No title

The

BIBLICAL

ARCHAEOLOGI

Publishedby THEAMERICAN SCHOOLS OFORIENTAL RESEARCH 126 Inman Street, Cambridge, Mass. Vol. XXXV

September, 1972

No. 3

":,:Ali -9or,

.. .............

Fig. 1. Prof. and Mrs. W. F. Albrightbefore the Museumof Antiquitiesof Tel Aviv-Jaffaduring their final visit on March 19, 1969. Fromleft to right: Mr. A. Hayimi, Prof. A. Malamat, Dr. J. Kaplan,Dr. Ruth Albright,Prof. Albright,and Mr. Y. Aviram.

Contents The Archaeologyand History of Tel Aviv-Jaffa,by J. Kaplan ................. ..........................95 ArchaeologicalNews, Views and Reviews .....

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The Biblical Archaeologist is published quarterly (February, May, September, December) by the American Schools of Oriental Research. Its purpose is to provide readable, nontechnical, yet thoroughly reliable accounts of archaeological discoveries as they relate to the Bible. Authors wishing to submit unsolicited articles should write the editors for style and format instructions before submitting manuscripts. Editors: Edward F. Campbell, Jr. and H. Darrell Lance, with the assistance of Floyd V. Filson in New Testament matters. Editorial correspondence should be sent to the editors at 800 West Belden Avenue, Chicago, Illinois 60614. Editorial Board: G. Ernest Wright, Harvard University; Frank M. Cross, Jr., Harvard University; William G. Dever, Jerusalem. $5.00 per year, payable to the American Schools of Oriental Research, Subscriptions: 126 Inman Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139. Associate members of ASOR receive the BA automatically. Ten or more subscriptions for group use, mailed and billed to one address, $3.50 per year apiece. Subscriptions in England are available through B. H. Blackwell, Ltd., Brc ad Street, Oxford. Back Numbers: $1.50 per issue, 1960 to present: $1.75 per issue, 1950-59; $2.00 per issue before 1)50. Please remit with order, to the ASOR office. The journal is indexed in Art Index, Index to Religious Periodical Literature, Christian Periodical Index, and at the end of every fifth volume of the journal itself. Second class postage PAID at Cambridge, Massachusetts and additional offices. Copyright by American Schools of Oriental Research, 1972 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES Or AMERICA, BY TRANSCRIPT PRINTING COMPANY PETERBOROUGH, N. H.

The Archaeology and History of Tel Aviv-Jaffa J.

KAPLAN

The Jaffa Museum

In 1950, an archaeological survey was conducted by the author in the northern area of Tel Aviv, which at that time was still very little built up. This survey found many new sites in the area, dating from as early as Neolithic times (see the map, Fig. 2) . In the wake of the survey, the then Mayor of Tel Aviv, the late I. Rokach, asked the author to carry out a series of excavations designed to extract as much scientific information as possible from these sites before the on-marching development of the city destroyed them. The mayor also authorized the establishment of a museum of the antiquities of Jaffa, which would display the major findings. These findings, in the absence of written records, constitute the chronicle of the earliest history of the city. A few excavations had been carried out at larger mounds - Tell Grisa, Tell Qasile, Tell Kudadi and Jaffa - before the systematic excavation of sites throughout the city began.' Almost with the first site dug, the author became aware that many of the finds belonged to periods still inadequately known or to focal-interest periods in Palestinian archaeology. To supply further data, it became necessary to dig at sites beyond the city limits, first in its immediate environs and then at more distant places, in the Jezreel Plain, the Jordan Valley and in Upper Galilee. Sites excavated in areas border1. E. L. Sukenik and others, Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine, IV (1935) 208f.; VI (1938), 225; X (1944), 198f. and 55-57 by J. Ory; on Kudadi, VI (1938), 167f. 8n Tell Qasile, B. Mazar, Israel Exploration Journal (henceforth: IEJ), I (1951), 61ff. On and others, Proceedings of the Leeds Philosophical Society, VII (1955), 231-250. Bowman Jaffa, J.

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TELL BARUCH*

ARCHAEOLOGICAL MAP

TELLBARUCH ?

OF TEL AVIV-YAFFO N 'km.

RAMATha-KHAYIL

TELLKUDADI SDEHDOV TELLQASILE

GANEI ha- TAARUCHA

h yokLL *

TELAVIVHABOU

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ZEITUNO

*TELL•GRISA ATOIR ILLk haT-BASHAN STR JABOTINSKY

?OAD BNEI

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0

GIVATAYIM

YAFFOI ABU VBIR

BAT YAM

Fig.

K.

2. Map of the principal archaeological sites in the Tel Aviv area.

ing Tel Aviv-Jaffa are shown on the map. Further afield were Wadi Rabah, Lydda, Teluliyot Batashi (the vale of Soreq), el-Jarba, Hamadia, Kfar Gil'adi, Yavneh Yam and Ashdod Yam. A summary of the first ten years of work is contained in the author's book "The Archaeology and History of Tel-Aviv-Jaffa" published in Hebrew in 1959. The present article abbreviates that book and incorporates new material accumulated since. In January, 1961, the Museum of the Antiquities of Tel Aviv-Jaffa (the Jaffa Museum), housed in an old Turkish building on the seaward edge of the ancient mound of Jaffa, was opened, containing displays of our work to the public.

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Period

The Neolithic Period of Palestine divides into two main phases: Pre-Pottery Neolithic, the period preceding man's knowledge of pottery making; and Pottery Neolithic, which again may be subdivided into two cultures - the one first revealed in the 1930's by Garstang in Stratum IX Jericho and termed Pottery Neolithic "A" by Kathleen Kenyon in her Jericho excavations during the 1950's, and the second discovered by M. Stekelis on the banks of the Yarmuk near Kibbutz Sha'ar ha-Golan. This culture was called "Yarmukian" by Stekelis and Pottery Neolithic "B" by Kenyon at Jericho.2 Neolithic remains in Tel Aviv (second half of the 5th millennium B.C.). The only Neolithic site within the borders of Tel Aviv belongs to the Yarmukian culture. The site, on a kurkar hill to the south of the Yarkon, is known as "Rehov ha-Bashan" after the name of the street which runs along its southern base; the hill itself is one of a semi-circular chain of hills which encloses a small valley in the Yarkon basin. This valley, like the entire Yarkon basin, was covered with a dense scrub which sustained a rich wild life. Deposits of alluvial soil which accumulated on the northern and western sections of the hill provided a suitable base for the newcomers who settled on it. Their occupation remains comprise layers of ashes, hollows and pits dug out of the soil. Noteworthy was the absence of any stone or mud-brick building remains. This leads one to assume that the settlers erected booths or dug shelter pits which they covered with boughs or animal hides. Much may be learned from these remains about the way of life of the inhabitants of this settlement, who subsisted on hunting and incipient agriculture. Among the implements and weapons found were flint arrow and spearheads, hoes and sickles, grindstones, fragments of stone bowls and pottery storage jars, and also bone tools. One of the pits contained the skeleton of a young man packed round with potsherds and stones. The fact that this burial was found inside the settlement attests the continuance of the prehistoric custom of burying the dead in their own dwellings. In another small and shallow pit were found a heap of stones showing traces of burning as well as charred bones of a goat, along with figurines of clay and stone. It may be presumed that these remains were connected with some cultic activity, possibly animal sacrifice. The clay figurine, called "The Prehistoric Venus of Tel Aviv" (Fig. 3) when it was first discovered, lacks the entire lower section and other parts, yet the elements which make it a fertility figure are unmistakable - the breasts protruding beneath the clothing and the prominent navel indicated by a hole. Moreover, the 2. Cp. J. Kaplan, BASOR, No. 156 (Dec., 1959), pp. 20f. and No. 194 (April, 1969), p. 29.

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Mv

,

7?1

VN

.4F

to ls

Fig.

3. The "Prehistoric Venus of Tel Aviv," belonging to the Yarmukian culture, unearthed in ha-Bashan Street. The Chalcolithic

Period

69

masked face and pointed helmet are definitely features associated with primitive cults, as may still be observed among tribes in remote parts of the world today. A notable aspect of the masked face are the two animals, standing one behind the other, incised on its lower middle and left sections. The discovery of a site of the Yarmukian culture in Tel Aviv, far from where it was first encountered, opened up further possibilities for the study of this prehistoric culture and greatly enlarged our understanding of it. (4000-3150 B.C.)

This period also may be subdivided into two main phases - an early phase first discovered by the author and called the "Wadi Rabah" culture, and a later phase, the well-known "Ghassulian" culture. The material unearthed by Garstang at Jericho VIII may be seen as an intermediate phase between these two cultures. While the Ghassulian culture has been known since the end of the 1920's, knowledge of the Wadi Rabah culture dates only from 1950 when it was discovered in ha-Bashan Street, Tel Aviv. However, the name "Wadi Rabah" was given to this culture only when the author came across it a second time at the eastern end of the Yarkon basin, on the south bank of the Wadi Rabah tributary. This site provided further evidence of the distinctive character of this culture, which differs from the Ghassulian.3 Moreover, at Wadi Rabah the Ghassulian remains were exposed above those of the "Wadi Rabah" settlement, which proves that the latter was the earlier culture. It is worth noting ,that since its discovery in the 1950's many more "Wadi Rabah" sites have been found; only in the south are they non-existent. Chalcolithic remains in Tel Aviv. Chalcolithic remains have been found in Tel Aviv at three sites: ha-Bashan Street, Jabotinsky Street and Abbattoir Hill (Giv'at Bet ha-Mitbahayim). At ha-Bashan Street, the 3. Kaplan, IEJ, VIII (1958),

159f., and BASOR, No. 194 (April, 1969), pp. 27ff.

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Wadi Rabah remains were bare of structures and partly overlaid the Yarmukian remains. The excavations yielded mainly dwelling floors paved with small stones and strewn with ashes, numerous potsherds, animal bones and flint implements. Characteristic features of the Wadi Rabah ware are the carinated bowls, bow-rimmed jars, and black and red burnishing - none of which are found in the Ghassulian ware. Already in the 1930's Albright, later followed by Wright, had pointed to a connection between the Ghassulian pottery and the Chalcolithic ware from Tell Halaf in north-eastern Syria (identified with biblical Gozan), and this connection is most evident in the Wadi Rabah vessels. There can be no doubt that the Wadi Rabah culture is the nearest descendant of the Halafian, that is Chalcolithic and not Neolithic as claimed by some. The site in Jabotinsky Street was partly destroyed before systematic excavation began. However, at its northern, eastern and western fringes were found important remains which give further insight into the Ghassulian culture. Excavations were conducted at this site in 1950, 1951 and 1961. Three shelter-pits were exposed at the eastern extremity. The first had apparently been used as a kitchen and was filled with ashes, cinders, animal bones and potsherds. Among the finds unearthed was a large basalt bowl with an incised herringbone decoration. The second pit yielded fragments of a hitherto unknown asymmetrical vessel. This vessel was designated "churn" by the author because its lower, asymmetrical section resembled the skin-bottle used by the Arabs for churning butter and similiar purposes.4 The aptness of this term was confirmed later when it was found that the inhabitants of the Gaza area still use today, along with the skin-bottle, a pottery churn closely resembling the Chalcolithic vessel (Fig. 4). The third pit contained typical Ghassulian flint implements. Another notable discovery was several grindstones laid face-down. This suggests that the semi-nomadic dwellers of these pits would periodically return to this site during the seasonal wanderings with their herds. To the north of the pits there was exposed a small section of floor, four to six inches thick, probably from a rectangular booth or tent. Numerous objects were found on this floor. On the western side two deep pits were discovered; the first, 90 cm. (three feet) in diameter, was almost entirely excavated. However, the excavations had to be stopped at 18 meters (60 feet) depth when underground water began to seep through. At this point it became evident that the pit was really a shaft leading to a dome-shaped burial (?) chamber. The shaft was filled with household refuse, ashes, animal bones, flint flakes, and a number 4. Kaplan, Palestine Exploration Quarterly, XCVII (1963), 1969), p. 30.

144ff., and BASOR, No. 194 (April,

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a

b

c

d

H.K.

Fig. 4. Butter chums, ancient and modem: of the Ghassulian culture, a) is from Jabotinsky Street, Tel Aviv, b) from el-Mghar near Rehovoth, and d) from Beer Sheva; c) is a modem Arab churn from Gaza.

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of blunted and discarded flint implements. No explanation was found for the unusual depth of the shaft and cave, nor for the shaft's being filled with refuse. Perhaps this deep shaft with its refuse had some connection with an unknown prehistoric rite. The Abattoir Hill site on the eastern hill-slope facing ha-Bashan Street was discovered when modern building was started at the edge of the hill. Among the undamaged remains was a large cave hollowed out of the kurkar rock, with its broad entrance facing north. The ceiling of the cave was supported by a pillar of solid rock left there when the cave had been hewn out. In front of the entrance was an elliptical courtyard used for various crafts including pottery-making. Branching out from the cave were narrow passages leading to a number of small caverns; the floor of one was covered with a layer of ashes mixed with potsherds and animal bones. South of this large cave a burial chamber with collapsed ceiling was exposed. Here were found fragments of house-form ossuaries and scattered human bones. This type of secondary burial in ossuaries deposited in a cave had been discovered earlier by E. L. Sukenik at Haderah and by J. Ory at Bnei Braq. More burial caves of this type were excavated by the author at Bnei Braq and Giv'atayim. Since these excavations, Chalcolithic burial caves have been found in most parts of the country. Early Bronze Age (3150-2200 B.C.)

The beginnings of urbanization in this country fall in the Early Bronze age. Most of the well-known biblical cities astride the principal highways, such as Gezer, Aphek, (Rosh Ha'ayin), Megiddo, Ta'anach, Beth-shan and Beth-yerah, were founded during this period. These Early Bronze age cities were encircled by walls, inside which were the temples, palaces of the rulers and their treasuries. It is customary to divide this period into four phases (I-IV). The remains of three Early Bronze settlements were discovered in Tel Aviv; two were small temporary settlements dating to EB I, while the third site belongs to EB IV. The first two settlements were exposed at ha-Bashan Street and Abattoir Hill; both overlay the Chalcolithic remains. The third settlement, at Tell Grisa, came to light in the lowest stratum on top of the bedrock. The remains at ha-Bashan Street - layers of ashes and segments of small stone pavings, but no structures - apparently belonged to squatter-type settlements like the Neolithic occupation remains beneath. Hearths, potsherds, animal bones and flint implements were found in these remains. At Abattoir Hill the remains of this phase were exposed inside the cave-dwelling and courtyard which overlay the Chalcolithic strata. South

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of the cave-dwelling beyond the area of the Chalcolithic tombs were discovered traces of EB burials which had been destroyed by modern building operations. Fortunately the lower section of an Early Bronze burial cave could be excavated at the southernmost edge of the hill, near Nordau Boulevard. It emerged from these excavations that, unlike the former inhabitants, the new settlers cremated their dead and buried only the ashes and calcined bones. Accompanying the burial were funerary offerings, as is attested by the pottery vessels found in the tomb. Although charcoal remains were found on the floor there is no evidence to suggest that the corpses were burned inside the caves; yet in another cave of this period, excavated by the author at Giv'atayim, were found abundant traces of burning on the floor and walls, while the ceiling was flushed by the intense heat, as had been the case in the "crematorium" cave discovered by R. A. S. Macalister at Gezer. One of the notable finds in the cave at Nordau Boulevard was an ingeniously made oil lamp - one of the earliest of its type. The lamp consists of a cup inside a saucer; the cup, which is pierced at the i.1..el base, is joined at the bottom to the large outer saucer (Fig. 5). The principle upon which the lamp operated was that a layer of oil floated on the surface of the water and entered through the hole from Fig. 5. "Cup-and-saucer" lamp, Early Bronze the outer saucer into the inner I, found in Nordau Boulevard, Tel Aviv. cup. On this layer of oil a wick was floated. This system ensured economy of oil, which collected only in the cup and was not wasted on the wall of the outer saucer. Middle Bronze Age (2200-1550 B.C.)

Remains from the two main phases of this period, MB I (2200-2000 B.C.) and MB II (2000-1550 B.C.) have been unearthed at numerous sites throughout Tel Aviv-Jaffa.S During the MB I phase, nomadic shepherd tribes invaded the country armed with superior bronze weapons - daggers, lances and battleaxes. They spread out through the entire country including the Negev regions. Excavations at various sites indicate that their occupation remains are few and meager. However, numerous tombs from this period 5. On the new dates for MB I and MB IIA, see B. Mazar, IEJ, XVIII (1968), Kaplan, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, XXX (1971), 293-307;

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are found throughout the country, the majority being rock-hewnshaftgravesalthough tumuli are also widespread.SeveralMB I sites have been excavatedin the Tel Aviv area.At Tell Grisameageroccupationremains were found and elsewhere- at Abattoir Hill, Pinkas Street,Ramat-Aviv, Sdeh Dov and Petakh Tikvah Road - the remains were shaft-tombs (Fig. 6). Some of the tombs were empty but in others were found disintegratedhuman bones, a few potteryfuneraryvesselsand sundrybronze weapons. In a cave excavatedat Ramat ha-Khayil,Tel Aviv, an MB IIA burial was found overlying an earlier burial dating to MB I. It may be assumedthat the MB IIA people were responsiblefor the destructionof the MB I culture, and apparently made use of the tombs of the former where these could be detected on the surface. This phenomenon has also been found in tumuli burials of the MB I period.

lit ?qo

fl.i

Xx

f:

..........

IVY

.41 Fig.

6. Open section of MB I tomb. The upper part is the shaft which leads to the cave-chamber

(lower).

The MB II period may be subdivided into three phases, MB IIA, B and C. It seems that during the MB IIA phase (2000-1800B.C.) the western Semites-Amoritesmigratedin waves from Mesopotamiato Palestine, bringing small groups of permanent settlers who established new religious centers and strongholds.Simultaneouslyor perhaps somewhat earlier, hordes of semi-nomadstogether with their families and animals reached this country where they built beaten-earthrampart enclosures for defensivepurposes,coveringhundredsof acres. Apparentlytwo cities were built during this period, one at Jaffa and the other at Tell Grisa. The eastern sector of the tell of Jaffa with its prominent and still visible slope is actually part of an enormous earth rampart, oriented north-south,on the northern sector of which stand

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the Jaffa Museum and the Hamam building. It would appear that this rampart is but one side of the square enclosure which was the original Jaffa. Pottery dating to MB IIA was found at Jaffa, though its connection with the rampart has not been classified. Nevertheless, the finding of this pottery allows one to surmise that the enclosure - the first Jaffa - was perhaps built during the MB IIA period. At Tell Grisa, also, MB IIA pottery was found, but as at Jaffa its connection with the wall is not clear, except perhaps for the glacis which by its excavators is dated to MB IIB. A discovery unique in the context of Near Eastern archaeology was made in Tel Aviv near the Sdeh Dov airport, namely the occupation remains of a semi-nomadic shepherd clan. If so far hardly any of this type of site has been excavated, the reason must be sought primarily in the archaeologists' preference for the mound of impressive size or storied name. The occupation remains of these sites are generally found in hollows, pits and graves, with no impressive structures above the surface. Since the 1950's much has been accomplished in Israel in the investigation of these semi-nomad settlements, though mainly with regard to the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods. Very little is known about the material culture of these semi-nomadic shepherds from Mesopotamia, Anatolia and Syria other than that revealed in written documents; hence the importance of an excavation of the type at Sdeh Dov. Although its upper section was severely damaged before excavation began, this is indeed a most instructive site. An elliptical hollow dug out of the kurkar rock, it measures twenty by nine meters, or sixty-six by twenty feet (Fig. 7). The depth of the strata of the various occupation phases was some four to six inches and these were separated by thin layers of whitish dirtsand and fine clay. The occupation remains consisted of soil mixed with ashes, potsherds and animal bones, all resting on a bed of clayey soil. The varves of sand and fine clay which cover the occupation strata obviously indicate the seasonal phases of alternate abandonment (probably in winter) and return to the site by its dwellers. This indicates that the hollow was used intermittently for the purpose of dwelling, as has been the custom of semi-nomadic shepherd societies everywhere. It may be surmised that here also the dwelling area was covered entirely or in part with goat-hair tents or animal hides, as is still done by the Bedouin today. Apart from numerous MB IIA pottery fragments, the bones of goats, sheep, cattle and the skull of a donkey were identified. Also, among the oven-ashes were found carbonized grains of barley and other cereals. This entire group of finds may be related to one clan, apparently from

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among the Amorite tribes, who, as mentioned previously, settled in this country during the MBII period. Descriptions of the way of life of the semi-nomadic Amorites are found in some of the documents from the Ur III period unearthed in Mesopotamia, e.g. ". .. The one who does not know city life" ". .. a tent dweller at the mercy of the winds and rains" ". . . the one who digs mushrooms at the foot of the mountains."6 This last, seemingly puzzling, sentence may now be elucidated by our discovery at Sdeh Dov; it can be understood as referring to the digging of hollows which are covered with a goat-hair tent supported by a center pole giving it the form of a mushroom.

~fB~Bds~ Fig.

7. The dwelling hollow at Sdeh Dov, dating to Middle Bronze IIA.

In the MB IIB period the kingdoms of Mesopotamia, Syria, Palestine and Egypt were all ruled by Western Semites. The Western-Semitic dynasty which rose to power in Egypt was called by the Egyptians "Hyksos" ("rulers from foreign lands"). The Hyksos erected numerous fortified cities in Palestine and Syria and occupied most of the fertile regions. Palestine served as a land bridge for international trade, and Egyptian luxury items found their way to this country as has been demonstrated by the excavations of the remains of cities and tombs of this period. In the gate area of the eastern rampart at Jaffa, massive wall sections of a mud-brick fortress were exposed, and, at the center of the tell opposite St. Peter's Church, burial remains and two pottery kilns were unearthed. In one of the kilns, of which the opening and flues had been preserved, a pottery jar was found, of a type unique for this country. 6. After G. Buccellati, The Amorites of the Ur III Period (1966), pp. 330f.

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However, this type of jar is known in Mesopotamia from the "Late Larsa" period. This discovery was mainly what led the author to a reconsideration of the accepted views on the connection between Palestine and Mesopotamia during the MB II period. At Tell Grisa, part of a Hyksos city and fortifications were excavated. One of the upper strata of the mound contained the foundations of a large building, and in a lower stratum was found a large pottery kiln. The city, built on top of a natural kurkar hill, was surrounded by a defensive mud-brick wall, from the base of which a glacis extended to the bottom of the hill. This glacis was constructed of alternate layers of beaten earth and mud brick topped by a lining of crushed kurkar. The remains of an unfortified settlement discovered in the section of Abattoir Hill called General Hill Square may be dated to this period. The site was apparently an estate or small village owned by a Hyksos notable who resided either in Jaffa or Tell Grisa. Several graves were uncovered; one in the upper layers of a Chalcolithic burial cave contained the skeleton of a man and, nearby, that of a donkey. Here also two kilns were found - the smaller one at General Hill Square and the second in the area of the Chalcolithic settlement on the eastern slope of the hill. Inside both kilns were found pottery vessels which had already been fired. The fact that many kilns have been found at the Tel AvivJaffa MB II sites indicates that there must have been a very large demand for pottery vessels in this period. This suggests a high population density, which is confirmed by the MB II remains found at other sites in the country. The MB IIC period is noteworthy for the first trading contacts with Cyprus. From this period on, Cypriote pottery (imported for the next thousand years and found at every local site) provides tangible evidence for trade relations between this country and the neighboring island. At Jaffa, the remains of this phase were exposed in the strata around the Hyksos fortress as well as in the area opposite St. Peter's Church and in a trial pit west of the fortress. Details of this phase are lacking at Tell Grisa and it is not clear whether the mound was then occupied. On the other hand, MB IIC occupation remains were exposed at the Abattoir Hill during the 1970 excavations. The Late Bronze Age (1550-1200 B.C.)

The Late Bronze age may be divided into two phases: Phase I (1550-1400 B.C.) and Phase II (1400-1200 B.C.). The fifty years from 1550 to 1500 were most eventful and may be regarded as a transitional phase between the MB and LB periods. The expulsion of the Hyksos from Egypt was completed around 1570 B.C. by the early rulers of the

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18th Dynasty, who then set out on their campaigns of conquest. The local city governors, who were predominantly Hurrians, began to fortify their cities in anticipation of the future struggle against Egypt. The glacis was now lined with stones on the outside while the mud-brick walls became more massive, their lower sections formed of Cyclopean stones. A unique pottery, notable for its red and grey-black bichrome decoration, makes its appearance. Apart from geometric patterns one finds decorations of animals, birds and fish. By some people this pottery is linked with the Hurrian element in the country, but it should be noted that as it spread so also the MB II forms continued to appear. This bichrome pottery was found at all the three local sites - Jaffa, Tell Grisa and Abattoir Hill. At Jaffa, a single locus of vessels was found among a heap of burnt debris; this leads one to assume that the settlement of this period was destroyed after it had been set on fire, probably by the Egyptians. A cemetery with eighteen graves was excavated by the author near the Tel Aviv harbor.7 The graves had rectangular shafts, and on one of their sides or on both burial caves had been hewn the openings of which were sealed with stones and clay mortar. In addition to the skeletal remains, funerary gifts were found including jars, bowls and perfume bottles. The dead were buried together with their weapons, jewelry and scarab seals. The pottery found in these shaftgraves is typical 16th century Hyksos ware. On one of the seals appear hieroglyphs which were identified by the late J. Leibowitz as the first name of Queen Hatshepsut (1503-1482 B.C.). This seal proves that the change in Palestinian pottery occurred rather later than usually assumed, probably after Thutmoses' conquest of the country in 1468 B.C. From then on Palestine was under Egyptian rule and its material culture shows a definite Egyptian influence. Thutmoses had the names of all the conquered cities of Canaan and Syria engraved on the walls of his temple at Karnak in Upper Egypt. Among these names appear Jaffa and its neighbor Gimtu (Gath) which, it is assumed, was at Tell Grisa. The conquest of Jaffa by Thutmoses is mentioned in a folk-tale of the wellknown "Harris Papyrus", where it is related that the city was taken not by a frontal assault but by a trick reminiscent of the capture of Troy the soldiers of the attacking force were concealed in baskets and smuggled into the citadel. At any rate, Egyptian documents mentioning Jaffa begin to appear from the 15th century onwards, and the information they contain gains added importance when joined to that revealed in the excavations. 7. Kaplan, 'Atiqot, I (1955),

7.

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The 14th century B.C. is known as the "Amarna Age" after the site in Egypt where the remains of the palace of king Akhnaton were discovered. Within these remains were found hundreds of clay tablets inscribed in Akkadian - letters dispatched by Egyptian officials and city governors in Canaan to their lord, the king of Egypt. These letters inform us about the political situation of the time. From one of the two letters which deal directly with Jaffa, the late W. F. Albiight concluded that the king of Egypt maintained royal granaries in the city, which implies that Jaffa was the next important supply depot after Gaza on the land and sea route northward to Syria and Mesopotamia. Of the remains from this period excavated by the author at Jaffa, noteworthy are floor and wall segments found in the Hyksos citadel area. Among other things, a stone-built silo was unearthed which contained many vessels typical of this period. At Tell Grisa were found mainly burials while at Abattoir Hill only meager remains were excavated. The 13th century is the period of Rameses II8, who at the beginning of his reign launched a military campaign against the Hittites in northern Syria. His army went on foot while supplies were transported by sea. When the battle was joined near Kadesh on the Orontes it reached a stalemate because of the evenly matched strength of the two armies. Thereafter, an agreement was signed between the two kings which defined respective spheres of influence. At the eastern section of the Hyksos citadel at Jaffa, the lower portion of a new gateway was exposed, having the names and titles of Rameses on its stone jambs (Fig. 8). We may assume that this gateway was erected to honor Rameses' "triumphant" return to Egypt after his battle against the Hittites. The entrance of the gateway is 4.0 meters or about fourteen feet wide; the road leading from the gate into the citadel passed between two mudbrick walls, 18 meters (60 feet) long, which supported the stairs to the roof where the defenders were stationed. Gateways of this type may be seen in Egyptian reliefs depicting the conquest of Canaanite cities. The Ramesside gateway was destroyed in a severe conflagration which not only burnt the wooden gate but also disintegrated the mudbricks of the entrance walls, which toppled inwards and covered the road. The fire penetrated the walls to more than five feet in depth, completely destroying them. Of the finds from gateway ruins, two are of special interest: the upper portion of a stone altar 1.0 x 1.2 x 0.22 m. and two fragments of a large pithos, height 1.20 m., diameter 0.82 m. The stone altar 8. For a vivid description of Jaffa in this period, see Papyrus Anastazi I, translated in Ancient Near Eastern Texts, pp. 476ff.

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was found among the toppled gate jambs; one may well imagine that as the battle drew nearer the citadel defenders on the roof began to offer sacrifices to their gods and to pray for deliverance. This wholesale destruction by fire poses the question of what ignitable material was used by the attackers to start the blaze which burned down entire mud-brick structures. We know from the Bible that the destruction of Canaanite cities during the Israelite conquest was sometimes accompanied by fire (Josh. 8:28). Apparently the attackers, after penetra-

?R

. ........

...... ....

..... .....

loil TZ It,

?p llu-

Elm p

>

No

V N w

X? Fig. 8. Stone jambs from RamesesGate, of 13th century date, from Area A of the Jaffaexcavations.

ting the city defenses, took the oil jars from the store-room and dwellings, smashed them and spilled the oil over the walls, making the oil-saturated bricks highly inflammable. This may explain the fragments of large pithoi found near the gate jambs, as well as the great amounts of soot all over the area. The date of destruction of the Rameses citadel and the identity of the attackers are two questions which require clarification. It may be assumed that the destruction happened near the end of Rameses' reign

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in the third quarter of the 13th century B.C. when his power was on the wane. The conquest of the Canaanite cities by Joshua is generally attributed to thisperiod, though neither Jaffa nor any of the other coastal cities appear in the lists of conquests. Gezer, some eighteen miles :? southeast of Jaffa, is the nearest city listed. The more likely explanation is therefore that the attackers were the "Sea Peoples" who "~ had infiltrated and occupied the Jaffa area. Later during the reign of Merneptah, the son of Rameses, they are known to have joined in the military campaign against the 'P?~n~lBL~I t~f~W?I~~ Egyptians. The Rameses gateway was assigned to Stratum V in the stratigt::I~T~ raphy of this area. Above the ruins ~g~a~i~~ of the gateway threshold, at a pE:; height of some six and one-half u feet, a new gateway was erected which we assigned to Stratum IV. s The fire-damaged brick walls of zi~? ,i: Stratum IV had been repaired with bricks containing broken pottery from the earlier phase; this implies ~~ that the raw material for these :,yi bricks had been taken from the soil .? nearby in the city, unlike the bricks -r: of the Rameses gateway which ,, were made of reddish-yellow hamra free of potsherds. Inside one of I, the greyish bricks was found the upper half of a Hathor figurine Fig. 9. Hathor figurine, lower part restored, of (Fig. 9). A bronze hinge on which the 14th century B.C.; found in Area A of the Jaffa excavations. the leaf of the gate turned was found in situ near the left gatejamb Gateway IV also had been destroyed by a severe fire, and the bronze hinge of its wooden gate lay among the fire-reddened debris. From traces found in the left-hand socket of Gateway V it ffiay be inferred that the hinge which had served the gate in Stratum V was removed by the victors and reinserted in the

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new socket above. Also two large stone fragments from the ashlars of Gateway V were reused in the western ends of the entrance walls. One of these stones was inserted with the hieroglyphic characters on it upside down while the second stone was put back to front with its inscribed side turned inward. This indicates that the inhabitants of Stratum IV were unafraid of Egyptian authority and indifferent to what was inscribed on the stone; it also strengthens our assumption that the destroyers of the Ramesside gateway were the "Sea Peoples." It is difficult to estimate how long the inhabitants of Stratum IV were allowed to live in peace before their city too was destroyed. Yet this second destruction might well have been carried out by Merneptah who, as recorded on his victory stele, undertook a punitive expedition about 1230 B.C., when he conquered a number of towns, including Gezer and Ashkelon. Thus the destruction of Jaffa, which in this period was probably under the rule of the "Sea Peoples", seems to have been a further stage in the campaign of Merneptah against the Lybian-Sea Peoples coalition that was threatening Egypt. Turning now to Tell Grisa, we find there is no other information than that supplied by the excavators, namely that the settlement was destroyed around 1200 B.C. by either the Sea Peoples or the Israelites. Abattoir Hill, it seems, was completely deserted in this period. Israelite

Period

(1200-586 B.C.)

This period may be divided into two phases, the first 1200-1000 B.C., the age of the Judges, and the second, 1000-586 B.C., the Judean and Israelite monarchies. There are no documents from the first phase relating to Jaffa, although the passage in the book of Joshua giving the borders of the tribe of Dan contains a reference to the town: ". . . and

Me-jarkon, and Rakkon, with the border before Japho" (Josl.,19:46). This description of the border of Dan is thought by scholars to refer to the period of David, i.e. the early 10th century B.C. At first glance there seems to be no evidence in this passage to suggest that the tribe of Dan was settled on the coast during this phase. Yet if one goes by the Song of Deborah, which has been ascribed to the 13th or 12th centuries B.C. (". . . And Dan, why did he remain in ships?" [Judges 5:17]), it becomes

plausible that these verses refer to an earlier situation when Dan's inheritance included the Jaffa area up to the coastline. This assumption would seem to contradict our earlier statement that there is no direct evidence for any conquests by Joshua in the coastal region. Yet for all that, this region must be regarded as part of Dan's inheritance, which apparently was unrelated to Joshua's conquests. Some years ago Professor

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Y. Yadin suggested that there may be a connection between the ancestors of the Dan tribe and the Danuna, who may be assumed from the wall inscriptions of Rameses III to have settled in the Jaffa area. Evidence for Yadin's view comes on the one hand from the Bible account of the conduct of the Dan tribe, especially the stories connected with Samson, and on the other from a study of the historico-mythological material relating to the presence of the Danuna in the Jaffa area. Furthermore, the "foreignness" of the Dan tribe is probably hinted at in Jacob's blessing: "... Dan shall judge his people, as one of the tribes of Israel" (Gen. 49:16). It may be understood from this verse that from a certain point forward Dan regarded itself as fully one of the tribes of Israel, which apparently had not been the case before. All these considerations have to be taken into account by the archaeologist when he comes to interpret the findings of excavations in the Jaffa-Tel Aviv area. We shall now attempt to clarify what happened in the area of Jaffa Gateway IV after its destruction. This area of the destroyed gateway was covered by a glacis constructed of bricks and stones dating to the end of the 12th century B.C., which corresponds to Stratum XI at Tell Qasile. It appears that after the destruction of Stratum IV this area ceased to serve its former purpose - that is, no further gateways were built at this spot. Also, west of the entrance walls of Gateway IV there was discovered an occupation phase of which the remains were a narrow strip of ashes and a pit filled with ashes and Philistine potsherds, corresponding in date to Stratum XI at Tell Qasile. It may thus be concluded that there was a gap in the occupation of the early gateway area between 1230-1120 B.C. However, this is not the case in the western citadel area, which was excavated in the 1970 and 1971 seasons. Here, two distinct occupation phases were uncovered beneath layers of ashes, corresponding in date to Strata XI-X at Tell Qasile. In the lower of the two strata which overlaid the Late Bronze structures a wall was exposed, called W.735, together with a paved road leading to it. The wall, 1.10 meters or 43 inches thick, is oriented in a different direction from the walls beneath it. It is difficult to date it because very little pottery has been found; yet since the level of the road joined to it is approximately the same as the level of the road of Gateway IV, it may be conjectured that both date to the same period and perhaps underwent destruction at the same time. The topmost stratum above W.735 contained two structures, one with massive mud-brick walls called "the palace", and the second, a temple hall and part of a "cella" which leaned on the north wall of the palace. East of the temple hall are structural remains

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from different phases of the temple, notably a cistern built of white pebbles. The temple floor was lined with a thin white plaster; opposite the "cella" the top of a round stone set in the ground was found. The material unearthed was meager; especially noteworthy are two types of bowls known from Stratum VI at Bethshan. Nevertheless there is one unique item hitherto unknown in ,I:'-:'-i~~::::-:l --: i:1::;:::1. ??:::::~-i.l?:_: Palestinian archaeology: a lion's :Z::i skull found on the plaster floor with one half of a scarab seal near i'"'"'' lower jaw (Fig. 10). One surits ~l?"rtt~B"~taP~ePS"'~3~f~e~i~%iJli~ ri; that this was an embalmed mises I~ lion's head adorned with precious jewels and amulets which had been removed before the temple was ??jr' abandoned. The adornments were probably detached in great haste and this caused the scarab to be i:ca4-ili-i ::::?-?::::::?; ;: ~~i~~~;M:~~~C i:rl;.:::::::.I ~ii:li~:~;':j:r::~: broken. From the positioning of Fig. 10. Drawing of the lion's skull found on a the skull, the stone base and the floor of Iron I temple, Area A of the Jaffa excavations, 1971. offering bowl nearby, it may be inferred that a lion-cult was observed in this temple, though this point will require further study. The archaeological find which seems most relevant here is the famous Megiddo ivory that shows the heads of a lion and a deer together on a tray.9 It has always been thought that these are rhytons (drinking horns), but we now suggest that they are embalmed heads; especially the prominence of the lion's shaggy mane on the ivory should give special weight to this suggestion. As the excavations progressed it became clear that the palace and temple were abandoned and some time later the brick walls of the palace collapsed on the temple and covered its floor and walls. Our dating of this stratum will also have to be tentative as long as the excavation area is not extended beyond its present limits. Thus, we may assume that there Was no great lapse in time after the destruction by Merneptah until the arrival of the new settlers who were also from among the SeaPeoples, perhaps from among the Danuna, who rebuilt the palace and temple. The newcomers apparently continued in occupation till the arrival of the Philistines in the coastal region, which coincides with the founding of the settlement in Stratum XII at Tell Qasile (ca. 1175 B.C.). Notice that in neither excavation area - the citadel gateway and the new zone - has any of the painted ware of Stratum XII been discovered. 9. MegiddoIvories,Plate 4:2b.

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It is not clear from the Tell Grisa excavations whether any prePhilistine strata are present there while none, as mentioned earlier, are found at Tell Qasile. This applies also to Abattoir Hill where no Early Iron age remains turned up. The later part of the period of the Judges, which corresponds in date to Stratum X at Tell Qasile, was called by Professor B. Mazar the "post"-Philistine phase. This phase is represented at Jaffa by only meager remains. It is possible that the more substantial remains were destroyed by building operations in subsequent periods. However, one cannot escape the impression that the main center of population during this time shifted to the Yarkon basin where the remains from Tell Qasile and Tell Grisa point to an era of prosperity and the development of commercial relations with Phoenicia and Egypt. The Yarkon river served as a safe waterway to the towns near its banks. The settlement in Stratum X of Tell Qasile, and the corresponding settlement at Tell Grisa, were burned to the ground apparently by King David who, as we know, vanquished the "Philistines." It seems that after this destruction the settlement at Tell Grisa was not rebuilt. Israelite

Period

II

Except for the evidence from Tell Qasile, there are very few archaeological data on the Jaffa area in this period. Only in the latter third of the 8th century B.C. do Jaffa and Abattoir Hill figure again in the historical record, this time in connection with the military campaigns of the Assyrian kings. Stratum IX at Tell Qasile dates to the period of David and Solomon, i.e. the 10th century B.C., and Stratum VIII of the same tell belongs to the 9th century, the time of the House of Omri, during which the town flourished and expanded and a fort was built on the north bank of the Yarkon estuary to keep guard over the sea trade entering the river. The fort, constructed of large ashlars, is reminiscent of the building style of the period of King Ahab. Stratum VII at Tell Qasile, which dates to the 8th century B.C., embraces the period of the royal house of Jehu as well as the final phase of the northern kingdom. The last Israelite settlement at Tell Qasile was probably destroyed in 732 B.C. by Tiglath Pileser III. It may be noted that the two ostraca discovered on the surface in 1945 by Mrs. H. Kaplan and Dr. R. Hoff apparently belong to Stratum VII; they were in fact the motive for undertaking excavations on the site. One ostracon reads: "For the king. One thousand and one hundred [log] of oil. Hiyahu," possibly a consignment bill giving the quantity of oil exported from the king's stores. The inscription on the second ostracon is: "Gold of Ophir to Beth Horon,

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30 Shekels." This is apparently an official document authorizing the transfer of thirty shekels to the city of Beth Horon which was situated on the main road leading up from the Shephelah to the mountain country. Another possibility is that the money was to be deposited in the temple of Horon, the god of seafaring and commerce, who was worshipped in one of the nearby coastal cities, perhaps Yavneh-Yam (Yamnia.) 10 In 722 B.C. Sargon II of Assyria conquered Samaria, the capital of the kindom of Israel, and exiled its inhabitants, replacing them with a new population; his son Sennacherib launched in 701 B.C. a campaign against the kingdoms of Judea and Ashkelon which were supported by Egypt. From the prismatic clay stele recording Sennacherib's campaigns found in the ruins of his palace we learn certain facts not mentioned in the Bible: namely, that on his way to battle against the coalition of hostile states opposing him, he conquered Jaffa, Azor, Beth-dagon and Bnei-Braq - all cities of Sidqia, king of Ashkelon. It may perhaps be inferred from this that the coalition had fortified a number of cities along the River Ajalon. Interestingly, remains from this period were discovered by the author in the northern sector of Abattoir Hill. The site, which shows signs of destruction by fire, was perhaps connected with this campaign. At Jaffa, during excavations carried out in the "Hamam" building which abuts the southern end of the museum, there was exposed a glacis with its slope oriented west-east. This glacis was built on top of the earlier Middle Bronze II glacis. Beneath the surface of the later glacis were revealed layers of mud-bricks mixed with pottery from the end of the 8th century B.C. A similar glacis, discovered by the author at AshdodYam, dates from this period.11 It appears that the intermediate layers of bricks were meant to press down on the layers of earth beneath, so as to prevent them from splitting and sliding down. The Persian

Period-Return

of the Exiles

(539-333 B.C.)

The Babylonian empire was conquered in 539 B.C. by Cyrus, king of Persia, who permitted the Jewish exiles to return to Jerusalem and rebuild it from its ruins. In 515 B.C. Zerubbabel completed the rebuilding of the Second Temple. As in Solomon's time the cedars used in its construction were brought from the Lebanon to the "sea of Joppa" (Ezra 3:7, II Chron. 2:16). Jewish occupation remains from this period were discovered chiefly in the Yarkon basin, at Tell Abu Zeitun and Tell Qasile. At Tell Abu 10. Mazar, IEJ, I (1950), 208ff. 11. Cf. Kaplan, IEJ, XIX (1969),

142 and Figure 3.

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Zeitun, which has two occupation strata from this period, was found an ostracon with the Aramaic inscription "Hashub," a name also known among the Levite families who participated in the construction of the Jerusalem city-walls (Neh. 3:23) (Fig. 11). At Tell Qasile, wall sections of a fortress with a large courtyard were exposed; one of the objects found before the start of excavations which belongs to this period was a Hebrew seal with the inscription: "To Ashanyahu servant of the King."12 . .....

lio

A21,

so

AS Ag* Mr. H,.. X0

:Kj..?...... .. .Xx ,:? .: ,...,

m

a

c Mll? tg.

1, A: AV%

3M... om 1W

K.K'Nk,

........ ... ... ... ...... Fig. 11. Ostraconof the post-exilicperiod, with Aramaicname "Hashub."From Tell Abu Zeitun excavationsof 1957.

The remains of the Persian period at Jaffa bear witness to economic prosperity and expansion, especially from the second half of the 5th centuryB.C. onwardswhen it becamea Phoeniciancity. We know about the Phoenician occupation from two sources - one the inscription on the sarcophagusof the Sidonian king Eshmunazarwhich recordsthat he received from the Lord of Kings (king of Persia) the two harborcities Jaffa and Dor; and the second a descriptionof the coastal cities of Syria and Palestihe written during the first half of the 4th century B.C. but attributed to Scylax, a seafarerwho lived during the 5th century.Some ascribe the story of Jonah, the prophet who attempted to flee the Lord via Jaffa to Tarshish,to this period (Jon. 1:3). 12. Mazar,IEJ, I (1950), 214.

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Although Jaffa contains many remains from the Persian period, the structural remnants are generally connected with the Sidonian rule. The Sidonians surrounded the city with a stone wall eight feet thick. The walls of their buildings were constructed by a method specific to this period: pillars of ashlar stones were erected five or six feet apart and the spaces between them filled in with rubble stones. During the 19701971 excavations were exposed two segments of a large building which appears to have been a temple. Jaffa was linked in trade with every country of the Mediterranean, and the many fragments of Greek pottery found attest a large import of decorated Attic ware. Remains found in a number of places indicate the existence of an iron founding industry. Hellenistic

and Hasmonean

Periods

(332-37 B.C.)

Following the death of Alexander the Great in 332 B.C., civil war broke out between his successors. After its conclusion in about 300 B.C. the countries on the eastern Mediterranean seaboard were divided up between the two rival generals who founded dynasties - the Ptolemaic whose capital was at Alexandria, and the Seleucid with its center at Antioch in Syria. The border between the two states passes near the northern frontier of Israel today. Jaffa became the seat of government and trade of the area. During the rule of Ptolemy II (Philadelphus) (261246 B.C.) and of Ptolemy III there was a mint in Jaffa which issued its own coins. To all intents and purposes Jaffa had become a Greek city and even its name made to be Greek-sounding (IOPPE). Jaffa appears in the papyri of Zenon, the emissary of the Ptolemaic minister of finance, who visited the country around 250 B.C. and mentions that the city is now an independent port no longer under Phoenician rule. The principal remains of this period excavated by the author in Jaffa are in the area opposite St. Peter's Church, where part of a large building - a complex of small interconnected rooms reminiscent of the Hellenistic Agora buildings - was unearthed. Another structure of this period exposed in Area C is a catacomb comprising a courtyard and three halls built into the hill slope facing west. The catacomb is built of dressed stone blocks laid in courses of "headers and stretchers," and, except for its ceiling which had collapsed, is preserved intact. Among the debris in the courtyard was found a marble slab inscribed in Greek which apparently had rolled down from a nearby Hellenistic temple. The inscription on the slab is dedicated to Ptolemy IV (Philopater). After nearly a century of struggle between the Ptolemaic and Seleucid dynasties, the country about 200 B.C. passed into the hands of the Seleucids. The Hasmonean revolt which erupted in 167 B.C. was aimed as much against the Hellenization of the upper classes of the Jewish

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population of Judea as against the anti-Jewish legislation of Antiochus IV. The handful of rebels, under the leadership of the priest Matthias and his sons who were faithful to the traditions of Ezra and Nehemiah, grew ever more successful until the war for religious freedom became a war of national liberation. Judea, which had no outlet to the sea, was at the mercy of foreign authorities who imposed custom duties on everything that passed through the port of Jaffa. The foremost aim of the rebels was to capture the city, which Jonathan soon accomplished, though subsequently it changed hands again until Jaffa was finally annexed by Simon to Judea. All foreigners were then expelled and soldiers of Simon's army settled in the city. John Hyrcanus was the first subsequently to conquer the Yarkon basin and the ports to the north and south of Jaffa. Finally with the support of the Roman Senate he succeeded in annulling the claims of the Syrian kings for the return of Jaffa and the payment of war reparations resulting from the conquest. The few remains of the period in Jaffa include part of a square ashlar-built fort erected apparently when the city was under Seleucid rule. From the Hasmonean period we may mention the section of an ashlar-built wall 2.25 m. or about seven and a half feet thick and a nearby casemate structure with a paving of sea shells. Also of interest is a hoard of bronze coins of Alexander Janneus discovered in a trial excavation carried out by P. L. O. Guy in 1949. However, the remains discovered in the Yarkon basin are of an altogether different nature. At the outset we shall mention a number of tombs excavated at the western base of Tell Qasile datable to ca. 100 B.C., i.e. the period of Alexander Janneus (103-76 B.C.). Also, a wine-press of the same period was discovered in Hevra Hadasha Street. The wine-press has three compartments - the pressing area, a straining basin, and the wine vat. Its floor and walls were lined with three coats of high quality plaster to prevent seepage. Apparently in this period the hamra and kurkar hills in the immediate vicinity were planted with vines, and the wine-press was built in the middle of the vineyards, unlike today's practice when the pressing is carried out in the village or city. After the pressing of the grapes was completed, the juice was collected in jars and conveyed to the settlement for storage. An interesting phase in the campaigns of Janneus which directly relates to the Tel Aviv-Jaffa area is described by Josephus (Jewish War I. iv. 7; Antiquities XIII. xv. 1). Antiochus XII requested permission from Janneus for his army to pass southward through Judea to fight

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against the Arabs in the Negev. The request was refused and in order to prevent the passage of Antiochus' army, Janneus erected a defensive line "extending from the mountain above Antipatris to the coast of Joppa." Certain features of this defensive line, as described by Josephus, are perhaps given archaeological confirmation by the discovery of two forts within Tel Aviv and of a third at Bnei Braq, thus providing us with a clearer and more tangible picture of these defense works (Fig. 12).

..... Fig. 12. Sketch of Alexander Janneus defense line, sector from Antipatris to the hill country. (Based on Josephus' description.)

Janneus probably anchored his defenses on the Yarkon river, which carries water the whole year round and forms a natural obstacle for any army wishing to cross it. He stationed his army on the hilly range along the southern bank and erected watch-towers. In the plain between the Yarkon sources (Aphek) and the Hills of Ephraim (this plain, only a mile wide, has always served as a corridor for any north or southward moving armies), he built a defensive line which included a deep trench behind which he erected a wall with watch-towers at regular intervals. The remains of one of the two Janneus forts in Tel Aviv are on a high hill in Hayarkon Street near the Hilton Hotel overlooking the Yarkon Estuary (in this place the water is shallow and can be forded easily). Of this fort the complete foundations of two rooms as well as parts of the foundations of two further rooms were preserved. Near the structure were found the remains of a small silo and a cemented water basin. The second fort, unearthed at the intersection of Arlossoroff and Bloch Streets, was actually a watch-tower differing from the former structure in that it has a hexagonal plan. The third fort, discovered on a high hill at Bnei Braq, was also of hexagonal plan though its measurements were much smaller.

1972, 3) The Herodian

THE BIBLICAL ARCHAEOLOGIST Period and the End of the Second Temple

91

(37 B.C. - A.D. 70)

Herod achieved his aim to succeed the Hasmonean dynasty when following his capture of Jerusalem he put Antigonus to death. Ascending the throne in 37 B.C. he immediately began to earn himself renown as a builder of cities and magnificent edifices. He founded Caesarea, a new port between Acre and Jaffa. The building of this rival port was among other things a blow aimed at the Jews of Jaffa who had remained loyal to the Hasmoneans. Following Herod's death, his son Archeleus ruled for a short period, after which Judea passed under the Roman procurators who governed from Caesarea and were subject to the proconsul in Antioch. The procurators' rule continued till the outbreak of the Jewish war against Rome, except for the brief interregnum of Agrippas I (A.D. 41-44), grandson of Miriam and Herod. To this period, the first century A.D., also belong the Gospel stories concerning the first Christians in Jaffa - Tabitha, Simon the Tanner, and Simon called Peter who was called to Jaffa and resided in the home of Simon the Tanner (Acts 9:36-43). When the Jewish war against Rome broke out, the Jews of Jaffa joined the revolt but punishment was swiftly meted out. Cestius Gallus, the Syrian legate, on his way to capture Jerusalem, turned first on Jaffa and slaughtered many of its inhabitants. However, after he had come to grief before Jerusalem and returned to Caesarea defeated, the revolt in Jaffa was renewed by the insurgents who built there a naval base which interfered with the Roman shipping and caused it much damage. Accordingly, the first act of Vespasian following his conquest of Galilee was to return and smite Jaffa, after which he stationed cavalry on the hill and then spread out among the nearby towns and villages, which were razed to the ground. Of special note among the remains of this period in Jaffa is a house found in Area C to the west of the Middle Bronze citadel. At the base of the excavation in Area C, the Hellenistic catacomb from the 3rd century B.C. was exposed. Adjoining the catacomb to the west were structures of a later period. The house, apparently destroyed in 67 A.D. by troops of Cestius Gallus, had a small courtyard which was entered through an arched doorway supported by two piers. From here another opening led to the inner part of which only two, rooms have been excavated. To the left of the entrance was a stone-built rainwater cistern with a semi-barrel-shaped ceiling. The walls of the house were covered with two layers of plaster - a thick grey undercoat and a white top layer. A niche in the eastern wall was probably used as a built-in wardrobe. All these features are reminiscent of similar structural details exposed

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at Massada and, more recently, in the excavations of the Jewish Quarter in the Old City of Jerusalem. Remains of this period were found at Tell Qasile, Ramat ha-Khayil, near Tel Barukh, and Jabotinsky Street near the Herzlia High School - all village-type settlements near which rockhewn tombs were found. From these tombs were recovered fragments of stone ossuaries with rosette decorations, such as are found on the wellknown ossuaries from Jerusalem. The Roman-Byrantine

reriod

(A.D. 70-640)

After Jaffa's destruction by the army of Vespasian, the city was resettled by gentiles and named Flavia loppa in honor of Vespasian. This name continued in use even during the reign of Elagabalus (A.D. 218222) as is attested by coins apparently minted at Jaffa during this period. Jaffa is mentioned in the Mishna and Talmud in connection with halachic rulings handed down by its rabbinical scholars. It is possit4 ble that the names on some of the headstones from the ancient Jewish cemetery in Jaffa first dis!4 covered by the French scholar Clairmont-Ganneau in 1874 refer to certain of these rabbis: e.g. Rabbi Tanhum of Yaffo (Fig. 13), Rabbi Pinkhas, Rabbi Aada of Yaffo, and Fig. 13. Headstone from ancient Jewish cemetery of Jaffa of the Roman-Byzantine many others. In any case, the headperiod, discovered at Abu Kabir east of Jaffa. The second line, reading stones from this cemetery are an "biribi," contains a religious title of honor in this period. important source for the history of the Jaffa Jewish community from the second century till the Arab period, for not only do they give the names of the deceased, but also their trade or profession and place of origin. We learn that some of the deceased came from Jaffa and other cities in the country but the majority were from the diaspora - Alexandria, Cyrenaica, Tarsus and Cappadoccia. At Jaffa, the principal remains of this period were found in Area C above the Hellenistic catacomb and above the remains of the 1st century house destroyed during the campaign of Cestius Gallus. The house was assigned to Stratum VI in the stratigraphy of Area C. Stratum V above, as we shall see, is datable to the rule of Trajan while Stratum IV may be dated to the period of Elagabalus; the remaining strata I-III are Byzantine (A.D. 324-640). Of special interest are the findings of Stratum V made at two levels; to the upper level belongs the plastered floor of

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a small glass factory. On the eastern section of this floor was found a limestone mold with three square depressions, probably for casting lead weights. On the base of each depression was an identical Greek inscription which reads: "In the 9th year of the reign of the emperor NervaTrajan, the Agoranomos of Jaffa was Judah son of . . .", the father's name being unclear. One conclusion that emerges from the above inscription is that only a comparatively short time after Jewish Jaffa had been destroyed and refounded as a gentile city the Jews returned to it, one of them holding the title Agoranomos, i.e. overseer of the weights and measures in the market. However, some scholars maintain that the position of Agoranomos during this period mainly entailed the collecting of taxes from the Jewish community. r -~??I?I G)r~LRICT~~? ? ~i~Fi : ?.?,. .-r~-*s.~~ri` ??~~-'.ePs '.? ~331~; ~r, t? L~-? r-'~7? :' aa.~ 0'; ~5~7 i.. ;rc ?4: ?, ~-I~'"..IL~.S,., Cc 'i~lCQ:~3t~~i~k~iL,.C~1 C~I~-\-I??_?1C2ii~j~C~ 5

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In the lower level was found a cellar with two rooms of which the floors were covered with a lot of burnt debris. Traces of burning were also found on the walls which on the west side had been preserved to a height of six 'or more feet. Also on the floor a hoard of bronze and silver coins was found - none of the coins dating later than the reign of Trajan. Possibly the destruction of this house is somehow connected with the suppression of the revolt of the Jews of Cyrenaica, Egypt and Cyprus during Trajan's reign, which, according to a late Christian historian (9th century A.D.), had for its aim the military reconquest of the country in order to free it from the Roman yoke. A possible inference is that part of the Jewish community of Jaffa joined in this insurrection for which they were severely punished.

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At Tel Aviv, the majority of the occupation remains of the RomanByzantine period were found north of the Yarkon river. Strata IV-VI, assigned to this period, included many structural remains. Near the Kadman-Numismatic Museum a large wine-press was unearthed; at Tell Kudadi, east of the Israelite fort, two occupation strata were exposed, the upper containing portions of structural foundations of the 4th century A.D., while the lower included foundations of square rooms datable to the 3rd century A.D. The foundations of the lower level were built of dressed stones and apparently belonged to store-rooms.

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Fig. 15. Samaritan amulet from the Tell Barukh excavations, inscribed in Samaritan letters with fragments of verses from the Pentateuch. Date: 4th century A.D.

Of the greatest interest is the Jewish cemetery excavated by the author in 1951-52 and 1968 at Tell Barukh (Fig. 14). Here eight small tomb complexes dating from the 3rd century A.D. to the Arab period were uncovered. The excavations yielded a large quantity of glass and pottery vessels as-well as ornaments of bronze and iron. The burial caves were hewn in the rock and their entrances sealed by a rolling stone which on its narrow side fitted into a recess. A bronze amulet bearing a Samaritan inscription was found in one of the tombs. The inscription comprises parts of verses from the Pentateuch, as commonly found in Samaritan inscriptions (Fig. 15). The finding of this amulet makes it probable that one of the two ancient sites near the cemetery was inhabited by Samaritans. Another Samaritan amulet was unearthed by the author in 1964 in ha-Golan Street at Ramat ha-Khayil - again a site

1972, 3)

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north of the Yarkon river.'3 Unfortunately the names of the ancient villages to which these two cemeteries belonged have not been preserved. On the other hand, we know from literary sources of three other sites in the Yarkon basin that they were inhabited by Samaritans during the Byzantine period. Thus we get an almost complete picture of the Samaritan settlement in the southern Sharon Plain during the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. Epilogue

In the course of this article we have attempted to present a picture of the early history of Tel Aviv-Jaffa, especially by using the information gleaned from archaeological excavations, and also to throw light on the connection of this local history with the history of the country in general. There are still many blanks in our archaeological knowledge of the area, and a great deal of work in the field and in readying the accumulated material for publication lies ahead. The preliminary work on the final report of the Jaffa Excavations is now underway, and at the same time the publication of material from other sites and of researches connected with the archaeological activity in Tel Aviv is being continued. Also the Museum of Antiquities which has just completed the first decade of its existence is only at the half-way mark of its development. Its exhibition must be enlarged to include the finds from excavations carried out over the past few years, and it still lacks the planned post-Byzantine section in which the finds from the Islamic, Crusader and Turkish periods will be exhibited. So at least as much remains to be done as has already been accomplished after over twenty years of continuous activity.

NEWS, VIEWS AND REVIEWS First century A. D. New Testament manuscripts?Great excitement was generated early this year by the publication of the theory that three tiny first century A. D. papyrus fragments from Qumran cave 7, published a decade ago, contain parts of the Greek text of Mark 4:8, Mark 6:52-53and James 1:23-24.If this claim were valid, these would be the earliest New Testament manuscriptsknown, earlier by as much as a half century than the so-called "P 52", a hand-sizedpiece of papyrus containing parts of John 18. The theory was proposedby Jose O'Callaghan,writing in the firstnumberof Biblica for 1972; his Spanish article has been translatedinto English and distributed with the June, 1972, numberof Journal of Biblical Literature.The fragmentshe is workingwith are vertical strips, cutting through several lines but preservingonly a few letters-never more than six, usually only two or three-on each line. The problem is, then, to establish how long the average line was in each manuscript and to find known texts which would fit the legible letters. A trickypuzzle to solvel 13. Kaplan,IEJ, XVII (1967), 158-160.

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Scholars competent to judge are reaching a consensus: the theory cannot stand. True, the writing is characteristic of the first century A. D. The problem is that there are simply not enough legible letters to make the proposed identifications anything more than possible. The fact that O'Callaghan must resort to an emendated New Testament text to make the "fits" at several point further weakens the theory. There is no reason why first century New Testament manuscripts may not some day be found, but the day has not yet come. By the way, ASOR associate members received a four-page report and discussion of O'Callaghan's theory in Newsletter #11 in June. Should you have been among those receiving these newsletters? Why not become an ASOR member? Write the ASOR office, 126 Inman Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139 if you are interested. Now to two recent books of special interest to BA readers. Yigael Yadin has produced another brilliant popular book like his Masada of 1966. It is Bar-Kokhba, from Random House at $15.00. It tells the tale of the cave explorations in 1960 and 1961 in the Nahal Hever, a canyon winding from the Judean wilderness toward the midpoint of the Dead Sea's western shore; from the cave came papyri pertaining to Shimeon Bar-Kokhba, leader of the second Jewish revolt in A. D. 132-135. Yadin provided BA readers with cliff-hanging dispatches about the work in our May and September, 1961, issues. To the high drama of discovery, the book adds a magnificent collection of photographs of the remarkably preserved artifacts from the cave, made of bronze, wood, glass, cloth and fiber, as well as of the papyri; meanwhile the reader is brought up to date on the interpretation of the finds in a lucid, non-technical text. Another writer who knows how to communicate the drama of current Israeli archaeology has done it on his first try. He is Jerry M. Landay, and his book is Silent Cities, Sacred Stones (New York: McCall Books, 1971). The approach is in chronological order, beginning with a fine account of earliest man in Palestine. He includes the freshest news as he progresses: the Temple dig of Mazar, the Hazor water tunnel, the now-famous skeletal discoveries bearing on the method of crucifixion in Jesus' time. Accurate and detailed, the book is written in fine, urbane prose. Pictures abound, including a number of full-color plates. It costs $14.95. In the pages of BA itself, and in a recent ASOR newsletter, I have unabashedly plugged BA Reader, No. 3. This is a Doubleday Anchor collection of twenty-four articles first published in BA and now updated. Included are Mendenhall on covenant and on the Conquest, and seven other articles on political and social life in biblical times, a group of eight pieces on manuscripts, and a final group of six on interesting archaeological puzzles. To make it easier to order, our Cambridge office has decided to stock it for mail sale. You may order it by sending $2.45 to ASOR Publications Office, 126 Inman Street, Cambridge, Massachusetts 02139. Please prepay; it saves us valuable time and money! Edward F. Campbell, Jr.