreste deuten weder auf einen Cöttinnennamen mit Element dam, noch auf einen der Götternamen von Z. 20ff. in den anderen Manuskripten hin. Rs. 9': Textvertreter A, CC, HH und evtl. O haben an dieser Stelle den lu^ siskur,-ra-ke^ „Mann des Opfers" als Agens des Prädikats; im vorliegenden Text fehlen die Kasussuffixe -ra-ke^ an siskur^ - liegt hier also ein anderes syntaktisches Verständnis vor? 11': Zur Lesung des Cötternamens s. Krebernik, RIA 8: 362-63 und Alster 2004. 12': Hier scheint eine Genitivkonstruktion vorzuliegen, die in den sonstigen Textvertretern (CC, HH) nicht erscheint; möglicherweise ist hier ein antizipatorischer Genitiv gemeint. 16': Das Zeichen GAG'/NI' zwischen BI und U4 ist wohl zu tilgen; dafür steht hul-la statt sonst hui du3/dUg. 17': Wie in Manuskript P Z. 6 steht hier gal,-la-za. 21': Die angegriffene Oberfläche macht die Unterscheidung zwischen Kratzern und Keilen schwer (fig. 2); möglich, daß auch "^mu-sar-ra-bi-im^ „Es ist seine Inschrift" zu lesen ist, auch wenn diese Unterschrift hiermit einmalig belegt wäre. Bei der sich anschließenden Zahl scheinen nur sechs 60er Potenzen sicher; falls hier die Angabe der Zeilen des reinen Textes der Stadtklage (ohne Notationsangaben) beabsichtigt war, dann könnte die Gesamtzeilenangabe 410-415 Zeilen wiedergeben.'^
References Alster, J. 2004
Exit ASímbabbar? The Reading of ''AS/díli-ím -babbar. JCS 56: 1 -3.
16. Beispielsweise bezieht Textvertreter A die Notationen geä-ge-gal^-bi-im und ki-ru-gu^ in die Gesamtzeilenangabe ein, was jedoch kein übliches Verfahren war.
72 Annus, A. 2002
ANNE LÖHNERT
The God Ninurta in the Mythology and Royal Ideology of Ancient Mesopotamia. SAAS 14. Helsinki: The NeoAssyrian Text Corpus Project.
Delnero, P. 2006 Variation in Sumerian Literary Compositions: A Case Study Based on the Decad. PhD dissertation. University of Pennsylvania. George, A. R. 2009 Babylonian Literary Texts in the Schoyen Collection. CUSAS 10. Bethesda, MD: CDL. 2010 Bilgames and the Bull of Heaven: Cuneiform Texts, Collations and Textual Reconstruction. Pp. 101-15 in Your Praise Is Sweet: A Memorial Volume Presented to Jeremy Allen Black by Colleagues, Students. andFriends. eds. H. D. Baker, E. Robson, and G. Zólyomi. London: British Institute for the Study of Iraq. Horsnell, M. J. A. 1999 The Year-Names of the First Dynasty of Babylon. 2 vols. Hamilton: McMaster University Press. Koppen, F. van 2011 The Scribe of the Flood Story and His Circle. In The Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture, eds. K. Radner and E. Robson. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Lambert, W. G., und Millard, A. R. 1969 Atra-hasis. The Babylonian Story of the Flood. Oxford: Clarendon. Lerberghe, K. van, und Voet, G. 2009 A Late Babylonian Temple Archive from Dür-Abie¡uh. CUSAS 9. Bethesda, MD: CDL Richter, T. 2004 Untersuchungen zu den lokalen Panthea Süd- und Mittelbabyloniens in altbabylonischer Zeit. 2. verb. Aufl. AOAT 257. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Römer, W. H. P 2004 Die Klage über die Zerstörung von Ur. AOAT 309. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Samet, N. 2010 The Ur Lament Tablets: Some Joins and New Readings. NABU 2010, 62. Shehata, D. 2001 Annotierte Bibliographie zum altbabylonischen Atram hasis-Mythos Inuma ilu awilum. GAAL 3. Göttingen: Göttinger Universitätsverlag. Tinney, S. 1996 The Nippur Lament. Royal Rhetoric and Divine Legitimation in the Reign oflime-Dagan of Isin (1953-1935 B.C.). OPSNKF 16. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum. Walker, C. B. F. 1982 Nûr-Ajja, the Copyist of Atrahasis. RA 76: 95-96. Wilcke, C. 1999 Weltuntergang als Anfang. Theologische, anthropologische, politisch-historische und ästhetische Ebenen der Interpretation der Sintflutgeschichte im babylonischen Atramhasis-Epos. Pp. 63-112 in Weltende: Beiträge zur Kultur- und Religionswissenschaß, ed. A. Jones. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
A NEWLY DISCOVERED DISTANT JOIN TO YOS 10 30 IN THE PUSHKIN MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, MOSCOW Ilya Khait {Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts)
While preparing a new edition of the OB extispicy omen compendia at the Pushkin Museum in Moscow (forthcoming in Babel und Bibel VI) I discovered that one of the fragments, 1^6 1653, published in 1985 in a Russianlanguage article by Yury A. Savel'ev,' can be joined to the fragment YBG 11102, published by A. Goetze as YOS 10 30.^ These two fragments come together to form an almost complete text, therefore warrant separate publication with a new copy.
Text (1^6 1653+YBC 11102) •DlS ú-sú-úr-t[um] is-tu a-bu-ul-lim a-n i-di mar-tim i-te-si-irHar-rum sé-ek-[re\- ^tam''' ù-si-es-si If from the "Gity Gate" towards the side of the gall bladder a design is drawn: the king will banish the concubine. 'DIS si-rum a-b[u-u]l-lam ip-te-he-e '"KÚR-ruw a-bu-ul-la-ka i-di-il If flesh blocked the "Gity Gate:" the enemy will lock your city gate. "DlS sé-hu-um wa-ar-^ka^-at a-bu-ul-lim ru-us-su-uk [(x)] x' [(x)] If in the rear part of the "Gity Gate" a pustule is dried up: [(...)]
i-mi-ti a-bu-'ul-lim^ a-nalpa-at-ra-at um-ma-an-ka ^ha-ar-bu-ta[m] i-la-a-ak If the right side of the "Gity Gate" is split in two: your army will fiee. u-me-el a-bu-'uP-lim a-na 2 pa-at-ra-at me-hu-um I i-te-bi-a-am If the left side of the "Gity Gate" is split in two: a storm will rise.
I am deeply indebted to Benjamin R. Foster, the curator of the Yale Babylonian Collection, and Elizabeth E. Payne, the conservator of the Collection, for providing me with all tbe necessary information and, above all, for the digital photos of the Yale fragment, wbicb allowed me to make tbe new copy I also owe thanks to Dr. Iean-|acques Glassner for fruitful discussion and suggestions and Dr. Leonid Kogan for valuable remarks and the essential belp in editing this manuscript. 1. Yu. A. Savel'ev, "Vavilonskie teksty predznamenovaniy (omina) v sobranii GMII im. A. S. Pushkina," ("Babylonian Omen Texts in the Pushkin Museumof Fine Arts") in Tezisy dokladov nauchnykh sessiy, posvyaschennykh itogam raboty Gosudarstvennogo muzeya izobrazitel'nykh iskusstv im. A.S. Pushkina za 1983 god, ed. Yu. R Yureneva (Moscow: Sovetskiy Khudozhnik, 1985), no. 4. 2. Albrecht Goetze, Old Babylonian Omen Texts, YOS 10 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1947). 73
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»DI§ i-na KÁ É.^GAL^ lu-mu-un li-bi N I G . H U L '"KÜR-im If in the "Palace Gate" there is a "Distress (Mark):" misfortune for the enemy. i-na i-mi-ti KÁ t,.GALpi-it-rum i-na li-bi \ pi-it-ri \ re-sum s[a] in-na-ab-bi-tu is-sa-ba-at If in the right side of the "Palace Gate" (there is) a split inside a split: the slave who will escape will be captured. i-na li-bi a-bu-lim ki-ma su-ul-lim "si-rum wa-at-rum ^sa^-ki-in a-na sar-ri da-mi'(ki)-iq If inside the "Palace Gate" (some) extra flesh in the form of a wart is placed: (it is) good for the king.
'^DlS 8«TUKUL la-'W-im mu-ha-su a-na 2 pa-te^-er na-a^-rum I us-si If the upper part of the "Weapon of Happiness" is split in two: one who is under guard will escape.
Commentary The tablet seems to be the only compendium almost entirely devoted to abullu, the "City Gate." There are two more abullu-texts, YOS 10 29 and probably OBE1, but the first one is a school text including only protases without apodoses, and the second one is so fragmentary that one cannot even be certain that it actually is an fli)w//w-tablet.' The feature abullu is comparatively rare. It is occasionally found in OB extispicy compendia, mostly ones dealing with the bàb ekallim, the "Palace Gate." It is not yet established whether abullum is synonymous with bâb ekallim, although this is likely.* Line 2. The sequence zi-ik-[...] (only a small trace of the last sign after the lacuna remains) in the apodosis allows for two main possibihties: zikru, "fame," and sekretu "concubine" (the latter courtesy J.-J. Glassner), both of which are attested with wasû in the omen compendia. The first option (sar-rum zi-k[a-ra-]-'amV ú-si-es-si "the king will make (his own) fame perish") has no direct parallels: usually, the fame disappears spontaneously, often after the ruler s death,' but the king himself is not depicted as making his own fame perish. The second alternative (sé-ek-[re-taYm''' ú-si-es-si "the king will drive the out the concubine") can be supported by a number of parallel apodoses where the concubine or wife is forced to leave*" (it is remarkable that in at least two of these omens—YOS 10 46 ii 52-53 and iv 47-50—the protasis includes abullu and another feature directed at it). Admittedly, in all parallel passages (see note 6 above), one who causes the departure is a deity or a third party, but not the actual partner himself.
3. See U Jeyes, Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the British Museum, Uitgaven van het Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul 64 (Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, Istanbul, 1989), 128, comm. to 1. 13.' 4. See, for instance, U Jeyes, "The 'Palace Gate' of the Liver. A Study of Terminology and the Methods in Babylonian Extispicy," JCS 30 (1978) 212-13; 1. Starr, The Rituals of the Diviner, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 12 (Malibu: Undena, 1983), 81-82; U Jeyes, Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the British Museum, PIHANS 64 (Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1989), 60; R. Leiderer, Anatomie der Schafsleber im babylonischen Leberorakel: Eine makroskopisch-analytische Studie (München: W. Zuckschwerdt, 1990), 80; and Th. Richter, Review of R. Leiderer, Anatomie der Schafsleber im babylonischen Leberorakel: Eine makroskopisch-analytische Studie (München: W. Zuckschwerdt, 1990), OLZ 87 (1992), 251. For a summary of the arguments see the excursus in idem, 253-54. 5. See zi-ik-ru-um uf-fi "The fame will disappear" (TOS 10 25:26), NUN UG^-ma zi-kir-¡ú È, "The prince will die, his fame will disappear" {TGL 6 1 r. 26 and 30), É.GAL NUN BIR-u^-ma zik-ru-su È, "The prince's palace will be scattered, his fame will disappear" (A. P. Boissier, Documents assyriens relatifs aux présages [Bouillon, Paris, 1894-1899], vol. 1, 12:34), etc. 6. See'^DlS^ [»"TUKUL] i-mi-tim mu-uh-ha-su qú-ú-um^a-/bi-it-mal{ù) qá]-ab-la-Supa-al-Sa''lNm 'aP-Ha-at\a-wi-U[m ú-da-a]b-baam-ma i-na bi-tim 'ú''-lsi-{es)]/-'s^[í'-{i)] (?) "If the top of the right 'Weapon Mark' is held by a filament (and) its (the 'Weapon Mark's') middle is pierced: Ishtar will make the man's wife love to distraction and will lead her away from the house" {YOS 10 46 iii 56-58; see also YOS 10 46 ii 52-53; YOS 10 46 iv 47-50; CT 3 2:8. For a commentary on these apodoses see the author's forthcoming paper "New Readings in TOS 10").
JOIN TO YOS 10 30 IN THE PUSHKIN MUSEUM
YBCÍ1102
I26 16S3
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Line 3. Pehû occurs in a similar context in YOS 10 26 i 28-29: MA§ '-É.GAL pe-hi wa-si a-bu-ul-li-ia na-ak-[ru]m i-da-ak, "If the 'Palace Gate' is blocked: the enemy will defeat the (army) leaving my city gate." See also YOS 10 26 i 30 (M A$ KA É.GAL U-ra-am i-pi-iq na-ak-rum a-bu-ul-laka i-'ru-ub'^, "If the 'Palace Gate' is thick with flesh: the enemy will enter your gate") and TOS 10 24:27 (DIS KÁ É.GAL e-pi-iq LÜ.KUR a-bu-ul-lam i-diil, "If the 'Palace Gate' is overgrown (with flesh): the enemy will block (lit.: lock) the city gate"). Note the irregular/)/ene writing ip-te-he-e.
Line 4. In spite of the vast space between the dividing line and the protasis and the presence of an isolated wedge in the damaged area, it is likely that the apodosis was simply omitted. This area is too restricted to contain any real apodosis, even a short one like lumun libbi (see note 8 below). As I can judge from OB parallels where a dried sehhu is mentioned,' a negative prediction is likely here." Lines 5-6. This line displays a unique example of arbùtum replaced by harbütum, apparently as a result of confusion between the expression arbùtam aläku, "to take flight," and harbütam, aläku "to become abandoned." The replacement of harbütu by arbùtu in the latter expression is well attested in later texts. Note the irregular plene wriPhoto and copy of the joined tablet. ting i-la-a-ak as well as the feminine form of the Stative {pa-at-ra-at), which refers to imittu in this line and to iumèlu in the next one. As far as one can judge from the passages collected in CAD I 120-26 and §3 267-72, both masculine and feminine forms can be found, though the latter is less common. I know no systematic study on this subject. Line 8. Lumun libbi is apparently a short form of kak{ki) lumun libbi, a "Weapon of Distress," a mark that appears in contexts connected with the "Palace Gate." Interestingly enough, this very protasis is mentioned as a desired one in the OB extispicy prayer YOS 10 23:105:9 i-na KA E.GAL-ZIW «'^TUKUL lu-mu-un li-ib-bi-im lu sa-ki-i[n], "Let there be a 'Weapon of Distress' in the 'Palace Gate'" This parallel suggests that the omen has to be a favorable one, so that the apodosis lemutti nakrim is better translated as "distress (for) the enemy," and not as "distress (caused by) the enemy," although in theory both options are possible. Line 9. Compare the two parallel omens in TOS 10 26 iii 15-16 and 17-18: BA[R] ^si-pi'^ i-mi-it-ti KÄ É.GAL pi-it-rum pa-te^-er-[ma] ù qú-ú-um sa-bi-it re-sum in-na-bi-it-ma [...] x [...], "If the 'Right Doorjamb' of the
7. On the reading Je/i^u for Zl-(ih)-hu and Dl-hu see J.-M. Durand and L. Marti, "Les textes hépatoscopiques d'Émar," JA 292 (2004) 48-49. 8. See, e.g., DiS i-na KA É.GAL sé-fiu-um ru-u¡-Su-uk lu-mu-un SA-fcí, "If in the 'Palace Gate' a wart is dried up: distress {YOS 10 22:18); [DiS i-na ...] pa-da-nim sé-hu-um ru-¡u-uk NUN i-na KASKAL DU i-ma-qú-'ut^, "[If in the ... of the] 'Path' a wart is dried up: the prince will fall in the campaign for which he set out" {YOS 10 18:52). 9. Cited according to I. Starr, The Rituals of the Diviner, 35.
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'Palace Gate' is split (lit.: splitted by a split) [and] held by a filament: a slave will escape and [...]."; BAR st-ip-pi imi-it-ti KÁ '^È'.GAL pi-it-rum pa-te^-er-ma ^ù^ si-[llum] i-na li-bi-im na-di re-sum a-sa-ar in-na-bi-^tu i[ä'-d]a'[ak (?)], "If the 'Right Doorjamb' of the 'Palace Gate' is split (lit.: splitted by a split) and inside (it) there is a hole: the slave will be k[ill]e[d] (?) where he has escaped to." Lines 9-10. The comparison of a piece of flesh with a wart is also attested in TCL 6 1:45-46 (edited in U. Koch, Secrets of Extispicy: The Chapter Multabiltu of the Extispicy Series and the Esoteric Secrets of Extispicy Texts, AOAT 326 [Münster: Ugarit Verlag, 2005], 197): BE ina 15 BÀ UZU CIM sul-la GAR-ma lAL-al ÉS.GÀR É.GAL •"ISKUR RA-(5, "If in the right side of the liver a piece offleshlike a wart is placed and it dangles: Adad will ravage the iMru-ñe\ds of the palace."; BE ina 15 BÀ UZU GIM sul-la GAR-ma 3 C I S . T U K U L . M E S sah-ru-Su ina UDsu-md URU in-na-qar, "If in the right side of the liver a piece of flesh like a wart is placed and three 'Weapons' surround it: on that day the town will be destroyed." See also the structurally parallel omens YOS 10 32:18-19 and 20-22'": '"DlS"' [i-na i]-mi-ti mar-tim si-ru-um ki-ma la-ga-[{ab)-bi-im] as-sa-[at] 'a^-wi-lim i-ni-[{a)-ak], "If [in the r]ight side of the gall bladder there is (a piece of) flesh, which has the shape of the sign LAG [AB]: "If the 'View' has the shape of the sign BAD: the wife of the man will have (illicit) sexual intercourse;" DI§ i-n[a i]-mi-ti mar-tim si-ru-um ki-ma la-g[a-{ab)-bi-im{-ma)]
ù ^s^[é''-{ih)-h]u-um i-na Hi-bi'-P[u] ^na-d^[i'] a-na [sar]-'ri-im'' [...], "If
i[n the r]ight side of the gall bladder there is a (piece of) flesh that has the shape of the sign LA[GAB] and there is (?) a w[ar]t (?) in it: (it is) [...] for the king." Noteworthy is the last apodosis, which is of the same type as one in omen under scrutiny, but apparently negative. In this stereotypical apodosis, the spelling DA-KI-IK is likely to be an error for da-mi-iq. Line 12. The colophon counts six omens only, while there are eight entries on the tablet. That the remaining two were counted separately and lost in the lacuna is rather unlikely, so the number is probably inaccurate. Line 13. The unique term kak{ki) lalim is unclear to me. Possibly it represents an antonym to the well-attested kak{ki) lumun libbi, "Weapon of Distress," and thus can to be translated as "Weapon of Happiness" (s. lalû A in CAD L, 49-51). The term nasru occurs in a few omen apodoses. Compare, for instance, CT 6 2 case 23 (OB liver model) KAL LUCAL i-pa-la-as sa si-bi-tim na-as-ri a-na LÚ.KÚR us-si, "The royal fortress will be breached, the guarded (?) prisoner will escape to the enemy." CAD N2, 51-52 translates nasru in the relevant contexts as "safeguarded / closely watched person," but J.-M. Durand suggests to understand this term, in OB Mari, at least, as "quelqu'un qui échappe aux regards,"" that is, a secret messenger, which probably could also be the meaning in some omen apodoses.
10. The reconstruction of these two omens is based on YOS 10 14:5 and 6-7: BAD IGI.BAR ki-ma BAD a-ia-at LÜ i-ni-ak, "If the "View" has the shape of the sign BAD: the wife of the man will have (illicit) sexual intercourse;" BAD IGI.BAR ki-ma BAD-ma ù ii-lum i-na SÀ-ia na-di ai-Sa-at LÚ / i-ni-ak-ma mu-sà i-sa-ba-as-si-i-ma i-da-ak-si, "If the 'View' has the shape of the sign BAD and there is a hole in it: the wife of the man will have (illicit) sexual intercourse, and her husband will catch her (in the act) and kill her." 11. See. I.-M. Durand, Documents épistolaires du Palais de Mari. Tome II. Littératures anciennes du Proche-Orient 17 (Paris: Éditions du Cerf, 1998), 305.
WRITING AND MESOPOTAMIAN DIVINATION: THE CASE OF ALTERNATIVE INTERPRETATION Abraham Winitzer (University of Notre Dame)
I. Given the supreme position of writing in ancient Mesopotamia and the place of divination in the literary record from that civilization, it is surprising to learn that the eflïcts of writing on divination literature has received comparatively little attention. To be sure, many have noted the fundamental connection of writing and divination, something readily apparent in the metaphor underlying Mesopotamian divination's preferred canvasses—the liver and the starry skies, conceived as the "tablet of the gods" {tuppu sa Hi) and the "heavenly writing" {sitir samel samâmî/burûmê), respectively—or in the early association between (cuneiform) graphemic signs and their divinatory signification.' But when it comes to assessments of a chief product of this process, viz., the textualization of the original religious phenomenon in the omen collections, scholarly opinion seems considerably more silent, even confused.^ Admittedly, there exist counter-examples to this observation. Two, to ofler more recent examples, come in the form of fine assessments of Mesopotamian astrology and astronomy that inter alia examines Mesopotamian celestial divination and its massive omen series, Enüma Anu Enlil (Brown 2000; Rochberg 2004). And it is hoped that my forthcoming study of the OB extispicy omen collections will serve as a substantial corrective in this regard as well.' Nonetheless, the observation above seems difficult to refute, something that, as the following discussion explains, has hindered contemporary understandings of the meaning of Mesopotamian divination and its literature. The present paper thus also seeks to remedy this situation somewhat by exploring one angle from which the nexus of writing and divination may be approached. Specifically, it aims to highlight the inherent connection between the science of Mesopotamian divination literature on the one hand and the "science" or "art" of writing'' on the other. The topic at hand concerns the phenomenon of alternative interpretation in the omen collections, a
Submitted to ICS in early 2009. For numerous collations and corrections special thanks are offered to J.-J. Glassner, at whose invitation a previous version of this paper was read, at the roundtable conference Divination et écriture, écriture de la divination (Paris, 2005). Abbreviations follow those of The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago {CAD), but note especially YOS 10 = Old Babylonian Omen Texts (Goetze 1947); TIM 9 = Cuneiform Texts of Varying Content (van Dijk 1976); and in addition OBE - Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the British Museum (Jeyes 1989). 1. For a recent word on which, see Frahm 2010: 98-102. 2. See, e.g., Richardson 2010. 3. To appear in Brill/Styx's Ancient Magic and Divination series; see provisionally Winitzer 2006. 4. Following the characterizations in Veldhuis 1997: 143-46 and Michalowski 2003: 148, respectively. 77
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phenomenon apparent already in the collections from the OB period, a time not far from the juncture of divination and writing. In order to understand the basic theoretical crux posed by the presence of alternative interpretation in Mesopotamian divination, a reminder of the formal and conceptual characteristics of the omens in the collections is in order. In their most typical formulation,' individual omens adopt the quintessential form of Mesopotamian logic: the casuistic-sentence,* comprised of a protasis (P) and an apodosis (A), the former presenting a certain hypothesis X under consideration and the latter a forecast (or interpretation) Y of said hypothesis. To render it logically: P ^ If {Hypothesis X} ^>
A {Forecast Y]
In terms of the assumed conceptual background behind this formulation, a celebrated essay on Mesopotamian historiography by J. J. Finkelstein captures nicely a traditional Assyriological position on the matter. Believing that omens lay "at the very root of all Mesopotamian historiography" (1963:463) Finkelstein imagined their formation as follows: Now to the Mesopotamians, as to all peoples, the primary concern of the society was to ensure its own well-being. The best insurance for coping with the future is the most reliable and accurate knowledge of the experience of the past—a principle to which any modern empirical science would not take exception. A simple illustration makes the system clear: On the basis of the observation that "The North Wind doth blow," we make the prediction that "we shall have snow," with the implied warning to take all expected precautions. For the Mesopotamian meteorologist, however, this nexus would be incomplete. For him, if the north wind blew, and it began to snow, and if, at the same time, let us say, the king went to war and was killed, all three occurrences would forever after be viewed as inextricably bound together. Had there been no previous example of such a moment in his records, the precedent would have been established by the new instance ... The greater the number of events notedfor any single moment, the more refined and precise a prediction that could be based on them ... (emphasis added). (1963:463-64)
The notion that behind each of the thousands of known Mesopotamian omens (ca. 1,500 from the OB period) rests a real historical event lands Finkelstein at the forefront of what has been described as the "empiricist position" for the understanding of Mesopotamian divination.'' By this what is meant is a belief that the data conveyed in each omen (protasis and apodosis) represent, at some level, the recording of real observation. Admittedly, this oversimplifies things a bit. There exist, as in the case of philosophy, different shades of empiricism where Mesopotamian divination is concerned.* Still, as the following illustrates, in virtually none of its formulations can empiricism adequately explain Mesopotamian "divination," since nearly all these vastly understate the role and effects of writing on the omen collections, those texts on which our knowledge of Mesopotamian divination is based in large part.' The topic of this paper is a case in point. Strictum sensum it must be held that the empiricist position simply cannot admit the possibflity of two interpretations existing as alternatives to one another. The last sentence from Finkelstein's words above leaves no doubt as to why. In theory two events can never render the same interpretation, since one could, and necessarily would, always add to any observation another "event," that is, another variable
5. That is, excluding that of the so-called historical omens. 6. On which see, e.g., the opinion of Bottéro (1974: 81, 173; 1992: 170-71). 7. EoUowing the description offered in Brown 2000: 109-10. 8. So Brown, though the present discussion diverges from Brown's classification of the empiricist quality of certain scholarly views, most notably that of Bottéro (2000: 100 n. 275). 9. Of course our understanding of Mesopotamian divination, particularly extispicy, benefits in no small measure from other remains, both textual (e.g., inscribed exta models, reports, mention of divination or diviners in letters, administrative, and belletristic texts) and otherwise (e.g., uninscribed exta models). Still, there exists scarcely one summary of Mesopotamian divination that is not somehow predicated or reliant on the collections.
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(e.g., a harvest's status, troop welfare, palace well-being, etc.) so as to differentiate any one observation from any and every other—and to carve out a unique signification for each ominous phenomenon in the process. In other words, as described above, there could never be two interpretations for the same omen because the conceptual framework could neither have allowed nor tolerated the possibility of two identical ominous conditions with different interpretations. The existence of alternative interpretation in the Mesopotamian omen collections thus represents a major challenge to the empiricist position. Indeed, the present paper calls into doubt the entire premise of this position, at least in the manner in which it is often still conceived.
IL To illustrate this point let us turn to the relevant data. Alternative interpretations in OB omens with complex apodoses, that is, apodoses with alternative interpretations, are joined either asyndetically or by way of formal coordination. The latter category divides further into the five main ways, which appear below (Table 1). Table 1. Types of Eormal Goordination in Gomplex Apodoses. Ü, Ü lu, lu, -ma'° (0)...(w)suwwa" ana + Noun Phrase ümam rîqam'^ I rîqûssa sanûm sumsu
'Or' '(Either) ... or' 'Goncerning {Noun Phrase}' 'Eor a provisional day' / its provisional (possibility)' 'Its second interpretation'
Omens with formal coordination between alternative interpretations assume the standard form below, where | ^ represents the place of coordination between forecasts Y and Z: If {Hypothesis X}
=> {Eorecast Y] • {Eorecast Z}
Table 2. The Eormulation of Omens with Gomplex Apodoses. summa X => Y sanûm sumsu Z
'If X => Y; its other interpretation: Z'
Summa X => Y ùmam riqam I rïqùssa Z summa X => Y ana + Noun Phrase Z summa X => (0) Y (u) summa ... Z summa X => (/ö)Y ùlûlûllûZ
'If X => Y; for a provisional daylits provisional (interpretation): Z' 'If X => Y; for {case-specific application}: Z' 'If X => (either) Y; (and/but) if {case-specific application}: Z' 'If X => (either) Y or: Z'
The foUowing discussion centers on one of the most common and elaborate of these coordinating elements, the formula ianû{m) sumsu, lit., "its [= the omen's] second interpretation," occurring some sixty times in OB omen collections," though the conclusions drawn here hold in general for cases of the other coordinating elements (see
10. One finds the enclitic particle -ma in this capacity once, though possibly this is to be interpreted as an omission of the sign SUM, hence <Sum>ma; see already Winitzer 2006: 57 and n. 36. 11. Also: (a)...Summa...u Summa, (0)...u Summa...u Summa. 12. For this understanding of the adjective (< Sem. ^rwqlryq) over against réqam (< Sem. "^rhq), see Winitzer 2006: 110-15. 13. For a list of wbich see leyes 1989: 197-98 n. 128), add YOS 10 17:88, and discount one mention of YOS 10 34:10 (included twice). The formula is attested in post-OB omen divination literature as well, and with increased variation in terms of its employment (in protases too); for some references, see CAD S/1, 394, mng. 5'. However, these later cases are omitted from the present discussion, which concerns the earliest phases in the textualization of divination.
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Table 2). Matters do become more complicated in cases where the coordinating element is less obvious, for instance in those omens in which the juncture between two purported interpretations is either unmarked or marked only by ü ("or"), a homonym u ("and"). Understandably, so minor a detail can at times elude the modern interpreter struggling to grasp the logic of a particular forecast, or indeed, forecasts. An instructive case presents itself in the following omen: 1.
Protasis => eleppum malitum itebbu ü (u [?]) erïtum ina alädisa imàt "The loaded boat will sink, or (and [?]): a pregnant woman will die while giving labor" (OBE 1 ob. 6).
Happily, here a modicum of literary competence settles the matter: the image of a loaded boat is a well-established metaphor for a pregnant woman in Mesopotamian birth incantations, and its appearance here clearly echoes that tradition.''* Thus the two clauses making up the apodosis may not be taken conjunctively, as constituent parts of one idea. Rather, they are to be read as distinct alternatives, that is, as two independent forecasts, the first a metaphorized rendering of the second (and accordingly the conjunction is to be read disjunctively, i.e., "or," not "and"). This example and others like it (albeit more challenging) must be brought into any systematic consideration of alternative interpretations in Mesopotamian divination. As such, the phenomenon turns out to be significantly more widespread than what has previously been assumed; it is not a matter of the 60 sanû(m) sumsu cases, nor of 79,'^ but of a number considerably greater, one that adds up to a significant percentage of the entire omen corpus. In short, alternative interpretation represents a phenomenon far more pervasive and complex than previously appreciated. This phenomenon, as the following makes clear, directly reflects the incorporation of divinatory traditions into written form in Mesopotamia, the subsequent adjustments of these traditions to the standard format of the Mesopotamian casuistic literature, and the intent of this literature's authors to mold said traditions according to particular demands.
III. Now earlier studies already recognized the phenomenon of alternative interpretation and those formulae coordinating between alternatives. Yet these were less than systematic in their appoach, and tended to explain their findings along simple text- and/or source-critical lines. Concerning the sanû(m) sumsu formula, for example, Goetze, in the opening page of his landmark publication of YOS 10, speculated that on account of its appearance in the collections it follows that "several versions [of a given collection] must have already been current" (Goetze 1947: 1.) Similarly, Nougayrol held that the occurrence of the sanû(m) sumsu formula in an omen from a given collection suggested that it, "comme tous les textes hammourabiens en général [i.e., other such OB omen collections], est une compilation."'* From these words it appears indeed that Goetze and Nougayrol understood alternative interpretations introduced by the sanû(m) sumsu formula as representing distinct traditions, each already based in the written record. Accordingly, a formulaic rendering for the formation of individual omens of this type might resemble Equation 1 below, in which the resulting complex apodosis A^^^ represents a literal combination of two previously separate, presumably written, apodictic traditions.
14. Already realized in Jeyes 1989: 104. For a bibliography of the Mesopotamian birth incantations, see Cunningham 1997, to which add more recently van Dijk and Geller 2003: 20-25, text 4 and Kt 90/k, 178:1-23 in Michel 2004. 15. Including nineteen attestations oíümam rtqami rîqûssa; for a list of which, see Jeyes 1989: 45. 16. Nougayrol 1950: 25. The passage concerning which this comment is made is AO 9066:15-17.
WRITING AND MESOPOTAMIAN DIVINATION Equation I.
P
=
81
P.
In fairness, it is not hard to imagine a scribe faithfully drawing from two omens from different collections to produce a synthetic third. In point of fact, however, there exists little evidence to substantiate this conception. Admittedly, the burden of proof here is consideble. Short of the improbable prospect of uncovering a colophon citing its sources, one must settle for the occurrence of those sources independently of the complex apodoses whence they are known (though this would still not settle the matter). And still only one case can currently be mustered in support of this position: a passage known in two versions, YOS 10 33 and 34, in which independent omens with apodoses bearing one forecast each in one version combine to form complex entries with alternative interpretations in the other. A comparison of these versions presents a good starting point for the following discussion. 2. TOS 10 33 iii 27-45: The top of the mat ubänim
11. 27-30 Protasis (a) => sarrum in[a] libbi mätim lu résa lu amtam ana [mätim] nakartim usesse A criminal from the mids[t] of the land will let either a male or female slave escape to a hostile [land].
The middle of 11. 31 -33 Protasis (b) => the mat ubänim apil awilim wa[sû]tam illak[-ma] bit ab[Uu] usappa[h] The man's heir will g[a]d about [and] squande[r his] father's household. The bottom of 11. 34-36 Protasis (c) =t> the mat ubänim assat awilim wasûtam illak-m[a] makkùr" mutîsa u[sa]ppa[h] The man's wife will gad about an[d] s[q]uande[r] her husband's valuables. The top of the mat ubänim
11. 37-39 Protasis (a') => [ha]lsf^ aläni sa nakrîka tus[erre]b^^-ma sallatam tusessea[m] You will pen[etra]te the [distri]cts of the cities of your enemy and bring forth booty (from them).
The middle of 11.40-42 Protasis (b') => the mat ubänim tu<se>rrem-ma ina abunnat nakrî[k]a sallatam tusesseam You will netrate from the epicenter of [yo]ur enemy('s land) and bring forth booty. The bottom of 11. 43-45 Protasis (c') => the mat ubänim ina zibbat mat nakrika [tuse]rreb^''-ma salla[tam tuses]seam [You w]ill p[ene]trate in(to) the rear of enemy's land and [bri]ng forth boot[y]. 3. TOS 10 34:7-16,18-22: The top of the mat ubänim
17. 18. 19. 20.
11. 7-11 Protasis (a -i- a') => sarru[m ina] libbi matîka lu résam l[ü amt]am [ana m]ät nakrim usesse sanûm sumsu tuserreb-
Text: ma-ak-kuÍMVl)-ur. Text: [ha-a]hi'(AD). Or: tu-S[i-re-e]m-ma; according to the collation by J.-I. Glassner: tu-[Si-ri-b]a-[m]a. Text: [tu-Si]-''re^-eb(e); according to the collation by I.-I. Glassner: [tu-Si]-ri-ba.
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ABRAHAM WINITZER ma ina ha[lsï nakr]im sallatam tusesseam A crimina[l from] the midst of your land will let either a male o[r fem]ale slave escape [to] the enemy's [l]and; its second interpretation: You will penetrate and bring forth booty from the dis[tricts ofthe enem]y.
The middle of U. 12-16 Protasis (b-i- b') => the mat ubänim [api]l awïlïm wasûtam illak-ma [bï]t abïsu usappa[h ...] I tuserr[e]b-ma [in]a abunnat mat nakrïka [sa]llatam tusesseam 1^ The man's [hei]r will gad about and squande[r] his father's [house]hold [¿is second interpretaT tion:] You will penetr[a]te and bring forth [bo]oty [frjom the epicenter of your enemy's land. The bottom of the mätubänim
11.18-22 Protasis (c -i- c') => [ass] at awïlim wasûtam i[llak-ma...] awïlim usa[ppah ...] [... tuse]rreb-ma ina zib[bat mat] nakrim sallatam [tusesseam] The man's [wifje will gad [about and] squa[nder] the [property/household] ofthe man; [its second interpretation: you] will [pejnetrate and [bring forth] booty from the re[ar ofthe land] of the enemy.
That the shorter collection, TOS 10 34 (whence ex. 3), represents a rough duplicate ofthe second half of the longer, YOS 10 33 (whence ex. 2), was already recognized by Goetze (1947: 14). The parallel passage YOS 10 33 iii 27-45 (ex. 2) // YOS 10 34:7-22 (ex. 3) explores the concealment of the "land of the Finger" {mat ubänim). The version from TOS 10 33 (ex. 2) records two sets of three omens each, both of which follow the common Top -» Middle -* Bottom^' tripartite scheme (hereafter: T^'M-»B), and the protases of which are identical. In the other known witness to this tradition, YOS 10 34 (ex. 3), each ofthe T-»M^'B protases occurs only once, with the separate apodoses from the distinct omens YOS 10 33 (ex. 2) appearing as alternative interpretations to one another.^^ Unfortunately, the tablet TOS 10 34 is poorly preserved, with breaks in two ofthe three places where the stitch between the first and second apodoses is expected. However, the sanû{m) sumsu formula does appear in the first ofthe three omens from ex. 3,11. 7-11 as the coordinating element between what are, in the present context, alternative predictions of the same omen. And though it cannot be stated with absolute certainty, there is no reason to assume that in the remaining two omens of this set (ex. 3, II. 12-16,18-22) things would be any different.^^ The passage from YOS 10 34 thus provides compelling evidence that two different interpretations for the same scenario, previously known elsewhere as distinct units, could be relegated to the status of alternate explanations ofthe same omen. And yet, in this case the distinct units are proximate to one another in the same source, viz., TOS 10 33, and so one could reasonably claim that this example does not adequately meet the standard set out above. Besides, these texts may simply reflect different styles of compilation of materials from yet another source, perhaps even several sources. Nor can it be ruled out that the unique repetitive presentation observed in ex. 2 reflects an attempt by the scribe ofthat text to break up the complex apodoses of a Vorlage that looked something like ex. 3. In all, therefore, while the parallel passage from exx. 2 and 3 reflects indubitable efforts at the manipulation and/or compüation of textual—i.e., written—variants in the manner imagined by Goetze and Nougayrol, still this case cannot be counted on to provide the conclusive word of those variants' precise origins.
21. For iSdu as "bottom" in the T->M^B scheme, see YOS 10 17:49-51 // MAH 15874:1-9; cf. YOS 10 46 i 12-23, 24-36. 22. Noted already in Jeyes 1989: 197 n. 128. 23. My collation of YOS 10 34 reveals that the space in the break in 1.14 where one would expect to find one ofthe Sanû{m) sumsu formulae is significantly larger than what is indicated by Goetze's copy.
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Furthermore, elsewhere the nature of such variant interpretations is more complicated than the model assumed by Goetze and Nougayrol and supported perhaps by the case of the YOS 10 33 iii 27-45 (ex. 2) // YOS 10 34:7-22 (ex. 3) passage. For one thing, as noted earlier, the overwhelming majority of omens with formally coordinated alternative interpretations are known from only one source, and thus insights into their makeup can only be reached via an internal analysis. This drawback notwithstanding, an examination of omens with alternative interpretations offers unmistakable clues of other considerations at play, which extend beyond the text- and/or source-critical factors observed. This was the judgment of Jean Bottéro, whose reading of alternative interpretations situated the phenomenon within a broader framework of scholastic hermeneutics (Bottéro 1974: 179-83). A forecast labeled secondary, Bottéro argued, represents by and large the attempt to extend a particular forecast's applicability to different contexts—to further interpret the interpretation itself. This, he reasoned, is also the sense of the sanû{m) sumiu formula, which typically does not mark a different interpretive record ("exégèse différent") but rather signals a reapplication of the interpretation to a different subject ("'autre-façon-de formuler' l'oracle"). According to Bottéro, the resulting apodosis's polyvalence ("polyvalence de l'apodose"), which accounts for many instances where alternative interpretation is witnessed, hints at a widespread deductive application of empirically based omens. For example, in the case of the following omen Bottéro speculated that an original "historical" omen was extended later on to another (military) 4.
Protasis => amütErra^^ u Me[sla]mtaea sa idi ummänim illakû sanûm sumiu mütänü ina mätim ib "(It is) an omen of Erra and Me[sla]mtaea, who will march alongside the army; its second interpretation: there will be plagues in the land" {YOS 10 17:37).
Bottéro's insight represented a major advancement in the understanding of the phenomenon and significance of alternative interpretation in the Mesopotamian divination literature. An examination of the data leaves no doubt that the hermeneutic considerations that he highlighted must figure prominently in any discussion of alternative interpretation in the divination literature—something already noted in the case of the competing loaded boat/ pregnant woman imagery of omen 1 above. Indeed, building on Bottéro's lead, more recent efforts have attempted a typology of the different employment of the sanû{m) sumsu formula according to their hermeneutic assumptions (Winitzer 2006:100-110). The findings from these suggest a degree of deductive calculation for alternatives even greater than that imagined by Bottéro. A couple of examples below illustrate this point. 5.
Protasis => ebûr nakrika takkal sanû sumsu ebür mätim isser "You will consume the harverst of your enemy; its second interpretation: the harvest of the land will thrive" {TIM 9 80:3).
6.
Protasis => rubûm irbam ikkal êanû sumsu sukkallu irbam ikkal "The prince will consume income; its second interpretation: the su/ci:fl//w-oflicial will consume income" {YOS 10 24:5).
In the first instance (ex. 5) the formula marks alternates derived on the basis of the well-known pars pars hostilis principle. Accordingly, the thriving of one's own harvest represents in the second interpretation the mirror image of one's consumption of the enemy's harvest in the first. Elsewhere, however, the formula appears to distinguish between two alternatives of a single, hermeneutically based, association. Often in such instances the alternates differ only concerning the forecasts' agents. This is the case for the two forecasts in ex. 6, which are iden-
24. 1982:182. In all likelibood by an "oracle 'bistorique' originel" Bottéro simply means an empirically based omen, sometbing tbat sbould not be confused witb tbe so-called historical omens noted above (n. 5) and below (n. 32). 25. On the writing of tbe DN here, ''KlS''-ra, see Steinkeller 2004: 175 n. 4. 26. Text: i-ba-a¡-«Si»-Su.
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tical with the exception of the alternating "prince" and "sukkallu-ofñcial" Eor these omens then both alternatives are readily explicable on hermeneutic grounds, and thus one cannot promote the historicity of either option with any measure of certainty. Indeed, in this light, Bottéro's interpretation of omen 4 above demands reconsideration. In that instance too the two possibilities concerning plagues affecting one's own army or land—mythological in the first option, more mundane in the second—differ only concerning agency, a situation that accords with a wellestablished hermeneutic pairing of the mythological-celestial and human-terrestrial spheres" (and cf again ex. 1 above). On the whole, then, Bottéro's suggestion that the significance of alternative interpretation lay in the manner by which it opened a(nother) door on Mesopotamian hermeneutics can hardly be disputed. To the contrary, recent findings suggest that this point must be pressed considerably further than previously appreciated. On the other hand, there remains the matter of the origins of all these alternatives. Bottéro himself did not deny the possibility that in some cases variants, especially those that seem irreconcilable from the perspective of hermeneutics, arose from different interpretive "schools"—each, perhaps, basing its respective tradition on empirical grounds (Bottéro 1974: 183 and n. 2). And even if, as he speculated, these do not represent a significant portion of all attested cases, nevertheless one cannot help but wonder about the (penultimate) source of such alternatives. Indeed, the matter raises some fundamental questions about the meaning of alternative interpretation in Babylonian divination. To wit: were such hermeneutically based alternative already preserved in written records? If not, to what degree do they truly reflect calculated "extensions" of empirical predecessors? And finally, can such examples, and through them the phenomenon of alternative interpretation more generally, say something about the relation between divination and writing in Mesopotamia?
IV. Whether these questions can be answered fully, given the complex of text- and/or source-critical factors and their intersection with hermeneutic considerations that we have witnessed, remains unclear. However, a reexamination of the evidence sheds some new, and, in terms of its source, unexpected, light on these matters. The preceding investigation, after all, focused entirely on the apodoses of those omens with alternative interpetations while saying nothing about their corresponding protases. Thus one might expect that, as in all the examples given thus far, such alternatives must stem from omens with identical protases, that is, from separate attestations of the same omen tradition. The evidence, however, reveals that alternative interpretations could derive from omens whose protases are related to, but are not identical with, one another, and combined in what may seem like a rather "free form" of association. Not surprisingly, in such cases the resulting omen is less predictable than its counterpart described above: whereas the apodosis juxtaposes two individual traditions fully intact, what is reported in the protasis corresponds to one of the original protases but not the other, or perhaps to some amalgam of the two. In contrast to the earlier formulation, then, the findings in these examples might be expressed by Equation 2 below, where P; ^^ Pj. and Pj can equal either P^ or P^, some combination o/P^ and P^, or perhaps something altogether different from both P^ and P^. Equation 2.
P^ => A^ -|-
P2 ^^ "^2 ~
P,3 => A 1+2
If this difference seems trivial at first, then findings to this effect from three case studies below reveal the considerable repercussions at stake, whether for the understanding of the phenomenon of alternative interpretation in Mesopotamian divination or, more broadly, for the development of the omen collections themselves. Specifically, these cases prove that the significance of the syntagmatic connection between protasis and apodosis (or: apodoses
27. Eor additional examples of which see Winitzer 2006: 47-48, ex. 2.38; 492-99, exx. 5.18-20).
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in a given omen could be subordinated to factors wholly external to the omen itself. Often, the evidence suggests, these derived from literary-based decisions involving the creation of new omens on the basis of older materials. The "science of writing," it appears, had become a productive force in the generation of Mesopotamian divination, or, more precisely, divination literature. Anything but trivial, then, these instances beg a review of the question of the overall meaning of alternative interpretations, and of the function(s) of formulae like sanû{m) sumsu in the mediation between such alternatives. Accordingly, these cases and their findings are presented below.
V. Case 1: Creating the Ultimate Scenario The first case involves a passage concerning the livers Palace Gate {bäb ekallim) that elaborates on the meaning of the possibility of multiple such zones. The passage is preserved in no fewer than three separate collections: YOS 10 22; 24; 26.^' 7. ros 10 22:11-12 11. 12.
summa bäb ekallim saläsat => ilü^^ mätim ekallam iredd[û] summa bäb ekallim erbet{ti) => amút Ibbi-Sîn sa sahlu[qtim]
11. 12.
If there are three Palace Gates => the gods of the land will hav[e] claim on the palace. If there are four Palace Gates => (it is) an omen of Ibbi-Sîn, one of disas[ter].
8. ros 10 24:10-11 10. 11. 10. 11.
summa bäb ekallim saläsat => ilû^ mätim ekallam ireddû sanû sumsu amût Ibbi-Sin sa sahluqtim summa bäb ekallim erbet{ti) => tibût sar hammê sanû sumsu hisbu ana ekallim ul irrub If there are three Palace Gates => the gods of the land will have claim on the palace; its second interpretation: (it is) an omen of Ibbi-Sin, one of destruction. If there are four Palace Gates => (it forecasts) an uprising of a usurper king; its second interpretation: produce will not enter into the palace.
9. yOS 10 26 i 21-22 summa saläsat bäbü ekallim^^ => Hi awilim ekallam iredde sanûm sumsu amût Ibbi-Sîn sa sahluqtim If there are three Palace Gates =* the mans (personal) god will have claim on the palace; its second interpretation: (it is) an omen of Ibbi-Sin, one of destruction.
28. 29. 30. 31.
For a brief assessment of the meaning of the comparisons among these collections, see Glassner 1984; 23-24. Text: (-/!'(//TOS 10 24:10). Text: i-/i(// YOS 10 22:11). For a word on this peculiar form see Winitzer 2006: 82 n. 98 and cf. Hecker (1986-1991: 75). Or bäb ekallfi On the plural of compound nouns, see GAG' § 59b* (with bibliography).
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ABRAHAM WINITZER
Each of the texts moves to consider the possibility of three Palace Gates, with the initial results nearly identical: all three forecast deities having claims against the palace. Here, however, the traditions diverge, and ex. 8,1. 10 and ex. 9 record as an alternative interpretation for this possibility one of the so-called historical omens," this one recalling the destruction associated with Ur Ill's Ibbi-Sin. In both these instances these secondary interpretations are introduced by the sanû{m) sumsu formula. Example 7 records this Ibbi-Sin forecast as well, but for the following omen (1. 12), where it appears as the apodosis for the case of the presence offour Palace Gates. The possibility of four Palace Gates is also considered in 8,1. 11, but there the accompanying interpretation brings up another scenario altogether, in fact two: this apodosis itself includes a secondary prediction that is preceded by sanû{m) sumsu. In other words, it is evident that the separate and consecutive apodoses in ex. 7 operate as two alternative interpretations for the same omen in ex. 8,1. 10 and ex. 9. Moreover, the presence or absence of complex apodoses at this stage of the tradition's transmission owes not to decisions about the inclusion or deletion of textual variants, nor even hermeneutic alternatives. Rather, the matter reflects the intent of a particular scribe to mold a given text in a deliberate manner. And though this is not the place for a lengthy discussion about the textual history that gave rise to these collections, still a brief word on the paradigm pressure that affected these passage's formation and particular interests will prove instructive for our purposes. For instance, it appears that the scribes of exx. 7 and 8, wishing to extend their study of multiple Palace Gates so as to include the possibility of four, did so in one of two ways." In ex. 7 the scribe opted to break up a complex apodosis, like that in ex. 9, into two unconnected forecasts. In ex. 8 on the other hand, the choice was made to bring in a different tradition for the task. Here the concluding case of four Palace Gates predicts an uprising by a "usurper king" {tibût sar hammê), a motif plainly intended to represent the ultimate or worst-case scenario. Elsewhere in the collections this forecast promotes just this sense of total disarray: summ[a ina amütim] erbe naplasä[tu]m => sarrü hammê kibrât mätim itebbûnim annum imaqqut annum itebbe "I[f in the liver] (there are) four Vie[w]s => usurper kings will rise up (from ?) the (four) corners of the land: this one will rise; that one will fall" (YOS 10 11 ii 3-6). summa marätum hamii => ¡arrü hammê itebbûnim "If there arefivegallbladders =^ usurper kings will rise up" (YOS 10 31 ii 13-15). In these examples, in fact, this "usurpers forecast" accompanies ominous possibilities that were conceived of as special- or ultimate-case scenarios,^'' interpreting, notably, the possibility of four (or five'') zones in the respective protases. The creator of ex. 8 artfully selected this motif from his stock for the sake of the formation of the ultimate case of multiple Palace Gates.
Case 2: Constructing a Symmetric Structure Scheme Another example revealing this "free-association" approach is evident in at least one parallel between MAH 15874 (exx. 10 and 11 below) and YOS 10 17 (exx. 10 and 12). The former text is likely a scribe's "extract tablet" {Auszugstafel) of an OB "main series" {Haputserie; following Richter 1993) of which the latter is perhaps'* a part.
32. For a recent word on which, see Van de Mieroop 1999: 32-33. 33. On the assumed Vorlage of YOS 10 22 and 24, see Winitzer 2006: 84-85. 34. On the form and background of YOS 10 11 ii 3-6, see Richter 1999; Winitzer 2006: 48-54. 35. This unexpected number is in all likelihood to be explained by a scribal desire for paronomasia, here on the basis of homophony (i.e., hamiS -^ hammê); so too Greaves 2000: 111. Whether an entry for four gallbladders was included in this collection in the break in the previous lines (i 56-58), as suggested in Römer 2004: 394 and 403, is uncertain. 36. For this qualification of Richter's assessment of the relation between the texts, see Winitzer 2006: 69-70 n. 74, and the following dis-
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This series and its extract concern the extispicy's first zone, the View (Akk. naplas/Stum). The following observations are made from the perspective of MAH 15874; a comparison ofthe structure ofthe two texts appears in Table 3 below. 10. MAH 15874:1-9 (text a') // TOS 10 17:49-51 1-3. // 49. 4-6. // 50. 7-9. // 51.
1-3. // 49.
4-6. // 50.
7-9. // 51.
Summa ina res naplastim ina imittim Sïlum nadi => (a' adds: ina niSût awïlim ü lu) ina astapir bït awïlim mamman imât Sanû{m) SumSu namtalli barärtim Summa ina qabliat naplastim ina imîttim Sïlum nadi => ina ahîat awïlim mamman imât (a' adds: w lu närum awïlam i-x-ar^^) Sanû{m) SumSu namtalli qablïtim Summa ina iSdi naplastim ina imittim Sïlum nadi => ina nîSût awïlim (a' adds: ü lu ina aStapîr bït awïlim) mamman imâtSanû{m) SumSu namtalli Sàturrim If in the head ofthe View in the right a concavity is situated => someone will die from among (a' adds: the man's family or from among) the servants ofthe man's household; its second interpretation: (it is) an eclipse ofthe evening watch. If in the middle of the View in the right a concavity is situated => someone will die from among the man's acquaintances/dependents (a' adds: or the river will... the man); its second interpretation: (it is) an eclipse ofthe middle watch. If in the base of the View in the right a concavity is situated => someone will die from among the man's family (a' adds: or from among the servants ofthe man's household); its second interpretation: (it is) an eclipse ofthe third watch.
11. MAH 15874:10-22 10-11. 12-13.
Summa ina réS naplastim Sïlu Sinä imittam u Sumélam nadû =* ïnï^' awïlim Sarrum inassah Summa ina réS naplastim Sïlù Sinä îmîttam u Sumélam nadû-ma SiSïtam harmû => ïna awïlim
14-15.
Summa ina qabliat naplastim Sïlù Sinä imittam u Sumélam nadû => Sarrum ina bït mayyalïSu igallut Summa ina iSdi naplastim Sïlû Sinä imittam u Sumélam nadû => mïlu illakam-ma itâr ianûm sumiu ïnï*" mär awïlim Sar inassah Summa ina réS naplastim ina libbï[Sa Sï]lum nadi => namtallû Summa ina qabliat naplastim ina l[ibbïS]a Sïlum nadi => lu énum wedûm imât lu paSïSu wedüm
16-18. 19. 20-21.
cussion of MAH 15874:16-18 (ex. 11, U. 16-18) // YOS 10 17: 56 + 61 (ex. 12,11. 56, 61). 37. Readings and translations for the verb in question have ranged as follows: i-ba'-ar, "saisira" (Nougayrol 1950:34); izear "(haßt)!" (AHw, 748); i-na'-ar "kill!" (Jeyes 1989: 104; Glassner 2003: 118); "mettre...à mort" (Glassner 2004: 50). 38. Text: i-in. 39. The writing here, i-'ni^ IN7LÜ' i-za-za-a, is problematic. Richter (1993: 137), following Nougayrol (1950: 36), emends the text as: i-[n]i-in i-za-za-a and reads: "werden die Augen <des Mannes> starr bleiben (emphasis original)." However, this simple emendation is unsatisfactory, since according to it i-[n]i-in, which would have to be a nomens regens and in the nom. case, is here a gen.-acc. unbound form. Only partially better is i-'ni^ lu' i-za-za-a, which, as such, mirrors Glassner's collation ofthe parallel in YOS 10 17:60 (see n. 50 below), but whose f.pl. intransitive verb can correspond neither to the dual ini (gen.-acc.) nor to the awilum (in whichever case). Then again, the unexpected gen.-acc. unbound form of this word appearing in the parallel tradition in 11. 16-18 below (see n. 40) suggests that the scribe of this text was confused by this tradition, and perhaps complicated further by the apparent similarity of the IN and LÚ signs. Admittedly the present solution demands emendation to the expected nom. form (but cf. the same apodosis in YOS 10 25:10": i-ni lu lugal i-na-sà-ah; also i7i for ilu in YOS 10 22:11; 24:10 [above, with nn. 29 and 30]), but otherwise it works well. 40. Text: i-ni-«in».
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ABRAHAM WINITZER
22. 10-11. 12-13. 14-15. 16-18.
19. 20-21. 22.
imât sanûtn sumsu Kts närim summa ina qabliat naplastim ina [libbis]a silü sinä nadû => milu tahdu illakam If in the head of the View two concavities are situated on the right and left => the king will tear out the eyes of the man. If in the head of the View two concavities are situated on the right and left and they are covered by a membrane/film => the man's eyes shall remain (lit., stand).*" If in the middle of the View two concavities are situated on the right and left => The king will tremble''^ in his bedroom. If in the base of the View two concavities are situated on the right and left => a flood is coming but will turn back; its second interpretation: the ki will tear out the eyes of someone of the palace. If in the head of the View in [its] midd[le] (part) a [ho]le is situated => (it represents) an eclipse' If in the middle of the View in it[s middle] part a concavity is situated => either a known ènupriest or an k[no]wnpas¿sw-priest will die; its second interpretation: (it is) a... of the river." If in the middle of the View in it[s middle] part two concavities are situated => an abundant seasonal flooding is coming.
12. YOS 10 17:52-61 52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57. 58. 59.
[summa r]és naplastim suqqü-ma silum nadi => se[hrum ¿sf]w'"' ürim imaqqut [summa ina r]ès naplastim ina libbim silum nadi =* s[arru]m mût s[i]mttsu imât sanû sumsu namtallûm summa [in]a qabliat naplastim ina libbim s[îlum nadi] ^> [lu] ënuwedûm imât lupasísu w[ed]ûm imât sanû sumsu Kîs nârim summa ina isdi [naplas]tim ina libbim sîlum n[adi] => [...]...''' summa naplastum ina is'dim'^ imittam u sum[élaym P[ïlumYnadi'^ => ^mïlum'^ i'ilak^am-ma summa biri[t nap]lastim upadânim silum [nad]i => ayyumma ina [...]ki imât summa ina libbi nap[la]stim sïlû sinä => mîlum nïhum'^'' illaka summa ina libbi naplastim Mû sinä saläsat petû sutebrû"^ => milum illakam-ma biblum mätam ubbal
41. Pace Biggs (1974: 354, note to 1. 4), who overlooks the second hermeneutic factor oí covered holes, this over against the single issue of holes in the preceding entry. 42. The verb galatum also has the meaning "to have premature emissions" (CAD G, 11, mng. lb), and CAD M/1,120a seems to suggest that a meaning of this omen may follow these lines (see BAM 183:31 [cited in CAD M/1,118-19]). The suggestion seems possible (cf. the reference to the extraction of bodily parts in 11. 10-11, 16-18, as well as the flood imagery in 11. 16-18) though must be substantiated with additional evidence. 43. Following Jeyes 1989: 104, Glassner (2003: 118) also understands this phrase as describing death, euphemistically, referring to the result in the river ordeal as its "gift." 44. So too now Glassner (personal communication). 45. Glassner (personal communication; Glassner 2004: 49-50) now reads for this apodosis mi-*qi-*ti it-ta-[l]a-ki-im and translates "chute d'un vo[ya]geur." This proposal remains problematic for a putative *ittal(l)akum, "voyageur," an unknown word and an unexpected form. In fairness, however, I cannot offer an alternative. 46. Readings uncertain. 47. Text (collation courtesy J.-J. Glassner): ni-hu-*um « x » ; cf tahdu in parallel. 48. Text: i«-(e'(TU)-eb-ru.
WRITING AND MESOPOTAMIAN DIVINATION 60. 61.
52. 53. 54.
55. 56. 57.
58. 59. 60.
61.
89
summa ina réS naplastim Sïlû Sinä imittam u Suméla[mynadû-ma^[{SiSïtam)'^^ harmü] => lnä'^^° awïlim ittazzazzä^^ Summa ina réS [naplastim Sïl]u Slnä-ma [Imittam u Su]mélam [nadû => ïnï {mär ?) awïlî]m-ma Sarrum inassah [If the h]ead ofthe View is elevated and (in it) a concavity is situated => a yo[uth] will fall [fro]m the roof [If in the h]ead ofthe View in the middle part a concavity is situated => the man will die a natural death; its second interpretation: (it forecasts) an eclipse. If i[n] the middle ofthe View in the middle part a con [cavity is situated] => [either] a known ê«w-priest or an k[no]wnpfl5!5w-priest will die; its second interpretation: (it is) a ... ofthe river. If in the base ofthe [Vie]w in the middle part a concavity is s[ituated =>...].... If the View in the base at the right and le[f]t a con[cavity] is situated => a flood is coming but will turn back. If betwe[en the V]iew and the Path a concavity is [situatjed => someone will die in/from [the...].... If in the middle ofthe V[ie]w (are) two concavities => a moderate^^ seasonal flooding is coming. If in the middle ofthe View (either) two (or) three concavities are perforated (lit., open) all the way through =^ a flood is coming; the devastating flood will sweep away the land. If in the head of the View two concavities [are situated] on the right and lef[t and they are covered (by a membrane/film)] => the eyes of the man shall remain (lit., stand) opposite one another. If in the head [ofthe View] (there are) two [concavit]ies and they [are situated at the right and le]ft => the king will tear out [the eyes of] that very^^ [person].
Table 3. Gomparison of Structure of MAH 15874 and TOS 10 17:49-62.
MAH 15874 11. 1-9 11. 10-18
11. 19-21 1.22
Zonal Location Top/ Middle/ Bottom TopC'^V Middle/ .Bottom Top/ Middle/ ÍBottom-l Middle
Side
Mark(s)
Right
1 Concavity
.Right .and,Left..__
2 Concavities
0
1 Concavity
0
2 Concavitie.«;
49. Following the parallel in MAH 15874:13, though this may not fit in the space ofthe break. 50. Pace AHw, 410: <eli> awilim i-ta-za-az-za. Glassner's collation yields: [i]-*ni, which may agree with MAH 15874:13 (but cf. n. 39 above). 51. Pace Richter (1993: 137), who emends the verb as i-«ta»-za-az-za, presumably for it to mirror the form in MAH 15874: 13. But ita-za-az-za is clear, and this lectio difficilior surely represents a reciprocal form intended to resonate with the notion of duality in the protasis. (On the verb's stem and form see Huehnergard [2002: 166], who understands it as an Nt; cf AHw, 410, where it is taken as a Gt [text cited].) 52. Lit., "calm"; cf. a.túm.ma // ina mè nihüti "in calm waters" (Lambert 1974: 290,1. 21). 53. The reference is to the previous omen; possibly the inclusion ofthe emphasizing particle owes itself to the fact in this omen, unlike the one in the previous line, the "person" is referred to as a mär awilim and not merely an awilim, cf. MAH15874:18.
ABRAHAM WINITZER
90
YOS1017 11.49-51 1.52 11. 53-55 1.56 1.57 1.58 1.59 11. 60-61 1.62
Zonal Location Top/ Middle/ Bottom Top Top/ Middle/ Bottom , :. Bottom.: i. _... Halfway to another zone In zone's midst In 7oniA midst lop Top
Side
Mark(s)
Right
1 Concavity
0
1 Concavity
Middle
1 Concavity 1 -
„Right.and Left
O _ Right.and Leli
[LConcavity (?)j 1 Concavitv 2 Concavities 2 or 3 Conc,i\ itics 2 Coticavitics
0
1 Concavity
0 0
The opening lines of MAH 15874 parallel'' those of YOS 10 17 (ex. 10) in a paradigm studying, again from the perspective of the T-»M^'B scheme, the meaning of a concavity {Mum) in the right side of the View. At this point the texts diverge, with MAH 15874 moving to consider the meaning of two concavities {sllü sinä) according to the same T-»M-»B sequence (ex. 11,11. 10-18). By contrast, YOS 10 17 follows with additional omens deahng with a single concavity (ex. 12,11. 52-57) before itself turning to consider two (or three) concavities (11. 58-61). Of interest here are the omens forming the second of the T-»M^>B schemes in MAH 15874 (ex. 11,11. 10-18), and specifically the final omen in that sequence (11.16-18). While this unit is comprised of nine lines, like its predecessor (ex. 10,11.1-9), the similarities end here. Unlike the previous sequence, this one does not limit its creative license to the (apparent) adding of alternative forecasts to a received, perhaps authoritative, tradition. Rather, the content of this passage reflects the willful construction of a T-»M-»B scheme from disparate places in the parallel passage in YOS 10 17, possibly along with an additional source. The opening two entries (11. 10-13) appear to be duplicates of ex. 12,11. 60-61 (or its like"), albeit in reverse. A parallel for the next omen (11. 14-15) is not known from ex. 12, or for that matter elsewhere in OB extispicy, and consequently it is difficult to speak about its origin or source. But something may be said about the final omen in this paradigm (11. 16-18, boxed in and shaded in Table 3). Clearly this case represents a conflation of two separate traditions from the same source: ex. 12 (or its like). The author of MAH 15874 brought together two unrelated omens in order to account for the necessary variables in the protasis: ex. 12,1. 56 (boxed in and shaded in Table 3) supplied the essential zonal location in the "View's base" {naplastum ina ifdim^), while ex. 12,1.61 (boxed in and shaded in Table 3) offered the called-for "two concavities" {[stl]ù sinä). That in fact the result represents an amalgam of the two is reinforced by the omen's apodosis, whose second interpretation, introduced by the sanû{m) sumsu statement, is essentially the apodosis of ex. 12,1.61, while the first forecast equals the apodosis of ex. 12,1. 56. Moreover, in this instance the possibility that this conflated entry comes from another, unknown source is not only unlikely but is essentially immaterial, since, if such were the case, one would then need to explain how the constituent parts of this hypothesized composite omen are found in YOS 10 17 as independent apodoses of two unrelated omens. In one way or another, then, the tradition shared between ex. 12,11. 56 + 61 and ex. 11.11.16-18 presents strong evidence of a process of construction involved in the compilation of the omen compendia. In this instance the culprit appears to be the composer of MAH 15874. This text's author, striving to establish a T->M->B scheme in
54. Notwitbstanding tbe exception of tbe bipartite structure of tbe first forecast in eacb of tbese entries. 55. For tbis proviso see n. 36 above. Note too, in addition to tbe different verb forms {izzazzä [ex. 11,1. 13]; ittazzazzä [ex. 12,1. 60]), tbe empbasizing (non-coordinating) particle -ma in ex. 12,1. 61, wbicb does not appear in ex. 11,11. 10-11.
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91
11. 10-18 (ex. 11), showed a willingness to graft a new omen from two unrelated species: the originally separate omens of ex. 12,11. 56 and 61 (or their like). The Sanû{m) SumSu formula appears in that capacity, preceding what previously had been the entire and free-standing apodosis of ex. 12,1. 61. The author of MAH 15874 thus marks the secondary forecast, though not for the reason suggested according to Goetze's or Nougayrol's "combinatorial model," nor even for that proposed by Bottéro's hermeneutics-based variants. Rather, the matter is to be ascribed to literary considerations, that is, the decision to reformat a tradition like that of TOS 10 17—a text that follows different organizational principles from those of MAH 15874 (cf Table 3)—according to MAH 15874's T^M^B schemes and its alternation between of one and two concavities.^* The appearance of a secondary forecast in ex. 11, 11.16-18 seems to be no more than a by-product of this undertaking.
Case 3: Assimilation from Paradigm Pressure
13. AO 7028:9-11 [12-17] (cf. 14-15 [21-23]) 9.
[Summa d]anänu réssu uSSur => zabiltum Sata[m ekallim^''] awätim uStenesse
10.
[Summa danä]n^'' zabiltim pater => äkil karsïka [tillätüSu (?) u] rïsûSu ula immahharû^^ Sanû SumSu Sa US[äni ] [Summa danän za]blltimpater-ma tari[k] => Sa liSäni issabbat-ma [iddâk (?)]
11. 9. 10.
11.
[If the S]trength—its head is loosened off => (it forecasts) betrayal: the 5aia[mmu-official ofthe palace] will repeatedly reveal secrets (lit., words); [If this Streng]th of Betrayal is (also ?) split => concerning the one who denounces you—[his allies and] his helpers will not be received (by the enemy); its second interpretation: an inf[ormer will ]; [If this Strength of Be]trayal is (also ?) split and dar[k] ^ the informer will be seized and [killed].
The appearance of a Sanû{m) SumSu formula in association with the type of pliability witnessed earlier appears in this passage, known from only one source. The three omens comprising this passage build on the hermeneutic associating division and the illicit conveyance of information, in this passage concerning the liver's "Strength" {danänum). That the second and third omens (11. 10-11) link with the first (1. 9), further developing its subject, is evident from the reference to the zone in those lines as the "Strength of Betrayal" {danän zabiltim); undoubtedly this métonymie designation owes much to the heading of the apodosis in the first omen (i.e., danän zabiltim [11. 10-11] «- zabiltum [1. 9]). Additionally, one notes a simple gradational relation between the second and third entries: the final omen (1. 11) introduces the variable of shade {tarîk) to the data from the previous omen (1. 10). If one correlates all these points, then the purpose ofthe alternative interpretation appearing in 1. 10, though damaged in part, appears nonetheless clear. Shared content as well as juxtaposition seems to have played an affective role in the interpretation of the second omen, where the addition of the secondary forecast about the "informer" {Sa liSänim) brings into line the prediction about the "denouncer" {äkil karsim) with that ofthe following line, thus assimilating the two. (That no such assimilation was sought between the first and second omens is possibly due to a perceived difference between the pathological conditions described in these entries.) Thus the appearance of an
56. Notably, the alternation between one and two holes in MAH 15874 seems to have enjoyed a measure of priority over the T->M->B scheme in ex. 11,1. 22, though why the author did not wish to settle both with an entry like ex. 12,1. 55 is unclear. 57. Reconstruction follows CAD Z, 8; Bottéro 1973: 141; Winitzer 2006: 96 n. 122. 58. Restoration follows Winitzer 2006: 96 n. 123. 59. Restoration follows Winitzer 2006: 96 n. 124.
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ABRAHAM WINITZER
interpretation headed by the sanû{m) sumsu formula, while again textually grounded, ultimately appears to be the product of a certain paradigm pressure in the eyes of its composer.^" Moreover, once again the motivation behind this process cannot be explained on the basis of earlier models. Rather, the drive for assimilation here is to be attributed to considerations factoring in the creation of literature, in this case in the composition of the gradation paradigm before us. While one cannot pinpoint the precise occasion of this emendation, in any case it is certain that considerations behind its appearance were somehow connected with the transmission process of this material, and thus with the writing process itself.*'
VI. The three case studies explored here provide irrefutable evidence against any contention that every entry containing a forecast preceded by the sanû{m) sumsu formula represents the compilation of two competing interpretations of the same omen.*^ It is clear that the mere appearance of variant predictions introduced by the sanû{m) sumsu formula is not, in and of itself, proof of the gathering of existing divergent traditions, and certainly not of written ones. Goetze's and Nougayrol's "combinatorial model," therefore, while perhaps a plausible explanation for some cases, does not adequately cover the range of possibilities surveyed. Nor, however, does Bottéro's explanation adequately encompass the manifest picture. As witnessed, hermeneutic factors play an undeniable role in the appearance of certain forecasts described as "secondary." Yet the case studies above demonstrate that the phenomenon of alternative interpretation in Mesopotamian divination extends beyond this as well. Other considerations, including some motivated by the diviner-scholar's creative or organizational concerns, played a significant part in the generation of omens with variants labeled "secondary." This is not to say that no apodosis with alternative interpretations separated by the sanû{m) sumsu formula represents the faithful compilation of two written traditions. Nor do the findings above necessarily deny some textual basis for every variant labeled sanû{m) sumsu. Quite the opposite, each of the cases studied above underscores the textuality of what, for different reasons, is marked in this way. Then again, on the basis of precisely these cases it is also clear that the establishment of a textual origin for a "secondary" forecast does not exclude the possibility of a creative component to that selfsame forecast—a forecast that, if generated from existing entries, in its eventual formulation must nonetheless be regarded as a new species. In the final analysis, then, it is evident that additional considerations, beyond text- and/or source-critical and even hermeneutic factors, played a decisive role in the labeling of certain predictions as "secondary." These we may characterize as creative in nature, in that they represent the product of neither empirical recording nor deductive reasoning. Rather, they appear to arise from a diviner-scholar's decision, for one reason or another, to fashion his text for literary purposes according to some organizational principle. What becomes clear then is that alternative interpretation in Mesopotamian divination literature, even in the earliest stages of its conception, was a complex phenomenon, and more dynamic than previously appreciated. Its finding cannot be marginalized nor simply rele-
60. Support for tbis interpretation may be adduced from two omens from tbe very same text and appearing a few entries below tbe lines quoted above, AO 7028:14-15 (21-23), wbicb manifest a similar drive for assimilation in tbeir apodoses: 14. [Summa danänu] réssupalis =>piriitaka u[Sefse] 15. [summa danän[u ina qablUu palU^^^ asurrâk[a nakrumlnakerka] usaplas sanûm ¡umiupirista[ka (?) u]Sefse 14. [If (concerning) tbe Strengtb] - its bead is pierced => be (= tbe enemy?) w[ill take out] your secret. 15. [If tbe Strengtjb in its middle is pierced => [tbe/your enemy] will tunnel tbrougb [yojur foundation structure; its second interpretation: [be] will take out [jour] secret. 61. For examples of tbese sorts of assimilation of formerly dissonant materials in tbe formation of Mesopotamian literature, but on tbe larger scale, see in particular tbe work on incantation literature by T. Abuscb (e.g., 2002: 197-216, esp. 198-200). 62. Tbese case studies do not exbaust tbe evidence. In fact similar findings present tbemselves in tbe case of some of tbe otber coordinating elements (tbose of Table 1 above). For one sucb example concerning tbe employment oíriqússa, cf. YOS 10 26 i 34-35 // YOS 10 24:41+42.
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gated to the bin of scribal-exegetical practices from the post-empirical transmission stage of divinatory literature. Rather, it should be viewed as an active ingredient in the very creation ofthat body. There is one final, broader, and, one might say, more consequential, point to be made. The suggestion that the sanû{m) sumsu formula was not only or primarily a herald of text and/or source variants, but rather stood predominately (or at least additionally) in the service of both hermeneutic and literary interests, underscores the considerable distance between any empirical basis of divination and the "written-ness" of the divination literature. This latter development was a consequence not merely of Mesopotamian interest in writing but rather of discoveries in the uses of writing—indeed, in the "science" of writing—and made extensive use of hermeneutic and organizational principles for the purpose(s) of the composition of the omen collections. Thus it is not too much to say that the factor of writing itself was no less creative an ingredient in the final product of Mesopotamian divination than was the initial observation and recording of signs with which the Wissenschaß began. To the contrary, by its incorporation into the written form divination in Mesopotamia discovered the most promising medium through which divinatory knowledge could henceforth be generated: the written word.
References Abusch, T. 2002
Mesopotamian Witchcrafi: Toward a History and Understanding of Babylonian Witchcrafi Beliefs and Literature. AMD 5. Leiden: Brill/Styx.
Biggs, R. D. 1974 A Babylonian Extispicy Text concerning Holes. JNES 33: 351-56. Bottéro, ]. 1973 Le pouvoir royal et ses limitations d'après les textes divinatoires. Pp. 119-65 in La voix de l'opposition en Mésopotamie: Colloque organisé par l'Institut des Hautes Etudes de Belgique, 19 et 20 mars 1973, ed. A. Finet. Bruxelles: Institut des hautes études de Belgique. 1974 Symptômes, signes, écritures en Mésopotamie ancienne. Pp. 70-197 in Divination et Rationalité, ed. J. R Vernant. Paris: Éditions du Seuil. 1992 Mesopotamia: Writing, Reasoning, and the Gods, trans. Z. Bahrani and M. Van De Mieroop. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Brown, D. 2000 Mesopotamian Planetary Astronomy-Astrology. CM 18. Groningen: Styx Cunningham, G. 1997 "Deliver Me from Evil": Mesopotamian Incantations 2500-1500 BC. Studia Pohl, Series Maior 17. Rome: Editrice Pontificio Instituto Bíblico, van Dijk, J. J. 1976 Cuneiform Texts of Varying Content. TIM 9. Leiden: Brill, van Dijk, J. J., and M. Geller. 2003 Ur III Incantations from the Frau Professor Hilprecht-Collection, Jena. TMH 6. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz. Finkelstein, I. J. 1963 Mesopotamian Historiography. PAPS 107: 461-72. Frahm, E. 2010 Reading the Tablet, the Exta, and the Body: The Hermeneutics of Cuneiform Signs in Babylonian and Assyrian Text Commentaries and Divinatory Texts. Pp. 93-141 in Divination and the Interpretation of Signs in the Ancient World, ed. A. Annus. OIS 6. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Glassner, J.-J. 1984 Pour un lexique des termes et figures analogiques et usage dans la divination mésopotamienne. JA 272: 15-46. 2003 Ki-is na-ri-im/qf-is na-ri-im. N.A.B.U. 2003/105:118. 2004 Textes díviatoíres paléo-babloniens: suggestions et corrections. N.A.B. U. 2004/48: 49-50. Greaves, S. 2000 Ominous Homophony and Portentous Puns in Akkadian Omens. Pp. 103-13 in Puns and Pundits: Word Play in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near Eastern Literature, ed. S. Noegel. Bethesda, MD: CDL.
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Goetze, A. 1947 Old Babylonian Omen Texts. YOS 10. New Haven: Yale University Press. Hecker, K. 1986Beispiele aus der Omenliteratur. Pp. 74-79 in Orakel, Rituale Bau- und Votivinschrißen Lieder und Gebete, ed. W. 1991 Delsman et al. TUAT II. Gütersloher: Gerd Mohn. Huehnergard, J. 2002 izuzzum and itülum. Pp. 161-85 in Riches Hidden in Secret Places: Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Memory of Thorkild Jacobsen, ed. T. Abusch. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns. Jeyes, U. 1989 Old Babylonian Extispicy: Omen Texts in the British Museum. PIHANS 64. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut te Istanbul. Lambert, W. G. 1974 DINGIR.SÀ.DIB.BA Incantations. JNES 33: 267-322. Michalowski, P. 2003 The Doors of the Past. Pp. 136*-52* in Hayim and Miriam Tadmor Volume, ed. 1. Eph'al, A. Ben-Tor, and P. Machinist. El 27. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society. Michel, C. 2004 Deux incantations paléo-assyriennes: Une nouvelle incantation pour accompagner la naissance. Pp. 395-420 in Assyria and Beyond: Studies Presented to Mogens Trolle Larsen, ed. J. G. Dercksen. Uitgaven van het Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten te Leiden 100. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. Nougayrol, J. 1950 Textes hépatoscopiques d'époque ancienne conservés au Musée du Louvre (III). RA 44:1-40. Richardson, S. 2010 On Seeing and Believing: Liver Divination and the Era of Warring States (II). Pp. 225-66 in Divination and the Interpretation of Signs in the Ancient World, ed. A. Annus. OIS 6. Chicago: The Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago. Richter, T. 1993 Überlegungen zur Rekonstruktion der altbabylonischen bärutum-Seiie. OrNS 62: 121-41. 1999
Untersuchungen zum Opferschauwesen. III. Drei übersehene Opferschauprotokolle aus altbabylonischer Zeit. Pp. 399-414 in Munuscula Mesopotamica: Festschrift für Johannes Renger, ed. B. Bock, E. Cancik-Kirschbaum, and T. Richter. AOAT 267. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag.
Rochberg, F. 2004 The Heavenly Writing: Divination, Horoscopy, and Astronomy in Mesopotamian Culture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Römer, W. H. Ph. 2004 Ein altbabylonisches Kompendium von Gallenblasenomina. UF 36: 389-410. Steinkeller, P 2004 Studies in Third Millennium Paleography, 4: Sign KiS. ZA 94: 175-85. Van de Mieroop, M. 1999 Cuneiform Texts and the Writing of History. London: Routledge. Veldhuis, N. 1997 Elementary Education at Nippur: The Lists of Trees and Wooden Objects. PhD dissertation. Groningen State University. Winitzer, A. 2006 The Generative Paradigm in Old Babylonian Divination. PhD dissertation. Harvard University.
BLOOD IN HITTITE RITUAL Gary Beckman (University of Michigan)
The generally anonymous authors of the texts that describe the rites of the Hittite state cult were practical men.' Laconically they set forth the procedures to be followed and wasted few words explicating or justif)^ing either the ceremonies or the individual ritual actions of which they were composed. Thus in our consideration of the meaning and function of blood in Hittite religious practice,^ we cannot avail ourselves of any clear statement of native belief analogous to that found for Israel in the Hebrew Bible: "For the life of the flesh is in the blood; and I have given it to you for making atonement for your lives on the altar; for, as life, it is the blood that makes atonement."^ Nonetheless, Hittite compositions of various genres do contain passages revealing that in Hatti blood (ester'') was recognized as the carrier of life and strength. Conversely, its presence was taken as an index of mortality. In a legendary account of the campaigns conducted in Anatolia by the Sargonic king Naràm-Sin, the ruler commands that a scout be dispatched to perform the following test on terrifying beings encountered by his forces: When he proceeds to pierce(!) them with a spear and cut them with a blade(?)—if [blood] spurts forth from them, they are human, and I shall go against them (in battle). If blood does not spurt forth from them, they are deities, and I will not go against them.' In the course of an "induction ceremony" into the Hittite army, wine is poured out on the ground before the soldiers concerned, and the officiant addresses them:
Abbreviations employed here are those of The Hittite Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (1980-). 1. Although women play an important role as participants in some festivals, we have no evidence for female scribes in Hatti. For a general discussion of the religious observance of the Hittite state, see V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 674-95. 2. Much of the relevant material has been collected by V. Haas, Materia Mágica et Medica Hethitica (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2003), 511-16. See also B. Ghristiansen, Die Ritualtradition der Ambazzi (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2006), 153-54. 3. Lev. 17:11, as translated in the New Revised Standard Version. On the role of blood in the Hebrew Bible, see David Biale, Blood and Belief (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of Galifornia Press, 2007), chapter 1. 4. See HW 115-21 and HED 2, 305-13, as well as R. Stefanini, "Itt. eshar (= sangue): problemi formali ed etimologici," AGI 43 (1958)18-41. 5. í:C7B3.16+ii8'-ll'(CrH311): T. ma-a-an pa-iz-zi ii-pa-an-ni-it iS-kar-hi 8'. ™"°"ta-pu-ul-li-an-ni-it-ta ku-e-er-zi ma-a-an-Sa-ma-as-t[a e-es-har] 9'. si-ya-a-ri a-pé-e ta-an-du-ki-iS 10'. ta-as-ma-aSpa-a-i-mi ma-a-an-sa-ma-aS-ta e-es-har Ú-UL si-ya-ri 11'. a-pé-e DINGIR.MES-« ta-aS-ma-a¡ Ú-UL pa-a-i-mi ü-kar-hi in ii 7' must be an error for 3rd person. See H. G. Güterbock, "Die historische Tradition und ihre literarische Gestaltung bei Babyloniern und Hethitern bis 1200. Zweiter Teil: Hethiter," ZA 44 (1938): 49-65. 95
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[This] is not [wine]; it is your blood. And [as] the Earth has swallowed it, so may the Earth in the same way swallow [your blood] and [...] (ifyou betray your oath)."* It is not merely some of their blood, but the very life that it represents, that rebellious troops will forfeit. Blood's connotation of "vigor" or "strength" is evident in the metaphorical expression "drink the blood" {eShar eku-), which means "weaken (transitive)." In his bilingual "Political Testament," King Hattusili I justifies before his courtiers the harsh terms under which he had banished his daughter: When [I] heard [that] she had put [the citizens] of Hattusa (the Hittite capital) to death, I sought tears (i.e., remorse) for them (from her). Had [I] not sought (them from her), you would have slandered me with (your) tongue(s) (saying): "[He has] expelled [his daughter]." I, the king, did [not do] anything (to her). (Whereupon she said:) "[Why] have you given me so little?" (So, I, the king, replied): "[If I hadn't given (you)] only a little—[if] I had given you more cattle, (if) I had given [you more] sheep [...]—I would have been drinking the blood (ofthe land)."' Metonymically, the noun "blood" can denote the act of "murder" or "bloodshed," and the phrase eShar iya- (literally "do or make blood")^ is best translated as "shed blood, commit murder."' Another excerpt from the text just quoted well illustrates the latter usage. Here the king discusses the odious behavior of his nephew and former adopted son and heir: His mother is a snake. Henceforth he will always heed (first) the words of his mother, and of his brothers and sisters. And when he draws near, it will be to take vengeance that he approaches! [And concerning my troops], my dignitaries [and] my subjects who surround(?) the king, [he will vow]: "They will be massacred on account ofthe king!" So he will proceed [to destroy] them. He will begin to shed blood {eshar iya-) and will have [no] fear!'" Another Old Hittite historical source, the "Proclamation" of King Telipinu, summarizes the events of this turbulent period as follows: "Previously blood(shed) became common in Hattusa."" Such a transgression was thought to
6. KUB 43.38 rev. 14-16 (CTH 493): 14. [ki-i-w]a Ú-U[L] G[ESTIN] su-me-en-za-an-wa e-es-har nu-wa ki-i [ma-ah-ha-an] 15. lta-g]a-an-zi-pa'-as kat-lta] pa-a-ai-ta [su-me-en-z]a-an-n[a e-es-har] 16. [ o o ]-ya ta-ga-an-zi-pa-as kat-t[a QA-TA]M-''MA pa^[-a-s\u Edited by N. Oettinger, Die militärischen Eide der Hethiter (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1976), 20-21. 7. KUB 1.16 + KUB 40.65 iii 6-12a {CTH 6): 6. ma-a-an is-ta-m[a-as-¡u-un nu-wa-kán DUMU.jMES """Ha-at-ti US-M[I-IT] 7. ii-ha-ah-ru-us-m[i-it-ta-as-ta Sa-a]n-hu-un täk-ku-ma-na-ta 8. Ü-UL-ma sa-an-[hu-un GAM-a« sa-ra-a-ma-]a-am-mu la-a-li-it 9. e-ep-te-en n[u'-wa'- DUMU.MUNUS-5t;pa-ra-]fl tar-na-asWGAL-Sa 10. Ü-UL ku-it-lki i-ya-nu-un o o ku-w]a-at-mu ki-i te-pupa-it-ta 11. ták-ku-<ma-an'> te-p[u Ü-ULpi-ih-hu-un ma-a-an-]ta GU^.Hl.A-wa me-ek-kipt-ih-hu-un 12. UDU.HI.A-wí-[míi-fl«-fí3 o o o me-ek-kipi-]ih-hu-un e-es-har-ma-an 12a. é-ku'-un [ ... ] Edited without join piece by E Sommer and H. Ehelolf, Die hethitisch-akkadische Bilingue des Hattusili I. (Labarna II.) (Munich: Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1938), 10. For the addition, see C. Kiihne's review of KUB 40, ZA 62 (1972): 257-60, and for restorations in iii 6-8 see CHD L-N, 21.1 have translated the entirety of this text in The Context of Scripture, Vol. 2: Monumental Inscriptions, ed. W. W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, Jr. (Leiden: Brill, 2000), 79-81. 8. H. Kronasser, "Zu heth. eshar iya- = akkad. dämi epëSu" in Festschrift lohannes Eriedrich zum 65. Geburtstag am 27. August 1958gewidmet, ed. R. von Kienle et al. (Heidelberg: Winter, 1959), 273-89. 9. See H. A. Hoffner, "On Homicide in Hittite Law," in Crossing Boundaries and Linking Horizons. Studies in Honor of Michael C. Astour, ed. G. D. Young et al. (Bethesda: CDL, 1998), 296. 10. KUB 1.16 i-ii 20-25 {CTH 6). For transliteration, see Sommer and Ehelolf, HAB 4-5. The restoration e-eS-har in ii 24 ofthe Hittite text is guaranteed by da-a-mi a-na e-pé-U-im in i 24 ofthe Akkadian. 11. KBo 3.1 ii 48 {CTH 19): ka-ru-ú-wa e-es-har "'^"Ha-at-tu-ii ma-ak-ke-es-ta. Cf. also HFAC 40, obv.'7'-9' (CTH 655): ták-na-as^VT\J-i kié-an te-ez-zi is-har-wa ku-it ma-ak-kis-ta is-ha-ah-ru-Su-wa 'pa-an-''ga-ri-ya-ta-ti...; see my "Hantili I," in Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalische Studien für Volkert Haas zum 65. Geburtstag, ed. Th. Richter et al. (Saarbrücken: SDV, 2001), 51-58.
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cry out for divine retribution, and we read that the gods indeed exacted revenge {eshar sanhir, lit. "sought blood") from the murderer of Mursili I.'^ But it was not always the perpetrator alone who was punished by supernatural forces. More than two hundred years later another royal prince was physically eliminated, with the result "that this murder (lit. 'blood') further wiped out Hatti."'^ It was obviously imperative that this "blood"—perhaps best rendered in such contexts as "bloodguilt"—be removed from the offender, from Hittite society as a whole, and from the land itself. The "Ritual of Blood"'" is the suggested remedy for the murder of a prince, but unfortunately we know this rite only by title. We do possess, however, the text of an elaborate ritual for ridding a household of "evil pollution, perjury, bloodguilt, curse, transgression, intimidation, tears, and sin."'^ The practitioner of this ceremony addresses the chthonic deities: "May you take whatever evil bloodguilt is within and give it to the deity responsible for blood."'* Elsewhere in the same composition the Dark Earth, or underworld,'^ is implored to "swallow the bloodguilt,"'" along with other negative influences. Already in Hatti's earliest years we encounter the idea that the taint—or perhaps the threat—of bloodshed could be banished to beneath the earth's surface. In an Old Hittite purificatory ritual the officiant recites: "I have just buried their sickness, bloodguilt, evil, and fear for the king, the queen, and their children in Hattusa."" The lexeme eshar appears most frequently in Hittite ritual within just such groups of miscellaneous evils to be neutralized, but we have no evidence that physical human or animal blood was in fact manipulated in this connection. Similarly, no actual blood need be present for the recitation of the "Incantation of Blood" {eshanas SIPAT), which was invoked "when a woman is [giving birth] and her bleeding is inhibited."^" And when an animal substitute is magically identified with a patient through the matching of various constituents of their two bodiesincluding blood^'—it is unlikely that any vital fluid was really spilt. In these latter two instances, of course, eshar bears only its primary anatomical meaning. We may now consider the functional role of blood and its manipulation in Hittite cult. Students of ancient religion have tended to downplay the importance of blood in Hittite worship and magic," but such assessments have been based on an unfortunate, if understandable, limitation of the textual material adduced in their support.
12. KBo 3.1 i 42 (CTH19): [ttfl-pa ™M«r-i(W-/i-/fl-flsl e-es'-W DINGIR.MESsa-(jn-{i[i-ir]. Cf. Kt/B 3.57 obv. 10-11 (CTH 11):... nu-2fl 5/1 A-BI-SU [e-es-har-si-it EGjIR-an sa-an-ah-ta. 13. KUB 14.14 + KUB 19.2 rev. 23' {CTH 378): nu KVR"""Ha-at-ti-ya a-pa-a-aS is-ha-na-an-za ar-ha nam-ma 'zi-''in-né-[eS-ta[. I bave translated tbis prayer in full in Scripture in Context, Vol. 1: Canonical Compositions, ed. W. W. Hallo and K. Lawson Younger, Jr. (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 156-57. 14. KUB 14.14 + KUB 19.2 rev. 10' {CTH 378): i}-ha-na-as SISKUR. 15. KUB 7.41 obv. 18-19 (CTH 446): 'i^-ld[a-a-lu pa-ap-ra-tar NI-lS DING\R'-'"e-es-har hu-ur-ta-i[{n kur-ku-r)a-in] e-eS-ha-ah-ru waas-ta-in. Restoration from dupl. KBo 10.45 i 9'. Tbis composition bas been edited by H. Otten, "Eine Bescbwörung der Unterirdischen aus Bogazköy," ZA 54 (1961): 114-57. For tbe translation o( kurkuräi- as "Verängstigung, Einscbücbterung," see H. G. Güterbock, "Hetbitiscb kurkuräi- und Verwandtes," in Documentum Asiae Minoris Antiquae. Festschrififür Heinrich Otten zum 75. Geburtstag, ed. E. Neu and C. Rüster (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1988), 115-19. 16. KUB 41.8 iii 9-10 (CTH 446): nu-kán ku-it HVL-lu e-es-sar an-da na-at ¡u-me-ei da-at-ten na-at e-eS-ha-na-aS DlNG\'R'-""-nipé-e¡-ten. Dupl. KBo 10.45 iii 18 bas tbe more usual spelling e-es-har, and in iii 19 names is-ha-na-a} •'U-ní, "tbe Storm-god of Blood," as tbe recipient of tbe evils. 17. See N. Oettinger, "Die 'dunkle Erde' im Hetbitiscben und Griecbiscben," WO 20-21 (1989-90): 83-98. 18. KBo 10.45 iv 1-4 {CTH 446): ... nu GB^-is Kl-as ar-ha e-ep pár-na-a¡ \JRV-as e-eS-har wa-a¡-túlpa-ap-ra-tar NI-IS DINGIR-LIM HUL-lu-un GÏR-an pa-an-ga-wa-a¡ EME-o« GAM pa-a-iu. 19. KBo 17.1 iii 10-12 {CTH 416): ka-a-s[a LU]GAL-j MUNUS.LUGAL-ri DUMUMES-ma-aá-ía ™"Hfl-aí-(w-s7 e-er-ma-aS-mi-it e-es-h[ar-s]a-mi-it i-da-a-lu-us-mi-it ha-tu-ka-as-ml-it ha-re-[{e-nu-u)]n. Restoration from dupl. KBo 17.3++ iii 12. For tbe edition of tbis ritual, see H. Otten and V. Soucek, Ein althethitisches Ritual für das Königspaar (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1969). 20. KUB 17.28 ii 1-2 {CTH 730): Sl-PÁT e-es-ha-na-as ma-a-an-za MUNUS-zo h[a-a-si] nu e-es-ha-ar-ie-et a-ri-it-ta. See G. Beckman, Hittite Birth Rituals (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1983), 84-85. Tbe cbarm itself is in tbe Hattic language. 21. See V. Haas, "Ein betbitiscbes Bescbwörungsmotiv aus Kizzuwatna—seine Herkunft und Wanderung," Or 40 (1971): 410-30. 22. For example, O. R. Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite Religion. Tbe Scbweicb Lectures 1976 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1977), 28: "Blood indeed plays very little part in Hittite sacrifice." Cf. H. M. Kümmel, "Die Religion der Hetbiter," in Theologie und Religionswissenschafl, ed. U. Mann (Darmstadt: Wissenscbaftlicbe Bucbgesellscbaft, 1973), 75.
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If we restrict ourselves to those ritual contexts in which the word "blood" {eshar) or its derivative "make bloody" {esharnumäi-)" are employed, the relevant sources are indeed rather sparse. Symptomatic of this situation is the fact that in only one of the hundreds of attestations of the verb "libate; sacrifice; dedicate" {ispant-lsipant-) does eshar appear as its object.^"* But E. Laroche recognized that the Hurrian lexeme zurki, thus far attested only as a borrowed technical term in Hittite-language contexts, also means "blood."" All of the relevant material belongs to the late strand of cult that the Hittites imported from Kizzuwatna (later Cilicia),^' a region that in the middle of the second millennium was home to a culture displaying strong Hurrian and Luwian infiuences. Numerous passages mention a "zurkiRitual"—(SISKUR) zurkiyaslzurkianza—hut neglect to describe the proceedings. We do, however, have a list of materials required for a performance of this ceremony, including "one lamb or one kid,"" a requirement that strongly suggests that an animal is slaughtered in the course of the event. We also read that the zurki rite could be carried out with a bird,^^ a kid," an ox, a sheep,'" or "with broiled (meat)."'' Einally,'^ we find the hybrid Hurrian/Hittite construction uziya zurkiya sipant-, "make a meat and a blood offering."'' This synecdochcal designation of animal sacrifice as "blood offering" indicates that the vital liquid occupied a prominent role in the religious conceptions of those performing the operation. To judge by the facts that no special precautions against defilement or contamination are called for in the handling of blood in sacrifice, and that its consumption by humans is never enjoined or even restricted, the Hittites seem to have attributed no particular numinous quality to this fluid in and of itself. Its role in ordinary animal offerings was apparently merely a natural feature of what A. L. Oppenheim called the "care and feeding of the gods."'"* In general, the divine portion of a Hittite sacrifice included the victim's heart, its liver, and a cut or two of its meat." The repast of the deities might be augmented with various baked goods,'* sweets,'^ and beverages.'* I believe that
23. HH^ 122; H£D 1-2, 310-11. 24. KUB 10.11 vi 5-11 (.CTH 660). The blood is that of sheep—see A. Goetze, "Hittite ¿ipant-" JCS 23 (1970): 85, no. 115. 25. E. Laroche, "Études de linguistique anatolienne," RHA 31 (1973): 83-99, and GLH 309. See also H. Otten, Materialien zum hethitischen Lexikon (Wörter beginnend mit zu...) (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1971), 12-13; and V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, dl-11. 26. See P. Desideri and A. M. Jasink, Cilicia. Dall'età di Kizzuwatna alla conquista macedone (Turin: Casa Editrice Le Lettere, 1990), 51-109. For the general characteristics of purificatory ceremonies imported from this region, see Rita Strauß, Reinigungsrituale aus Kizzuwatna (Berlin: de Gruyter, 2006), chapter 2. 27. KUB 29.4 ii 8 (CTH 481): ... 1 SILA^ na-as-ma MAS.TUR ki-i A-NA SiSKUR zu-ur-ki-ya-aS da-an-zi. This text has been edited by H. Kronasser, Die Umsiedlung der Schwarzen Gottheit (Vienna: Böhlaus, 1963). 28. KUB 29.4 ii 32 (CTH481): nu SÍSKVR zu-úr-ki-ya-as iS-TUMV^EN' ¡i-pa-an-da-an-zi. Despite the traces (E. Laroche, RHA 31 [1973]: 96, with n. 32), KU^ is hardly in place here. Fish are not attested elsewhere in bloody rites in Hittite texts. 29. KUB 29.4 iii 56 (CTH 481): nu SISKUR zu-úr-ki-ya-aS iS-TU MÄS.TUR ii-pa-an-da-an-zi. 30. IBoT 3, 148 i 47-48 (CTH 485): 1 GU^ 1 UDU 'zu-úr-ki^ ki-ya ''Hé-bát; ii 57-58: 1 GU^ 1 UDU 'zu-ur-ki-'^ya ki-ya D I N G I R . M E S LÜ.MES. This text has been edited by V. Haas and G. Wilhelm, AOATS 3, 212-31. 31. KUB 29.7 + KBo 21.41 rev. 72 (CTH 480): EGIR-an-da-ma zu-úr-ki-ya-aS"^"zé-e-ya-an-ti-it ¡i-pa-an-ti. For an edition, see R. Lebrun, Samuha: foyer religieux de l'empire hittite (Louvain: Institute orientaliste, 1976), 117-38. 32. It is not clear whether the Luwian derivative zurkitäi-, lit. "(to) bloody," simply means "perform a blood offering" (see V. Haas and G. Wilhelm, AOATS 3, 64) or "smear with blood" (E. Laroche, GLH 309: "ensanglanter"), on which see below. KBo 17.65 rev. 32 (CTH 489): [ ... a-pé-]e-da-aêpár-na-a¡ a[n-da] zu-úr-ki-ta-a-iz-zi, ed. Hittite Birth Rituals, 142-43. 33. E.g., KBo 23.1 i 56 (CTH472): I-NA UD.2.KAM-ma u-zi-ya zu-ur-ki-ya ¡i-pa-an-d[(a-an-zi)], ed. R. Lebrun, "Les rituels d'Ammihatna, Tulbi et Mati contre une impurité," Hethitica 3 (1979): 143. 34. AttcienfAíesopotamífl (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1964), 183-98; see especially p. 192 for Oppenheim's assessment the special role of bloody rites in the religious practice of the West Semites. 35. See V. Haas, Geschichte der hethitischen Religion, 654-58. 36. See H. A. Hoffner, Alimenta Hethaeorum (New Haven: American Oriental Society, 1974). Most of the dozens of breads and cakes listed in chapter five appear in the texts as components of offerings. See now also A. Hagenbuchner-Dresel, Massangaben bei hethitischen Backwaren (Dresden: Technische Universität, 2002). 37. Note especially the cultic use of NINDA.1.E.DÉ.A, "honey cake" (Alimenta Hethaeorum, 196-97), and milit-, "honey" (CHD L-M, 250-51). 38. See A. Archi, "Das Kultmahl bei den Hethitern," VIII. Turk Tarih Kongresi (Ankara: Turk Tarih Kurumu, 1979), 200-201; and H. C. Melchert, "'God-Drinking': A Syntactic Transformation in Hittite," JIES 9 (1981): 245-54.
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the blood of the slaughtered beast in most ritual contexts should simply be considered as the most prominent among the potables offered to the gods. Its function as a foodstuff is readily apparent in the following procedure: Then they drive out the pig and cut it up. They dip a thin loaf of bread into the blood and set it down before the deity. But they (the ritual participants) eat the pig. They butcher it(s trunk), removing the entrails. .. .^' Because it was inevitably present when an animal was killed in the Hittite manner—on which I will say more below—blood came to stand pars pro toto for the sacrifice itself Hittite anatomical terminology is complex and not all of the relevant vocabulary has yet been satisfactorily explained.''" One lexeme that over the years has posed considerable difliculties for Hittitologists is auli-, whose apparent meanings seemed rather diflicult to reconcile. However, in a brilliant study, the late C. Kühne elucidated the semantic development of auli-: From an original meaning "neck (arteries)" there arose through metonymy the sense "spurt of blood." Synechdoche then led to the sense "sacrificial animal," and further to "(animal) offering.""' Beginning with the second element of the sequence, this evolution in meaning harmonizes well with that which I have just sketched for Hurroid zurki. An excerpt from a festival performed by the monarch is instructive in this regard: The king steps up and sacrifices: one ox and three sheep for (the goddess) MezzuUa, one sheep for (the deity's) bird ornament andfibula,one sbeep for the Storm-god of the Grove and (tbe god) Hulla. They (the ritual experts) lift the auli. Thereafter, behind"*^ the blood be makes the rounds of tbe sacred places (of tbe temple) witb (libations of) beer, wine, tawal,
The fact that blood is not mentioned here until after the "lifting of the auli" suggests that it is this action that introduces the liquid into the rite—and into the ritual theater.''" Since the primary meaning oí auli-, once more, is "neck
39. KUB 43.56 iii ll'-15' (CTH 330'): 11'. na-aS-ta SAH pa-ra-a pé-e-da-an-zi 12'. na-an-kán ku-na-an-zi nu e-eS-ha-ni kat-ta-an 13'. NINDA.SIG kat-ta-an ap-pa-an-zi na-at-Sa-an 14'. PA-m DINGIR"" EGIR-pfl ti-an-zi èAH-ma e-eS-sa-an-zi 15'. [na-a]n-kán pít-tal-wa-an mar-kán-zi na-aS-ta "^^ge-en-zupa-ri-an-zi See CHD L-M, 188 for pittalwan mark-. 40. See H. A. Hoffner, "From Head to Toe in Hittite. The Language of the Human Body," in "Go to the Land I Will Show You": Studies in Honor ofDwight Young, ed. J. Goleson and V. Matthews (Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1996), 247-60. Many of the terms discussed in this article are common to both human and animal anatomy. 41. G. Kühne, "Hethitisch auli- und einige Aspekte altanatolischer Opferpraxis," ZA 76 (1986): 85-117. 42. Or perhaps "after the (shedding of) blood"? 43. KUB 11.26 ii 6'-13' {CTH 669): 6'. LUGAL-ui ti-ya-zi ták-kán Si-pa-an-ti r. 1 GU^ 3 UDU-/a 'Me-ez-zu-la 8'. 1 UDU a-li-li TU-DÍ-IT-TI 9'. 1 UDU •'V '^'^TIR •• Hu-ul-la
10'. a-ú-li-in kar-ap-pa-an-zi 11'. 12'. KAä-(f GESTIN-!t ta-wa-li-it 13'. wa-al-hi-it AS-RLHI.A ir-ha-a-iz-zi tawal and walhi are alcoholic beverages. 44. Gompare KBo 15.33 iii 3 r - 3 3 ' {CTH 330): "But when he completes the slaughtering, then the 'householder' libates three times with a libation vessel for the Storm-god behind the blood {iS-ha-ni-i) and before the offering table." For a transliteration see J. Glocker, Das Ritual für den Wettergott von KuUwiSna (Florence: LoGisma, 1997), 72.
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(arteries)," and its lifting results in spilt blood, the syntagm aulin karp- must indicate the positioning of the victim's throat to receive the fatal slashing. After the blow had been struck, the officiant could control the direction taken by the resultant eruption of blood, sending it upward or downward. It is this distinction that is expressed by the pair of technical terms "slaughter up" versus "slaughter down" (sarä I katta huek-).^^ In this regard the Hittites seem to have observed a practice similar to that of the ancient Greeks by which animals offered to celestial and earthly gods were generally killed with their throats upward, while those intended for chthonic deities met their end with throats turned earthward.""* Indeed, in Hatti the blood of victims for the powers of the underworld was often directed"*^ or poured into a specially prepared pit.''* For example, an officiant sacrifices a sheep to an avatar of the Storm-god: Then he allows the blood to collect in a beaker and sets it on the ground before the marapsi Storm-god. Then the "seer" cuts off a little of the raw liver and heart and takes a little of the blood and sets it (all) down in the pit. Then he stops up the pit with a loaf of ordinary bread while the (carcass of) the sheep is carried away. The temple employees butcher it."" Since the divinities of the Dark Earth, who were of course closely associated with death,^" had a special affinity for blood, I would not deny that when the liquid is offered to them it does not merely constitute food but also carries the symbolic value of lost life. But this is a special case. The usual general term in Hittite for "sacrifice; dedicate," ispant-1 sipant-,^^ is cognate to Greek anévSw, "libate." But in light of the preceding argument, I believe that the semantic development by which this word derived its wider field of meaning in Hittite involved not only the pouring out of potable liquids, but also the manipulation of the spurting life's blood of the ritual victim.^^ In one instance, as mentioned earlier, eshar is actually governed by this verb: The chief of the cooks cuts up ten sheep and two fattened bulls beside the hearth for the Storm-god. The chief of the cooks also brings a golden beaker. Then he repeatedly dips it (the beaker) in the blood of the sheep, and repeatedly libates the blood before the offering stand."
45. See O. R. Gurney, Some Aspects of Hittite ReHgion, 30; and C. Kühne, ZA 76 (1986): 94-95. 46. H. A. Hoffner, "Second Millennium Antecedents to the Hebrew 'ohhT ]BL 86 (1967): 399. 47. The technical term for this act was (fcaifa[niia]) tflrnfl-. 48. Note the "invention" of this method of dealing with blood by the Sumerian culture hero Lugalbanda, as discussed by W. W. Hallo, "The Origins of the Sacrificial Cult: New Evidence from Mesopotamia and Israel," in Ancient Israelite ReHgion. Essays in Honor of Frank Moore Cross, ed. R D. Miller, et al. (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987), 9. 49. KUß 10.63 i 21-28 (CTH 715): 21. nu-kán e-eS-jjar A-NA GAL kat-ta tar-na-i na-at ták-ni-i 22. A-NA PA-WU ma-ra-ap-ii da-a-i nu-kán '•"AZU 23. A-NA "^"NtG.GIG "^"SÀ hu-u-i-Su nu te-pu ku-er-zi 24. e-es-\}ar-ra te-pu da-a-i na-at-kán '^a-a-pí 25. kat-ta-an-da da-a-i 26. na-aS-ta 'a-a-pi-in Se-er iS-TUNINDA.GUR^^.RA is-ta'-a-pt 27. XJDXJ-ma-kán pa-ra-a pé-e-da-an-zi 28. [n]a-an-kán '•0"'=5EN.DINGIR.MES mar-kán-zi 50. For a summary of Hittite ideas concerning the underworld and its inhabitants, see V. Haas, "Death and the Afterlife in Hittite Thought," in CiviUzations of the Ancient Near East, ed. J. Sasson et al. (New York: Scribner's, 1995), 3:2021-30. 51. Goetze,/CS23 (1970): 77-94. 52. Cf Kühne, ZA 76 (1986): 115 n. 120; and see already A. Goetze, KP, 164. 53. JCÜB 10.11 vi 1-7 (CTH 660): 1. UGULA '•O"'=5MUHALDIM 10 UDU.Hl.A 2 GU^.MAH NIGA 2. ''iSKUR-ni ha-a¡-Sa-aS ta-pu-uS-za
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The use of blood as food and its function as a symbol of life and vigor, such as I have discussed for Hatti, are commonplaces among the world's cultures.'" The employment of blood as a purificatory substance as by the Hittites is a much rarer phenomenon,'^ but a practice well known in Israelite religion." In Hittite texts this activity is expressed by the verb eSharnumäi-, "to bloody." For instance, in a birth ritual of Kizzuwatnaean origin the birth apparatus breaks shortly before the baby's delivery—surely an ominous sign. Of simple construction, the birth stool can easily be repaired, but the evil influences revealed by its collapse must also be removed. Thus the practitioner "smears the birth stool and the pegs with the blood of two birds, each separately. And he twice makes meat offerings of two sheep and four birds before the birth stool."" Later in the rite, "they set up a washbasin and smear it with the blood of a bird."'* A further example maybe drawn from a ritual for the erection of a new temple for a goddess and the installation therein of a newly constructed image of the deity. After several days of activities, "they smear the golden divine image, the wall (ofthe temple), and all ofthe implements ofthe new [deity] with blood so that the [new] deity and the temple will be pure."'' In addition, this manner of cleansing is attested for sacred places,™ cultic furniture,''' and ritual pits.*^^ What aspect of Hittite thought concerning blood might have led to its employment in this fashion?" On the basis of what we have already rehearsed here about the Hittite conception of blood, I tentatively suggest that the ancient Anatolians felt they were imparting a vivifying quality to the objects and locations that they daubed with this liquid. But it must be recalled that without exception, the texts featuring the verb eSharnumäi- are late and Hurrian-infiuenced. That is, they belong to the Kizzuwatnaean stratum of Hittite cult, which introduced such
3. ku-er-zi UGULA "-""ESMUHALDIM GAL KÜ.BABBAR 4. ú-da-i 5. nu UDU.Hl.A-as e-es-ha-ni kat-ta-an 6. ap-pi-is-ki-iz-zi nu ZAG.GAR.R[A-ni] 7. e-ei-har pi-ra-an ii-pa-an-za-ki-iz-z[i] 54. For early modern Europe, see P. Camporesi, luice of Life: The Symbolic and Magic Significance of Blood, tr. R. Barr (New York: Continuum, 1995), esp. pp. 51-52. 55. None ofthe passages cited in CAD D, 76-79, sub damu, "blood," feature this material as a detergent. 56. See D. Wright, The Disposal of Impurity (Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987), 147-59. 57. KBo 5.1 i 25-27 (CTH 476): 25. nam-ma iS-TU 2 M U S E N har-na-a-ú-i °'^GAG.Hl.A-ya ku-i-ui-ia 26. ar-ha-ya-an ii-har-nu-ma-iz-zi u-uz-zi-ya-ya har-na-a-ú 27. pi-ra-an 2-SUIS-TU2 UDU 4 MUSEN-JH ii-pa-an-ti This text has been edited by F. Sommer and H. Ehelolf, Pap. 58. KBo 5.1 iii 41 (CTH 476): nu ''"«ÁBxA ti-an-zi na-an /S-T[/MUSEN ii-har-nu-ma-an-zi. 59. KC/B 29.4 iv 38-40 (CTH 481): 38. ... nu DINGIR'™ KU.SIG,^ ku-ut-ta-an Û-NU-TE.MEè 39. S[A DINGIR"]" GIBIL hu-u-ma-an e-ei-har-nu-ma-an-zi 40. nu DINGIR[""GIBI]LÉ.DINGIR'-'"->'flsu-wp-pé-es-2Í... This text has been newly edited by J. Miller, Studies in the Origins, Development and Interpretation ofthe Kizzuwatna Rituals (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004), 259-311. 60. ASRU: KBO 13.101 i 28' (CTH 435); the ayakki-stmcture: KBo 13.114 iii 3 {CTH 415); papanni iinapii: KBo 33.169+ rt. col. 10' {CTH 705); and tali ("forest, grove") dulpuri iinapienwena KBo 33.161+ rt. col. 8' {CTH 705). The appearance ofthe copse in this list shows that "bloodying" was not limited to buildings, as stated by V. Haas, "Ein hurritischer Blutritus und die Deponierung der Ritualrückstände nach hethitischen Quellen," in Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament, ed. B. Janowski et al. (Freiburg: Universitätsverlag, 1993), 70. He is correct, however, that a person is never cleansed in this manner. 61. «'^BANSUR: KBO 14.127 iv' 7' {CTH 500), KBo 33.169+ rt. col. 8' {CTH 705); ahrushi and hupruihi: KBo 14.127 iv' 8'-9' {CTH 500); bronze images and bull: iCBo 13.114iii2-3 (CTH415). 62. KUB 15.31 ii 23 (CTH 484), KBo 24.45 rev. 11. 63. Other cultic uses of blood that do not fit the pattern determined here include depositing it upon an offering table {KBo 9.121 ii 7—CTH 670) and wiping it off the same piece of cultic furniture {KBo 24.110 (+') KBo 23.49 iv ll'-12'—see HW^ 2, 26). Cf. also EZEN e-ei-har iar-tau-wa-as {KUB 46.32 rev. 5'), translated by H. A. Hoffner, review of KUB 46, BiOr 34 (1977): 74 as "festival of wiping off of blood."
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other novelties as burnt offerings and the widespread use of bird sacrifice into Hatti.*'' It is not at all certain that Hittites of the pre-imperial period would have employed, approved of, or even understood the use of blood as a ritual detergent. In any event, the Hittite scribes exercised their customary reticence and failed to explain just what their priestly colleagues were thinking when they painted blood on something. Perhaps the answer to this question will emerge only through the study of newly intelligible Hurrian sources,*' although as I pointed out earlier, the word zurki has not yet appeared in those we have at our disposal. On the other hand, it may be that Hittitologists have something to learn here from students of Israelite worship,'* if I am correct in my suspicion that the use of ritual pits and purification by means of blood, as well as the incineration of birds and other creatures in the cult of both Hatti and Israel derive from a common Syro-Hurrian source. In conclusion, I present an excerpt from the account of Polish journalist Ryszard Kapuácinski of his sojourn in Iran during the Islamic revolution. One day he notices a commotion outside his Teheran hotel: I am trying to understand them [that is, the local people], but over and over again I stumble into a dark region and lose my way. They have a different attitude to life and death. They react differently to the sight of blood. At the sight of blood they become tense, fascinated, they fall into some sort of mystical trance; I can see their animated gestures and hear their cries. The owner of a nearby restaurant pulled up in front of my hotel in his new car. It was a brand-new Pontiac, gold, straight from the dealer. There was some commotion and I could hear chickens being slaughtered in the courtyard. First the people sprinkled the chicken blood over themselves, and then they smeared it on the body of the car. In a moment the automobile was red and dripping blood. This was the baptism of the Pontiac. Wherever there is blood, they crowd around to dip their hands in it. They could not explain to me why this is necessary.'' I hope that I have demonstrated that blood was of greater importance in Hittite cult than has hitherto been acknowledged, that it served to nourish gods and humans alike, and that to the Hittites it represented life and vitality. As for its use as a cleansing and apotropaic agent in later sources, I'm afraid that I have not succeeded in fully explaining just why this practice—like the daubing of the Pontiac—was necessary.
64. See already E. Larocbe, RHA 31 (1973): 99. Tbe common Hurrian origin of tbese features in Israelite and Hittite ritual praxis remains to be investigated tborougbly. 65. Mucb progress in tbis area bas already followed E. Neu's edition of tbe Hurro-Hittite bilingual: Das hurritische Epos der Freilassung. I (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1996). For a survey, see I. Wegner, Hurritisch, eine Einführung, 2nd ed. (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007). 66. Tbe reverse is also true, judging from tbe statement by Biale, Blood and Belief, 10, tbat tbe Israelites "were tbe only Near Easterners to make blood a central element in tbeir religious rituals." 67. R. Kapuácinski, Shah of Shahs, tr. W. R. Brand and K. Mroczkowska-Brand (San Diego: Harcourt Brace Jovanovicb, 1985), 147.
BARM AND BALM, HITTITE STYLE Jaan Puhvel
The production and consumption of fermented beverages in Europe and the Near East antedates by millennia the onset of written attestation. In the Indo-European area the honey-brew mead held sway (Vedic mádhu-. Old Irish mid. Old English meodo; cf Tocharian B mit, Lithuanian medùs. Old Church Slavic medû "honey"). In the more temperate zone the term could be transferred to grape products (Creek |.ié9u, Avestan maôu-, Earsi may, Luwian maddu- "wine"), unless an areal word prevailed (Hittite wiyana-, Armenian gini, Greek olvoc,, Latin vinum). A trace of the "honey" sense in Anatolia may linger in the toponym "^^Mi-id-du-wa {KBo 5.8 IV 18), allonym of the later Melitene (Turkish Malatya; cf. Hittite melit-, Luwian mallit- "honey"). The riverine desert regions to the south were not prime wine country, but barley grew wfld in both Mesopotamia and Egypt and was domesticated in prehistoric times. Beer seems to have been the early beverage of choice in both areas, although the term for it (Sumerian kas, Akkadian sikru) tended to encompass alcoholic potables at large; sikru (from the verb sakäru "be drunk") also denoted grape wine in Syria. The words for "wine" proper (Sumerian gestin, Akkadian karänu) seem to have meant originally rather "vine" or "grape," with the areal lexeme for "wine" (Hebrew jo/'m, Arabic wain) appearing first as Neo-Babylonian tnu. The Hittite beverage industry, straddling the eastern Mediterranean wine region and the Near Eastern beer belt, attests from the first a bewildering variety of vocabulary related to brews and brewing. There is a notable intermeshing of sumero- and akkadographic covers with obscure local Anatolian terms and transparent Hittite verbiage. "Malt" (germinated barleycorn) was denoted by BULÜG (or, subject to sumerologic whimsy, DIM^or MUNUg). "Wort" or "barm" was BAPPIR, often asyndetically in BULÜG BAPPIR or BAPPIR BULÜG, a fermenting malt and barley-bread mix crushed and strained into beer mash (see KUB 1.13 II 26-28 hassl-ma-kan MUN marrattari ANA °^°NAMZITI-ya BULÜG AL.GAZ [ma]rhanuwamman "in the fireplace salt is crushed, and in the vat bruised malt [is] mashed"). Such macerated material (Akkadian mazUum) underlay two types of Anatolian brews in Old Assyrian (Kanesite) commercial texts, pots {karpat) of marnu'ätum and tabalätum. Their tandem appearance is reinforced by Old Hittite pairings like KBo 13.114 II17 1 ^^^KUKUB marnuan 1 '°"°KUKUB tawal (see HED 6:82). While tawal, like the similar brews Umma- and walhi-, is etymologically opaque, they all like marnuan, apparently denoted local varieties of beers and ales. Marnu(w)an is a nominalized neuter participle of marnu- "steep, let ripen," causative of marr(a)- "ripen, mature" (see KUB 33.120 III 72 nu apäs °"°UTÚL-fl5 marriyazzi "that keg [of beer] matures"). It was apparently a premium variety, with marnu(w)an perhaps originally attributive in (and subsequently elliptic for) KAS marnuwan (as in e.g. KUB 41.50 III 5 7§Tt/KAS marnuwantet "with lager beer"). Marnu(w)an occurs profusely in listings of various brew words, including KAS.LÀL "honeybeer" (mead?) and K A S . G E S T I N "beer-wine" (whatever that was [grape cider?]; cf. the Akkadian use of sifcru for "wine" in Syria). Eor one heroic drinking bout the provisions included GESTIN-as °^^palhi marnuwandas ^^^palhi [wa]lhiyas °^°palhi "cauldron of wine, cauldron of lager, cauldron of walhi" {KBo 3.7 116-17). Just as marnu(w)an was "plain Hittite," so was the generic term underlying sumerographic BCAS, si-(i-)es-sar (KAè-es-sar); they could be combined in a mixed brew, as in KUB 41.23 II 18-19 marnuan man siessar-a [anda] anku lamtati "as lager and (ordinary) beer have been fully blended." 103
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JA AN PUHVEL
The neuter r/n-stem si(y)essar (genitive KAS-/sMâ5, instrumental siésnit) is a concretized action noun derived from a lost verb meaning "strain, filter" (for such fossils see, e.g., mitessar "measure" from *med- [HED 6:168] or tapessar "happening" [Gothic ga-daban "befall"]). It is literally "strained matter," that is, mash filtered from fermented malt mix into a beer vat (see KUB 2.3 II 13 and 18 marnuwandas lüliya "to a lagering vat" [HED 5, 112-13]). Unlike the sifting of dry matter (*kyä- in Greek ota-Ttácü, ocöai, orjöcü [aÄEupOTTriatc; "sifted flour"]. Hittite kinai- [HED 4,180-82]), siessar reflects *së(y)- in Greek fiGcü, (ôi-)ri6éu) "to strain," (5i-)ií9ri0i<; "filtration," iÍ9|ióc; (dialectal heGpoc;) "strain,filter,"Old Church Slavic (pro)séjo, Lithuanian sijóju "to strain,filter,"Lithuanian sietas, Russian sito "sieve," *sétlo- in Welsh hidl, Breton sil, Germanic *sëPla borrowed in Karelian siekla, Finnish seula. South Estonian sôgel, Estonian sôel "sieve." Thus siessar, like marnuan, was a genuinely native Hittite vocable. Brewing was evidently not an art that the Hittites had to learn from Mesopotamia. In spite of such transparency there are still no visible Hittite equivalents for B U L U G and BAPPIR, thus brew ingredients like malt and wort (hops we need not bother with, for their use in brewing belongs to a later era; kugulkula- for BULUG [ H H W 82, 2001] is erroneous [see rather HED 4:233]). Sprouting and fermentation being at the semantic core, one would hope to find proper etyma, mindful of inherited terms like harna- "stir, churn" (harnammar "yeast"; cf KUB 7.1 I 25 nu harnammar BAPPIR ISTU KAS arha tarnanzi "they let yeast and barm out of the beer") or issana- "sourdough" (< *yes(o)no- "ferment(ation)"; cf Old High German jesan "ferment," English yeast). Eoremost among relevant verbs is the etymon of English brew (Old English bréowan), found in (leavened) bread, (seething) broth, (hatched) brood, and (fermented) barm, with cognates Latin/erv('ejô "seethe" fermentum "leaven; malt liquor," dé-frutum "must, cider," Thracian ßpi3Toc;"beer," Old Irish berbaim "seethe," Gaulish Borvo (hot spring), Gothic brunna "well," from a root *bher(E)w-, *bhre(E)w- {*bhreEwr/n- in Greek *9pfÍFap > cppéâp "well," Armenian albiwr "fountain"). The basic sense involves welling up and germination, as when yeast {harnammar) is mixed in a doughbowl and swelling ensues {putkiyetta [KBo 6.341 33]). A possible Hittite cognate of the above words is pár-hu-(u-)e-na-, pár-hu-(u-)i-na-, a common gender noun attested mostly in the nominative singular par/iweiia5, sometimes in the accusative parhuenan and genitive/?iir/2«enas, once {KBo 10.45 III 51) as p[arh]uena, which may be a neuter plural but also amendable as parhuena<s>. The word occurs on long lists of "all seeds" (NUMUN.HI.A hümanta), such as KBo 15.24 II 22-23 SE (= ewan-, halki-) ZlZ GÚ.TUR G U . G A L G U . G A L . G A L parhuenas seppit karas B U L U G BAPPIR "barley spelt vetch pea bean parhuenas wheat emmer malt wort," or KBo 4.2 19-11 nu ZlZ-tar SE zenantas SE hassarnanza sepit karas parhuenas ewan "spelt autumn barley hassarnanza barley wheat emmer parhuenas barley." Here parhuenas seems to be not another specific sort of cereal or legume but rather a term similar to B U L U G BAPPIR in the first passage. If so, there is plausible reference to brew material, and parhuena- could reflect *bhrE^w- (cf. Old English beorma "barm"), with suffix as in happena- "kiln" or lappina- "tinder." If parhuena- was the malted brew of certain grains, its specificity comes into focus in that most attestations form part of a reversible binomial kalaktar parhuenas or parhuenas kalaktar, which constituted twofold victual enticement offered to divinities, kalaktar being a deverbative noun of kala(n)k- "nurse, calm, pacify," cognate with Greek YáXa(KT) "milk" (the ultimate soothing nutrient). This noun often combines with its verb in a figura etymologica, e.g. KUB 33.21 III 17-18galaktar kitta nu-ssi [...] galangaza es "there is nutriment... be thou soothed." With such balm the binomial combines an alluring malted mash or potable, thus "balm and brew," or reversibly "barm and balm," e.g., KUB 15.34111-12 DINGIR.MES-05pariiuenas halkiyasp[arh]uenasgalaktar "gods' brew, barley brew and balm." Thus it was not malted milk but a combination of mood-altering barleycorn and pacifying lactose that placated the temper and induced the return of angry gods like Telipinus.
THE RITUAL TABLET OF MAQLÛ: TWO NEW FRAGMENTS Daniel Schwemer (SOAS London)
In a recent contribution on the interpretation of the opening section of the ritual Maqlû, I took the opportunity to publish hand copies of all the manuscripts of the ritual tablet of Maqlû that were known to me at the time (Schwemer 2010). Inevitably, two new fragments of the ritual tablet ("tablet ix") came to light only a few months after the article had been published: In the course of his work on the Kuyunjik Collection of the British Museum, Rykle Borger identified Sm 338 as belonging to the Maqlû ritual tablet; by chance I was in the Arched Room on the same day, and we were able to confirm this identification and join the new fragment to K 8879+(-H).' Shortly afterwards, in the course of checking fragments belonging to the Babylon Collection of the British Museum, I came across BM 40387 (1881-03-24, 254), a small fragment preserving text of the opening section of the ritual tablet
Fragment No. 1 Sm 338 is a small fragment inscribed in Neo-Babylonian script. Only one Babylonian manuscript of the ritual tablet of Maqlû has so far been identified among the tablets from the library of Ashurbanipal, and, not surprisingly, Sm 338 forms part of this tablet, providing additional text in obv. II and rev. III. The tablet now consists of the following fragments: K 8879 -H Sm 229 -i- 338 H- 499 -H 929 + 1194 (-h) Sm 139 (+) Sm 1901. The handcopy of Sm 338 provided here (fig. 1) supplements the hand copy of K 8879-t-(-t-) in Schwemer 2010:333-34.1 add a transliteration of the lines preserved on Sm 338.' For obv. II (= Maqlû ritual tablet, lines 63'-73') only one further manuscript is available: VAT 4103 obv. 12'-20' (Schwemer 2010: 336). The passage in rev. Ill (= Maqlû ritual tablet, lines 103'21') is well known from several manuscripts: K 2385 -i- 3331 H- 3584 + 3645 -i- 7274 + 7586 H- 8033 + 11603 obv. II 32'-rev. Ill 15 (Schwemer 2010: 328-29); K 2961 rev. Ill l'-14' (330); VAT 4103 rev. 15-21 (337); SU 52-33-i-(-i-) rev. 19'-30' (332; previously STT 83). Restored passages given in transliteration follow the available duplicates; restorations that are not based on duplicate manuscripts are given in transcription. 63' 64'
obv. II 10' obv. II11' obv. II12'
2 Nui.'"uDU 2^ N[UXX (xxxx)] [ina 4 a]p-pa-a-ti sap[al-lu-ur-ta te-en-ni-ma GAR-an] [pal-l]u-ur-ti i[a-x-x (x x xx)]
1. I would like to tbank tbe late R. Borger for bringing tbe fragment to my attention. Tbanks are also due to tbe Trustees of tbe Britisb Museum for permission to publisb tbe two fragments, and to T. Abuscb for granting me access to bis unpublisbed synoptic edition of Maqlù. 2. C. B. F. Walker kindly made available to me lists of Babylon Collection tablets and fragments tbat bave provisionally been identified by E. Leicbty and others as rituals and/or incantations. 3. Tbe line count of tbe ritual tablet follows Abuscb and Scbwemer 2008: 128-86. 105
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Fig. 1. Sm 338 obv. II and rev. Ill with adjoining parts of K 8879-I-(-H)
65' 66' 67'
70'
71' 72' 73' 104' 105' 106' 107'-8'
obv. obv. obv. obv. obv.
II 13' II14' II 15' II 15'a II16'
[ÉN at-t]i-man-nu sä z[i.KU5.RU.DA-a DÙ-ui] [3/j]M-sflfo8'*MA.NU'•Î'''.U[DU'xxxxxx] [ÉN ner-t]i-ia^ "'""''"^U§,J''.Z[U-MU U ku-sä-pa-ti-ia^ i.UDu] ina '^su\[si IM ta-x-x(-x)] [tabattaq{'i)] 'ana''' hu-lu-u[p-paq-qi tanaddi{'?)]
obv. I I 1 7 '
''EN'' [sa ''uTU-í]/ man-nu AD-SÚ man-n[u AMA-SÍÍ]
obv. II 18' obv. I I 1 9 ' obv. II 19'a
DUR '"SÍK BABBAR 7 KESDA^ KESDA-w[ö (x X x)] ÉN ru-'^'ü^'-a kas-sä-pat ana-ku p[a-si-rak 14 siKA-ia SILA 4-ta] [ana x x x x]
obv. obv. obv. obv.
ÉN e-pi[¡-ti u m]ui-te-pi[s-ti ''hase] [áE].Gis.i [tasarrap] ÉN man-'nu IN.BUBBU^ [ip]-'^tiP IN.B[UBBU tasarrap] "^ÉN du^-un-na-ni d[u-u]n-n[a-ni]
II 20' II 2O'a II 21' II 22'
rev. Ill 5' rev. Ill 6'
ÉN 'at''-t[i <e>] ^sä te^-p[u-si k]a-la-'ma^ [^''"GÚR.GÚR] ÉN PESj^.['^]fD KV-tim D[UMU.M]UNUS AN-'^e^ [GAL.MES ana-ku PESj|j.''fD]
rev. Ill 7'
ÉN PESjj,.''ÍD DUMU.MU[NUS] ^'^íd^ [PES^^^.'^ÍD]
rev. Ill 8'
ÉN PEá .''ÍD KV-tim "KUR.KUR sam-[mu qud-du-iú ana-ku PE§ .''ÍD "KUR.KUR]
THE RITUAL TABLET OF MAQLÜ 109'
rev. Ill 9'
ÉN''I'C/SAG.DU''PE§,
HO'
rev. Ill 10'
PEáj/ÍD "AN.[H]ÚL.LA '
HI' 112' 113' 113'-114'
rev. m i l ' ÉN''i'ííA:w/o/'([/]íj)-t([pEá,/ÍD] rev. Ill 12' EN e ""'""'US,J.Z[U]-MU e-le-ni-'ti^-[ia zv-e ul zv-e PE§,^.''fD] rev. Ill 13' EN at-ti ''MUN'' Sa ina ri KÙ ib-ba-nu-u [ana UGU LAG MUN] rev. Ill 13'a siD-m[a] ma UGU NI'G.NASÖ qu-t[a-riSá ina SAG GIS.NÁ GAR-OM]
115'-116'
rev. Ill 14'
EN e '"""'""'US||\ZU-MU lu rah-hat-i[a^ ina UGU "NU.LUH.HA siD-ma MIN]
117' 118'
rev. Ill 15' rev. Ill 16'
EN
rev. Ill 16'a
[§iD-ma ina UG]U NIG.NA Sa q[u-ta-ri Sa ina SAG GIS.NÁ GAR-an]
119' 12O'-12r
107
ú-/[i-i]n-«¿Gi§.N[ÁNiGiN-wii] [e ""'"'"U]§,|.ZU-MU lu rah-^haf-[ia^ ana UGU 12 e'*íá-ir-n]
rev. Ill 17' É[N e """"'uájj.zju-MU e-[le-ni-ti-ia^ Sa DU.MEá-fa' ka-lu KUR.MES] rev. Ill 17'a ^ana UGU'' [2 hu-sa]b ^^[MA.IÍV èiD-ma ina 15 KÁ U 150 KÁ BAR-I GAR-ÍJ«]
Notes obv. II i r - 1 2 ' : At the end of VAT 4103 obv. 12' read probably te-en-ni-ma GAR-an p[al-lu-ur-ta ... ]. obv. II 13': VAT 4103 obv. 13' quotes the incipit as at-ta-man-nu """""'uSu.zu Sa zi.Ku^.RU.DA-a DÙ-ui in line with most manuscripts of Maqlû iv 80; but note that BM 41332, a fragment of Maqlû iv, has the shortened variant too: [ÉN at]-ta-man-nu Sa zi.KU5.R[u.DA-a ippuSa] (line 8'). obv. II14': Restore perhaps 3 hu-sab 8'*êri(MA.Nu) lip[â{'V'.\J[D\J') tapaSSaS nabäsa takarrik] "[you smear] three twigs of cornel wood with tall[ow, you wrap (them) with red wool]"; see Schwemer 2007: 30, note on no. 6 obv. 10'. obv. II 15': VAT 4103 obv. 14' seems to have a slightly different wording: i.uDU §u.si IM f[a-x-x(-x)]. obv. II 16'-19': The indentation of obv. II 15'a shows that the ritual instructions associated with Nértiya kaSSäptlya u kuSäpätiya end with this line. The signs preserved in obv. II16' indicate, however, that this line contained ritual instructions rather than the incipit Sa SamSi mannu abùSu, which is expected next in the sequence and, indeed, follows in obv. II 17'. It seems that the scribe wrote the end of the ritual instructions associated with 5a SamSi mannu abüSufirst(line 16'), then the incipit (line 17'), and finally thefirsthalf of the ritual instructions (line 18'). After obv. II 18', the scribe skipped the following incantation incipit ippuSâni tteneppuSâni (lines 68'-69'), a mistake that was certainly triggered by the fact that this incantation was accompanied by almost the same ritual instructions as Sa SamSi mannu abûSu. The only difference between tbe two sets of instructions is the number of knots to be tied: according to VAT 4103 obv. 15'-16', three knots had to be tied for Sa SamSi mannu abùSu, but seven knots for IppuSäni tteneppuSâni. This suggests that the present scribe confused the two sets of ritual instructions. Unfortunately, the ritual instructions of these two incantations are fragmentary in all available sources, but [x X x] 'ana^' hu-lu-u[p-paq-qix x x] in hne 16' seems to confirm the tentative restoration "du [trennst sie ab und legst sie in den Tiegel]" suggested by Abusch and Schwemer 2008:183 (lines 67', 69'). rev. Ill 5': The restoration follows VAT 4103 rev. 15; there, the ritual instruction ^'"'GÚR.GÚR Í.UDU lu-ba-re-e KU .MES is associated with the incantation Undu kaSSäptu ukaSSipanni, which immediately precedes Atti é Sa tëpuSi kaläma. Note, however, that K 2385+ obv. II 33' and SU 52-33+(+) rev. 19' associate this longer ritual instruction with Attt é Sa tépuSî kaläma; it is not excluded that the present manuscript has to be restored accordingly. rev. Ill 11 ': ''W kul-la-ti "Id, the clay pit" is a corruption of''id a-kul al-ti "Id, I have eaten, I have drunk," which is probably due to a misreading by the scribe who copied the present tablet. rev. Ill 14': The space available in the break is hardly large enough to accommodate the full wording that is to be expected according to the duplicates: ana UGU "NU.LUH.HA èiD-nu-ma ina UGU NÍG.NA Sa ina SAG GIS.NA GARan. It seems therefore likely that the repetition of the second half of the ritual instruction, which is identical to the second half of the ritual instruction of the preceding entry, was indicated in this line by MIN or KIMIN (for the use
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of MIN in the present manuscript, cf. rev. Ill 1', for the use of KIMIN, cf. obv. 116'). Note that in SU 52-33-i-(-i-) too KiMiN is used here (rev. 28'). rev. Ill 16'a: K 2385-(- rev. Ill 12 skips sä qu-ta-ri (so also in the preceding ritual instructions in rev. Ill 10); SU 52-33-i-(-i-) is fragmentary, but the space available in the break suggests that the scribe once more used KIMIN to indicate the repetition of ina muhhi nignakki sa qutärisa ina res ersi tasakkan. In the present manuscript the passage was fully written out, including the phrase sa qutäri (the broken sign at the end of the line cannot be reconciled with the form of SAG used by the scribe; cf. rev. Ill 9').
Fragment No. 2 BM 40387 (1881-03-24, 254) is a small fragment from the lower part of the obverse of a one- or two-column tablet, probably dating to the Neo-Babylonian or Persian period (fig. 2). Only a few signs are preserved, but it is clear that the text is closely related to the fragmentary opening section of the ritual tablet of Maqlû. The incipits of the third, fourth and fifth incantation are preserved {Ali Zabban; Akla néberu; Sapräku allak); but they are preceded by two incipits that do not match the sequence of incantations known from Maqlû i. Unfortunately, the corresponding lines in SU 52-33-i-(-i-) (~ obv. 1O'-14', see Schwemer 2010: 331) and in K 8879-i-(-i-) (~ obv. I 12'-20', see Schwemer 2010: 333) are equally fragmentary, preventing any attempt at restoring this passage of the ritual tablet (especially lines 14'-18' in the overall line count).'* It should be noted that the shape of BM 40387 suggests that the fragment belonged to the lower part of the tablet, which, together with the deviations from the Maqlû sequence of incantations, could be interpreted as an indication that the fragment did not belong to a copy of the Maqlû ritual tablet but rather to another, closely related ritual text. The coordination with the general line count of Maqlû in the following transliteration is tentative: 16"
obv. r
17'-
obv. 2' obv. 3' obv. 4' obv. 5' obv. 6' obv. 7' obv. 8' obv. 9'
18" 19'? 20' 21' 22' 23' 24'
ina UGU iuk-'bu-si'^ G[UB ÉN ''nuska sur-bu-'ú'' [ 'BAD'-a'''-SÚ ÉN X [
ÉsvRV-M[uzab-bani]RV-MVzab-ban
... ]
ÉN ak-'ta^-[li né-bé-ru ina' IM.BABBAR U ZÍ.MAD.GÁ]
zí'(ÉN).suR.RA-fl in[a' hu-lu-up-paq-qi te-ser] ÉN sap-rak a[l-lak NU «"áiNiG NU S'^EREN NU Í.UDU] [NU D]UH.L[ÀL NU DUH.áE.GIS.i NU ESIR NU IM.BABBAR]
Notes obv. 1 ': The traces cannot be aligned with any signs preserved in the duplicates. The reading remains tentative. Note that qanè kartûti "cut-up reeds" are used as fuel for burning figurines in other anti-witchcraft rituals; see, e.g., K 888 obv. 5 (Abusch and Schwemer 2011: no. 8.7.2: 5); K 3292-I-: 4' (Abusch and Schwemer 2011: no. 8.8: 4'). obv. 2': There is no evidence in the duplicates for the use of a sukbusu "step," "ramp"; for a discussion of its use in anti-witchcraft contexts, see Abusch and Schwemer 2011: 433. obv. 3': This prayer addressed to Nuska may be identified with Nuska éurbû ilitti Ani in Maqlû i 122-34 or with Nuska surbû mälik Hi rabûti in Maqlû ii 1-17 (but cf also Nuska surbû ilitti Duranki = 'Nuska 3'). Its function here is unclear. SU 52-33-i-(+) and K 8879-i-(-i-) both prescribe the recitation of (an) additional incantation(s)
4. For a transliteration of the relevant passages of the ritual tablet, see Schwemer 2010: 317-19, 325, 327.
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between AlsîkunùSi ilü muSïti (first incantation of Maqlû i) and Erseíw ersetu ersetumma (second incantation of Maqlû i), but no incipit is preobv. served. K 8879+(+) has [ ... ] 3-sú siD-ma at the end of obv. I 13'. SU 52-33+(+) has É[NX] XX [ ... ] at the beginning of obv. 11' and É[N X (x)] X X [ ... ] at the beginning of obv. 12'. The traces in obv. 11' are undecipherable at present, but the traces in obv. 12' would fit É[N X (X) Su]r-b[u-u perfectly; the space available in the break as shown in my hand copy looks a bit too narrow for ^nuska, but given that the whole tablet is considerably deformed, a bit more space may have been available originally. But even if a restoration É[N '^nuska Su]r-b[u-u ... ] is correct in SU 52-33+(+) obv. 12', the coordination between BM 40387 and the Sultantepe source remains unclear. In the second half of SU 52-33-i-(-i-) obv. 12' the incipit AliZabban äliZabban is quoted; but note that the (indirectly joining) fragment on which the traces of this incipit are preserved could be lowered by one line if required. obv. 4': The beginning of the line is unclear; one expects a verbal form at the end of the ritual instruction. The trace after EN can neither Fig. 2. BM 40387 be Ki nor IR; a restoration of the incipit of the second incantation of Maqlû {Ersetu ersetu ersetumma) is therefore excluded. obv. 5': For Ali Zabban äli Zabban K 8879+(+) obv. I 16' indicates a repetition of the ritual actions that accompany the preceding incantation Ersetu ersetu ersetumma (obv. I 15'). It remains unclear how the text should be integrated here. obv. 6': The full incipit reads Akla néberu aktali käru {Maqlû i 50). It remains unclear whether the scribe used the wrong verbal form for the first half of the incipit (so the transliteration above) or skipped tbe first half of the incipit altogether. obv. 7': The first sign is clearly EN and not the expected zi. Apparently the scribe misread zi.suR.RA-a as an incipit, a mistake that may have been triggered by its position at the beginning of the line in the present manuscript and, presumably, in the Vorlage as well.
References Abusch, T. and Scbwemer, D. 2008 Das Ritual Maqlû ("Verbrennung"). Pp. 128-86 in Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments. Neue Folge vol. 4, ed. B. Janowski and G. Wilhelm. Güterslob: Güterslober Verlagsbaus. 2011 Corpus of Mesopotamian Anti-witchcraft Rituals, voL 1. AMD 8/1. Leiden: Brill. Scbwemer, D. 2007 Keilschrifttexte aus Assur literarischen Inhalts II: Rituale und Beschwörungen gegen Schadenzauber. WVDOG 117. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2007. 2010 Empowering tbe Patient: The Opening Section of the Ritual Maqlû. Pp. 311-39 in Pax Hethitica: Studies on the Hittites and Their Neighbours in Honor ofltamar Singer, ed. Y. Cohen, A. Gilan, and J. L. Miller. StBoT 51. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA Reinhard Pirngruber and Caroline Waerzeggers (VU University Amsterdam)
The prebend was a central feature of the Mesopotamian priesthood from at least the second millennium B.C. onwards.' Temples delegated various acts of worship to particular individuals against the promise of an income; the prebend (Babylonian isqu, "share") was the legal title that regulated this agreement, outlining a person's stake in the cult and confirming his right of remuneration. As the levels of specialization among the priesthood increased and the attitudes towards its internal hierarchy changed, the system became gradually more complex and extensive over time. By the beginning of the Neo-Babylonian period (ca. seventh century B.C.) the prebendal system reached its mature phase. Large temples employed dozens of different types of prebendal priests whereas smaller shrines operated on a more modest scale, but at all levels prebends were used to recruit and organize the clergy Under normal circumstances, priests transmitted these legal titles to their sons, but prebends could also be sold to others against a sum of silver. In fact, there are over 150 cuneiform texts from the period between ca. 700 and 150 B.C. that inform us about the prices that were paid in Babylonian cities to acquire prebends in local sanctuaries. It is the aim of this article to assemble this data and analyze the underlying price developments. As the prebend functioned as a ticket to the priesthood, the price behavior of prebends tells us something of the economic and social dynamics that affected the clergy of Babylonian temples in its last long phase of existence. The data will be discussed in three parts. The first part, by Reinhard Pirngruber, deals with the evidence from Hellenistic Uruk. The second part, by Caroline Waerzeggers, takes a few steps back in time and focuses on the evidence from the earlier Neo-Babylonian period. The third part draws some conclusions about long-term trends through a comparison of the two data sets. Our decision to work back in time is motivated by the quality and nature of the surviving documentation. The Hellenistic evidence relates to a single city and archival context, which allows us to study the price behavior of prebends in a specific urban environment during several consecutive centuries, whereas the Neo-Babylonian corpus offers a more refracted view on the matter. The two appendices at the end of the article contain the raw data on which the price analyses of Parts I-III are based.
Reinhard Pirngruber's research was conducted as part of an ongoing reserach project entitled "On the efficiency of markets for agricultural products in pre-industrial societies: The Case of Babylonia, ca. 400-ca. 60 B.C.," funded by The Netherlands Association for Scientific Research (NWO). Caroline Waerzeggers' research was carried out within the framework of European Research Council Starting Grant "Babylon" (241118). Unpublished tablets in the British Museum are cited with the kind permission of the Trustees of the British Museum. Reinhard Pirngruber would like to thank Heather D. Baker (Vienna) for her kind revision of his English as well as for pointing out factual inaccuracies in the text. She should not be held accountable for remaining errors and infelicities of expression. Abbreviations: AchHist 15 = Waerzeggers 2010, BaM 5 = Hunger 1970, BiMes 24 = Weisberg 1991; BR 8/7 = San Nicolo 1951; NCTU = Sarkisian 1964; Oppert = Oppert and Menant 1877. 1. Recent studies of the prebendal system include Funck 1984; Kessler 1991; MacGinnis 1991 and 1999; Bongenaar 1997; Jursa 1999; van Driel 2002 and 2005; Baker 2004; Coró 2005; Waerzeggers 2010. For the Old Babylonian period see Cocquerillat 1955 and Charpin 1986. Ill
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I, Prebend Prices in Hellenistic Uruk The prebendal system of Hellenistic Uruk has been at the center of several investigations already, the most recent contribution being R Core's Prebende templari in etá seleucide from 2005. One of the most important conclusions of her investigation is that prebends—during the Hellenistic period at least—constituted a "divisible and alienable" income right (Coro 2005:139): in order to acquire a prebend, the ability to perform the pertinent profession was not a necessary prerequisite.^ It is thus somewhat surprising that Prebende templari..., even though it covers aspects that qualify as economic in the narrow sense, such as the business strategies of multi-prebend holders, at no point tackles the question of the prices of these prebends. Price data, which are, in the words of economist Richard Sutch, "the potsherds of economic history" (1996: 174), can be—and regularly have been—employed to shed light on the material conditions of past societies. A study of prebend prices in Hellenistic Uruk should thus be able to provide us with important insights into developments in southern Mesopotamia in the period of Greek rule. Nevertheless, there has been only one brief notice on the development of prebend prices in Hellenistic Uruk so far. G. McEwan (1981: 112) identified on the basis of the material at his disposal, "a general rise in prices untfl sometime just before 100 S.E. (211/0 B.C.), when a general drop in prices seems to have occurred" and speculatively considered a reorganization of the administrative system in the aftermath of Antiochus Ill's defeat at Raphia to be the cause of this development. He furthermore pointed to formal changes in the sales contracts such as the introduction of the gods Papsukkal and Sarrahitu and the reappearance of silver designated as qalû.^ This latter argument can no longer be upheld as the designation qalû is attested throughout the first century of the Seleucid Era. The prebend sales coUected by P. Coro (2005) give thirteen instances of kaspu qalû used in transactions between 20 {BRM 2 3) and 99 S.E. (TCI 13 242), and they are quite evenly spread: years attested include 38 S.E. (BM 105190), 56 S.E. {BRM 2 15) and 78 S.E. (BM 105205, Coro 2005: 275). If one were to consider also other types of transactions, such as the business activities of Mûrànu/Bêlbullissu, the number of attestations would increase even further.'' Similarly, the goddess Sarrahitu is found already before McEwan's suggested administrative reorganization, including years 44 S.E. (BM 105189, Coro 2005: 202), 55 S.E. (BM 105197, Coro 2005: 324), and 86 S.E. (BM 105185, Coró 2005: 326). Thus we would rather attribute to chance the fact that Papsukkal—a god not very often attested in prebend texts anyway—appears only after 110 S.E.^ The wealth of material that has been made accessible since G. McEwan put forward his hypothesis thus warrants a reconsideration of the matter of prebend prices, especially since his estimates relied on very few attestations. •* The
2. This is clear from the high number of women featuring as buyers in the sale contracts. No fewer than nine female buyers can be identified in the corpus so far, most famously Antiochis, the daughter of a Diophantes and wife of the Saknu Anu-uballit-Kephalon in VS 15 7 and YOS 20 54 (both concerning érib-btti prebends; the latter is a sale from a woman, Ana-rabûtisu, to a woman). The greater participation of women in prebend sales is one of the most striking differences with the earlier, Neo-Babylonian period (see part II, below). 3. McEwan 1981:112. That a major administrative reform was undertaken under Antiochus III has been suggested by H.Bengtson in 1944 (esp. pp. 148-53; still accepted, e.g., in Capdetrey 2007, but not mentioned by McEwan). Among other things, this reform is thought to have brought about the (temporary) disappearance of the office of the satrap and a revaluation of the title of stratégos, who also assumed civic and administrative responsibilities. It thus affected the highest echelons of imperial administration. There is, however, no obvious reason why it should have affected the local prebendal system of a township in southern Mesopotamia. Additionally, it is quite probable that the said reform began already under one of Antiochus' predecessors (Seleucus II or III as suggested by Mitsuma 1997, about two decades before the period considered by McEwan). There is no evidence for any kind of reform after Raphia. 4. On this archive see most recently lursa 2006. Note also that many attestations post-date 278 B.C., the year in which the designation qalü was replaced by epSu in the Astronomical Diaries from Babylon; see Vargyas 2000: esp. 518. 5. Note additionally that this god also appears in the undated document V^S 15 28. On prosopographical grounds, this transaction is probably to be dated between 65 and 85 S.E. The protagonists, Dumqi-Anu/Anu-uballit//Hunzû and his mother Nidintu/Ubar, are attributed by L. Doty (1977: 232-50) to the fourth (attested between 72 and 108 S.E.) and third (attested between 32 and 71 S.E.) generation of the clan respectively. We thus expect this transaction to be dated roughly at the overlap of the generations. 6. As concerns prebends, see most conveniently the overview in Coro 2005: 6-7. There is also other material to be considered, such as the price series of basic commodities of the Late Achaemenid/Hellenistic Astronomical Diaries published by H. Hunger and A. Sachs 1988-2006, which provide a useful background for the prebend prices at issue here.
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temple enterers prebend {érib-bttüti), with twelve attested prices, was the best-documented group in his graphs (McEwan 1981: 111); the analyses of the butchers (täbihüti) and brewers {sirâsûtu) prebends were based on ten attestations each, and those of the gerseqqûtu prebend only on five. As we shall see, the addition or omission of even a single price can have far-reaching consequences when working with relatively few data. The material at our disposal stems from data collected in Coro 2005, with the addition of some unpublished tablets from Yale Babylonian Collection (NBCT) and the British Museum (BM) mentioned in Doty 1977, McEwan 1981, and Coró 2005.^
I.I. Sources
The sales contracts and rental agreements concerning prebends from Seleucid Uruk seem very promising at first glance: they are fairly numerous, and the material is by now well edited. However, and unfortunately, only sales contracts are of use for our investigation: rental contracts never specify the value of a prebend share in silver. It should be emphasized that the qualitative strength of this price corpus cannot be underestimated: all instances come from the same type of document recording the same type of transaction; they all stem from the same town and date from the same period, between ca. 300 and 150 B.C. The majority of the texts to be discussed were retrieved by illicit excavation. However, those tablets that were found during the German campaigns and for which the archaeological context is known point to the existence of important deposits of business documents within the structure of the Res-temple, in particular its northeastern part." The Res-temple was the most important religious structure in Seleucid Uruk, dedicated to Anu and his spouse Antu. As regards the professions involved, they are basically the same as found in earlier periods—érib-bíti, butcher, baker, and others—though perhaps fewer in number (Coro 2005: 105-7,140). A typical Seleucid prebend sale contract reads as follows: PNj ina hud libbisu sinzirû sa ümi ina isten ümi ina misli ina ümi 4 ümi 5 ümi 6 ümi 7 ümi 8 ümi 9 sinzirû sa ümi ina isten ina ümi suäti isiqsu täbihüti pan Anu Antu Istar Nanäya Bélti-sa-Rés u iläni bitisunu gabbi sa arhussu kal satti guqqané essésü u mimma gabbi sa ana sinzirû sa ümi ina isten ina ümi suäti isiqsu täbihüti suäti ikkassidu (...) anaVi mané 4 siqil kaspi istatirränu sa Anti'ikusu babbänütu ana slmlgamrüti ana PN^ ana üm¡ sáti ittadin
"PN|, of his own free will sold 1/12 of a day on one day, in the period between half of day 4, day 5, day 6, day 7, day 8 and day 9:' 1/12 of a day on one day of these days, his butcher's prebend before Anu, Antu, Istar, Nanâya, Béltu-sa-Rës and all the (other) gods of their temple, monthly for the whole year, the guqqü- and essMu-festivals, and everything that pertains to 1/12 of a day on one day on these days, this butcher's prebend (...) for Va mina and 4 shekel (s) of silver in fine quality staters of Antiochus, for the full sale price, to PN^, in perpetuity" (TCL 13 237: 2-12) Several points are important here. First of all, the size of the prebend share is usually expressed in fractions of a day.'" The fraction refers to the size of the share in the remains of the sacrificial daily meals of the gods, which in the Hellenistic period constituted the exclusive income of the prebendaries. In contrast to the earlier material (including the Neo-Babylonian period), there is no month specified, but the income accrues monthly {arhussu). To arrive at the total value of any given prebend over the whole year, the fraction is thus to be multiplied by twelve: hence, in our sample text TCL 13 237 one full day per year of the butcher's prebend is at stake. In this way, and as will be shown in more detail below, the supposed greater than tenfold increase in the price level of the Hellenistic
7. C. Waerzeggers assembled the data from unpublished BM tablets for this article. 8. See Oelsner 1986: 139-46 and more recently Lindström 2003: 65-78 and Coró 2005: 5-7. 9. On ina misil ina UD.4.KAM see Streck 1995: 68 (§ 60); see also Pirngruber 2009: 188-89. See Cocquerillat 1965 for expressions of fractions in prebend texts from Hellenistic Uruk. 10. An exception to this rule is the áiipwtw-prebend, of which shares were expressed in fractions of a total, thus, e.g., BRM 2 16: 1/8 of 1/7 of the (total) share in the prebend.
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prebends as compared with those of the Neo-Babylonian period can be readily explained as a misinterpretation ofthe data." The most frequently occurring shares, 1/6 and 1/12, thus add up to two whole days and one whole day of income in one year.'^ The "increasing fractionalization"'^ of prebends in Hellenistic Uruk can therefore be interpreted rather as a result of the formulary of the contracts than a fact. Unfortunately, virtually nothing is known about the guqqû- and esiêsM-festivals.'" However, as they are invariably part of every (type of) prebend, their exclusion from our analysis does not alter the general picture. Secondly, it is fairly clear from the formulation "1/12 of a day on one of those days" {TCL 13 237: 4) that the income accrues on only one of the mentioned days rather than on every day mentioned. This train of thought is confirmed by the occasional inclusion of a monthly total in the texts themselves and most clearly visible when said total (PAB, Akkadian naphäru) is expressed in a different fraction than the constituent parts, as in the sukkal atûfw-prebend sale BRM 2 3, in which 1 and Vi of a day on days 5 until 16 are summarized as 1/18 of a month: 30 (the number of days of a month) divided by 18 (i.e., multiplied with the share of 1/18) equals 1 and %. Another case in point is the brewer's prebend BRM 2 11, in which 1/8 in day 14 and half of % in days 27, 28, 29, 30 are summed up as "Vi a day, in one day on the aforementioned days": 1/8 and V2 x % add up to 4/8 (or Vi). The third and most important poiiit to be considered is the profession indicated in the prebend. Even a brief glimpse at the table in Appendix 1 will reveal that, for example, butcher's prebends were much more valuable than gerseqqûtu-prehends. Sale contracts that concern more than one type of prebendary profession, let us say a sale of shares in both an érib-bïtûtu as well as a tabihûti prebend as recorded in TCL 13 242, do not tell us the specific value of each share indicated, but only the total. Sometimes the value ofthe share in a prebend is simply expressed by enumeration ofthe income (in kind) accruing from it.'^ Hence, we will only consider the category ofthe singleprofession prebends, the value of which is almost exclusively stated in shares of a day. Five types of prebends can thus be used for further analysis, especially with regard to the number of attestations: täbihüti (butcher), siräSutu (brewer), nuhatimmûtu (baker), gerseqqûtu (") and érib-bïtûti (temple enterer).
1.2. Price Analyses As a first step, in order to obtain a reasonably fast and simple overview ofthe price development over time, we plotted all available dated prices of each prebend type in a graph and fitted an exponential trendline.'^ We also inserted prebends with lost date formula, but which could be roughly dated by means of prosopography. In these
11. According to Kessler 1991: 73, the differences between the Neo-Babylonian and Hellenistic period consist "in einem wesentlich höheren Preisniveau für einzelne Pfründentage, das für die wichtigsten Pfründenberufe oft anscheinend mehr als zehnfach über dem der früheren Zeit lag." 12. It should be stated explicitly that in this paper on prebend prices the focus is on the income side rather than the question of service, for which see in general Coró 2005: 48-78. The question of whether the service connected with the prebend was performed (in the case of a share of 1/6 of a day) on two whole days in the year or in the stated fraction throughout the whole year cannot be answered satisfactorily. The formulation ofthe contracts points to the former, more practical solution: revisiting our example TCL 13 237, we explicitly read 1/12 of a day, in one day, in the period between half of day 4 and day 9 (...) 1/12 of a day, on one of these days... As regards the income, quite the opposite holds true: shares in meat cuts spread evenly over the year are certainly to be preferred considering its perishability. There is no reason to assume that these two different systems for the service and the income respectively could not co-exist. In any case, for the Neo-Babylonian period, it can be shown beyond doubt that prebends consisting of day fractions were executed more efficiently in practice by concentrating the temple service on particular days of the year (Waerzeggers 2010: 201-4). 13. See the quotations cited by Kessler 1991: 72 n. 20. 14. See Linssen 2004: 45-51 {eiUiu) and 166-67 {guqqû). 15. Coros "prebende alimentari." See Coró 2005: 26-32 for the different types of prebend denominations. 16. The nature of this profession remains as yet unclear, see note 24 below. 17. An exponential trendline will display the general direction (decrease or increase) into which our prices move. Considering the relative scarcity of attestations for the different types of prebends, a polynomial trend allowing for several peaks and troughs in the data is methodologically hazardous.
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cases, we dated the contract in question to the middle point between the first and the last attested transactions of the buyer (from whose dossier we assume the contracts stem). The sirasûtu, or brewer's prebend, constitutes the case that is perhaps easiest to analyze. The coefficient of determination r^ conveying the goodness of the fit of the trendline, shows quite a high value of 0.39, refiecting the remarkable evenness of the prices in the business archives of Lâbâsi/Anu-zër-iddin//Ekur-zakir and Ubär/Anuahhë-iddin/Sumâtu, which both date from the period between 274 and 234 B.C. and make up the bulk of our data about the brewer's prebend in Hellenistic Uruk. The slightly higher prices around 230 B.C. stem from the archive of a single buyer, Kidin-Anu/Anu-ahhë-iddin//Hunzû. The upward trend in prices is beyond doubt, and remains the same even if we were to assume that the highest price {TCL 13 245: 50 shekel per day) and the lowest price {OECT 9 34: 2,919 shekel per day) constitute outliers and delete them; the r^ in that case would be even higher, with a value of 0.62.'*
Fig. 1. Price of the brewer's prebend. Taking into consideration all extant prices, the täbihüti or butcher's prebend would display a similar pattern of rising prices over the years, with a satisfactory r^-value of 0.13. However, a mere glance at the resulting graph tells us that the only reason why an upward trend is displayed in these prices is the first price in t;he sequence. VDI 1955/4 no. 6 gives an unusually low price of 34 shekels" for one whole day per month: the daily value of 2.833 (or 2.5, in the case of a sale price of 30 shekel) is roughly one tenth of the mean only. The price thus constitutes an outlier and merits further investigation. Unfortunately, we cannot offer an explanation for this unusual price. There are no known family ties between the seller Anu-balassu-iqbi from the Gimil-Anu clan, and the buyer Anu-zeriddin from the clan of Ekur-zakir,^" nor is there any relationship by marriage. Intra-family business, which is one possible explanation for exceptional prices (see part II, below), can thus be excluded. Moreover, the gods before whom the prebendal income accrues are not exceptional: the sequence Anu, Antu, Istar, Nanäya, Béltu-sa-Rés and
18. On tbe concept of "outliers" see briefly Gujarati 2004: 540-42. Suffice it to empbasize bere tbat deletion of sucb outliers, particularly wbere tbere is an explanation for unsual values, is a fully legitimate procedure. Because of tbe greater wealtb of arcbival material, tbis approach will reveal itself particularly fruitful for tbe Neo-Babylonian period; see part II.3. on tbe oxberd prebend. 19. Tbe actual price migbt bave been 30 sbekel as mentioned in line 10 of tbe text, wbicb would result in an even lower price of 2.5 sbekels per day. In tbe ligbt of tbe fact tbat most prebends were sold at round prices, tbis bypotbesis is tempting. Tbe remaining 4 sbekel mentioned in line 3 could in tbat case constitute a kind of atru, an additional fee often paid in Neo-Babylonian sales, but not generally in tbe Hellenistic ones. The early date of tbe contract as well as L. Doty s observations concerning tbe gradual development of sale contracts dealing witb real estate (Doty 1977: 64-82, esp. 80-81) from tbe Neo-Babylonian and Acbaemenid format to tbe Hellenistic one also point in tbis same direction. 20. See also tbe pedigree in Doty 1977: 188 (generation 3).
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the iläni bîtisunu, "gods of their temple," is also attested in other sale contracts of the butcher's prebend with more regular prices, such as TCL 13 236 and 237. In the texts under discussion the buyer Anu-zer-iddin was still at the beginning of his business career: BRM 2 4 shows him buying a prebend share in the kirû hallatu in year S.B. 29, and according to NCBT 1959 he acquired an ërib-bîtûti prebend in 35 S.E. In both transactions unremarkable prices were paid. There is, however, one thing that arouses our suspicion here, and this is the non-standard formulary of this contract, and especially its unclear beginning [a-na UD.2.KÁM] ana (Doty 1977: 190 reads sa) '"KIN, decreeing that the sale would be effected two months after the contract only. Einally, the historical circumstances of the transaction might also have played a part here: its year, 12 S.E. (300/299 B.C.), lies at the end of a period characterized by extremely high prices of basic commodities in Babylon caused by the continuing warfare between the "Successors," especially between Seleucus and Antigonus and his son Demetrius.^' One might speculate that the seller was in great need, for example, that as supporter of the losing side he was forced to sell off his prebends below value. Both observations, the formulary and the particular historical circumstances, justify the deletion of this price as being generated by peculiar circumstances and potentially distorting the overall impression of the price development.
Fig. 2. Price of the butcher's prebend. It is thus best not to draw any conclusions and to concede that no meaningful price pattern can be established for the tabihûti prebend. During the entire documented period between 270 and 155 B.C., prices normally oscillated in a range of 10 to 25 shekel for one day in a year, the value of the goodness of fit of the trendline (r^) being only 0.0155 and clearly too low to convey any meaningful information. If we were to include all values, the érib-biti or temple enterer's prebend shows a pattern that is the exact opposite ofthat of the brewer's prebend, namely, a decline in prices over time, with a satisfying r^-value of 0.14. There are, however, some instances that deviate remarkably from the mean and therefore merit special consideration. Interestingly, both outliers at the upper end of the scale date from the 220s B.C.; their prices exceed 60 shekel for one day in a year and are thus double the value of the prices prevailing in the 250s and 230s (interestingly, both prices from the 240s—dating from April 244—are substantially lower, below 20 shekel for one day in a year). A brief look at the business partners immediately reveals that the contract VS 15 11 might not document an ordinary sale: the seller Anu-bëlsunu was the son of a Tanittu-Anu//Ahh'utu, and the buyer Ana-rabûtisu was the wife of a
21. See van der Spek 2000: 299-305 on the economic effects of this period of prolonged warfare in Babylonia.
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Tanittu-Anu/Anu-bêlsunu//Ahh'utu. As establisbed by L. T. Doty," the seller and buyer were son and mother. The high price could be explained by a scenario that sees the son buying his mother out of an inheritance while assuring her of sustenance, or a similar arrangement. The high price of the other outlier, OECT 9 25, is not explicable. The buyer Kidin-Anu is amply documented; his main interest was with the siraSûtu or brewer's prebend. He occurs with the same buyer (Anu-ab-usur) in 0£CT9 21, but the price of this other transaction concerning a butcher's prebend lies perfectly within the normal range of prices. Other types of prebends do not show a similar pattern of high prices in the 220s; a case in point is the fabihûti-pvehend sale BM 105185 (Coro 2005: 326), the closest transaction in time to OECT 9 25 (both date to March 225 B.C.).
yf-
..
Fig. 3. Price of the temple enterer's prebend. On the low side, the most notable outlier is BRM 2 46. There is no traceable parental affiliation between tbe business partners Anu-ab-usur//Kuri and Anu-már-ittannu//Hunzu. In this case, however, the terminology of the contract is unique:" {ina hud libbiSu) mi-Sil u^-mu ina UD 13.KÁM GIS.SUB.BA-sú '•'^KU^.t-û-tûpa-làh u -mu ina UD 13.KAM. This phrase was translated as "half a day on day 13, his ërib-bitùti prebend to do the daily service" in CAD P (p. 47b, s.v. palähu), but this translation is not entirely satisfactorily for we would rather expect "daily" to be expressed as ümussu, mirroring the standard designation arhussu (ITU-ws-su), "'monthly," in prebend texts. The price of 3'/3 shekel for one day is extremely low; the arithmetic mean of the sample (even without the two outliers at the upper end of the scale VS 15 11 and OECT 2 25, but including BRM 2 46) amounts to 21.5 shekel and the case is difficult to explain. The low price and the unusual formulation might indicate that the contract actually designates a kind of permanent rent, with the "buyer" only performing tbe service for the "seller," and receiving a lump sum in silver rather than shares in the sacrifices, as was usual in lease contracts; in that case, according to our hypothesis, the share in income would remain with the "seller." It is best to delete tbis case as an outlier and omit it from further analysis. A final aspect to consider is the date of BRM 2 46: it is the last attestation by four decades. However, as we bave seen with the brewer and butcher's prebends, there is no reason to assume a priori that prices declined over time.
22. Doty 1978: 77; see also the pedigree on p. 90. 23. Coró 2005: 56-57 rightly stresses that this text is the only sales contract containing an allusion to the service connected to the prebend, in stark contrast to rental agreements, which feature the service obligations {rësinutu) very prominently.
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If we now delete the three instances identified as outliers, the graph changes dramatically, almost exclusively owing to the exclusion 0ÍBRM2 46:^''
Fig. 3a. Price of the temple enterer's prebend. The picture that now emerges shows no clear trend over the years: the prices are spread evenly over time between 10 and 25 shekel for one day in a year. The value of the r^ is now so low as to be meaningless (0.0009); in short, the result is similar to that obtained by the analysis of the prices of the butcher's prebend. A final aspect to be considered in this discussion pertains to the gods whose meals were distributed as prebendary income: interestingly, in both outliers at the high end of the scale of the érib-biti prebend, the income derives from meals offered to Anu, Antu, Istar, and Bëlet-séri. The majority of the "standard range-prices," on the other hand, are prebends involving meals of Ea, Enlil, Sin, Samas, Adad, Marduk, Nanäya, and Bëltu-sa-Rès. However, there are also examples of prebends before the Anu-group within the normal price range, namely, BM 105196 (Coró 2005: 183) and YOS 20 54. The same ambiguity applies to the outlier RIAA 297 of the baker's prebend (see below), which accrues before a larger group of gods (Anu, Antu, Papsukkal, Istar, Bëlet-sêri, Nanâya, Béltu-sa-Rës, Sarrahitu, and the iläni bitisunu), with the counter-example in VDI1955/4 no. 7, which involves by and large the same group of gods (including the—as stated above—rather rare Papsukkal, but omitting Bêlet-sêri and Sarrahitu) while the price lies within the normal range. Furthermore, Papsukkal and Bëlet-sëri are also encountered in BRM 2 46, the low-range outlier of the érib-bitûti prebend. The initial pattern for the nuhatimmütu, or baker's prebend, is similar to that of the brewer's prebend, the trendline showing an increase in prices at a very satisfying goodness of fit of 0.41. If, however, we delete the price contained in RIAA 297, dating to 152 B.c., as an outlier—since 17.3 shekel for one day in the year is more than three times the mean price of this kind of prebend—the picture is less convincing.
24. If we would delete only the two outliers at the upper end of the scale [VS 15 11 and 0ECT9 25), there would still be a downward trend as in our first graph, with an even better goodness of fit of 0.2295.
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Fig. 4. Price ofthe bakers prebend.
The slight upward trend displayed in the graph for the^erseq^wiu-prebend^^ is determined by the only price that could be considered an outlier ofthe sample, namely BM 109955. As far as we can tell, there are no family relations between the seller Anu-ab-usur/Anu-ahhë-iddin/Anu-bêlsunu//Ekur-zakir and the buyer Nidinti-Anu/Anu-abusur/Nidinti-Anu/Hunzû. If we were to delete that value, which is approximately double the mean, an opposite picture would emerge, that is, a slight downward trend with a satisfying goodness of fit (r^= 0.10).
Fig. 5. Price oí the gerseqqûtu prebend. The analysis ofthe development of prebend prices in Hellenistic Uruk is, in sum, rather inconclusive. With the notable exception ofthe brewer's prebend, no trend over time can be detected with a satisfying degree of certainty. Most of the tendencies that seem to emerge at first glance can be shown to be unreliable, because they depend on values whose statistical trustworthiness is uncertain. This holds particularly true for the tabihûti and érîb-bïtûti
25. The meaning ofthe term in the Neo-Babylonian and Seleucid periods is not clear, in the Old-Babylonian period the girseqús are usually linked with the king as a kind of courtier or attendant; see CAD G (p. 95b/96a s.v. girseqú). See also Brinkman 1983: 233 and van Driel 2002: 36 n. 10.
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prebends, whereas for the nuhatimmûtu prebend the deletion of the outlier RIAA 297 (which causes the upward trend in prices) is debatable.^^ Another type of analysis that can be attempted with the material from Hellenistic Uruk involves space rather than time. Sale contracts of the sirasûtu prebend occasionally mention an unspecified equivalent instead of the total fraction of the share in the prebend in the summation introduced by the sign PAP. As is clear from similar designations in Neo-Babylonian contracts (see part II. 1), the size of the prebend is here expressed in liters of raw commodity, most frequently barley." The hypothetical price of barley in Uruk according to these contracts— hypothetical in the sense that the actual sale in this instance did not concern barley—can be compared with the prices prevailing in Babylon at the same period, as recorded in the Astronomical Diaries.^* According to OECT 9 30, Kidin-Anu from the Hunzû-clan bought in month III of year 93 S.E. (June/July 219 B.C.), "1/15 and 1/6 in 1/160 in one day on days 20,21,22 and VJ of 1/30 in one day, on days 27,28,29 and 30," of a brewer's prebend from Anuah-usabsi//Ekur-zakir for 28 shekel the value of the prebend share being specified as "total: 230.5 liters." As established above, this value has to be multiplied by twelve to arrive at the yearly value (2.766 liters of barley) which, when divided by the purchase price of 28 shekel provides us with a barley price equivalent of 98.8 liters of barley per shekel of silver in June/July 219 B.C. There are unfortunately no barley prices from the Babylonian Astronomical Diaries for exactly the same month, but the prices that are closest in time are encouraging. In September/ October of the same year 219 B.C. (VII 93 S.E.), one shekel of silver bought 90-96 liters of barley; in December 222 (IX 90 S.E.), the barley price fluctuated between 108-114 liters per shekel.^' There is a second example of this practice with a slightly different formulation and with the amount of kurru unfortunately broken {OECT 9 61, dating from 153 S.E. or 159/8 B.C.). We are dealing with 190.125 (or maybe 370.125) liters of barley as equivalent for a share of 1/18 and 1/8 in 1/60 (the curious share of 1/18 plus 1/480) in a brewer's prebend. If indeed the numeral 1 is to be restored before the kurru sign, then the quantity obtained per shekel would amount to 91.26 liters of barley (2,281.5 liters of barley annually divided by the 25 shekels that is the purchase price). This would again align perfectly with the current barley equivalent recorded in the Astronomical Diaries, which oscillates between 90 and 98 liters per shekel in July/August 159 B.C. (month V, year 159 S.E.). More puzzling, at least at first sight, is the rés/nüíM-contract OECT 9 36 concerning a butcher's prebend, which gives an equivalent of 366.5 liters of barley for 1/6 in 1/15 and 1/6 of 1/60 in a day. The contract dates from 97 S.E. (215/4 B.c.), and assuming a barley equivalent of 98.8 liters as in the roughly contemporary OECT 9 30 discussed above, the purchase price would have amounted to roughly 44.5 shekels (4,398 divided by 98.8). This would be an extraordinarily high price for such a small fraction of the butcher's prebend (5/360). Clearly the alternative reading of this tablet suggested by R Joannes "1/6 and 1/15 and 1/6 in 1/60"—thus 85/360—for 402.5'" liters is to be preferred (Joannes 2000:178). The resulting value of 48.89 shekels (still assuming a barley equivalent of 98.8 liters) for 2.833 days per year equals a daily price of 17.25 shekels for one day and is thus very close to, for example, NCBT 1951 with a daily value of 17 V3 shekels for one day. The fact that these calculated barley prices from Uruk compare very well to the quotations of barley prices in the Astronomical Diaries from Babylon is interesting. Although it is of course hazardous to base conclusions on three instances only (two of which are uncertain or even broken), this finding is thus far the only indication
26. For sbort-term oscillations in tbe prices, a comparison witb tbe price data from tbe Astronomical Diaries under due consideration of political history would certainly be rewarding. Tbe matter will receive further treatment in tbe course of tbe NWO project mentioned in n. 1. 27. Barley is in general tbe commodity most frequently encountered in diverse monetary functions. Furtbermore, it is tbe most logical commodity at issue in tbese texts if we expect some connection to tbe actual prebendary task as tbe beer destined for the gods was also in tbe late periods still brewed from barley—as opposed to regular beer, wbicb was brewed from dates; see Stol 1994. 28. Hunger and Sacbs 1988-2006, 1: 96. 29. Even if tbe commodity following tbe PAP in tbe prebend contract were dates ratber tban barley, tbe same conclusion would be obtained as tbe date equivalent amounts to 102 liters per sbekel in October 219 B.C. and is tbus about tbe same as tbe equivalent for barley. Also in 159 B.c., tbe year of tbe following instance 0£CT9, 61, barley and date equivalents converge.
PREBEND PRICES IN EIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
121
that the considerable degree of market integration throughout Babylonia in the sixth century B.C.'° might have persisted in the Seleucid period as well. What can be said with more certainty is that the prices of prebends in Hellenistic Babylonia did not exist in a vacuum, but aligned with contemporary price developments of different goods (barley). Another important question is whether the data collected and analyzed so far can be compared with the Neo-Babylonian material. Before attempting to do so, the Neo-Babylonian corpus will be discussed in its own right.
II. Prebend Prices in the Neo-Babylonian Period The Neo-Babylonian text corpus yields price data often different types of prebends in temples at difierent levels of local, regional, and supraregional importance between 700 and 486 B.C. Comparing price data across archives, temples, cities, cultic professions, and decades is not always possible, but the broad scope of the Neo-Babylonian material allows us to move beyond the horizon of a single temple and city, and to address questions about the relationship between the economic value of a cultic position, its place in the overall priestly hierarchy, and the temple's relative ranking among Babylonia's numerous urban cults. This contribution builds on the work done by Zawadzki (1979), MacCinnis (1991), and Joannes (1997) on Neo-Babylonian prebend prices, and incorporates new material that has become available since then.''
ILL Sources Data types. This study deals exclusively with prebend prices, that is, amounts of silver that were paid to obtain a prebend. Purchases made with other types of property—for example with land, houses, slaves, or in exchange for other prebends—will not be taken into consideration because the value of these items cannot be estimated with any degree of certainty. Text types. Sale contracts constitute our main source. These texts usually provide information about the type of prebend, its size, its cultic setting (temple, god), its price, the names of the persons involved, and the date and place of the transaction.'^ Often it is possible to contextualize the data by putting an individual text in its wider archival context. Not all prebend sales were phrased in the legal format of the sale contract, however. The commercial aspect of the transaction was often disguised by drafting two separate documents: a donation or adoption contract, and a gift receipt {qîstu, nûptu, rimütu). Without the accompanying receipt the fictive character of the donation or adoption remains hidden to us." A variety of other contracts relating to the process of sale (debt notes, receipts, cancellations, court records) can be put to use, but these texts are often less exhaustive in their description of the prebend and of the amount of payment. For instance in BM 42299 (Jursa 1999: 120-21), we read that a baker's prebend in the Ebabbar temple of Sippar was sold but not for how much. Archives. All prices derive from private archives of prebend-holding families or individuals. The chronological and geographical distribution of these archives determines the scope and limits of the present study and it is therefore useful to briefiy survey the archival background of our dataset here. For the early Neo-Babylonian period (seventh century B.C.), the ai-chive of Nabû-usallim from Uruk is our single most significant source, but the prices
30. Jursa 2010: 62-140. In a nutshell, a market can be said to be integrated when prices of equal (or also related) commodities in the different locations tend towards the same general level over time. 31. Most notably Jursa 1999; van Driel 2002; Baker 2004; Zadok 2009; Waerzeggers 2010. 32. See Oelsner 2009 for a study of the legal format of prebend sales. Not all known sale contracts of prebends are useful for our present purposes. BM 26475, for instance, fails to provide details about the size of the oxherd prebend that was sold for 3 minas of silver in Nbp 07 in Borsippa. 33. See Waerzeggers 2010: 99-101 on this practice.
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REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
relate to an exceptional period in the history of the city." For the sixth and fifth centuries the documentary coverage is more satisfactory, though still patchy. Less than a handful of data pertain to the Esagil temple of Babylon, for instance, while a minor shrine of the goddess Ishara is significantly better represented thanks to the archive of the Nappähu family who fulfilled various priestly duties at the shrine (Baker 2004). The best range of price data pertains to Babylonia's second most important temple: the Ezida of Borsippa, dedicated to the worship of Nabu. Several priestly families attached to his cult left archives that are rich on prebendary matters, including prices. Special mention should be made of the archive of the Oxherd family (Ré'i-alpi), which contains more prebend prices than any other archive known to date (Waerzeggers 2010). The archive of Bêl-rêmanni is our primary source on prebend prices in Sippar (Jursa 1999). For the Eimbianu temple of Dilbat, we have a small, Persian-era archive of a family of temple scribes at our disposal (Däbibi). The archive stands out for its information about the measurer's prebend, an office not otherwise represented in our sample. The city of Larsa and its Samas temple, finally, are represented by one price only; the text in question lacks archival background (Arnaud 1974). Other characteristics of the data set. An important factor that complicates the study of prebend prices is the fact that cuneiform texts do not employ a uniform system to describe the size of prebends, (la) Most types of prebends were measured in time units, usually month or day portions, (lb) In some temples the time unit system was combined with more elaborate descriptions. The brewers' prebends in Babylonia's primary temples (Esagil and Ezida) did specify neither the time when a person had to do service, nor the type of offering he had to provide.'^ In these temples, nobody owned a full day of the brewers' prebend, whereas this was the common practice in smaller-scale contemporary temples. It therefore makes little sense to make direct comparisons between the prices of brewers' prebends across institutions, (lc) Even if prebends were measured in month and day units only, different systems of calculation may lay behind the figures. A simple description like "one day of prebend so-and-so" can mean something entirely different from one temple to the next: one day a year, one day a month, or even one day every trimester. Texts are not always clear about the length of the rota that underlies such descriptions. The most common system of rotation was based on the year, but in some temples the rota turned more quickly, for example every month or every trimester. The common description "one day of prebend so-and-so" has to be interpreted as "one day of prebend so-and-so in one rota" and it therefore depends on the length of the rota how many days per year are at stake. Without background information of the specific rota used by a particular priestly course it is impossible to be certain how to interpret this phrase.^' Besides time units, other parameters were used to describe the size of prebends. (2) Temple enterer prebends were measured in liters of bread and beer received by the owner as remuneration." (3) The measurer's, baker's, oilpresser's, and possibly some other, prebends could be measured in liters of raw products that represented not the income of the owner but a task or offering unit to be presented by him.'* This last system of notation was used besides the more common system of expressing prebend sizes in time units.''
34. Hunger 1970; Zawadzki 1979; Kessler 1991: 55-62. The archive is also known as the "Samáéa archive," referring to Nabu-uáallim's family name; see Jursa 2005: 148. 35. E.g. "Five days of the tardennu maStitu offerings in Esagil" (Jursa 1997 no. 39); "one day of the tilimtu offerings before Nabu (in Ezida) on the 24th day of month Nisan" (HAM 73.2923, Zadok 2009: 39). 36. E.g. The baker's prebend in VS 5 124 described as consisting of "3 % days [of Nabu] and one day of Nanàya" refers to the average number of days that the baker was on duty in each month of a particular trimester (months II-III-IV); in AchHist 15,130 the description "four days of the oxherd prebend in Ezida" corresponds to a total of 16 days per year, i.e., to four days per trimester, the rotational unit used by the oxherds of Nabu. 37. The system is discussed by Da Riva and Frahm 1999 and van Driel 2002. 38. E.g. "Measurer's prebend of one liter barley" VS 5 161 (see also VS 5 74//75, 76, 107); "one sütu (6 liters) of sesame that is in the possession of Aplaya, the oil presser of regular offerings," VAT 13392: 7 (Frame and Waerzeggers in press); "[2] liters of makkasu dates, the baker's prebend at the shrine of SamaS in the village [x (near Borsippa)]" AchHist 15, 75: 1-2. 39. In Borsippa, the baker's prebend could be measured both in liters of makkasu dates (see n. 38) and in time units (see n. 36).
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
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IL2. Prebend Sales: Possibilities and Restrictions
Prebends did not circulate freely within the Babylonian society^" and it would be a mistake to assume that prebend prices resulted from an open process of competition and negotation. Firstly, women were excluded from buying prebends even though they could acquire other types of property including real estate. Secondly, and more importantly, only a limited number of men participated in the process of buying and selling prebends. At any given time, and in any given Babylonian temple, descendants of certain well-established local clans who owned and shared the legal titles monopolized the available cultic positions. At the death or retirement of a priest, his prebend would devolve to a member of the existing circle of prebend-owning men or their descendants. In descending order of priority, that person would be the priest's own son or grandson, a paternal relative, an unrelated colleague of the same priestly college, or a member of another priesthood. It happened extremely rarely that a prebend was sold outside the original group of prebend owners. Such occasions marked significant moments of change in the social life of the priesthood and were usually initiated by the king. Under normal circumstances, however, prebends were transmitted from father to son, and the sale of a prebend should be seen as a sign of crisis.
11.3. Prices of the Oxherd Prebend in the Ezida Temple of Borsippa
A good starting point for our investigation is the price history of the oxherd prebend in Ezida. The strength of this data set is twofold. First, it allows us to study the price behavior of a single prebend at regular intervals in the course of a century, from the beginning of the reign of Nabopolassar to the reign of Darius I. Second, thanks to the archive of the Oxherd family, we are well-informed of the particular circumstances surrounding the individual prebend sales, creating a rare insight into the conditions that shaped the prices."' DATE
SHEKELS PER DAY
SOURCE
Nbp 03 Nbp 04 Nbp 09 NbkOl NbnO2 NbnO3 NbnO8
8.75 7.5 20.75 25 5.8 15 2.9 3.4 5.2 8 10 <6 9.5 1.5
AchHist 15, 129 AC/IHÍ5Í15, 130 AchHist 15,135
Nbnl6 Camb 01 Dar 01 Dar 02 Dar 05 [Dar] 06 Dar 06
Ac;iHi5(15,136//EAH204 AchHist 15, 142 AchHist 15, 143 AchHist 15, 151 Ac/iHisf 15, 154 and 155 AchHist 15,160 BE 8 103 and AchHist 15,172 AchHist 15, 175 and duplicates BE 8 106 and AchHist 15, 179 AchHist 15,182 AchHist 15, 181
Oscillations. Prices of the oxherd prebend oscillated widely within the century under consideration: the highest recorded price (25 shekels per day) was sixteen times higher than the lowest recorded price (1.5 shekels per day). These extremes were reached through no particular pattern of intermittent price development; that is, there is no clear trend of descending or increasing prices. Some sense can be made of the data if we explore the wider context in which the sales were concluded. Most of the outlying prices can be explained as the result of necessity or hardship experienced by one of the parties.
40. See on this subject Kessler 1991 and Waerzeggers 2010. 41. This elaborates on Waerzeggers 2010: 315-17.
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Low prices. Let us start with examining the case of Nabû-ahhê-suUim (fam. Re'i-alpi) who agreed to sell his prebend for two ofthe lowest recorded prices ofthe sample: 2.9 shekels per day in Nbn 08 {AchHist 15,151) and 3.4 shekels per day in Nbn 16 {AchHist 15, 154). Nabû-ahhë-suUim had no sons of his own and found himself excluded from the customary chain of filial succession with its attendant securities. Both sales were prompted by his need to secure his old age. The first sale was concluded with his adopted son, Rêmût-Nabû, who was a distant relative from the same Re'i-alpi family. The favorable price of 2.9 shekels of silver per day was part of the negotations surrounding the adoption. Nabû-ahhë-suUim wished to retain a part of the prebendal income for himself and therefore denied Rëmùt-Nabû the privilege of fully disposing of the property. This decreased its value and therefore its price. Some years later Nabû-ahhê-sullim sold another thirty-five days of his oxherd prebend, this time to RémütNabû's biological father. The price was slightly higher at this occasion (3.4 shekels per day, AchHist 15,154). Nabûahhë-sullim no longer demanded to retain benefits for himself, which made the acquisition more attractive for the buyer. However, as a sonless elderly man needing care he was in a weak position of negotiation. He failed to secure a favorable deal, agreeing to sell his prebend at about half its average value. Medium low prices. In the medium low price range, we can observe a similar trend: the sales resulted either from the seller's hardship or from situations that were exceptional for some other reason. The price recorded in AchHist 15, 142 (5.8 shekels per day) was obtained by a seller who was not able to perform temple service because he was uninitiated.**^ Being unsuitable to operate in the cult, he had to rely on substitutes to perform the temple service in his stead. It was in the course of negotiating a new service contract that he agreed to sell a part of his prebend against the favorable price of 5.8 shekels per day to the substitute. His uninitiated status put him in a position of dependence and forced him to agree with a mediocre price. Other prices in the medium-low range pertain to situations that were out of the ordinary for one reason or the other. The prebend in AchHist 15, 160 (5.2 shekels per day) was bought by proxy Such constructs, in which the sale was concluded on behalf of somebody else, could arise in several contexts, for instance when a debt was settled through a third party. The sale recorded in AchHist 15, 179 and ߣ 8 106 (less than 6 shekel per day) was an attempt to outflank an unwanted heir. Nabû-mukîn-zêri (fam. Re'i-alpi) sold sixty days of tbe oxherd prebend, four months ofthe cow's prebend, and a large number of portions of sacrificial food to his paternal cousin Nabûsumu-ukin, a transaction that basically amounted to the disinheritance of his own son, Rëmut-Nabû, who was not even called in as a witness. High prices. Unsurprisingly, the highest prices were paid by the weakest buyers. The buyer oí AchHist 15, 135 paid thirteen times more than the lowest recorded price for a prebend that he had obtained after a complicated and only partially successful litigation. Another high price was "paid" by a woman to her brother in a transaction that presumably settled the division of their paternal estate {AchHist 15,143). The context behind the highest recorded price (25 shekels in AchHist 15,136 and duplicate EAH 204) is unfortunately not known to us. Average. Prices in the range between 7.5 shekels and 10 shekels of silver per day reflect the average value ofthe oxherd prebend. The sales that were concluded under these conditions reveal no factors that were particularly disadvantageous to either of the parties concerned.
42. BM 26513, Waerzeggers and Jursa no. 3.
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
125
16 •í . ' 14
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Two conclusions can be drawn from this investigation. First, in one hundred years of recorded history, the prices of the oxherd prebend oscillated widely without displaying a clear tendency towards increase or decrease over time (at 0.06, the r^ is too low to be meaningful). Second, the differences in price levels were most clearly the result of social factors. Sellers without sons and sellers without proper initiation found themselves in a weak position of negotiation, tending to agree with low prices. Buyers who were forced to accept a prebend as part of an inheritance settlement tended to pay too much, as did buyers who went through a litigation process in order to obtain the prebend. There is no evidence in this archive that external factors influenced the prebend's price history.
II.4. Prices in the Nabû-Usallim Archive The second largest set of prices comes from the Nabû-usallim archive of Uruk and pertains to the baker's prebend in the Eanna temple." These data have received due attention in the past, most notably by Zawadzki 1979 and Joannes 1997, and it will suffice to summarize their conclusions here. At the end of the seventh century B.C., the city of Uruk became involved in a military conflict between the new Babylonian king, Nabopolassar, and the heir of the Assyrian empire, Sin-sar-iskun.""* In the course of the conflict, the city was put under siege and its gates were shut. In those critical years, a number of prebend sales were concluded with prices substantially higher than those attested in earlier and later times. In the Assyrian period, the prebend yielded just about 5 shekels per day, but under siege the price rose to 13 shekels at the beginning of the conflict and then quadrupled to 20 shekels towards the end of the crisis. After the siege, the price of the prebend dropped back to the level at the start of the crisis (13 shekels) and probably even a bit lower.'*^ S. Zawadzki, who first discussed the price evolution of the baker's prebend during these years, plausibly argued that the rapid increase was a result of the economic pressures that occurred in the city when it lay under siege.'"'
43. The name of tbe prebend is occasionally spelled in a peculiar way {"mu-nu-ú-tu), but tbere can be no doubt tbat Nabû-ulallim and bis family (Samééa) worked as bakers in tbe cult of Eanna. See Kessler 1991: 55-62. Tbe texts were edited by Hunger 1970. 44. Na'aman 1991; Beaulieu 1997; Brinkman 1998; Tadmor 1998; Oelsner 1999; Da Riva 2001 and 2003; Jursa 2007. 45. Two debt notes sbow tbat tbe prebend was pledged for 8 sbekels rigbt after tbe siege was lifted {BaM 5 no. 7; Nbp 07, 617 B.c.) and for 9.6 shekel ten years later {BaM 5 no.' 13; Nbp 17, 607 B.C.). Tbis evidence was discussed by Zawadzki 1979: 183. 46. Zawadzki 1979: 183-84 and Joannes 1997: 320.
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REINHARD PIRNCRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZECCERS
11.5. Prices and Rank
Our sample contains data that pertain to different types of prebends in temples at different levels of national importance. Many of Babylonia's major temples are represented—Esagil (Babylon), Ezida (Borsippa), Ebabbar (Sippar and Larsa), Eimbianu (Dilbat)—but so are some smaller, local temples, such as the temple of Ea in Babylon, or the temple of Nergal and Ereskigal in Uruk. As to types of prebend, the sample is fairly complete, offering data on prestigious positions like that of temple enterer of a major Babylonian god, and more modest ones, like that of oxherd and milkman. Are there any price patterns that relate to differences in rank, of profession and temple?'*' Priestly rank. The price of a prebend corresponded roughly with the position that its buyer expected to enjoy in the temple community. The most expensive prebends were those that lent access to positions that ranked at the top of the hierarchy."* For instance, 15 minas were paid for an érib-biti prebend in front of Istar of Uruk and Nanâya in Uruk, 10 minas for an érib-bîti prebend in the ziggurrat of Sippar, and 6 minas for a sangûtu prebend in Uruk. The brewer's prebend, which ranked immediately below the temple enterer's, also appears among the more expensive positions on offer. In Borsippa, a mere share of the regular beer offerings to Nabu in Ezida cost between 30 and 50 shekel of silver, whereas a full day of the oxherd prebend in the same temple cost ca. 7 to 10 shekel of silver on average and never more than 25 shekels (see II.3 above). The gatekeeper's prebend at Ezida fell in the same price range as the oxherd prebend (8.33 shekels), but this figure is based on a single attestation only. Equally rare are prices of the baker's (5.33 shekels), scribe's (2.75 shekels) and butcher's prebend in Ezida (41.6 and 61 shekels). Although we should be extra careful not to jump to conclusions here, the relatively low price of the baker's prebend and the high price of the butcher's prebend is in keeping with evidence from Sippar (Ebabbar temple), where the baker's prebend (2.67 shekels) was cheaper than the brewer's (between 1.9 and 15 shekels) and the butcher's prebend (8.33 shekels). Temple hierarchy. There is evidence to suggest that prebends in larger temples were more expensive than those in smaller sanctuaries. An extreme example is the difference between the price of a butcher's prebend in Babylon's main temple Esagil in the mid-seventh century (26.5 shekels) and the price of the same type of prebend at the minor shrine of Ishara in the same city in the reign of Darius I (0.5 shekel). These prices were recorded at a 150year interval and should therefore be used with caution. We do find a comparable situation in Borsippa, where the butcher's prebend in the service of Nabu was worth ca. 41 to 61 shekels per day, whereas the same position in the service of the minor gods who resided in Nabû's celia fetched merely 0.5 shekel per day in the same period. The comparison of prices across cities is more difiicult. In the seventh century, the price of a baker's prebend in the Ezida temple of Borsippa and in the Eanna temple of Uruk was the same. In Uruk, this price went up quickly during the crisis years of the 620s, but dropped to about double its original level after the unsettled period came to an end (II.4). Unfortunately, we are not informed about the price development of the baker's prebend in Borsippa, but we have two prices for the Ebabbar temple of Sippar (2.67 shekels) and the Eimbianu temple at Dilbat (4.6 shekels) during the reign of Darius I, and both of these lie below the prices recorded in late-seventh century Borsippa and Uruk. It is unclear whether we should see these low prices as part of a larger downward trend that was taking place in the course of the sixth century B.C., or whether we are dealing with price differences related to the scale of the temple institution. Comparing prices of the brewer's prebend in different temples poses another kind of challenge. As explained above (11.1), several systems were in use to express the size of a brewer's prebend. The data from sixth century B.C. Borsippa relate to day shares in a particular type of offering, whereas the data from other cities relate to shares in the entire craft of brewing. It is therefore all the more remarkable that the price levels in the Ezida temple of Borsippa were considerably more elevated than in other temples. A day share in one particular beer offering of
47. The text references of all prices discussed in this section are to be found in Appendix 2. 48. For priestly rank in Neo-Babylonian temples, see Waerzeggers 2010: 42-49. The principal ordering was: temple enterers - brewers bakers - butchers - other purveryors and service personnel.
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
127
the daily ceremony at Ezida would cost between 30 and 50 shekels in the seventh and sixth centuries B.C., whereas a full day of the brewer's prebend in the Ebabbar temple of Sippar would cost between 1.92 and 15 shekels, and 6 shekels in the Ebabbar temple of Larsa. These data suggest that there was a considerable price difference between a brewer's prebend at the Ezida temple, the land's second most important place of worship, and a simflar position at the smaller sanctuaries in the provincial towns of Sippar and Larsa. The same trend is visible in the price data of the butcher's prebend. In small temples of little national importance, the price of one day of the butcber's prebend could be as low as 0.5 shekel and less. In the temple of Samas in Sippar the price was more elevated (8.3 shekels), while in Babylonia's principal temples, dedicated to Marduk (Esagil in Babylon) and his son Nabu (Ezida in Borsippa), the price of a butcher's prebend could be as high as 26.5 shekels per day in the seventh century and 61 shekels in the sixth century B.C. Only four prices of the temple enterer's prebend are avaflable at present, but these seem to confirm the general trend that price levels were affected by the prestige of the temple and its god. It was considerably more expensive to buy a temple enterer's prebend at the temple of Istar and Nanâya in Uruk, than to buy a similar position in the temple of Anu and Belet-ekalli in Dilbat. The price of a temple enterer's prebend in the ziggurrat of Sippar fell in between the levels attested for Uruk and Dilbat.
III. Comparison between the Hellenistic and Neo-Babylonian Data Sets Two long-term price developments can be studied by comparing the Neo-Babylonian and HeUenistic data sets: the price history of a single prebend, and changes in the relative price level of different prebends. The only prebend for which a direct comparison between the Neo-Babylonian and Hellenistic periods can be attempted is the baker's prebend. In all other cases, there are either too few attestations in the Neo-Babylonian or Hellenistic corpus, or the archival contexts of the Neo-Babylonian data are too diverse. The mean of the Hellenistic baker's prebend, 8.11 shekel of silver per day (see table below), is—contrary to all assertions in the secondary literature—much lower than the one from the Nabû-usallim archive from seventh-century Uruk, which amounts to 14.76 shekels of silver per day. However, the lion's share of these latter prices dates from a time of warfare. Prices before the conflict were considerably lower (5.2 and 5 shekels of silver per day), and these figures compare well with the only other seventh century price available (5.33 shekels, Borsippa). As far as these few attestations allow us to see, the price level of the baker's prebend was thus higher in the Hellenistic period than during peacetime in the Neo-Babylonian period. However, the magnitude of the difference amounted to a factor of about 1.5 rather than to the tenfold increase postulated by earlier scholarship, which is demonstrably off the mark."' Considering the ample time span between the two periods discussed—the Neo-Babylonian data stems from the seventh and sixth centuries B.C., those of the Hellenistic period form the third and second centuries B.C.—this result is indicative of essential price stability in the second half of the first millennium B.C. In Uruk, the lowest nuhatimmütu-prebend price amounts to 5 shekels per day for both the Hellenistic {OECT 9 64) and the Neo-Babylonian (BaM 5 6) period. This pattern of only marginally changing prices between the Neo-Babylonian and Hellenistic periods is also observed for commodities other than prebends. Sesame decreased in price, but with a similar factor of about 1.5: it cost on average 13.37 shekels per kurru in the Neo-Babylonian period'" and 8.08 during the Seleucid period.^' Staple crops in particular showed little variation over time. For example, the mean price of barley in Babylonia during the sixth century was 2.56 shekels per kurru (Jursa 2010: 448); in the Seleucid period (ca.
49. These claims resulted from a misinterpretation of the formulary of the contracts; see n. 11 above. 50. Jursa 2010: 454. The attestations come from various cities, from Sippar in the north to Uruk in the South. 51. The price data of the Astronomical Diaries is being investigated in the ongoing research project "On the efficiency of markets for agricultural products in pre-industrial societies: The case of Babylonia, ca. 400-ca. 60 B.C." The mean prices given here will be explained in detail in R. Pirngruber's PhD thesis, "The Impact of Empire on Market Prices in Babylon in the Late Achaemenid and Seleucid Periods, ca. 400-140 B.c." A preliminary version of a database containing all prices is available at http://www.iisg.nl/hpw/babylon.php.
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
128
300-140 B.c.), barley cost on average 2.09 shekels per kurru according to the Astronomical Diaries, and 2.57 in the early Seleucid period (ca. 300-225) to which most of the prebends date. For dates, the mean price during the "long sixth century" was 1.32 shekels per kurru (lusa 2010:456), and during the Seleucid period 1.42 shekels per kurru. As to the relative level of prices between different types of prebends, the easiest way to proceed is via an arithmetic mean of the prices in Hellenistic Uruk, which can be compared with the Neo-Babylonian data discussed in II.5:" Prebend Type
Number of Attestations
Arithmetic Mean
érib-biti
17 (20)
22,65 (26.15)
täbihüti
13(14)
22 (20.63)
siräsu
18
17.42
nuhatimmu
5(6)
8.11(9.65)
gerseqqü
-8
3.62
Whereas the relative ranking of the temple enterers, brewers, and bakers was still the same as in the Neo-Babylonian period, the status of the butcher seems to have increased significantly over time. The roots of this trend can be discerned in the Neo-Babylonian period, when the price of the prebend already exceeded the butcher's place in the conventional ranking of temple enterers over brewers, bakers, and butchers. This trend may reflect changing attitudes towards sacrifice and meat offerings in Babylonian society, but this is a topic that requires a more thorough study.
Appendix 1: Prebend Prices in Hellenistic Uruk Arranger of the Sacrificial Table (mubannû) Text
Date"
(«apânDNN^"
Total share'^' (Days/year)
Total price''
BM 109954 (Coró 2005: 220)
S.E. 37-VIII-ll (275 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
180/360 (6)
20
Price per day" 3.33
52. The number in brackets is the result obtained when the outliers are included. 53. Dates between diagonal slashes are approximations based on the archival context of the tablets. 54. Abbreviations used in this column: B.-s. = Bélet-séri; B.-R. = Bêltu-sa-Rés; I. = Istar; M. = Marduk; N. = Nanâya; P. = Papsukkal; S. = Sarrahitu. 55. When several day fractions are mentioned in the contract, these are added up in and translated into fractions of /360, the smallest common denominator of all occurring fractions (except for O£CT 9 61). For example, the share in 0ECT9 19 "Vi of a day and Vi of 1/12 of a day, on days 16,17,18,19,20" is rendered 130/360 in the table. 56. All prices are in shekels. 57. All prices are in shekels.
PREBEND PRIGES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
129
Baker (nuhatimmu) Text
Date
ina pan DNN
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
OECT 9 15
S.E. 72-XII-8 (239 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; Hani bitiiunu
70/360 (2.33)
20
8.57
VDI1955/4 no. 7
S.E. 99-VIII-4 (213 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, P., 1., N., B.-R.; Hani bitisunu
60/360 (2)
15
7.5
RlAA 297
S.E. 160-1-2 (152 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, P., L, B.-s., N., B.-R., g.; Hani bitisunu
26/360 (0.866)
15
17.309
OECT928
S.E. /78-96/ (234-215 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
60/360 (2)
2O'+2
OECT964
S.E. /78-96/ (234-215 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., [.. ..]
30/360 (1)
5
BM 109965 (Coro 2005: 235)
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; Hani bitisunu
120/360 (4)
34
Price per day
11
5
8.5
Brewer (siräSu) Text
Date
(«a pan DNN
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
BRM 2 8
S.E. 35-X-3 (276 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
13
13
O£CT9 19
S.E. 78-VII-26 (234 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.s.; N., B.-R.; Hani bitisunu
130/360 (4.33)
78
18
BM 105205 (Coro 2005: 275)
S.E. 78 (234/3 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; Hani bitisunu
45/360 (1.5)
20
13.33
O£CT920
S.E. 80-XII-7 (231 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
180/360 (6)
120
20
O£CT 9 23
S.E. 84-11-[x] (228 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.s., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
21
21
O£Cr9 30
S.E.93-III-H (219 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, B.R.; iläni bitisunu
29/360 (0.966)
28
28.985
O£CT934
S.E. 96-XII-27 (215 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
200/360 (6 and 1/6)
18
2.919
Price per day
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
130
BiMes 24 10
S.E. 141-[X]-1O (171/0 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, P., L, N., B.-R., 5.; iläni bitisunu
37/720 (0.6166)
20
32.44
TCL 13 245
S.E. 144-IV-12 (168 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R., S.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
50
50
O£CT961
S.E. 153-[x]-16 (159/8 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., P., L, B.-s., N., B.-R., S.; ilàni bitisunu
20/360 plus 1/480 (0.69166)
25
36.15
OECT9 S
S.E. /40/ (272/1 B.c.)
Anu, Antu [....]; ilàni bîtisunu
60/360 (2)
20
10
OECT965
-S.E. 40-1-[x] (-272/1 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; iläni bîtisunu
60/360 (2)
20
10
OECT969
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, [.. ..]; iläni bîtisunu
12.5
12.5
VS 15 10
S.E. /36-71/ (276-240 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil [..] Ea, P., L, B.-s., N., B.-R.; iläni bîtisunu
30/360 (1) 28/720 (0.466)
5
10.73
ßÄM2 11
S.E. /38-77/-XII^21 (274-234 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; iläni bîtisunu
180/360 (6)
25
4.167
BM 109957 (Coró 2005: 277)
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.)
—
180/360 (6)
60
10
BM 109968 (Coró 2005: 279)
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; iläni bîtisunu
120/360 (4)
40
10
BM 105209
S.E. /38-77/-III-9 (274-234 B.c.)
—
180/360 (6)
60
10
Text
Date
«na pan DNN
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
KD/1955/4 no.6
S.E. 12-IV-lO (300 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; ilâni bîtisunu
360/360 (120)
34
2.833
NCBT 1965
S.E. 50-XI-2 (261 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; ilâni bîtisunu
30/360 (1)
16
16
TCL 13 236
S.E. 50-XII-18 (261 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; ilâni bîtisunu
60/360 (2)
36.5
Butcher (täbihu) Price per day
18.25
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
131
TCL 13 237
S.E. 51-XI-17 (260 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
24
24
BM 105197 (Coro 2005: 324)
S.E. 55-1X-17 (257 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.ç., R , B.-R., §.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
33
33
NCBT 1951
S.E. 63-Vin-21 (249 B.c.)
53
17.67
BM 105185 (Coro 2005: 326)
S.E. 86-XI1-2 (225 B.c.)
90/360 (3) 120/360 (4)
138
34.5
O£'Cr9 21 (S.E.
80+)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.s.,N.,B.-R., S.; iläni bitisunu Anu, Antu, 1., B.Ç., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
42/360 (1.4)
54
38.57
Anu, Antu, P., l.,N., B.-R., §.; iläni bitisunu
20/360 (%)
28
42
O£:cr 9 32
S.E. 95-1V-15 (217 B.c.)
BM 109970
S.E. 106-VIII-12 (206 B.c.)
49/360 (1.633)
20.5
12.55
MLC2188
S.E. 106-IX-14 (206 B.c.)
60/360 (2)
25
12.5
BRM 2 40
S.E. 150-VII-17 (162 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, Sin, Samas, Adad, M., R, 1., B.-ç.,N., B.-R., S.; iläni bitisunu
36/360 (1.2)
21
17.5
NGTU2
S.E. 155-XII-2 (156 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, R, I., B.-s., N., B.-R., S.; iläni bitisunu
60/360 (2)
50
25
BM 105174 (Coro 2005: 330)
S.E./106-119/ (206-192 B.c.)
[..], Enlil, Ea, Sin, Samas, [..], B.R., S.
30/360 (1)
17
17
BM 105192
S.E. /99/ (213/2 B.c.)
28/360 (0.933)
15
16.08
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
2/56
20
10
1/56
10
10
.
Exorcist (äsipu) Text
Date
/««päMDNN
BM 105200 (Coro 2005: 148)
S.E. 27-VIII-[x] (265 B.c.)
(omitted in text)
BRM 2 16
S.E. 57-III-1 (255 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., N., B.-R.; ¡7a«! bitisunu
Price per day
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
132
BM 109946 (Coro 2005: 149)
S.E. 57-III-13 (255 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., B.s., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
1/56
10
10
BM 105178 (Coro 2005: 151)
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
2/56
30
15
Catekeeper (sukkal atûtu, atûtu) Price per day
Text
Date
ina pan DNN
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
BRM 2 3
S.E. 20-IX-20 (292 B.c.)
bäbu sa Anu, bäbu sa nérebi u mimma sa agurri
600/360 (20)
8
0.4
BîMes 24 11
S.E. 70-[x] (242/1 B.c.)
Rés [..]
90/360 (3)
1
0.67
Text
Date
ina pan DNN
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
O£'Cr9 11
S.E. 43-ÍX-17 (269 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
360/360 (12)
10
0.833
CM 12 5
S.E. lll-VI-25 (201 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, Sin, Samas, Adad, M., R, I., N., B.-s., B.-R., S.; Hani bitisunu
180/360 (6)
6
1
OECT959
S.E./153-162/ (159-150 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., P., I., B.-s., N., B.-R., §.; ilâni bitisunu
180/360 (6)
Anu, Antu, P., I., N., B.-s., B.-R., S.; Hani bitisunu
260/360 (8.66)
7 (or 13?)
Oilpresser (sähitu)
K5I5 28
Temple Attendant
Price per day
0.8 (or 1.5)
(gerseqqû)
Text
Date
ina pan DNN
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
BM 109936
S.E. 40+-I-28 (272+ B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., B.-s., N., B.-R., S.; Hani bitisunu
120/360 (4)
10
Price per day 2.5
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
133
BM 105189 (Coró 2005: 202)
S.E. 44-XI-30 (268 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., N., B.-R., iläni bitisunu
60/360 (2)
7.5
3.75
BM 105203 (Coró 2005: 204)
S.E. 50-IX-4 (261 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., B.-s., N., B.-R., §.; iläni bitisunu
120/360 (4)
10
2.5
BRM 2 15
S.E. 56-IV-20 (256 B.c.)
Anu, [...], P, I., B.s., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
5
5
VS 15 18
S.E. 108-W-8 (204/3 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, P, I., B.-s., N., B.-R., §.; iläni bitisunu
60/360+ (2)
5
2.5
CM 12 6
S.E. 119-X-21 (192 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, I., B.s., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
220/360 (7.33)
20
2.727
BM 109955
S.E. 120-VII-21(192 B.c.)
45/360 (1.5)
10
6.67
BM 30118 (Coró 2005: 199)
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.)
180/360 (6)
20
3.33
Total share (Days/year)
Total price
Temple Enterer (érib-biti) Text
Date
(«a pan DNN
VS\S7
S.E. 21+-VIir-3' (291+ B.c.)
Enlil, [...]
BM 109956
S.E. 35-XI-W (276 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
BM 105181 (Coró 2005: 177)
S.E. 51-VIII-28 (261 B.c.)
BM 105170 (Coró 2005: 179)
Price per day
55
-
90/360 (3)
66
22
Enlil, Ea, Sin, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
30/360 (1)
11.67
S.E. 55-IV-l (257 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
60/360 (2)
60
30
Oppert 1
S.E. 60-[x] (252/1 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
144/360 (4.8)
120
25
NCBT 1944
S.E. 60-I-[x] (252 B.c.)
DINGIR^iäS sa AN-e
30/360 (1)
17
17
-
•
11.67
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND GAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
134
Oppert 2
S.E. 68-1-18 (244 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sin, Samas, Nergal, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
10/360
4
12
BRM 2 19
S.E. 71-II-2 (241 B.c.)
[Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bJtisunu]
17/360 (0:566)
11
19.43
NCBT 1956
S.E. 77-11-22 (235 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bitisunu
120/360 (4)
130
32.5
Oppert 3
S.E. 78-1-27 (234 B.C.)
Anu, [....]; iläni bJtisunu
60/360 (2)
65
32.5
ysi5ii
S.E. 83-V-12 (229 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.s.; iläni bJtisunu
48/360 (1.6)
HO
68.25
O£Cr9 25
S.E. 86-XII-12 (225 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea> Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bJtisunu
30/360 (1)
62.5
62.5
RIAA 294
S.E. 107-X-lO (205 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, B.s.; iläni bJtisunu
30/360 (1)
8
BM 105186 (Coro 2005: 184)
S.E. 110-H (202/14- B.c.)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.Ç.; iläni bJtisunu
BM 105196 (Cor6 2005: 183)
S.E. 115-IV-12 (197 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, L, B.s.; iläni bJtisunu
6/360 (0.2)
5
YOS 20 54
S.E. 115-[x] (197/6 B.c.)
Anu, Antu, Enlil, Ea, Samas, Adad, P., 1., B.-s., N., B.R.; iläni bJtisunu
20/360 (%)
15.5
23.25
BRÍVÍ2 46
S.E. 155-XI-17 (157 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bJtisunu
180/360 (6)
20
3.33
VS 15 26
S.E. /96/ (216/5 B.c.)
Enlil, Ea, Sîn, Samas, Adad, M., N., B.-R.; iläni bJtisunu
18/360 (0.6)
19
31.67
BM 109939 (Coro 2005: 186)
S.E. /38-77/ (274-234 B.c.) (38-77)
Anu, Antu, 1., B.s.; ¡7a«! bJtisunu
120/360 (4)
130
32.5
BM 109949 (Coro 2005:188)
S.E./106-119/ (206-192 B.C.)
60/360 (2)
45
22.5
BM 116687
—
90/360 (3)
52
17.33
8
15
25
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
135
Appendix 2: Prebend Prices in the Neo-Babylonian Period (700-486 B.C.) Arranger of the Sacrificial Table (mubannû) Text Holt 1911:213 no. 6
Date
City, temple, god
Total share'ä
Total price''
Price per day'"
[-]
Sippar: Ebabbar, and temple of Sarrat Sippar
4 months in Ebabbar and 4 months in the temple of Sarrat Sippar
[-]
[-]
Baker (nuhatimmu) Text
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
AchHist 15,72
Kand [x]-VI-05 (643 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida, Nabu
V2 day per month
32
5.33
AchHist 15, 75
Dar 30-XII-03 (518 B.c.)
Borsippa: dais of Samas
2 1. makkasu dates 90
45 per 1.
Dar 28-11-17 (505 B.c.)
Dilbat: Eimbianu, Uras and Beletekalli
2 days per month
\\Q {\nc\. atru)
4.6
Dar21-lII-[x] (ca. 521^86 B.c.)
Sippar: Ebabbar, -
7 1/2 days
20
2.67
Uruk: Eanna, N.
10 days"
52
5.2
^ 5 83
Jursa 1999: 228 (BM43178-H) BaM5 3
Ans 05-VIII-OO (700 B.c.)
BaM 5 4
Ssu 23-(x)-(x) (ca. 667-652 B.C.)
Uruk: Eanna, Kanisurra
unknown'^
25
-
BaM 5 5
Abp 15-11-18 (650 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, Beltiya.
unknown''
6
-
BaM 5 6
Kandl3-V-17 (631 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, I.
15 days
75
5
BaM 5 9
16-VIII, "fourth year, closure of the gate" (623 B.c.)'''
Uruk: Eanna, N.
3 days
51 (incl. atru)
16.67
58. Per year, unless otherwise indicated. 59. All prices are in shekels. 60. All prices are in shekels. The atru payment is not included in this amount. 61. Text: ud.lO.kam »ab. In contrast to its conventional meaning ("the tenth day of month Tebétu"), this phrase should be translated as "ten days in month Tebétu." This is based on BaM 5 11, a text from the same archive, as pointed out by Hunger 1970: 202-3, Zawadzki 1979: 179-80, MacGinnis 1991: 76. The price of 52 shekel listed by Joannes 1997: 321 is based on a wrong interpretation of this passage. 62. BaM 5 4 uses an unconventional way of describing the size of the bakers prebend: "until the end of the month." Does this refer to the end of the month in which the tablet was drafted (in that case 7 days were at stake), or to a complete (unnamed) month (in that case 30 days were at stake)? In the first case, the price would be 3.57 shekels per day, in the latter case 0.83 shekels. 63. The text is faulty at the crucial place: ul-tu 1" UD.21.KAM; this was restored by Hunger 1970: 205 as follows: ul-tu adi' (Text: \-en) ud.21.kam. 64. See for the dating of this and other edil bäbi ("closure of the gate") texts from Uruk, Beaulieu 1997: 376-79.
136
REINHARD PIRNCRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZECCERS
BaM Si
02-IXof"theyear of the closure of the gate" (623 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, N.
3 days
51 (incl. atru)
16.67
BaM 5 1
16-IXof"theyear of the closure of the gate" (623 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, N.
'/2 day (?)"
6.5
13(?)
BaMS 12
Ssi 16-VI-06, "closure of the gate" (622 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, N.
5 days
90 (incl. atru)
18
BaM 5 11
Ssi 23-VII-06, "closure of the gate" (622 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, N.
5 days
100 (incl. tïirw)
20
BaMS 10
Ssi 06-XI-06, "closure of the gate" (622 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, N.
2 days
39 (incl. atru)
19.5
BaMS 13
Nbp 10-11-18 (608 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, B.-R.
5 days
66 (incl. atru)
13.2
Brewer (sirasû) City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
AchHist 15, 67
Nbp 15-V-14 (612 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida, Nabu
1 day tardennu mastitu
40
40
Ac;iHí5íl5,4
Nbp 21-11-18 (608 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida and Emahgîrzal, Nabu and Märbîtî
4 days tilimtu (Nabu), and 3 Vi days (Mär-blti)
370 and 2 days tardennu mastitu
ca. 50 on average per sacrificial unit
Ac/iHist 15,45
Cyr 27-XII-05 (533 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezîda, Nabu
1 day kapru, 2 Vi days mastitu
105
30 per unit
AchHist 15, 52
Camb [x-x]-01 (529/528 B.c.)
Borsippa: unknown god
1 silver vat before an unknown god
10
10 per vat
Arnaud 1974
Nbk29 (576 B.c.)
Larsa: Ebabbar, Samas and Aya
2 days
12
6
Text
Date
BM 60471
Nbn 22-[x]-02 (554 B.c.)
[presumably Ebabbar in Sippar]
3 days(per month)'"*
69
1.92
CTMMA 3 121
Dar 16-IX-26 (496 B.c.)
Sîppar: Ebabbar, Samas
4 days
60
15
65. It is uncertain whether the prebend consists of half of day 01 in one particular month, in all months of the year, or in the months of one rota. 66. Jursa 1999: 43. The text explicitly gives 23 shekels as the price "per day," but this should be understood as "per day per month."
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
UET4 23
Abp [-] (ca. 650 B.c.)
BaM 5 14
Ssi [x]-IX-[x] (ca. 628-622 B.C.)
Ellis 1984 no. 3
Ssu24-III-19 (649 B.c.)
137
Ur: Egidda, Ninazu
unknown
30
Uruk: Eanna, Beltiya
lawsuit regarding 5 prebend days; it is unclear wbetber tbis represents tbe prebends price
75
-
10 days per montb -
-
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Babylon: Esagil, Marduk
2 days
53
26.5
Babylon: Esasurra, 360 days Ishara
180
0.5
Borsippa: -, -
2 Vi days of ' various bloody offerings
104
41.6
-
Butcher (täbihu) Text
Date
Ellis 1984 no. 6"
Kand 27-1-06 (642 B.c.)
MacGinnis 1991 no. 7''^
Dar 02-[VI]-26 (496 B.c.)
AchHist 15, 110
Nbkl4-VI-[x]" (ca. 604-593 B.C.)
/lc;iH!Sil5, 114
Nbn 26-IX-OO (556 B.c.)
Borsippa: Adad of Halab and otbers
360 days
180
0.5
AchHist IS, 115
Nbn 13-11-07 (549 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida, Nabu
2 '/3 baskets of mutton {sellu) from tbe offerings on 2 days, and Vi of a bide on 1 day
30
10 per portion
Nbn 20-VIII-08 (548 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida, Nabu
2 days
122
61
AchHist 15, 117
Nbn 26-VI-09 (547 B.c.)
Borsippa: Sutîtu and N. Eursaba
2 sbeep from festive offerings
16
8 per sbeep
AchHist 15, 126
Cyr[x]-VIII-06 (533 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
[-]
[-]
[-]
AchHist 15, 56
Dar 24-1V-15 (507 B.c.)
Borsippa: -
V2 day
-
-
AchHist 15, 128
Dar 22-X-26 (496 B.c.)
Borsippa, Nabu
2 bides from offerings to Nabu on one day
6
3 per bide
Ssu 02 (666 B.c.)
Marad: presumably Eigikalamma, Lugal-Maradda
180™
60
0.33''
VS5 2&
BR 8/7 35
67. 68. 69. 70. 71.
Babylon 33859, summarized by Weidner 1953: 45, is a duplicate of this text. Baker 2004 no. 60. The text is part of a larger dossier; see Baker 2004 nos. 61-65. The text should be dated before Nbk 12 in view of its relationship to Ac/iHisf 15, 111 drafted in that year. "Half of the butcher s prebend." Assuming that the prebend covers every day of the year.
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
138
Jursa 1999: 144 (BM 42343+)
-
3 days per month
300
8.33
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Dar [x]-VIII-15 (507 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, Istar of Uruk
3 days (including an orchard of 0;3.3)
between 127161"
between 40 and 52'"
Dar [x-x]-24 (498/497 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, Istar of Uruk
1 'A days
16
10.67
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Dar [-] (ca. 521-486 B.c.)
Date Palm Gardener (rab-banê) Text AUWE 12 222, AUWE 13 287 and AUWE 13 312'^ AUWE 13 292 (Wunsch 2003 no. 13)
Gatekeeper (atû) Text VS5 37
Cyr 13-IX-02 (537 B.c.)
Borsippa: entrance gate of Nabu
11 Vidays
[-]
[-]
VS 5 100
Dar 15-IV-28 (494 B.c.)
Borsippa: entrance gate of Nabu
6 days
50
8.33
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Cyr 16-XII-07 (531 B.c.)
Dilbat: Eimbianu, Uras and Beletekalli
[size of prebend broken]
78
VS 5 74 // 75
Dar 24-1-11 (511 B.c.)
Dilbat: Eimbianu, Uras and Beletekalli
1 V4 1. barley
30
24 per 1.
VS 5 161
Dar 28-1-11 (511 B.c.)
Dilbat: Eimbianu, Uras and Béletekalli
11. barley
30
30 per 1.
Dar28-VI-13 (509 B.c.)
Dilbat, Eimbianu, Uras and Bèletekalli
2 1. barley
60
30 per 1.
Measurer (mädidu) Text yS5 41
VS5 76
72. The dossier is discussed by Wunsch 2003: 200 n. 132. 73. The buyer paid an additional 34 shekel for the prebend after the sale had been concluded {AUWE 13 312). 74. The price without atru is either 2 minas of silver, as suggested by AUWE 12 222: 9, or 2 minas and 2 shekel of silver as suggested by 13 312.
PREBEND PRIGES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
139
Oxherd (re'i-alpi) Text
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Nbpll-XI-03 (623 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
8.75
AchHist 15,130
Nbp [04]-III-04 (622 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
1 day per trimester 36 (incl. atru) (?) 4 days per 120 trimester
Ac;iííi5tl5, 134// BM 26525-1-
Nbp 15-VIII-07 (619 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
unknown
-
Nbp 20-IV-09 (617 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
20.75
Nbk 28-VIII-Ol (604 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
1 day per trimester 83 (?) 2 days 50
AchHist 15,137
Nbk 17-V-08 (597 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
1 day
[-]
[-]
AchHist 15,142"
Nbn Ol-IX-02 (554 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
4 days
231/4
5,8
AchHist 15, 143
Nbn 22-[x]-03 (553 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
2 days
30
15
Ac/)Hísí 15, 151
Nbnll-IX-08 (548 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
7 days
20
2.9
AchHist 15, 154
Nbn 02-11-16 (540 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
35 days
120
3.4
AchHist 15, 160
Camb 15-III-01 (529 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
12 days
62
5.2
AchHist 15, 172, with B£ 8 103 // EAH 253
Dar 20-IX-Ol (521 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
1 day
8
8
Ac/!Hi5t 15, 175// BM 94750 // BM 101990
Dar 08-V-02 (520 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
2 days
20
10
B£ 8 106, with AchHist 15,179
Dar 02-XI-05 (517 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
60 days ofthe oxherd prebend, 4 months ofthe cow's prebend, half a sheep from the offerings before Nanâya
360 and provision of care to the seller
probably less than 6 shekel per day
AchHist 15,181
Dar 26-11-06 (516 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
2 days
3
1.5
AchHist 15, 182
[Dar] [x]-IX-06 (516 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
6 days
57
9.5
Dar 14-VI-29 (493 B.c.)
Borsippa: Ezida
4 months ofthe cow's prebend and 10 days ofthe oxherd prebend
110
AchHist 15, 129
Ac/íHisí 15,135 AchHist 15, 136 // EAH 204
VS 5 102
Total price
193
75. This receipt belongs to the transaction recorded in BM 26513 (Waerzeggers and Jursa 2008: no. 3).
Price per day
7.5
25
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE W^AERZEGGERS
140
AchHist 15, 208
[ca. end sixth century]
Borsippa: Ezida
[x] days
55
[-]
AchHist 15, 204
ca. Dar - Xer
Borsippa: Ezida
[x] days
26
[-]
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Uruk: temple of Nergal and Ereskigal
unknown
360
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Borsippa: Ezida
4 months
330
2.75
Ur:-
unknown
50
-
City, temple, god
Total share
Sangû Text
Date
YBC 6927"^ and YOS 17 4
Nbk22-IX-15 (590 B.c.)
Scribe (tupsarru) Text
Date
VAT 13392"
Ssu 22-11-15 (653 B.c.)
BM 113929™
Abp23-III-19 (650 B.c.)
Singer (nâru) Text
Date
Baker 2004 no. 55™
Dar lO-VIII-15 (507 B.c.)
Total price
Price per day
Babylon: Esasurra, the head of a Ishara sacrificial bull and sheep before Ishara on 08-1 (during the New Year festival)
16
8 per meat portion
Temple Enterer (érib-bttûtu) Text
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Ellis 1984 no. 19// OECT 10 398
Kand 14-1-18 (630 B.c.)
Dilbat: Eimbianu, Uras and Bëletekalli
61. of bread and beer, and several foodstuffs from the offerings
122 (incl. atru)
20 per 1. of bread and beer
VS 5 108
Darll-VI-35 (487 B.c.)
Dilbat: Eimbianu, Belet-ekalli
2 1. of bread and beer
88, plus real estate
44 per 1., plus real estate
76. 77. 78. 79.
Beaulieu 2003: 297. Frame and Waerzeggers in press. Frame and Waerzeggers in press. The prebend is specified as a singer's prebend in Dar 463; see Baker 2004: 38.
PREBEND PRICES IN FIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
141
BM 67208 (+) BM 79639
Camb 02-11-02 (528 B.c.)
Sippar: ziggurrat ofEbabbar
6 1. bread and beer 600
100 per 1.
AUWE 12 221
Nbp 05-IX-OO (626 B.c.)
Uruk: Eanna, Istar of Uruk and N.
3 1. bread and beer, vegetables and choice dates
900
300 per 1.
Combined Sales of Two or More Different Types of Prebends Text
Date
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Price per day
Darll-IV-03
Borsippa: Ezida, Nabu and various other gods
ca. 10 unîts of beer offerîngs. and 7 V2 days of the gatekeeper's prebend
200
ca. 11.4 per unît
(519 B.c.)
BM 67193
ca. Nbp—Nbk (ca. 629-560 B.C.)
Sippar: E-[x] and Ebabbar
sale of a [temple enterer's prebend] în an unknown temple, and "a fourth" of the butcher's prebend în Ebabbar
at least 124
Jursa 1999: 225 (BM 43146+)
ca. Nbp—Nbk (ca. 629-560 B.C.)
Sîppar: Egipar, Adad and Sala
sale of an érib-biti prebend and half of the brewer. baker and butcher prebend
200
City, temple, god
Total share
Total price
Babylon: -
unknown
15
AchHist 15, 21*°
Type of Prebend Unspecified Text VS 4 92//93 (Baker 2004 no. 52)
Date Dar 16-XI-02 (519 B.c.)
Price per day
CT 51 56
Dar [-] (ca. 521-486 B.c.)
Babylon: Ekarzaginna temple, Ea
per month 2 neck cuts from the offerîngs before [Ea]
20
0.83 per meat portion
Jursa 1999: 181 (BM 42425+)
Dar 04-VIII-[x] (ca. 521-486 B.c.)
Sîppar, -, Bunene
6 types of meat from the salam bitî offerings to Bunene
35
5.83 per meat portion
80. Duplicate: BM 85233. HSM 1904.4.28 records the payment of part of the price (Zadok 2009: 33).
142
REINHARD PIRNGRUBER AND CAROLINE WAERZEGGERS
References Arnaud, D. 1974 Vente de prébende: Larsa, 29 Ab, 29'^ année de Nabocbodonosor IL RA 68: 178-79. Baker, H. D. 2004 The Archive of the Nappähu Family. AfO Beibeft 30. Vienna: Institut für Orientalistik der Universität Wien. Beaulieu, P.-A. 1997 Tbe Fourtb Year of Hostilities in tbe Land. BaM 28: 367-94. 2003 The Pantheon of Uruk During the Neo-Babylonian Period. CM 23. Groningen: STYX. Bongenaar, A. C. V. M. 1997 The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar: Its Administration and Its Prosopography. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archaeologisch Instituut. Brinkman, J. A. 1983 Review of McEwan, Priest and Temple in Hellenistic Babylonia. JCS 35: 229-43. 1998 Nabopolassar. RIA 9: 12-16. Capdetrey, L. 2007 Le pouvoir seleucide: Territoire, administration, finances d'un royaume hellénistique (312-129 av. I.-C). Rennes: Presses Universitaires de Rennes. Charpin, D. 1986 Le clergé d'Ur au siècle d'Hammurabi. Paris: Droz. Cocquerillat, D. 1955 Les prébendes patrimoniales dans les temples à l'époque de la I" dynastie de Babylone. RIDA 3: 39-106. 1965 Les calculs pratiques sur les fractions à l'époque seleucide. BiOr 22: 239-42. Corô, P 2005 Prebende templari in etá seleucide. History of tbe Ancient Near East, Monographs 8. Padova: SARGON. Da Riva, R. 2001 Sippar in the Reign of Sîn-sum-lîsir (626 B.C.). AOF 28: 40-64. 2003 Pfründen in Eanna in der Zeit der Unruhe. AfO 50: 245-54. Da Riva, R., and Prahm, E. 1999 Samas-sumu-ukin, die Herrin von Ninive und das babylonische Königssiegel, AfO 46/47: 156-82. Doty, L. T. 1977 Cuneiform Archives from Hellenistic Uruk. PbD dissertation. New Haven: Yale University. 1978 Tbe Archive oftbeNanâ-iddinEamily from Uruk./CS 30: 68-90. van Driel, G. 2002 Elusive Silver: In Search of a Market in an Agricultural Environment: Aspects of Mesopotamia's Society. PIHANS 95. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. 2005 Pfründe (Prebends). RIA 10: 518-24. Ellis, M. dejong 1984 Neo-Babylonian Texts in tbe Yale Babylonian Collection. JCS 36: 1-63. Frame, G., and Waerzeggers, C. in press The Prebend of Temple Scribe. ZA. Funck, B. 1984 Uruk zur Seleukidenzeit: Eine Untersuchung zu den spätbabylonischen Pfründentexten als Quelle für die Erforschung der sozialökonomischen Entwicklung der hellenistischen Stadt. Berlin: Akademie. Gujarati D. 2004 Basic Econometrics. 4tb edition. New York: McGraw-Hill. Holt, 1. L. 1911 Tablets from tbe R. Campbell Thompson Collection in Haskell Oriental Museum, The University of Chicago. AJSL 27:193-232. Hunger, H. 1970 Das Arcbiv des Nabû-usallim. BaM 5:193-304. Hunger, H., and Sachs, A. 1988Astronomical Diaries and Related Texts from Babylon. 5 volumes. Vienna: Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie 2006 der Wissenscbaften.
PREBEND PRICES IN EIRST-MILLENNIUM B.C. BABYLONIA
143
Joannes, F. 1997
2000 Jursa, M. 1997 1999 2005 2006
2007 2010
Kessler, K. 1991
Prix et salaires en Babylonie du VIP au II? siècle avant notre ère. Pp. 313-33 in Economie antique: Prix et formation des prix dans les économies antiques, éd. J. Andreau et al. Entretiens d'archéologie et d'histoire 3. SaintBertrand-en-Comminges: Musée archéologique départemental de Saint-Bertrand-de-Comminges. La Mésopotamie au 1" millénaire avant J.-C. Paris: Armand CoUin. Neu- und spätbabylonische Texte aus den Sammlungen der Birmingham Museums and Art Gallery. Iraq 59: 97-174. Das Archiv des Bél-rëmanni. PIHANS 86. Leiden: NINO. Neo-Babylonian Legal and Administrative Documents: Typology, Contents and Archives. Guides to the Mesopotamian Textual Record 1. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Agricultural Management, Tax Farming and Banking: Aspects of Entrepreneurial Activity in Babylonia in the Late Achaemenid and Hellenistic Periods. Pp. 137-222 in La transition entre l'Empire achéménide et les royaumes hellénistiques, éd. P. Briant and F. Joannes. Persika 9. Paris: De Boccard. Die Söhne Kudurrus und die Herkunft der neubabylonischen Dynastie. RA 101: 125-36. Aspects ofthe Economie History of Babylonia in the Eirst Millennium B.C.: Economic Geography, Economic Mentalities, Agriculture, the Use of Money and the Problem of Economic Growth. Veröffentlichungen zur Wirtschaftsgeschichte Babyloniens im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Band 4 = AOAT 377. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. With contributions by J. Hackl, B. Jankovic, K. Kleber, E. E. Payne, C. Waerzeggers, and M. Weszeli.
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Beer in Neo-Babylonian Times. Pp. 155-83 in Drinking in Ancient Societies: History and Culture of Drinks in the Ancient Near East. Papers of a Symposium held in Rome, May 17-19, 1990, ed. L. Milano. History ofthe Ancient Near East Studies 6. Padova: SARGON.
Streck, M. P. 1995 Zahl und Zeit. Grammatik der Numeralia und des Verbalsystems in Spätbabylonischen. CM 5. Groningen: Styx. Sutch, R. 1996 Macroeconomics: An introduction for Historians. Pp. 159-76 in Economics and the Historian, ed. T. G. Rawski. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Tadmor, H. 1998 Nabopolassar and Sîn-sum-lîsir in a Literary Perspective. Pp. 353-57 in Festschrift für Rykle Borger zu seinem 65. Geburtstag am 24. Mai 1994., ed. S. M. Maul. CM 10. Groningen: Styx. Vargyas, P. 2000 Silver and Money in Achaemenid and Hellenistic Babylon. Pp. 513-21 in Assyriologica et Semitica: Eestschrififür Joachim Oelsner anlässlich seines 65. Geburtstages am 18. Februar 1997, ed. J. Marzahn et al. AOAT 252. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag. Waerzeggers, C. 2010 The Ezida Temple of Borsippa: Priesthood, Cult, Archives. Achaemenid History 15. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten. Waerzeggers, C. with a contribution by M. Jursa. 2008 On the Initiation of Babylonian Priests. ZAR 14: 1-23. Weidner, E. 1953 Keilschrifttexte nach Kopien von T. G. Pinches aus dem Nachlass veröffentlicht und bearbeitet 1: Babylonische Privaturkunden aus dem 7. Jahrhundert v. Chr. AfO 16: 35-46, pis. 3-4. Weisberg, D. 1991 The Late Babylonian Texts ofthe Oriental Institute Collection. BiMes 24. Malibu: Undena. Wunsch, C. 2003 Findelkinder und Adoption nach neubabylonischen Ouellen. AfO 50: 174-244. Zadok, R. 2009 Catalogue of Documents from Borsippa or Related to Borsippa in the British Museum, Vol. 1. Nisaba 21. Messina: DiScAM. Zawadzki, S. 1979 The Economic Crisis in Uruk in the Last Years of Assyrian Rule in the Light ofthe So-Called Nabû-usallim Archive. Folia Orientalia 20: 175-84.
CRITICAL REVIEW Robert Fischer, Die Ahhijawa-Erage, mit einer kommentierten Bibliographie. Dresdner Beiträge zur Hethitologie 26. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2010. Pp. vü H- 124. ISBN 978-3-447-05749-3. €39.80. Reviewed by Gary Beckman, University of Michigan. No area of Hittite studies has attracted greater interest from historians and philologists outside of the field than the "Ahhiyawa Question," that is, the matter of just which polity or cultural group was designated by the geographic term KUR ^^^'^^Ahhiyawa/Ahhiya in the texts from Bogazköy, and what role this entity played in the history of the Late Bronze Age. The young and imaginative but often careless scholar Emil Forrer created quite a sensation with his 1924 essay "Vorhomerische Griechen in den Keilschrifttexten von Bogazköi" {MDOG 63: 1-22),' but several years later the Indo-Europeanist Ferdinand Sommer strongly challenged many of his arguments in his magisterial edition of the relevant sources. Die Ahhijawä-Urkunden (Munich, 1932).^ In the medium term, Sommer was able to convince most continental—particularly Germanophone—scholars that the Ahhiyawans were unlikely to be the same people as the Achaeans of Homer, as claimed by Forrer. He accomplished this by pointing out numerous philological and linguistic errors on the part of the junior Hittitologist, but primarily by throwing around his considerable weight as an Ordinarius at the University of Munich. Indeed, he seems in the years that followed to have pursued a vendetta against Forrer, helping to cripple his academic career in Germany.^ But on the whole, English-language writers proved more favorable to Forrer s views, as demonstrated by such works as Denys Page, History and the Homeric Iliad (Berkeley, 1959) and by O. R. Gurney s discussion of the Ahhiyawans in his classic survey The Hittites (Harmondsworth, 1952).'' A turning point in the discussion in favor of Forrer s position was marked by the appearance of three articles from the pen of H. G. Güterbock in the early 1980s,^ who in view of the fact that the presence of Mycenaeans in western Anatolia and on its offshore islands had by then been amply demonstrated archaeologically, therefore posed these interrelated rhetorical questions: If the Mycenaean population was not known to the Hittites as Ahhiyawans, then under what designation does this significant group appear in Hittite texts? And if the Ahhiyawans are not to be identified with these Mycenaean Greeks in the west, then where else can Ahhiyawa be placed on the map of ancient Anatolia?* V^ith the recent progress in the study of Hittite geography made possible by the discovery of the
1. See also his "Die Griechen in den Boghazköi-Texten," OLZ 27 (1924) 113-18. 2. A new translation and historical commentary on these texts is in press: G. Beckman, T. Bryce, and E. Cline, The Ahhiyawa Texts, Writings from the Ancient World (Atlanta: Society of Biblical Literature). 3. See my review of R. Oberheid, Emil O. Forrer und die Anfänge der Hethitologie, JAOS 129 (2009) 344-47. 4. Pp. 46-58 in the second edition of 1954. 5. "The Hittites and the Aegean World: Part 1. The Ahhiyawa Problem Reconsidered," AJA 87 (1983) 133-38; "Hittites and Akhaeans: A New Look," Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 128 (1984) 114-22; and "Troy in Hittite Texts? Wilusa, Ahhiyawa, and Hittite History," in Troy and the Trojan War, ed. M. Mellink (Bryn Mawr, PA: Department of Classical and Near Eastern Archaeology, 1986), 33-44. 6. For a more detailed discussion, see my "Ahhijawa und kein Ende: The Battle over Mycenaeans in Anatolia," forthcoming in the proceedings of the workshop Mycenaeans and Anatolians in the Late Bronze Age held in Montreal, Quebec, January 4-5, 2006. 145
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Bronze Tablet^ and several new hieroglyphic Luv^ian inscriptions,' it is now generally acknowledged' that the only feasible location for Ahhiyawa is the complex consisting of the western Anatolian littoral in the vicinity of Miletus, the neighboring islands, and quite possibly part of mainland Creece.'" The work under review, the revision of a Magisterarbeit written under J. Tischler and M. Jehne of Dresden, aims to present an overview of this Gelehrtenstreit, without venturing to present a final verdict on the matter (p. 2). The author lays out the fruit of his research in eight short chapters: "1. Forschung, Literatur, Kontroverse," "2. Einiges aus dem Umfeld der Ahhijawa-Frage," "3. Wo liegt Ahhijawa?" "4. Historischer Hintergrund der Ahhijawa-Frage," "5. Axaioi und Axata," "6. Sprachlicher Hintergrund der Ahhijawa-Frage," "7. Ahhijawa im Wirkungsfeld Kleinasiens," and "8. Ahhijawa in den hethitischen Quellen." Unfortunately, this book reveals all too clearly the neophyte status of its author within the world of Hittitology. In addition to his reluctance to take a stand on most aspects of the Ahhiyawa question, Fischer's presentation of the principles of cuneiform studies (pp. 5-7) is too basic and simplistic to merit inclusion in a published work," and the first of his two transliterations and translations of short passages of cuneiform text (p. 6) is faulty,'^ well justifying the decision to eschew further attempts (p. 6 n. 8). His dating of the collapse of Hatti to 1220 (p. 22) relies on a forty-year-old secondary source, ignoring recent scholarship that sets the event closer to 1180. The annotated bibliography that takes up almost half of the book omits a number of important works," and the straightforward, unevaluative, capsule summaries will be of use primarily to someone approaching the topic of Ahhiyawa with no prior exposure to the history of the Late Bronze Age. Other errors are undoubtedly simple oversights: p. 23 n. 18: CTH 183, not 181; p. 70: Beckman, not Beckmann; p. 78: Dussaud, not Dussard; p. 84, sub Conzález Salazar: "gegen Assyrien," not "Ahhijawa." All in all, this slender volume represents considerable effort and is a creditable product for a student in the middle stages of his post-graduate training but will be of limited use to more advanced researchers. I question only why the editor decided to publish such a Jugendwerk in his scholarly series.
7. H. Otten, Die Bronzetafel aus Bogazköy. Ein Staatsvertrag Tuthalijas IV. (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1988). For its contribution to our knowledge of Hittite geography, see, e.g., Ph. H. J. Houwink ten Cate, "The Bronze Tablet of Tudhaliyas IV and Its Geographical and Historical Relations," ZA 82 (1992) 233-70. 8. J. D. Hawkins, The Hieroglyphic Inscription of the Sacred Pool Complex at Hattusa (SODBURG) (Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz, 1995); "Tarkasnawa King of Mira, 'Tarkondemos,' Bogazköy Sealings and Karabel," AnSt 48 (1998) 1-31. 9. Some skeptics remain. See, for example, A. Ünal, "Two Peoples on Both Sides of the Aegean Sea: Did the Achaeans and the Hittites Know Each Other?" in Essays on Ancient Anatolian and Syrian Studies in the Second and First Millennium B.C., ed. Prince Takahito Mikasa (Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1991), 16-44; and G. Steiner, "The Case of Wiluáa and Ahhiyawa," BiOr 64 (2007) 590-611. 10. However, Forrer's more extreme claim, that individuals known from the Greek traditions (such as Atreus and Alexandros) are identical to those bearing the corresponding names (Attarisiya and Alaksandu) in Hittite sources is accepted by few Hittitologists today. 11. One might ask just when the original and copy of the same letter have ever been identified in the cuneiform archives of both parties to a correspondence, as mentioned as an ideal circumstance, p. 5 n. 5. 12. More text is translated here than transliterated. Elsewhere Fischer feels it necessary to point out that Tawagalawas could also be spelled Tawakalawas, suggesting a shaky grasp on one of the basic characteristics of the Hittite cuneiform syllabary. 13. E.g., O. R. Gurney, "The Authorship of the Tawagalawa Letter," in Silva Anatolica: Anatolian Studies Presented to Maciej Popko on the Occasion of His 65th Birthday, ed. P. Taracha (Warsaw: Agade, 2002), 133-41; S. de Martino, VAnatolia occidentale nel medio regno ittita (Florence: II vantaggio, 1996); I. Singer, "Ships Bound for Lukka: A New Interpretation of the Companion Letters RS 94.2530 and RS 94.2523," AoE 33 (2006) 242-62; and the sources listed by J. M. Kelder in his prior online review of Fischer's book, BMCR 2010.10.32, n. 7.
