Dead
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Research Related
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Current Scrolls
Literature VOLUME
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BRILL LEIDEN-BOSTON 2003
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Editors George J. BROOKE,Lawrence H. SCHIFFMAN, James C. VANDERKAM
EditorialBoard P.S. Alexander,M.J. Bernstein,E. Chazon, J.J. Collins, D. Dimant, C.A. Evans,H. Eshel, M. Kister,A. van der Kooij, F. GarciaMartinez, G.W.E. Nickelsburg,B. Nitzan, E. Puech, E. Schuller, M.E. Stone, E. Tov, E. Ulrich From 1 July 2003 onwards: Editors John J. COLLINS,Armin LANGE,Hindy NAJMAN
EditorialBoard P.S. Alexander,M.J. Bernstein,G.J. Brooke, E. Chazon,D. Dimant, C.A. Evans, H. Eshel, M. Kister,A. van der Kooij, F. Garcia Martinez,J.P. Meier, G.W.E. Nickelsburg,B. Nitzan, E. Puech, L.H. Schiffman,E. Schuller,M.E. Stone, E. Tov, E. Ulrich, J.C. VanderKam
ISSN 0929-0761 (Print version) ISSN 1568-5179 (Online version)
C Copyright2003 by KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced,translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmittedin any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, withoutprior writtenpermission of the publisher. Authorizationto photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill Academic Publishers provided that the appropriatefees are paid directly to Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910, Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change.
CONTENTS Articles WALTER C. BOUZARD, JR., The Date of the Psalms Scroll from the Cave of Letters (5/6HevPs) Reconsidered ...................... GREGORY L. DOUDNA,4Q Pesher Hoseab: Reconstruction of Fragments 4, 5, 18, and 24 .................................................. ESTHERESHEL,Mastema's Attempt on Moses' Life in the "Pseudo-Jubilees" Text from Masada .................................... STEVEND. FRAADE,Rhetoric and Hermeneutics in Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah (4QMMT): The Case of the Blessings and Curses . MATrHEW J. GoFF, The Mystery of Creation in 4QInstruction CHARLOrrE HEMPEL, Interpretative Authority in the Community Rule Tradition .............. ................................... JESPER H0GENHAVEN, Rhetorical Devices in 4QMMT ................ JOHNKAMPEN, The Cult of Artemis and the Essenes in Syr.oPalestine ................................................. ANGELA Y. KIM,Authorizing Interpretation in Poetic Compositions in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Later Jewish and Christian Traditions ................................................. MENAHEM KISTER, A Qumranic Parallel to IThess 4:4? Reading and Interpretation of 4Q416 2 II 21 ...................................... ROBERTA. KUGLER, Hearing 4Q225: A Case Study in Reconstructing the Religious Imagination of the Qumran Community ................................................. JOHNC. POIRIER,The Endtime Return of Elijah and Moses at Qumran ................................................. LIORARAVID, The Book of Jubilees and its Calendar-A Reexamination .............. ................................... EYALREGEV,Abominated Temple and a Holy Community: The Formation of the Notions of Purity and Impurity in Qumran AHARONSHEMESH ANDCANAWERMAN,Halakhah at Qumran: Genre and Authority ........................ ......................... EUGENE From Literature to Scripture: Reflections on the ULRICH, Growth of a Text's Authoritativeness .................................... RICKVAN DE WATER,The Punishment of the Wicked Priest and the Death of Judas ..................... ............................ AZZANYADIN,4QMMT, Rabbi Ishmael, and the Origins of Legal Midrash .............. ...................................
319 338 359 150 163 59 187 205
26 365
81 221 371 243 104 3 395 130
CONTENTS
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Book Reviews Hasmonean and Herodian Palaces at Jericho: Final Reports of the 1973-1987 Excavations, VolumeIIl: The Pottery, by RACHEL BAR-NATHAN (JODI MAGNESS) ...............................................
420
The Dead Sea Scrolls. Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. Pseudepigraphic and Non-Masoretic AND Psalms and Prayers, edited by JAMESH. CHARLESWORTH
HENRYW.L. RIETZ.The Princeton Theological Seminary FALK).......................... Dead Sea Scrolls Project 4A (DANIEL Salvation for the Righteous Revealed: Jesus amid Covenantal and Messianic Expectations in Second Temple Judaism, by .......................... ED CONDRA. AGJU 51 (SIMONGATHERCOLE) by PHILIPR. the Dead Sea Scrolls, of The Complete World
279
428
DAVIES, GEORGEJ. BROOKE, AND PHILIP R. CALLAWAY(MICHAEL
A. KNIBB) ............................................... A Scripture Index to Charlesworth's The Old Testament Pseude(GEORGEJ. BROOKE) .......... pigrapha, by STEVEDELAMARTER
284 430
All the Glory of Adam: Liturgical Anthropology in the Dead STDJ 42 Sea Scrolls, by CRISPINH.T. FLETCHER-LOUIS. 431 .............................. ................. (CAROLA. NEWSOM) 'Al Kanfei Yonah, Collected Studies of Jonas C. Greenfield on (M.J. GELLER)........ 286 Semitic Philology, by JONASGREENFIELD Readingfor History in the Damascus Document: A Methodological R. DAVILA) 436 L. GROSSMAN. STDJ 45 (JAMES Study, by MAXINE The Dead Sea Scrolls: An Introductory Guide, by STEPHEN HODGE (JENNIFERM. SHEPHERD) ...............................................
289
Qumran Cave 4. XXVI: Cryptic Texts and Miscellanea, Part 1, by STEPHEN J. PFANN, PHILIP ALEXANDER, MAGEN BROSHI, AND ........................ 440 OTHERS.DJD 36 (MICHAEL A. KNIBB) ..............
Qumran Grotte 4.XXII: Textes Arame'ens, premiere partie PUECH. DJD 31 (DEVORAH DIMANT).... 292 4Q529-549, by EMILE Les manuscrits de la Mer Morte et le Judaisme, by LAWRENCE H. SCHIFFMAN;trans. by JEAN DUHAIME (DEVORAH DIMANT) ....
446
Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der Qumrangemeinde (QMidrEschatab): Materielle Rekonstruktion, Textbestand, Gattung und traditionsgeschichtliche Einordnung des durch 4Q174 ("Florilegium") und 4Q177 ("Catena A") reprdsentierten Werkes aus den Qumranfunden, by ANNETrESTEUDEL.
STDJ 13 (DEVORAH DIMANT)...............................................
305
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QumranCave 4XVI: CalendricalTexts,by SHEmARYAHu TALMON, 21 (JAMESC. ......................................
JONATHAN BEN-DOV,AND UWE GLESSMER. DJD
VANDERKAM)...........
448
To IncreaseLearningfor the UnderstandingOnes: Readingand Reconstructingthe FragmentaryEarly Jewish SapientialText 4Qlnstruction,by E.J.C. TICHGELAAR. STDJ 44 (BENJAMING. WOLD) ................................................. The Book of Jubilees, by JAMESC. VANDERKAM.Guides to Apo-
310
cryphaand Pseudepigrapha(GEORGEW.E. NICKELSBURG) .... 453 TheDocumentsfrom theBar-KokhbaPeriodin theCaveof Letters. Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean-AramaicPapyri, edited by YIGAEL YADIN, JONAS
C.
GREENFIELD, ADA YARDENI, BARUCH
LEVINE, ET AL. (JAMES R. DAVILA) ............................................
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Dead
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Authorizing Texts, Interpretations,and Laws at Qumran
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DEAD SEA DISCOVERIES A Journal of Current Research on the Scrolls and Related Literature EDITORS:
James C. VANDERKAM Lawrence H. SCHIFFMAN, George J. BROOKE,
BOARD: P.S. Alexander, M.J. Bernstein, E. Chazon, J.J. Collins, D. Dimant, EDITORIAL C.A. Evans, H. Eshel, M. Kister, A. van der Kooij, F. Garcia Martinez, J.P. Meier, G.W.E. Nickelsburg, B. Nitzan, E. Puech, E. Schuller, M.E. Stone, E. Tov, E. Ulrich PUBLISHER:
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INTRODUCTION This issue is devoted to questions surroundingthe authorizationof authoritativeliterature,biblical interpretation,and definitive halakhah for the Qumrancommunity.The topic of authorityat Qumranleads in a variety of directionsand is currentlyattractingmuch attention,as the essays in this issue attest. By raising questions about what it meant to constituteScripturein the secondtempleperiod,EugeneUlrich'sessay serves as an introductionto the topic. The centralityof authoritative Scripturewithin the sect's self-understandingis presupposedin all of the subsequentessays, which explore strategiesemployed by the sect to authorizelegal, liturgicaland interpretiveinnovations.Attentionis also paid to ways in which interpretationat Qumranwas shaped by Torah study and exegetical practice, and to similarities and dissimilarities with rabbinictraditions.
C Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE:REFLECTIONSON THE GROWTHOF A TEXT'S AUTHORITATIVENESS* EUGENEULRICH University of Notre Dame
Ribald plays from Broadwayare not to be advocatedgenerally as one's primarysourcefor theologicalinsight,but Beyondthe Fringemay clearly establishthe point from which this essay begins. Alan Bennett delivers a quasi-sermonon one verse from Genesis: But my brotherEsau is an hairy man, but I am a smooth man (Gen. 27:11)
which is "paraphrased"by another "from the grand old prophet, Nehemiah": And he said unto me, what seest thou And I said unto him, lo I see the childrenof Bebai, Numberingsix hundredand seventy-three, And I see the childrenof Asgad Numberingone thousand,four hundredand seventy-four(Neh. 7:16).'
The readershould be warned that the words which followed were aimed ratherat frivolousears than pious, and that the maximumto be gained from that sermonis therapeuticchuckles,not exegetical insight or spiritualnourishment.A primarysource for this humor,of course, is in calling attentionto the natureof these specific sentences as, of all things, verses of Holy Scripture.By what process, in fact, did they become Scripture? In this play a text classified as Sacred Scripturebecomes part of a text of (merely) literature.This is not at all uncommon, inasmuch as Scriptureis frequentlyquoted in numeroustypes of works: most
* I am gratefulto Hindy Najmanfor inviting me to think about the issues in this article and for a numberof enlighteningconversationsduringits development. I A. Bennett, P. Cook, J. Miller, and D. Moore, Beyond the Fringe (New York: RandomHouse, 1963) 78. Shortly after the opening of this essay had been written, Dudley Moore passed away on 27 March2002. C Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
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EUGENE ULRICH
obviously commentarieson Scripture,but also religiousworks seeking authoritativesupportfor ideas or claims, and nonreligiousworks simply quotingscripturaltexts as part of the culturalheritage. In contrast,the presentessay attemptsto study the transformation involved when a text properlylabelled as (merely) literaturebecomes acknowledgedas Sacred Scripture.It tries to understandsome of the factors involved in a text's acquisitionof the characterof authority along the road towardwhat will eventuallybecome the canon.)Just as therewas a lengthyprocess leading up to the final canon of Scripture, so too there was a lengthy process by which what we now consider "biblical literature"developed from what should properlybe termed "literature" to what we properlycall "Scripture." The pages thatfollow will explore some of the factors at work in transformingthe statusof a literarywork from reveredliteratureto the revealedword of God. I. The Historical Origins of What Became Scripture Our Image of "Scripture"
Most who will read this essay first encounteredthe Bible as Sacred Scripture,each completebook of which was regardedas recordedverbal revelation.It was a primaryelement in a text-basedreligion, and the text was stable and unchangeable,part of a fixed collection in book (codex) form. The Search for a Historical Image
What had long since become Sacred Scripture,however, did not have its origins as Scripture,and inquiryinto its origins and its developmentwithin the historyof the believing communityis profitablefor
2 With regard to terminology, I will use the word "canon" in the proper technical sense as the definitive list of those books included, omitting those excluded, in the essential and authoritativecollection of Scripture;see E. Ulrich, "The Notion and Definition of Canon," The Canon Debate (eds L.M. McDonald and J.A. Sanders; Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 2002) 21-35; and idem, "Qumran and the Canon of the Old Testament," The Biblical Canons (eds J.-M. Auwers and H.J. De Jonge; Colloquium Biblicum Lovaniense 50; BETL 163; Leuven: Leuven University Press and Peeters, 2002) 57-80. For neither Jews nor Christians was there such a clear entity prior to the Roman destruction of the Temple in 70 CE, and, since this essay deals with the second temple period and processes at work prior to the destruction, more accurate terminology would be "Scripture" and "the canonical process" or "the road to canon."
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
5
intelligentreflectionon it. It will be helpful to analyze each of those five factorsjust mentioned: * Most of what became Scripturebegan as small, separate,anonymous oral and written units graduallyjoined together to form complexes of tradition.3 * What became viewed as a complete verbally revealed text for each book began as separateincidentsin which an individualclaimed, or was understood,to be saying to the people what God wanted said to them; these incidentswere editoriallyattachedand encased in nonrevealed prose. * The texts, later so importantfor a geographicallydispersedfaith group, did not exercise such a primary function while the Second Temple stood in Jerusalemand while its sacrificialritualsprovidedthe primaryfocus of the religion.4 * What ended as a stable and unchangeabletext for each book had for centuriesbeen pluriformand dynamicallygrowing, in the form of both major new editions and minor expansionsor errors,throughthe repeatedcreativityof anonymousreligiousleadersand thinkers,priests and scribes. * What was encounteredas a well-acceptedbook with known contents, between two covers of a codex excluding works that did not properlybelong,hadfor a long timebeena developing,mostlyundefined5 collection of separate scrolls, valued but not much questioned as regardto relative status. Insofaras thefive views listedabovearecorrect,ourreceivedScriptures had their origins in numerousdisparateunits, mostly oral, only some Helpful in illustratingthe developmentalgrowthof the collected HebrewBible is the approach of 0. Eissfeldt, The Old Testament: An Introduction: The History of the
Formationof the Old Testament(trans.P.R. Ackroyd;New York: Harperand Row, 1965). 4 With respectto the text's importance after the loss of the Temple, notice that one of the few mentionsof a book of Scripturein Maccabees-that Judasand his warriors "openedthe book of the law to inquire"(1 Macc. 3:48)-occurs in the contextof their exclusion from the Temple. With respectto the dominantfocus on ritualand the virtual silence about texts, see, e.g., the accountof the cleansingand rededicationof the sanctuaryin 1 Macc. 4:41-58. The first item mentionedis the altar of burntoffering (4:44, 47), and the emphasisthroughoutis on furnishingsof the sanctuary,sacrifices, and celebration.The only mention of texts is in the subordinateclause "as the law directs" (4:53), while speaking of the sacrifice on the new altar. See similarly the descriptionof Aaron and Phinehasin Sir. 45:6-25. 1 A. van der Kooij ("The Canonizationof Ancient Books Kept in the Temple of Jerusalem,"Canonizationand Decanonization[eds A. van der Kooij and K. van der
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EUGENE ULRICH
of which were viewed as saying what God had revealed or wanted said. The individualbooks developed organically,each along its own particulartrajectoryas part of the generalJewish heritageof national literature,but at a level lower than that of the sacrificialritualsof the Temple-focused religion. Our question-whether a given book was included in a special category as once-and-for-all"SacredScripture" or was excluded from this supreme category-was probably not a questionthey ever deliberatelyasked or even thoughtmuch about. It is difficultto think about what we have always regardedas the Bible the way the ancients did, the way that the monarchicIsraelites and the early second temple periodJudeansviewed the literaturethat would develop into what is for us the Bible. Certainly,towardthe end of the second temple period, many of the books of Scripturewere viewed as God's word. As one of many examples, the Damascus Documentcites Isa. 24:17 with the introductoryformula:". . . as God spoke throughIsaiah the prophetson of Amoz.....6 But how early was the Book of Isaiah regardedas Sacred Scripture?In the monarchic era were the then-extantparts of Isaiah 1-33 viewed in toto as God's revelation?Were the poems in Isaiah 40-55, when first composed, viewed as Sacred Scripture?If so, accordingto what rationale were they supplementedby the compositionof other major sections and repeatedinterpolations?On what basis would the pre-exilic collectionof Proverbsbe consideredSacredScripture?WhenJob was composed, in what ways did it differ from the Greek religious tragedies, composed for the religious festivals in Athens? Both are dramatic sacred meditationssearchingto understandthe relationshipsbetween the divine and the human.Did the "author"of Job or his contemporaries think that he was writing "Scripture"? It is importantfor thinking about the origins of Christianityand rabbinicJudaismto work towardclear understandingof the dynamics of the Scripturesin the firstcenturyCE and in the centuriesleadingup to that decisive period.One cardinalprohibitionwould be against the Toorn; SHR 82; Leiden: Brill, 1998] 17-40, esp. 19, 32, 38) sees a distinction that he terms "a defined, though not necessarily definitive, collection" of Scriptures in the second century BCE; the distinction is not pointedly differentiated, but the "defined" aspect appears to be the tripartite nature (see pp. 32, 38) of the books kept in the Temple that "came to enjoy a more or less canonical status" (p. 36). I, however, find little evidence for a defined collection in that period and much evidence against (see the articles in n. 2). Moreover, if clarity be our goal, I would suggest that "authoritative" replace "canonical" in the phrase "more or less canonical status." 6 CD 4:13-14; cf. 4Q266.
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
7
anachronisticimpositionof categoriessuch as "canon"and "Scripture" on entities that were not such and were not considered such at the time. As a preliminarystep for simplicity's sake, we can distinguish"literature"from "Scripture"according to authorship:literature is of human authorship, whereas Scripture in some sense has God as author.But this distinctiondoes not bring the full clarity desired.The Iliad begins: "Sing, goddess, the wrath of Peleus' son, Achilles...," and the Odyssey: "Sing to me, Muse, of the man....." In what sense, or to what degree, is divine authorshipbeing claimed here? Did the Greeksbelieve that divine inspirationwas in some real sense at work, or is it a purely literarydevice or figureof speech ... such as Second Isaiah's "Get you up to a high mountain,0 Zion....." (Isa. 40:9)?7 And how similar or differentwould the Israeliteauthorshave considered their situation?Did this ever surface,or when did this eventually surface, as a clear question?That simple distinctionalso clouds the possibility of intermediate categories. Writings can be considered sacred,without necessarilybeing divinely inspired. II. The Trajectory from Literature to Scripture Sources of Authoritativeness
There are various factors that enable a work to reach the status of being consideredauthoritativeScripture.To begin with, it may help to use the Sinai event as a template.God personallycomes down onto Mt Sinai and speaksthroughMoses to the people. Moses relays God's message to the people, and this is affirmedrepeatedly.God (Exod. 24:12) or Moses writes down the message, and this writing is read to the people, both in the original setting and repeatedly during the course of successive generations.The people collectively and individually accept the writing as having authorityover them: "All that the LORDhas spoken we will do, and we will be obedient"(Exod. 24:7).8 Expandingfrom this examplepar excellence of revelation,we may paint a more generalized picture. A work must normally have an
7 Virgil, modelingthe openingof the Aeneid on those of the Iliad and the Odyssey, seems to suppose the figurativeunderstandingfor the Homericpoems (and his own): "Of wars and a man I sing...." I Biblical quotationsare generallyfrom the NRSV.
8
EUGENE ULRICH
explicit or implicit claim that God is directly or indirectly the author. There may be a mediator, whether angelic (Jubilees, Daniel 7-12) or human (Ezekiel, Daniel 2; 4-5). Practically the work must be promoted by the priesthood or some other religious authority, institutional or not (e.g., use in the liturgy, or prophetic groups), and the promoting group's influence must survive historical-political-religious conflicts. Finally, the authoritativeness must be recognized and accepted by a majority of the people. Another dimension that should be noted is the incorporation of elements, passages, or even whole books which on their own may never have merited the status of "Scripture" but which had become part of (or linked with) a work that did acquire that status.9 It is unlikely (without getting into discussions about authorial intent) that early authors viewed themselves as composing "Scripture,"though this may have grown with later redactors, tradents, and scribes. Factors for Individual Books Each book or subgroup of books had its own particular trajectory toward acquiring the status of Scripture. What were the different factors that affected this development for different types of books? I will offer some suggestions, by no means claiming that the scenarios painted were exactly the forces at work then or that all the factors that played a role in the process are included here. Genesis. How did the Book of Genesis become understood as revelation to Moses? How would Moses have received knowledge about the origins of the world and the human race? One could suggest the following scenario. The received biblical account starts by simply narrating the creation of the cosmos, and neither the identity of the narrator nor the ultimate source of this knowledge is expressed. The comin its earliest stages did not plex of traditions in Genesis-which include anything about the origins of the cosmos-developed along a promise-fulfillment theme, with the promise of the land and nation made in the patriarchal sagas finding its fulfillment in the gaining of I Examples might be the opening quotations from Beyond the Fringe, the war stories incorporated into the Book of Kings, the Samson narratives within the Book of Judges, the Book of Ruth because coupled with Judges, or the additional nonMasoretic compositions in the expanded Psalter that appears in 1 lQPsa. As parallels to the last, other hymns and prayers, such as Hannah's in I Samuel 2 and those in Ezra 9, Nehemiah 9, and Daniel 9, can be mentioned.
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
9
the land under Joshua. The primeval stories in Genesis 1-1I were eventually prefixedas an introductionto the patriarchalsagas. Since the books of Exodus to Deuteronomywere viewed as the Books of Moses, and eventually the books written by Moses, and since the Book of Genesis had become linked as "part 1" of that story of nationalorigins, the authorshipof Genesis-including Genesis 1-1lwas also attributedto Moses. Something similar to this scenario had already happened by the early second century BCE, since Jubilees paints the scene vividly: "The angel of the presence spoke to Moses accordingto the word of the LORD,saying: 'Write the complete history of the creation .. . ' " (Jub. 2: 1).I'
Leviticus.Large partsof the Book of Leviticusread simply like the manual of instructionsand regulationsfor the priests and the ritual and worship life of Israel. It is not difficultto see a late redactional level at work in passages such as 1:l-2a; 4:1-2a; 5:20; 27:1-2a, 34. That which earlier had functionedsimply as the priests' ritual handbook, e.g.: This is the ritual of the burnt offering, the grain offering, the sin offering, the guilt offering, the offering of ordination, and the sacrifice of well-being, (7:37)
now through the addition of the next verse becomes part of the revealedpatternof worship,commandedby God throughMoseson Sinai: which the LORD commanded Moses on Mount Sinai, when he commanded the people of Israel to bring their offerings to the LORD, in the wilderness of Sinai. (7:38)
Amos. Just as Amos made it very clear how he viewed the situation in eighth-centuryBCE Israel, so too the Book of Amos providesa reasonablyclear example of how a literarycollection of his sayings became regardedas Scripture.Amos excoriated the northernregime for splittingthe people of God in two and drawingworshipaway from Jerusalemto Bethel, and he excoriatedthe prosperousnorthernpeople for their social injustice,"sell[ing . . .] the needy for a pair of sandals" (Amos 2:6). With his overstated picture of the results they should expect, he threatened-presumably hoping that they would change their ways and avoid the punishmentsymbolizedby his threats-that M See J.C. VanderKam, "The Putative Author of the Book of Jubilees," From Revelation to Canon: Studies in the Hebrew Bible and Second Temple Literature (JSJSup 62; Leiden: Brill, 2000) 439-47, esp. 443; and H. Najman, "Angels at Sinai: Exegesis, Theology and Interpretive Authority," DSD 7 (2000) 313-33, esp. 316.
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the LORD would "not revoke the punishment"(2:6) on Israel:"Fallen, no more to rise, is maidenIsrael;forsakenon her land"(5:2). We may assume that Amos' words, not unlike other examples of good advice, evaporatedquickly in the northernkingdom, but they were collected into a pamphlet by southerndisciples. A few years later, when the north in fact fell to the cruel onslaughtof Assyria, some must have rereadAmos' words"predicting"the fall of the north, and concluded that God had spoken throughAmos ("Thus says the LORD," 2:6) and that a prudentmove for the futurewould be to preserve his words and keep them alive in the community'smemory.In fact, a later Deuteronomisticedition of the book specifically concluded: "Surely the LORD God does nothing, without revealing his secret to his servantsthe prophets"(3:7). In sum, certainsayings of Amos were taken at face value as spoken by God, communicated throughAmos, as "predictions"of future events, which "came true" (cf. Deut. 18:21-22), and were recordedand preservedin a book that continuedto grow." Psalms. There is little opposition to the view that each of the Psalms was originallyunderstoodto be not the scripturalword of God but a humanly composed response to Scripture(read in a liturgical setting),or to some aspect of God's natureor activity,or to the plight of the people."2 How, then, did the Psalter become a book of Scripture?Althoughreconstructionsof the redactionalorderingof the Psalter seldom win widespreadapproval,most can probablyendorse B. Childs' statementconcerningPsalm 1, which presumablywas a separate psalm originally, that the "presentediting of this original Torahpsalm has providedthe psalm with a new functionas the introduction to the whole Psalter.... [1]n its [the Psalter's]final stage of development,Psalm I has assumeda highly significantfunctionas a prefaceto the psalmswhichareto be read,studied,andmeditatedupon."'3 Childs continuesto pursuethe questionthat guides this presentessay: The continuing growth included the substantial seventh-century Deuteronomistic redaction, a number of intermittent small expansions, and the post-exilic (un-Amoslike) section in 9:11-15 promising restoration and prosperity. 12 Note, e.g., in 1 Macc. 4:24, after Judas' defeat of the Seleucid forces, "On their return they sang hymns and praises to Heaven"-"For he is good, for his mercy endures forever." These are the responses of the people; there is no hint that the hymns and praises were considered Scripture. 13 B.S. Childs, Introduction to the Old Testament as Scripture (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979) 513.
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FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
The introduction[Psalm I] points to these prayersas the mediumthroughwhich Israel now respondsto the divine word. Because Israel continuesto hear God's word throughthe voice of the psalmist'sresponse,these prayersnow functionas the divine word itself. The originalcultic role of the psalms has been subsumed under a larger category of the canon.'4
Insofaras the full strengthof Childs' words withstandsanalysis, he is to be credited with asking the correct question and charting the answerstep by step. But I do not follow one step: "Israelcontinu[ing] to hear God's word throughthe voice of the psalmist's response"is quod est demonstrandum,not an established protasis from which "these prayersnow functionas the divine word itself" can flow as an apodosis. Consonantwith J. Sanders' "resignification"as a constitutive element in the making of Scripture,'5Childs correctly points to the (later?) undeniable fact that Israel repeatedly in new settings "hear[d]God's word throughthe voice of the psalmist's response." That resignificationor adaptabilityto new circumstancesis one important componentof the Psalter's status as Scripture.But is not that a factor subsequent to the formation of the Psalter itself, indeed a noticeablylater factor? It appearsmore likely that the Psalter was accordedthe status of Scripturebecause it was viewed as a propheticbook ratherthan a wisdom book. Both at Qumranand in the NT it is treatedas such. One of the (continuous)pesharim,which were composed only for prophetic books, is 4Qppsa(4Q171),'6which clearly interpretsPsalm 37 as concerning the life and times of the Qumran community. The main Psalms scroll, IlQPsa, eventually makes it explicit; recounting the large numberof psalms and hymns that David composed,it says: "All these he spoke throughprophecywhich was given to him from the Most High" (27:11). The Book of Acts also makes it explicit:
"....
our
ancestorDavid.... Since he was a prophet.... Foreseeingthis, David spoke of the resurrectionof the Messiah.. ." (2:29-31).'7 These indicators-admittedly against the frustratingsilence and lack of other
1' Ibid. Childs' perspectiveis a later one than that guiding this essay. Here I am considering the factors that transformedJudah's literatureinto Scripture,whereas Childs is consideringthe canon as a completed phenomenonand thus the basis for Christiantheology.
'5
J. Sanders, Canon and Community: A Guide to Canonical Criticism (Philadelphia:
FortressPress, 1984) 22. 16 See also lQpPsa(IQ16) and 4QpPsc (4Q173). 17 See also Matt. 13:35;Acts 4:25-26; 13:33-35; Heb. 1:5, 7-13; and for the whole Psalter(but not the Hagiographa),Luke 24:44.
12
EUGENE ULRICH
sourcesfrom antiquity-point to a propheticview of the Psalter,rather than a wisdom function,as responsiblefor its becoming Scripture,at least among certaingroups.The rabbis,of course, eventuallyfocused on the wisdom function and classified the Psalter(as well as Daniel) among the Ketuvim; in this they may have been following a preMaccabeanview of the Psalter as a wisdom book. But the Psalter's transformationto the status of Scripturewas evidentlydue to its prophetic character. The Psalterhelps bring to light anotherfactor. Its use in the liturgy broughtan association,an indirectlink, with the people's communion with God. Thus the move toward acceptance as a sacred book was made more natural.The same may possibly have been true for other passages that were originallyliturgicalbut then became partof Scripture:Num. 6:24-26; perhapsGen. 12:2-3; and Joshua3-4, which may have functionedas a liturgicalreenactment(convenientlyclose by) of the delivery at the Sea of Reeds, and then became part of the "historical"narrativeof Israel's entry into the promisedland. Job. It is hazardousto speculateconcerningeither the date or the pre-MTforms of the Book of Job. But one plausible theory is that a principal function of the book within Israel was as a theological
exploration of divine-human interrelationships as a result of the destructionof Jerusalemand the Temple and the Judeanexile. Thus, some form of the dialogue (Job 3:1-42:6) may have been circulating in Judah in the fifth century or not much later. Though the contents of the dialogue draw on ancient Near Eastern wisdom traditions, it is also helpful to note that it was the same fifth century that saw the production of the great tragedies of Aeschylus (ca. 525-456), Sophocles (ca. 496-406), and Euripides (ca. 480-406). These plays were never, at least while drama flourished at Athens, produced merely for entertainment, but formed a definite partof a religious festival in honour of Dionysos. The principle occasion for the production of new tragedies was the Great Dionysia, in the month Elaphebolion..., about equivalent to our March.'8 One point which must not be passed over in discussing Aeschylus is his theology, for he was one of the poets who are also prophets.. .. So great a master of lyric poetry had abundant opportunities, in the odes sung by his chorus, to set forth his visions concerning God and man.... The lofty praises of Zeus ... form one of the striking features of the Suppliants; the chief theme of the Persians and of the trilogy to which the Seven belonged may be said to be the judgements of God on the sinful and presumptuous.... This supreme deity is perfectly wise, beneficent and just; that his ways are past finding out is insisted upon in [the
IK
H.J. Rose, A Handbook of Greek Literatute (New York: Dutton, 1960) 145.
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
13
Suppliants, 1057-58, Aeschylus's] earliest surviving work; 'how can I look into
the mind of Zeus, that abyss where sight is lost?' ask the Danaids.'9
That last line, with the name Zeus changed, could well appearin the Book of Job. No one would claim that the Greeks understood those religious dramasas divinely inspiredScripturein our sense of that term. Is there any reasonto make the same claim for our MTform of the Book of Job when it was first produced?Eventually,yes; originally, probablynot. Proverbs.A largeamountof theearlyelementsof theBookof Proverbs is obviously human,"armchair"wisdom. No extraordinaryrevelation is requiredfor the average maxims one encounters,e.g.: "The lazy person does not plow in season; harvest comes, and there is nothing to be found"(20:4). The theological introductionprovidedby the addition of chapters 1-9 and the attributionto Solomon (1:1) may have been the necessary catalystfor classifying it as Scripture.Even within chapters1-9, many of the proverbsare clearly humanbon mots, e.g.: "Listen,children,to a father's instruction.... When I was a son with my father..., he taught me.. ." (4:1-4; cf. 6:20).
Nonetheless,the prefixingof chapters1-9 may well have raisedthe remainderof the book from a collection of trite humancommonplaces to a book of Scripturedue to its more elevated theological content. If "the LORD created [Wisdom] at the beginning" (8:22), and if "When he establishedthe heavens..., when he made firm the skies above..., I was beside him" (8:27-30), then Wisdombecomes a conduit of revelation. "The LORD gives wisdom" (2:6) to mortals who seek, and they thereby"findthe knowledgeof God" (2:5). That is, one can gain insight into the greatraz, the "mystery"or masterplan in the mind of the creatorof the universeand Lordof the historicalprocess. It is not difficultto see this as the equivalentof divine revelationconcerningnatureand the events of history. And it achieves the purpose of revelation:"whoeverfinds me finds life, and obtainsfavor from the LORD"(8:35). In sum, it appearsthat the most persuasiverationalefor the Book of Proverbs'becoming Scriptureis the additionof chapters 1-9 as a theological introduction.Furtherbooks possibly raised to the status of Scriptureby additions of a theological, pious, or festival naturemay be Qoheleth,due to its more traditionalappendixin Eccl.
"'
Rose, A Handbook of Greek Literature, 159.
14
EUGENE ULRICH
12:9-14, and Esther, due to the institutionof the feast of Purim in Esth. 9:18-32. Ezra. By the time of the returnfrom the exile, the Torahof Moses was recognizedas ancient,unquestionedScripture.The personof Ezra portrayedin thebooksof EzraandNehemiahclaimedinterpretiveauthority20with respect to that Torah. It is, and probablywas, however, unclearwhethertherewas a fixed text that people otherthanEzra and his close associates could consult, and, if so, what its contentswere. Cautiousstatementsare frequentlymade, suggestingthat Ezra'sTorah may not have been "identical"with our present Pentateuch.2'The focus is usually on specific laws, to which I shall return,but what of the narrativesections of the Pentateuch?Is there any basis, otherthan the use of the elastic word "Torah,"for believing that the majornarrative partsof the received Pentateuchwere part of "the law of your God which is in your hand" (Ezra 7:14; cf. Neh. 8:1)? Why would Genesis or Exodus 1-18 have been includedin a law book presented, according to a common hypothesis, to the Persian authority for approval as the law by which the people of Judah would conduct themselves in the province Beyond the River? The law codes as in Exodus-Deuteronomymay have had some narrativeframework,but presumablythe largerframeworkof Joshuawas not included,and thus one may questionthe inclusionof Genesis.22 But even laws mentionedin Ezra-Nehemiahdo not match the text in the received Pentateuch.R. North speaks of Ezra's "promulgating his sweeping new codificationof Mosaic law,"23and we may be sure 20 See H. Najman's insightful article, "Torah of Moses: Pseudonymous Attribution in Second Temple Writings," The Interpretation of Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity: Studies in Language and Tradition (ed. C.A. Evans; JSPSup 33; SSEJC 7; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000) 206-16, esp. 214. See also her related articles, "Interpretation as Primordial Writing: Jubilees and Its Authority Conferring Strategies," JSJ 30 (1999) 379-410; and "Angels at Sinai." 21 To say nothing of the view, difficult to prove, that Ezra's lawbook was "the final redaction of the whole Pentateuch"; see R. North, "The Chronicler: 1-2 Chronicles, Ezra, Nehemiah," The New Jerome Biblical Commentary (eds R.E. Brown, J.A. Fitzmyer, and R.E. Murphy; Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1990) 362-98, esp. 395-96. 22 We may note that Ezra 7:1 1 is a bit more precise: "the priest Ezra, the scribe, a scholar of the text of the commandments of the LORD and his statutes for Israel." On the other hand, one could argue that the confessional prayer in Neh. 9:6-37 is clearly built on the narrative strands of the Pentateuch; but few would consider it an original part of Ezra-Nehemiah; it is rather a secondarily inserted prayer, similar to that in Dan. 9:4-19. 23 North, "The Chronicler," 395.
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
15
that Ezra's Torah of Moses was not identical to the earliertexts that had been in the Temple when the Babyloniansarrived.But the issue here is whetherEzra's lawbook was identicalto the legal portionsof the Torahas subsequentlytransmittedto us. H. Najmanmakes the key distinctionthat the "primaryfunction"of the term "Torahof Moses" was not "to name this collection of writings"but "to confer authority."24She notes two examples of laws, neither of which are in the received Pentateuch:25 "they set the priests in their divisions and the Levites in their courses..., as it is written in the book of Moses" (Ezra 6:18);26and "let us ... send away all these wives and their children...; let it be done accordingto the law" (10:3). Najman'smain point, of course, is not that this is a deceptivemove on Ezra's partbut that it is "an early example of inner biblical interpretation."27To gain the necessary authority to restore the broken Jerusalemand community,"the authorsof Ezra-Nehemiahidentified their history with the history of the authoritativefigure, Moses. They associated the Babylonian Exile with enslavement in Egypt, Ezra's public reading of the Torah with the revelation at Sinai...."28 Ezra sees a need to counterthe problemof intermarriage, takes a basis such as Deut. 7:3, gives a new interpretation that now includesdivorce and expulsion, and claims that the new law is "in accordancewith the Torah." The scene of Ezra's public, ceremonialreading of the lawbook at the festal assembly (Neh. 8:1-18), together with the focus on the Temple,priesthood,worship,and devotedadherenceto the Torahmay well havebeensufficientto gainthe statusof ScriptureforEzra-Nehemiah. But I thinkNajmanhas illuminatedanotherof the factorsthat worked to createa scripturalbook: its successfulclaim for its authenticMosaic heritageand for its authenticinterpretationof the Torah of Moses. Daniel. The writtenforms of the Book of Daniel fortunatelyare late enough that we have some reasonablyfirm materialto examine. It is Najman, "Torah of Moses," 212 (emphasis in the original). Najman, "Torah of Moses," 208-9. With S. Japhet ("Law and 'The Law' in Ezra-Nehemiah," The Proceedings of the Ninth World Congress of Jewish Studies [ed. D. Asaf; Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1985] 99-115, esp. 114-15), Najman also notes ("Torah of Moses," 208), that in "2 Chr. 35:4-5, the very same priestly organization is also attributed to a pre-exilic source, though this time it is David and Solomon." 27 Najman, "Torah of Moses," 210. 28 Najman, "Torah of Moses," 214. 24
2S 26
16
EUGENE ULRICH
true that the Canaanite texts from Ugarit and the references in Ezek. 14:14, 20 (cf. 28:3) attest that the figure of Dan'el is ancient. Moreover, a number of wisdom stories using the name "Daniel" for the protagonist circulated separately in the Persian period. But the written composition of a major section that constitutes part of the biblical book in a form that we would recognize today is relatively late: J.J. Collins argues persuasively that the collection of the Aramaic tales in Daniel 1-6 "must be set in the Hellenistic period."29He sees a fivestage compositional history:30 * Individual court tales (Daniel 2, 3, 4, 5, 6) circulating separately and perhaps primarily orally, during the Persian period presumably, since "Cyrus the Persian is the latest king mentioned in chaps. 1-6" (p. 36); * An "initial collection of 3:31-6:29, which allowed the development of two textual traditions in these chapters";3' * The collection of the Aramaic tales (2-6) which "presupposes the introduction that is provided by chap. 1," (p. 35) collected at the earliest during "the Hellenistic period, because the fourth kingdom of Daniel 2 must be the Greek" (p. 36); * The vision in Daniel 7, "early in the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes, before the desecration of the temple"; * The visions in Daniel 8-12, between 167 and 164 BCE. The phenomenon, however, of varied traditions clustering around the figure of Daniel both precedes and continues past the twelvechapter edition of the biblical book just described. The Prayer of Nabonidus (4Q242) is generally considered somehow related to a source upon which Daniel 4 was formed. Similarly, it is not impossible that 4QDane be seen as a source for the prayer secondarily inserted in Dan. 9:4_19.32 But if Qumran unearthed possible source 29 J.J. Collins, Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1993) 36. See his precis of the history of criticism regarding the composition of the book and his resulting view in pp. 24-38. 30 Collins, Daniel, 38. 31 For the variant literary editions of Daniel 4-6 see K. Koch, Das Buch Daniel (EdF 144; Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1980) 75; D.O. Wenthe, The Old Greek Translation of Daniel 1-6 (University of Notre Dame Ph.D. Dissertation: Notre Dame, IN, 1991); Ulrich, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 69-72, and idem, "The Text of Daniel in the Qumran Scrolls," The Book of Daniel: Composition and Reception (eds J.J. Collins and P.W. Flint; VTS 83; Leiden: Brill, 2001) 581-83. 32 The few tiny fragments of 4QDane contain only words from the prayer now found
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
17
material for the Book of Daniel, it also provides samples of other = 4Q243-245).33To Daniel-relatedliterature(e.g., 4QPseudo-Danielabc these the stories of Susannaand Bel and the Dragon,with Daniel as their hero, may be added, forming the fourteen-chapteredition. All these can be seen as a growing Daniel cycle of traditions. In light of the developing collection of the Daniel cycle and the composition of various literary formulations of it, some of which became part of the scripturalbook while some did not, it may be asked regardingthe twelve-chaptercollection (producedca. 165) when and why it becameregardedas Scripture.This editionof the book was clearly viewed as a propheticbook by the time of 4QFlorilegium"dated to the second half of the first century BCE"34-which quotes Dan. 12:10 with the formulafor introducingcitations from Scripture: it is written in the book of the prophet Daniel.. ." (4Q174 1-3
"...
ii 3-4).2 But two earlierworks add some light. Yeshua ben Sira, writing his book ca. 180 BCE, composed a hymn in honor of Israel's ancestral heroes (Sir. 44:1-50:24) but makes no mention of Daniel.36This silence can be interpretedin various ways,37 but one plausibleexplanation is that, though the tales were in existence, they were not, as such, viewed as Scriptureyet (or universally),whereasthe visions had not yet even been composed."
in Dan. 9:4-19. The small physical format of the MS indicates that the scroll probably contained only that prayer and not the whole book. The MS dates from near the end of the second century BCE, and its early date makes both alternatives plausible: that the separately circulating prayer had been a source secondarily inserted into chapter 9, or that the scroll was simply a later excerpt from the finished book. See Collins, Daniel, 347-48; and Ulrich, "Daniel, Book of: Hebrew and Aramaic Text," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds L.H. Schiffman and J.C. VanderKam; New York: Oxford University Press, 2000) 170-74, esp. 171. 1- For the editions of 4Q243-245 by J.J. Collins and P.W. Flint, see G. Brooke et al., in consultation with J.C. VanderKam, Qumran Cave 4.XVII: Parabiblical Texts, Part 3 (DJD 22; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996); for discussion see Collins, "Daniel, Book of: Pseudo-Daniel," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 176-78. Mention should also be made of the later glosses to the book (e.g., 12:11-12), still probably close to the time of composition. 4 G.J. Brooke, "Florilegium," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 297-98. J.M. Allegro with A.A. Anderson, QumrdnCave 4.1(4Q158-4Q186) (DJD 5; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968) 54. The NT (Matt. 24:15 // Mark 13:14) and Josephus (Ant. 10:249, 266-67) in the first century CE also viewed Daniel as a prophet. 3 P.W. Skehan and A.A. Di Lella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira (AB 39; New York:
Doubleday,1987) 41. 3 38
Especially in light of the fact that Ezra also fails to make the list. Although the grandson translated Ben Sira into Greek (sometime after 132
BCE)
18
EUGENE ULRICH
The second work does mention Daniel, but it is also inconclusive. 1 Maccabees,probablywrittenin the last thirdof the second century BCE (thus approximatelycontemporarywith Ben Sira's grandson), clearly refers to the Daniel cycle: in 1 Macc. 2:59-60 Mattathiascalls to mind that "Hananiah,Azariah, and Mishael believed and were saved from the flame. Daniel, because of his innocence,was delivered from the mouth of the lions." In contrastto this explicit referenceto Daniel 3 and 6, there is no mentionof the persecutionby Antiochus, so vividly problematicin Daniel 7-12. Again, variousexplanationsare possible. On the one hand, the context here is a focus on martyrdom; 1 Macc. 2:51-60 is an exhortation by Mattathias for his sons to remain courageousand faithful in the face of persecution.He urges that they "Rememberthe deeds of the ancestors"and he mentions figuressuchas Abraham,Joseph,andPhinehas,andconcludesthisparade of examples with the quotationabove. Since the focus is on martyrdom, it is quite possible that the author simply selects from the twelve-chapterbook a couple of examples of outstandingcourage. But there are two furtherpossibilities. First, the authormay have known, or been using, or been thinking about, only the earlier sixchapteredition of the book, which may well have still been circulating though the twelve-chapter edition had already been produced. There are numerousexamples attested,of course, of this phenomenon of variantliteraryeditionscirculatingsimultaneously.39 Second,theauthor may well have known of both editions but, while acceptingthe sixchapterbook because of its established place in the Jewish literary heritage, scorned the expandednew version, due to its more pacifist stance and its clear snubbing(in Dan. 11:34) of the Maccabeaneffort. Since these two works, writtenshortlybefore and after the twelvechapteredition, do not offer solid clarity,we can analyze Daniel from within. Why and how did parts of this developing collection become regardedas Scripture? There is nothing in chapters1, 3 or 6 that would suggest that this book shouldbe consideredas Scripture;they are simply edifyingtales.
a generation or so after the composition of the twelve-chapterbook of Daniel, it remains unclearwhetherhe viewed the six- or twelve-chapterbook as Scripture.It remainsunmentionedin the translation,and it is difficultto know whetherthe grandson intendedto include it in either category:whetheras scriptural("the Prophets")or not ("theother books of our ancestors"). 19 Biblical examples includethe varianteditions of, e.g., Exodus,Numbers,Joshua, Jeremiah,and the Psalter;the Cave 4 and Cave 1 editionsof the CommunityRule provide an example of an extrabiblicalwork.
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
19
The same obtains for the stories of Susanna and Bel and the Dragon. There is no claim that God has spoken or grantedany specific revelation.40 Chapter2, however, does presentelements that could qualify. Even though parts of the chapterare seen as a secondaryset of interpolations of an apocalyptic nature,4'clear affirmationsdo occur in the basic stratumof the story: "The thing that the king is asking is too difficult,and no one can reveal it to the king except the gods" (2:11); "There is a God in heaven who reveals mysteries, and he has disclosed. . ." (2:28). In chapters4-5 Daniel is professedto be "endowed with a spirit of the holy gods" (4:8, 18; 5:11, 14), and, though it is not narratedthat God revealed anythingdirectly to him, Daniel indirectly claims it: "This is the interpretation,0 king, and it is a decree of the Most High" (4:24); "This is the interpretation...: MENE: God has numbered..."
(5:26).
But again, the later addition of chapters7-12 with their stronger claim as revelationmay have raised the status of the book from edifying tales to divine revelation.It is not implausiblethat, on the analogy of Amos-who was later seen as "predicting"the fall of the northernkingdomwhich in fact happeneda few years later-the Book of Daniel was also soon consideredto be God's revelation.Daniel, who had correctly"predicted"the fall of Babyloniankings, received the later revelationfrom God assuringthe Jews of the fall of "future" king Antiochus,which "came true"as surely as Amos' threatagainst IsraelandDaniel'sinterpretation againsttheBabyloniankingshad"come The would true." move have gained momentumespecially since the criterionin Deut. 18:21-22 (about recognizinga true prophet'sword by whetherit comes true or not) was itself long since honoredas part of Scripture. Ben Sira. It is difficultto entertainthe idea that Yeshua Ben Sira thoughtof himself as writing Scriptureas he composedhis book. Nor is it likely that his contemporarieswould have thoughtsuch. Whereas the books of the Law and the Prophetshad ancient holy figures as their authors,he does not claim, as do Daniel, 1 Enoch, and Jubilees, an ancient identity or pseudonymbut explicitly identifies himself as 40 Dan. 1:17, stating that God gave the four youths knowledgeand skill in literature and wisdom, is not an exception. 41 A.A. Di Lella considers2:14-23, 29-30, 41b-43, 49 secondary;cf. L.F. Hartman and A.A. Di Lella, The Book of Daniel (AB 23; GardenCity, NY: Doubleday,1978) 12 and 139-42.
20
EUGENE ULRICH
the author(Sir. 50:27). Even had he not identifiedhimself, his grandson does in the Prologue. Rather, he wrote the book as a work of instruction(50:27),a meditationon themindandwill of Godas expressed in the Law and the Prophets.He was synthesizingthe Law and the Prophetsand Proverbs(cf. 24:23; 39:1-3), repackagingthem in a contemporaryrhetoricalteaching style, not authoringnew ideas. Even if he had consideredhis book as Scripture,there is no hint in the Prologuethat his grandsondid: Now, those who read the scripturesmust not only themselvesunderstandthem, but must also as lovers of learningbe able throughthe spokenand writtenword to help the outsiders. So my grandfatherJesus,... reading the Law and the Prophetsand the other books of our ancestors.. ., was himself also led to write somethingpertainingto instructionand wisdom....
Ben Sira studied explicitly the Law and the Prophets,but he also traveledabroadand studied"thewisdom of all the ancients"(39:1, 4). The last does not mean Israel's wisdom exclusively, but the literature of other nations as well.42It seems clear that he had read and used both Egyptian and Greek literature:the gnomic work attributedto Phibis and the elegiac poems of Theognis,as well as a possible reminiscence of Homer.43 If neither Ben Sira nor his grandson,as late as ca. 125 BCE, considered the book Scripture,how did it become a candidatefor scriptural status?There are no clear claims of revelationin the book, as there are, for example, in Jubilees. Rather,it would seem that it followed in the path of the Book -of Proverbs.Not too long after the composition of Ben Sira, Proverbsseems to be regardedby certain groups as having gained the status of Scripture, Prov. 15:8 being quotedin the DamascusDocument(CD 11:20-21) with the authoritative formula,"for it is written."Like Proverbs,Ben Sira declares:"'All wisdom is from the Lord, and with him it remainsforever"(1:1), and it personifieswisdom as the first in creation:"Beforethe ages, in the beginning,he createdme" (24:9). It is quite likely that Ben Sira was an eloquent and popularteacher in Jerusalem,and thus there would probably not have been much resistance to his book's gaining an exalted status.The Wisdomof his book, as perhapsfor Proverbs,may have been seen as "a conduitof revelation."44 42 See Skehan and Di Lella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, 46-50. A. van der Kooij ("Canonization of Ancient Books," 34) correctly makes the same point. 4' For details, see Di Lella's judicious discussion in The Wisdom of Ben Siica, 47-49. 4 See the section on Proverbs above.
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
21
The New Testament and the early church undoubtedlyfollowed some lines of Jewish traditionin consideringit Scripture,and it finds a secure place in the LXX: The early church(e.g., Didache, Clementof Rome, Irenaeus,Tertullian)considered Sir[ach]canonical.There are many allusionsto the book in the NT, esp. in James. The fathers of the church attest more frequently to the canonicity of Sir[achl than to several protocanonicalbooks.45
Somewhat earlier, certain Jewish groups must have regardedit as an authoritativebook, since-even though eventually the influential rabbis ca. 90 CE decided not to classify it as Scripture-"[s]ome eighty-twotimes [it] is quotedwith approvalin the Talmudand other rabbinicalwritings. Sometimesits sayings are even introducedby the formula'it is written,'which is reservedonly for quotationsfrom the canonical Scriptures...."46It is likely that one of the rabbis' reasons for denying scripturalstatus47was the book's denial of meaningful existence after death (14:16-17; 17:27-28), just as the path toward scripturalstatusfor the Book of Daniel was probablyenhancedby the promise in Dan. 12:2-3. This and the next example illuminateanotherfactor in the granting of scripturalstatus,namely, the acceptanceof the work by the people as divine truth.If a recentwork, despite its claims, did not correspond to beliefs then current,it would be rejectedas a scripturalbook, even if parts of it continuedto be used as a valuable resource. Jubilees. Jubilees found a fate similar to that of Ben Sira. On the one hand, in J.C. VanderKam'swords, it "blatantlyadvertisesitself as
A. Di Lella, "Sirach,"The New Jerome Biblical Commentary, 496-509, esp. 497. Di Lella in Skehanand Di Lella, The Wisdomof Ben Sira, 20. 47 Najman("Interpretation as PrimordialWriting,"405 n. 49) also suggests the lack of claim to be a revelatorytext as a factor in the denial. Yet anotherfactor may be the rabbinic"elevationof the Sinai Torahas the preeminentintermediarybetweenGod and the phenomenalworld. This elevated, or eternal,Torahwas the agent of creation, the finaljudge, the one path to the celestial world. Access to the invisible realmswas gained throughcontemplationof Torah, discoveringthe secrets hidden in, with and 45
46
under its letters"; see S.K. Davis, Antithesis of the Ages: Paul's Reconfiguration of
Torah (CBQMS 33; Washington,DC: Catholic Biblical Association,2002) 215. That is, althoughWisdom and Torahare often portrayedas identical,the rabbismay have wantedto claim specificallyfor the Torahpreciselythe role that Ben Sira claimed for the potentially more universal Wisdom, and thus rejected the latter, just as they rejectedPaul's "reconfiguration of the Torah image set so that Christwould fill the same theologicalspace as the eternalTorah"(Davis, Antithesisof the Ages, 216).
22
EUGENE ULRICH
and some groups accepted it as such. Fifteen or divine revelation,"48 possibly sixteen copies were unearthedat Qumran,rivalingthe books of the Torahin frequency,and it was quotedas an authoritativework in CD 16:2-3 (and possibly also in 4Q228). The book was accepted by some probablybecause its claim of "divine revelation"is indeed of the highest order,and because it explained,for those honoringthe On the other 364-day calendar,the divine origins of "ourcalendar."49 hand, it was rejectedby otherspresumablybecause it was considered "obviouslywrong,"since it claimed and promoteda calendarat odds with the currentliturgicalcalendar. To judge from the majorityof literaturethat emerged in the late second temple period,apocalypticismor at least eschatologymay have been the primaryfocus. A variegatedand imaginativecosmologicalchronologicalschemawas fully developed,includingthe notionof the afterlife for all individuals, resurrection,an End Time with future judgment,and even the mappingof the heavens and the underworld. Daniel, I Enoch,and Jubileeseach in differentways helpedto develop this transcendentspatial and chronologicalschema. Books of apocalyptic revelationtended to be accepted by the people. The claim of divine inspirationor revelationmay have been accepted literally and fully, or accepted as in some way fictive though the content was nonethelesscorrect and important.Eventuallythey were accepted as trueby some or all groups,or rejectedby some as false or at least not wholly satisfactory. This apocalypticera, after securingits lasting effect on the ensuing religious trajectory,eventuallyyielded to new modes of thought.The might of Rome, and especially the crushingof the Bar KokhbaRevolt, helped bring an end to apocalypticthoughtat the political level and thus at the sanctioned religious level. For Judaism, the idea was emphasizedthat prophecyhad ended near the time of Ezra, and apocalyptic imaginingwas replacedby halakhicinquiry.For Christianity, Greek philosophyenteredthroughthe "missionto the Gentiles,"and we see the effects in the Christologicaland Trinitariancontroversies, whenpenetrating philosophicalquestionswereputto theNew Testament's
"I J.C. VanderKam, The Dead Sea Scrolls Today (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1994) 153. 49 For authorizing stategies in Jubilees, see F. Garcia Martinez, "The Heavenly Tablets in the Book of Jubilees," Studies in the Book of Jubilees (eds M. Albani et al.; TSAJ 65; TUbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997) 243-60; VanderKam, "The Putative Author"; and Najman, "Interpretationas Primordial Writing."
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
23
simple narratives.It is thus easier to see why the rabbis interpreted books like the Psalter and Daniel as sapientialratherthan prophetic and assigned them to the Writings,whereasthe Christianshad a stake in continuingto see them as propheticbooks. Concluding Reflections
This essay has offeredreflectionson some of the factorsthat helped transformselected works of Judah'snationalliteratureinto the Jewish Scriptures.It has mainly been an effort to raise questions not frequentlyasked and to encouragereflectionsby otherson this intriguing topic. It makes no claim that the factors discussed were the principal factors in the process; even less does it claim comprehensivenessor full accuracyin the details of the analyses. In fact, not only are there unansweredquestions,there are also unaskedquestions. I do, however, claim that what is now considered the Jewish Scripturesdid not have its origins as Scripture,and that inquiryinto its origins and its developmentwithin the culturalhistory is worthwhile. Small, separate,anonymousoral units graduallyjoined together to form complexes of traditionthat were handed on within various communities and eventually edited to form books that were likely consideredas simply the people's literature.50 This literatureserved a variety of purposes:as national epic and national history (the early narrativestrands of the Pentateuchand the DeuteronomicHistory), for the liturgy (Leviticus, Psalms, Esther), for religious, moral, and practicaleducation(Jubilees,the DeuteronomicHistory,Proverbs,Job, Qohelet, Ben Sira), for human love and loyalty (the Song, Tobit, Ruth), for courage in periloustimes (Daniel). The literaturegrew as communityliterature,and numerousmouths and hands contributed to its organic development from sayings, reports,songs, etc. into books sufficientlywell known and treasuredto keep handingdown as important.Just as the communityformed the literature,so too the literatureformed the ongoing community.5'One of the functions,whetherintendedor not, was that it molded the selfidentityof the community(Ezra, Ben Sira).
so The eventual"scripturalization" of the people's tradition(s)invites reconsideration of the old Protestant-Roman CatholicScripture-Tradition debate. 51 In a way, similarto myth in generaland to the African-Americanculturaltraditions recordedby A. Haley, Roots (New York: Delta, 1997).
24
EUGENE ULRICH
It is not difficultto imaginethat in educationalor liturgicalsettings this human literaturewas proclaimedto be speaking in the name of God. This claim to have God as source took multipleforms: implicit (Who but God could have providedthe informationon the creationof the world?) or explicit (Jubilees), direct (Exodus, Leviticus, Amos, Ezekiel) or indirectthroughangelic (Jubilees,Daniel 7-12) or human mediators(Ezekiel, Daniel 2; 4-5), or even due to an interpretational mode exteriorto the book (Song of Songs). One factor that broughtthe idea of God as authorwas prophecy, not only in the primarysense that a humanwas the spokespersonfor God, but in the secondarysense that what a prophethad "predicted" for God had then "come true." Anotherfactorwas the theologicaldevelopmentof otherwisepurely humancompositions.For example, the DeuteronomisticHistorymade use of all sorts of sources that may or may not have had religious importancebeforehand,but the historianadded a theologicalperspective that could be envisionedas a theologicalinterpretation of history. Thus the boundary-and city-lists of Joshua, war stories, annals of kings, propheticlegends, and so forth became subsumedinto a theological work which then became Scripture. The "resignification" or ready identificationof the currentcommusituation with a situation in past literature(e.g., the association nity's of the BabylonianExile with the Egyptiancaptivity,and Ezra's public Torah readingwith Moses' mediationat Sinai) also functionedin thetransformation, as didthecontrastof suchsituations(e.g., Ps. 89:38-51 addedto 89:1-37). The same was true for the claim to authenticinterpretationof the Mosaic Torah (e.g., Jubilees, Ezra). This function is allied to the socio-politicalsituationin which a groupin power stakes the claim that a certainbook has God as guarantor,which claim must be met with the people's approval. The antiquityof a work was also a factor.The longerthe work had been accepted, the more likely it was to resist dismissal; that would partlyexplainwhy Genesisremainedestablished,butwhy Jubilees,which rehearses Genesis and the first half of Exodus and which makes a much strongerclaim of divine authorship,could be rejected. Eventually it did not matter how that claim of divine authorship may have been understoodat first, whether literally or with some sort of hermeneuticalsophistication.The more the writing became "ancient,"and the more the ongoing communitycontinuedto hear it andcontinuedto experiencesomekindof connectednesswithGodthrough
FROM LITERATURETO SCRIPTURE
25
hearing it, the more they tended to understandit aS "the word of God." Eventually, the statementby Childs (see Psalms above), did describe the situation:"Israelcontinu[ed]to hear God's word through the voice of the [sacredauthors]."52 It was humans sincerely trying to understandand articulate the divine who producedthe religious classics of the ancient Near East and the religious classics of Israel. In one sense, the word about God became the word of God. The communities continued to hear it repeatedas such, and eventually they describedit explicitly as such. It would seem that this final observationmight profitablyfigure into any revitalizationsof discussionsof revelationand inspiration.
52
Childs, Introduction, 513.
IN POETICCOMPOSITIONS AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATION IN THE DEAD SEA SCROLLSAND LATERJEWISHAND CHRISTIANTRADITIONS*
ANGELAY. KIM Universityof NotreDame INTRODUCTION
During the second temple period, there is a noticeable growth in hymnographyand prayerliterature,which is well representedamong the literature discovered at Qumran. A significant number of the approximately930 manuscriptsdiscoveredin the Qumrancaves contain poetic compositions,includingpsalms, hymns, or other liturgical texts.' These poetic and liturgical texts fall into seven major categories: (1) liturgiesfor fixed prayertimes, (2) ceremonialliturgies,(3) eschatological prayers, (4) magical incantations,(5) psalmic collections, (6) Hodayot hymns, and (7) prayersembeddedin narratives.2 The increase in the productionof prayerliteratureduringthe second temple period is part of an overall growth of interpretiveliterature,3
* An earlier form of this paper was presented at the Joint CJA/Liturgy Colloquium at the University of Notre Dame (2001). I am grateful for the comments that I received at that time, especially for the critical suggestions made by Joseph P. Amar, Hindy Najman, and James C. VanderKam. Additional thanks are due to James Davila and Eileen Schuller who read previous versions of this work and offered many helpful critiques. All remaining errors are my own. I Now that the work of publishing and cataloguing the scrolls is complete, the number of manuscripts from the Qumran is given as 931 by E. Tov in Indices and an Introduction to the Discoveries in the Judaean Desert Series (ed. E. Tov with contributions by M.G. Abegg, Jr. et al.; DJD 39; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2002). 2 At the time of her article, the number of prayer manuscripts numbered around 300 texts; E.G. Chazon, "Hymns and Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls," The Dead Sea Scrolls After Fifty Years:A ComprehensiveAssessment (eds P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam with the assistance of A.E. Alvarez; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 1.258; and eadem, "Prayers from Qumran and Their Historical Implications," DSD 1 (1994) 267-68. ' S.D. Fraade, "Interpretive Authority in the Studying Community at Qumran," JJS 44 (1993) 46-69; J.L. Kugel, "Early Interpretation:The Common Background of Late C) Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
27
revealed literature,4and other writings that claim divine or authoritative status.5The rise in the significanceof prayerliteraturealso seems to coincide with the loss of the sacrificialcult.6For communitiesthat experiencedthe loss of the sacrificialcult, like the one at Qumran,the concern for proper worship increases as new forms of prayer appear.7
(LEC;Philadelphia:WestminsFormsof BiblicalExegesis,"EarlyBiblicalInterpretation ter Press, 1986) 58-62; also J. Blenkinsopp, "Interpretationand the Tendency to An Aspectof SecondTempleHistory,"JewishandChristianSelf-Definition, Sectarianism: vol. 2: Aspects of Judaism in the Graeco-RomanPeriod (ed. E.P. Sanderswith A.I. Baumgartenand A. Mendelson;Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1981) 1-26; 299-309; D.E. Aune, "CharismaticExegesis in Early Judaism and Early Christianity,"The Pseudepigraphaand Early Biblical Interpretation(eds J.H. Charlesworthand C.A. Evans;JSPSup14;Sheffield:JSOTPress,1993)126-50, esp. 149-50;S. Talmon,"Between Within:CollectedStudies(Jerusalem: theBibleandtheMishna,"TheWorldof Qumranfrom Magnes Press, 1989) 30; B.J. Bamberger,"The Changing Image of the Prophetin Jewish Thought,"Interpretingthe PropheticTradition(ed. H.M. Orlinsky;Cincinnati: of Mikra HebrewUnion College Press, 1969) 306; D. Dimant,"Use and Interpretation Mikra:Text, Translation,Readingand Interin the Apocryphaand Pseudepigrapha," pretationof theHebrewBible in AncientJudaismandEarlyChristianity(ed. M.J.Mulder; FortressPress,1990)379-419; G. Vermes, CRINT2.1; Assen:VanGorcum;Philadelphia: "TheQumranInterpretation of Scripturein its HistoricalSetting,"ALUOS6 (1966-68) 85-97. in theSecondTemplePeriod,"FromRevelation "RevealedLiterature 4 J.C.VanderKam, to Canon: Studies in the Hebrew Bible and Second TempleLiterature(JSJSup62; Leiden:Brill, 2000) 1-30. s See S. Gillinghamwho argues that psalmodyis transformedfrom liturgicaltexts into a more recognizablypropheticbody of texts duringthe second temple period in "FromLiturgyto Prophecy:The Use of Psalmodyin Second Temple Judaism,"CBQ 64 (2002) 470-89. 6 Some kind of prayeror calling upon the name of the LORD appearsin conjunction with sacrifice in Pss 27:6; 29:9; 54:6; 84:5; 100:1; 134:1; 138:2; 141:2. On the significance of prayer for communities without a sacrificial cult, see J.L. Kugel, "Topicsin the Historyof the Spiritualityof the Psalms,"Jewish Spirituality:From the Bible Throughthe Middle Ages (ed. A. Green; World Spirituality:An Encyclopedic History of the Religious Quest 13; New York: Crossroad, 1986) 1.122-23; G.A. Anderson,"The Praise of God as a Cultic Event," Priesthood and Cult in Ancient Israel (eds G.A. Anderson and S.M. Olyan; JSOTSup 125; Sheffield:JSOT Press, 1991) 15-33; S. Talmon, "The Emergenceof InstitutionalizedPrayer,"Qumran:Sa piete, sa theologie et son milieu (ed. M. Delcor; BETL 46; Louvain: Louvain UniversityPress, 1978) 278-84. 7 For a discussion of the distinctionbetween "biblical"and "nonbiblical,"see E. Ulrich,"The QumranScrolls and the Biblical Text,"The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years after TheirDiscovery:Proceedingsof the JerusalemCongress,July 20-25, 1997 (eds L.H. Schiffman,E. Tov, and J.C. VanderKam,exec. ed. G. Marquis;Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, 2000) 51-59; idem, "The CanonicalProcess, Textual Criticism, and LatterStages in the Compositionof the Bible," Sha'arei Talmon:Studies in the Bible, Qumran,and the AncientNear East Presentedto ShemaryahuTalmon(eds M. Fishbaneand E. Tov with W.W. Fields;WinonaLake, IN: Eisenbrauns,1992) 267-91; repr. in The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans,1999) 51-78; and J.C. VanderKam,"The Wordingof Biblical Citationsin
28
ANGELA Y. KIM
The proliferationof prayersby anonymousand pseudonymousauthors duringthis time is a developmentthat is best understoodin the light of the overall growthof interpretiveliterature.8 The anonymousor pseudonymouspoetic compositionsthat are produced duringthe second temple periodare interpretiveinsofaras they freely use and recycle images from texts that were later identifiedas "biblical"texts or employ typical literary forms known from other scripturalor authoritativetexts.9The concern over the interpretation found in these anonymous hymns arises from the literary medium itself, namely poetry,which J. Kugel suggests is not a fixed and predictable literary convention but rather understoodbest as a type of creative elevated speech that operates on the compoundingof ideas and themes.'0In his discussion of the etymology for Jubal, the antediluvian ancestorof the lyre and the pipe, Philo remarks For just as an instrument put into the hands of an unmusical person is tuneless, but in the hands of a musician answers to the skill which he possesses and becomes tuneful, in exactly the same way speech set in motion by a worthless mind is without tune, but when set going by a worthy one is discovered to be in perfect tune. Moreover, a lyre or anything of that kind, unless struck by someone, is still: speech too, if not struck by the ruling faculty, of necessity maintains silence. Just as instruments are tuned to vary in accordance with the infinite number of combinations of the music which they have to give forth, so speech proves itself an harmonious interpreter of the matters (b koyo; Ouvp60; rt; i?pttnVr; y1vO6ptvo;)dealt with and admits of endless variations." icpaypaTiv
Some Rewritten Scriptural Works," The Bible as Book: The Hebrew} Bible and the Judaean Desert Distoveries (eds E.D. Herbert and E. Tov; London: The British Library & Oak Knoll Press in Association with The Scriptorium: Center for Christian Antiquities, 2002) 41-56. In agreement with the above scholars, the author understands the term "biblical" or "Bible" to be anachronistic nomenclature for the period of the
Qumrancommunity.
I See Talmon, "The Emergence of Institutionalized Prayer," and Kugel, "Topics in
the Historyof the Spiritualityof the Psalms," 113-44. 9 See R.S. Sarason, "The 'Intersections' of Qumran and Rabbinic Judaism: The Case of Prayer Texts and Liturgies," DSD 8 (2001) 169-81. E.g., the discussion of the formal parallels between the petitionary prayer form found in the Qumran "Words of the Luminaries" and the "Festival Prayers" in S. Weitzman, Song and Story in Biblical Narrative: The Histo,y of a Literary Convention in Ancient Israel (Indiana Studies in Biblical Literature; Bloomington and Indianapolis: Indiana University Press, 1997) 80-82. " Kugel's conception of poetry better accounts for the rich variety of forms that exist than the traditional view of poetry as three variations of parallelismus membrorum: synonymous, antithetical, and synthetic, that was introduced by R. Lowth, De sacra poesi Hebraeorum (1753). See J.L. Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry: Parallelism and Its History (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981) 1-95; 274-323. " Post. ?107-8; translation from F.H. Colson and G.H. Whitaker, Philo 11 (LCL
227; Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversityPress, 1929) 389.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
29
This excerpt from Philo highlightsthe infinite numberof interpretive possibilities in music performanceand one may infer that there are similarlyan infinitenumberof interpretations that lie behindthe artistic creativity of the elevated speech that characterizes anonymous hymns duringthe second temple period onwards.This papersuggests that the interpretivecontentin these poetic compositionsand the freedom of their literary medium require some form of external authorization by the community.While these anonymousprayertexts are not "biblical"insofar as such nomenclatureis anachronisticfor this time period and they were not included among those writings that later came to be known as the "Bible," they, more likely than not, functioned in an authoritativeway for the community as a kind of scripturaltext. This study is informedby Kugel's understandingof the phenomenonof "scripturalization" as a transformationin which a text ceases to be understoodas a human composition and begins to be viewed as divine revelation.'2An authoritycommensurateto scriptural statusis ascribedto thepost-biblicalpoeticcompositionsunderdiscussion. Because anonymous writings lack an authorial claim by definition,
they undergo the transformation into divine Scripture in several ways.'3 One might point to internal claims of divine inspiration as an
attemptto identifyexplicitly a divine authorfor the text. These assign authorshipto a divine source, God or the Spirit, rather than to a human writer. Anotherstrategyfor authorizationis the attributionof authorshipto a prominentor revered figure who is an established agent of God's word.'4 Both strategies are commonly employed in
12 Kugel, "Topics in the Historyof the Spiritualityof the Psalms," 136. This is in contrastto the operativeunderstandingof this term used by his student,J. Newman who defines "scripturalization" as "the reuse of biblical texts or interpretivetraditions
to shape the composition of new literature" in Praying by the Book: The Scripturalization of Prayer in Second Temple Judaism (SBLEJL 14; Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1999) 12-13. 13 For studieson authorizingstrategiesused in the scripturalization of ancienttexts, see Kugel, "Topics in the History of the Spiritualityof the Psalms"; H. Najman, "Interpretation as PrimordialWriting:Jubileesand Its AuthorityConferringStrategies," JSJ 30 (1999) 379-410; eadem, "Torah of Moses: Pseudonymous Attribution in Second Temple Writings," The Interpretation of Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity: Studies in Language and Tradition (ed. C.A. Evans; JSPSup 33; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000) 202-16; eadem, The Gradual Rise of Sacred Writing
(HarvardUniversityPh.D. Dissertation:Cambridge,MA, 1998) 15-74; J.C. VanderKam, "The Angel of the Presence in the Book of Jubilees,"DSD 7 (2000) 378-93; M. Halbertal, People of the Book: Canon, Meaning, and Authority (London/
Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversityPress, 1997); Fraade,"InterpretiveAuthority." 14 The strategyof attributionis well demonstrated by the Psalterwhich later tradi-
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ANGELA Y. KIM
post-biblicaltexts. This paper will investigate what seems to be an additional strategy of scripturalizinga text, namely embedding an independent or "floating" anonymous poetic composition into an establishedand authoritativeprayercollection, therebyanchoringthe authorityof the text to the collection itself. Independentor "floating"poetic compositions are those writings that are clearly placed within a secondarycontextor those that appear in multiplecontexts.These secondarycontexts may be either a narrative or a poetic collection. The Bible contains several examples of this, one of which is the Psalm of Hezekiah which appears in the narrativesectionof Isaiah38 butis absentfrom2 Kings20.'5S. Weitzman refers to these instances as "scripturalizingrevisions," and suggests that these interpolationsof poetic writings occur for interpretivereaof key biblicalfigures, sons in orderto rehabilitatethe characterizations in this instance,Hezekiah,who is portrayednegativelyin the narrative.'6 Y. Zakovitchis anotherscholarwho has workedon the relationship between poetryand narrative,using post-biblicaltexts for the purpose of establishinga parallelphenomenonthat may help to elucidatethe While the relationgenerativeand creative powers of interpretation.'7 ship between poems and narrativesis complex, it is fundamentallyan tion attributesto David but which contains internalclaims that suggest differently. While there are referencesto David's skills as a musicianand singer in the Bible, the attributionof the entire Psalterto him does not appearuntil the second temple period and stand in contrastto the superscriptionswhich attributepsalms to Asaph, Korah, Moses, etc. For a discussionof the propheticstatusof David and the attributionof the Psalter to him, see J.L. Kugel, "David the Prophet,"Poetry and Prophecy: The Beginnings of a Literary Tradition (ed. J.L. Kugel; Ithaca: Cornell University Press,
1990) 45-55 and idem, "Topicsin the Historyof the Spiritualityof the Psalms,"where of the Psalter.For a dishe describesthis attributionas a sign of the scripturalization cussion of the phenomenonof attributionin the QumranScrolls, see the descriptionof attributionof Qumranpsalms4Q380 and 4Q381 by E.M. Schuller, the pseudepigraphic Non-Canonical Psalms from Qumran: A Pseudepigraphic Collection (HSS 28; Atlanta:
Scholars, 1986) 27-32; and also the excellent discussions found in M.J. Bernstein, in the QumranScrolls: Categoriesand Functions,"Pseudepigraphic "Pseudepigraphy Perspectives: The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Proceedings of the International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 12-14 January, 1997 (eds E.G. Chazon
and M.S. Stone with the collaborationof A. Pinnick;STDJ 31; Leiden: Brill, 1999) DSD 3 (1996) 1-26; and M.E. Stone, "TheDead Sea Scrolls and the Pseudepigrapha," 270-95. Weitzman, Song and Story in Biblical Narrative, 60. Weitzman, Song and Story in Biblical Narrative, 61. 1 Y. Zakovitch, "Poetry Creates Historiography," "A Wise and Discerning Mind": Essays in Honor of Burke 0. Long (eds S.M. Olyan and R.C. Culley; BJS 325; Provi's
16
dence, RI: Brown JudaicStudies,2000) 311-20.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
31
interpretiveone that seeks elaborationor clarificationof a narrativeor poem. At times, a new text may be written to elaborateupon a preexisting well known text. Elaborationis also the goal behind introducing an independenttext into a secondarycontext;it is thoughtthat one will shed light upon the other. Oftentimes such insertions of a poem into a narrativecontext are clearly artificial,linked only by a linguistic feature.He writes that elaborationcan also be harmonistic, intending"to bring two parallel(and even neighboring)traditions,one prose and one poetic, into agreement."'8Othertimes, this relationship is one in which the historiographergenerates new traditions "for which he collects from a pre-existing well-known biblical poem."'9 Thus, the relationshipbetween poetic compositionsand their narrative context is interpretiveand dynamic. The insertion of poetic compositions into narrativecontexts has been identifiedat Qumranin the CommunityRule (1QS). This section under discussion, IQS 1:16-3:12, is complete with liturgicalrubrics. It is a tripartiteunit includingthe rite for the entranceinto the community (IQS 1:16-2:18), the annual renewal of the covenant (1QS 2:19-25a), and a cursing of those who refuse to join the covenant (IQS 2:25b-3:12). S. Metso and others have commentedon the secondarynatureof this liturgicaltext into the CommunityRule.20 In this paper,we are interestedin examiningthe insertionof anonymous or pseudonymous"floating"poetic compositionsinto not a narrative context but rathera poetic context, namely that of a collection. Presumably,these anonymousor pseudonymoushymns were already valued for aesthetic reasons, for their beauty and eloquence, or perhaps for some other reason and so they already enjoyed a kind of elevatedstatus.Theirinsertionintoa largerliteraryframework,an authoritative poetic collection, gives them an explicit claim to authority;for once they are absorbedinto the collection, they become attributedto the authorof the collection. Thus, because anonymousor pseudonymous poetic compositionslack an authorand thereforeby definition Zakovitch,"PoetryCreatesHistoriography," 320. Zakovitch,"PoetryCreatesHistoriography," 320. 20 See the discussion by S. Metso, The Textual Development of the Qumran CommunityRule (STDJ21; Leiden:Brill, 1997) 113; 141-43. Othershave voiced similar conclusionsabout the secondarynatureof this unit; see J. Murphy-O'Connor, "La genese litterairede la Regle de la Communaute," RB 76 (1969) 538-39; J. Pouilly,La '8
'9
Regle de la Communaute: Son evolution litt&raire(CahRB 17; Paris: J. Gabalda, 1976)
65-75; and M. Delcor, "Qumran. La Regle de la Communaute. Doctrines des Esseniens.I. L'Instructiondes deux esprits,"DBSup9.854.
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ANGELA Y. KIM
lack the authority that would come from an authorial claim, their inclusion into authoritativecollections serves to providea largerliterary and interpretiveframeworkfor the composition. It will be suggested that this inclusion of poetic compositions into authoritative collections secures the interpretativecontent of these compositions. We will begin by gesturing broadly to later Jewish and Christian hymn and prayertexts for the purposesof illustratingthe largerphenomenon of this sort of authorizingstrategy.Once that is done, our study will discuss the inclusion of "floating"prayersinto two prayer collections from the Dead Sea Scrolls, namely, 1lQPsa and the Hodayot(IQHa),2I as a kind of strategyto authorizethe biblical interpretationfound in these anonymouspoetic compositions. 1. BIBLICAL INTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS It is clear from texts that are uniqueto the Qumrancommunitythat the interpretation of Scripturewas a significantconcern.Accordingto the CommunityRule, the interpretationof the Torah is specified as one of the sect's primaryduties: And in any place where there are ten, a man should search (7l7 0`9) in the Torah daily and nightly continually, one man relieving his companion. And the Many will be on watch together for one-third of all of the nights of the year to read in the book, to interpret (trVT7) judgment, and to bless together (IQS 6:6-8).
The pesharim also contain many references to the community leader's ability to interpretthe Torahproperly.22
2' It should be noted that there are two systems for numbering the columns of the large scroll found in Cave 1. The numbering system proposed by the reconstruction proposed by H. Stegemann in his unpublished doctoral dissertation, Rekonstruktion der Hodajot: Ursprungliche Gestalt und kritisch bearheiteter Text der Hymnenrolle aus Huihle I von Qumran (Heidelberg University Ph.D. Dissertation: Heidelberg, 1963) and later independently confirmed by E. Puech in "Quelques aspects de la restauration du Rouleau des Hymnes (IQH)," JJS 39 (1988) 38-55 is used in this paper. For a discussion of the reconstruction of the scroll and placement of its many fragments and for a complete table of equivalents along with photos of the reconstruction of the scroll see H. Stegemann, "The Material Reconstruction of IQHodayot," The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years after Their Discovery, 272-84. 22 According to lQpHab 2:7-9, God has given the priest the ability "to interpret all IZ nt 710&). See of the words of his servants the prophets" (W:t':ril vi7:iV '7:l also lQpHab 7:4-5: "its interpretation concerns the Teacher of Righteousness to whom God has made known all of the mysteries of the words of his servants, the prophets."
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
33
The interpretivepresentationof biblical images or use of biblical texts has been much studiedin relationto the QumranHodayotbeginningwith S. Holm-Nielsen'ssystematicstudydevotedto the identification of biblical texts and their use within these hymns in 1960.23In the process of redeployingor reusing scripturaltexts or themes, religious poetry takes on new interpretivemeanings. The scrolls that are thoughtto be uniqueto the Qumrancommunity reveal a tension between that communityand other groups over the proper interpretationof Scripture.Since its discovery, the Hodayot scroll was thought to contain importantdetails about the Qumran community,includinginformationdating back to the original moment of conflict that created the division resulting in the formation of that community.Within that scroll, certain hymns have been distinguished on the basis of form-criticalelements and labeled as "Teacher Hymns."24Many have argued convincingly that the author of these
23 For a thorough study of the OT references in IQHodayot, see S. Holm-Nielsen, Hodayot: Psalms from Qumran (ATDan 2; Aarhus: Universitetsforlaget, 1960) 17-272. He writes, however, that "[t]he application of Scripture in the Hodayot can be understood thus: the authors did not have as their object the authorisation of their work as canonical writing by the use of the Old Testament, but rather the creation of original poetry in an Old Testament style and, by means of the use of the Old Testament in this poetry, the expression of the relationship between God and the community, and between God and the community's individual member," Hodayot, 305. This writer disagrees with his conclusions because they reflect a privileging of the Masoretic Psalter, which he calls the Old Testament, that would have been anachronistic for the time period under discussion. Other representative discussions of how biblical texts are redeployed in the Hodayot include J. Carmignac, "Les citations de l'Ancien Testament, et specialement des Poemes du Serviteur, dans les Hymnes de Qumran," RevQ 2 (1959-60) 357-94; B. Kittel, The Hymns of Qumran (SBLDS 50; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1981) 48-55, offers four descriptive categories for how the Bible is recast in these hymns: (I) the presence of explicit biblical quotation or allusion, (2) the use of characteristically biblical formulaic phrasing, (3) biblical images or theological ideas, or (4) expressions characteristic of the Bible. Note, however, that her categories are not specific to these particular texts from Qumran and are also generally applicable to religious hymnic compositions. In a recent study, the interpretive reuse of creation images from biblical and ancient Near Eastern texts in IQHa 16:4-27a is well described in M.A. Daise, "Biblical Creation Motifs in the Qumran Hodayot," The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years after their Discovery, 293-305, where he traces various points of contact between IQH 16 and Genesis 2-3; Job 14; Psalms 1, 104; Isaiah 5, 11, 27, 28, 60; Jeremiah 17, 19, 31, 34, 47; and Joel 2. 24 Different scholars have suggested variations for the titles of the two groups of hymns commonly thought to be represented in the Qumran Hodayot and have ascribed different hymns to those groups. The naming of the current designations for the groups of hymns, "Teacher Hymns" and "Community Hymns," was introduced by H.-W. Kuhn, Enderwartung und gegenwartiges Heil: Untersuchungen zu den Gemeindeliedern von Qumranmit einem Anhang iber Eschatologie und Gegenwart in der Verkiindigung
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hymns shouldbe identifiedas the foundingleader,often understoodto be the Teacher of Righteousnesshimself.25The following excerpted of Scripture. text describesa controversyover the properinterpretation writes: The speaker ... for I was rejectedby them and they would not esteem me when you demonstratedyour powerin me.... But they are mediatorsof fraudand seers of deceit; they have plotted a devilish thing against me ... .I to substitute your Law, which you have inculcated in my heart, with smooth words for your people (emphasis
mine, IQHa 12:8-11).
The statementin the above excerptis consistentlyidentifiedamongthe authentic "TeacherHymns" material26and thereforeappearswithin those Hodayothymns that have the greatestprobabilityof datingback to the moment of conflict that formed the origins of the community. Lateron in the scroll, within this same block of "TeacherHymns"the hymnistdescribesa dramaticmomentof conflictbetweenhim and his opponents (1QH 13:22-14:6). In this hymn, the speaker informs us that his opponentsuse poetic verse to polemicize against him: They grumbledagainst my complainton the harp. Their murmurswere joined together with musical instruments,with ruin and devastation.Resentmenthas taken hold of me and pangs like the labors of a woman giving birth. (lQH4 13:29-31)
Jesu (SUNT 4; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966), whose form-critical work on the Hodayot was heavily influenced by previous scholars like G. Morawe, Auflau und Abgrenzung der Loblieder von Qumran: Studien zur gattungsgeschichtlichen Einordnung der Hodajoth (Berlin: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 1961) and G. Jeremias, Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit (SUNT 2; G6ttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963). The understanding of the "Teacher Hymns" material that is used in this work is informed by the excellent study done by M.C. Douglas, Power and Praise in the Hodayot: A Literary Critical Study of IQH 9:1-18:14 (University of Chicago Ph.D. Dissertation: Chicago, 1998) where he argues convincingly that there is a "Teacher Book" (cols 9-20) that consists of core material from the Teacher of Righteousness (9:1-18:14) and a later appendix of material (18:16-20:6). An important form-critical element of his identification of the "Teacher Hymns" is the use of this "signature phrase" (': fl7':Z:ln) cited in the excerpt given above. See also idem, "The Teacher Hymn Hypothesis Revisited: New Data for an Old Crux," DSD 6 (1999) 239-66. 25 The identification of the author of the Hodayot as the Teacher of Righteousness was first suggested by E.L. Sukenik (brought to press by N. Avigad), The Dead Sea Scrolls of the Hebrew University (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1955) 39, and many have echoed some form of this basic view. The work of Jeremias, Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit, however, is distinguished by his systematic form-critical study and his identification of the Teacher of Righteousness as the author of the "Teacher Hymns" material; also Douglas, Power and Praise in the Hodayot, and "The Teacher Hymn Hypothesis Revisited," 262-66. 26 See Douglas' Table 2, "The Classification of the Compositions in IQHaCols. 10-17," in Power and Praise in the Hodayot, 217; and his Table 1, "The Classification of
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In this excerpt, the speakerof the hymn remarksthat poetic compositionsare a vehicle for displayingpubliclythe conflictbetweenhim and his opponents. The hymn found in IQH 9:1-42 (lines 1-3 are lost and lines 4-7 areextremelyfragmentary) containsinterestingdetails aboutthe authority and functionof hymns. This hymn has not traditionallybeen classified as one of the "Teacher Hymns"; however, there are strong arguments for viewing it as the introduction to the collection of "TeacherHymns."27E. Schuller, in her study of the Cave 4 manuscriptsof theHodayothasproposedthatsomemanuscripts, 4Q429 (4QHc) and 4Q432 (4QHf),a papyrusscroll of almost thirtyfragments,appear to have been a collection of just the "TeacherHymns."4Q429 does not preserveenough materialfor a positive identificationof particular hymns but its physical reconstructionstrongly suggests that it would have been possible to fit the approximate number of hymns also identifiedin the "TeacherHymns"collection on this scroll. Overlapping texts from IQH cols 13 and 14 have survived.284Q432 is more interestingbecause its extant material correspondswith the general sequence of hymns found in IQH 9-16 and includes overlapping material from at least those columns.29Schuller's 1994 preliminary reporton the Cave 4 Hodayotmakes some gesturestowardsthe function of the hymn found in IQH 9 within the "TeacherHymns"collection. She describesthe hymn found in IQH 9 as "distinctiveamong the Hodayot"and goes on to suggest that the hymn "mayhave served some specific function,perhapsas an introductionto the Hymnsof the Teachercollection."30The compositionin 1QH 9 claims that a divine agency lies behind hymnic or meteredpraises.
Compositions in IQH cols 10-17," in "The Teacher Hymn Hypothesis Revisited," 245. 27 The early scholars, Morawe, Holm-Nielsen, Jeremias, and Kuhn, who worked on particular hymns found within cols 10-17 and later identified as the "Teacher Hymns" group 10:5-17:6 never include hymn 9:1-42 among them. 2Y E. Schuller, "Hodayot," in E. Chazon et al. in consultation with J. VanderKam and M. Brady, Qumran Cave 4.XX: Poetical and Liturgical Texts, Pa-t 2 (DJD 29; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999) 178-79. 29 Schuller, DJD 29.209-210. Note that the columns that would have overlapped with the later Teacher Hymns columns have not survived so less can be said about what the end of the "Teacher Hymns collection" in 4Q432 looked like. ? E. Schuller, "The Cave 4 Hodayot Manuscripts: A Preliminary Description," JQR 85 (1994) 145; repr. in Qumranstudien: Vortrage und Beitrage der Teilnehmer des Qumranseminars auf dem internationalen Treffien det Society of Biblical Literature, Miunster,25.-26. Juli 1993 (eds H.-J. Fabry, A. Lange, and H. Lichtenberger; Schriften des Institutum Judaicum Delitzschianum 4; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
36
ANGELA Y. KIM vacat You created breath on the tongue,
you know its words, you establishedthe fruits of the lips, before they came to be; you set words on a line, and the puff of breathfrom the lips to the measure; you broughtforth lines accordingto their mysteries and the puffs of breathsto their account, to make known your glory and to recountyour wonderousdeeds by all the workingsof your truth and by the judgmentsof your righteousness for the purposeof praisingyour name in the mouthof all and they will know you accordingto their intellect and they will bless you forever [and ever] vacat (IQHa9:27-31)
There are two additionaltexts from IQH that are less certainlypart of this authentic "Teacher Hymns" block of material that warrant mention here: IQH 19:3-13 and 19:15-27 both of which begin with the same type of introductoryformula"I give you thanks my God," found among the authentic"TeacherHymns."M. Douglas, ('bK nM:nM) building upon the suggestionspreviouslymade by Schuller,proposes that this materialis best understoodas a book, a "Teacher'sBook," and offers the following understandingof these hymns:there exists a core block of "TeacherHymns"material(10:5-17:36) to which was addedan introductoryhymn (9:1-42, discussedabove) and concluding hymn (17:38-18:14) and also an appendixof three hymns that bear strong resemblance to the "Teacher Hymns" (18:16-19:5, 19:6-17, and 19:18-20:6).' These appended hymns are a later redactional layer. Based on Schuller'sreconstructionof 4Q427 (4QHa), it appears that these hymns were circulatedwith the "CommunityHymns"mateInthefollowingexcerpt rialandnotwiththe"TeacherHymns"material.32 are made concerningthe hymnic remarks additional from IQH 19:4-7 praise of God: But as for me, what [am I] that you have [made]known to me by the counsel of your truth, and have conferredunderstandingin me by the works of your wonder? You have put songs of thanksgivingsinto my mouth,
1996) 87-100. Douglas' excellent analysis of this hymn also argues in favor of the view that the hymn found in IQH 9 served as an introduction to the "Teacher Hymns" collection, Power and Praise in the Hodayot, 1.219-35. '' This is one of the central conclusions from Douglas' work, PoWer and Praise in the Hodayot. 32 Douglas, Power and Praise in the Hodayot, 352. See also the 4Q427 material that overlaps with IQH in Schuller, "Table 1: Sections in IQHa Preserved in IQHh and 4QH2-","DJD 29.72-73.
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And on my tongue is a psalm and the utteranceof my lips in a place of jubilation. I will sing of your kindnesses, I will ponderyour might the whole day, Let me bless your name continually, Let me declareyour glory among the sons of Adam, and in your abundantgoodness my soul will delight. (I QH 19:4-7)
The secondtext,also foundamongtheappendedhymnsto the"Teacher Book,"thatdescribesmeteredpraiseof Godis takenfrom IQH 19:17-26: y[our wonderou]sdeeds you revealedto me and I gazed [... I kindness and I know [that]the righteousnessis yours and in your kindnesses (?) [...I
and there is destructionwithoutyour compassion and as for me, a source of bittersorrowis being opened for me [... I toil is not hiddenfrom my eyes in my knowing man's inclinationand the responseof humanity [and paid attentionto and recognized]sin and the grief of guilt. They have enteredinto my heart and they have afflictedmy bones ?[... I and for the purposeof meditationthey meditated on anguish.I have sighed on the harp of lament for every sorrow of anguish with bitterwailing, until iniquity is destroyed,and [..] and there is no more disease to cause illness. And then let me sing with the harpof salvation, the zither of happi[ness and the tambourineof j]oy and the flute of praise,withoutcease. And who among all of your works is able to recountyour [...]? In the mouthof all of them your name will be praised, for ever and ever they bless you, to the extent of [their]knowledge, [day after d]ay they will announcetogether,with a joyous voice. (IQH 19:17-26)
The first hymn from this appendedcollection suggests that God is responsiblefor the speaker'ssong of thanksgiving(1QH 19:4-5). The second hymn cited above from this collection makes more general statementsabout the songs praising God but begins by stating that God has revealed special secrets to the speaker. Thesevariousreferencesto poeticor sungpraiseof Godin the Hodayot collection resonate with claims found in anothertext from Qumran, the CommunityRule. In that text, the speaker makes the following statementsabout the meteredpraise of God: And in all my existence the preceptwill be engravedon my tongue to be a fruit of eulogy, and a portion(of offering)of my lips. I will sing with knowledgeand for the glory of God shall all my music be, the playingof my harpwill be tuned accordingto his holy order,and the whistle of my lips I shall tune to its correct measure.At the onset of day and night I shall enter the covenant of God, and when evening and morningdepartI shall repeathis precepts;(lQS 10:9-10)
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and later on the hymnistwrites: I shall not retain Belial within my heart. From my mouth shall not be heard foolishness or wicked deceptions; sophistries or lies shall not be found on my lips. The fruit of holiness will be on my tongue, profanity shall not be found on it. With hymns shall I open my mouth and my tongue will continually recount both the just acts of God and the unfaithfulness of men until their iniquity is complete (IQS 10:21-23).
These passages from Qumranillustrate two importantobservations about poetic compositions:(1) songs that have their origin in God, those that are divinely inspired,like those sung by the speakerof the Hodayotand the speakerof the CommunityRule, are true interpretations of God's Wordand give properglory to God, and (2) songs that do not have their origin in God, those that are not inspired,like those sung by the opponentsof the speakerof the Hodayot,are false interpretationsof his Word and distortthe teachingsof God. The key text for our conclusionshas alreadybeen mentioned.This text, found in the twelfth columnof IQH,33is includedwith the material that most likely dates back to the original moment of conflict between the speakerand his opponents.In the hymn beginningat line 5 of that column, the speakerstates clearly that he has receiveda special revelationandthathis opponentshavesubstitutedGod'sTorahwhich has been inculcated in the speaker's heart with smooth words (70iz77 mlifl iflZF11l, 12:10-11). His opponents have TMU nrprr: lead people astraywith their smooth words (flVnpT)and they are said
to use songs to grumble and polemicize against the speaker (13:30-31). The contemptin the speakeragainst his opponentssuggests that their songs were popularand seductivelyluredpeople away from God's true teaching,which is of course mediatedby the speaker alone. From this text and others, we may draw general conclusions about the understandingof poetic compositionsand songs of praise, that they wielded a power that could be used in a positive way, to praiseGod, or in a negativeway, to lead peopleaway fromGod's teaching. Thus, while the beautiful melodies and rhythmsof a poem or song may entice those who hear it, their pleasing charmalone is not a guaranteeof the truthof its content. While a song may have wide currencyand be easily recognizable because of the beauty inherentin the compositionitself or some other 1- Douglas numbersthe beginning of this hymn as 12:7. He comments on the significance of this hymn in particular and also of the strong possibility that 12:31b-13:6 is an interpolation (Power and Praise in the Hodayot, 99-111).
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aesthetic feature, it does not necessarilyfollow that that composition has an authoritativestatus within the community,and thus it seems that poetic compositionsrequiresome form of externalauthorization. This may be due to the fact that the literarymedium of poetry, the elevated style of writing that characterizesthese texts, allows for an interpretivefreedomthat invites an ambiguitythat must be controlled in a way that is different from prose compositions.34
Thus poetic compositionsrequiresome form of legitimatingframework, either in the form of a narrativecontext, or an authoritativecollection, in orderto confirmtheir theologicalrelevancefor a particular community.The processof incorporatingpoetic compositionsinto secondaryauthoritativecontexts may be describedas a sign of the transformationof that writing into Scripture.The need to authorizepoetic compositionsmay be due to a concernto regulatethe interpretivecontent found in them and this is especially true in the case of anonymousor pseudonymouscompositions,whichwe encounterwithfrequency in the Dead Sea Scrolls, but also truefor authoredpoetic compositions found in later Jewish and Christiantraditions. 2. THENEEDFORTHEAUTHORIZATION OFRELIGIOUS POETIC COMPOSITIONS A look at later Jewish and Christian communities' attitudes towards poetic compositions provides some light on the overall phenomenon that there is a general need to authorize religious poetic compositions, both those that are anonymous or pseudonymous and those whose authorship is clearly identifiable. Known poets in the early centuries of the Church, individuals whose teachings were deemed heretical like Marcion and Arius in the West and Mani and Bardaisan in the East, were famous for the beauty of their poems and great popularity of
their hymns. The popularityof their hymns allowed for the dissemination of their teachings and increasedtheir influencewith the result that they posed a threatto the Church.Presumablythese individuals were well-intentionedinterpretersof Scriptureand did not intend to offer subversive interpretations. While this may be the case, the theological statements found in their hymns were viewed to be problem-
3 G.L. Bruns discusses the various philosophicaland literarytraditionsthat have associated a subversive and ambiguous aspect of poetry in "Against Poetry," HermeneuticsAncient& Modern(New Haven:Yale UniversityPress, 1992) 229-46.
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atic in the eyes of the Church and resulted in their public condemnation as heretics. Thus poetry was a literary medium for both orthodox teaching and heresy in the early Church. Arius, presumably a pious Christian, is known to have composed many religious songs to popularmeter. Ambrose, in reaction against Arius and his teachings, claims inspiration by the Holy Trinity in his poetic compositions and condemns Arius. He writes: They declare also that the people have been beguiled by the strains of my hymns. I certainly do not deny it. That is a lofty strain, and there is nothing more powerful than it. For what has more power than the confession of the Trinity which is daily celebrated by the mouth of the whole people?35
In addition to Ambrose whose hymns are known for their trinitarian emphases, the Latin Christian poet Hilary of Poitiers (d. 367 CE) is also known for composing theological hymns in popular meter for the sake of pronouncing Christological truths against Arius.36 There are many references to the dangers of the allure of the melody or of secular music in ancient Greek and Latin Christian sources.37 John Chrysostom (345-397), an important preacher of the early Church, writes the following about the dangers of unorthodox songs: Inasmuch as this kind of pleasure is thoroughly innate to our mind, and lest demons introducing lascivious songs should overthrow everything, God established the psalms, in order that singing might be both a pleasure and a help. From strange chants harm, ruin, and many grievous matters are brought in, for those things that are lascivious and vicious in all songs settle in parts of the mind, making it softer and weaker; from the spiritual psalms, however, proceeds much of value, much utility, much sanctity, and every inducement to philosophy, for the words purify the mind and the Holy Spirit descends swiftly upon the mind of the singer. For those who sing with understanding invoke the grace of the Spirit.38
In this passage it is clear that there is an efficacious power in song; some may ennoble the listener while others may corrupt. These
The text is taken from CSEL 82, 105, trans. from the Latin by H. De Romestin. J. Fontaine, "L'hymnodie experimentale d'Hilaire de Poitiers ou la mutation difficile de la psalmodie," Naissance de la poesie dans l'occident chretien: Esquisse d'une histoire de la po6sie latine chretienne du lIPeau Vle siecle (Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1981) 81-94. "' Augustine writes that at times he is moved more by the performance of the voice than by the content of the song, "Music as Means and End," Conf. Book 10, Ch. 33; Boethius writes that music can both ennoble or corrupt the character, De institutione musica Book I ??1, 2, 34. 31 John Chrysostom, "From the Exposition of Psalm XLI," PG 15.155-59. 36
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41
notions about the efficacy of music for good or bad mirrordiscussions that have taken place among authorsfrom classical antiquity.39 In the East, the great Syrian hymnist, Ephrem(d. 373 CE), widely acclaimedfor the literaryartistryof his compositions,wrote hymns to counter the popularityof the heresies spun by Mani, Marcion, BarHis hymns, rich with interpretivematerdaisan, and their followers.YO ial, exerted tremendousinfluence upon the liturgical expressions of the Byzantine church both directly, by virtue of their incorporation into the liturgy of the East, and indirectly, through influence upon The scripRomanosthe Melodistand laterwesternmedievaldramas.41 Vita in the later of his is seen Syriac Byzantine turalization hymns tradition that states that Ephrem alone was worthy to receive the heavenly scroll from the Angel of God.42After receiving the scroll, Ephremis said to have possessed supernaturaleloquence and divine wisdom. The day after he received the documenthe became filled with the Holy Spirit, and began utteringmarvelousthings, going about preachingand teachingmany. In the morning, he heard the hermits saying: "Look, Ephrem is teaching as thougha fountainwere flowing from his mouth."Then the old man realizedthat what was coming from his lips was from the Holy Spirit.Holy MarEphremtraveled the spiritualpath, straightand true, never veering off to one side of the straightpath.And he becameworthyof the gift of naturalknowledge,which precedes the knowledgeof theology, and perfectblessedness.43
The claims of inspirationthat are presentin this hagiographicalpassage are a sign of the great authoritythat was attributedto Ephremas
39 Some representative discussions include Plato, Resp. 3:398-404, 410-13, and Aristotle, Pol. Book 8. 4 See the introduction to K.E. McVey (ed.), St. Ephrem the Syrian: Selected Prose Works(trans E.G. Mathews, Jr and J.P. Amar; FC 91; Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1994) 22-23. 4' References that remark upon the formal literary dependence of Romanos upon Ephrem include: W.L. Petersen, The Diatessaron and Ephrem Syrus as Sources of Romanos the Melodist (CSCO 475; Louvain: Peeters Press, 1985); S.P. Brock, "From Ephrem to Romanos," Studia Patristica 20 (1989) 139-51. Ephrem's influence upon the development of medieval dramas is described by M. Schmidt, "Orientalischer Einfluss auf die deutsche Literatur: Quellengeschichtliche Studien zum 'Abraham' der Hrotsvit von Ganderheim," Colloquia Germanica 1 (1968) 152-87, and idem, "Influence de saint Ephrem sur la litterature latine et allemande du d6but du moyen-age," ParOr 4 (1973) 325-41. See also A.C. Mahr, Relations of Passion Plays to St. Ephrem the Syrian (Columbus, OH: The Wartburg Press, 1942). 42 See J.P. Amar, The Syriac 'Vita' Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian (Catholic University of America Ph.D. dissertation: Washington, DC, 1988) 234-35. 43 See BL 9384, Amar (trans.), The Syriac 'Vita' Tradition of Ephrem the Syrian, 235-36.
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a liturgicalpoet. A similar claim of divine inspirationis attachedto thetraditionssurrounding Romanos,thecelebrated6th-centuryByzantine hymnographerwhose hymns were sung during the liturgies of the GreatChurchin Constantinople.Accordingto the Menalogionof Basil, Romanoswas said to have received a vision of the Virgin Marywho commandedhim to eat a scroll of paper. Having ingested the scroll, he awoke with the ability to write and compose liturgical hymns notablefor their theologicalrichnessand poetic beauty.' These Christianpoets authoredpoetic compositionsfor public use or liturgicalpurposes.Their claims to divine inspirationare polemical in natureand reflect the movement towards orthodoxy.The explicit referencesto some sort of divine inspirationin these compositionsis a way of securing the authorityof these hymns for their public use and for counteringthe interpretiveclaims made by popularheretical poets like Arius, Bardaisan,and others. 2.1. Jewish Concerns over the Singing of Poetic Compositions
Concernsover the singing of poetic compositionsappearin Jewish traditionsas well. Duringthe Talmudicperiod,we find rich traditions concerning the heavenly singing of angels which most likely arise from references to the eternal but inaudible heavenly singing mentioned in Pss 19:1-4; 148:3. DuringTalmudictimes, singing is said to have divine origins, y. Sot. 7:2 (21c). This, however, is held in tension with statementsthat expressconcernover the impropersinging of poetic compositions.The apostasyof the 2nd-centuryrabbiElisha ben Abuya was attributedto the fact that "Greeksong did not cease from his mouth."" Later medieval traditions about the piyyutim further illustratethe tension between the uses of poetic compositions. 2.2. The Piyyutim
The tension between correct and transgressive interpretationof Scriptureis expressedin the literatureof theJewishsynagogue.Liturgical poetryknown as the piyyutim,as well as the literaturecommentingon
4 See Petersen, The Diatessaron and Ephrem Syrus, 1-2. The event is also recorded in the writings of St Nikodemos of Mount Athos (1748-1809), cited by E. Catafygiotu Topping, "St. Romanos: Ikon of a Poet," Greek Orthodox Theological Review 12 (1966) 92-93. 45
B. Hag. 15b.
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them, well illustratesthe need to authorizethe interpretivecontent of religious poetic compositions.' The payetanim were poets who were highly regardedfor the excellence in form and literarysophistication of their liturgical poetry, the piyyutim.47 These liturgical poems in par-
ticular are noted for being richly infused with creative interpretive theological material.48By the Byzantine period, the piyyut functioned as a type of poetic homiletic expansion of the lectionaryreadingfor that day.49 The interpretivecharacterof liturgicalpoetry is reflectedin part by the remarksin 1 Chron.25:1-3 that speak of the prophesyingby the cultic functionaries,the Leviticalsingers.The identificationof the poet with prophetis made clear in statementsabout the divine inspiration of payetanim like the one made about David ben Yom Tob Bilia (ca. 14th centuryCE): He whom the Creatorhas blessed with his own inspirationto speak his words in poetic metersis consideredto be among those who speak with the Holy Spirit.50
The growing scripturalizationof the piyyutim is reflected in the fact that we have accountsof 13th-centuryscholarswriting commen-
46 Some would argue that Jewish liturgicalpoetry,the piyyut,has its origins in the early 2nd centuryCE, see A.Z. Idelsohn,Jewish Liturgyand Its Development(New York: HenryHolt, 1932; repr.New York:Dover, 1995) 34-35 where he refers to the 2nd-centurypoet Eleazarben Simeon ben Yohai, mentionedin Song Rab. 3:10, and the citation in Ruth Rab. 6, which suggests that alphabeticacrosticswere commonly composed prior to the fall of Jerusalem.J. Schirmannalso locates the origins of the piyyutin the2ndcenturyinhis article"HebrewLiturgicalPoetryandChristianHymnology,"
JQR 44 (1953) 123-61 and J. Heinemann, "Piyydt-forms of Temple Origin," Prayer in the Talmud: Forms and Patterns (Berlin/New York: de Gruyter, 1977) 139-55;
repr. from Tarbiz 30 (1960/61). Note that S.C. Reif opines that Heinemann'sjudgment seems to be anachronistic, see Judaism and Hebrew Prayer: New Perspectives
on JewishLiturgicalHistory(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1993) 82. Many scholars now locate its origins in the Byzantine period and tend to emphasize the influenceof surroundingcultureson its development;see most recently L.I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, CT/London: Yale
UniversityPress, 2000) 552-56. 47 The termpiyyut (C0rm)is derivedfrom the Greek notyifl. 48 Most recently,M.J. Bernsteinhas tracedthe historyof interpretation of angels at the Aqedahwithin the acrosticpiyyut known as 'Amar Yishaq and in the poems of Simon b. Megas (6th-7th century)in "Angelsat the Aqedah:A Study in the Development of a MidrashicMotif,"DSD 7 (2000) 285-89. 4 See more recently R. Langer, To Worship God Properly: Tensions between Liturgical Custom and Halakhah in Judaism (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College Press,
1998) 115. so See Kugel, The Idea of Biblical Poetry, 182 and his reference to rnuv rrT' o'rin (ed. N. Allony) in T 7'p`tt ?7 r:P1 16 (1966) 234.
1-T
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taries on them with a recordof how many letters and/orwords they contained.5' While they were extremelypopular,the piyyutimwere not blindly accepted as authoritativeand strong opinions were expressedagainst their use. This controversyover the statusof these writingsis seen in Abraham Ibn Ezra (1089-1164) who cautions against the dangers religiouspoetryin his commentagainsttheprolificpayetan of interpretive EleazarKallir. He writes that all of his poems are full of exegetical and homiletical allusions, whereas our Sages had said that no biblical verse ever departs from its literal meaning.)2
Here the charge laid against Kallir concerns the interpretivefreedom of his poetic compositions. Maimonides is also said to have resistedthe use of piyyutimin the liturgybecause their creative interpretationsof the biblical text were known to express theologically transgressiveideas.53 The wide-rangingreactionsto the piyyutim reflect the controversy that surroundedthese poetic compositions. The more conservative position of rejecting them and abiding with more traditionalforms standsin contrastto the positionthat viewed them to be inspired.The opposition to the use of the piyyutimapparentlygave rise to strong argumentsin favor of their use and began the growing scripturalization of these compositions.While such a scenario may not be easily retrojectedinto the era of the Qumrancommunity,it suggeststhat theological claims presentedin a poetic form are in need of authorization because of the interpretivefreedom which arises naturallyfrom this type of literarymedium. 2.3. Authoritative Collections
Anonymoushymnsandprayers,thatis to say, thosehymnsandprayers that do not contain authorialclaims, cannot trace their authorityto a particularindividualby definition.These would include texts that are found in multiplecontexts, which have been referredto in this paper as "floating" hymns or prayers. These anonymous compositions receive legitimationby their incorporationinto narrativecontexts or -' See the comments on the 13th-century treatise, Sodoth Ha-Tefillah, by Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer, 173-74. 52 See Abraham Ibn Ezra, Commentary on Ecclesiastes 5:1. 53 Moses Maimonides, Guide of the Perplexed (trans. S. Pines; Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1963) 137-43.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
45
collections that are alreadyrecognizedas authoritativeto the community. The incorporationof these "floating"texts into standardcollections is a reflection of their use and importanceto the community. One possible example of such a phenomenonis the appearanceof a prayerfound in Baruch5 and the Psalms of Solomon I1.14 The passage from Pss Sol. 11:1-9 is given below:55 Blow in Zion on the known trumpetof the holy ones; Proclaimin Jerusalemthe voice of the messengers, Because God has had mercy on Israel in his visitation. Stand up, 0 Jerusalem,on high, And see your childrenwho are all being gatheredtogetherfrom the east and from the west by the Lord; And from the norththey are coming to the joy of their God. And from the distantislands God has gatheredthem; High mountainshe humbled,and he made them low, And the hills fled from theirentrance. He shadedthe cedarsover them when they were passing by, And God caused every tree of sweet smell to breatheon them, So that Israel might pass by in the visitationof the glory of their God. Put on, 0 Jerusalem,the garmentsof your glory, And preparethe robe of your holiness, Because God has spoken good things to Israelnow and forever. May the Lord do what he spoke concerningIsraeland concerningJerusalem; May the Lord raise up Israelby the name of his glory; May the mercy of the Lord be upon Israel now and forever.
It is possible that the hymn, an interpretivereworkingof Isaiah 52, has been introducedinto the collection, although in this case, it is difficultto say with certaintythe directionof the dependency. Anotherexample of the insertionof a prayerunit into an otherwise fixed collection is the Amidah,also known as the Eighteen Benedictions or the ShemonehEsrei. Jewish liturgicalpracticeexhibits many regional variationswith the most commonly known distinctionbeing that between the Palestinianand the Babylonianforms.56The Jewish prayerbook, the Siddur,containsone particularcollection of benedictions, known as the Eighteen Benedictions; contrary to its conven-
-4 On the questionof the relationshipbetween Baruch5 to Psalms of Solomon I 1, see A. Kabasele Mukenge, L'unite litt&raire du livre de Baruch (EBib 38; Paris: J.
Gabaldaet C'e, Editeurs,1998) 330-37. O.H. Steck says that the precise relationship of dependence is not clear in his Das apokryphe Baruchbuch: Studien zu Rezeption und Konzentration "kanoniseher" Uberlieferung (ATD Apokryphen 5; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht,1993) 240-42. -5 Translation taken from J.L. Trafton, The Syriac Version of the Psalms of Solomon: A Critical Evaluation (SBLSCS 11; Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1985) 110-1 1. -' See the thirteendifferenceslisted in Levine, The AncientSynagogue,536-38.
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ANGELA Y. KIM
tional title, however,the Babylonianversionactuallycontainsnineteen benedictions.Accordingto b. Ber. 28b-29a, the additionalbenediction is said to be the Birkat ha-Minimwhile other evidence identifiesthe additional benediction as the Birkat David."7Without marshalling arguments for which scenario is more probable, this clearly is an instancewhere an additionalbenedictionhas been incorporatedinto an authoritativecollection after the stabilizationof that collection. AT QUMRAN 3. POETICCOMPOSITIONS
3.1. The Qumran Psalter 1lQPs"'
At Qumran,a numberof psalms that are otherwisenot found in the traditionalMasoreticPsalter are presentedas the works of David in 1lQPsa. The traditional attributionof David as the author of the Psalter outweighs internal evidence that suggests the contrary. In I IQpSa we find a prose passage that describesthe inspiredorigins of David's compositions: And David son of Jesse was wise and a light like the light of the sun and learned. And discerning and perfect in all of his ways before God and men and the Lord gave him a discerning and enlightened spirit and he wrote 3600 psalms, and songs to be sung before the altar over the whole-burnt offering for every day, for all of the days of the year, 364; and for the offering of the Sabbaths, fiftytwo songs; and for the offering of the New Moons, and for all of the days of the festivals and for the Day of Atonement, thirty songs. And all the songs which he spoke were 446, and songs to perform over the possessed, four. The total was 4050. All these he spoke through the (spirit of) prophecy which was given to him from before the Most High.58
The functionof "David's Compositions"within the context of 1lQPsa strategy.This particular may be describedas an authority-conferring prose section attributesthe collection of otherwiseanonymoushymns to a particular author, namely David, thereby authorizing it. That is to say, those psalms that were otherwise not preserved in what later became known as the traditional Masoretic psalter for use in the worship life of the Qumran community were attributed to David who was highly regarded as a poet and well known for his divine inspiration and favor. This sort of attribution is continuous with biblical tradition
17 P.S. Alexander (ed. and trans.), Textual Sources for the Study of Judaism (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990) 6. 11 I I QPN 27:2-1 1.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETICCOMPOSITIONS
47
of creditingDavid with the compositionof psalms which themselves contain evidence that suggest the contrary.The explicit referencesto liturgical occasions, "festivals and sacred times," suggest that the psalter preserved in 1lQPsa includes those hymns and prayers that forthe liturgicallife of thecommunity. wereconsideredto be authoritative 3.1.1. Psalm 151 Includedin this collection is the apocryphalPsalm 151 whose popularity and liturgicaluse enduredin Christiancommunitiesuntil the 4th centurywhere we find the express prohibitionagainst its use in ecclesiasticalworship in the 59th canon of the Council of Laodicea.59 Priorto the discovery of the scrolls, this psalm was known only from Greek, Latin, and Syriac manuscripts,and it seems to have originally existed as two separatepoems (151A and iSiB) that were later combined.60Writtenin an autobiographicalstyle, this psalm presentsa cre-
See E. Amann,"Concilede Laodicee,"Dictionnaire de theologie catholique (eds A. Vacant, E. Mangenot,E. Amann;Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1925) 8.2611-15; E.S. Ffoulkes, "Councils of Laodicea," A Dictionary of Christian Antiquities (eds W. Smith
and S. Cheetham; London: John Murray, 1880) 2.929; E. Wellesz, A History of Byzantine Music and Hymnography (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1949) 32-33. The
psalm's popularitymay be due to the fact that David seems to appearas a kind of Judeo-Christian corollaryto the Greekshepherdpoet Orpheus.See J.A. Sander'scautious remarkson this topic in The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll (Ithaca:CornellUniversity Press, 1967) 98-99. This suggestionwas popularizedby A. Dupont-Sommer,"David et Orph&e," Seance publique annuelle des cinq Academies (Oct. 1964) 1-11 and
rejectedoutrightby F.M. Cross, "David, Orpheus,and Psalm 151:3-4," BASOR231 HebrewPsalms from Qumran-Psalm (1978) 69-71 and S. Talmon,"Extra-Canonical 151," The World of Qumran from Within, 256. See also the comments by D. Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian Writings, Philo, Josephus (ed. M.E.
Stone; CRINT 2.2; Assen: Van Gorcum;Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1984) 561. 60 The earliest Greek manuscriptof this psalm reflects a shortercombinedversion of 151A and 151B; see Sanders,The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll, 94. Importantstudies on Syriac Psalm 151 generally include H.H. Spoer, "Psalm 151," ZAW 28 (1908) 65-68; M. Noth, "Die fuinfsyrischUberlieferten apokryphenPsalmen,"ZAW48 (1930) 1-23. Importantworks on this psalm in the light of the scrolls include:J. Strugnell, "Notes on the Text and Transmissionof the ApocryphalPsalms 151, 154 (= Syr. II) and 155(= Syr.III),"HTR59 (1966)259-61; D.N.Wigtil,"TheSequenceof theTranslations of ApocryphalPsalm 151,"RevQ 11 (1983) 401-7; M. Haran,"The Two Text-forms of Psalm 151,"JJS 39 (1988) 171-82; M.S. Smith,"How to Write a Poem:The Case of Psalm 151 A (II QPsa 28.3-12)," Sirach, Scrolls, and Sages: Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, and the Mishnah, Held at Leiden University, 15-17 December 1997 (eds T. Muraoka and
J.F. Elwolde;STDJ33; Leiden:Brill, 1997) 182-208; H.F. van Rooy, "TheFramework of the Syriac Psalm 151," Studies on the Syriac Apocryphal Psalms (JSSSup 7; Oxford/New
York:Publishedby OxfordUniversityPress on behalfof the Universityof Manchester,
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ANGELA Y. KIM
ative poetic interpretationof various biblical episodes in the life of David. The degree of interpretationfound in this psalm is retectedin J. Sanders's comment that it is representativeof a kind of "poetic midrash."6'Its transmissionhistoryreflectsa high degree of variation. While only the correspondingsections of Psalm 151A and portionsof 151B are preservedin the scroll, enough materialremainsto suggest that the particularform of 151 found at Qumrandiverges from other forms to such an extent that it is impossibleto reconstructits missing portionsfrom the old Greek manuscripttradition. The inclusionof Psalm 151A/B in the collection known as 1lQPsa may be describedas a kind of authorizingstrategy.Even thoughthis particularcollection of psalms from Qumranreflectsthe great fluidity of the psalterduringthis time, it seems likely that this was considered Some suggest that three of to be a valid psalterfor the community.62 the Syriac apocryphalPsalms (Syr I, IV, and V)63appearedas a collection in 1lQPsaeven though there is evidence for only Syr I and II in the scroll.' All three of these psalms (Syr I, IV, and V) seem to belong to a similar autobiographicalgenre and recast episodes from David's life in poetic form. In the case of Syr V (= Psalm 153), various exegeticalelementsare presentthatdivergefrom the biblicaltext.
1999) 57-80; idem, "The Different Text-Forms of the Syriac Psalm 151," Studies on the Syriac Apocryphal Psalms, 81-89; idem, "The Relation of the Syriac Psalm 151 to the Greek and Hebrew Versions," Studies on the Syriac Apoc'yphal Psalms, 90-109. 6" Sanders, The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll, 95. 62 Here we adopt the position of E.C. Ulrich ("Multiple Literary Editions: Reflections toward a Theory of the History of the Biblical Text," Current Research and Technological Developments on the Dead Sea Scrolls: Conference on the Texts from the Judean Desert, Jerusalem, 30 April, 1995 [eds D.W. Parry and S.D. Ricks; STDJ 20; Leiden: Brill, 1996] 78-105 + pls i-ii) and P. Flint (The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms ISTDJ 17; Leiden/New York/Koln: Brill, 19971 13-26 and 202-27) that the Psalter was fluid during the time of Qumran and that I IQPsa was considered to be canonical. Flint well describes the arguments against viewing this scroll as a scriptural Psalter; all arguments depend upon a claim that cannot be proven, namely that the Psalter was fixed and established well before the 2nd century BCE. The correspondence between the additional psalms found in the Qumran scroll h with the five Syriac Apocryphal Psalms from the manuscript found at Mosul (dated to the 12th century) is as follows: Psalm 151 = Syr I; Psalm 152 = Syr IV; Psalm 153 = Syr V; Psalm 154 = Syr II; Psalm 155 = Syr III. See Appendix I in Sanders, The Dead Sea Psalms Scr-oll, 141-42. "4 This suggestion is made by Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," 562. Sanders writes that some scholars think that the Syrian Christians originally received these five psalms from the Karaite Jews who are said to have discovered them in a cave in the 8th century but he himself takes their incorporation in the Qumran Psalter as a moot point (The Dead Sea Psalms Scroll, 141).
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
49
According to this psalm, an angel is responsible for saving David from the wild beasts, whereasthe biblical text recordsthat David himself slew the animals (1 Sam. 17:34-36).65
It is true that the references to historical events in David's life found in Syr I (= Psalm 15lA/B) do not appearto such a degree in biblical psalms and could have distinguishedthis psalm from those found in the traditionalMasoreticcollection. S. Talmon remarksthat the collocation of verses in Syr I parallels episodes described in I Sam. 16:1-13 (David's anointing by Samuel) and I Sam. 17:1-54 (David's battle against Goliath) but omit I Sam. 16:14-23 (David's encounter with King Saul).66The sequence of following David's anointmentwith an account of his battle against Goliath is found in Josephus' account of events as well.67It is possible that the psalm's interpretivelinking of two passages that appear in the biblical text under separateoccasions68could have necessitatedthe need to establish its authorityby incorporatingit into an authoritativecollection. 3.1.2. Sir. 51:13-19 The hymn from Sir. 51:13-19 also appearsin IlQPsa. Like Psalm 151, it is writtenin a kind of autobiographicalstyle with the speaker describing his quest for wisdom. The hymn evokes images of personified wisdom that are reminiscentof Lady Wisdom from Proverbs 1-9. The hymn is an acrosticand is preservedup to the letterZ. The following is the text from llQPsa 21:11-17 [= Sir. 51:13-17] based on the reconstructionby Sanders: -w: n-ri:
11 ntR: mriuprn rn^n :n 'st: 'v:z r: v: n: riet nn o 12 =vm: mn07ilnsuni -nzn: i-i-,:) mn nin 13 "MA7nntOt 'b MMnil--7l M17tnMAIM *:n 14 MZIMI 'rnnr-t`nn 15 7r-r :K A*1' :nI: 'nt7p npnMURI w 7mi' r1:Mn: 'n-lu M:'rrn A1' ":X1n: vim: 16 tR nMrl:m`= J=MtnA -r -,bu 17 imIM) [ n-]MnED
-* ir=
'5
:~:
"I was a youth before I had erred and requested her. She came to me in her beauty when '2finally I sought her out. Even (as) a blossom drops in the ripening of grapes, making glad the heart, '3so my foot walked in uprightness, for from my young manhood I have known her. I inclined, a bit, '4my ear and great
65 Thus noted by Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," 562.
1 Talmon, "Extra-Canonical Hebrew Psalms from Qumran," 271. See Josephus, Ant. 6:165 as noted by Talmon, "Extra-Canonical Hebrew Psalms from Qumran," 272. i Talmon, "Extra-Canonical Hebrew Psalms from Qumran," 272. 67
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ANGELA Y. KIM
was the persuasionthat I found. And she became a nursefor me; to my teacher I will give '5myardor.I purposedto makesport;I was zealousfor pleasure,without pause I kindled'6mydesirefor her withoutdistractionI bestirredmy soul for her and on her heights I do not '7waver.I opened my hand and perceivedher nakedness;my palm I cleansed...
The passage presentsthe speakerin pursuitof wisdom. Here wisdom is presentedin feminine imagery that is unlike that used for Lady Wisdom in Proverbs1-9. Many of the more sensual elementsthat are presentin the scroll are not found in the LXXwhich may be rendered as follows: When I was young, before I had wandered, I sought Wisdom openly in my prayer.I prayedfor her before the Temple and finally will I seek her out. Even from the flower until the ripeningof a grape my hearthas delightedin her. My foot trod in uprightness.From my youth have I sought after her. I inclinedmy ear but a little and received(her), and greatwas the learningI found.Therewas profitfor me in her; to him who gives me Wisdom, I give glory.69
The Greekversion of the hymn also makes mentionof prayerand the Temple.70This hymn is possibly a secondaryadditionto the book of Sirach and it may have been includedin that work on the basis of a perceivedcontinuitywith the referencesto wisdom personifiedin Sir. 14:20-15:10. As a concluding hymn to the book of Sirach, the speaker of the hymn is understoodto be Sirachwhereasthe hymn's placementin the QumranPsalterfrom Cave 11 reflectsan implicitattributionto David as the speakerof the hymn. The literaryframeworkof the Psalm collection 1lQPsaprovidesa literarycontextfor the hymn which suggests that this communityunderstoodits authorityto be on par with other psalms in the collection despite the interpretivematerialfound in the hymn itself. 3.1.3. Syriac Psalm 154
A Hebrew version of Psalm 154 was also identified among the hymns found in 1IQpSa and this inclusionmay have served to authorize this hymn that was preserved within the collection of five 69
pE VEO)TEpO;ipviV n,kavnIOqvact ETIt("Ov xai iko h -6Twv gou. evavTt vaov #ijouv rEptau5rii v aVTz. ?V 5 Kap6tc xou a &iT'V. i.C &v0oou @; 7EpKa(c pp'vG EK4111To EK VC *TT # * gt jt *% iV 6 n I' ; AOX E'l jou ) 'Xvruov aTnlv. i?KXtVa Okiyov TO oVi; iou Eir4n O irou pou EV ?V0i^TIo, EK v60T6; tl6EiaV. Icz IrOjXV ?VpOV EpauT Kcli r& agv IpOKOI7I1 EYEVETOpot EV atOp TO) The
?nTma
LXX
of Sir. 51:13-17 reads as follows:
aopiav irpoqxsvd5 E~V irpooau,
86tOVTI pot
roopiav &6xO
60tav.
Some have said that Sanders has overstated the erotic imagery of the scroll; see D.J. Harrington, Wisdom Texts from Qumran (New York: Routledge, 1996) 29. 7n
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
51
apocryphalpsalms transmittedat the end of the Syriac Psalter.7'Since those early discussionsconcerningthis psalm and the collection found in I1QPsa, an additionalrelationshipbetween this psalm and another text has been identified.A close textual relationshiphas been identified between 4Q448 and Syr Psalm 154.72 This text from Qumran
appearsto be a prayerattributedto King Hezekiah during the siege by Sennacherib.Accordingto the study by H. Eshel and E. Eshel, the text found in 4Q448 is an earlierform of the later psalm preservedin Syriac Psalm 154.73 The multiple attestationof this prayertext suggests that it is a floatingtext. M. Kistersuggests that controversialelements of this hymn as it has been preservedin Syriac Psalm 154 may have been consciously omitted in the copying of 4Q448 but survived in the latercopies of the psalm.74Verse 19 of Syriac Psalm 154 would have been controversialfor it expresses the sentiments of someone who was sympatheticto the Hasmoneankingdomand may have been excised from 4Q448. The inclusion of this psalm into the collections I IQPsa and the Syriac apocryphalpsalms may have been an attempt tOprovide an authoritativeliteraryframeworkfor an otherwisepopular and widely circulatingprayer.
7' Importantdiscussionsof Psalm 154 priorto the discoveryof the Qumranscrolls include:The Old Testamentin Syriac, Part IV, Fascicle 6: Canticlesor Odes. Prayer of Manasseh. Apocryphal Psalms. Psalms of Solomon. Tobit. 1 (3) Esdras (Leiden:
Brill, 1972) ii; M. Noth, "Die funf syrisch uberliefertenapokryphenPsalmen,"1-23. Importantdiscussionsof Psalm 154 in light of the scrolls include:Sanders,The Psalm Scroll; A. Hurvitz,"Observationson the Language of the Third ApocryphalPsalm from Qumran,"RevQ 5 (1965) 231-32 n. 13; with importantremarkson the transmission historyof this psalm by Strugnellwho remarksthat this hymn was translated directly from the Hebrew to the Syriac without an intermediateGreek translation ("Notes on the Text and Transmission,"272-75); see also A.S. van der Woude,"Die fiinfsyrischenPsalmen,"PoetischeSchriften(eds W.G.Kummelet al.;JSHRZ4; GUtersloh: G. Mohn, 1974) 35; P.W. Skehan, "Again the Syriac ApocryphalPsalms,"CBQ 38 (1976) 156-57; H.F. van Rooy, "The Hebrew and Syriac Versions of Psalm 154," JSem 5 (1993) 97-109. 72 See most recently,the excellent study by H. Eshel and E. Eshel, "4Q448, Psalm 154(Syriac),Sirach48:20,and4QpIsaa," JBL 119(2000)645-59; A. Lemaire,"Attestation Textuelle et CritiqueLittdraire:4Q448 col. A et Psalm 154," The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years after Their Discovery, 12-18; E. Eshel, H. Eshel, and A. Yardeni, "4Q448. 4QapocryphalPsalm and Prayer,"in E. Eshel et al., QumranCave 4.V!: Poetical and
LiturgicalTexts,Part I (DJD 11; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1998) 403-25; eidem, "A Scroll from Qumran which Includes Parts of Psalm 154 and a Prayer for King Jonathanand his Kingdom"(Hebrew),Tarbiz60 (1990) 295-324; eidem, "A Qumran CompositionContainingPartof Ps. 154 and a Prayerfor the Welfareof King Jonathan and His Kingdom," IEJ 42 (1992) 199-229. 73 74
Eshel and Eshel, "4Q448, Psalm 154 (Syriac),Sirach48:20, and 4QpIsaa," 649. M. Kister,"Notes on Some New Texts from Qumran,"JJS 44 (1993) 289-90.
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ANGELA Y. KIM
3.2. The Qumran Hodayot (IQH")
To date, eight Hodayot manuscriptshave been identifiedwith certainty: lQHab (Sukenik's scroll and 1Q35)75 and 4QHa-f (4Q427432).76 The multiple attestations of the Hodayot text and the care
taken in transcribingit stronglysuggest that this collectionenjoyed an authoritativestatus within the community." E. Puech writes, "The impeccablematerialcraftingof the scroll, which to our knowledgeis unique among the manuscriptsthat have been found, would in itself show the great esteem and importancethe scribe-copyistaccordedto this text, on a level with the great biblical manuscripts."78 Accordingto Schuller's reconstructionof the Cave 4 fragments,it seems clear that the extant scroll preservedin Cave 1 and the manuscriptfragmentsfrom Cave 4 representvariousstages in the development of the text and that the collectionswere neitherstable nor fixed. The reconstructionof the Cave 4 Hodayot texts, based on the physical characteristicsof the fragmentshapes and the repetitionof damaged areas, producedsmaller scrolls that could not have been copies of the collections preservedin lQHa.79For example,4QHa[= 4Q427], which seems to contain only CommunityHymns, diverges from the orderand arrangementof these hymns as they appearin IQHa.$(The Cave 4 fragments are of varying size, some of which contain significantamountsof text (e.g., 4QHa 7, 7b, 8 i and ii; 4QHb 10; 4QHC 1 i and ii, and 2; 4QHe2), and many of which are so small that they reveal only a few letters(e.g., 4QHb 23-59).8I lQHa is closest to 4QHb " Subsequent to Sukenik's initial publication of the scroll in 1955 (see Sukenik, mirt nri*nmm %nk; and DSSHU, 37-39; pis 35-58), J.T. Milik identified two more Cave 1 fragments of what was thought to be a second copy of the Hodayot (IQHh = IQ35); see J.T. Milik, "Recueil de cantiques d'action de graces (IQH)," in D. Barth& lemy, O.P. and J.T. Milik, Qumran Cave I (DJD 1; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1955)
136-38, pl. xxxi. 76
E. Schuller, "The Cave 4 Hodayot Manuscripts," 137-50.
JI. Strugnell and E. Schuller, "FurtherHodayot Manuscriptsfrom Qumran?" Antikes Judentum und Fruhes Christentum: Festschrift fur Hartmut Stegemann zum 65. Geburtstag (eds B. Kollmann, W. Reinbold, and A. Steudel; BZNW 97; Berlin: W. de
Gruyter,1999) 51. E. Puech, "Hodayot,"Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds L.H. Schiffman and J.C. VanderKam; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 1.365. 7 Schuller, DJD 29.75. ho See the table of variants in Schuller, DJD 29.78, but note, however, that the order of the hymns in these overlapping sections from lQH3 is disputed according to her
commentson p. 80. 8' See the photos in DJD 29, pls IV-XIV; see pls X and XI for the smaller fragments of 4QHb.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
53
in its arrangementof the collection and both may be dated to the mid1st centuryBCE.82 OtherCave 4 Hodayotmanuscriptsretect an earlier stage of development.On the basis of handwriting,these manuscripts have been dated from the middle Hasmonean period to the early Herodianwith the most ancient text identifiedas 4QHb.Y3There are also Cave 4 Hodayot collections that seem to reflect a different sequenceof hymns altogether(e.g., 4QHae). The incorporationof independenthymns into authoritativecollections for the purpose of their literary preservationor possibly their liturgical use is seen in the instance of a much studied hymn that some refer to as the "Self-GlorificationHymn."84 This hymn, presumably authoritativeon its own, was incorporatedinto the collection perhaps due to its aesthetic similaritieswith other Hodayot hymns. It is preservedamongthe so-called"Community Hymns"in the largeHodayot scroll (1QH 25:35-26:10). A comparison of the different versions found in the Cave 4 manuscriptssuggests that once it became incorporatedinto the collection, there were attemptsto neutralizetheologically problematicelements within that hymn. 3.2.1. The So-called "Self-Glorification Hymn"(4Q471b)
The hymn found in 4Q471b, the so-called "Self-Glorification Hymn,"is a hymn thatwas initiallyassignedto the Cave 4 WarScroll texts and previously known as "the Canticle of Michael and the Canticleof the Righteous."85 It has since been identifiedas a different version of a hymn that is thrice attested in the Hodayot collections
82 83
Schuller,DJD 29.75. See Puech, "Hodayot,"366, where he writes that 4QHd-' are the most recent
(early Herodian), 4QHa- intermediate (late Hasmonean-early Herodian), and 4QHb is
the oldest (middle Hasmonean).The proposedchronologicalsequence for the manuscripts,however,does not necessarilycoincidewith the datingof the transmittedmaterial. Accordingto Schuller'sproposedreconstruction, 4QHC,datedto approximatelythe late Hasmonean-earlyHerodianperiod, reflects a shortercollection of hymns, which may evidence an earlierstage of transmission.See Schuller,DJD 29.75. 14 So coined by E. Eshel, "4Q471b:A Self-GlorificationHymn,"RevQ 17 (1996) 176-203; eadem, "The Identificationof the 'Speaker'of the Self-GlorificationHymn," The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls: New Texts, Reformulated Issues, and Technological Innovations (eds D.W. Parry and E.C. Ulrich; STDJ 30;
Leiden:Brill, 1999) 619-35; and eadem, DJD 29.421-32. 85 This hymn was originally classified with the 4QM fragments and labelled "Cantiquede Michel et cantiquedes justes," by M. Baillet in "La Guerredes fils de lumi0recontre les fils de tenebres:491. La regle de la guerre (premierexemplaire: Ma),"QumrdnGrotte4.111(4Q482-4Q520) (DJD 7; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1982) 26-30.
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ANGELA Y. KIM
from Caves I and 4 and many think the hymn representedin at least four versions was a "floating"hymn that circulated independently from the Hodayotcollection.86It is thriceattestedin the Cave 4 manuscripts:4Q427 [= 4QHa]7 i and 12,4Q471b [= 4Q431, formerlyidentified with 4QM9];4Q491 11 i [formerly identified with 4QMa] and also found in IQHa 25-26. This hymn was subjectedto redactionalanalysis by Schuller,87D. Dimant,88E. Eshel,89and M.O. Wise90and its textual reconstruction from various fragments is not without controversy.9' The hymn is remarkable because, unlike the other instances of
overlap between the Cave I and 4 manuscriptswhere there are very few textual differences,in the case of this hymn, there is a relatively significantdegree of variationamong the differentcopies. This hymn describesa figurewho has been exalted to the heavenly realm and is seated in the company of angels. The following is the text of 4Q471b frags 1a-d publishedin DJD 29:92 cv tan vaat] [nrw ':wiD :1] inn[tt ct : ri:6 -,J vrlnp rtz=['i 'nv ['rn ']:: ' ']: nornnVn[ 'IMO' 'r1 CO'tk ]nnTrT [t14 ',-1nI [Monv: T`n]:c Kt['Z:]7nnm1:nn ['rol 'E 'nnr: '2rn:''iI M`tX: `sn:= p b:]^ 'D s':' 'm 'rr nt~n'* ['3 ': 'O :: 'n-rr [ rn:1:L ': K W\l 0`01]7p7 D: 1&07 7-7 [K*t 1tn07 ^zM OD -1=1
"nBDDOcsOD sL
'I]s
o'ntXtR nDnzi
"
':
7,107 K1
m]n:(t) rP:
:'mn'
1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9
]rnt~ [ 1 10
l[vacat I am ]reckolnedwith the angels, my dwelling is in] the holy 2[council.] Wh[o has been accounteddespicablelike me? And who] has been despisedlike m[e? And who] 3hasbeen shunned[by men] like me? [And who] comparesto [me in enduringI evil? [No teaching]4compareswith my teaching.[For ]I sit [
According to Schuller, 4QH' 7 (4Q427 7) presents in "a somewhat reworked manner, material from a hymn(s) that originated independentlyof the rest of the Hodayot"("A Hymnfrom a Cave FourHodayotManuscript:4Q427 7 i + ii," JBL I12 [1993] 627). 605-28; eadem, DJD X7 Schuller,"Hymnfrom a Cave Four Hodayot Manuscript," 29.96-108; 158-59; 203-8. 11 D. Dimant,"A SynopticComparisonof ParallelSections in 4Q427 7, 4Q491 11 and 4Q47IB," JQR 85 (1994) 157-61. 19 Eshel, DJD 29.421-32 and eadem, "The Identificationof the 'Speaker' of the Self-GlorificationHymn." I M.O. Wise, "'"Rz ':1nZ 'r: A Study of 4Q491c, 4Q471b, 4Q427 7 and IQHA 25:35-26:10," DSD 7 (2000) 173-219. 91 Here I am referringto Wise's dispute over both Baillet's and Eshel's textual reconstructionof 4Q471b in Wise, "M`b: 1RZ: n, 194-203. 92 Taken from Eshel, DJD 29.428.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
55
in heaven] 5Whois like me among the angels? [Who would cut me off when I open my mouth? And] who 6could measure [the flow] of my lips? Who [can associate with me in speech, and thus comparewith my judgment?For 1] 7am the beloved of the King, a companionof the ho[ly ones, and no one can accompany me. And to my glory] 8noone can compare,for I [have my stationwith the angels, and my glory with the sons of the King. Neither] 9with gold will (I) cro[wn myself, nor with refinedgold I 1O[I Sing, [O beloved ones...
The so-called "Self-GlorificationHymn"appearsto be an eschatological interpretationof a heavenly scene based on two biblical passages, Ps. 89:7-8 and Isa. 14:13-14. The use of the root il10 is attested at least five times in 4Q491, twice in 4Q471b,93and is found also in Ps. 89:7-8:
For who in the skies can equal the LORD? Who among the angels can comparewith the LORD? God is greatlyfeared in the council of the holy ones, He is fearfulto all those who surroundhim.
The second biblical passage that underliesthis hymn appearsto be Isa. 14:13-14 which quotes the words spokenby the king of Babylon: 1rb:nots JIM! n-ns
nntri
::
-IVI
:1 0K
And you have said in your heart, "I will ascend to the heavens, I will set my throneabove the stars of God, I will sit on the Mountof the Assembly, on the heights of Zaphon. I will ascend upon the heights of a cloud; I will be like the Most High."
These verses are found in the second of two poems aboutthe tyrant in Isa. 14:3-23 which reflect a familiartheme of the self-aggrandizement and subsequentfall of the rebellious ruler.94Like the king of Babylon in Isa. 14:13-14, the speaker of the "Self-Glorification Hymn"remarksupon his own exceptionalstatus and he describeshis
Eshel, DJD 29.423. 9 J. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1-39 (AB 19; New York: Doubleday, 2000) 288.
93
56
ANGELA Y. KIM
communionwith the heavenly beings. Unlike the tyrantin Isaiah 14, the speakerof the hymn offers a confession of God's majestywhich moves into a proclamationof God's sovereignpowerto reversehuman suffering.This is then followed by a series of jussive plurals summoning people to worship and concludes with an eschatological descriptionand blessing. The hymn is likely an eschatologicalinterpretationof Isa. 14:13-14 for it recaststhe claims made by the tyrant, the king of Babylon, into the mouth of the speakerwho some claim is the eschatologicalhigh priest.95 The strong claims found in this hymn have led scholars like I. Knohl to hypothesizethat these statementswere made by a messianic Hymn" figure.96In fact, the descriptionfound in the "Self-Glorification is exceptionalamong the scrolls and more comparableto apocalyptic texts like 3 Enoch in which Enoch undergoesa heavenly transformation into the Prince of the Divine Presence,Metatron,and is exalted over all of the other heavenly beings.97 Since this hymn appearswithin the clusterof so-called "Community Hymns"in IQH,it is remarkable thatthespeakerof the"Self-Glorification Hymn"claims such a high degree of authority.The speakerstates, "I will be reckoned with gods/angels" (:VMNnZ:'t
M ':s). In another
version of the hymn, the speakerdescribeshimself as higher than the heavenly beings and writes that he is seated on "a mighty throne in the congregationof gods/angels,"(D'9 nTV: mw tc:; 4Q491 11 5).98 The speaker's equivocation with and exaltation over the heavenly
Eshel, DJD 29.422-26. 9 See 1. Knohl, The Messiah before Jesus: The Suffering Servant of the Dead Sea Scrolls (trans. D. Maisel; Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000). Knohl points out that it is crucial to read the hymn in light of the hymn which directly follows it in all four copies. This second hymn describes God's mercies and an invitation to praise God and presumes a time in which a dramatic reversal of fortunes has already taken place, pp. 20-21. " See P. Alexander, "3 (Hebrew Apocalypse of) Enoch," OTP 1.223-315; Collins, "Powers in Heaven: God, Gods, and Angels in the Dead Sea Scrolls," Religioni in the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds J.J. Collins and R.A. Kugler; Studies in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Related Literature; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000) 27-28; idem, "A Throne in the Heavens," Death, Ecstasy, and Other Worldly Journeys (eds J.J. Collins and M. Fishbane; Albany, NY: State University of New York Press, 1995) 43-58; J.R. Davila, "Heavenly Ascents in the Dead Sea Scrolls," The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years, 2.475. " The word "throne" (KC) only appears in this manuscript, but the verb "1 sit" ('n:7v) appears in 4Q471b and 4Q427; see the comments by Collins, "Powers in Heaven," 25 n. 62.
AUTHORIZINGINTERPRETATIONIN POETIC COMPOSITIONS
57
beings reflects a higher status than that claimed for in the Teacher hymns.' Studies on the textual developmentof this hymn seem to confirm that the "Self-GlorificationHymn"was an independenthymn that was introducedinto the Hodayotcollection. Accordingto her initial study, Schullerwrites that 4Q427 7 i and ii could possibly reflecta reworked hymn that has incorporateda preexisting hymn, namely that which othershave referredto as the "Self-GlorificationHymn."'"In her DJD publicationof the fragments,she suggests tentativelythat there were at least two recensionsof this hymn, the first is representedby 4Q427, IQHa,4Q47lb [= 4Q431] and the second is preservedin 4Q491 11 i 8-24.101 One year after Schuller'spreliminarypublicationof 4Q427, Dimant publisheda synoptic layout of the Cave 4 fragmentsof this hymn.'02 In her concluding summaryof the texts, she remarksthat the "SelfGlorificationHymn"is distinguishedfrom its surroundingcontext by a shift from the first personto second person plural(4Q427 7 13 and 4Q491 11 13). A redactionalelementis identifiedin 4Q491 which distinguishesthis shift in personswith a vacat.'03 She concludes that this hymn is probablya preexistinghymn of greatantiquitythatwas incorporatedinto the collection and not createdanew by the community. workhasbeendoneon thishymnby Eshelwho, like Schuller Important and Dimant, proposes that there are at least two recensions of this hymn: Recension A includes 4Q427 7 i, 4Q471b and 1QHa while RecensionB is representedby 4Q491c.'0 RecensionB is distinguished by its expansions'05 and the absence of significant phrases like 1'?. According to Eshel, =IbKm '1:D: In and ='017p1 X1r 4Q491c reflects an advancedstage of the redactionof the hymn and its omission of these key phrases is due to a theological concern. Eshel concludes,in agreementwith the suggestionpreviouslymade by fromtheHodayot Schuller,thatthishymnoriginallyexistedindependently I
The "Self-GlorificationHymn"is also distinguishedfrom the TeacherHymnsby the absence of dramaticdescriptionsof persecutionwhich are typical of that collection;by J.J.CollinsandD. Dimant,"AThrice-ToldHymn:A Responseto EileenSchuller," JQR 85 (1994) 154 and J.J. Collins, "Powersin Heaven,"26. 627. '? Schuller,"Hymnfrom a Cave Four HodayotManuscript," 101 Schuller, DJD 29.101. 102 103
Dimant,"A SynopticComparisonof ParallelSections." Dimant,"A SynopticComparisonof ParallelSections," 161.
'0 Schuller, DJD 29.189-91. 105 These are identifiedby Schuller,DJD 29.190.
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ANGELA Y. KIM
collection.The later recensionreflectsan attemptto neutralizethe theologically problematicelements by omission, thereby creatingcontinuity between the claims made in this hymn and the community's understandingof their leader.While the original speakerof the hymn is not the same as the speakerof the TeacherHymns, its claims have been attributedto the Hodayothymnistby its inclusionin the Hodayot collection. '06 CONCLUSIONS TENTATIVE This study describes the redaction of various collections of hymns found at Qumran as a reflection of the scripturalizing transformation
of independentanonymousor pseudonymous"floating"poetic compositions in the light of a theological concern to authorizethe interpretive content within them. Because these anonymoushymns redeploy scripturaltexts in a numberof creativeways and lack authorialclaims by definition there is a need for their external authorization.Thus independent anonymous hymns seem to be presented within the literary context of an authoritative prayer collection for the purpose of securing their authoritative status within the community. This is true in the case of those hymns that we have discussed that appear in the Qumran Psalter from Cave 11 and also in the instance of the "SelfGlorification Hymn" which appears to be incorporated into the authoritative Hodayot collection. This process of incorporating anonymous hymns into authoritative collections for the purpose of authorizing them for a particular community seems to be a sign of the growing scripturalization of those texts.
'16 See J.J. Collins, The Scepter and the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (New York: Doubleday, 1995) 146-49, where he suggests that the original speaker of this hymn is the eschatological high priest whom the community anticipated at the last days. The most recent study on this hymn is by Wise who disagrees with Eshel's textual reconstruction of the hymn from the fragments of 4Q47 1, but he agrees that the hymn was composed by someone other than the author of the Hodayot; see Wise, "M'RXn 'Tr=: 'rz," 173-219. His thesis is that the nine Hymns of the Teacher continued to be recited by the community in the process of what M. Weber calls "routinization," where the followers of a millenarian charismatic must routinize the charisma of the unique individual once he is no longer among them or face the end of their movement; see also M. Wise, The First Messiah: Investigating the Savior Before Jesus (San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1999) 234-36.
INTERPRETATIVE AUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION* CHARLOTTE HEMPEL Meyerhoff Center for Jewish Studies, University of Maryland
Introduction The topic of biblical interpretationin the Dead Sea Scrolls has received a vast amountof scholarlyattention.'The more specific topic of interpretativeauthorityhas also been previouslydealt with, notably
* A version of this paperwas presentedat the Annual Mid-AtlanticSBL Meeting in Baltimoreon 14 March2002. I am gratefulto Profs John Yieh and Jin Hee Han for theirconstructivecommentsin responseto my paperand to S. Metso for an update of her own bibliographyon the Serekh. I It is not possible to list a comprehensivebibliographyhere, but the subject has been dealt with by, among others, M.J. Bernstein, "Interpretationof Scriptures," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds L.H. Schiffman and J.C. VanderKam; New
York: Oxford UniversityPress, 2000) 1.376-83; idem, "PentateuchalInterpretation at Qumran," The Dead Sea Scrolls After Fifty Years: A Comprehensive Assessment (eds
P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam;Leiden:Brill, 1998) 1.128-59; 0. Betz, Offenbarung und Schriftforschung in der Qumransekte (WUNT 6; TUbingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1960);
G.J. Brooke, "Biblical Interpretation in the QumranScrolls and the New Testament," The Dead Sea Scrolls: Fifty Years After Their Discovery. Proceedings of the Jerusalem
Congress, July 20-25, 1997 (eds L.H. Schiffman, E. Tov, and J.C. VanderKam; Jerusalem:IsraelExplorationSociety in cooperationwith the Shrineof the Book, Israel Museum,2000) 60-73; D. Dimant,"QumranSectarianLiterature," Jewish Writingsof the Second Temple Period: Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, Qumran Sectarian Writings,
Philo, Josephus (ed. M.E. Stone; CRINT 11.2; Philadelphia:Fortress Press, 1984) 483-550, esp. 503-14; M. Fishbane,"Use, Authorityand Interpretationof Mikra at Qumran," Mikra: Text, Translation, Reading and Interpretation of the Hebrew Bible in Ancient Judaism and Early Christianity (ed. M.J. Mulder; CRINT 11.1; Assen: Van
Gorcum, 1988) 339-77; J. Maier,"EarlyJewish Biblical Interpretation in the Qumran Literature," Hebrew BiblelOld Testament: The History of Its Interpretation, vol. 1: From the Beginnings to the Middle Ages (Until 1300) (ed. M. Seb0; Gottingen:
Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht,1996) 108-29; M.E. Stone and E.G. Chazon(eds), Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Orion Center, 12-14
March 1996 (STDJ 28; Leiden: Brill, 1998); G. Vermes, "Bible Interpretationat Qumran,"Yigael YadinMemorial Volume(eds A. Ben-Tor,J.C. Greenfield,and A. Malamat;Erlsr 20; Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, 1989) 184'-91*. ? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
60
CHARLOTTEHEMPEL
in an importantstudyby S. Fraade.2EventhoughFraade'sstudyappeared in printless than a decade ago, this shortperiodof time saw the publicationof the Cave 4 copies of the CommunityRule as well as a vigorous debate on the literarygrowth of this key text with all that this entails about one's views on Qumrancommunities.3It may be hoped, therefore,that the observationsto be offeredbelow have somethingof value to add to this ongoing discussion. In what follows I shall limit myself to the CommunityRule traditionson the issue of interpretative authority.This focus seemed sensible to me for two reasons. First, a numberof key passages on the practiceof interpretativeauthorityin the Dead Sea Scrolls are found in the CommunityRule, and these passages will be my main concern in what follows. Second, it seemed worthwhileto ask whetherthe multiplerecensionsof the Community Rule from Caves I and 4 might shed new light on this question. A very complex questionthat it will not be possible to addresshere is what is being interpretedin this text. We can be sure that a great deal of time was being spent searchingfor the correct interpretation of a corpus of writings not too dissimilarfrom what was to become the Hebrew Bible.4 At the same time, the distinctionis often rather blurrybetween what would later become the Hebrew Bible and the community'sown interpretationof it. In what follows I would like to focus, instead,on the specific questionof who is practisingand leadaccordingto the CommunityRule from ing in mattersof interpretation Caves I and 4.5 As we shall see, the distinctionbetween practising 2 S.D. Fraade, "Interpretative Authority in the Studying Community at Qumran,"JJS 44 (1993) 46-69. Cf. P.S. Alexander and G. Vermes, Qumran Cave 4.XIX: Se-ekh ha-Yahad and Two Related Texts (DJD 26; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); P.S. Alexander, "The Redaction-History of Serekh ha-Yahad: A Proposal," RevQ 17 (1996) 437-53; C. Hempel, "Community Structures in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Admission, Organization, Disciplinary Procedures," The Dead Sea Scrolls After Fifty Years, 2.67-92; M.A. Knibb, "Rule of the Community," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2.793-97; S. Metso, The Textual Development of the Qumran Community Rule (STDJ 21; Leiden: Brill, 1997); eadem, "In Search of the Sitz im Leben of the Community Rule," The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls: Technological Innovations, New Texts, and Reformulated Issues (eds D.W. Parry and E. Ulrich; STDJ 30; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 306-15; H. Stegemann, Die Essener, Qumran, Johannes der Tdufer und Jesus (Freiburg: Herder, 19944) 152-64. 4 On this issue see recently the thoughtful comments by J. Maier, "Early Jewish Biblical Interpretation," 108-11. For other recent overviews see, for example, E. Tov, Textual Criticism of the Hebrew Bible (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 20012), esp. 155-97; E. Ulrich, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1999). 5 For the sake of completeness mention should be made of the identification of a copy of the Community Rule in Qumran Cave 5 and perhaps even Cave 11, cf. S.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
61
interpretationand leading in mattersof interpretationturns out to be important,at least on my reading of the texts. In particularI will focus on six passages from the CommunityRule that seem to me to shed light on this issue. I will begin by looking at a numberof statements that describethe practiceof interpretationas a ratherdemocratic, communal,or grassrootsevent and move on to look at a number of furthertexts where particularindividualsor groups claim a prominent role in the process. 1. In every place of ten...
The first passage to be discussed is found in IQS 6:6b-8a // 4QSd (4Q258) 2:10b. The text of 4QSd is mostly restoredand not much can be built on it. All that can be said with some certainty is that it appearsthat 4QSd had a shortertext than lQS.6 The passage reads as follows: And in every place where thereare ten there shall be presenta personwho studies the law continuallyday and night one replacingthe other.7And the many shall keep watch togetherfor a third of all the nights of the year to read the book, study the law, and pray together.
This passage8falls into two parts. In the first half of our passage a person who studies the law" (MiF1MM Vfl
VIA) is to do so perma-
nently day and night (mrof i'"i DrY'r). The terminologyemployedhere
Metso, Textual Development, 65-66 on 5QS (5Qll ) and E.J.C. Tigchelaar, "A Newly Identified 1 QSerekh ha-Yahad Fragment (11 Q29)?" The Dead Sea Scrolls: Fifty Years After Their Discovery, 285-92. None of the fragments in question contains any material pertinent to this paper. 6 Cf. Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.99-100. Note that the editors themselves carefully refer to the restorations as "guesswork." See also Metso, Textual Development, 43. 1 The rendering "one replacing the other" is based on an emendation of the Hebrew r.nM' to read En)'n? frequently adopted by commentators; cf. already P. WernbergM0ller, "Observations on the Interchange of Ayin and Het in the Manual of Discipline," VT 3 (1953) 104-7. Others prefer to leave the text as it stands and to translate along the lines of "concerning the correct conduct of a man with his companion"; so e.g., Fraade, "Interpretative Authority," 56 and n. 29; 0. Betz, Offenbarung und Schriftforschung, 19-20. See also Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.99, who note that this passage "still defies satisfactory explanation." The reading of this difficult phrase, however, does not have any decisive bearing on the interpretation of the passage offered here beyond the fact that the emended version further highlights an earlier statement ("continually day and night") on the permanence of the activity. 8 On this material see Fraade, "Interpretative Authority," 56-58; idem, "Looking for
62
CHARLOTTEHEMPEL
is very close to Josh. 1:8 and Ps. 1:2 as has frequentlybeen pointed out.9Accordingto the second statementthe many are to devote themselves to the studyof the law for "a thirdof all the nights of the year" probablyfor a thirdof every night rather (nlliol nit tIz ntur' nMR), than every third night of the year.'0Althoughthe individualand the group are quite differentin each statement,a common concern that runs throughthe whole passage is the study of the law, and in particular,the time-frameto conductsuch a practice.The emphasisdoes not appearto be on the individualsor the group mentionedhere, but ratheron the continuityor regularityof the study of the law. This view has recentlybeen challengedby J. Maierwho argues, The idea that in each groupof ten all the memberswere organizingan alternating, continuous study of Torah fascinated in particularreaderswho regarded Qumranas a kind of monastery.But "day and night"refersratherto "not missing", and from a practicalpoint of view it is evident that the group needed an expert for advice in practicalmatters.And this experthas as a rule also to be a priest."
Maier's alternativereading of this passage fails to convince for a number of reasons. First, the construction U,tt...
OM"'K is found
twice in the CommunityRule (lQS 6:3, 6) and once in the Damascus Document(CD 13:2). It would appearthat in all three cases, the present passage included,it was understoodthat this phrasewas sufficient to express the idea of a permanentpresenceamongsta group of ten. Secondly,as mentionedbefore,the presentpassagedrawson Josh. 1:8 and Ps. 1:2, and both of these biblical passages have as their subject the permanentmeditationon the law. The languageused in IQS 6:6-7 ("day and night")is found there. It is precisely this emphasispresent alreadyin the two biblical passages to which our text alludes that is being stressedhere. The view of Qumranas a monasteryhas led to a numberof misconceptions,but the readingof this passage called into question by Maier is not one of them. Nor am I convinced by his
Legal Midrashat Qumran,"Biblical Perspectives,59-79, esp. 65-67, 76-77; A.R.C. Leaney, The Rule of Qumran and Its Meaning (NTL; London: SCM Press, 1966)
and Metso, TextualDevelop184-86; Maier, "EarlyJewish Biblical Interpretation"; ment, 133-35. 9 See, for instance,0. Betz, Offenbarung und Schriftforschung, 21; Fraade,"InterpretativeAuthority,"56-58; and M.A. Knibb, The QumranCommunity(Cambridge Commentarieson Writingsof the Jewish and ChristianWorld 200 BC to AD 200; Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1987) 116. 10
Cf. Knibb, Qumran Community, 117.
115. "EarlyJewish Biblical Interpretation,"
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
63
argumentthat the participleFtTlIMU-1- refers to a priestly expert in thesematters.Sucha needforguidancethroughprivilegedpriestlyfigures is stressed elsewhere in the CommunityRule. As I will argue more fully below, a close reading of key texts in the Community Rule, includingthe presentpassage, reveals that this emphasisof privileged access to interpretationwas somethingthat developed over time, and this developmenthas left its mark on the texts. The presentpassage, read in its own right, does not seem to envisage the need for such guidance.The considerationofferedby Maier that such an expertwas required"froma practicalpoint of view" does not carrymuch weight. An interestingquestion is the relationshipof both stipulationsin IQS 6:6b-8a to one another.Are they likely to have originatedat the same time and to have been envisaged to be currentsimultaneously side by side?'2 A.R.C. Leaney has argued that the second passage "servesas a link between the regulationsfor small dispersedcommunities and similar regulationsfor the largercommunityat Qumran."'3 This suggestionhas recently been taken up and developed furtherby S. Metso.'4What does seem clear, is that lQS 6:lc-8a is of a heterogeneous characterand containssome ratherearly and organizationally primitive material alongside some apparentlylater additions. Metso has made a strongcase for consideringIQS 6:7b-8a as a linking passage with what follows in IQS 6:8b-13a. My own interpretation to be spelt out below, however, questions the homogeneousnatureof lQS 6:1c-7a, which Metso considersto be a unity dealing with "meetings in the places of :'13."'5 Once the unity of IQS 6:lc-7a is questioned, it becomes less appropriateto speak of lQS 6:7b-8a as a "link"between the former section and IQS 6:8b-13a. It seems more likely to me that IQS 6:7b-8a forms part of a strandof later elaborationsof a primitivecore of lQS 6:1c-8a.'6
12 This seems to be envisagedby S. Fraadewhen he concludeshis discussionof this passage:"while an officerof the communityis assignedthe responsibilityof continual Torahrecitationor meditation,the communityas a whole performsa nightlywatch of three parts: scripturalreading, sectarian legal study, and blessings" ("Interpretative Authority,"58).
Leaney, Rule of the Community, 185-86. Metso, Textual Development, 133-35. s Metso, Textual Development, 133.
'3
4
16 In my evaluationof this materialI find myself in full agreementwith the assessment offered by Knibb, "The rules in V.20b-VI.8a are somewhat miscellaneous in character,and it is plausibleto think that materialof diverseorigin and date has been
brought together" (Qumran Community, 113).
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CHARLOTTEHEMPEL
In the seminal study of the literarydevelopmentof the Community by contrast,all of lQS 6:1c-8a is inRule by J. Murphy-O'Connor, cluded as partof a ratherdeveloped stage three in the literarygrowth commentson IQS 5-7, of S.'7 Thus, Murphy-O'Connor Elles incorporentle genre de legislationdetailleequ'exige une communautebien d6velopp6e,stable, existantdepuis d6ja quelquesannees. Les regles tres pr6cises pour l'admissionde nouveauxmembres(VI,13b-23) et pour la conduited'une assemblee generale, ainsi que la tendance casuistique de la legislation penale (VI,24-VII,25),en sont une preuvesuffisante.'8
Moreover,this is one of the two cases where J. Pouilly adapted Murphy-O'Connor'shypothesis on the literarydevelopmentof lQS, has subsequentlyacceptedPouilly'ssuggestions.'9 andMurphy-O'Connor On Pouilly's view the passage in question forms part of a lengthy interpolationthat runs from IQS 5:13b-6:8a and goes back to a very late stage in the literarydevelopmentof S.20 By contrast, lQS 6:lc-8a give the strong impressionof describing a loosely organizedgroupof people meetingon a small scale as convincingly arguedby Metso, at least with referenceto IQS 6:1c-7a.2' Going back to lQS 6:6b-8a in particular,it seems likely to me that the two statementsreflect two differentstages in the life of the communityand two differentauthors;these were broughttogetherhere by A compiler a compilerpartlybecause they deal with similarsubjects.22 might have been furtherpromptedto combine these two statements because of catchwordassociations.23So, for example, the root :m24 occur in both passages. Finally and a form of the term "night"(Ft&7&)
'7 J. Murphy-O'Connor, "La genese litteraire de la Regle de la Communaute." RB 76 (1969) 528-49. IhGenese litteraire."534. Son evolution litteraire (CahRB 17; '4 Cf. J. Pouilly, La Regle de la CommunautW: Paris:Gabalda, 1976) 7-8, where Murphy-O'Connorexpresses his agreement with Pouilly's revisions in a foreword. There is a point in his discussion where Pouilly 20 Cf. Pouilly, Regle, 45-58. acknowledges with reference to IQS 6:lb-8a "Sans aucun doute, les mots ba'elleh yithallcku introduisent un nouveau developpement. . ." (Regle, 48), but the lack of blank spaces persuades him to assign this material to his interpolation. 21 Metso, Textual Development, 133-35. 22 On the nature of the Community Rule as a work comprising material from different periods see Metso, "Sitz im Leben of the Community Rule." 23 On this practice in the Damascus Document, see J.M. Baumgarten, Qumran Cave 4.XIII: The Damascus Document (4Q266-273) (DJD 18; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996) 14-15, and C. Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources. Traditions, and Redaction (STDJ 29; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 192. 24 Cf. Metso, Textual Development, 133.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
65
one may ask, and this is speculative,whether4QSd necessarily contained a brieferversion of the two-partstatementas conceived in the reconstructionsof DJD 26,25ratherthan only one of the two statements-either the one dealing with the many or the one dealing with the person studying the law. This seems at least conceivable since 4QSd has a shortertext, and the passage so clearly falls into two parts. A hunch like this, however,can only be put to the test in the unlikely event of furtherfragmentscoming to light somewhere. A similar designationto the "one who studies the law" (0-ir t2R miln) occurs also in IQS 8:11-12 (U7r7rFVA) to be discussedbelow. In the presentpassage the referencedoes not seem to be to a particular office, individual,or authority,but a single memberof the communityengaged in the study of the law at all times. The emphasisand concern seems to be the permanentpresenceof someone studyingthe law and not the individualor office.26 Outsideof S a similar title irmlni ttlT-I is found in the Admonition of the Damascus Documentwith referenceto a particularindividual of the past in CD 6:7-8 and of the eschatologicalfuturein CD 7:1819, cf. 4QFlor 1:11.27 There seem to be subtle distinctionsin the use of the title interpreterof the law between S, D, and Flor and even within D itself from a descriptionof an activity to the designationof an office and later an eschatologicalfigure.28A continuousthreadthat runs throughall occurrences,which is already implied in the terminology itself, is the associationof the figurewith the interpretationof Scriptureon differentlevels: i. In S as a memberof the communityengaged in studyingthe law, probablythe Pentateuchor, more cautiously, with Fraade"someThe emphasisis on the permanent thing close to the Pentateuch."29 natureof this activity ("continuallyday and night"). Cf. Alexanderand Vermes, DJD 26.98-102. For a differentview see the positionof J. Maieras outlinedabove on p. 62 and idem, Die Qumran-Essener:Die Texte vom Toten Meer (Uni-Taschenbucher1862; Munchen: Reinhardt, 1995) 1.181-82 and n. 464 where he argues instead, "Die Zehnergruppebedarfnicht eines Torahstudierenden, sonderneines Torahkundigenzur Anleitungin laufendenVorgangen."It seems to me that a Torahstudierender is exactly what is referredto in this text. 27 On this figure see recently M.A. Knibb, "Interpreter of the Law," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 1.383-84. 28 On the overlap between the titles of past and eschatologicalfigures in the Dead Sea Scrolls see J.J. Collins, The Scepterand the Star: The Messiahs of the Dead Sea 25 26
Scrolls and Other Ancient Literature (New York: Doubleday, 1995) 112. 29
"Interpretative Authority,"66.
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CHARLOTTEHEMPEL
ii. As part of the well midrashin CD 6 the interpreterof the law (n-1nmiornI) appearsin CD 6:7 as a figure in the community's past and is assigned a key role in interpretingthe law. iii. In CD 6, CD 7, and 4QFlor the title is mentionedin an exegetical contextas if the title itself was derivedfrom Scripture.In other words, in these passages the emphasis is not only on the interpreter'srole as interpretingScripture,but the authorswritingabout this figuredo so in the context of offeringscripturalinterpretation themselves.This last point has been made with referenceto D by M. Boyce.30 It is noteworthythat the passagedescribingthe nightlyduties of the many lists a series of three activities, all of which are potentially "scripturally"3' based: "to read the book, to study the law,32and pray O'1 tlpt). By contrast,an eartogether"(OfMl flfl: 1m1 t lier passage in lQS 6 (lQS 6:lc-3a) lays down a slightlydifferentlist of three activitiesto pursue"in all theirdwelling places"(M'7rUt1:=) as follows: "together they shall eat, together they shall pray, and 1:1: irnm *ZKr rnn). together they shall take counsel" (%fl' 7rM1 Both are lists of three activities but only the overlapping one on prayeris conceivablyrelatedto Scripturein lines Ic-3a. What seems to be in evidence in our presentpassage is an elaborationof and an
3"M. Boyce, The Poetry of the Damascus Document (Universityof EdinburghPh.D. Dissertation:Edinburgh,1988). Boyce agrees with those who take the titles "teacher of the law" to referto one and the same figureand of righteousness"and "interpreter argues that the authorof the poetical partsof the Admonitionused the title "teacher of righteousness"whereas the midrashicsections display a preferencefor the title "interpreter of the law."There is a sense in which the IQS 6 passageconformsto this patternas well. Althoughthe title is not explicitlylinkedto Scripturehere, the context draws heavily on Josh. 1:8 and Ps. 1:2. For a summaryof Boyce's conclusionssee C. Hempel, The Damascus Texts (Companionto the QumranScrolls 1; Sheffield: SheffieldAcademicPress, 2000) 48-49. 3' On the complexityof this issue see the literaturementionedin n. 4 above. and the com.2 Fraadehas arguedthat the book and the law referto the Pentateuch Authority,"57, 66. In adoptingthis munity'sown laws respectively,cf. "Interpretative view Fraadefollows L.H. Schiffman,Halakhah at Qumran (SJLA 16; Leiden: Brill, 1975) 42-49. It is exceedinglydifficultto be certainof the exact shadeof meaningof ODOMin this short passage.There are very clear and frequentexampleswithin S and elsewherewhere the termclearly refersto the community'sown rules, e.g., IQS 6:15, 24. Since it is a scripturalterm, however, and the context in IQS 6:7b-8a is one of readingScriptureI am loath to dismiss the possibilitythat the referencehere is to the Bible. In this context, note Fishbane'sobservationthat thereare a numberof terminological overlapsbetweenthis chain of threeactivitiesand Nehemiah8 and Ezra 7, cf. "Mikraat Qumran,"346.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
67
emphasison the importanceof the study of Scripturewithin the community.It looks as if this was somethingthat graduallybecame more important.A similar process from the simple to the complex can be observedin IQS 6 with regardto the communalmeal. In IQS 6:1-3a all that is said is that in all their dwelling places they shall eat together. This is followed by an elaboration on the meal and the exchange of counsel by a statementon the presence of a priest and his particularrole during meals that is much more complex than the more primitivestatementin IQS 6:1c-3a. On my readingof the text, the structureof IQS 6:lc-8a can be laid out as follows: A lQS 6:lc-3a contains a simple statement regulating life in all their dwelling places concluding with: "together they shall eat, together they shall pray and together they shall take counsel" (i!1vr rr'l 1D:I:'7rT' :tRt') t This simple
statementis elaboratedupon in two differentways. Bl IQS 6:3b-6a: first statementbeginningwith "in a place of ten"33elaborateson the taking counsel aspect (nO 7RV [nif'alJ)and eating ("ZtA) by giving the priest a central role and offeringmore elaborateguidelines.
B2 IQS 6:6b-8a: secondstatementbeginningwith"in a place of ten"elaborateson theprayer(f1l) aspect and adds a strongemphasison the study of the Scriptures.Like the simple statement A it closes with a chain of three activities:"to read the book, to study the law, and pray together" (IMC: KtI1p1 7rr: 17MnlMwDr 01-17n).
In sum, IQS 6:6b-8a forms part of a larger section containing a mixture of materialthat was combined by a compiler. Some of the materialfound in this section gives the impressionof going back to the earliest and simplest beginnings of communal life, if it can be called that,wheresmall numbersof individualscongregatedto eat, pray, and take counsel together,cf. IQS 6:1c-3a.34This original statement was furtherelaboratedupon by two passages, one of which highlights the importanceof the study of Scripturein the communityand was our main concern(lQS 6:6b-8a). We arguedfurtherthat both partsof this passage were broughttogetherby a compileron the basis of their
-3 A formallysimilarstatementis found in CD 13:2b-3a,which is linkedto the preceding statementin CD 13:1 throughthe catchwordten (Mr;D);cf. Hempel,The Laws of the Damascus Document, 107-14. -4 Note the clearly adverbialuse of 'nM in this passage. It seems possible that the technicalself-designation1ri developedfrom this usage at a latertime. The view that outlyingcommunitieswere envisagedhere as has been argued,for instance,by Metso, Textual Development, 133-35, seems less likely to me thoughit remainsa possibility.
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CHARLOlTE HEMPEL
shared subject matter and perhaps also catchword association. We noted, finally, the emphasis in IQS 6:6b-8a on the permanenceof interpretationin the community,and the lack of referenceto a particularindividualorgroupwithprivilegedaccessto themeaningof Scripture. 2. A Plea for More Access to the Scholar's Insights
The next passage to be discussedcontainsa second referenceto an individual studying the law, this time with the definite article (VPR Vt1177),and is found in lQS 8:10b-12a fi 4QSI (4Q258) 6:4b-6a // 4QSe (4Q259) 2:18b-3:3a. The Cave 4 manuscripts offer no signi-
differences ficantvariantsat thispoint.Thereare,however,someimportant between the two scribes of IQS in lQS 8:1O-1l1.3 IQS 8:1Ob-12a
reads, accordingto the basic principlesof the comWhen these have been established36 munityfor two years with perfectconductthey shall be set apartas holy in the midst of the council of the people of the community.And nothingthat has been hiddenfrom Israelbut was found by the scholarshall the latterhide from these out of fear of a renegadespirit.
The passage as a whole is only loosely related to the surrounding materialas has frequentlybeen recognized.37On Murphy-O'Connor's original view on the literarygrowth of S this passage belongs to the The two statementsthat make up the earliest layer of the document.38 relatedto one another.The proa are as whole loosely only passage noun 7iR used with referenceto a group of people is found in both statementsand could be seen as a terminologicallink or a catchword " Cf. Metso, Textual Development, 103 and Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.106. The reading of Scribe A's text as suggested by Metso has the effect of linking the first part of our passage (IQS 8:10b- la) with what precedes. Our main concern is with the second part of the passage (IQS 8:1 lb-12a), the text of which is not affected by the differences between the scribes. 36 These opening words formally resemble another formula common in IQS 8-9, cf. Alexander and Vermes, DJD nT1, the basic form of which is ~tfl-r: I'nt 26.112-13. Common features are : + infinitive construct + ;1"t. This instance is different from the other three because it does not refer to the future but rather the recent past. Note the observation offered by Pouilly on IQS 8: 1Ob-12a, "Le paragraphe forme 7 par les lignes lOb-12a est encadre par deux crochets marginaux...," Regle, 37. See also, A.-M. Denis, "Evolution de structures dans la secte de Qumran," Aux origines de l'Eglise (ed. J. Giblet; RechBib 7; Paris: Desclee, De Brouwer, 1965) 23-49, esp. 43 n. 1. lx "Genese litteraire," 529-32. However, this is another one of the passages that Pouilly assigned to Stage 2 in the growth of the Community Rule in an adaptation of Murphy-O'Connor's original analysis, cf. Pouilly, Regle, 36-37.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
69
connectingthe two passages. Because the term is rathergeneral,however, this suggestion is offered somewhat tentatively.In this passage the scholar is admonished not to keep his revelations and insights "from these" (fttz), probablythe same group of people as the one referredto with the pronounFr's in line lOb (7l,t 1p:r7,"Whenthese have been established"). The expression translated here as "the scholar" could refer to any community member who is engaged in the study of the law39in the course of the kind of regular activity envisaged in IQS 6:6b-8a. It is also possible that the referenceis to a particularoffice that may have emergedover the course of time. Not too much can be built on the use of the definitearticle here,40but the drift of the passage seems to imply that we are dealing with a person in a position of some privileged access in mattersof interpretation.4' This statementseems to presupposea situationwhere some members of the communitywere kept in the dark about some of the insights gained by the scholarand felt disenfranchised.Such a disenfranchised group or individualmay lie behindthis statement.It also presupposes some backsliding within the community as indicated by the phrase "for fear of a renegadespirit"(ilm10:FIn-I MRn).41 3. The Way in the Wilderness The next passage to be consideredcontains the famous interpretation of Isa. 40:3 where the preparationof God's way in the wilderness is identified with the study of the law and is found in IQS 8:12b-16a H 4QSd (4Q258) 6:6b-8a H 4QSe (4Q259) 3:3b.43 When these exist as a communityin Israel accordingto these rules" they shall keep apartfrom the companyof the people of injusticeand go to the wilderness in orderto preparetherethe way of him45as it is written:"'Inthe wildernessprepare the way of...., make straightin the desert a highway for our God." This So Knibb,Qumran Community, 133. 4 Cf. P. Wernberg-M0ller, The Manual of Discipline: Translated and Annotated
with an Introduction(STDJ 1; Leiden:Brill, 1957) 128. 41 So Leaney, Rule of Qumran, 220. 42 On the terminologyand perhapsalso the scenarioenvisagedhere cf. IQS 2:11-18 where the root 210 occurs twice in a curse of backsliders. Authority,"51-52 andS. Metso,"TheUse of Old Testa43 See Fraade,"Interpretative ment Quotationsin the QumranCommunityRule,"QumranBetweenthe Old and New Testaments (eds F.H. Cryer and T.L. Thompson; JSOTSup 290/Copenhagen InternationalSeminar 6; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 217-31, esp. 222-25. 4 "Accordingto these rules"is superlinearin IQS and lacking in 4QSd and 4QS. 45
4QSe reads "the way of truth."
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is the study of the law w[hic]h he has commandedthroughMoses to carryout accordingto all that has been revealedfrom time to time and accordingto that which the prophetshave revealedby his holy spirit.
The Cave 4 manuscriptsdifferfrom IQS in a numberof respects."' a. The opening words differ slightly between all three manuscripts47 and clearly reflect development.As has been arguedconvincingly by the editors of DJD 26, it seems likely that an originalformula of the form ' flX f1lnrimwas added to over time.48 b. 4QSd clearly preserves a much shorter text than IQS, and it is often thought that it lacked the explicit citation of Isa. 40:3 and perhapsmore of the text of 1QS.49After the instructionto keep apartfrom the people of injusticethe preservedtext of 4QSd begins again with the tail end of the interpretationof the Isaiah passage: "[this is the interpretationof the la]w which he has commanded thr[ough Moses.. .]." Thus, whether or not 4QSd included the explicit quotationof Isa. 40:3, the same text and its interpretation clearly underliethe shorter4QSd passage too. c. 4QSe continuesafter "as he has commandedthroughMoses" with the equivalentto IQS 9:12 and lacks the materialfound in IQS 8:15b-9:11 altogether.50
What we have here is an admonitionto keep apart from a group and to withdrawin orderto study the law accordingto all that he has commandedthroughMoses. The withdrawal,be it physicalas is often thought,or metaphorical,is based on an interpretationof Isa. 40:3.5' The passage is centralfor understandingthe importanceof the study
46 A number of smaller variant readings are footnoted in the translation above. 47 On the reading of 4QSe 3:3 cf. Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.145-46; Metso, Textual Development, 53-54; and E. Puech, "L'alphabet cryptique A en 4QSe (4Q259)," RevQ 18 (1998) 429-35. 4N Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.1 12-13. 41 Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.105 and 107, propose a briefer text. Qimron/ Charlesworth and Metso suggest that 4QSd mainly lacked the biblical citation, cf.
Metso,TextualDevelopment,85-86; eadem,"OldTestamentQuotationsin theCommunity Rule"; E. Qimron and J.H. Charlesworth, "4QS MS D," The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, vol. 1:Rule of the Community
and RelatedDocuments(ed. J.H. Charlesworth; Tubingen:MohrSiebeck, 1994)76-77. so For previousdiscussionsof this importantvariant,see the bibliographicalreferences in nn. 51 and 52 below. St See G.J. Brooke, "Isaiah 40:3 and the WildernessCommunity,"New Qumran Texts and Studies: Proceedings of the First Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies, Paris 1992 (ed. G.J. Brooke with F. Garcia Martinez; STDJ 15;
Leiden:Brill, 1994) 117-32.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
71
of the law in the CommunityRule and leaves little doubt about the centrality of this endeavour in the raison d'e'tre of the community. Noteworthyis the lack of explicit referencesto individualsor groups in the processof the study of the law.52In this respectthe presentpassage is close to the materialin IQS 6 discussed above. A majordifference from the materialin 1QS 6 is the referenceto a rival group, the people of injustice (bIDvF'02K), in association with the community's
withdrawalto the desert and probably,by implication,in association with their interpretationsof the law. The presentpassage continues,at least accordingto the recensions of IQS and 4QSd, with a referenceto a special revelationor even a This notion of special revelationsis a fursuccession of revelations.53 ther new developmentnot found in the IQS 6 material,althoughthe referenceto mattershiddenfrom Israelin IQS 8:10b-12a alreadycontained a hint in this direction.In the context of revelationswe note again the absence of particularindividualsor groupswithin the communitywho are being singled out as the particularrecipientsor channels of these revelations.Whichever interpretationof 4QSe's shorter textone is inclinedto follow-Metso arguesthatlQS expanded-,whereas P. Alexanderfavours the view that 4QSe omits55-it is interestingto have a version of this statementthat stopped short before the reference to the special revelations. 4. The Maskil and a Second Allusion to Isa. 40:3
In the context of a series of rules for the Maskil (IQS 9:12-21a // 18:1-4a // 4QSd [4Q258] 7:13-8:5a // 4QSe [4Q259] we find a second allusion to Isa. 40:3. I am discussingboth 3:6-4:2a)
4QSb [4Q256]
52 Note in this context the observations offered by Fraade, "Here, however, the emphasisis on the community'sinterpretativestudy of the Torah,ratherthan, as we saw in the Pesher to Habakkuk,on the teacher'sinterpretationof the Prophets,even though a prophetictext (Isa. 40:3) is here the interpretativebasis of that emphasis," Authority,"52). ("Interpretative und Schriftforschung, S On successive revelationsat Qumransee Betz, Offenbarung Authority,"52 and 8; Fishbane,"Mikraat Qumran,"364-66, Fraade,"Interpretative n. 18; N. Wieder, The Judean Scrolls and Karaism(London:East and West Library, 1962) 67-70 and Schiffman,Halakhahat Qumran,25-27. 54 See S. Metso, "The PrimaryResults of the Reconstructionof 4QS'," JJS 44 (1993) 303-8 and eadem, TextualDevelopment,71-73. 452-53. Cf. also C.-H. Hunzinger,"Beo5S See Alexander,"Redaction-History," derGemeindevonQumran," QumranbachtungenzurEntwicklungderDisziplinarordnung Probleme: Vortrdge (ed. H. Bardtke; Deutsche Akademie der Wissenschaften zu
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passages in direct succession because they share the wildernesstopic, but it is interestingto recall that in 4QSe's recensionthey would have been found in close proximityalreadyin an ancientmanuscript.I will discuss variants in the 4QS manuscriptsin the footnotes and offer selected portionsof lQS 9:12-21a in translation: These are the statutesfor the Maskil to walk in them (in his dealings)with all the living accordingto the rule for each time and accordingto the weight of each person.He shall execute the will of God accordingto everythingthat has been revealedfrom time to time. He shall acquireevery insightwhich has been found throughoutthe times and the statute of time (.. .) He shall sustain the chosen ones of the time according to his will according to that which he has commanded.(... .) He shall not rebukeor get into an argumentwith the peopleof the pit but conceal the counsel of the law56in the midst of the people of injustice. (...) He shall guide them with knowledgeand thus instructthem in the wonderful and true mysteriesin the midst of the people of the community5" so that they may conductthemselvesperfectlyeach with their neighbourin all that has been revealedto them. This is the time to preparethe way to the wilderness.He shall instructthem58in all that has been found to do at this time, and they shall keep away from everyonewho has not avertedhis path59from all evil.
The new heading in IQS 9:12 (0- JtMnMM ':s'M
'p1lm n
clearly identifiesthe statutesthat follow as addressedto an individual, the Maskil. The Maskil6W is frequentlyfound in headingsin a variety of documents,but the presentpartof the CommunityRule is of great interest because it is one of the few texts that go into detail about this individual'srole. Alexanderhas suggested that the whole of the Serekh Scroll is a guidebookfor the Maskil.6'I am not sure I agree Berlin. Schriften der Sektion fUr Altertumswissenschaft 42; Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1963) 231-47, esp. 244-45. 56 4QSd reads "his counsel." 1' This is the reading found in IQS and 4QSd (4QSb is reconstructed here). Instead of "and thus to instruct them in the wonderful and true mysteries in the midst of the people of the community...," 4QSe reads "[and thus to instruct them in] the wonderful mysteries-and if the way of the assembly of the community becomes perfect...." Cf. Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.149, where the editors draw attention to IQS 8:25 "if his conduct becomes perfect"; See also Qimron and Charlesworth, "4QS MS D," 88-89. 18 4QSe reads &0'0Dr3l51 "and he shall make them experts of'; cf. Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.145, 149. Whereas IQS and 4QSe have the conjunction, this is lacking in 4QSb and 4QSd, cf. DJD 29.118-19 for discussion. 59 4QSd
reads the plural"his paths."
Cf. Hempel, "Community Structures," 80-81; H. Kosmala, "Maskil," Studies, Essays and Reviews (Leiden: Brill, 1978) 1.235-41 and C. Newsom, "The Sage in the Literature of Qumran: The Functions of the Maskil," The Sage in Israel and the Ancient Near East (eds J.G. Gammie and L.G. Perdue; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 373-82. 61 Alexander, "Redaction-History," 442. See also J.H. Charlesworth and B.A.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
73
with his assessment of the entire scroll, but this particularpart of S certainlylooks like that. This key role attributedto an individualin relationto interpretationmarksa new departurein comparisonto the materialwith which we have been concernedso far. One of the chief characteristicsof the whole long section on the Maskil in IQS 9:12-25 is a great emphasis on time (nlU)and a preponderanceof occurrencesof this term.62Thus, the term nV occurs fifteen times in IQS, ten of which are found in the Maskil section lQS 9:12-25. A characteristicsharedby this materialand the lQS and 4QSdrecension of the materialin IQS 8:12-16 just discussed is the presence of a numberof referencesto successive revelations,cf., for example, 1QS 9:13, 20.63The Maskil materialrefers to revelationsreceived by the Maskil, as in IQS 9:13, but also seems to allow for revelations 'ri:, accessible to the people of the community,cf. IQS 9:19 (;FrMlF cmt "all that has been revealed to them"). As in 1QS 8:12-16 we find a furtherreferenceto the same rival group, the people of injustice.I posed the questionin the earliercontext whether the rival group was associated by implicationwith the community'sinterpretationof the law. The present passage confirms this suspicion, since here the negative connectionbetween the people of the law is madeexplicit. of injusticeandthecommunity'sinterpretation In lQS 9:17 the Maskil is admonishedto conceal the counsel of the l in the midst of the people of injustice.' law (Fmnn-n) In lines 19-20 we come across the second reference to a withdrawalto the wildernessin allusionto Isa. 40:3. One may ask whether this allusion to Isa. 40:3 was always partof this traditioncomplex on the Maskil or whetherit may have been addedto it secondarily.As it stands, and in the S manuscriptsin their present form, it seems to allude back to the more elaboratepassage in IQS 8. The wilderness theme seems to have been combinedwith the overridinginterestof the Maskil traditions in time mentioned above. Note the formulation, "Thisis the time to preparethe way to the wilderness"(IQS 9:19-20).
Strawn, "Reflectionson the Text of Serek ha-YahadFound in Cave IV," RevQ 17 (1996) 403-35, esp. 415-16. 62 On this term and its use in the Dead Sea Scrolls see most recentlyG. Brin, The Conceptof Timein the Bible and the Dead Sea Scrolls (STDJ 39; Leiden:Brill, 2001) 294-308. 63 See n. 50 above. 64 Note,however,4QSd's reading"hiscounsel,"cf. Metso,Textual Development, 88-89.
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5. The PrivilegedPosition of the Sons of Zadokin Mattersof Interpretation The specialstatusof the sonsof Zadokandthepeopleof theircovenant in mattersof Torahinterpretation comes to the fore in lQS 5:7b-13a. Here, the text attested in 4QSb (4Q256) 9:6b-13 and 4QSd (4Q258) 1:5b-11 varies considerablyfrom that of IQS and I offer translations of both recensionsbelow. IQS 5:7b-13a These are their prescribedways according to all these statuteswhen they come togetheras a community.Everyonewho joins the council of the communityshall enter into the covenant of God in the presence of all eager volunteers. They shall take upon themselves a binding oath to returnto the law of Moses according to all that he has commanded with all theirheartand soul accordingto all that has been revealedfrom it to the sons of Zadok the priests who keep the covenantand seek his favour and to the multitudeof the people of theircovenant who are togethereager volunteersfor his truthand to conduct themselvesaccording to his will. When they take upon themselvesthe oath they shall keep separatefrom all the peopleof injusticewho walk in the path of wickedness.For they have been left out from his covenantbecause they have not sought nor asked for his advice concerning his statutes in order to have knowledge of the hidden things in which they have gone astrayso as to incur guilt. As for the revealed things they have acted deliberately so that anger flares up for judgment and vengeanceby the curses of the covenant so as to bring upon themselves great judgmentsfor eternaldestructionwithout a remnant.
4QSb
and 4QSd
Everyonewho joins the council of [the communilty shall ta[k]e upon themselves a binding oath to return to the law of Moses with all their heart and soul (according to) all thathasbeenrevealedfromtheL[aw acc]ording[to] the council of the people of the community.
And they shall keep separate from [al]l the people of injustice.
This passage deals with the admission of new members into the communityby swearing an oath to returnto the law of Moses.65In the context of the law of Moses IQS's recensionsingles out "the sons 65 For an analysis of this materialin relationto CD 15 see Hempel,"Community Structures,"70-72.
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
75
of Zadok" (prrs 'an) and "the multitude of the people of their covenant"(OMfl '01A:fl) as recipientsof the correctrevealed interpretationof the law. 4QSb and 4QSd lack this referenceto the sons of Zadok and mentioninstead"the council of the people of the community" (rnfIltt2t nSD)as recipientsof the revealedinterpretationof the law. This is the second instance in lQS 5 where the sons of Zadok togetherwith a largergroup are given a pivotal position accordingto IQS over against 4QSb and 4QSd. In this second instance the matter addressedgoes to the heartof interpretativeauthorityin S. In the earlier instance some lines above the sons of Zadok were put in charge of Torah, wealth, and justice (lQS 5:2-3). In this earlier case the divergingrecension of 4QSb and 4QSd identifiedthe group in charge as "the many"( 66:mFr).6 The presentpassage standsout from a numberof statementsin the CommunityRule where the interpretationof the law is not associated with particularindividualsor groups in a position of privilege. The introductionof such groups is indicativeof developmentsin the literature and perhapsalso the organizationand experience of the community.It is interestingto ask whether4QSband 4QSdalso refer to a privilegedgroup. It seems more likely, however, that the term "council of the people of the community"should be taken as a designation for the communityas a whole as is frequentlythe case when the designation"councilof the community"is used in S.67 Finally, this passage includes an admonitionto keep separatefrom the by now familiarrival group,the people of injustice,in both recensions, though IQS's text is much more elaborateon this topic. The new membersof the communityare admonishedto keep theirdistance
66 On the differences between IQS and 4QSb/4QSd and their significance see Alexander,"Redaction-History"; Charlesworthand Strawn,"Reflections";C. Hempel, "Commentson the Translationof 4QSd 1,1," JJS 44 (1993) 127-28; eadem, "The EarthlyEssene Nucleus of IQSa,"DSD 3 (1996) 253-69; Knibb,"Rule";R. Kugler, "A Note on IQS 9:14: The Sons of Righteousnessor the Sons of Zadok?"DSD 3 (1996) 315-20; idem, "Priesthoodat Qumran,"The Dead Sea Scrolls AfterFifty Years, 2.93-116; Metso,TextualDevelopment,74-90, 143-49;G. Vermes,"Preliminary Remarks on UnpublishedFragmentsof the CommunityRule from QumranCave 4," JJS 42 (1991) 250-55; idem, "The Leadershipof the QumranCommunity:Sons of ZadokPriests-Congregation," Geschichte-Tradition-Reflexion: Festschriftfur Martin Hengel zum 70. Geburtstag(eds H. Cancik,H. Lichtenberger, and P. Schafer;Tubingen:Mohr, 1996) 1.375-84; P. Garnet,"Cave4 MS Parallelsto IQS 5.1-7: Towardsa Serek Text History,"JSP 15 (1997) 67-78. 67 Cf. e.g., lQS 3:2; 6:14. See also Hempel, "CommunityStructures," 78 and the literaturecited there.
CHARLOTTEHEMPEL
76
because of the rival group's failure to obey the Torah. Whereasthis is as far as the admonitionin 4QSb and 4QSd goes, IQS has a much lengthierexplanationof the failures of this group with regardto hidden and revealedthings. 6. The Sons of Aaron and the Law A little later in the same column (IQS 5:20b-22 // 4QSd [4Q258] 1:13-2:2a// 4QSg[4Q261] la-b 1-2a) the sons of Aaronand the multitudeof Israel are given a vital role in the context of permittingsuitable candidatesto enter the communityin lQS, 4QSd,and apparently also 4QS9 which sets in a little later than 4QSd.68 4QSd 1:12-13 contains some very fragmentaryremainsof materialthat may reflect IQS 5:20b-21a as well as the remainsof some additionaltext not in IQS. Not much can be made of the scant remains.69lQS 5:20-22 reads: And when a person enters into the covenant in order to act according to all these statutes and in order to join the holy congregation they shall examine their spirit in the community distinguishing between one candidate and the next according to his insight and the lawfulness of his'? deeds according to the authority of the sons of Aaron who have volunteered together (or: in the community [Tn:J)7 to uphold his covenant and to observe all his statutes which he has commanded to obey and72according to the authority of the multitude of lsrael who have volunteered to return together (nZ)73 to his covenant.74
This section again takes up the topic of admission into the community dealt with earlier in col. 5 and at greater length in lQS 6:13b-23. Here the sons of Aaron and the multitude of Israel are given a pivotal role in the examinationof new membersas to their insight and the lawfulness of their deeds (lQS 5:21-22). Moreover, the sons of Aaron are responsible for upholding his covenant and observingall his statutes.It is interestingthat here we have the sons
esp. 380-81. Cf. Metso, Textual Development, 129-33 and Vermes,"Leadership," Cf. Alexanderand Vermes,DJD 26.98. "' 4QSd reads "theirdeeds." (lfl:') here, but attests 71 4QSd 2:1 lacks the term"together(or: in the community)" the second occurrenceof the term in the following line. 72 The conjunctionis absentfrom 4QSd, cf. Alexanderand Vermes,DJD 26.100-1. 7 4QS9 has an intriguingvariantin frags I a-b, line 2 that reads,"[andaccording to the multituldeof Is[rael who have volunteelredto live together"where IQS 5:22 and 4QS"read "to returntogether,"cf. DJD 26.174-75. 74 This second referenceto the covenantin IQS 5:22 is absentfrom both 4QSd and 4QS9,cf. Metso, Textual Development,83, where she argues in favourof considering IQS's text as secondary. 69
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
77
of Aaron and the multitudeof Israel in a leading role in relation to joining the covenant in IQS, 4QSd, and 4QS9, whereas in IQS 5:7b-13a
it was also in the context of joining the covenant that the sons of Zadok and the multitudeof the people of their covenant were given prominence in IQS over against the council of the community in 4QSb and 4QSd. It looks as if we have materialfrom differentperiods preservedalongside each other in 1QS and in 4QSd.75 As far as the evidence of 4QSd is concernedthe very presenceof a formulation of the kind "the sons of Aaron and the multitude of Israel"in this version of the CommunityRule is exceedingly interesting. We may recall, a little earlier in this manuscriptin the material equivalentto the first half of IQS 5, 4QSd consistentlylacked IQS's referencesto the sons of Zadok and the multitudeof the people of the community/theircovenant in favour of the many/the council of the peopleof the community.76 A good case has beenmadeto regardthe more democraticstatementsfound in 4QSd as the more original.77Put very simply, we know that the sons of Zadok are never placed in authority in 4QSd over against IQS, but here we have the sons of Aaron in a positionof authorityin both lQS and 4QSd. Vermeshas evaluatedthe evidence of 4QSd as follows, The earlier,no doubtoriginal,version of the Rule [i.e., 4QSb and 4QSd_cH] had no mentionof the sons of Zadok.Final authorityin all matterslay with the congregation,but this was reconcilablewith the acceptanceof the doctrinaland legal expertiseof the priest, i.e. the sons of Aaron.78
This approachtakes various statementsfound within the 4QSd tradition and assumes that they all form a unifiedand homogeneouspicture. This may well be correct. But it seems worth considering the possibility that 4QSd itself reflects developmentand that reconciling various statementswith one anotheris not the only way they can be explained. A potentiallysignificantvariantfound in 4QSd is the lack t :.U%"and accordof the conjunctionfound in IQS 5:22 ('tsW ing to the authorityof the multitudeof Israel")in 4QSd 2:2. In their discussion of this reading the editors of DJD 26 observe that the
75For an excellent recent discussion of the complexity of the evidence offered by the scrolls on the role of the sons of Zadok and the sons of Aaron see Kugler, "Priesthood." 16
Cf. IQS 5:2-3, 9 and 4QSd 1:2, 7.
"
Cf. Metso,TextualDevelopment,74-90, 143-49 andVermes,"Preliminary Remarks." "Leadership,"381.
78
78
CHARLOTTEHEMPEL
reading of 4QSd "seems to imply the subordinationof the priests to the laity. This is highly unlikely and suggests that the text is at fault."79It seems advisableto refrainfrom necessarilyaccountingfor this variantin the light of IQS's repeateduse of the pattern"X ID '2" followed by "Y tD tsY." A look at the concordancesuppliedfor 4QSd in DJD 26 reveals that the presentcase is, in fact, the only instance where authorityis sharedaccordingto 4QSd. In all other cases where 'D)t occurs followed by a group in authorityit is always one single group,cf. 4QSd 1:2 // lQS 5 and 7:3 // IQS 9:2. Both in termsof the material evidence of lQS 5 (lQS 5:2-3, 9) versus 4QSd and 4QSb (4QSd 1:2, 7; 4QSb 9:3, 8) and from a purely pragmaticstandpoint the sharedauthoritymodel does seem to be the more developed and less easily practical form of these statements. We should be open for the possibility that this passage attests a redactionaldevelopment within 4QSd.
It is conceivable,for instance,that 4QSd originallydid not include the reference to the sons of Aaron at all but, very much along the same democraticlines as 4QSd col. I (the many), the multitudeof Israel was placed in charge. The text would make quite good sense both grammaticallyand in terms of content without the referenceto the sons of Aaron. If the referenceto the sons of Aaron were a secondaryadditionin 4QSd,80 one could argue that whoever was responsible for its additionwas a little sloppy and forgot to add the conjunction.Onthenegativesidethisstillleavesus withtheratherunexpected terminologyof "multitude"(rni) here,8'which is very familiarfrom IQS's compoundauthoritystatements.This is the only occurrenceof :21 in 4QSd, and the term never occurs in the closely relatedmanuscript4QSbwhich representsthe same textualtraditionas 4QSd.82It is conceivable that whoever is responsiblefor this portionof 4QSd was later,is palaeoinfluencedby IQS which, even if redaction-historically graphicallyolder than 4QSd and may well have been familiar to the scribes/authorsof 4QSd. Whichever view one takes on these questions, it seems fairly clear that this importantpassage reflects developmentsboth in IQS and in 4QSd with regardto the group in charge
Alexander and Vermes, DJD 26.101. 4QSs is reconstructed at this point. In this context note the observation by Kugler on the reference to the sons of Aaron in IQS 5:21, "it has the flavor of a redactional gloss," "Priesthood," 101. Kl Not "the Many" as stated by Kugler, "Priesthood," 101. The difference may be significant. 82 Cf. Metso, Textual Development, 74-90. 79
80
INTERPRETATIVEAUTHORITY IN THE COMMUNITY RULE TRADITION
79
in mattersof the correct interpretationand observanceof the law in the community. Such rivalriesare also clearly reflectedin the formulationfound in IQS 9:7 // 4QSd (4Q258) 7:7 which reads, Only the sons of Aaronshall rule with regardto judgmentand property
4QSd continues
1QS continues and on their authoritydecisions shall be taken concerningany rule of the people of the community.
vacat
Here we have a second instancewhere both lQS and 4QSd allocate a pivotal and exclusive leadershiprole to the sons of Aaron. Note, however, the additionalmaterialin lQS that makes their responsibilities broaderthan in 4QSd. The use of the adverbp- ("only")prefixed to the sentence probablyalludes to other practicesor opinions being contradictedhere. It is certainlyan emphaticand probablya polemical statementand makes it appearvery unlikely that sons of Zadok and sons of Aaron are merely stylisticallydifferentdesignations.83 In sum, both IQS and 4QS attest to an increasing concern with rival claims to the correctinterpretationof the law in the Community Rule. A close reading of the texts reveals subtle shifts in the terminology within each recensionas well as between variousrecensions. Conclusion
To conclude, this examination of the question of interpretative authorityin S has revealed a numberof complex developmentsboth within individualrecensions of S as well as between various recensions. Speakingvery broadlythe impressiongained is that interpretative authorityoriginatedas a shared grassrootscommoditythat characterisedthe communityfrom its earliest days in small groups. Over time the texts seem to testify to a restrictionof access to the correct interpretationof the law by referringto individualsand groups with privileged access and special revelations.WhereasFraadefound evidenceof a peacefulcoexistenceof "'elitist'and'egalitarian'Torahethics" "' The strong endorsementof the sons of Aaron found in 1QS 9:7 belongs to the large block of materialmissing from 4QSe. On the possible significanceof this see Kugler,"Priesthood,"95-96.
80
CHARLOlTE HEMPEL
in the Qumran community,84we would argue on the basis of the CommunityRule that both approachesoriginatedat differentstages in the developmentof the communityand its literature.
13
"Interpretative Authority," 68.
THE HEARING4Q225: A CASE STUDY IN RECONSTRUCTING RELIGIOUSIMAGINATIONOF THE QUMRAN COMMUNITY ROBERTA. KUGLER Lewis & Clark College
To determine the Qumrancovenanters' religious views, scholars have usually relied on sectariantexts, compositionsthought to have been authoredby and for communitymembers.'The premise is that nonsectarianworks are dilutedby the ideas of otherJews, and are thus an unreliablemeasureof the covenanters'beliefs.2Thus the approach to reconstructingthe faith of Qumranhas been to determinewhich textswere authoredin the community,3analyze them for the ideas their authorsintendedto communicate,and assume those ideas express the religious attitudesof the communityas a whole. If we are after the religion of the community,the problemwith this approachis apparent.The ideas of the authors of sectariantexts can hardly be counted alone as evidence of the larger community'sreligious imagination.To achieve our goal using sectariantexts we need some evidence for how the communityrespondedto receiving them. Absent that we requiresome idea of the community'sunderstanding before receiving them; then we could at least consider how the religious notions and literarythemes and genres the communityalready held dear were taken up and repeated and challenged by sectarian texts and from that we might gauge the community's response to
' This approach is true of H. Ringgren, The Faith of Qumran: The Theology of Qumran (expanded edition; New York: Crossroad, 1995); but see now some of the essays in Religion in the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds J.J. Collins and R.A. Kugler; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2000). 2 See, for example, J. Charlesworth, "Introduction to the Expanded Edition: The Theologies of the Dead Sea Scrolls," in Ringgren, The Faith of Qumran, xv-xxi, who warns against using anything but "Scrolls Composed at Qumran" to reconstruct the religion of Qumran. I The classic essay on the question is C. Newsom, "'Sectually Explicit' Literature from Qumran," The Hebrew Bible and Its Interpreters (eds W. Propp et al.; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1990) 167-87. ? Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
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them. Yet preciselythe characteristicthat makes texts sectarian-their uniquenessto the community-often precludesa glimpse into the prior expectationsof those who receivedthem. Dependentas we are on textual evidence, there is no antecedentcompositionthat we can assume the group to have known and recognizedas having been adaptedby a work like the CommunityRule. Thus if our searchfor the community's religious views is truly dependenton sectariantexts alone, it is at a dead end for lack of the sort of comparativeevidence necessary to measurethe community'sresponseto such compositions. Fortunatelywe need not depend solely on sectariantexts. Parabiblical scrolls do permit us to measure the community's response to them because they were built from literaturethe group knew better than any other and to which we have clear and abundantaccess, the Jewish Scriptures.Thus we have a means of constructingthe Qumran audience'sexpectationsthat were shapedby receivingthe Parabiblical scrolls. Additionally,the Parabiblicaltexts (along with other scrolls) betray the mainly oral-auraldynamics of text reception at Qumran, permittingan even more precise reconstructionof the receptionexperiencethere.Consequently,by readingtheParabiblicaltextsfromQumran with the help of receptiontheory,which appreciatesthe value of antecedenttexts andoral-auralmodesof reception,we are able to shed new light on the community'sreligiousimagination.Before provingthis by analysis of a Parabiblicalscroll from Qumran,I explain the reception theory of H.R. Jauss and offer evidence that texts at Qumranwere received as oral performances. I. The Reception Theory of H.R. Jauss and the Importance of the Oral-Literate Context at Qumran
Jauss's curiosity about what makes texts into classics led him to devise his historically-oriented receptiontheory.4Jaussdeterminedthat classics achieve their status because they effectively build on and
4 H.R. Jauss, Toward an Aesthetic of Reception (Theoryand Historyof Literature 2; Minneapolis,MN: Universityof MinnesotaPress, 1982);see also Jauss' brief exposition of his argumentin "LiteraryHistoryas a Challengeto LiteraryTheory,"New Directionsin LiteraryHistory(ed. R. Cohen;Baltimore:The JohnsHopkinsUniversity Press, 1974) 11-41. It is importantto note thatJausswas not only interestedin establishing the characteristicsof classics. In fact, he arrivedat that inquiryby way of respondingto what he saw as the failed essentialismand determinismof the then-dominant Formalistand Marxistschools of thoughtin literarytheory.
HEARING 4Q225
83
transformthe genres, texts, and traditionsthat alreadyexercise power over their recipients' imaginations. Classics are embraced because they change their audience'sexpectations,creatingin them new literary, social, or religiousviews. Fromthese observationsJauss theorized that we can know a past audience'sresponseto a given text if we can first constructfrom the text and otherevidence the audience'sliterary, religious, social, cultural,and political "horizonof expectations"prior to receivingthetext.Thenwe mayaskhow the new compositionadjusted, challenged,or subvertedthose expectations,and from that we derive a sense of how the audience was transformedby experiencing the composition. The Parabiblicalscrolls are well suited to this sort of analysis.They build from Scripture,the very text by which the covenantersunderstood themselvesto have been shaped.Thus in Scripturewe have the basic evidence we need to constructthe group's literaryand religious horizonof expectationspriorto receivingtheParabiblical texts.5Moreover, the rest of the scrolls (and occasionally the archaeologyof Qumran and the classical sources) permitfurtherinsight into the literary,religious, and social expectationsof the group. Magnifying the significance of the Parabiblicaltexts' reliance on Scriptureis the likelihood that the people of Qumran,though probablyhighlyliterateby comparisonwithotherJewsof theera,6stillreceived most of their texts as oral presentations.7Historiansof religion and I
On the complicating factor of "multiple literary editions" of biblical books at Qumran,see n. 24 below; for the conceptof variantliteraryeditionsof biblical books at Qumran,see E. Ulrich, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins of the Bible (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans,1999), esp. pp. 3-162. 6 M. Bar-Ilan,"Illiteracyin the Land of Israel in the First CenturiesC.E.," Essays in the Social ScientificStudyof Judaismand Jewish Society (eds S. Fishbaneand S. Schoenfeld with A. Goldschlager;Hoboken, NJ: KTAV, 1992) 2.46-61, estimates Jewish literacy in Judea in the first centuriesCE at no more than three percent.That literacyat Qumranwas higherthan that seems certain.Speakingin favor of high literacy at Qumranare (1) the proportionof likely occupantsat the site (fifty to two hundred) to the numberof texts found in the caves (eight hundred);(2) the productionof scrolls at the site; and (3) the likelihoodthat many of the inhabitantswere somehow associatedwith the Temple (on the high literacy of temple personnel,see W. Harris, AncientLiteracy[Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversityPress, 1989]). 7 Predominantly aural receptioneven in high-literacycontexts was not unusualin early Judaism;see J. Crenshaw,"The Primacyof Listeningin Ben Sira's Pedagogy," Wisdom,YouAre My Sister:Studiesin Honor of RolandE. Murphy,0. Carm.,On the Occasion of His Eightieth Birthday (ed. M. Barrd;CBQMS 29; Washington, DC: CatholicBiblical Associationof America, 1997) 172-87, who notes that even "within canonicalwisdom... instructiontook the form of oral delivery"(183). On the dominance of vocal over silent reading in antiquity,see P. Achtemeier,"Omne verbum
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oral formulaic analysts have pointed out that in such oral-literate contexts people have more than a vague acquaintance with their Scriptures;they usuallyhave them memorized,internalizedas it were.8 Even when echoes of Scriptureare barelywhispered,the full scope of a story's testimony is evoked as well in the recipient'simagination.9 Thus the covenanters' experience of Scripture reconfiguredin the Parabiblicaltexts would have been that much more effective in shaping their religious imagination,for we can reasonablyexpect that living in an oral milieu such as that of Palestinearoundthe turnof the era they would have been deeply attunedand responsiveto the echoes of Scripturein extrabiblicaltexts. The evidence for this oral-literatemilieu at Qumranis considerable.'0First, if it was not merely an expedientto save the scrolls from in a handfulof caves speaksagainst Romanmischief,"theirconcentration the scrolls' use for privatereadingand in favor of the strict oversight of manuscriptstypical of groups that share their texts in public, communal settings.'2The lack of space in the communitysite for solitary reading and the prominenceof a room most agree to have been a refectorywhere public recitationof texts occurredas often as twice a day also indicatethat texts were sharedpublicly at Qumran."' sonat: The New Testament and the Oral Environment of Late Western Antiquity," JBL 109 (1990) 3-27; but see also M. Slusser, "Reading Silently in Antiquity," JBL Ill (1993) 499; and F.D. Gilliard, "More Silent Reading in Antiquity: Non Omne Verhum Sonahat," JBL 112 (1993) 689-94. 8 W.A. Graham, Beyond the Written Word: Oral Aspects of Scripture in the History of Religions (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989); and J.M. Foley, Immanent Art: From Structure to Meaning in the Traditional Oral Epic (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 1991). 9 Foley, Immanent Art, calls this "metonymy," and R. Hays, Echoes of Scripture in the Letters of Paul (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1989), refers to the same phenomenon as "echo." Hays relies, in turn, on J. Hollander, The Figur-e of Echo: A Mode of Allusion in Milton and After (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1981). '(' Pace the startling claim of L.I. Levine, The Ancient Synagogue: The First Thousand Years (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2000) 61, that "despite the centrality of liturgical settings as reflected in the scrolls, nothing whatsoever is said about the public reading of Scriptures" at Qumran. '' The Seleucid desecration of the Temple's holy books (I Macc. 1:56) shows there was reason to fear imperial attacks on sacred texts, and Josephus' report that Titus treated the Scriptures of the Jews as a prize to be coveted (War 7:150) proves such anxieties were well founded. 12 Eighty-five percent of the scrolls were discovered in Caves 1, 4, and 11. 2 Macc. 2:13-15 confirms the Jewish practice of maintaining collections of texts that served the larger community. On holding libraries in low-literacy contexts, see Bar-Ilan, "Scribes and Books," 32-37. '3 See IQS 6:8-9; IQSa 2:11-22; CD 14:3-6. That synagogue spaces doubled as
HEARING 4Q225
85
Second, the scrolls testify in their own words that texts were received aurally by the community's membership.1QS 6:7 requires that -lnri rnn":
:i
R
mon nl*'t b: n'"'w nM -rr: riunp'
m-n
on, "the Many shall be on watch together a third of every night of the year to read in the Book and to interpretthe law and bless together."That the verb sRij1refers to oral presentationis clear from IQSa 1:4 and 1QM 15:4. lQSa 1:4 urges that at the com-
munity meal the priests nM-:n 'pirt 5J[:] nM[ tM2n,'7 1 ]s
p(,)
"read into [their ea]rs all the statutesof the covenant,"and 1QM 15:4 indicates that when the battle between the sons of light and sons of darknessgets underwaythe high priest should milmrl]R:t:TC) "read into [their ea]rs" the psalm for the time of war. Cave 4 manuscripts of the DamascusDocument(4Q266 5 ii 1-3; 4Q267 5 iii 1-5; 4Q273 2 1) also prove that the Torahwas read aloud for the assembly:it forbids sacerdotalistswhose speech is impeded to read (R-1p)from the Book of the Torah to the assembly, lest they rnlm'z ': ro", "cause error in a capital matter."Still more proof of the oral characterof tcp, "reading"comes from 4Q264a 1 5-8 (// 4Q421 13 + 2 + 8 2-4), a passage on prohibited and permissible kinds of speech on the Sabbath.'4It includes among forbiddenforms of speech enunciatinga text to proofread it (znn::
rl-pt m70 MT'= mIr t).
lecturehalls and dining rooms is clear from an inscriptionin the Caesareasynagogue that reads, "Beryllos the head of the synagogue and the administrator,the son of Iu[s]tus, made the mosaic work of the tricliniumfrom his own means"(M.J. Segal Chiat, Handbook of Synagogue Architecture [BJS 29; Chico, CA: Scholars Press, 1982]
157). And the practiceof publicreadingof Scripturein the synagogueis evident from Jesus and Paul proclaimingthe Torah and the Prophetsaloud in the synagogues of Nazarethand Antioch (Luke 4:17-19; Acts 13:15), and a first-centuryCE inscription found in Jerusalemwhich shows that a certainTheodotusendowedthe constructionof a synagogue "for the readingof the Torah and the studyingof the commandments" (Chiat, Handbook,202). Philo observes that Jews gatheredin the synagogue to hear the Scripturesread and expounded(Legat. 115, 156; Mos. 2 215-16), and describes the correspondingpracticeof the Essenes in detail (Prob.81-82). Josephusrecordsthat Moses institutedthe practicewhich continuedto Josephus'own day of setting aside time each week for Jews to desist from all laborsto "hearthe law and learnit exactly" (Ag. Ap. 2:175, 178). On the centralityof the public readingof Scripturein the synagogue, see A. Shinan, "Synagogues in the Land of Israel: The Literatureof the Ancient Synagogueand Synagogue Archaeology,"Sacred Realm: The Emergenceof the Synagogue in the Ancient World (ed. S. Fine; New York: Oxford University Press,
1996) 130-52; Levine, AncientSynagogue, 135-43. 1' Forthe connectionbetween4Q264aand4Q421, see E. Tigchelaar, "SabbathHalakha and Worship in 4QWays of Righteousness: 4Q421 11 and 13+2+8 // 4Q264a 1-2," RevQ 18 (1998) 359-72.
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Formalscribalcharacteristicsof the scrolls also indicatetheir composition for oral presentation.The preferencein many manuscriptsfor full spellings is perhaps most easily explained as a scribal aid to properoral presentationof texts. For example, in 4Q225 (the text we examinebelow to test this approachto reconstructingthe Qumranreligious imagination) there is a strong preference for plene spellings.'5
Anothermorphologicalfeatureof 4Q225thatmayindicateit was intended for aural reception is a variant spelling of Isaac's name.'6While it usually occurs with a "in, jpnl , in 2 i 9, after the word Inv, "his name,"the scribe employed a samekhinstead,pFro, perhapsto avoid graphicconfusionand mispronunciation in light of the previousword's use of a shin. H. Gregory Snyder recently demonstratedthat the vacats of some pesharimalso indicatethat they were inscribedwith oral presentation in mind.'7By this measure,the vacats of 4Q225 proveto be additional evidence that it was intendedfor oral declaration.For instance,in 2 i 4 an open vacat follows the word 'n"m. Withoutthe break after it, the compoundword could easily be taken as the beginningof a new sentence, not the apocopatedlast clause of the previous one. A second clear vacat appearsin 2 ii 13. It is peculiarbecause it interrupts a clause, intervening between MlrOcDO ms1 and -1:s. In this case the
vacat may have been intendedto prompta dramaticpause in recitation,'8for as we shall see, the overall effect of 4Q225 was likely to have promptedconfidencethat the evil powers opposing the community were in the final analysis impotent. Thus the break may be a scribe's attemptto encouragethat effect by instructingthe lector to pause dramaticallybefore -1ns. A thirdvacat in 4Q225 1 6 comes at noirm Ff a logical point in the narrativeif Fr:]w. -= nwl introduces
'5 See the text reproduced below. For the editio princeps, see J.T. Milik and J.C. VanderKam, "225. 4QPseudo-Jubileesa," in Qumran Cave 4.VIII: Parabiblical Texts, Part I (DJD 13; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) 141-55, and especially p. 142 for the evidence of the manuscript's plene orthography. Note also that the scribe employed another strategy to insure proper pronunciation of the text by using an 'aleph in place of he' in lamed-he' verbs (1:3 K:'M; 2 i 5 Re!). 16 I thank Louis Feldman for this suggestion, offered in a session of the Scripture in Early Judaism and Christianity Section held at the Society of Biblical Literature Annual Meeting in Nashville, TN, 19 November 2000. 17 H. Gregory Snyder, "Naughts and Crosses: Pesher Manuscriptsand Their Significance
for ReadingPracticesat Qumran,"DSD 7 (2000) 26-48. "I For a similar notion regarding peculiar vacats like this one, see Snyder, "Naughts and Crosses," 38, where he suggests that some of the more puzzling vacats were meant to signal changes in the pace of a text's recitation.
HEARING 4Q225
87
a section where, in the midst of the Exodus story, an angelic narrator tells Moses to commandobservanceof the Passover.'9 The literarycontentof many scrolls also markstheirpreparationfor oral presentation.J.M. Foley, an oral formulaicanalyst,has confirmed the observationsof his predecessors,A. Lord and M. Parry,that repetitions, formulae, and patternedcontent are typical traits of orallycomposed texts.20Again, I restrict my examples to ones taken from 4Q225. One verbal repetitionthat facilitates auralreceptionof 4Q225 is particularlynoteworthy.The verb RtMtappears twice, once where it is anticipated and a second time quite unexpectedly. Its second occurrencein 4Q225 is fully anticipatedbecause the passage is a nearquotation of Gen. 22:4 where we hear that rn2' nf Dlrm- tkr(l), "Abrahamlifted his eyes" (2 i 14; ii 1). The firstoccurrence,however, is a surprise.Retelling Gen. 15:5, where God tells Abraham,A: mmn "Look to the heavens and count the stars," C:=Di: ID1 Mrn'7nn, 2 i 5 has 0'Z1,ZF 4Q225 nf RM; No, "Lift up, count the stars"(2 i 5), thus repeating the verbal root tk:.2I Formulae also appear. The phrase Jmrn[DMpri] 'n [w]:nrn:n, "that person will be cut off from the midst of his people" (2 i 1-2), appears regularly in the HebrewBible and has a well-agreedupon meaning.22And althoughit is not quite a formula,4Q225's use of the verb Dto recalls and subverts its two uses in Job, a book off of which this narrativeplays. 4Q225 2 i 9-10 says, nf O'Con 0-nm[bRtX] 't1f0[u]Dr -lo m(1) Mn-mnR "The Prince of the Mastemah approached God and perprim secutedAbrahamon accountof Isaac."By contrast,in Job 16:9; 30:21, Job uses the same verb to accuse God of persecutinghim. Finally, 4Q225 has made the Aqedahand the Exodus and Passoverstories into
19 A
less certainexample appearsin 2 ii 9-10, where the reconstructedtext reads
MM4FT'r Kt /
[
n 1?Mflt.Even though there was sufficient space for the ': TWT MID]
whole sentenceon line 9, it breaksbetween': and kk to begin line 10 with tO. The breakmay have been used to insurethat this curiousvarianton the biblical narrative be read as a whole, and not mistakenlyas continuingon line 10 to includean explicit object of Abraham'slove. For additionaldiscussionof the passage, see n. 42 below. 20 For a convenient summary of these textual traits, and a brief introductionto Foley's generalapproach,see J.M. Foley, "WordPower,Performance,and Tradition," Journal of American Folklore 105 (1992) 275-301. 21 This may also be counted as an example of what R. Person, "The Ancient Israelite Scribe as Performer,"JBL 117 (1998) 601-9, describes as the scribe "performingthe text"by adjustinga base text-in this case the Genesis narrative-to facilitate and reflect its oral presentation. 22 Gen. 17:14; Exod. 30:33, 38; 31:14; Lev. 17:4, 8, 9, 14; 18:29; 19:8; 20:17, 18; 23:29; Num. 9:13; 15:30.
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ROBERT A. KUGLER
similarly patterned accounts. Both are trial stories in which Prince Mastemah tests God's promise to the ancestors and God is called upon to deliver the people. That this pattern of test, endurance, and deliverance is well known from other texts of the era which also appear in the Qumran library-e.g., Tobit-confirms that it would have been familiar apart from 4Q225 as well. The evidence, then, does strongly suggest the oral presentation of texts at Qumran, and of 4Q225 in particular. As noted above this has significant implications for reconstructingthe reception experience among the people of the scrolls. Living in an oral milieu where constitutive texts like Scripture are memorized, they would have had an extraordinary appreciation of even the faintest biblical echoes in Parabiblical texts. As will become clear, this element of their reception experience undoubtedly played an importantpart in 4Q225's capacity to shape their religious imagination. With that in mind I turn now to a receptiontheory analysis of hearing 4Q225 at Qumran. II. 4Q225 and the Religion of the Qumran Community To test this reception-theory approach to understanding the Qumran religion, I investigate the likely effect of 4Q225 (4QPseudo-Jubileesa) on the community's horizon of expectations.234Q225 lends itself well to this experiment: enough of it survives to permit reliable reconstruction of a significant portion of its contents; we have already seen
23 Among the studies addressing 4Q225, see M. Kister, "Observations on Aspects of Exegesis, Tradition, and Theology in Midrash, Pseudepigrapha, and Other Jewish Writings," Tracing the Threads: Studies in the Vitality of Jewish Pseudepigrapha (ed. J. Reeves; SBLEJL 6; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1994) 7-15, 20; E. Tov, "Biblical Texts as Reworked in Some Qumran Manuscripts with Special Attention to 4QRP and 4QParaGen-Exod,"The Communityof the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds E. Ulrich and J. VanderKam; Christianity and Judaism in Antiquity 10; Notre Dame, IN; University of Notre Dame Press, 1994) 117-18; G. Vermes, "New Light on the Sacrifice of Isaac from 4Q225," JJS 47 (1996) 140-46; J. VanderKam, "The Aqedah, Jubilees, and PseudoJubilees," The Quest for Context and Meaning: Studies in Biblical Intertextuality in Honor of James A. Sanders (eds C. Evans and S. Talmon; Biblical Interpretation Series 28; Leiden: Brill, 1997) 241-61; and M. Bernstein, "Contours of Genesis Interpretation at Qumran: Contents, Context, and Nomenclature," Studies in Ancient Midrash (ed. J. Kugel; Cambridge, MA: HarvardUniversity Press, 2001) 57-85, esp. 63-67. I share the reservations expressed by Vanderkam, "Aqedah," 242-43, 261; and Bernstein, "Contours of Genesis," 63-64, regarding the title "PseudoJubilees," and restrict myself to its Qumran numerical designation, 4Q225.
HEARING 4Q225
89
that it gives substantialevidence that it was inscribedfor publicrecitation; and it is a unique interpretationof motifs and passages known from Genesis, Exodus, and Jubilees, books of Scripturedear to the Qumran community. Moreover, its paleography permits a sense of when it was inscribed, which allows in turn a reasonable estimate of the community's horizon of expectations when they would have received it. There are several steps in reconstructingthe receptionof 4Q225 at Qumran.The first task is to define the contents of 4Q225 with the help of the correspondingsections of Genesis, Exodus, and Jubilees. Second, I establish the recipients' literaryhorizon of expectationsby determining the elements of 4Q225 which were already known to them throughtheir priorexperienceof Genesis, Exodus, and Jubilees; this also reveals the text's novel, horizon-bendingelements. Third, relying on the general history of the era and evidence from other scrolls, I establish the community's social and religious horizon of expectationsat the time of 4Q225's inscription.Finally I ask how the text's horizon-bending elements might have impacted the group's existing literary,social, and religious horizon of expectations. A. The Contents of 4Q225 in Light of Genesis, Exodus, and Jubilees
4Q225, inscribedin the late first centuryBCE, survivesin only three fragmentswith evidence of five columns of text. While too little of frag. 3 remains to identify its contents,frags 1 and 2 are substantial enough to permitan idea of what they contained,especially by comparing them with Genesis, Exodus, and Jubilees. Together they offer a sustained narrativethat covers with varying degrees of detail and interpretationGod's promiseto Abram in Gen. 15:1-6 (Jub. 14:1-6), the birth of Isaac in Gen. 21:1-7 (Jub. 16:13), his near-sacrificein Gen. 22:1-19 (Jub. 17:15-18:19), and the first Passover and the escape from Egypt in Exodus 12-14 (Jub. 48:1-49:23).24
24 The differences between 4Q225 and the correspondingbiblical narrativesdiscussed here do not result from the author'suse of variantbiblical texts of Genesis or Exodus available at Qumran;for proof of this, see the "TextualNotes" on 4Q225 in DJD 13.141-55. In general the differences between Parabiblicalscrolls and corresponding biblical texts are more substantial than the variants among the biblical scrolls, but it is possible that where Parabiblicalscrolls take up books of which there are multipleliteraryeditions at Qumran(e.g., Exodus, 1 and 2 Samuel, Jeremiah,or Daniel) this may be the case. The existence of such textual variety at Qumranraises
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ROBERT A. KUGLER
First it is necessary to explain the order of the fragmentsas they are presentedbelow. A recent article provedfrag. 1 to follow frag. 2 ratherthan precedeit.25Frag. 2 rehearsesGenesis 15; 21; and 22, and by its conclusion seems to have shifted attentionto the story of the Exodus from Egypt. It has long been recognized that, for the most part, frag. 1 preservesmaterialresemblingthe accountof the Exodus in Jubilees 48-49.26 The content of 1 4, however, impeded a final
decision for that understandingof frag. I as a whole because it seemed to mentiona covenantmade with Abrahamthat involved circumcision, a referencethat more readily recalls Genesis 17 than the Book of Exodus. But thanks to a digital image of the fragment,the referenceto circumcision,'0r31,has been eliminatedand replacedwith *:Kn, "andthey ate."27As a consequence,line 4 reads,"[a covenant] was made with Abraham. And they ate.. .," a sentence that is, as we
shall see, closely relatedto texts in Jubilees48-49. Thus frag. 1 falls into place after frag. 2. 1. Transcription and Translation of frags 2, i, ii and 128
Frag. 2 i n:n
K'nU [ r9]i
ni[lUJ:[]w
nf:
vacat
)[
r:^ ,s1m1 risi
cm :
m]m=177 il
-: :
nsl
'D]fl!
4:
1]
Jm^n[:Cpr] ':m=
R7fl
flK ME:Ktt
MR-11M"n=7 CK '5
n[
:[
[rn: I:]
':[41 -1n
1:K [9]Rl iltk: * :Vtf i fi]nt
r
a 2
-10K]
4 5
]1
6
171']
7
[:7 ,fl)iM
8
1[n:
ID1[R N'l jDns"M Oil::KK Mt O t0771:7)~ilLK
jK
lo
n:J ir'mn n ?nM nr np mm;i::: D;l[m ;np t '7t] 11 ~'[;m1r: ]D`nilnn ir7K ,sVMt7 4 IntMslMn[:=n07 nr7J 12 interesting questions related to the reception theory approach adopted here, but they must receive attention another time. 25 R. Kugler and J. VanderKam, "A Note on 4Q225 (4QPseudo-Jubileesa)," RevQ 20 (2001) 133-39. 26 VanderKam, "Aqedah," 254, says of frag. I "there is no convincing reason for locating it there rather than after frag. 2, where it seems more logically to belong." 27 See the comments below in nn. 29-33 on this reading and others in frag. 1, which appear in Kugler and VanderKam, "A Note on 4Q225," and differ from those that appear in the DJD edition. 2X Apart from the changes made to frag. 1 stemming from the new readings discussed above, the following transcription and translation follow that of the DJD edition in almost every detail. For comments on all other readings, see the DJD edition.
91
HEARING 4Q225
Il fmrrllJ:tARVl
14
1 [ ] [ It that per[son]will be cut off 2 [from among] his [peolple. [ he sta]yed in Harantwenty [ye]ars. 3 [And Ablraham[said] to God: "My LORD,I go on being childless and Eli[ezerl
4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14
is [the son of my household,]and he will be my heir." vacat [The Lo]RD [said] to A[b]raham:"Lift up (your eyes) and observe the stars, and see [and count] the sand which is on the seashoreand the dust of the earth, for if these [can be num]bered,and al[so] if not, your seed will be like this."And [Abraham]be[lieved] [in] G[o]d, and righteousnesswas accountedto him. A son was born af[ter] this [to Abraha]m,and he namedhim Isaac. Then the Princeof the Ma[s]temah came [to G]od, and he accused AbrahamregardingIsaac. And [G]od said [to Abralham:"Takeyour son, Isaac, [your] on[ly one whom] you [love] and offer him to me as a whole burnt-offeringon one of the [high] mountains [which I will designate]for you." And he got [up and w]en[t] from the wells up to M[t. Moriah] [ ]l[ ] And Ab[raham]lifted
Frag. 2 ii ] Ib ll VA [mmD71 1:b 12: pnI=IM M0 nC ni 1i"D['] 'pnX 1'R] Mi " -T[.70,7 i1l"'KO'!;X110fl m [ns;1ns UK:* 1:: pn ' ME5e :n':A [~ itBm E'15 n1]2Z zms prrU w17MU"31fC 1K 1'A c C}N
[in7'
rltip 'ID '4 -1 M [MCMUMM ':'in'nru [R:pl DMCT
C` C7100 ]t' '5n1-u ^ani :n- IDW ~n-s tri!) -11]1=K1 KIM' nDmnwInn] noK' ' NUCOKI 0KNR
rn" :n-M
m mK ' M17DtlpPI -T'bn
]'17' :1p1 ^'1
[incs [
1007
:U _101K
D"^5
pfl 1F1Z
34
nN
IV)
[ : il' [nMtir~nrlI' 'n' ' p#]`t rs mm [h7I: rnm vacat 'V'5v -])9 -* n'
I 2
'
7
6
9 lo
1q22' ii
12' 12
D00"I MOM[0167- CC0 14
1 [his ey]es [and therewas a] fire, and he se[t the wood on his son Isaac, and they went together.] 2 Isaac said to Abraham[his father, "Here are the fire and the wood, but where is the lamb] 3 [for the whole burnt-offering?" Abrahamsaid to [his son, Isaac, "God will providethe lamb] 4 for himself."Isaac said to his father"T[ie me well." 5 The angels of holiness were standingweeping above [the altar 6 his sons from the earth.The angels of Ma[stemah
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ROBERT A. KUGLER
7 8 9 10 II
being happy and saying, "Now he will perish."And [in all this the Prince of the Mastemahwas testing whether] he would be found weak, and whether A[brahaml should not be found faithful [to God. He called,] "Abraham!Abraham!"He said"HereI am."He said,"N[owI knowthat 1 he will not be loving."God the LORDblessed Is[aac all the days of his life. He became the fatherofl Jacob, and Jacob became the fatherof Levi, [a third]genera[tion vacait All]
12 the days of Abraham,Isaac, Jacob, and Lev[i were years.] 13 The Princeof the Mastemah vacatwas boundon [accountof them. 1 14 the Prince of the Ma[s]temah.Belial listened to what Ithe Prince of the Mastemah
Frag. I ]o
???? il[ nnn: ]fi-nur t[]5- cnns
n1:]rD 'm:1Z MVMMlMA vacat zn[t c1:7 nM' 7t MV7n1l]nsn:n ;1):]:
;
r
I[
]
2
i 7
MP"I 70 13)n[UU
]t[
rr:lf :]. nz7t
14 [
Ip'5?[
SO4L
8
]II I 12
1l from the guilt of immoralitywhich'2[
1.
]m he .....
2.
all the30[
3. Egylpt. And Belial struckthem with a spiritof" '[ 4. According to his covenalnt which he made with Abraham. And they ate'2 a
[
29 ]-Thn replaces I of the DJD edition. There is a slight diagonal tick on the right that at first appears to be the bottom of a lamed. It does not side of the mem in 111UM continue to the edge of the skin, however, and so appears only to be part of a poorly formed mem. 30 r5 MAreplaces ]cn5k of the DJD edition. Because the horizontal and vertical ink strokes of the final mem at the beginning of the line do not actually join in the bottom left hand corner, they could also be read as the word ':. The following five unidentified letters might have been flbM'Z1(in which case the preceding would be M47'F1, not flR17l; waw and yod are indistinguishable in this manuscript). The lamed of 55 at the end of the line is particularly tenuous. M 3- m of the DJD edition. VanderKam and Milik, DJD replaces I......: 13.144, already noted that a lamed may be the letter that follows the bet. In addition, the traces of the last letter on this line might indicate a resh; thus one could read the A:'l. line as i T7k721mrm: 32 of the DJD edition. Indeed, combining Milik's reading wlt:'1 replaces lo '
HEARING 4Q225
5. 6.
7. 8. 9. 10.
93
]?t Egypt. And God deliveredthem 4[ 1 vacat And you, Moses, when I speak with [you
]the creationuntil the day of the [new] creation[ Mastema]hwas standing,and he took vengeanceby the hand ofi Moses33 ]And on the day which n[ ]???[ -in the shore of the[ sea ]Sl[
11. 12.
Ph,q[][
13.
P 4
2. Reconstructing the Contents of 4Q225 2 i, ii, 1
Leaving aside 2 i 1-2 for the momentbecause it is so fragmentary, the sequence of events in 4Q225 2 i 3-8a begins with a recollection of God's promiseto Abram,Abram'sexpressionof doubt, and God's reassurancein Gen. 15:2-3, 5. But in relatingGen. 15:1-6, this passage would also have worked as a powerful collocation of other promise passages in Genesis by allowing the audience to hear the words and phrases ,n : tm, and ::'7, which echo Gen. 13:16;
n
22:17; 28:14; 32:13.34
The next section, 2 i 8b-9a, moves immediately to a singlesentencerecollectionof the birthof Isaac in Gen. 21:1-7. The critical phrase ID -Irr, "after this," links Isaac's birth directly with the promise in Genesis 15-and all the other promises echoed in 2 i 3-8a-and makes it the undisputeddirect result of God's pledge to Abraham.Thus4Q225notonly ignoresthebiblicalstorybetweenGenesis 15 and 21-it links the two episodes as promiseand fulfillment.
of the end of the word and VanderKam's of its beginning, both noted in DJD 13.144, already yields 'ZWI. Only the barest traces of the tops of two letters can be seen at the end of the line. If they reflect the direct object marker, MR,the end of the line may have read MTenT]Ikt *:lt'1; cf. Jub. 49:6, 22-23. The waw in *flflZZ at the beginning of the line is visible on the edge of the skin. The left foot of the taw may be visible below it, but the darkness is more likely only the jagged edge of the fragment. 33 nVID ]f': replaces i t11t]iof the DJD edition. While the right shoulder of the dalet is now evident, the bet and yod of nt remain very uncertain; but in light of the references in Jub. 48:6-9 to God working through Moses to oppose the Egyptians (and Mastemah who stands against the people in Jub. 48:9), they seem a reliable guess, as is the name of Moses in the following lacuna. I See the list in DID 13.148. That some of the other promise passages echoed in 2 i 3-8a come after Genesis 17, when Abram's name is changed to Abraham, may explain why this account uses "Abraham" rather than "Abram"; it reinforces the echoes of other promise passages. In fact, one might classify this as another example of Person's "scribal performance" of the text and of morphology in service of effective oral presentation.
ROBERT A. KUGLER
94
The lengthiest sustained episode is the account of the binding of Isaac, the Aqedah (2 i 9b-14, ii 1-1Oa). Explainingthe event along the lines laid out in Jub. 17:15-18, 4Q225 indicates that Prince MastemahinstigatedGod's test of Abrahamby "accusingAbrahamon account of Isaac" (2 i 9b-lOa).35 God responds by commanding Abrahamto travel to a distant land to sacrifice Isaac (2 i lOb-13a; Gen. 22:1-2) and Abrahamobeys, traveling "from the wells to Mt Moriah"on which he saw a burningfire (2 i 13b-14, ii la; cf. Gen. 22:3b-4).36As Abrahamand Isaac approachthe mountainIsaac questions his fatherabout the sacrificeand Abrahamreplies that God will providewhat is necessary(2 ii lb-4a; Gen. 22:6-8).37 In a motif that does not appearin Jubilees,Isaac then urges his fatherto tie him well (2 ii 4b).38 Also departingfrom Jubilees and the biblical account,the next few lines seem to depict angels of holiness weeping at the prospectthat Abraham'sline would come to an end (2 ii 5-6a) and angels of Mastemahrejoicingat the possibility,saying, "Now he will perish" (2 ii 6b-7).39 What follows is another explanation of the Aqedah, that Prince Mastemah engineered this event "to test... whetherhe [Isaac?Abraham?]'would be weak and whetherAbraham should not be found faithful to God" (2 ii 8a).4' Then God calls to 11
See the later versionsof this motif in b. San. 89b; Gen. Rab. 56:4. 4Q225 2 i lOb-13 probablyreflects a typical interpretationof Gen. 22:1-2: it interprets Beer Sheba, Abraham's dwelling place when God commanded him to sacrificehis son (Gen. 21:31, 33), as a place of wells, and it mergesthe biblicaltext's "land of Moriah"with "one of the mountains"to name the place Mt Moriah.As for seeing fire on the mountain,see PirqeR. El. 105, and the discussionof this motif and its congenersin otherrabbinictexts by M. Bregman,"TheAqedah at Qumran:Fire on the Mountain,"a lecture presentedat the Orion Center,21 May 1998 (abstractedat http://orion.mscc.huji.ac.il/orion/programs/Bregman.shtml). 3 Here the text follows Genesis fairly closely; for a discussionof the differences, see DJD 13.151. 38 For later occurrencesof this motif, see Tg. Ps-J. Gen. 22:10; Gen. Rab. 56:7. 9 While Tg. Ps-J. Gen. 22:10 says that Isaac saw angels on high and Gen. Rab. 56:5, 7 describes ministeringangels weeping at the binding of Isaac, only 4Q225 brings the angels of Mastemahinto the picture,and only here are the two kinds of angels juxtaposed as cheering and jeering spectatorsat a battle between God and PrinceMastemah.See DJD 13.152, for possible relationshipsbetweenthe angel motif and Isa. 6:2-3; 33:7-8; see also Vermes,"New Light," 142 n. 14, for speculationon the relationshipbetween"his sons from the earth"in line 6 and latertargumicand rabbinic traditions. 40 VanderKam and Milik favor Abrahamas the objectof the test for weakness(DJD 13.153), and Vermes,"New Light,"142 nn. 16-17, suggests Isaac becauseAbraham's name appearslater in the line to associate him with the questionof faithfulness. 41 This explanationfor the episode appearswidely in second temple Jewish literature;see Jub. 17:15-18; Neh. 9:8; Sir. 44:20; 1 Macc. 2:52. 36
HEARING 4Q225
95
Abraham(2 ii 8b-9a) and declaims Abraham'sfear of God and his willingness to sacrificehis son, saying, "Now I know that he [Abraham] will not be loving" (2 ii 9b-10a).424Q225 closes the episode by summarizingand transferringto Isaac God's blessing for Abrahamin Gen. 22:15-18 with the words, "God the LORD blessed Isaac all the days of his
life."43
The next section, 2 ii lOb-12, makes the transitionfrom the binding of Isaac to an account of the people's escape from Egypt with a patrilineal genealogy from Isaac to Levi and an accounting of the numberof years of their lives. By culminatingwith Levi the genealogy indicatesthe importanceof the Aqedah'spositive outcome for the origin of the priestly line. Thoughvery fragmentary,2 ii 13-14; 1 1-11 providesenough evidence to show that it is a Jubilees-likeaccount of the first Passover andtheExodus.' First,likeJub.48:15-16, 18,4Q2252 ii 13-14 describes Prince Mastemahas being bound for a time during the separationof the people from their Egyptianoverlords.45 But 2 ii 14 adds Belial as an adjunctto PrinceMastemah,and seems to indicatethat he remains free to take directionfrom PrinceMastemahduringthe Prince'speriod
42 DJD 13.151, 153. The DJD editors and Vermes disagreeon how to reconstruct and interpretthis sentence, but it seems likely that the editors have the better argument. Vermes, "New Light," 142 n. 19, insists that the readingofferedby the editors to fill the lacunaleft at the end of line 9 is too short;insteadhe offers, "Now I [God] know thatyou [PrinceMastemahlhave lied that he [Abraham]is not a lover."Vermes suggests that the object of Abraham'slove is God. Noting the connection between 4Q225 and Jubilees, however, it is worth observing that in Jub. 17:16-18 Prince Mastemahaccuses Abrahamof loving Isaac more thananythingelse, while God knows that Abrahamis faithful to God in all his afflictions.Moreover,Jubilees' accountof the second heavenly addressto Abrahamafter the near sacrifice (Jub. 18:14-16; Gen. 22:15-18) adds to God's descriptionof Isaac as the one Abrahamwas willing to give up the words of Gen. 22:2, "the son whom you love." Thus Jubileesis intenton saying that when it came to a choice between loving Isaac or fearing and beingfaithful to God, Abrahamchose the latter.The reconstructionof 4Q225 2 ii 9-10 by VanderKam and Milik says the same thing, but in 4Q225's characteristically condensedform. As for the lacuna this would leave at the end of line 9, see n. 19 above. 43 Vermes,"New Light," 143 n. 20, notes that this is typical of "the stress in early post-biblicalexegesis of the story on the positive partplayed by Isaac in the event." 4 See DJD 13.144 45, 154; and VanderKam,"Aqedah,"254-55. 45 See, however, Kister,"Aspects,"20, who suggests that this portionof the manuscriptrelatesto the bindingof Isaac, and that it parallelsGen. Rab. 56:5 where weeping angels attend the event while the Princes of the Nations (with whom Kister identifiesthe "bad angels")are bound. Given the interveningmaterialin 2 ii lOb-12 Kister'spositionseems unlikely,but that the two motifs combineforces in a later narrativeof the bindingof Isaac is testimonyto the "mix-and-match" approachto exegetical motifs used in antiquity.
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ROBERT A. KUGLER
of restraint.4Q225 1 1 then offers what is perhapsan aside reminiscent of Jub. 50:54 to describe what lies in the future when Prince Mastemah-here only momentarilybound-will be defeated forever. Line 2 is too fragmentaryto reconstruct,but the remainsof line 3 suggest that the passage parallelsthe effort of Jub.49:2 to shift the blame for the slaughter of Egypt's firstbornfrom God to the "powers of Mastemah,"in this case Belial. 4Q225 1 3 employs the same verb used in Exod. 12:12, 29 to denote God's action against the Egyptians (,-:z [hiph.]) to describe instead an attack by Belial.47Next 1 4-5 echoes additional elements of Jubilees' account of the Exodus and Passover where it is said that God acts against Egypt (Jub. 48:7, 8, 11, 13, 14; 49:2, 5)48 to confirm the covenant with Abraham(Jub. 48:5) and that the people consumedthe Passoverfeast beforeand after their escape throughthe sea (Jub. 49:1, 2, 6, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 20, 22-23). After this 1 6 may providetraces of Jubilees' heavenly command to Moses that he instructthe people regardingPassover (Jub. 49:22), and 1 7 likely declares that its observance(and rubrics?)is (are?) recordedin the "the table of the divisions of the years. . . from the time of the creationuntil the time of the new creation"(Jub. 1:29). Finally, like Jubilees, 4Q225 1 8-10 completes the story after the interlude on Passover observance by describing God's vengeance againstPrinceMastemahthroughMoses and recallingthe timely completion of the Passoveron the shore of the sea (Jub.48:6-9; 49:7-10, 14, 17, 23).
I "The jubilees will pass by until Israel is pure of every sexual evil ['abhasa zemmutJ, impurity Irek's], contamination [gemmanel, sin [hati'ajl, and error [gegavi. Then they will live confidently in the entire land. They will no longer have any satan or any evil person. The land will be pure from that time until eternity" (VanderKam translation). See also the possibility that line I recalls Jub. 20:3-6, suggested in DJD 13.144. It is true that Jub. 20:3-6 and 50:5 do share many terms in common (e.g., sexual, evil, and contamination), but 20:3 also mentions circumcision, a reference in 4Q225 1 4 that has dropped out thanks to the new reading provided by Kugler and VanderKam, "A Note on 4Q225." " It is also possible that Belial strikes the people of Israel, but this seems less likely and is not as well supported by comparative evidence. To be rejected is the suggestion by Bernstein, "Contours of Genesis," 65 n. 20, that the smiting is done by Abraham against the four kings of Genesis 14. 4X The verb -:1Zin line 5 is most likely to be read as "to deliver into the power of," as in Judg. 2:14; 3:8; 4:2, and is perhaps used to repeat the claim in Jub. 48:14 that God delivered the Egyptian army into the depths of the sea.
HEARING 4Q225
97
B. SomethingOld, SomethingNew: Genesis, Exodus,Jubilees, and 4Q225 What elements of 4Q225 were already within the Qumran community's horizon of literary expectations? It clearly relies above all on Genesis and Exodus. We can be sure its audience at Qumran knew Gen. 15:2-3, 5; 21:1-7; 22:1-18; and Exodus 12-14. Their familiarity with Scripture would have assured that they also heard the echoes of other Genesis promise passages in the retelling of Gen. 15:2-3, 5. 4Q225 also takes up exegetical motifs that were known to the Qumran community from Jubilees, a work well represented in their library.49The abbreviated form of the Joban set-up for the binding of Isaac in 2 i 9b-10a certifies that the audience was expected to know it. Because Jubilees links the binding of Isaac with the Passover by placing the former event on the legally-mandated day for the Passover meal (Jub. 17:15; 18:18)50 and has Prince Mastemah appear in both incidents (Jub. 17:15-18; 18:9, 11; 48:9, 12, 15), recipients of 4Q225 would have been prepared for the juxtaposition of the two episodes and the appearance of Prince Mastemah in each of them (2 i 9-10; 2 ii 7, 13-14). Their experience with Jubilees would have prepared the Qumran audience for the notion that Prince Mastemah was restrained for part of the Exodus episode (Jub. 48:15; 4Q225 2 ii 13-14), as well as for the idea that an agent of Prince Mastemah, not God, was responsible for the death of Egypt's firstborn (Jub. 49:2; 4Q225 1 3).5' They would also have been familiar with the notion that once the "divisions of the times" had passed, God would free the world completely from evil foes like Prince Mastemah (Jub. 50:5; 4Q225 1 1). The recollection of God's covenant with Abraham in the midst of the Exodus account (4Q225 1 4) was known from Jub. 48:8, as was the notion that the people consumed the Passover meal around the escape from Egypt (Jub. 49:1, 2, 6, 9, 12, 13, 16, 17, 20, 22-23; 4Q225 1 4). If 4Q225 1 6 is a passing allusion in the midst of the Exodus story to instructions for Moses regarding Passover observance, this too was known from Jubilees (cf. 49:1-22, 23), as was the notion that significant laws like those could be found on tablets that record
IQ17-18; 2Q19-20; 3Q5; 4Ql76a 19-21; 4Q216-224; llQ12. See VanderKam, "Aqedah," 245-47. 1' Note, however, that in Jub. 49:2 the "powers of Mastemah" work woe on Egypt, while in 4Q225 1 3 Belial appears to act for Prince Mastemah; this is hardly surprising, given the reference in 2 ii 14 to Belial heeding Prince Mastemah's instructions. 50
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history and statutes from "creationto the new creation"(Jub. 1:29; 4Q225 1 7). And lastly, the idea of God's vengeance against Prince Mastemahandthetimelycompletionof thePassovermealon theseashore (4Q225 1 8-10) were familiarfrom Jub. 48:8, 9; 49:7, 8, 9, 10, 14, 17, 23. The economy of several referencesnot known to us from Jubilees or any other contemporarywork also indicatesthat the audiencewas expected to know still other exegetical motifs associated with the Aqedah.The referencesto Abrahamsighting fire on the mountain(2 i 14-ii la) and Isaac's admonitionto his father to tie him well (2 ii 4) certainlyfit in this category. For all of its reliance on Genesis, Exodus, Jubilees, and other exegetical motifs, 4Q225 also introduces its own unique, horizonbending elements. Its recipientswould have heard not only the biblical stories it repeats and Jubilees' exegetical motifs it borrows;they would have encounteredin 4Q225's peculiaruse of them a provocatively new work. First, 4Q225 is peculiar among known late second temple period textsforjuxtaposingandadjustingGenesis 15;21; 22; andExodus12-14. Especially by retelling Gen. 15:2-3, 5 so as to recall a collection of other Genesis promisepassages,4Q225 createsa narrativethat moves explicitly from God's promiseto its fulfillmentand on to its twofold endangermentby Prince Mastemahand protectionby God. Likewise, the novel arrangementof the exegetical motifs and topoi sharedwith Jubilees sets 4Q225 apart. In a second innovation 4Q225 2 ii 11-12 links the two tests of God's promise with a priestly genealogy, suggesting that the fulfillment of God's pledge leads not just to progenyfor Abraham,but ultimately to the foundingof the pure priesthood. A thirduniquecharacteristicof 4Q225 is the immediacythat it creates between God and the humanactors and PrinceMastemah.While Jubilees mostly keeps God at a distance and assigns the interpreting angel the task of dealing directly with Prince Mastemah(Jub. 18:9, 11; 48:12-13, 15), in 4Q225 God deals directlywith the Prince'smischief (2 i 9b-10; 2 ii 5-8a; 2 ii 13-14; 1 3, 5, 8). Apartfrom the initial call to Abraham,in both Genesis and JubileesGod communicates throughan angel in the Aqedahepisode (Gen. 22:10-11; Jub. 18:10), while in 4Q225 God appearsto speak directlyto Abrahamto forestall Isaac's death and reassureAbrahamof the promise(2 ii 8-10). A fourth innovationis the way 4Q225 configuresthe relationships among God, Prince Mastemah,and other angelic figures to amplify
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the threat of evil and the sense that the battle against it is waged directly by God. 4Q225 augmentsthe evil arrayedagainst God and the people by making Belial Prince Mastemah'sapparentsecond-incommand.Renderingthe good and evil angels as mere spectatorsat the Aqedahalso heightensthe sense that the conflict is really between God and Prince Mastemah,not the Prince and an angelic intermediary, as in Jubilees. If our readingof 4Q225 1 1 as an echo of the motif in Jub. 50:5 is correct,the fifth innovationis very important.In the midst of narrating mighty threatsto God's covenant,4Q225 takes the opportunity to say that one day God's promiseswill be fulfilled without reserve, and that evil-restrained within the narrativefor only a moment-will be forever defeated. As a result of this look to the future the entire account becomes a prolepsis, a foreshadowingof the final defeat of the powers opposed to the fulfillmentof God's promises. Altogether, then, the novel elements of 4Q225 reveal a focus on God's promises:how they were made long ago; how God began to fulfill them in the birth of Isaac, a birth that led to the beginning of the priestly line in Levi; and how they were threatenedby Prince Mastemah,but were nonethelessprotectedby God. C. The Qumran Community's Social and Religious Horizon of Expectations at the Turn of the Era
Life in Palestineduringthe last half-centurybefore the turn of the era was tumultuous. With the decline of the Hasmoneans and the arrivalof Rome on the scene there might have been some hope for stabilityin 63 BCE, even if it was thanksto the oppressivepower of a new imperialruler.Instead,years of uncertainrule followed owing to Hasmonean attempts to regain power, the incompetence of Roman legates, the political intriguesurroundingAntipater'sand Herod'srelations with contending regional and imperial powers, the constant Parthianthreat,and Herod's own eventual contestedcontrol over the region.: These unstabledynamics-reinforced by the routine natural disruptionsaccompanyinglife in the land, most notablyan earthquake in 31 BCE-certainly formed a part of the covenanters' horizon of expectations. We can also be sure from the general tenor of their
52 For a convenient summary of the major events in the last century BCE, see J.H. Hayes and S.R. Mandell, The Jewish People in Classical Antiquity: From Alexander to Bar Kochba (Louisville, KY: Westminster/John Knox, 1998) 103-46.
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libraryas a whole that they interpretedthese events from a dualistic, apocalyptic,and priestly worldview.i3They had spent decades thinking of themselvesas the pure childrenof light, and they clearly anticipated that as such they would be the heirs of God's promises,that Jerusalem and the Temple would be their own, and that a proper priesthoodfrom the line of Levi would be restoredto the sanctuary.:4 And they imaginedthat the fulfillmentof those promiseswould come aboutby God's cataclysmicintervention.Yet the events leadingto the turnof the era hardlyconfirmedthose expectations.Ratherthey placed them in serious doubt, and surely created among the faithful of Qumrana weary apocalypticimaginationas they received4Q225 near the end of the first centuryBCE. D. The Impact of 4Q225 on the Qumran Community's Horizon of Expectations at the Turn of the Era
How did hearing4Q225 affect this horizonof expectations?Simply put, it likely reassuredthe community'swaning hopes. It did so, first, by using the two of the best-knownstories of God's promiseat risk in new ways to intensifythe sense that communityhopes were indeed threatened, and by the master of evil himself, Prince Mastemah. 4Q225 transformedthe familiarstoriesof the Aqedahand the people's escape from Egypt into the Prince's two tests of God aimed at nullifying God's promises.The additionof weeping and jeering angels at the Aqedah and of Belial at the Exodus underscoresthis transformation of both storiesinto battlesbetweenGod and the Prince.Receiving these stories in this form would surely have intensifiedthe commu-
11 For the community's dualism, see "The Treatise of the Two Spirits" (IQS 3:13-4:26), and the other texts cited by J. Duhaime, "Dualism," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds L.H. Schiffman and J.C. VanderKam; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 1.215-20. While the community's apocalyptic outlook is debated (see J. VanderKam, "Apocalyptic Tradition in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Religion of Qumran," Religion in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 113-34), the healthy presence among the scrolls of the books of Daniel, I Enoch, Jubilees, the War Scroll, the New Jerusalem text, and other such works testifies to the group's apocalyptic mood. And even if recent evidence suggests that priestly dominance only came to the community late, if at all, the group's interest in priestly matters can hardly be denied: see R.A. Kugler, "Priests," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 2.688-93. 54 For the community's preference for the line of Levi, see R.A. Kugler, "The Priesthood at Qumran: The Evidence of References to Levi and the Levites," The Provo Inteernational Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls: Technological Innovations, New Texts, and Reformulated Issues (eds D.W. Parry and E. Ulrich; STDJ 30; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 480-96.
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nity's sense that evil forces were powerfully arrayedagainst God's chosen people, among whom they counted themselves. Second, 4Q225 encouragedhope by assuringrecipientsthat no matter how embattled the community may have felt, God's promises would be fulfilled, and a renewed priesthood would serve in the Temple. The resounding defeat of Prince Mastemah in both tests proves this. If God thwartedthe Evil One twice over for the sake of all Israel, how much more could God be trustedto prevail on behalf of the children of light against a mortal foe like Rome? Moreover, says 4Q225, from the first victory came the birthof Levi, the seed of the purepriesthoodof the future.And the eschatologicalfuture,hinted at in 4Q225 I I and foreshadowedin Prince Mastemah'sbrief period of bondage,will be one in which all the promiseswill come to their richest fruitionand all threatsto the people will be eradicated.Thus hearingthis accountwould not only have heightenedthe community's sense of evil in the world; it would have also reassuredthem that for all of that God still had charge over their destiny. Most of all 4Q225 encouragedhope in the face of disappointment by affirmingin a uniqueway-through rewritingand commentaryon the Torah-the values that the authorsof sectariantexts urged on the communitywith little recourseto the Torah (e.g., IQS 3:13-4:26; the War Scroll). 4Q225 would have encouraged the community to embrace the vision of the sectariantexts by bringing to the group's horizon of expectationsa surprisingnew witness, a horizon-bending genre, the eschatologizedTorah. III. Looking Ahead: The Problems and Promise of the New Approach to Reconstructing the Religion of Qumran
For all of its promise,it must be admittedthat our test of this new approachto reconstructingthe religion of Qumranusing 4Q225 has also revealed some of its problems.First, while we may establish a horizon of expectationsfor the communityat the time a manuscript was inscribed,we can hardly be certain that was when community membersfirst encountereda composition.For example, other, earlier copies of the Parabiblicaltext recordedin 4Q225 may have circulated before 4Q225 was inscribed, and so its impact on the community would have already been made, and under different circumstances than we imagine here.55 .s In fact, the other purportedmanuscripts of "Pseudo-Jubilees" at Qumran, 4Q226-227,
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A more serious problemis posed by the fragmentarynatureof the textual evidence from Qumran,as 4Q225 amply demonstrates.Not only are other interpretationsof 4Q225's more substantialremains possible,56but the contentof what might be a crucialpassage,2 i 1-2, must remain for now a mystery to us.57 And yet, if 2 i 1-2 is the
beginning of 4Q225, it likely sets the tone for how the rest of it is heard;and if we are too far wrong in our readingof those two lines, our reconstructionof the ancientrecipients'hearingof the whole work could be awry as well. It is also possible that there was more to 4Q225 priorto frag. 2, and still more following frag. 1, all of which might have substantiallychanged the way the portionwe are able to reconstructwas received.But the truthis, the fragmentarycharacterof the scrolls has always plagued their study; it is an evidentiaryliability with which we have learnedto live. This ventureis hardlyexempt from that burden. The promise of this approachalso should not be overlooked. By employinga reader-responseapproachit providesa glimpse into what the audienceat Qumranmight have believed, ratherthan merelywhat the authors of sectariantexts intendedthem to believe. And thanks to the requirementsof a reader-responseapproach,it can lead to a greaterappreciationof Parabiblicaland biblical texts in reconstructing the religion of the community.It also compels us to pay more attention to the fact that the communityreceived its texts as oral presentaalso date to the later part of the first century BCE and the turn of era, so at least on that basis there is no reason to object in this case; see DJD 13.157, 171. Anyway, 4Q226-227 are too fragmentary to confidently identify them as copies of the same work attested to by 4Q225. The most we can say is that they share some of the same language, and perhaps retell similar portions of Genesis and Exodus. 56 See, for example, the views offered by M. Bernstein, "Contours of Genesis," 63-67; and C. Werman, The Attitude Towards Gentiles in the Book of Jubilees and Qumran Literature Compared with the Early Tannaic Halakha and Contemporary Pseudepigrapha (Hebrew) (Hebrew University Ph.D. Dissertation:Jerusalem, 1995) 142-46 (summarized by VanderKam, "Aqedah," 253 n. 27). 1' That may not be entirely true. It is possible to argue, even from the scant evidence that remains, that the first two lines deal in some way with the question of Passover observance, whether it is permissible "away from Jerusalem" and under what circumstances that practice may be undertaken. Unfortunately elaborating the argument for that very speculative reading of lines 1-2 requires more space than the present article permits. Its full presentation must await another occasion. For now, suffice it to say that if such a reading is correct, the surviving portion of 4Q225 is not merely an interpretive retelling of Scripture, but may also have been framed by a halakhic argument; thus the storytelling may have been intended to reinforce the legal point made in the first two lines of frag. 2. But more on this possibility and its implications for the genre of texts like 4Q225 at a later date.
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tions, and to appreciate the unique dynamics of that form of text reception. And inasmuch as most of the community's liturgical and legal texts were also based on the community'sScriptures,we have in this approacha fresh methodfor appreciatingtheirimpacton the community as it received them. I close with what may seem an ironic observation,but also a further indicationof the promiseof this approach.If we speculateon the context that generated4Q225, we may find that we have come full circle in our investigation.Given our readingof it, 4Q225 seems just as likely to have been composedwithin the communityas not. What occasion might have promptedthe creation of a text like this? The mandate of lQS 6:7, that Mni" 'I: nrv'C" nm 7rrnnrn1ps'0'n;1: -Im9o mrp il,n "the Many shall be on watch together a third of every night of the year to read in the Book," certainlyprovidesa reasonable candidate. Texts like 4Q225 could have been the result of those nightly oral colloquies on Scripture.58 Thus it is possible that 4Q225-and othersupposed"pseudepigrapha" from Qumrannot otherwise attestedamong survivingtexts of early Judaism-were the creation of the same communityleaderswho gave us the texts we describe as sectarian.Confirmingthissuspicionwill takehearingmoreParabiblical texts in the same way that we have heard 4Q225 in this paper.That task lies ahead.
58 Moreover, if 4Q225 2 i 1-2 does indeed treat the legal question of Passover observance,then it might also have emergedfrom one of the other activities meantto take up a partof the community'snight, Et: l "to interpretthe law" (lQS 6:7); see n. 57 above.
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY* AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN Bar-Ilan University
Jerusalem
Recent years have seen a shift in scholarly attention from the theological-ideological aspects of the texts found at Qumran to recognition of the centrality of halakhah and observance of the commandments in the life and thought of the sect. Indeed, halakhic issues-in particular the question of the proper manner in which the commandments should be observed-formed the crux of the rift between the sect and its opponents. If the first texts published-the War Scroll, Hodayot, and the pesharim-lent themselves more to theological-ideological analysis, with the publication of the Temple Scroll, MMT, Cave 4 fragments of the Damascus Document, and additional texts, the place of halakhah at Qumran has achieved recognition. Although of interest in and of itself, charting this change and its reasons remains beyond the scope of this article. The halakhic passages in the works found at Qumran display wide development of biblical law:' their authors interpretcryptic biblical commands, harmonize contradictory verses, and even introduce halakhot not found in the Pentateuch. How did these authors justify their interpretation of pentateuchal law and their halakhic innovations? It will be argued here that there is an intrinsic link between the implicit authority base for these sectarian halakhot and their literary formulation,2 that the halakhah in works found at Qumran can be categorized
* We wish to thank Dena Ordan for preparing the translation. This research was supported by the Israel Science Foundation (Grant no. 888/00). 1 A few scholarly discussions have been devoted to the adequacy of using the term "Bible" and "biblical" regarding the Dead Sea Scrolls. See recently J.C. VanderKam, "Questions of Canon Viewed through the Dead Sea Scrolls," BBR 11 (2001) 269-92 (for previous bibliography see nn. 8, 24, 36). In this article we use "Bible" and "biblical" as referring to the Hebrew Bible and "Torah" as referring to GenesisDeuteronomy. 2 Confirmation of this argument reopens questions related to literary-critical methods used to analyze the source and function of the scrolls in the development of the C) Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
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in two genresthatreflecttwo differentderivationalconceptionsof halakhic authority,and further,that these are linked to works of a historical nature attested there. This article first addresses the two authority arguments;it then surveysthe halakhictexts found at Qumran,broadly assigning them to genres; and concludes with a proposal as to how these differencesarose. Sources of Halakhic Authority
Althoughno Qumranwork claims propheticauthority,all halakhic compositionsfound at Qumranembracedivine revelationof halakhah as their startingpoint. It does not follow that the precise natureof this revelationpossesses uniformity,however. In the following we distinguish between two differentpoints of view regardinghalakhicauthority-Sinaitic revelationas opposed to divinely inspiredhumanexegetical processes-considered in conjunctionwith theirinstructiveparallels to two revelationalperspectivesfound in other Qumranworks of a historicalnature:apocalypseand pesher. Two apocalypticvisions, the "AnimalApocalypse"in I Enoch, and Jubilees 23, conceivably lend themselves to a possible interpretation as referringto the foundingof the sect.3The Qumransectariansplaced themselves at the center of national and universal history, viewing their emergence on the stage of history as part of a divine plan declaredand revealedin the past. The divine plan, includingthe coming of the sect, and its importanceand function, is revealed to an importantfigurefrom the past, in the case of the passages in question, Enoch and Moses, respectively.In Enoch's dream vision, a symbolic representationof history from the creation to the mid-second temple by period,the nation (symbolizedby sheep) began to sin (represented blindness) even before the destructionof the first Temple (I Enoch 89:54, 74). In punishment,God consigned the nation to the lengthy rule of seventy shepherds(the angels of the nations),who tyrannized and murderedthem. Toward the end of this period a change took
Qumran literary corpus. Such a discussion, however, is beyond the scope of this paper. See also L.H. Schiffman, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls (Philadelphia and Jerusalem: Jewish Publication Society, 1994) 252-55; J.M. Baumgarten, Studies in Qumran Law (SJLA 24; Leiden: Brill, 1977) 16-17 and n. 17 there. 3 In the following we accept M. Kister's analysis of Jubilees and "The Animal Apocalypse"; see M. Kister, "Concerning the History of the Essenes" (Hebrew), Tarbiz 56 (1986) 1-15.
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place among the sheep; a group of lambs (symbolic of the sect) opened its eyes (90:6-7). Althoughhelpless at first (90:9), a leadera ram that grew a big horn-then made his appearance(90:9-10). This ram-as suggested by M. Kister-stands for the Teacher of Righteousness,the founderof the sect whose eyes were opened to the correctinterpretationof Torah.4 Accordingto one possible readingof Jubilees23, a similarrevelation of the future appearanceof the Qumransect in the second temple periodwas made to Moses on MountSinai. To a short,apparently independentapocalypticcomposition,which explains how humanlife had been curtaileddue to sin,5Jubileesadds the announcementof the future appearanceof a group of children that will strive to return humankindto the correctpath. These childrenwill beratetheir elders for failing to keep the covenantwithoutdeviatingto the rightor to the left (v. 16), and for having forgottencommandment,covenant,festival, month, and Sabbath (vv. 19-20). Based on comparisonto the Damascus Document and to other Qumranicworks, which contain similaraccusationsby the sect againsttheiropponents,M. Kistersuggests that Jubilees alludes here to the foundingof the Qumransect.6 Accordingly,on this occasion Moses was informedof the appearance and existence of the sect that would struggle to returnthe nation to the properhalakhicpath. Both Enoch and Jubileesdisplay sharedfeatures in their depictionof the revelationof the sect to a figure from the past: young rebelling against old, and an entire nation that has gone astray.
I
The Animal Apocalypse is evidently the earliest extant description of the sect's founding. Several features are indicative of its antiquity: first of all, it is written in Aramaic, whereas sectarian texts are generally in Hebrew; second, this vision does not reflect a struggle between the ram and his followers and the remaining blind sheep, a struggle found in other sectarian writings. According to the Animal Apocalypse the battle is between the righteous group and the nations, and the turning point comes when God takes revenge on the nations (I Enoch 90:18) and a sword is placed in the hands of the leader to fight and put the nations to death (90:19). See Kister, "History of the Essenes," 6 n. 25. 1 J. Kugel, "The Jubilees Apocalypse," DSD 1 (1994) 322-37. 6 Kister, "History of the Essenes," 8-9. Comparison of the accusations against humankind reveals the discrepancy between the independent composition and the addition. The independent composition speaks of corruption and impurity, whereas in the addition we find a more nuanced presentation: the children rebuke their elders because they abandon the covenant not to deviate to the right or the left (v. 16) and because they have forgotten commandment, covenant, and calendrical matters (vv. 19-20). As noted, these latter accusations are identical with the ones made by the Qumran sect against its opponents. Other verses belonging to the second stratum are those that
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The apocalypse's ascriptionof its origins to the distant past parallels the claims found in Jubilees that the source for and authorityof the halakhahand biblical interpretationfound thereinderive from the remote past: in this case, from Sinaitic revelation.This emerges from as found in the introduction:"These are Jubilees' self-characterization the words regardingthe divisions of the times of the law (rmiln)and of the predestined history (ilnlD)...
as...
related to Moses on Mt
Sinai when he went up to receive the stone tablets-the law and the commandments."The law and the commandmentsare what we know as the Pentateuch,and Jubilees itself is designatedhere as "the law (;lnn) and the predestinedhistory"presentedto Moses when he went up on Sinai to take the stone tablets. Later in the chapterthe author of Jubilees relates how Moses stayed on the mountainfor forty days and forty nights "while the LORDshowed him what (had happened) beforehandas well as that which was to come. He relatedto him the divisions of all the times-of the law and the predestinedhistory." God then commandedMoses to write what he was told on the mountain in a book (1:4-5). Thus, upon his descent from Mt Sinai Moses had two written torahs in his possession: the law and the command7rnfl) and the law and the predestined history ments (771SVnm (nrnlnm7 m1nmt),namely, Jubilees,which is the Torah and its exegesis.' It is readily apparentthat the source of and authorityfor the halakhahand biblical exegesis found in this work derive from Sinaitic revelation.As this places the halakhic explanationsand additionsto the Torah on the same level with the Torah itself, it is not surprising to find the laws in Jubilees interwoveninto the biblical materialwith no distinctionbetween innovationand original biblical material. It is well known that this integrative,interpretive,and expansive style also characterizesthe Temple Scroll. Althoughthe first column of the scroll has not been preserved, contextual clues enable us to allude to the Hasmoneankings: "Thosewho escape will not turn from their wickedness to the right way because all of them will elevate themselvesfor (the purposeof) cheatingand throughwealth so that one takes everythingthat belongs to another.They will mentionthe great name but neithertruly nor rightly.They will defile the holy of holies with the impurecorruptionof their contamination"(v. 21). As other scholars have noted, these accusations are the same as the ones made in Pesher Habakkuk against the Evil Priest. 7 C. Werman,"The rnn1and the 771.UM on the HeavenlyTablets,"DSD 9 (2002) 75-103. For a differentanalysis,see H. Najman,"Angelsat Sinai: Exegesis, Theology and InterpretiveAuthority,"DSD 7 (2000) 313-33; idem, "Interpretation as Primordial Writing:Jubilees and its AuthorityConferringStrategies,"JSJ 30 (1999) 379-410. See also M. Kister,"Two Formulaein the Book of Jubilees,"Tarbiz70 (2001) 294-300, and n. 62.
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infer that the underlyingrationalefor its halakhicauthorityresembled thatof Jubilees,namely, it was groundedin Sinaiticrevelation.Col. 2, a rewritingof biblical materialbased mainly on Exodus 34, describes Moses' second ascent to Mt Sinai to receive the second set of tablets. This opening, of Moses receiving the Torah on Sinai, common to Jubilees and the Temple Scroll, supports our contention that both works based their halakhicauthorityon the notion that they belonged to Sinaitic revelation. The pesharim, on the other hand, representa type of revelation unlike the one found in the apocalypticworks referredto above: revelational exegesis of prophetictexts. Accordingto the pesharim,one of the community'sleaders (perhapsone of its founders),known as the Teacher of Righteousness, was the one "to whom God made known all the mysteries of the words of his servants the prophets" (lQpHab 7:4-5), that is, "in whose [heart]God has put understanding to interpretall the words of his servantsthe prophets,through[whom] God has foretoldeverythingthat is to come upon his people and [his land]"(2:8-10). The importof this declarationis that the Teacherof Righteousnesshas received from God the requisitetools to interpret the words of the prophets,spoken many generationsearlier,as applying to the events of his day and to the role of the sect in the present and in the end time. These pesharimare groundedin the assumption that the propheciescontain informationof which the prophetsthemselves were unawareand whose currentand future context only the Teacherof Righteousnesscan elicit. The Damascus Document,along with other halakhicworks found at Qumran,approachesthe issue of the authoritybase for its biblical exegesis and halakhicexpansionsin a mannerthat resemblesthe historical argumentfound in the pesharim;namely, that specific individuals have been inspiredto arrive at a correctunderstandingof biblical texts. The Damascus Document'sdivision of the commandments into "revealed"ones, explicitlyfound in the Torah,and "hidden"ones, interpretationsand laws revealed only to the members of the sect, is well known. As only members of the sect know the "hidden commandments,"they alone can fulfill the commandmentsin their entirety;consequently,the rest of the nation, which is not aware of these commandments,sins and is liable to punishment.'The Damascus I A. Shemesh and C. Werman, "Hidden Things and Their Revelation," RevQ 18 (1998) 409-27 and bibliography there, n. I.
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Document describes the process by which the hidden things are revealed via a homileticalinterpretationof Num. 21:18, the song of the well, which it interpretsas follows: W71 PP717
rnm 17^7
.. ..
rit nnn:' :'snu
i
Dn :^n ':'-
:'n M`' ':7 't "t: ",1n'DwrD
Mz n nrnnn 'n MM7n7 w7 'w" m^X' -CtS CURri-nmw-n*?7IMM.,7T pprn -lot nilp,1i:?m:m:
The "well" is the Torah and those who "dig" it are the penitents of Israel who depart from the land of Judah... and the "ruler" is the interpreter of the Torah of whom Isaiah said, "He takes out a tool for his work" [Isa. 54:161. And the "nobles of the people" are those who come to excavate the well with the statutes that were ordained by the ruler. (CD 6:3-9)
According to this allegory, the princes and nobility are the members of the sect and the ruler is the Interpreterof the Torah, whose function is elucidatedvia comparisonto a smith and the citation of Isa. 54:16: "It is I who createdthe smith to fan the charcoalfire and producethe tools for his work."The Interpreterof the Torahhas been sent by God to create the appropriatetools to interpretthe Torah,that is, the statutes.These tools were bequeathedin turnby the Interpreter to the sect's members.9Here the authorof the Damascus Document depicts halakhic creativity as a combinationof human activity and Although it is the wise men of the sect divine inspiration-revelation. who explain the Torahand discoverthe hiddenthings, this exegesis is made possible only because the tools for this activity were provided via divine revelation. In line with this notion, the Damascus Document's halakhic formulationsdiffer substantiallyfrom those found in the Temple Scroll, in that they differentiatebetween the biblical text and exegesis.
9 The Damascus Document's author does not explicate what these tools are. As the beginning of the passage, however, calls those who study the Torah "wise men" and "men of discernment," we can assume that intellectual activity is involved, probably interpretive hermeneutical principles. For previous discussions of this passage, see J. Fraenkel, C'rn;11 1 ':rn (Givatayim: Yad LaTalmud, 1991) 2.480; M. Fishbane, "The Well of Living Water: A Biblical Motif and Its Ancient Transformations," Sha'arei Talmon: Studies in the Bible, Qumran, and the Ancient Near East Presented to Shemaryahu Talmon (eds M. Fishbane et al.; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1992) 3-16; S.D. Fraade, "Interpretive Authority in the Studying Community at Qumran," JJS 44 (1993) 58-63.
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Halakhic Genres at Qumran
The bulkof the halakhicformulationsin works fromQumrancan be assigned to two broadgenres, consistentwith the authority-basesoutlined above. In the following discussionwe group the Temple Scroll, of onegenre,andtheDamascus Jubilees,andrelatedtextsas representative Documentandits relatedtexts as representative of the other.This examinationof almostall the halakhicliteraturefoundat Qumranevincedthat each of these genres has differentshadings, and some compositions juxtaposehalakhotbelonging to both. Temple Scroll and Related Texts
As the Temple Scroll is primarilya halakhicwork, a descriptionof its halakhicapproachis equivalentto describingits literarygenre. Put briefly,its languageis biblical in natureand this text may be assigned to the broad categoryof rewrittenBible. Even the pericopescontaining innovative content are worded in biblical form. Witness the Temple Scroll's presentationof the deuteronomiclaw permittingthose living at a distancefrom the Temple to slaughtersheep and cattle for consumption(Deuteronomy12), to which it introducestwo changes: one halakhicand the other linguistic: C,D7 12nIZA` pm~ pMM -5K1 : I'-r' -I: MOD.-I-I107,17Z7.nUC: 7rt:Kl D; nonCUD lMt%M n :r x*1n uel :n sv--in In n'-:I C"O: 1::Dlonr 1^ :,:D .'-'l1 m.'7 'ZD C'V -1:. nni -7Zm: '-wl .7: ,7*l '77IN' :10f1 ;1:;7 n': n tDU
And you shall eat in your towns, the clean and the unclean among you alike (may eat), as though it were a gazelle or a hart. Only be sure that you do not eat the blood; you shall pour it out upon the earth like water, and cover it with dust; for the blood is the life, and you shall not eat the life with the flesh; that all may go well with you and with your children after you for ever. And you shall do what is right and good in my sight, for I am the LORDYour God. (53:4-8)
Halakhically,the main differencebetweenthe pentateuchalpericope and the Temple Scroll lies in the latter'sadditionof the obligationto cover the blood with dust, taken from Lev. 17:13, where it relates to a capturedbird or wild animal.The deuteronomicverse, on the other hand, speaks of consuming cattle. In rabbinictradition,the requirement to cover the blood of a slaughteredanimal applies only to wild animals or to birds, whereas the Temple Scroll's incorporationof Leviticus'cover it withdust in the deuteronomichalakhahextendsthis obligation to cattle as well. This type of exegesis, which applies details regarding one matter to a second similar one, typifies the
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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priestly halakhah'ssolution of contradictionsbetween differentbibliWhat is noteworthyis that the biblical source is cal commandments.'0 indistinguishablefrom the exegetical innovation,which is seamlessly intothebiblicaltext."ITheexegesis is implicit,neverexplicit incorporated as in formal commentaries,such as the pesharim. The second change is linguistic in nature.Anotherprominentfeature of the scroll is its use of direct divine speech, often shifting from biblical third to divine first person, as in the conclusion of our passage: "And you shall do what is right and good in my sight, for I am the LORD your God." This contrastswith the biblical "for you will be doing what is right in the eyes of the LORD." The intentof this characteristic shift is to convey the statementsin questionas the unmediated words of God: not Moses speakingin God's name as in Deuteronomy but as a direct divine commandissued at Sinai.'2In short,the Temple Scroll does not refer to the biblical text; rather,it presents itself as Torah. Such a presentationis in harmonywith its underlyingderivation of authorityas describedin the preceding:this authorityemerges from its self-perceptionas part of divine Sinaitic revelation. The Temple Scroll is not the sole exemplarof a halakhictext from Qumranwritten in pentateuchalstyle. To the Temple Scroll we must add Jubilees, as well as the group of texts known as ReworkedPentateuch."3These latterdocuments,viewed by their editors as different exemplars of the same composition, are not primarily halakhic in
0? C. Werman and A. Shemesh, "The Halakha in the Dead Sea Scrolls" (Hebrew), The Dead Sea Scrolls (Jerusalem: Yad Ben-Zvi Press, forthcoming). " See Y. Yadin, The Temple Scroll (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, Institute of Archaeology of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Shrine of the Book, 1983) 1.73-77; A. Goldberg, "The Early and Late Midrash" (Hebrew), Tarbiz 50 (1980/81) 96-97. Preservation of biblical language is also characteristic of parts of the scroll that are innovations by its author. Thus, for example, we find the biblical injunction regarding a king, "he shall not have many wives" (Deut. 17:17) explained as follows: "And he shall not take a wife from all the daughters of the nations, but from his father's house he shall take unto himself a wife, from the family of his father. And he shall not take upon her another wife, for she alone shall be with him all the days of her life. But should she die, he may take unto himself another (wife) from the house of his father, from his family" (I IQT 57:15-19). Here we find the general biblical injunction interpreted particularistically as prohibiting a king from marrying more than one wife and enjoining that she be from his family. This halakhic innovation is worded in biblical language not easily distinguished from the biblical text itself (as in the use of tct? R*' and rp' tk* instead of "tNcommonly used in Qumran and rabbinic language). 2 Yadin, Temple Scroll, 1.71-73. l) E. Tov and S. White, "Reworked Pentateuch," in H. Attridge et al., Qumran Cave
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AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
nature; rather, they contain citations (or paraphrases) of different biblical pericopes, some of which happen to be halakhic. What is of importance here is that these texts share the distinctive attributes of the Temple Scroll outlined above, namely, they are written in biblical language with no differentiation between innovation and pentateuchal text.'4 In several places the text joins verses taken from various places in the Pentateuch to create a single harmonious unit," a trait shared by these texts and the Temple Scroll. The reworking consists also of additions not parallel to the Masoretic text, mainly exegetical in nature, which range from one to eight lines in length.'6 At least one of these (4Q365 frag. 23) is a halakhic addition found nowhere in the Pentateuch treating the Festivals of Wood and of Fresh Oil.'7 It is important to stress that these additions, exegeses, and harmonistic alterations are all formulated in biblical language and compose an organic text, linguistically indistinguishable from their pentateuchal base. The Damascus Document and Related Texts This brings us to the second halakhic genre represented at Qumran. Within Qumran sectarian literature the Damascus Document is indisputably the sectarian work containing the largest organized corpus of laws. The wording of the halakhot in the Damascus Document and its use of biblical citations in particular point to a completely different view of the source of halakhah from the one represented by the Temple Scroll and the related works discussed in the preceding. The primary divine source for the halakhah is the Torah; unlike the Temple Scroll, however, the Damascus Document makes a clear distinction
4.VIII: Parabiblical Texts, Part 1 (DJD 13; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994) 187-351. According to the editors both these texts and 4Q158 are copies of one composition. 14 On the problematic nature of defining this text and the question of its aim and function, see M. Segal, "4QReworked Pentateuch or 4QPentateuch?" The Dead Sea Scrolls: Fifty Years after Their Discovery: Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, July 20-25, 1997 (eds L.H. Schiffman, E. Tov, and J.C. Vanderkam; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and Shrine of the Book, 2000) 391-99; M. Bernstein, "Contours of Genesis Interpretation at Qumran: Contents, Contexts and Nomenclature," Studies in Ancient Midrash (ed. J. Kugel; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000) 58-60; VanderKam, "Questions of Canon," 276-81. '5 Such as 4Q364 frag. 23 which combines Num. 20:17-18 and Deut. 2:8-14 (DJD 13.230-31). 16 See, for example, the "Song of Miriam" in 4Q365 6a ii and 6c (DJD 13.269-70). 17 4Q365 frag. 23 (DJD 13.290-9 1). Yadin was of the opinion that this passage belonged to a recension of the Temple Scroll. See Yadin, Temple Scroll, 2.44.
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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between biblical source and exegesis or realization in the details of the law, exemplifiedby topical organizationand the use of topical rubrics. These headingsappearin threevariations:"concerningthe rule"(cf. 16:13); a citation from a relatedbiblical verse markedby "as to that which is said"(cf. 16:6), and some with a headingcombiningthe two: "concerningthe rule, as to that which is said" (cf. 9:8). The laws themselves are mainly worded apodictically,without scripturalproof, and can be worded either as positive commandments-"it means to abide by every bindingoath in which a man promisesto do anything from the Law" (16:7-8), or as negative ones-"a man may not go about in the field to do his desired activity on the Sabbath"(10:20). Even in those instanceswhere the halakhicunit opens with a citation, it does not necessarilyfollow that the halakhotin questionwere derived from the verse itself. Rather,the citation functionsas a topical heading.We would like to stress that these halakhot,which clearly represent sectarian practice, provide no clues as to the exegetical processwherebythey were derived.Even if scholarscan provisionally reconstruct the exegetical process, in any event, as presented, the intentof the halakhahas statedis to establishits existence ratherthan to reveal to the readerhow it was created. This is illustratedby the following example: t; O-K ss ^pms
M:
nl:
n~ pr1
0on J.nev
!o sv10K
-lows
nnunD nnnn In 1: AP.1n7tX mnl -rm As for the passage "observe what comes out of your lips" (Deut. 23:24), it means to abide by every binding oath in which a man takes upon himself to do anything from the Law: he may not break it, even at the price of death. Anything by which a man takes upon himself to depart from the Law let him not fulfill it, even at the price of death. (16:6-9)
This pericopecontainstwo injunctions:the first enjoins anyonewho has taken a vow to observe a biblical commandmentto keep his oath, and the second treats the converse, forbiddingan individualwho has taken an oath to transgressa biblical commandmentto fulfill this oath, requiringthat he not deviate from the Torah. As the rubrictestifies, these two halakhotare linked to the biblical injunctionfound in Deut. 23:24. We can even conjecturethat the DamascusDocument'sdouble halakhahis groundedin the dualityof the verse: "you are to keep, and you are to do": "keep"-avoid doing what is prohibited;"do"-implement what shouldbe done. Nonetheless,we must stress that this is our reconstruction:no explicit statementas such appearsin the halakhah
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AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
itself. Furthermore,and this is the crux of the matter, the legist nowhere indicates how he derived the severe and absolute natureof these obligations,to be adheredto even at the "priceof death."It is also noteworthythat, in its originalcontext,the biblicalverse does not treat the fulfillment of commandments;rather, it treats the case of someone who has made a vow.'8 In several instancesin the DamascusDocumentthe halakhahstated is followed by a pentateuchalor propheticverse, often prefacedby one of the following formulas:'IC tORAIM,:, MA':'flF 1`'1, pZ': inn:, or inn: ':. The use of the word ": indicatesthat for the writer this verse serves as the source for the halakhah in question, yet nowhere does the legist explain the halakhah'sderivationfrom the verse.'9Indeed, as a rule, the Damascus Documentdoes not explain the fashion in which the halakhahwas extracted from the biblical verses, yet this is consonantwith its authoritysource as laid out earlier. By virtue of their intellectual powers and the basic principles taughtby the Teacherof Righteousnesswho received them via divine com'8 A similarreadingof the biblicalverse as relatedto keepingthe pentateuchal mandmentshas been preservedin Tg. Ps.-J. to Deut. 23:24: tnD'Wflk7 7'tnZ1 1-10: st&n llrmun. jrmn stt trmwl7tO 1' A particularly instructiveexample is the openinglines of the Sabbathlaws in CD 7-10t fl:Z 5 * Im o Mr: CM Mr1..-DMMOZ 'nr MUr'n 10:14: tJ f'l in pm:7 vrzt;n.The collection n nM' -nrl7 7DOM-0 -tt -1 tt 'I;: 1* r0zp MM07 opens with the headingilrEtn: 7i700 MOnMbD, followed by a halakhahspecifying that the prohibitionagainstworkingbegins before sunset on Friday.The rationalefor this halakhahis 107p' nM07 o' ritt f1lZ :tst 7s KIM'Z. Fromthis point onwardthe collection providesthe remainingSabbathlaws in conjunction.Scholarshave experienced difficultyexplaininghow the authorderived the halakhahfrom the verse. The suggestionput forth by several scholarsthat the citationreturnsto the headingseems reasonable.Accordingly,the author'sintent is to show that the generalobligationto observethe Sabbathderivesfrom the fourthcommandmentof the Decalogue.See S.D. Fraade, "Looking for Legal Midrash at Qumran," Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds M.E. Stone and E.G.
Chazon;STDJ 28; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 70-72; Goldberg,"Earlyand Late Midrash," 98 n. 16. The languagetypical of halakhahin the DamascusDocumenthas been preserved in the Cave 4 fragments of this work edited by J.M. Baumgarten, Qumran Cave 4.XIII: The Damascus Document (4Q266-273) (DJD 18; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996). We find there rubrics from two of the types described above, X U: for examt (4Q266 6 iii 3-4; Baumgarten, DJD 18.58) and 7mt 7OR: n* )l 1cp'IDl ple, :M:nm1 for example,In'rt [70n m1pIN 7YY2 71DrlI ': 7OR 7ORI [Lev. 25:141(4Q271 3 4-5; Baumgarten, DJD 18.175). Interestingly, the latter law is followed by an additional subheading: 01710 ;ltl (see Baumgarten, DJD 18.176) followed by three halakhot relatedto fraud.The first halakhahcannotbe restored due to the poor preservation of the text. The second halakhah states that fraud is prohibited in the sale of animals or of humans, and the third forbids a bride's father to deceive the intended groom: CtAi '1:1*1pm90in Izntrs ;^ [rt7kIn' inn ns1.
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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inspiration,the sectariansstudyTorahand interpretit correctly,uncovering the true "hidden"matters. We classifythehalakhotin thetextsdesignatedOrdinances20 as belonging to the same genre as the DamascusDocument.This premiserelies on, among other features,the presence of the "concerningX" rubric, characteristicof the DamascusDocument,that prefacesthe ordinance related to the half-shekel for the sanctuary: -10K :'Z 'FU go: nirnm lm IM tw 12f: "[.. . concer]ning the [Ransom:] the [L5pwVr]
money of the valuationwhich a man gives as ransomfor his life shall be half [a shekel]"(4Q159 1 ii 6-7). The new Qumranichalakhah,"he shall give it only o[nce] in his life," follows the reworkingof Exod. 30:12-13.21 The distinctionbetween Torah and exegesis noted for the Damascus Document emerges strongly in 4Q513 (4QOrdinancesb). In the contextof what appearsto be a disagreementwith the Pharisees regardingthe propertime for the Omer offering its author cites the verse: "apart from the Sabbaths of the LORD" (Lev. 23:38). With regardto their interpretationthe opponentsof the sect act with "the confusion of blindness"and "not of the law of Moses." As J. Baumgarten has suggested the dispute here revolves aroundthe Pharisaic halakhahaccording to which the pentateuchalinjunction"the priest shall elevate it on the day after the sabbath"(Lev. 23:11) means the day after the first day of Passover(16 Nisan), even if this falls on the Sabbath.22 The sectarianauthorobjects to this interpretation,because in his opinionthe verse "apartfrom the Sabbathsof the LORD" forbids the offeringof any sacrificesother than the ones for the Sabbathitself on the Sabbath.23 Thus there is a disputehere over the correctunder-
20
L.H. Schiffman,"Ordinancesand Rules: Ordinances(4Q159 = 4QOrda);Rules
(4Q513 = 4QOrdb)," The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, vol. 1: Rule of the Community and Related Documents (ed. J.H.
Charlesworth; Tuibingen:J.C.B. Mohr;Louisville:WestminsterJohn Knox Press, 1994) 145-75; J. Milgrom,"PurificationRule (4Q514 = 4QOrdc),"ibid., 177-79. 21 J. Liver, "The Half-ShekelOfferingand Post-BiblicalLiterature," HTR56 (1963) 173-98; M. Beer, "TheSect and the Half-Shekel"(Hebrew),Tarbiz31 (1962) 298-99. 22 J.M. Baumgarten, "HalakhicPolemics in New Fragmentsfrom QumranCave 4," Biblical Archaeology Today: Proceedings of the International Congress on Biblical Archaeology, Jerusalem, April 1984 (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society and the
Israel Academy of Sciences and Humanities and American Schools of Oriental Research,1985) 395-97. 23 As Baumgartennoted (ibid.), the discussionis entirelypolemicalas the sectarian interpretationestablished that the Omer offering was to take place always on the Sundayfollowing the Sabbathafter Passover.
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AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
standingof the verse, inherentto which is recognitionof the distinction between verse and exegesis.24 A textual unit found in a Cave 4 fragmentof the DamascusDocument, which deals with skin diseases, discharges,and impurityafter childbirth,requires separate consideration.25Despite the close links between the halakhotin this unit and the related biblical pericopes, includinglinguisticand structuralsimilarities-the combiningof these three topics in one unit as in Leviticus 12-16 and adherenceto the biblical sequence26-this text displays what we have identifiedas the characteristicfeatureof the DamascusDocument,to wit, it differentiates between text and exegesis. The first section, which treatsthe laws concerningFMD7!,is of especial interest. Here we find exegesis of biblical verses alongside explanationsfor the laws taught. Following the citation of Lev. 13:2, "Whena personhas on the skin of his body a swelling, a scab, or a discoloration.. . an explanation is appended:"and the scab [is] a blow of wood, stone, or any blow." In addition,the sectarianauthor adds a theological-medicalexplanationfor the disease to the biblically accordingto which the appearanceof nvU7 is a groundedhalakhotf27 result of "when the spi[rit comes and takes hold] of the artery,making the blood recede upwards and downwards"and its cure finds expression"if the [spi]ritof life moves up and down and the flesh has a black grown... is healed."One of the biblical symptomsof n hair that becomes yellow, receives botanicalimageryin our text: "'for it is like a plant which has a worm under it that severs its root and makes its blossom wither."Finally, the text contains a rationalefor
24 Frag. 5 of this document (4Q159) is unusual as it is essentially a pesher (evidently to Lev. 16:1). Indeed, some scholars argue that its attribution to this document is mistaken (see F.D. Wienter, "4Q159: A Legislation for an Essene Community outside Qumran?" JSJ 5 [1974] 179-207). On the other hand, in a personal communication Prof. Moshe Bernstein noted that paleographically the passage is part of the document and should not be rejected just because we have no ready explanation for its inclusion here. In any event, the incorporation of pesher with Damascus Documenttype halakhah is in harmony with our proposal above that views these two literary genres as related in their understanding of exegesis and their relationship to the text being explained. 25 Baumgarten, DJD 18.52-55, 188-89. 26 Not all the biblical laws of mrwYare dealt with in this passage. The author deals only with human afflictions and therefore omits the laws of affected clothing or houses; nor does he treat the description of the purification ceremony. 27 J.M. Baumgarten, "The 4Q Zadokite Fragments on Skin Disease," JJS 41 (1990) 153-65.
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HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
the biblical injunctionenjoining the stricken person to shave off his hair except for the area of the scall (Lev. 13:33). Concerning this matter this fragmentof the Damascus Document states: "And as to that which is said, 'And the priestshall orderthat they shave his head, but not the scall,' this is in order that the priest may count the dead and live hair and see whetherany has been added from the live to the dead during the seven days, (in which case) he is unclean;while if none has been addedfrom the live to the dead, and the arteryis filled with bl[ood] and the spiritof life moves up and down in it, the plague is [healed]."28
For our purposes, what must be emphasized is that despite this text's stylistic similarity to Reworked Pentateuch and the Temple Scroll, in that it is a halakhicnarrativerewrittenin free biblical style with explanatorypassages, it still retains the main feature of the halakhic style defined as characteristicof the Damascus Document: a clear distinctionbetween biblical quotationand additionsor exegesis. Twice we find the introductoryformula-1K -IO: "[. . . and as to that which] is said, 'he shall quarantinehim [for seven days]'" (Lev. 13:26) and "And (as to that) which is said, 'And the priest shall order29and they will shave the head, but the scall they shall not shave"' (Lev. 13:33). Generallyspeaking,althoughsome of the Cave 4 halakhic fragmentsshow greateraffinity to biblical style, nonetheless in their essential characteristicsthey closely resemble the known halakhicunits from the Cairo Genizah manuscript. The fragmentof the DamascusDocument(4Q266 6 ii) dealing with the laws of a woman who has given birthis exceptionalin this regard, as its style more resemblesthat of the Temple Scroll, making no distinctionbetween biblical original and addition: [C'07]
-.:T MU:= n[R MKOC01]
[ln:[-10
b10'
'70
[ntt jnn
[
-itr n t: '717P^ -P r~~~~~~~~~77]7
U:1
['7Tr-1] CUR MORI
Cl'n MMIA1zzl7]
M-1:
MR1]7n nID
MMO[M
n i?: p]n:
Irs^nnni:Cns -.7
[n^
-Z]
4'nI[n s
M[A_ r-,M`M_r[
Baumgarten,"4Q ZadokiteFragments,"159. Thewordsli7n:, flw1l arenotattestedin MT. See Baumgarten, "4QZadokiteFragments," 154; C. Hempel,The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition and Redaction (STDJ 29; Leiden:Brill, 1998) 48 n. 77. 28
29
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AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
And a woman who [conceivles and bearsa male child [shall be unclean]for the seven [days, as] in [the day]s of her menstru[alimpurity.And on the eighth day the flesh of his] foreskin [shall be circumcised.For thirty-threedays she shall remainin her blood purification.If she bearsa female child she shall be unclean two weeks as in her menst]ruation.[For sixty-six days she shall remainin her blood purification.And she] shall not eat [any hallowedthing, nor come into the sanctuary,for] it is a capital offense [ let her give the] child to a nurse (who can nurseit) in puri[tyI [And] if she cannotafford[a lamb,she shall take a turtledoveor a pigeon for a bumt offeringand she] shall substitute[it for the lamb].)0
This unit is a rewriting(or perhapseven a quotation)of Lev. 12: 2-8 to which two additionalhalakhothave been introduced:the death penaltyfor enteringthe Templeunpurified,3' and the obligationto give the child to a nurse who can nurse it in purity.32The possible significations of the integrationof this linguistically exceptional passage into the DamascusDocumentwill be treatedin the final part of this article. What we have noted as an exceptional style for the Damascus Documentforms the centralstylistic characteristicof 4QHalakhaA,33 whichcontainsvarioushalakhicunitsexhibitingvariegatedliterarystyles. This scroll is extremelyfragmentary;neitherits beginningnor its end has been preservedand we only have partiallypreservedunits, which makes drawinga total pictureof this text's bent difficult.Some parts are rewritten Pentateuch, resembling the Temple Scroll, and some partsare abstracthalakhotsimilarin style to the DamascusDocument. The first extantfragment34 containssome laws concerningthe Sabbath laid out in the style of the DamascusDocument: Z: tvn wr ["t n'zn :B:^ KnpnWlnrj 'R n:n t'* [ * ri ripm Inqr IC]nmon M[n]ol: "[Let no] one carry (anything)out of his place for the entire Shabbat from the outside to the house land from the house to the ou[tside ]to it to expound and to read in a book on [Shabb]at."35 The fragmentthat follows is in the form of rewrittenPentateuchas I
Baumgarten, DJD 18.55.
3' A. Shemesh, "The Dispute between the Pharisees and the Sadducees on the Death
Penalty" (Hebrew), Tarhiz 70 (2000) 17-33. 32 J.M. Baumgarten, "Purification after Childbirth and the Sacred Garden in 4Q265 and Jubilees," New Qumran Texts and Studies: Proceedings of the First Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies, Par-is, 1992 (ed. G.J. Brooke; STDJ 15; Leiden: Brill, 1994) 3-10. 13 E. Larson, M.R. Lehmann, and L. Schiffman, "4QHalakha A," in J.M. Baumgarten et al., Qumran Cave 4.XXV: Halakhic Texts (DJD 35; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1999) 25-52. 14 Larson, Lehmann, and Schiffman, DJD 35.25-52. 11 Larson, Lehmann, and Schiffman, DJD 35.28.
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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exemplifiedby the Temple Scroll and includes laws concerningdamage done by beasts based on Exod. 21:18-32, followed by a unit in the DamascusDocumentstyle that concernsfirst fruits of agricultural produce. A similar combination is attested in the remainderof the scroll. Indeed, the integrationof these two so distinct halakhic styles seemingly indicates that the work in question was copied from differentworks.36 To sum up to this point, with regardto the literarygenres that represent the halakhic traditionat Qumran,two main branches can be distinguished, each of which presents the halakhah differently and each of which has a differentauthoritybase: works such as Jubilees and the Temple Scroll rewrite the pentateuchallaw, making no distinction between the biblical passage and sectarianinterpretation,as they perceive themselves and their halakhic authorityas groundedin Sinaitic revelation.In contrast,the second main literarygenre, represented by the Damascus Document and related works, confers independent status on the halakhahit presents,distinguishingit from its biblical sources, generally citing its halakhahwithout biblical citations, and where found, such citations generally serve only as rubrics for the halakhicissue underdiscussion.This distinctiondovetails with its conceptionof halakhicauthority,which admitsthe role of divinely inspiredhuman intellectualactivity in the creationof the halakhah. Explicit Halakhic Exegesis at Qumran
We have stressedrepeatedlythat neitherhalakhicgenre at Qumran, whether rewritten Pentateuch or exegetical in nature, explains the derivationof its halakhah.This generalizationnotwithstanding,there are some exceptionsto this rule. The DamascusDocumentand MMT contain instanceswhere biblical laws are accompaniedby exegetical referencesused to supportthe sectarianviewpoint. In the case of the DamascusDocumentthere is a single example where we find explicit halakhic dialectic. Unexpectedly, this example appears in the first, non-halakhicpart of this work. In it, the authoraccuses the "builders of thebarrier"of sinningin two halakhicareas,one of whichis unchastity:
I An interestingexample of this is 4Q251 frags 4-7 (DJD 35.31), which is equivalent in its contentto 4Q364 frag. 13a-b (DJD 13.220) from the groupof 4QRP. Both use biblical language(or somethingclose to it) of Exod. 21:16-20 (despitesome minor differencesbetween them).
120
AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN Dn .nl= :"n;s ZIOvSn: 11CMIN)oC:Z7:2nrr -R:1 ornn sM1: -7;7:1 m1:: '-w-=- -11cricn-:
IIM
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They are caught in fornication twice by taking two wives in their lifetime, whereas the principle of creation is, "Male and female created he them" (Gen. 1:27). Also, those who entered the ark went in two by two (Gen. 7:9). And concerning the prince [tt':], it is written, "He shall not multiply wives to himself" (Deut. 17:17) ... and they marry each one his brother's daughter or sister's daughter. But Moses said, "To your mother's sister you may not draw near, for she is the flesh of your mother" (Lev. 18:13). Now the precept of incest is written from the point of view of males, but the same (law) applies to women, so that if a brother's daughter uncovers the nakedness of a brother of her father, she is the flesh (of her father). (CD 4:20-5:11)
In this passage its author disputes two halakhic points with his opponents: first, polygamy, his opposition to which he backs with three biblical citations (Gen. 1:27; 7:9; and Deut. 17:17).37 It is not our intent here to analyze the nature of the prooftexts cited; for our purposes, what is important is simply the fact of the presentation of biblical sources as backing for this stance. The initial biblical citation also clarifies what the author views as the underlying rationale for the halakhah: "the principle of creation is 'Male and female created he them.'" Humans were created as a single male and a single female, and not as a single male with several females; therefore this is the correct practice. The second halakhah is even more intriguing. In this instance, not only does the author disclose its biblical source, but also its underlying exegetical logic. The author of the Damascus Document opposed the Pharisaic practice of uncle-niece marriages, viewing it as included in the prohibited incestuous marriages detailed in Leviticus 18, which explicitly forbids marrying an aunt (v. 13). As revealed by the author of the Damascus Document, the underlying exegetical principle used to derive the prohibition against marrying a niece is that although the language of the Torah is directed toward males, these injunctions must be read as also applying to females. Therefore, just as the Torah forbids a man to marry his maternal aunt, so too are women forbidden to marry their paternal uncles by pentateuchal law.
3'
''n
This prohibition is explained in the Temple Scroll as a limitation to one wife: nmnn irit -kOR t: : rnnijIn:;n (lp"R*1 (IQT 57:18).
'a'
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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This explanatory exegetical phenomenon, unusual in the Damascus Document, is a central characteristic of yet another Qumran document, Miqsat Ma'ase ha-Torah (4QMMT). Although this document's poor preservation hampers attempts to establish the precise meaning of the halakhot it sets forth or their rationales, nonetheless the following two examples suffice to demonstrate the wording of the halakhot in this text. ipC[:
] ':wrv :si
-IONc1porszlt-f[c^turl,
mrrs pia nrln
[DunC 1R m:rnn cDnu':
-Z nlhmnn ntgc Cs e^]-10
rt ]:rnr:tsb[
ns c,tt'SIM( nD=[;nItl sr *[Nknv -M]:0 tr1= [I: -i112]
[And concerning]that it is written:[if a person slaughtersinside the camp, or slaughters]outside the camp cattle or sheep or goat: for [... in] the northern part of the camp. And we are of the opinion that the sanctuary[is the "tent of meeting"]and that Jerusalemis the "camp,"and that "outsidethe camp"[is outside Jerusalem],that is the encampmentof their settlements.It is "outsidethe c[amp"where one should... the purification-offering and] take out the ashes of For Jerusalem]is the place which [the] altar and bu[m the purification-offering. ... ]. (B 27-33) [he has chosen] from among all the tribes [of Israel...1...
The question under consideration here is in what locations and at what distance from the Temple animals may be slaughtered for secular consumption. The discussion in MMT takes Lev. 17:3-4, cited at the beginning of the pericope, as its starting point. The plain meaning of the injunction as interpreted by MMT is that only meat slaughtered in the Tabernacle as a shelamim offering is permissible for consumption. The writers' opponents restricted this prohibition to the period during which the Israelites wandered in the desert; with the entry into the land of Israel and the founding of the Temple in the place chosen by God, secular slaughter was deemed permissible as was the consumption of meat because of a craving as outlined in Deut. 12:20-38. MMT's author rejects this interpretation, setting limits on secular slaughter and applying levitical law to the land of Israel. In opposing his disputants' opinion, MMT's author writes "and we are of the opinion that the sanctuary [is the 'tent of meeting'] and that Jerusalem is the 'camp,' and that 'outside the camp' [is outside Jerusalem]."Therefore, in his view, in all places that correspond to the "camp" or to "outside the camp" secular slaughter is forbidden. This halakhah contains an organized exegesis of the verse in Leviticus, presented in the pericope as the source for this halakhah. But the exegete takes the process one step further in attempting to prove the validity of his interpretation by referring to the obligation to burn
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certain organs of sacrificial animals "outside the camp" (Lev. 6:4; Num. 19:3-5), with regardto which there is blanket agreementthat they are burnedoutside of Jerusalem.38 A second example relates to forbiddenmarriages: lnmn n: tDl 5w1u 0'11:imum sp [.nr ']n aim cnz linr:n:v:nrinm tDi n,;vni G1'0-1]:l3 17V Dl-lt Aftlr M=DU717 [M*0s m:Il 1101:t t.U C'MK5-77.n-:t*:15: in I=nmnDMOCm.n] c qn:n np n
C:-imncDn[tvC'
mm1TiM CD[mir]
rs 1rl [
-vmp innX mrn ::iurp mzna 5:7 urip Vp umpn ID-it nR[ ::,K=c 1 =:)rnD[ a
And concerningthe practiceof illegal marriagethat exists among the people: (this practiceexists) despitetheirbeing so[ns] of holy [seed], as is written,Israel is holy. And concerninghis (i.e., Israel's) [clean ani]mal, it is writtenthat one must not let it mate with anotherspecies; and concerninghis clothes [it is written that they should not] be of mixed stuff; and he must not sow his field and vine[yardwith mixed specie]s. Because they (Israel) are holy, and the sons of Aaronare [most holy.] But you know that some of the priestsand [the laity mingle with each other][And they] unite with each otherand pollutethe [holy] seed [as well as] theirown [seed] with women whom they are forbiddento marry.(B 75-82)
The authorcomplainshere about a type of intermarriagepracticed by the priests,whichhe sees as prohibitedandagainstwhichhe inveighs.39 As backingfor his halakhicapproachthe authoruses what resembles an a fortiori argument: if the Torah prohibited mixing animal species
and the wearingof a garmentof combinedspecies as well as sowing a field or vineyardwith M'XtZ,then even more so is it forbiddenfor the sons of Aaron,who are most holy, to intermarrywith individuals that pollute the holy seed. What these passages and the above-citedpassage from the Damascus Documentshare is their polemical nature.Evidently,the presence of formal explanationsto supportthe process by which the halakhah was derived is not coincidental. In contesting the opinions of their opponents,the Qumranauthorsconduct the debate in line with their opponents'rules, even in those cases where the immediatetarget is the home audience, that is, the members of the sect.40These rules 38 D. Henshke, TheSagesandSectarianHalakha"(Hebrew), "TheSanctityof Jerusalem: Tarbiz67 (1998) 22-27. 34 On the nature of the intermarriagementioned here, see the discussion by E.
Qimron and J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4.V: Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah (DJD 10;
and Impurityin Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1994) 171-75; C. Hayes, "Intermarriage Ancient Jewish Sources,"HTR 92 (1999) 25-35; M. Kister, "Studies in 4QMiqpat Ma'ase Ha-Torah and Related Texts: Law, Theology, Language and Calendar" (Hebrew),Tarbiz68 (1999) 343-47. 4' This is certainlytrueof the passagefrom the DamascusDocument.Fromits context in the DamascusDocument(as from the work as a whole) it is clear that its pur-
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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requirethe writer to convince his readersthat his exegesis is preferable to otherswithoutemployingthe argumentthat his exegesis is the correctone because it is based on divine revelation,an argumentthat holds no water for his opponents,who deny this claim. Indeed, the very mentionof the other party'sopinion is by way of admissionthat the biblical source is open to alternativeinterpretations.This in turn weakenstheargumentconcerningdivineauthorityforthe exegesis,which admits only a single binding interpretation. It appearsthen that there is a close relationshipbetween the manner in which a halakhahis presentedand the literarycontext in which it appears.In those compositionsand halakhicpericopesaimed at presenting the halakhah,demandingunmitigatedadherenceby members of the sect, their authorsfeel no need either to justify their halakhic stance, or to explain its sourceor derivationfrom biblical verses. Only in polemical contexts, when the sectariansconfronttheir opponents' halakhic stances, do they find it germane to explain the exegetical process by means of which they reachedtheir conclusions. The Relationship between the Two Halakhic Genres at Qumran
The coexistence of two genres in the halakhiccompositionsfound at Qumran,with their distinct argumentsregardingauthority,admits several possible explanations.One possibility is to see the genres as unrelatedand as createdin the context of differentgroups. There are scholarswho do not attributesectarianorigins to the Temple Scroll or to Jubilees. L.H. Schiffman, for example, argues that the Temple Scroll is a Zadokite composition, using its different ascription of halakhic authorityas compared to the Damascus Document as one argumentbacking his stance.4'From this viewpoint, the fact that the redactorof the Damascus Document introduceda section worded in Temple Scroll style means that he had Zadokitematerialbefore him
pose is to strengthen the self-awareness of the sect's members. With regard to MMT, written as a letter to a person living in Jerusalem, Fraade has recently suggested that it is not really a letter but a composition intended for internal propaganda ("To Whom It May Concern: 4QMMT and Its Addressee(s)," RevQ 19 [2001] 507-26). H. Stegemann, "The Origins of the Temple 4' Schiffman, Reclaiming, 252-55; Scroll," Congress Volume: Jerusalem, 1986 (ed. J.A. Emerton; VTSup 40; Leiden: Brill, 1988) 235-56; M.O. Wise, A Critical Study of the Temple Scroll from Qumran Cave 11 (SAOC 49; Chicago: Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago, 1990) 189-94.
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AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
that he incorporatedas is (evidently for the purposesof its halakhic content) without paying heed to the theological implicationsof the "biblical"wordingof the halakhot. A second possibilityis to attributethe differentgenres to a historical developmentwithin the sect itself. This argumentcan be statedas follows. The justificationfor the applicationof pesharimto the understandingof historicalprocesses and of exegetical tools to the derivation of halakhahis relatedto the presenceof leaders:the Teacherof Righteousness and the Interpreterof the Torah. God endowed the Teacher of Righteousnesswith the ability to arrive at pesharim;the Interpreterof the Torahwas the figuresent to endow the sect with the tools of exegesis." The "Sinaitic"argumentfor halakhicauthority,on the other hand, whose basis lies in the distant past, does not necessarily requirethe existence of a leaderin the present.Thus, one could arguethat the compositionsgroundedin Sinaiticauthoritywere created prior to the emergenceof the sect's leaders, and that the Damascus Documentand the pesharimwere authoredat a later date, following the appearanceof the sect's charismaticleaders, thereby explaining thetheologicalconstructthatviews theseindividualsas mediatingbetween the Torah and its interpretation.43 We would like to proposea thirdpossibilityhere. Perhapsthe two distinct claims for authorityand their related genres have their basis not in differentorigins, or in differentperiods,but ratherin the audiences to which they were addressed.As we saw above, as worded,the halakhotin the Damascus Documentassume a prior commitmentby the targetaudienceto their contents.Thereforeonly the resultsof the exegesis-the hiddenthings thatwere revealed-are presented,but the exegetical or the logical processes via which these conclusionswere reachedare not made explicit. On the otherhand, in turningto a nonsectarianaudiencethe writercannot rely upon an argumentgrounded in the authoritativestatus of the Interpreterof the Torah;no outsider would accept halakhot based on sectarian exegesis simply because they emerge from the understandinggrantedto the divinely inspired
42 On this figure, see Fraade, "Interpretive Authority in the Studying Community," 62-63. 4' This is Collins' view regarding the disappearance of the apocalyptic genre with the coming of the Teacher of Righteousness. See J.J. Collins, "Was the Dead Sea Sect an Apocalyptic Movement?" Archaeology and History in the Dead Sea Scrolls: The New York University Conference in Memory of Yigael Yadin (ed. L.H. Schiffman; JSPSup 8; JSOT/ASOR Monographs 2; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990) 25-51.
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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Interpreter."Such a reader would demand to be convinced on the basis of the exegetical process itself. As we have seen, there are at Qumranexceptional instances, as in MMT, where the authormakes the exegetical process explicit for the reader. Such an option is of course more risky for the Qumranicauthor,and as such, is employed only when absolutelynecessary.In turningto an audienceoutside the bounds of the sect without entering into a detailed argumentregarding the correctinterpretationof each and every verse, such an author will back his halakhotwith an argumentmore suited to his opponents' worldview, one that does not rely on the authorityor abilities of the sect's leaders. We would like to suggest furtherthat the claim of Sinaitic authority inherentin the Temple Scroll and Jubilees may be such an outward-looking argument, directed particularlyto the nwAnE(simple ones) whom the sect wished to draft into their ranks.45Such an audience might find the claim of a second Torahwritten at Sinai persuasive, given its fundamentalsimilarityto anotherclaim with which it was familiar,which was that a second, oral Torahwas transmittedto Moses at Sinai along with the written Torah. The centrality of the concept of the oral Torahas the theologicalbasis for the validity and authorityof rabbinichalakhictraditionis well known. Althoughthere are those who argue otherwise,' it appearsthat we will not miss the mark if we claim that the principleof the oral Torah was accepted among the Phariseeseven before the destructionof the Temple, and that the "ancestraltraditions"to which they were loyal47received its backing from the argumentthat this traditionwas given at Sinai.48 4 Nor would he accept the pesharimof the Teacherof Righteousnessas he does not sharethe belief thatGod has bestowedunderstanding on him to interpretthe words of the prophets,preciselythe accusationappearingat the beginningof PesherHabakkuk (1:16-2:10). 45 See the hopes expressedin PesherNahum (3-4 iii 3-5). 46 Fraadeargues that there is no proof that the Phariseesheld that the ancestraltraditions importantto them were given at Sinai or that they had to be transmittedorally and not in writing during the second temple period. In his opinion only in the Tannaiticperioddo we find the inceptionof the use of the term"oralTorah"with the accompanyingargumentthat this was given at Sinai. See S.D. Fraade,"LiteraryComposition and Oral Performancein Early Midrashim,"Oral Tradition14 (1999) 40-41. 47 Josephus,Ant. 18:297; Matt. 15:2; Mark 7:3; Gal. 1:14. See also Baumgarten, QumranLaw, 19-23, where he shows that the Phariseesdo not recordtheir Torah in writing. 48 On the relationshipbetween the Pharisees, who were a small group, and the majority,see M. Goodman'sperceptiveanalysis ("A Note on Josephus,the Pharisees and AncestralTradition,"JJS 50 [1999] 19-20), in which he distinguishesbetween
126
AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
Evidence for a dispute regardingwhether the Sinaitic revelation was written or oral has been preservedin the scholion to Megillat Ta'anit. The dispute in question is between the Boethusiansand the :49 Pharisees i -rn: M "Tn" n m: Mt TM: M*RMM MD'M-Ti--E tD" -iot: C::z Mtt 7-M ION771717 -D tV ; t : .. . -iri mi:: .-I=: Jt=: j.,00 7nnUt ,U)l ==cmt mrnDcU 1n: nit czj innz vnnur :n--= =mnr; -nnnDr mU ln=ni n-ln-tr m:I= -i:D Ktn
p l:ni A*nlcmzn=7t *ont .rIm=*. .wsml*XIV D7R, -IM:
~
":n^B: IUC
,p -IP
t
"'771M"Y :"M-7DM71TV
'::nsnn MRCC
t-
nC^ 71.7
For the Boethusianswould write the laws in a book, so that when a personasks, they show him [the answer] in the book. The Rabbis said to them: Has it not been said already [in Scripture]: ". . . for in accordance with these words I make
with you a covenant and with Israel"(Exod. 34:27); "in accordancewith the Torahthat they shall teach you etc." (Deut. 17:11)-implying that it is forbidden . . . The Rabbis said to to write [these laws] in a book. Anotherinterpretation: them:Has it not been said already[in Scripture]:"the Torahand the Commandment which I have writtendown to instructthem"(Exod. 24:12), and it is further written, "Therefore,write down this poem and teach it to the people of Israel;put it in their mouths"(Deut. 31:19)? [Thatis to say]: "teachit"-that is the WrittenLaw, "putit in theirmouths"-these are the halakhot[the OralLaw]. (Ms Oxford,Noam edition, 35-36)
are describedhere as those who "writethe laws The Boethusians50 in a book, so that when a personasks, they show him [the answer]in the book." Undoubtedly, the purpose of pointing at a book is to answer the question of the authority-basisfor the halakhah,which
practices unique to the Pharisees and ancestraltraditionsadheredto by the people which the Phariseesacceptedas binding. 49 Althougha relativelylate work, the scholion has preservedauthenticearly traditions. See V. Noam, Megillat Ta'anit and the Scholion: Their Nature, Period and Sources, accompanied by a Critical Edition (Hebrew) (Hebrew University Ph.D.
Dissertation:Jerusalem,1997) 309-19. The authenticityof the traditiondiscussedhere is enhancedby the fact that in presentingitself as Torah from Sinai, Jubilees,composed in the 2nd century BCE, uses the same prooftextsthe scholion places in the mouths of the Boethusians. See Werman, "71Cl and nnR"
488-90.
On the questionof the identificationof the Boethusians,see the commentsof Y. Sussmann,"The Historyof Halakhaand the Dead Sea Scrolls: A Preliminaryto the Publicationof 4QMMT"(Hebrew),Tarbiz59 (1989/90) 48-55. Note that in rabbinic literaturecalendricaldisputesare cited only betweenthe sages and the Boethusiansand not between the former and the Sadducees (ibid., 49 n. 166). It appears that the Boethusianswere a group with close affinitiesto the Qumrancommunityas there is no evidence that the Sadduceesfollowed a calendardifferingfrom the Pharasaicone. See A.I. Baumgarten,"Who Were the Sadducees?The Sadduceesof Jerusalemand 50
Qumran," The Jews in the Hellenistic-Roman World: Studies in Memot-y of Menahem
Stern (eds I.M. Gafni et al.; Jerusalem:ZalmanShazarCenterfor Jewish Historyand the HistoricalSociety of Israel, 1996) 396-405.
HALAKHAH AT QUMRAN: GENRE AND AUTHORITY
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naturally incorporatesthe claim that the book originated at Sinai. Indeed, the rabbinicposition posits that this claim is inherentlyfalse because the Boethusiansthemselves wrote the laws in the book. In their answer to the Boethusianargumentthat a second writtenTorah was given at Sinai the rabbis cite two verses: one from Exodus and the other from Deuteronomy.The deuteronomicverse serves as the basis for rabbinicauthority:"You shall act in accordance(le '.U) with the Torah that they shall teach you and the ruling that they tell you; you must not deviate from the verdictthat they announceto you either to the rightor to the left" (17:11). Comparisonof this verse to the one in Exodus indicatesthat the instructionshandeddown by them are an inseparablepartof the Sinaitic covenant(Exod. 34:27). This covenant was made l tD, that is, orally (ilmt). Therefore,the pharisaicposition views the bindingtraditionaccompanyingthe writtenTorahas an oral one and not as halakhotrecordedin a book. The second argument,prefacedby rmN-1n, is similar in natureto the first, adding to it the force of the oral traditionsto interpretthe written law. The rabbishere undertakea close readingof the verses: while there is a written Torah and a written poem, alongside them there is oral transmission "which I have written down to instruct them,""writedown-put it in their mouths."The rabbinicclaim was that alongside the writtenlaw an oral traditionwas transmittedwhose purposewas to shape what had been transmittedin writing (as found in the midrash).5' For our purposeswhat is importantis that the scholion describes the Boethusiansas those who attemptto convince others of the validity of theirhalakhictraditionby dint of its being writtenin a book. It is not necessarilyfarfetchedto surmisethat this book could have been the Temple Scroll, Jubilees,or other similarworks, that claim Sinaitic origin.52This in turn may support our conjecture that writings in Temple Scroll style were directedto the public at large and not necessarily for internalsectarianconsumption.
; IC -D: .U 112c).
MnM=-rr:
1=n': rnMn -iv
lr*M, "rnmm" (Sifre, ed. Weiss,
*52 S. Naeh ("TheStructure and Division of ToratKohanim:(A): Scrolls"[Hebrew], Tarbiz 66 [1997] 483-515) has shown that MidrashTorat Kohanim (the halakhic midrashto Leviticus)was recordedin writtenform at an early time. Accordingly,he suggests that the prohibition against recording the Oral Torah was directed at "halakhot"because "they parallelin naturethe laws of the writtenTorah,and even rival them in some instances.. . in contrast,midrash,the rabbinicinterpretation of the
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AHARON SHEMESH AND CANA WERMAN
In additionto this principleddispute,the scholionto MegillatTa'anit contains additional testimony to local disputes between Sadducees/ of specific penBoethusiansand Phariseesregardingthe interpretation explicit debate an include disagreements These tateuchal halakhot. regardingthe correctway to interpretthe biblicaltext,53with each side presentingits exegetical principles.These disputes resemblethe ones found in MMT. Thus, even if somewhathazily, the scholion to MegillatTa'anithas preservedtraces of traditionstestifyingthat the two types of authority foundin Qumranliteratureas describedherewereknownoutsideQumran. On this basis we have suggested that the Temple Scroll genre was meant for a broad public, which might find the Sinaitic-originsargument for its authoritymore palatable.Explicit exegetical arguments, on the otherhand,were directedat a learnedsector(the Templepriests and the educatedPharisees).And indeed MMT was addressedto an importantindividualwho apparentlypossessed expertisein the varied practices;therefore,convincingexegetical proofs were necessary. We have seen that,as a rule, Qumrantexts do not providea window into the exegetical underpinningsof their halakhah.Rather,halakhic passages at Qumranmay be ascribed to two broad genres: Temple Scroll style, in whichno distinctionis made betweentext and exegesis, and DamascusDocumentstyle, in which exegesis and text are differentiatedvia topicalorganizationand rubrics.On this basis we conclude thathalakhicderashahas a genreis absentfrom the Dead Sea Scrolls,54 associating its absence with the notion that halakhic exegesis is the
Torah, with its literary form as comments on the Torah, which does not parallel the written Torah in nature-nor does it rival it-is rather an accompanying exegetical text; it is unnecessary to restrict its recording in writing" (506-7; see also n. 109). It is therefore obvious that Zadokite-type writing, so troublesome to the Pharisees, was of the nature of the Temple Scroll and related texts, which compete with and replace the Torah, and not literature of the Damascus Document genre, which resembled Tannaitic midrash in its distinction between biblical text and exegesis. 13 On the disputes related to the dates of 8 Nisan (regarding the date of the Omer offering and Shavuot according to MS Parma and MS Oxford) and 24 Av (regarding inheritance by a daughter, according to MS Oxford), see Noam, Megillat Ta'anit and the Scholion, 2.21-23, 41. -4 We refer here to midrash characterized by dialectical processes and exegetical negotiation. See Fraade, "Looking for Legal Midrash at Qumran," 59-79; M. Kister, "A Common Heritage: Biblical Interpretationat Qumran and Its Implications," Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea
Scrolls (eds M.E. Stone and E.G. Chazon;STDJ 28; Leiden:Brill, 1998) 101-11. For other aspects of midrash that are found in Qumran literature, see A. Shemesh,
in the DamascusDocumentand Their Parallelsin Rabbinic "ScripturalInterpretation
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result of divine revelation and its corollary that pentateuchallaws admitonly one bindinginterpretation. Disclosureof theexegeticalprocess bringswith it the raising and admissionof the very existence of other exegetical options,which must then be rejected.Apartfrom the exceptions of MMT and one passage in the Damascus Document noted above, with their polemical overtones, Qumranhalakhic texts avoid provisionof the halakhic-exegeticaldialectic. This is perhapsalso the reason why the disputes so characteristicof rabbinichalakhic literature are absent from all halakhicunits at Qumran.
Midrash," The Damascus Document: A Centennial of Discovery (eds J.M. Baumgarten et al.; STDJ 34; Leiden: Brill, 2000) 161-75; A. Schremer, "'[T]he[y] Did Not Read in the Sealed Book': Qumran Halakhic Revolution and the Emergence of Torah Study in Second Temple Judaism," Historical Perspectives: From the Hasmoneans to Bar Kokhba in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 27-31 January 1999 (eds D. Goodblatt, A. Pinnick, and D.R. Schwartz; STDJ 37; Leiden: Brill, 2001) 105-26.
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH AZZAN YADIN
University Rutgers The publicationof 4QMMTin 1994 has createda boom of interest in Qumranlegal interpretation.'Not surprisingly,scholars have approachedthe question comparatively,examining Qumranlegal interpretationin relationto themoreestablishedfieldof rabbiniclegalmidrash, but the terms of comparisonare not uniform. While some scholars emphasizethe continuityand similaritybetween Qumranand the rabotherspoint to significantdifferencesbetween bis' legal interpretation, Qumranand the rabbis.S. Fraade,for instance,notes that "for all the midrashand halakhahfound within the scrolls, textuallythey evidence very little midrash halakhah:the explicit citation and interpretation of Scriptureas a source or justificationfor law."2In a recent article, A. Schremerargues that Qumranlegal interpretationis dissimilarto midrashhalakhahsince the Qumrantexts anchorlegal decisions in a plain sense of Scriptureand do not requirea reworkingof the biblical text.3 So different are the modes of legal interpretationthat Schremer recommends that, as a rule, the term "midrash"not be appliedto Qumranlegal exegesis since "only when deviatingfrom the
E. Qimron and J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4.V: Miqsat Ma'a?e Ha-Tor-ah(DJD 10; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994). 2 See S.D. Fraade, "Looking for Legal Midrash at Qumran," Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds M.E. Stone and E.G. Chazon; STDJ 28; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 60; emphasis in original. I A. Schremer, "'[Tlhe[yI Did Not Read in the Sealed Book': Qumran Halakhic Revolution and the Emergence of Torah Study in Second Temple Judaism," Historical Perspectives: From the Hasmoneans to Bar Kokhba in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Proceedings of the Fourth International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Stutd) of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 27-31 January, 1999 (eds D. Goodblatt, A. Pinnick, and D.R. Schwartz; STDJ 37; Leiden: Brill, 2001) 105-26. I am grateful to Adi Schremer for sharing this article with me prior to its publication. Though my conclusions differ from his in important ways, I have benefited greatly from his analysis. @ Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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plain, literal meaning of the biblical text does one need to explicate the method by which the conclusion was drawn, in order to justify it."4Surveying the more literal interpretationsof Qumran,Schremer exclaims: "How far this is from tannaitic midrash as we know it, throughoutthe rabbinicliterature."5Schremer'sclaim, that deviation from a plain meaning of Scripturegives rise to midrash, implicitly introducesanothermajordifferencebetween Qumranand the rabbisthe status of extra-scripturallegal traditions.6Schremer's analysis implies that the "deviation"that forces the rabbis into complex, selfconscious, "midrashic"interpretationis the attemptto yoke Scripture to non-scripturallegal traditionsinheritedfrom the Pharisees,an issue addressedby the Qumranwritersthemselves.The Qumrancommunity presentsitself as founded by an inspiredinterpreter,requiresits new membersmon7V rnnn 7t :1tv (lQS 5:8), and builds its communallife aroundstudy.7Its rivals, on the other hand, are deridedfor their lack of scripturalacumen,8and called rlip)r tM a phrasewidely viewed as a pun on nl:in 80m11,a pejorativeterm for the Pharisees.Taken together,these differencespresentthe Qumrancommunityas ab initio committedto Scripturein a direct and straightforward way, while the rabbis struggle to belatedly introducelegal interpretationinto a religious system originally founded on extra-scripturaltraditions (the Pharisaicparadosis).9Schremertakes this argumentone step further by positing a historic connection between the legal interpretive methodologiesof Qumranand the genesis of midrashhalakhah: The first century BCE revolution of 'returning to the text' among various streams of Palestinian Jewry had a far-reaching consequence: it was among the primary catalysts of the emergence of Torah study among Pharisaic or, better, traditional circles in the late Second Temple period.... Thus, paradoxically, rabbinic Judaism may in large measure owe its prime value. .. to its 'text oriented' opponents, of whom the most famous were the Dead Sea sect."'
Schremer, "[T]he[y] Did Not Read," 119 n. 46. Schremer, "[TIhe[y] Did Not Read," 119. h These traditions will eventually come to be known as the "Oral Torah" but the phrase M bvU= i1Mn does not occur in Tannaitic sources, and so is anachronistic in this context. On the historic development of an ideology of Oral Torah, see M. Jaffee, Torah in the Mouth: Writing and Oral Tradition in Palestinian Judaism 200 BCE-400 CE (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 2001) 84-99. ' See S.D. Fraade, "Interpretive Authority in the Studying Community at Qumran," JJS 44 (1993) 46-69. Schremer, "[T]he[y] Did Not Read," 108-13 See A.I. Baumgarten, "The Pharisaic Paradosis," HTR 80 (1987) 63-77. 10 Schremer, "[T]he[y] Did Not Read," 126. A similar argument appears in
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AZZAN YADIN
Let me state at the outset that I am very sympatheticto Schremer's portraitof Pharisaic-rabbinicJudaism strugglingto incorporatemidrash. But the characterizationof the rabbis as a single, known quantity requiresrevision. The present study will argue that-at least for legal hermeneutics-the divisions within the rabbiniccorpus are significantboth for the formationof legal midrashand for its relationto Qumranlegal interpretation.More specifically, I will argue that the legal hermeneuticsand traditionsof the school of Rabbi Ishmaeldisplay striking similaritiesto Qumranlaw in general and to MMT in particular. At issue is the well-knownassignmentof midresheihalakhahto the schools of Rabbi Aqiva and Rabbi Ishmael. This division was first proposed in 1888, when D. Hoffmannpublishedhis work Zur Einleitung in die halachischen Midraschim," in which he showed that the
four main legal midrashimform two groupsthat differwith regardto terminology, interpretivemethod, and rabbinic figures cited.'2 The Mekhiltaof Rabbi Ishmael(to Exodus) and the Sifre Numbersbelong to one groupwhile the Sifra (to Leviticus)and the Sifre Deuteronomy to another. Hoffman explained this discrepancy in source-critical terms:the Mekhiltaand the Sifre Numbersoriginatein the School of Rabbi Ishmael,the Sifra and the Sifre Deuteronomyin the School of Rabbi Aqiva. Hoffmann's hypothesis has met with widespread approval, particularlyamong Israeli scholars,and received its definitive statement in J.N. Epstein's Prolegomena to Tannaitic Literature.'3 As
P. Mandel, "Midrashic Exegesis and Its Precedents in the Dead Sea Scrolls," DSD 8 (2001) 149-68. '' D. Hoffmann, Zur- Einleitung in die halachisehen Midraschim (Berlin: M. Driesner, 1888), Hebrew translation Le-Heqer Midrashei ha-Tanna'im, in Mesilot leTorat ha-Tanna'im (trans. A.S. Rabinowitz; Tel Aviv: A.S. Rabinowitz, 1928). 2 For summary see J.N. Epstein, Prolegomena to Tannaitic Literature (Hebrew) (Tel Aviv and Jerusalem: Dvir and Magnes Press, 1957) 521-36; H.L. Strack and G. Stemberger, Introduttion to Talmud and Midrash (trans. M. Bockmuehl; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1996) 247-51. '1 J.N. Epstein, Prolegomena, 495-746. Another important figure in the study of rabbinic legal midrash is A.J. Heschel, whose investigations focus on the conceptual foundations underlying the division into different schools. See A.J. Heschel, Theology of Ancient Judaism (Hebrew), Vol. I, Vol. I (London and New York: Soncino Press, 1962); Vol. II (London and New York: Soncino Press, 1965); Vol. III (New York and Jerusalem: The Jewish Theological Seminary of America, 1995). For a discussion of Heschel's analysis see R. Schorsch, "The Hermeneutics of Heschel in Torah mill Hashamayim," Judaism 40 (1991) 301-8.
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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noted, the presentstudy focuses on the RabbiIshmaelmidrashim-the Mekhiltaand the Sifre Numbers.'4 A numberof writershave challengedthe notion that the division of the halakhic midrashimcan be tracedto the historic figures of Rabbi Ishmael and Rabbi Aqiva. G. Porton and J. Harris,the main proponents of this view, argue that rabbinicreferences to "Rabbi Aqiva" and "RabbiIshmael"as markersof distinctive interpretivetraditions are largely a productof Amoraic(or later)redactionand have little to do with the historicalTannaim.'sThese argumentsare not relevantfor the presentdiscussion.The distinctivepatternsidentifiedby Hoffmann are meaningful textual traits that bear on the interpretiveand, ultimately, theologicalorientationof the Mekhiltaand the Sifre Numbers, whetheror not they can be tracedto the Tanna Rabbi Ishmael.Since neitherHarrisnor Portonarguethat contentof the midresheihalakhah is not Tannaitic (though the collections were redacted after the Mishnah), the historic value of these works for the study of early Judaism is not diminishedby questionsregardingthe identity of the redactors.'6In this study, then, the phrases"RabbiIshmael"or "Rabbi Ishmael midrashim"are a shorthanddesignationfor a distinct, recognizable set of interpretive practices, assumptions, and terms that appearin the halakhicsections of the Mekhiltaof Rabbi Ishmaeland the Sifre Numbers,irrespectiveof whether they were penned by the historic Rabbi Ishmael. Rabbi Ishmael and the Marginalization of Extra-Scriptural Tradition
The most importantcharacteristicof the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim for the present discussion is their marginalizationof extra-scriptural traditions.This marginalizationis explicit, and cannotbe explainedas the result of the midrashicgenre of the Mekhiltaand Sifre Numbers. '4 This research is part of a book length study on the legal hermeneutics of Rabbi Ishmael tentatively titled Rabbi Ishamel: Torah and Logos, that I hope to publish in the near future. '" G. Porton, "The Artificial Dispute: Ishmael and 'Aqiva," Christianity, Judaism and other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Si.ty (ed. J. Neusner; SJLA 12; Leiden: Brill, 1975) 18-29; J. Harris, How Do We Know!This: Midrash and the Fragmentation of Modern Judaism (Albany: SUNY Press, 1995) 51-72. "6 B.Z. Wacholder has argued that the Mekhilta is post-tannaitic in "The Date of the Mekilta De-Rabbi Ishmael," HUCA 39 (1968) 117-44, but was decisively rebutted by M. Kahana in the appendix to "The Critical Editions of Mekhilta De-Rabbi Ishmael in Light of the Genizah Fragments" (Hebrew), Tarbiz 55 (1985) 515-52.
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AZZAN YADIN
A well-knownpassage from the school of Rabbi Ishmaelteaches: m tsvnmfn -ins: munc r1milmn (D^:t
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"You shall take an awl" (Deut. 15:17):This was the source of Rabbi Ishmael's saying:In three places halakhahcircumventsScripture:the Torahsays, "he shall pourout its blood and cover it with earth"(Lev. 17:13)while the halakhahsays, with anythingthat grows plants;the Torah says, "He writes her a documentof divorce"(Deut. 24:1) while the halakhahsays, [he may write] on anythingthat was separatedfrom the ground;the Torah says, "with an awl" while halakhah says "with anything."'7
This passage,recentlydiscussedby D. Henshke,'8teachesthat there are three instances in which halakhah bypasses Scripture. In this derashah,'9halakhahstands in contrastto Scriptureand so is similar to (and is probablyan ellipsis of) halakhahle-Moshemi-Sinai,an oral traditionoriginatingat Sinai.20The statementthat halakhahbypasses Scripturein three places must be understoodin light of the "three exceptions"patternin the Rabbi Ishmaelmidrashim:2' * "This is one of the three instances in which Rabbi Ishmael interpretedthe accusativeparticlen1."22 * "RabbiIshmael says: Every DO ('if') in the Torah refers to a voluntaryactwiththeexceptionof three[whichreferto obligatoryacts]."23
" Sifre Deut. ?122 (ed. Finkelstein, 180). On the misplacement of this derashah in Sifre Deuteronomy, a compilation associated with Rabbi Aqiva, see Epstein, Prolegomena, 558-59. 18 D. Henshke, "On the Nature of Tannaitic Legal Midrash: Two Issues" (Hebrew), Tarbiz 65 (1996) 417-38. For a discussion of the different manuscript versions of this passage, see 430-33. "9 I follow the terminological conventions suggested by D. Weiss Halivni (Midrash, Mishnah, and Gemara: The Jewish Predilection for Justified Lahw[Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986] 15-16), according to which "midrash" refers to an interpretive institution, while "derashah" (plural: derashot) to a discrete literary unit of midrash. 21 Following the analysis of C. Hayes in "Halakhah leMoshe mi-Sinai in Rabbinic Sources: A Methodological Case Study," The Synoptic Problem in Rabbinic Literature (ed. S.J.D. Cohen; BJS 326; Providence, RI: Brown Judaic Studies, 2000) 61-117. On Tannaitic sources, see pp. 66-77. 21 Independently recognized by Henshke, "On the Nature of Tannaitic Legal Midrash," 428-29. Henshke does not cite the fourth and fifth derashot. 22 Sifre Num. ?32 (ed. Horovitz, 38). 23 Mekhilta Bahodesh 11 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 243).
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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* "This is one of three expressionsin the Torahwhich Rabbi Ishmael used to interpretas a bt0 (= allegory)."24 * "Thus you must say that Aaron was not directly addressedin any of the divine communicationsin the Torah, with the exception of three."25
* "Rabbisays: Even when Scripturedoes not use the expression'saying' or 'and you shall say unto them' the commandmentis for all generations,with the exception of three instances."26 In each of these derashot the three exceptional cases are exhaustive, that is, the rule holds except for these three cases. The statement that halakhahbypasses Scripturein three places fits this pattern,and so these three instancesconstituteexceptionsto the (implicit)rule that halakhahdoes not bypass Scripture.This statementis of critical importance because halakhah functions as an independent source of authorityonly inasmuchas it does bypass Scripture,that is, only inasmuch as it is extra-scriptural. This is a definitiveaspect of the Pharisaic paradosis,27and, more importantly,the explicit meaningof Rabbi Ishmael's contrasts.Scripturesays X, but halakhahsays Y-but only thrice. If halakhah is an extra-scripturalauthority,Rabbi Ishmael's dictum means that there are only three cases in which the non-scriptural nature of the legal conclusion necessitates the introductionof halakhah.In all other cases Scriptureprovidesthe requisiteinformation, obviatingthe need for "external"halakhah.Taken at face value, then, this passage attributesto Rabbi Ishmael a position that effectively neutralizesthe role of extra-scripturaltraditionin all but the bare minimumof instances.28 The idea that a centralrabbinicfigure such as Rabbi Ishmael marginalizes extra-scriptural traditionis problematicsince these traditions, the "Oral Law," are viewed as constitutiveof rabbinic identity. Yet there is compelling evidence that this is the case. For starters, the Rabbi Ishmael midrashimdo not cite non-scripturaltraditionsexcept for the three mentionedin the above derashah.29It could be objected
Mekhilta Neziqin 6 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 270). Mekhilta Pisha I (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 1). 26 Mekhilta Vayehi I (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 83). 27 "[P]aradosis was not written in the law of Moses (almost by definition)," Baumgarten, "The Pharisaic Paradosis," 70. 28 Henshke tries to avoid this conclusion, but his arguments are not persuasive, as I show at length in my study. 29 There are references to mishnaic dicta introduced by 1nns 't:0, but these are 24
25
136
AZZAN YADIN
that the absence of oral traditions in the Mekhilta and the Sifre Numbers is immaterial since they are midrashic and thus disposed by genre toward Scripture rather than oral tradition. But this objection is not decisive since the Sifra-the Rabbi Aqiva midrash on Leviticus frequently cites rabbinic statements divorced from scriptural argument.30 Conversely, the Mishnah and Tosefta do not contain a single statement spoken by Rabbi Ishmael "in the name of" (r7lo or Don) another sage. In other words, even the non-midrashic (and thus "genre appropriate") collections do not present Rabbi Ishmael as the recipient of extra-scriptural halakhot.3' Indeed, Tannaitic literature does not portray Rabbi Ishmael as learning halakhah from a master. As M. Petuchowski writes: "So wenig wir uber die Herkunft des R. Ismael aus den Talmuden wissen, so diirftig sind auch die Nachrichten uber seine Jugendzeit und seine Erziehung."32This is a critical matter for a religious model whose authority derives from transmission of an oral tradition. According to the Babylonian Talmud, Rabbi Ishmael did have a teacher, Rabbi Nehunia ben ha-Qana. "R. Yohanan said: 'Rabbi Ishmael who was the disciple of Rabbi Nehunia ben ha-Qana, who explicated the entire Torah in kelal u-ferat, he too [= Rabbi Ishmael] explicates by kelal u-ferat."33Note, however, that Rabbi Ishmael's discipleship involves the reception of exegetic principles, not extra-scriptural legal teachings. Now, it could be argued that the evidence of the Mishnah and Tosefta is inconclusive since these collections stem from the school of Rabbi Aqiva, and the oral traditions of Rabbi Ishmael are to be sought in Mishnah-like collections of his school. No such collection is extant, however, and it appears none ever existed. As D. Weiss Halivni has written: "Is it merely an accident that we are not in possession of Mishnah from the school of R. Ishmael (although we do have Midreshei Halakhah from both schools), or was there no Mishnah
likely late additions, as argued by Halivni, Midrash, Mishnah, and Gemara, 61 and esp. nn. 48-50. 30 I plan to devote a separate study to this matter. '1 The Tosefta records statements in the name of Rabbi Ishmael, but this shows that Rabbi Ishmael's statements were acceptable to later rabbis; the present inquiry involves the sources of authority for Rabbi Ishmael. 32 M. Petuchowski, Der Tanna Rabbi Ismael (Frankfurt a.M.: Kaufmann, 1894) 11; emphasis added. A. Hyman (Toldoth Tannaim Ve'Amoraim [Jerusalem: Machon Pri Ha'Aretz, 1987] 1.820) cites a number of cases in which Rabbi Ishmael "learns" halakhah from senior sages, but the encounters described are confrontational in nature. The need to cite these passages testifies to the absence of unproblematic evidence of Rabbi Ishmael receiving traditions from teachers. 33 B. Shevu. 26a.
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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in the school of R. Ishmael? The evidence seems to favor the latter solution."34
In short,RabbiIshmaeldoes not transmitextra-scriptural traditions, has no (non-exegetic)teachers,andhis schoolproducedno non-midrashic legal collections. Still, proving absence is notoriouslydifficult since the evidence is by its very naturee silentio and thus of limited force. There is, however, positive evidence for the conceptual absence of
traditionsfrom the RabbiIshmaelcorpus,based on the extra-scriptural terminologyof theRabbiIshmaelmidrashimandof theMishnah.Analysis of the two sources reveals not only that the formerdoes not refer to extra-scriptural traditions,but that the termsused to describethe transmission and recordingof these traditionsin the Mishnahappearin the Rabbi Ishmael midrashimin a scriptural-exegetical-meaning. a) Perhapsthe most central term in the transmissionof oral traditions is "hearing"(DrnO). The following mishnahis typical: Rabbi Akiva said: I asked Rabban Gamliel and Rabbi Yehoshua in the market of Emmaus where they went to buy a beast for the wedding-feast of the son of Rabban Gamliel, [and I said,j If a man had sexual relations with his sister and his father's sister and his mother's sister during one spell of forgetfulness, what happens?-is he liable for one offering for them all or for one offering each? They said to me, We have not heard about this, but we have heard [a tradition] ":t ,117VOV tk) that if a man had sexual relations during one spell of for(11DOO getfulness with his five wives who were menstruants, he is liable for each one of them separately, and we consider that this applies still more so in the other case.35
Rabbi Aqiva presentsto his teachers the case of a man who has committedrepeatedsexual offenses duringa single bout of forgetfulness: Does this count as a single offense or as five separateoffenses? RabbanGamliel and Rabbi Yehoshua respond "we have not heard" (11=rntO) an extra-scripturaltraditionabout this case, but they have heard an analogoustraditionand infer from it regardingthe matterat hand. Contrastthe employmentof the same phrasein the Mekhilta: "[If he did not do it by design...] I will assign you a place to which he can flee" (Exod. 21:13): But we have not heard (11DVOAt7) where. Thus you reason, refuge was mentioned both in the context of that time and in the context of future generations. And just as in the latter the Levite cities offer refuge, so too in the former do the Levite encampments offer the refuge.36
-4 Weiss Halivni, Midrash, Mishnah and Gemara, 60-61. -3 M. Ker. 3:7. 36 Mekhilta Neziqin 4 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 262).
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The previous verse, Exod. 21:12, declares that "he who fatally strikes a man shall be put to death,"while Exod. 21:13 qualifiesthis statementby stating that if the act was unintentionalthe perpetrator should not be punished.Instead,God "will assign" a place to which the inadvertentkiller may flee from the vengeance of the victim's family. But this criticalinformationis not communicatedto the reader as no locationis assigned.Scriptureindicatesthe locationwill be assigned but in fact "we have not heardwhere."In light of Scripture'ssilence, the Mekhiltainfers the locationsfrom an analogousmatter:just as the cities of refuge (Num. 35:6) are partof the Levite estate, so too in the desert the encampmentof Levi serves as the place of refuge. The Mishnahand the Mekhiltaemploy the same phrase- zun RJto express non-receptionof pertinentinformationand in both cases the absence of informationsanctionsthe use of a hermeneuticargument. The key differencelies in the identityof the speaker.In the Mekhilta &' always refers to Scripture'ssilence (and the Sifre Numbers),U3)UW on a particularpoint. For the Mishnah1:iV0 St always indicatesthe sageshavenotreceivedan oraltraditionfromtheirteachers.Significantly, traditions, the Sifra also employs II.= &' to refer to extra-scriptural so the absence of this meaningin the Mekhiltaand the Sifra Numbers cannot be explained as the result of difference in genre. The dual sense of I].= tA-referring to oral traditionsin the Mishnahbut to Scripturein the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim-is typical of a series of words and phrases.It is not possible, in the presentcontext,to discuss all of them in detail, but I will briefly cite importantexamples. b) M. Yev. 15:1-2 recordsa disputebetween the Schools of Hillel and Shammai. The House of Shammai accepts the testimony of a woman who returnsfrom overseas and states that her husbandhas died, but the House of Hillel objects since they have "not heard" (again, 1:.no Xb) regardingthis particularcase, but only the case of a woman who returnsfrom the harvestin the same country.The House of Shammaiargues that the precise details surroundingthe woman's absence are immaterial:the earlier sages spoke of the harvestwithin the same countryonly because "thatwas the case underdiscussion" rnr t). The Mekhilta employs a similar formula to (mv1nx CtsD'rflF 1explain particularexamplesbut it is not the sages giving the example but Scripture:"Scripturespoke thus because that was the case under discussion"('1;17--nDIT-1:1-).17
37
See, e.g., Mekhilta Neziqin 20 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 320-21).
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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c) In the Mishnah the word Dn0 refers to an oral traditiontransmittedwithout explanationbut explainedby anothersage: They said to [Rabbi Eliezer], Why do you use the term sheloshit? He said to them, I heard it thus, withoutexplanation(onr). Ben Azzai said, I will explain it. . . 38
In the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim,CnMrefers to a scripturalstatement made without explication, and it is Scripturethat interpretsits own statement: Since all the oaths in the Torahare said withoutexplanation(CY10) and Scripture 9 for you.... specifies (rMnIMD)
d) In the Mishnahthe verb 0"1p1("to establish, sustain")refers to tradition: interpretationsthat supportextra-scriptural Rabbi Eliezer [said] I have not hearda tradition(=tWr Kt7) [regardinga particular matter].RabbiYehudaben Batyrasaid to him, I will expoundit. He said to him, only if to confirmthe words of Sages (C'=n7-n:i r"p'-). [RabbiYehuda ben Batyraexpoundedand Rabbi Eliezer said] You are a great Sage in that you have confirmedthe words of the Sages (0'?3:m no- -1).4O
In the Rabbi Ishmaelmidrashimthe same verb refers to interpretations that supportthe textual integrityof Scripture.The phrase':t nM0 0"przintroducesa verse that needs to be re-examinedin light of a particular interpretation,setting up an interpretationthat explains the function of a verse that appears prima facie pleonastic or contradic-
tory. To "establish,sustain"the biblical verse is to confirmits validrT: asks how two contradictory ity. Similarly ml-nn: '2t 1077"pn' verses can be maintained. Otherexamples could be cited, but hopefully the point is clear: the terminologyof extra-scripturaltraditionin the Mishnahis the terminology of scripturalinterpretationin the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim. The argumentis not (e silentio) that the Mekhiltaand Sifre Numbers do not record oral traditions,but that they cannot do so because the requisite terminology-and the accompanying conceptual framework-is dedicatedto scripturalanalysis.This argument,with the evidence adduced above and the decidedly Scripture-centered nature of the Mekhiltaand the Sifre Numberssuggest Rabbi Ishmael does not value extra-scripturaltraditionshighly. So while it is wrong to speak
38 M. 39
40
Par. 1:1. Mekhilta Neziqin 16 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 303). M. Neg. 9:3.
140
AZZAN YADIN
of an outrightrejectionof extra-scripturaltraditions-there are, after all, threeplaces in which halakhahbypassesScripture-Rabbi Ishmael n1ri than to the `n71Arn:L7n . is closer to Qumran'smnirn As noted, these findingsare surprisingsince the authorityof extrascripturaltraditionis the markerpar excellence of Pharisaicidentity, and-one of the lines that identify the rabbis-and the Oral Law-as heirs to the Pharisees.Conversely,the most plausibleexplanationfor the marginalstatus of halakhahin the Rabbi Ishmaelcorpus may be that Rabbi Ishmael is not heir to the Pharisaictraditionbut to themore accurately:to a-priestly tradition. Rabbi Ishmael and Priesthood
It has long been recognizedthat Rabbi Ishmaelis of priestlyorigin. This is the view of the rabbinictexts, which-though they must be read critically-remain the primarysource for knowledge regarding the sages. RabbiIshmael'srabbinic"biography"is sparsebut indicates he comes from a priestlyfamily. In the Tosefta, RabbiIshmaelswears by the priestly garb worn by his father, suggestinghis father served in the Temple,4'and a later Amoraic source preservesa mnemonic phrase- :7:zvr1n Kn: &7S500t-thatpresupposeshis priestlystatus.42 Amongmodernscholarsthereis somecontroversywhetherRabbiIshmael was the son or the grandsonof a high priest,but for the presentpurposes it need only be establishedthat Rabbi Ishmael is of (broadly understood)priestlyorigin.43 The ideathattheRabbiIshmaellegal traditionsarespecificallypriestly is also not new. The most vocal proponentof this view was A. Geiger, who arguedthat Rabbi Ishmaelrepresentsthe older halakhictradition thatwas eventuallyoverlaidwiththenew-Aqivan-traditions.4 Inmore recentscholarship,RabbiIshmael'spriestlyroots figureprominentlyin M. Hirshman's book Torah for the Entire World.45Working primarily
4' T. Hal. 1:10.
B. Hul. 49a. For a summary and bibliography of the various positions, see G. Porton, The Traditions of Rabbi Ishmael (SJLA 19; Leiden: Brill, 1982) 4.213 n. 2. 4 See A. Geiger, Ha-Miqra ve-Targumav (Jerusalem: Mossad Bialik, 1949; translation of Urschrift und Ubersetzungen der Bibel in ihrer Abhdngigkeit von der inneeji Entwickelung des Judentums [Breslau: J. Hainauer, 1857]). 41 M. Hirshman, Torahfor the Entire World(Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: HakibbutzHameuchad, 1999). 42
4'
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
141
with aggadic material, Hirshman identifies a universalistic current within Tannaitic literatureaccording to which, inter alia, the Torah should be disseminatedamong the gentiles, a non-Jew can attain the statusof a high priest,and conversionis to be encouraged.46 Hirshman demonstratesthat the universalisticcurrentstems from the school of Rabbi Ishmael, and, significantly,that the currenthas its roots in thesecond temple priesthood.47 In other words, Hirshmanshows that the school of Rabbi Ishmael is heir to priestly traditions.I propose that the priestlybackgroundof Rabbi Ishmaelexplains the marginalization of extra-scripturalhalakhahin the Mekhiltaand the Sifre Numbers.48 Re-framingRabbi Ishmael as a (rabbinicand) priestly figure allows for the possibilityof closer connectionsbetween him and the Qumran traditions.In what follows I argue that such connectionsexist, particularly in MMT. I focus on three issues: sharedlegal hermeneuticsand traditions;the term mn:; and the addresseeof MMT. Shared Legal Traditions
The following are a numberof similaritiesbetween MMT and the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim. a) B 62-63: :bultsnin
rrON-:
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And concerning the (fruits of) trees with edible fruit planted in the Land of Israel: they are to be dealt with like first fiuits belonging to the priests.
The editors suggest that this passage is based on Lev. 19:23-25, which forbideating the fruitof a tree in the firstthreeyears of its life, noting49that the subjectmay also be the fruit tithe-though this question is moot for the presentdiscussion. Unnoted is the second hemistich in which MMT draws an analogy between the fruit trees and the "first fruits [= of the soil]," the nfsf.
This key word connects the
MMT ruling to the two biblical passages that discuss the rvNt-:
4 See Torah for the Entire World, passim, and, in shortened form, M. Hirshman, "Rabbinic Universalism in the Second and Third Centuries," HTR 93 (2000) 101-15. 47 Hirshman, Torah for the Entire Wo1)ld, 114-22. 48 On the biblical priest as authorized interpreter of "Scripture" (an anachronistic term in this context) see J. Blenkinsopp, Sage, Pr-iest, Prophet: Religious and Intellectual Leadership in Ancient Israel (Libraryof Ancient Israel; Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1995) 82-83. On priests as interpreters in the second temple period, see M. Stone, "Three Transformations in Judaism: Scripture, History, and Redemption," Numen 32 (1985) 218-35, esp. 219-23. 49
DJD 10.164 n. 147.
142
AZZAN YADIN
nw'Vl ("The choice i. Exod. 23:19,50 1'FT*b 'M ln' WM7lMI '-n1::z your first fruits of your soil you shall bring to the house of the LORD God.") ii. Deut. 26:1-10 (cited in abbreviatedform): -i n:
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When you enter the land that the LORDyour God is giving you as a heritage... you shall take some of every first fruit of the soil ... The priest shall take the basket from your hand and set it down in front of the altar of the LORDyour God.... You shall leave it before the LORD your God and bow low before the LORD your God.
MMT states, then, that the fruit trees (whetherof the fourthyear or the fruit tithe) are-like the fl"'R-flfor the priests, suggesting the fl'Cr: is an outstandingexample of an offeringdedicatedto the priest. But it is not. There are numerousofferingsthat are explicitly defined as being "for the priest,"5'but while the first fruits are broughtto the Temple neitherExodus nor Deuteronomystate that the offeringis for the priest. MMT's emphaticassertionthat c'l:)m2 K1nfl'VJ7z is not, then, a transparentrestatementof biblical law but a resolutionof a biblical ambiguity. Interestingly,the same procedureis found in a derashahattributedto Rabbi Ishmael: M07Mm-= :701A **X.VMOn; :s M M ?1;71:tI`:M7PM3 91,70 `& .. 7M 1;:171 7OR"p IMINt (M':;: Trn) "[77T's 'T F:1 XMr1]1r1r14 7=:: n'1FTrC UUMV&' t171"O ::n,
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"So too every gift among the sacred donations that the Israelites offer shall be the priest's" (Num. 5:9): Rabbi Ishmael says, Is the gift offered to the priests? Why then does it state "that [the Israelites] offer shall be the priest's"? Because it says, "The choice first fruits of your soil you shall bring to the house of the LORD your God" (Exod. 23:19), but we have not heard what shall be done with them. Thus it is stated, "shall be the priest's." Scripture (ha-katuv) comes in order to teach regarding the first fruits that they are given to the priest."
5I
Parallel at Exod. 34:26.
1' See, e.g., Lev. 5:13, 16; 7:9; 23:20. 52 C,:1:: is an example of the rare rabbinic nof'al. See M. Bar-Asher, "Preliminary Investigations of the Rabbinic Hebrew Found in MS Vatican 32 of the Sifre Numbers" (Hebrew), Studies in Talmudic Literature, in Post-Biblical Hebrew and in Biblical Exegesis (Hebrew) (eds G. Brin, M.A. Friedman, and A. Tal; Te'udah 3; Tel Aviv: University of Tel Aviv, 1983) 153 at ?35. 1' Sifre Numbers ?5 (ed. Horovitz, 8).
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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Beginningwith Num. 5:9, Rabbi Ishmaeluses a complex argument to introduceExod. 23:19 and establish that the first fruits of the soil are given to the priest, assertingwith MMT that the ronWCis . b) B 25-28 [1`71' Nftc
tVs:
MnW-7]nM`:71 t:[-l
INn[ nuxsionl: mnnt
-110[0,7
1]IRINK1 D [Y1]Iz
[ :1:* :]
": U"m] ::Iln tt t[.U]lj5 tDnz^ Mtn 111. ns:.-
. .. tDi Mz2l '1tD
[for the sons] of the priestsshould[takecare] concerningall [these] practices,[so as not to] cause the people to bear punishment.[And concerning]that it is written: [if a personslaughtersinside the camp, or slaughters]outside the camp cattle or sheep or goat.
Lev. 17:3 prohibitsthe non-ritualslaughter(hullin) and consumption of animals, stating that slaughtermust not occur "outsidethe camp." This is the readingthat underliesMMT, which goes on (B 29-31) to identify the camp in questionas the city of Jerusalem,suggestingthat the hullin prohibitionis still in force. As for the rabbis, the interpretation of this verse was a matter of controversy between Rabbi Ishmaeland RabbiAqiva. The formerunderstandsit-with MMT-as prohibitingthe consumptionof hullin. Rabbi Aqiva, however, argues that eating hullin was permitted in the desert and the prohibition applies only to the slaughterof qodashim-the sacrifice of sheep or goat or oxen-outside the Tent of Meeting."4So while MMT and Rabbi Ishmael differ as to the "contemporary"legal question of whetherit is properto eat hullin, they share the interpretationof Lev. 17:3 as a prohibitionagainsthullin, a view disputedby Rabbi Aqiva.55 c) B 36-38 -nt-i rfi n:r' tt1"m=]in irn[xr rtt i'm : iin cttnxn[ [b.vi ... Inr MID711 onKl IMM"ns IMKstION..VO] -brl ns t:R:DK^X smor 1:[M:s]
tZIN,;
[And concerningpregnant(animals)]we are of the opin[ionthat] the motherand its fetus [may not be sacrificed]on the same day [............ And concerning] eating (a fetus): we are of the opinion that the fetus [found in its (dead) mother'swomb may be eaten (only) after it has been ritually slaughtered.And you know that it is] so.
I See the extended discussion in E. Eshel, "4QLEVd:A Possible Source for the Temple Scroll and Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah,"DSD 2 (1995) 1-13. Eshel's reconstructionof 4QLEVdis challengedby M. Kister, "Studiesin 4QMiqsatMa'age HaTorah and RelatedTexts: Law, Theology, Languageand Calendar"(Hebrew),Tarbiz 68 (1999) 337 n. 84, but Kister'scritiquedoes not affect the broaderissue at hand. S5 See Kister,"Studies,"337.
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AZZAN YADIN
MMT prohibits the slaughter of pregnant animals and further stipulates that a fetus must be slaughtered before it is eaten. The editors of DJD 10 state that "[t]hese laws should be viewed in the framework of the general juridical problem of whether the embryo is a living creature or merely a part of the mother"56 and that MMT's position opposes "rabbinic halakha in which the fetus is viewed as part of the mother and not as an independent entity."57As Y. Sussmann notes in his contribution to the volume,"8 already Geiger recognized the status of the fetus as a point of sectarian controversy. Moreover, Geiger explicitly recognizes Rabbi Ishmael as holding the ("non-rabbinic") view that the fetus is an independent creature.59 d) B 13-1660
And concerning the purity-regulations of the cow of the purification-offering (i.e.. the red cow): he who slaughters it and he who burns it and he who gathers its ashes and he who sprinkles the [water ofl purification-it is at sun[selt that all these become pure so that the pure man may sprinkle upon the impure one.
As M. Kister argues, MMT's position is found in two other Qumran fragments:
56
DJD 10.157.
'DJ D 10.157. 8 DJD 10.189, and in greater detail Y. Sussmann, "The History of Hulakha and the Dead Sea Scrolls-Preliminary Observations on Miqsat Ma'a?e Ha-Torlah (4QMMT)" (Hebrew), Tarbiz 59 (1990) 33. 59 Geiger, Ha-Miqra ve-Targumav, 343-44, where he cites the Mekhilta's discussion of Exod. 20:23 (Mekhilta Neziqin 8 [ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 275-76]). Geiger's position has been criticized by Z.M. Pineles (Darkhah Shel Toralh [Vienna: F. Forster, 1861]), and a number of later scholars have referred to Pineles as decisively discrediting Geiger's view (e.g., E.E. Urbach, The Sages: Their Concepts and Belieks IJerusalem: Magnes Press, 1983] 214 n. 90 [Hebrew]; Weiss Halivni, Midrash, Mishnah and Gemaraa, 134 n. 46). But at least as far as the question of fetal life is concerned, Pineles's argument (190-91) is not conclusive. Briefly, Pineles's argument hangs on the fact that an explicit statement attributed to Rabbi Ishmael prohibiting the murder of a fetus (b. San. 57b) is cited as part of a discussion of the Noahide laws and thus applies only to non-Jews. It does not follow, however, that the statement was made in this context, i.e., that it is not intended as a general statement to the effect that the fetus is considered a human being. The Talmud itself runs into difficulty because an exclusively gentile prohibition against killing the fetus contradicts the dictum that appears later in the discussion according to which nothing is permitted to Jews that is ) (b. San. 59a). -10 C. 'n prohibited to gentiles (710K -': -1D: O'The following is a summary of Kister's erudite analysis in "Studies," 330-35.
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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i. 4Q277 that contains the phrase::zni msRn 5i:r -nm v i instc n:n 7nrt rK ii. 4QDd+4QDf that contains the phrase: : -n ist [w~r3UnIts The terminologyof these texts is very similar to a passage attributed to Rabbi Ishmael: RtW
771 W'7M
DS,s:M ,;:t;:nC:~
t1:1
7M* mn
~~ ~-,it: ~
-,IrC ?"7
1rMMC:sKn7 ?71M KMntkew nOIR nSn:s! tlsnmn ~~~~~~~~~= RInn
7770
T
"Pure" (Num. 19:9): As Rabbi Ishmael says "pure," why was this stated? For until it says thus I could reason that if the sprinkler is pure, should the gatherer not be pure? Thus what is taught by saying "pure"? Pure of all impurity, and which is that? That is the tevul yom.6"
The derashah is difficult.Why would Rabbi Ishmaelargue that the tevul yom is pure of all impurity,when rabbiniclaw does not allow him to eat the terumah, the contributiondedicated to the priests? Kister argues persuasively that the Sifre Numbers is struggling with
the terminologyof an earlier interpretivetraditionthat is reflectedin the languageof fragments(i) and (ii), reinterpretingit to reach a different conclusion than that of MMT. As with B 25-28 (the question of hullin) the legal conclusion of Rabbi Ishmael is not the same as MMT's, but the derashah nonetheless reflects a shared interpretive and terminological tradition. In sum, MMT and the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim exhibit shared elements-terminology, legal positions-in a
significantnumberof instances,reflectinga closer connectionthan is usually attributed to Qumran and the rabbis. The Role of fIM-lflFI/
In DJD 10, Qimroncalls attentionto what he takes to be the anomalous use of inn: in 4QMMT: "The word is known in [Mishnaic Hebrew]as a technicalterm introducingscripturalcitations. In MMT it never introducesbiblical verses."62The second of these statementsthe categorical assertion that MMT does not introduce biblical verses-has been challenged by Qumran scholars. M.J. Bernstein cautiously notes: "That irlZ need not introduce a quotation in 4QMMT is clear; whether it can is another issue."63G.J. Brooke offers a more
61 62 63
Sifre Numbers ?124 (ed. Horovitz, 157).
DJD 10.140.
M.J. Bernstein, "The Employment and Interpretation of Scripture in 4QMMT:
146
AZZAN YADIN
vigorouschallenge,arguingthat:In: introducesverbatimbiblicalcitations (at B 70; C 6) or scripturalcitationswith only minorchanges(at B 66-67; C 12-16 and more).' Even Brooke admits, however, that some statementsintroducedby Inn: are patentlynon-biblical,particu, "the matter is written concerning a larly B 38, -iFrminn: pregnant[animal]."But the problemof inn: introducingnon-biblical statementsis more apparentthan real. From a rabbinic perspective Qimron'sfirst statement-that inn: is a technicalterm that introduces scripturalcitations-is too categoricalas well. As W. Bacher recognized more than a century ago,65Tannaitic midrashuses two distincttermsto describeScripture,-i-li and mn:fn. According to Bacher the terms are basically synonymous ("Gleich nnl: wird auch MnI bei Personificirung(sic) der h. Schriftangewendet.. ."),66 and Bacher's view has not, to my knowledge,been challenged. Its broad acceptance notwithstanding,Bacher's assertion of synonymity-at least as far as the Rabbi Ishmaelmidrashimare concerned-is mistaken.There are significantdifferencesin the functions and :Mn:n,and while detailedanalysis lies beyondthe purview of M-m1M of the presentdiscussion,this much can be said: biblical citationsare 7m1Rbut never by :=n;7. Instead, often introducedby the phrasen-m1M in"nI is representedas an active interpreterof Scripture.It employs marks distinct legal cases :nnK: :);67 heqqesh (analogy) :nn:nR-:);68 equates analogous legal cases (-trnn 1fl 1,= pt nt n O:);69and more. Though b:: mit mn mnmiMn:n (flfnns rmnrz not exhaustive,this list shows that Qimron's statementthat rabbinic literatureemploys :=lZ "as a technicaltermintroducingscripturalcitations" needs to be nuanced. In the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim(the is distinguishedfrom mmlnprecisely in that it does not definite):mnn:1
Preliminary Observations," Reading 4QMMT: New Perspectives on QumrianLaw and Histo,y (eds J. Kampen and M.J. Bernstein; SBLSym 2; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996)
39 n. 23. 4 G.J. Brooke, "The Explicit Presentation of Scripture in 4QMMT," Legal Texts and Legal Issues: Proteedings of the Second Meeting of the International Organization f)r Qumran Studies, Cambridge, 1995: Published in Honour of Joseph M. Baumgarten (eds M.J. Bernstein, F. Garcia Martinez, and J. Kampen; STDJ 23; Leiden: Brill, 1997) 67-88. 65 W. Bacher, Die bibelexegetische Terminologie dec Tannaiten (Leipzig: J.C. Hinrichs, 1899; reprinted Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1965) 197. M Bacher, Die bibelexegetisehe Ternminologie,197. 6 Sifre Num. ?1 18 (ed. Horovitz, 140-41). 6x Mekhilta Neziqin 10 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 283). 4 Mekhilta Pisha 15 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 57).
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
147
introducescripturalcitations. Moreover,one of the formulasused by Rabbi Ishmael--:Irr In:Fr-functionssimilarlyto MIlZin B 38. The following are typical uses of the phrase: 7 n7 : M* "m:tn': M-wl p 1UMnr 71m mIN :'pnmM* -IN 1: sT 1": .-M-M MIMIzi70-11K -n10 ts.UZV` "II :(T:5 7:1-70)
"Theseare the laws that the LORDenjoinedupon Moses between a man and his wife, and as between a fatherand his daughterwhile in her father'shousehold by reasonof her youth"(Num. 30:17): RabbiIshmaelsays, ha-katuvspeaks of a betrothedgirl.70 72-TO
D:izl
II-t
il751:1 :(=10n
"10.UM Nsvn lQ :r" I=
"If you fail to observe [any] one of the commandments" (Num. 15:22):ha-katuv speaks of idolatry.7' -1:11 DMTO1JU=:
101Kl*V00-
-Z-
. :(n::: nnns) "7:W MAOlt ',::" Z
"Whena man strikeshis slave" (Exod. 21:20): ... Rabbi Ishmaelsays: ha-katuv speaks of a Canaaniteslave.72
The use of :in:= is consistent. Where Scripture refers to "a wife ...
and [a] daughterin her father'shousehold"the Sifre specifies "mrn:n speaks of a betrothed girl";73 where Scripture speaks of failure to
observe the commandments,the Sifre specifies ""Imn:Fspeaks of idolatry";and where Scripturespeaks of a slave, the Mekhiltaspecifies "rnMnz speaks of a Canaanite slave." In short, rnn:7 specifies the identity or status of the subject under discussion which might otherwise be halakhicallyunclear. As noted, an undeniablynon-scripturaluse of inn: in MMTappears at B 38. Immediatelyafter the discussion of the status of the fetus,74 MMT states:rr:m inn: :nnnr("the ruling refers (to) a pregnantanimal").As the editorsnote, the biblical prohibitionunderlyingthis passage is Lev. 22:28, 7in M-: ltcncn Kt IM:ntl Int no IR -1rn ("[N]o animal from the herd or from the flock shall be slaughteredon the same day with its young"). The Bible prohibitsslaughteringnlI 1flR
70 Sifre Num. ?156 (ed. Horovitz, 208).
Sifre Num. ?111 (ed. Horovitz, 116). Mekhilta Neziqin 7 (ed. Horovitz-Rabin, 272). 7' Rabbi Ishmael interprets the mention of the father and the husband as the condition in which hotth have the right to annul the woman's vows, i.e., when she is betrothed but still in her father's custody. This interpretation radically limits the application of these laws, on which see M. Halbertal, Interpretive Revolutions in the Making: Values as Interpretive Considerations in Midrashei Halakhah (Hebrew) (Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1997) 69-74. 1 Section c, above pp. 143-44. 7'
72
148
AZZAN YADIN
in, literally, "him and his son" on the same day. MMT, however, interprets this verse such that the biblical 1FR ("him") refers to pregnant animals and 1=l ("his son") refers to the fetus. The legal unclarity regarding the animals referred to in Lev. 22:28 is resolved by MMT, which specifies pregnant animals as the subject of the verse by rin -r. inn: asserting that rr There are, to be sure, significant differences between this phrase nFfl TiRn. In the and Rabbi Ishmael's terminology, e.g., m:n1 former inn: is the past participle, in the latter the nominal subject; the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim employ the definite form, MMT the indefinite; and perhaps most significantly, the Rabbi Ishmael midrashim employ Znn:n as part of an opposition whose other member, n-n11,does not even occur in the legal section of MMT.75Nonetheless, there is a fundamental similarity between MMT's ni:: inn: mfnf and Rabbi Ishmael's i-i70 Zl:lFF ;lrn7 t -in both cases :=(Fr) clarifies the nature or status the subject of a biblical verse. Without eliding the differences, it seems to me that this core similarity is strong enough that MMT's use of :nfI: in B 38 should not be seen as problematic and unprecedented, rather as a variant of a hermeneutic formula known from rabbinic literature. The Addressee of 4QMMT Finally, I briefly note the possible significance of these findings for identifying the "you" of MMT. By "you" I mean what is usually referred to as the addressee, though S. Fraade and M. Grossman have recently challenged the assumed epistolary nature of MMT.76Whether MMT addresses an external recipient or an intramural reader, it represents the "you" as a group with shared beliefs and positions. The identification of this group has traditionally been a problem since it is clear from MMT that the "you" are priestly (they are involved in sacrifices, priestly purity, etc.), yet the legal positions attributed to this group largely correspond to the Pharisaic positions recorded in the Mishnah.77Is the "you" group made up of priests or Pharisees? It Redactional Study." Rev'Q 1} (1997) '5 Noted by M. Perez Fernandez, "4QQMMT: 197. 11 See S.D. Fraade. "To Whom it May Concern: 4QMMT and Its Addressee(s)," RevQ 19 (2000) 507-26, and M.L. Grossman, "Reading 4QMMT: Genre and History," Rev'Q 20 (2001) 1-22. " See L.H. Schiffman, "The Pharisees and Their Legal Traditions According to the Dead Sea Scrolls," DSD 8 (2001) 262-77, esp. 273-77.
4QMMT, RABBI ISHMAEL, AND THE ORIGINS OF LEGAL MIDRASH
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has been argued that MMT demonstratesthat the Jerusalempriesthood maintained legal traditions that the Mishnah attributesto the Pharisees, but it is more plausible that there was a priestly group (groups?)that was sympathetictoward Pharisaic-rabbiniccircles, the predecessorgroup of Rabbi Ishmael and his school. The existence of such a group-almost a certaintysince the school of Rabbi Ishmael did not spring forth ex nihilo-could help locate the legal and sociological setting of the addresseeof MMT.78 *
*
*
The argumentof this article is limited in scope. I do not believe that the distinctionbetween priests and rabbis should be effaced, only nuanced.79 I do not believe that the Rabbi Ishmaeltexts are essentially Qumran-like,only that Rabbi Ishmael'slegal hermeneuticsfinds some parallelsin MMT.80 Nor-returningto Schremer'sargument-do I believe that the Pharisees and their rabbinic heirs did not gradually adopt interpretationas a way of establishinglegal authority.If, however,the legal and terminologicalaffinitiesbetween the Rabbi Ishmael corpus and MMT indicate a sharedbackground,and if Rabbi Ishmael's marginalizationof extra-scripturalhalakhahpoints to a priestly context, then the emergence of Torah study among the Pharisees and their heirs was not only the result of externalpressure,but of internaldialogue as well.
The hypothesis that a priestly-rabbinic group was the addressee of MMT is strengthened by-though not entirely dependent upon-a later dating, as argued by Fraade, "To Whom it May Concern," 509-10 and by I. Knohl, "Re-considering the Dating and Recipient of 'Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah,"' Hebrew Studies 37 (1996) 119-25. 79 It is perhaps no coincidence that Fraade ("Shifting from Priestly to Non-Priestly Legal Authority: A Comparison of the Damascus Document and the Midrash Sifra," DSD 6 [19991 109-25) is able to trace the shift away from priestly authority using the rabbinic sources associated with the school of Rabbi Aqiva (primarily the Mishnah and the Sifra). R0 Indeed, I hope to show in a separate study that the pesher interpretation is affiliated with the interpretive approach of Rabbi Aqiva.
RHETORICAND HERMENEUTICS IN MIQSATMAcA9EHA-TORAH(4QMMT): THE CASE OF THE BLESSINGSAND CURSES STEVEN D. FRAADE Yale University
1. Introduction
In his "AdditionalObservationson 4QMMT,"J. Strugnellnotes the need for a more extensive treatmentof the "theologyand traditionhistory of Section C" of that text (the hortatoryconclusion to the legal body). He similarly expresses the need for "a thoroughattempt to understandthe relations between the language and theological traditions of this section" in relation to chronologicallyand ideologically proximate works within the Qumran corpus and related writings.' Those desiderataremainunfilled.My purposehere is to make a modest contributionthereto by examining one central biblical motif in Section C, both for its rhetoricalfunction in the presenttextual context as well as for its resonationwith otherQumrantexts. Buildingon an earlierstudy of mine, I begin with the propositionthat we listen to the text of 4QMMT as it might have been addressed,whether primarily or secondarily,to a sectariancommunityof auditors.2 2. Blessings and Curses in 4QMMT
Section C of 4QMMTcontains the following centralunit (according to the compositetext and translationof Strugnelland E. Qimron):' 1,-u m[Qiz](14) ': wri (13) [:in1:[.. .1(12) nnn ri '[-Tn'w]i n-ri n 1::5 t:: ijx rinnz 1[n:]t "m 7[[nrnn'm] mi'Jpm (15) "Appendix3: AdditionalObservationson 4QMMT,"in E. Qimronand J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4.V: Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah (DJD 10; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1994) 205. RevQ 2 S.D. Fraade,"To Whom It May Concern:4QMMTand Its Addressee(s)," 19 (2000) 507-26. 1 Qimron and Strugnell, DJD 10.58-61. Texts employed are, for C 12, 4Q397 C) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 1
IN MIQSATMA'ASETORAH RHETORIC AND HERMENEUTICS :n:]
[-eon [
]:
5[]R:
(17) [ I [ n]l[nDil]4(
rni [ ]nnrt:[ 18) tv
l
[K^::g:l
t[i:]rn
151 (16)
noin )
-m- p m ' ' 'nitt[o] (19) n* rtiP ln':[ ] n[l]jz -uVImm:In 'DD "[:] n nrpri d-sl o :tc::: n st[ I: ctt-rz (20) [n]rn' nspr:ttn [tRnj-o, imivo vcrn n-irix Annnn nv[im nn]on nim:s (21) mpnil*In11:1n17 5n ]mt (22) [ ni (23) []chi )[ c, Durni[ -I]Irn Incl. A*1l [ (12) And it is written(13) "and it shall come to pass, when (14) all these things [belfall you," at the end of days, the blessings (15) and the curses, ["thenyou will take] it to hea[rt]and you will returnunto him with all your heart(16) and with all your soul," at the end [of time, so that you may live...... ] (17) [It is writtenin the book] of Moses [and in the books of the Prophets]that there will come [... 1(18) [the blessings have (already) befallen in ... I in the days of Solomon the son of David. And the curses (19) [that] have (already)befallen from the days of Jeroboamthe son of Nebat and up to when Jerusalemand ZedekiahKing of Judahwent into captivity (20) that He will bring them [...1. And we know that some of the blessings and the curses have (already) been fulfilled (21) as it is written in the bo[ok of Mo]ses. And this is at the end of days when they will returnto Isra[elI(22) [forever6... ] and not be cancelled,but the wicked will act wickedly, and [. ..] (23) and [ .- 1.
Following a call to the addressee(s)to "study (carefully)the book of Moses and the books of the Prophetsand (the writings of) David [and the events of] ages past" (C 10-12), our section begins (C 13-16) with a paraphrasticand reduced citation of Deut. 30:1-3, "When all these things befall you-the blessing and the curse...and you take them to heart... and you return to the LORDyour God . .. with all your heart and soul," inserting the temporal qualification,
"at the end of days," from Deut. 4:30.' Both Deut. 30:1-3 and 4:30
14-21, with lacunae filled from 4Q398 14-17 i; for C 13-17, 4Q398 14-17 i, with lacunaefilled from 4Q397 14-21; for C 18-22, 4Q398 11-13, with lacunaefilled from which let4Q397 14-21 and 4Q397 22. 1 have not triedto indicatein my transcription ters are more or less doubtful,and have only approximatedthe size of gaps in the text. For these, see the transcriptionsof the editio princeps and the photographicplates thereto. 4 Lines 18-24 are from 4Q398 11-13. Their inclusionhere, as befits their contents, follows the composite text. For differencesof opinion on this placement,see Qimron and Strugnell,DJD 10.201-2. 1 For the alternativereconstruction,[... rn]5r*,see F. GarciaMartinez,"4QMMT in a Qumran Context," Reading 4QMMT: New Perspectives on Qumran Law and His-
tory (eds J. Kampenand M.J. Bernstein;SBLSymS 2; Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1996) 19; M.J. Bernstein,"The Employmentand Interpretationof Scripturein 4QMMT," Reading4QMMT,49; M. Kister,"Studiesin 4QMiqsatMa'ase Ha-Torahand Related Texts: Law, Theology, Languageand Calendar"(Hebrew),Tarbiz68 (1998199)349, citing 4QpPsa= 4Q171 1-2 ii 2-3 ( Cnrn 'nni ::). 6 For an alternativereconstruction, "to Torah,"see n. 5. 7 The phrase"at the end of days" (O'?fl'fl-Wrt) is also found in Deut. 31:29, with respectto the misfortunesthatwill befall Israelfor its evil deeds, which verse certainly
152
STEVEN D. FRAADE
stress prophetically that after Israel has suffered the covenantal consequences of their evil deeds, they will wholeheartedly return to God and his commandments, as now stressed, "at the end of days." This section of 4QMMT concludes (C 21) by again invoking Scripture with respect to the blessings and curses, "as it is written in the book of Moses," stressing that the biblical blessings and curses previously mentioned, having been partly fulfilled in biblical times, will be completed with (true) Israel's repentance in the end of days. Thus, the section on blessings and curses in 4QMMT is framed by scriptural reference to and emphasis on the "end of days" when Israel (or at least a righteous part thereof) will take to heart the lessons of its sacred history and return to God. This is particularly significant since in the Deuteronomic version of the blessings and curses themselves (Deuteronomy 27-28), there is no provision for Israel's return to God and the land from which they have been exiled, as is the case in the Book of Leviticus's version of the blessings and curses (Lev. 26:3-46, esp. 40-45; albeit in the language of God's remembering the covenant rather than Israel' s returning to God). In all three texts (Leviticus, Deuteronomy, and 4QMMT), the section on blessings and curses follows a collection of laws, thereby reinforcing the sanction of those law S.8
Following its initial paraphrase of Deut. 30:1-3, and following a break due to an uncertain join, 4QMMT proceeds to state that part (but not all) of the prophesied blessings and curses have already befallen Israel, the blessings in the days of Solomon (with the building of the first Temple), the curses in the days from Jeroboam until Zedekiah (from the split between northern and southern kingdoms
resonates with our section of 4QMMT. The sequence of words "all these things at the end of days" (:'0', nrn7c -TsFT n7D 7 t:), however, matches precisely that of Deut. 4:30. The occurrence of this phrase in Hos. 3:5 should be taken into account, since the context there is also one of turning. See below, n. 14. The phrase nMln7M 7'n'7 may be repeated in 4QMMT C 16 (or F7fl 77MKI as in C 30), but the text is too damaged to make out anything more that the first word. The translation of Strugnell and Qimron (DJD 10.61), "at the end [of time....]," assumes n.7n 1777K1 (cf. their transcription of 4Q398 14-17 i 8 in DJD 10.37). For the most extensive discussion of the expression "end of days" in the Dead Sea Scrolls, see A. Steudel, 't'`'7 nM7nnin the Texts from Qumran," RevQ 16 (1993) 225-46. 8 In the case of Deuteronomy, the laws are also prefaced by an invoking of blessing and curse (11:26-30). On the overall influence of the Book of Deuteronomy on 4QMMT, and the possible modeling of the latter on the former, see Fraade, "To Whom It May Concern," 513 n. 17.
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until the destructionof the Temple and exile from the land). Implicit, then, is the question: When will the blessings and curses be completed, or, what is the historicalreferentof the scriptural:rnn n'Mnwhen Israel(or a sectarianremnant)will return(finally)to God and his commandmentsas biblically foretold (in the paraphrasticmerging of Deut. 30:1-3 and 4:30, with which this section began)?Thus, I would renderC 21-22 as: "Andthis (now) is the end of days, when they will returnin Israel forever,9and will not (again) turn back."'OThis presumes that the verb =7 here is employed in the same sense as it is in C 15-16, in the paraphraseof Deut. 30:1-3, with its subjectbeing (some of) the Israelites and not the blessings and curses, as in the translationof Strugnelland Qimron(cited above). In otherwords, this will be the final return,with no more turningback.'' The three elements combined in the paraphraseof Deut. 30:1-3 (with Deut. 4:30) at the beginningof this section-end of days, blessings and curses, and return-are, we are told, being realized in the present time (or will be in the immediate future) among the text's communityof intramuralauditors:they alone among Israelwill return wholeheartedlyand finally to God and his Torah, while the wicked will continueto act wickedly (and be punished,as in Deut. 30:7). The dualisticdivision between the righteousand the wicked is imminently complete. The present is situated in relation to the blessings and curses of Deuteronomy,with its covenantalpromiseof ultimatereturn, the pre-exilic history of the Israelite monarchy, and the impending final fulfillmentof the covenantalblessings and curses. In this setting, the concludingwords of 4QMMT take on particularurgency:"Consider all these things and ask Him that He strengthenyour will and
Or, "to the Torah." See above, n. 5. ' For this understanding, see Garcia Martinez, "4QMMT in a Qumran Context," 19; Bernstein, "The Employment and Interpretation of Scripture in 4QMMT," 49; Kister, "Studies in 4QMiqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah," 348-51. Kister (351) argues that the demonstrative pronoun serves to define the earlier expression "end of days" (C 14, from Deut. 4:30) as referring to Israel's return to the Torah and the completion of the blessings and curses. 11 For this use of rnn7, note especially IQS 1:16-17 (nnnrr :=2 1KYrn, in the context of a ceremony of blessings and curses upon entering the community) and IQM 15:8-9 (mrnt-inion 'W, in the context of an eschatological battle). Cf. Num. 14:43: 'r flfW 7CT= ("you have turned from following the LORD"). Perhaps there is a subtle word play here: in the end of days (='0r rir=FtK),there will be no turning back (71In). See Kister, "Studies in 4QMiqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah," 349-50, who cites Jub. 1:15, 23-24. See also below, n. 14.
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removefrom you the plans of evil and the device of Belial so thatyou may rejoice at the end of time (fl;tT
rriflTtt)..."
(C 28-30).'2
3. Blessings and Curses in the TempleScroll 4QMMT's rhetoricalemployment of the Deuteronomicblessings and curses resonatesstronglywith othertexts of the Dead Sea Scrolls. To begin with, let us comparethe Temple Scroll's "law of the king" (I 1Q19 = I QTa56:12-59:21), whereinDeut. 17:14-20 is paraphrastically expanded.'3Following rules for the king's conductof holy war (58:15-21), the Temple Scroll includes a long section of curses for violatingthecovenantandspumingGod'sTorahandblessingsforreturning wholeheartedlyto God accordingto the presentwords of Torah applied first to the people and then to the king, based primarilyon Deuteronomy28, but drawing also on Leviticus 26 and other passages, as if Deuteronomy28 had been writtenwith the king in mind (59:2-21).'5 If the king strays from God's commandshis dynastywill be short-lived.But "if he will walk in my statutes,and will observe my commandments,and will do what is rightand good in my sight,"s'6 2
For more on this concluding section, see Fraade,"To Whom It May Concern,"516-2 1.
'3 For an extensive treatment, see S.D. Fraade, "'The Torah of the King' (Deut.
17:14-20) in the Temple Scroll and Early Rabbinic Law," The Dead Sea Scrolls as
Backgroundto PostbiblicalJudaismand Early Christianity(ed. J.R. Davila; STDJ46; Leiden: Brill, 2003) 31-39. For the intersections between the Temple Scroll and 4QMMT, see L. Schiffman, "Miqsat Ma'aseh Ha-Torah and the Temple Scroll," RevQ 14 (1990) 435-57. '4 59:9-10. Note the similarity of expression, drawn from Deut. 30:2, to 4QMMT C 15-16, now conflated with Deut. 17:18, as well as the similar use of 1s' here and in 4QMMT C 21. The phrase i:w' -nTI may echo Hos. 3:5, and is the antithesis of R8l2 niT7 n11' of 4QMMT C 22 (on which see above, n. I1). Hos. 3:4-5 bears citation in full (NJPS):"For the Israelites shall go a long time without king and without officials, without sacrifice and without cult pillars, and without ephod and teraphim. Afterward, the Israelites will turn back and will seek the LORDtheir God and David their kingand they will thrill over the LORDand over His bounty in the days to come (;M'7n8= '5 Deuteronomy 28 may have been chosen as the primary text since it addresses its audience in the second person singular, and not plural as in Leviticus 26, suggesting perhaps that its addressee is the king. Furthermore, according to some rabbinic traditions, the "law of the king" (Deut. 17:14-20) was immediately followed by the "blessings and curses" (Deuteronomy 28) during the septennial haqhel ceremony of Torah reading by the king. But this tradition is not at all certain. See Fraade, "The Torah of the King," 45-46 n. 54. Ih Drawing on Lev. 26:3; Deut. 28:1; 1 Kgs 6:12; Deut. 6:18 and 12:28, which also inform the similar expression in 4QMMT C 31.
RHETORICAND HERMENEUTICSIN MIQ$AT MA'AgE TORAH
155
he will be rewardedwith victory over his enemies and an everlasting dynastic rule (Deut. 17:20). While implicitly the curses have already befallen the Israelitemonarchy,the full measureof the blessings is yet to come. Like 4QMMT, the Temple Scroll invokes and reworks the Deuteronomicblessings and curses at the conclusion of a section of sectarianTorah rules as a way of providingsanctions for the observance of thoserules and of situatingtheirobserversand auditorswithin an eschatologicalcontext of ultimaterewardand punishment. 4. Blessings and Curses in the CommunityRule The biblical blessings and curses served more than hermeneutical and rhetoricalusages at Qumran;they played a centralrole in the ritual life of the communityas well. The ceremonialrecitationof blessings and curses is biblically prescribedas partof a one-timecovenantal ceremony after crossing the Jordan,arrivingat Mts Gerizim and Ebal, erecting steles on which are written the Teaching, building an altar, and offering sacrifices thereupon(Deut. 11:29; 27:1-10, 11-13, 14-26; Josh. 8:30-35).' Only at Qumran,so far as we know, did this provide the basis for an annually re-enacted ceremony of blessings and curses, forming the dramaticcenterpieceof a covenant-renewal ritualduringwhich new membersenteredthe communityand existing members were confirmedin their status (n1Dn). Just as it was performed upon crossing the Jordan(ff"iN M:7=, Deut. 27:12), so it was to be performedupon crossing over into the covenant (:fl'W Im: QS 1:18).18
Our main text for this ritual is 1QS 1:16-2:18.'9This passage recountswhat appearsto have been an annualritualof covenantalrenewal, 1" There are significant text-historical questions, which cannot be entered here, regardingthe relationof the seeminglyseparateceremonyprescribedin Deut. 27:11-13 to that in 27:14-26, and the relationof both to Josh. 8:30-35. See J.H. Tigay, Deuteronomy(The JPS TorahCommentary;Philadelphia:Jewish PublicationSociety, 1996) 251-52. There is no such ceremonial aspect to the blessings and curses of Lev. 26:3-46. As might be expected, traditionalJewish exegetes have tended to reconcile the differencesbetweenthese accountsby amalgamatingthem into one ceremony.See for example, Josephus, Ant. 4:305-308; 5:68-70; m. Sot. 7:5; t. Sot. 8:9-10; Sifre Deut. 55; b. Sot. 33a, 37b. IR For other uses of the verb -OD in this sense in the presentcontext, see IQS 1:16, 18, 20; 2:10, 19, 20, 21. Cf. Deut. 29:11: 1T-fl 17:)V. If the occasion was one at which new membersjoined the communityand existing membersrenewed and were reaffirmedin their status in the community,the above phrasescould just as well refer to the existing memberswho would annually(re)enterthe covenant. 19 Itscontinuation, IQS2:19-3:12,is presumedto relateto thesameoccasion.Fragments
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on or just prior to the festival of Shavu'ot (Weeks or Pentecost) on the fifteenth day of the third month (Sivan) according to the Qumran z calendar: MD' n'nz V 'lr : moZ: Fif nwr nz: (IQS 2:19: "Thus they shall do year after year, all the days of the dominion of Belial" [that is, in the present time]).20 An early fragment of the Damascus Document that appears to have formed the end of that text (4Q266 11 16-18 // 4Q270 7 ii 11-12) links the third month with a communal ceremony of cursing those who depart from the correct understanding of the Torah: 71=77 nM 1-msl w rnVn:7 T1p' :n,-71 [':mv] :l t ROI -'r'1] ("All [the inhabitants of] the camps shall coni1Mn[M-1 gregate in the third month and curse those who turn right [or left from the] Torah").2' To repeat: the main innovation of the Community Rule is to turn Deuteronomy 27-28 into an annual ritual of the blessings and curses. Even making sense of Deuteronomy 27-28 as a one-time ceremony, however, is no easy matter. In brief, at least two ceremonies appear to be juxtaposed in Deut. 27:11-13 and 27:14-26, the relation of either of which to the list of blessings and curses in Deuteronomy 28 not being clear. Deut. 11:29 and 27:11-13 describe a ceremony in which the twelve tribes of Israel are to proclaim the blessings and curses, divinely imposed respectively for obeying or disobeying the terms of the covenant: the twelve tribes are divided, six on Mt Gerizim and six on Mt Ebal, the former for the purpose of blessing, the latter for cursing, but without listing any specific blessings or from other caves include 4Q256 1-4; 4Q257 I i; 5Q1 I I i-ii. Their textual variants, however, are insignificant for our purposes. For an overview of ritual texts of blessings and curses at Qumran, see B. Nitzan, "Blessings and Curses," Encyclopedia qf the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds L.H. Schiffman and J.C. VanderKam; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000) 95-100, esp. 96-97 for the Community Rule. Curiously, Nitzan makes no mention of the employment of blessings and curses in 4QMMT or the Temple Scroll. I have previously pointed out a number of overlaps of language between 4QMMT (especially Section C) and the Community Rule more generally. See "To Whom It May Concern," 514-21. 20 I take this to refer both to what follows and to what precedes. For Belial in 4QMMT, see C 28-29, cited above. 21 J.M. Baumgarten, Qumran Cave 4.XIlI: The Damcunta.sDocunment(4Q266-273) (DJD 18; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996) 76-78, 166-67. Although this does not replicate the language of any of the curses of the Community Rule or of Deuteronomy 27-28, the idea of turning to the right or the left most likely derives from Deut. 28:14, just prior to the curses. Note the use of similar language in IQS 1:15, just prior to our section. For the Qumrancalendar's calculation of the date of Shavu'ot, see J.C. VanderKam, "Shavu'ot," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scr-olls, 871-72. For Shavu'ot as an occasion for covenantal renewal, see Jub. 1:1; 6:10-11, 17-19; 14:1, 18, 20; 15:1: 16:13-14; 22:1, 15, 30; and probably 2 Chron. 15:10-13; Acts 2.
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157
curses. By themselves these verses would suggest that the six tribes on Mt Gerizim pronounce the blessings, while those on Mt Ebal pronounce the curses, without any speaking role assigned to the priests and Levites. According to Deut. 27:14-26, however, the Levites proclaim eleven curses against those who perform specific kinds of sins ("Cursed be the person who.. ."), and a twelfth all-inclusive curse ("Cursed be he who will not uphold the terms of this Teaching and observe them"), after each of which all the people respond "Amen." The biblical text includes no equivalent set of blessings. Deuteronomy 28, immediately following the twelve curses pronounced by the Levites, contains lists of the positive and negative consequences (rewards and punishments, including four each in the actual form of blessings and curses) of Israel's obeying or disobeying the terms of the covenant in general, without any indication of where they fit in performatively with what precedes.22 Whoever devised the ceremony described in the Community Rule assumed that if the Levites recited the specific curses of Deut. 27: 14-26, there must have been an equivalent list of blessings recited by the priests, to each of which the people assented by saying "Amen." But since the Deuteronomic passage does not specify any blessings pronounced by the priests, they were imported, as it were, and adapted from the "Priestly Blessing" of Num. 6:24-26, which in its own setting indicates that the people are the subjects of the blessings, but without indicating any ceremonial procedure or context.23 The ceremony as described in the Community Rule has the following components, which may, again, reflect separate ceremonies that have been amalgamated:24(1) The priests and Levites recount God's
22 Compare Josh. 8:30-35, which has the Israelites divided into two groups, facing respectively Mt Gerizim and Mt Ebal, whereupon Joshua reads the blessings and curses as recorded by Moses in the Book of the Torah. 23 Contrast the Mishnah's solution to the same exegetical crux: for each of the twelve curses listed in Deut. 27:14-16 there must have been a corresponding blessing for the opposite behavior. The Levites would turn first to Mt Gerizim and recite the blessing, to which the twelve tribes (six on each mountain) would respond, "Amen," and then similarly recite the corresponding curse facing Mt Gerizim. See m. Sot. 7:5; Sifre Deut. 55. 24 These lines are replete with biblical language and allusions, which I cannot detail here. See the commentary of M.A. Knibb, The Qumrnan Community(Cambridge:Cambridge University Press, 1987) 84-88. For other texts of blessing and cursing that might reflect the same ceremony of covenantal renewal, see Nitzan, "Blessings and Curses." Compare especially 4QBerakhot"- (4Q286-290), and note 4Q287 4 1, which appears to refer to an annual ceremony of blessing and cursing.
158
STEVEN D. FRAADE
praises,afterwhich thoseenteringthe covenantrespond,"Amen,amen" (1:18-20).25 (2) The priests recount God's righteous and wondrous deeds and mercifulacts towardsIsrael,26while the Levites recountthe iniquitiesof Israel"duringthe dominionof Belial,"27whereuponthose enteringthe covenant confess having acted sinfully, justifying God's judgments against them and their ancestors and acknowledginghis everlasting loving mercy towards them (1:21-2:1). (3) The priests bless "all the men of the lot ('nm) of God who walk perfectlyin all thepriestlyblessingof Num.6:24-26 his ways,"expansivelyparaphrasing so as to emphasize the contrast between good and evil, God's bestowal of insight and knowledge, and the eternal durationof the blessing (2:1-4). The Levites next curse "all the men of the lot of Belial," emphasizingtheir total and eternaldoom, withoutrecourseto divine forgiveness or mercy or angelic intercession(2:4-9), being a negative expansion of the priestly blessing. Both the blessings and curses are followed by a collective responseof "Amen,amen"(2:10). As in Leviticus26 and Deuteronomy27-28, the space accordedto the curses significantlyexceeds that accordedto the blessings. (4) Finally, thepriestsandLevitestogethercursethosewho haveenteredthecovenant insincerely: "May all the curses of this covenant stick to him.
. ..
May
he put his lot among those who are cursed forever,"to which again the assembledrespond,"Amen, amen" (2:11-18). After all have enteredaccordingto theirranks,the communityas a whole is confirmed as "a communityof truth, virtuous humility, kindly love, and right intentiontowardsone anotherin a holy council, and membersof an eternalfellowship"(2:19-25). This annualrenewalof communityand covenanthas at its core the biblical pronouncementof blessings and curses and the people's collective affirmation thereof. The enhanced role of the priests and Levites at Qumranas the speakersof the blessings and curses,that is, as intermediariesin the divine-humancovenantalrelationship,should not be surprisinggiven the hierocraticstructureand ideology of the Qumrancommunity.In the sectariancontext, however, the blessings and curses serve more than their biblical (and cross-cultural)role of providing divine sanctions to a body of rules to which the people oblige themselves throughtheir assent. At Qumranthe blessings and
25 For the double "amen," see Neh. 8:6, another covenant-renewal ceremony. 26 27
Cf. Neh. 9:5-37 in another covenant-renewal ceremony, but see below, n. 31. For Belial in 4QMMT, see C 28-29, cited above.
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159
curses are designed, by their rewordingbut especially by their very juxtaposition,to give performativeforce to the dualistic ideology of the community(i.e., "sons of light" vs. "sons of darkness")in what it understoodto be the "end of days." In other words, the blessings and curses ceremony at Qumranis not just about the consequences for individualswho obey or disobey the commandments,but about the assignmentof individualsto the antithetical"lots" of good and evil, upon whom will collectively fall the full and final divine visitation. 5. Blessings and Curses in the War Scroll In this regard,let us look at one final Qumrantext, 1QM 13:1-6, which speaks neither of a biblical nor a recurringcommunal ceremony, but of the reciting of blessings and curses on the eschatological battlefield:28 nelt[b] :^n[]no
Xt nns 'O.U b1:)MAI ;7: R ntt nOztnw tU I:)-:) noIMUl n) 10-tp n::Onn "O.U IwlR*-311 m .rI7 I: 'tI:= bKAD III: I-iott mwDti UDD-:ncomium b: n -n7ins (vacat) minxs: nsn^p-:: rn-lun bi: IVri)v nnl:X7 51:: nn n mit nzCn *-11: 'MI1: bI: =m1Cs1A innss n-ion: -'Itu (vacat) cln5]mwl ina '7s:nn: joim bmniTn,iA': onKr: n-7:
ns
They (the priests,Levites, and elders) shall bless, from their position,the God of Israel and all his truthfulworks. They shall denouncethere Be[li]al and all the spirits of his lot. They shall speak up, saying, "Blessed (15-:) be the God of Israel for all his holy plan and his truthfulworks. Bl[esised (1Z) be they, all (who) serve him righteously (and) know him faithfully." (vacat) "Cursed (71lt-) be Belial for the hostile plan and may he be denouncedfor his guilty authority!Cursed(C-n1A)be all the spiritsof his lot for their wicked plan and may they be denouncedfor all theirservice of impureuncleanliness!For they are the lot of darkness,but the lot of God is for [everlast]inglight!" (vacat)
Here, the full leadership of the eschatological army (priests and Levites, with lay elders taking the place of the people) collectively pronouncesboth the blessings and the curses. Here, the juxtaposition of blessings and curses are even more starkly dualistic, befitting the eschatological scene. The eschatological ceremony counterposesnot just the singularly blessed God of Isarel and the singularly cursed Belial, but the collectively blessed righteous servants and faithful knowers of God, opposite the collectively cursed wicked and impure lot of Belial (whetherhumanor angelic): light vs. darkness.
2x Text and translation is from The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations, vol. 2: Damascus Document, War Scroll, and Related Documents (ed. J.H. Charlesworth;Tuibingen:J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1995) 122-23.
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6. Conclusions Viewing the blessings and curses in 4QMMT within the broader context of their employment at Qumran, we can better appreciate their local rhetorical and hermeneutical force. If, as I have argued, 4QMMT most likely functioned, whether primarily or secondarily, intramurally as an instruction directed to neophytes in the Qumran community, its invoking of the biblical blessings and curses of Deuteronomy 27-28 would have resonated in relation to three intersecting temporal domains: biblical past, sectarian present, and eschatological future. The section of 4QMMT that refers to the blessings and curses does so with explicit terms of scriptural reference (,7r01 -S: 7nn:, etc.) and with fairly close scriptural paraphrase (Deut. 30:1-3, with fl'-Wt :'7n' from Deut. 4:30 inserted).29 The blessings and curses being referred to are unmistakably those of the covenantal ceremony enacted after crossing the Jordan upon entering the Land of Israel (subsequent to those at Horeb and in Moab). Given the centrality of the covenantal idea (especially Deuteronomic) to the ideology of the Qumran community,30 this last of the Torah covenants, and the only one performed within the Land of Israel, would have particularly resonated with the Qumran community's self-understanding as the remnant of Israel through whom the covenant would ultimately and imminently be fulfilled. That is, they would have viewed their own sacred history as the next covenantal installment after the covenantal ceremony in Joshua's time.31 This understanding is reinforced by the announcement, revealing esoteric knowledge (:nrl'7 In:M), that between then and now (the time-between being the period of the Israelite monarchy leading up to the Babylonian exile), only a part of the blessings and curses have
29 This is particularly remarkable in light of the relatively few explicit scriptural citations in 4QMMT. For a variety of views on the nature of biblical citation in 4QMMT, see M.J. Bernstein, "The Employment and Interpretation of Scripture in 4QMMT," 29-51; G.J. Brooke, "Explicit Presentation of Scripture in 4QMMT," Legal Texts and Legal Issues: Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies. Published in Honour of Joseph M. Baumgarten (eds M. Bernstein, F. Garcia Martinez, and J. Kampen; STDJ 23; Leiden: Brill, 1997) 67-88; S.D. Fraade, "Looking for Legal Midrash at Qumran," Biblical Perspectives: Early Use and Interpretation of the Bible in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Proceedings of the First International Symposium of the Orion Center for the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature, 12-14 May, 1996 (eds M.E. Stone and E.G. Chazon; STDJ 28; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 67-68; J.C. VanderKam, "Authoritative Literature in the Dead Sea Scrolls," DSD 5 (1998) 393. 30 See J.C. VanderKam, "Covenant," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 151-55.
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been fulfilled, with the remainder(and with it the covenantal consummation)yet to be fulfilled.Thus, the biblical blessings and curses, as here creatively appropriated,are no longer about some past event but about the meaningof the sectarianpresent.The projectionof the ceremony of blessings and curses, however, onto the eschatological battle between the lots of "light"and "darkness"(IQM) also insures that its enactmentin the context of annualcovenantrenewal is experienced not just as present entry or re-entryinto covenant and community, but also as anticipatoryparticipationin the eschatological "eternal light"
-m1) 32
The contemporizingof the biblical blessings and curses is effected in two ways. First, the text of 4QMMTdeclaresemphaticallythat the "end of days," whereuponthe blessings and curses will be consummated, is the time of final and irreversiblereturnwithin Israel, which for the Qumrancommunityis here and now. Second, accordingto the CommunityRule and related texts, the blessings and curses are presently recitedwithin an annualritualof covenantalrenewalthat serves to reinforcethe antithetical,dualisticdivision betweenthe "us"of God and the "them"of Belial, and the existential urgency for the text's auditors of being unambiguouslycounted among the former. Since both documentsare likely to have served in the pareneticinstruction of new (or renewed)membersof the community,whetherduringor in preparationfor the annual ritual of covenant renewal, the manifold intersectionsbetweenthem should not surpriseus. In both text and ritare warnedof the dangersof backslidual, the addressees/participants ing under the device (4QMMT)or dominion (IQS, IQM) of Belial, but are also given good reason to hope that armed with the correct knowledge and observance of the Torah of Moses, by the grace of their being in the lot of God's righteous,they can yet "rejoicein the end of time" (MlUm ni-IMMrnown, 4QMMT C 30).
'1 It is not clear how the Qumran community would have regarded the covenantal ceremony in the time of Ezra (Nehemiah 9-10), since, presumably, they would not have recognized the return from the Babylonian exile and the rebuilding of the (second) Temple as being legitimate in covenantal terms. 32 This can be seen as well in the reworking of the priestly blessing in IQS 2:1-4 so as to stress the eternity of its benefits: D'rz7WMD-7:1and CIzb1V 'P*t7. Similarly, the Levitical curse of Belial's lot stresses eternal damnation: M'M1VOR MlER:)(2:8).
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CONTENTS Introduction ................................................... From Literature to Scripture: Reflections on the Growth of a Text's Authoritativeness ....................... ............... ANGELA Y. KIM, Authorizing Interpretation in Poetic Compositions in the Dead Sea Scrolls and Later Jewish and Christian Traditions ................................................... CHARLOTTE HEMPEL, Interpretative Authority in the Community Rule Tradition .............. ..................................... ROBERT A. KUGLER, Hearing 4Q225: A Case Study in Reconstructing the Religious Imagination of the Qumran Community AHARON SHEMESH and CANA WERMAN, Halakhah at Qumran:Genre and Authority ................................................... AZZAN YADIN, 4QMMT, Rabbi Ishmael, and the Origins of Legal Midrash .............. ..................................... STEVEN D. FRAADE, Rhetoric and Hermeneutics in Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah (4QMMT): The Case of the Blessings and Curses
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THE MYSTERY OF CREATION IN 4QINSTRUCTION* MATTHEWJ. GOFF Georgia Southern University
Introduction
4QInstruction(1Q26, 4Q415-418, 423) is the largest wisdom text from Qumran.'One of the most importantphrasesof the composition is 7"Mm Tl. This phraseoccurs over twenty times in the composition.2 The text's addressee (the 1'"m, or "understanding one") is often r. He is told to "gaze"(::2) upon,3 "examexhortedto study the m"M2 ine" (fl1)' "meditate"(mn2) upon, and "grasp"(flpb) it.4He is encourt- because he can learn from it. Through aged to contemplatethe 7"Mm tF the addressee can attain, for example, the the study of the m'm12 knowledge of good and evil (4Q417 1 i 6-8) and of people's fate at the final judgment (4Q417 2 i 10-12). The mrm:n is the means by which wisdom is obtainedin 4QInstruction. * This article is a revised version of a section from my dissertation,The Worldly and HeavenlyWisdomof 4Qlnstruction(Universityof Chicago, 2002), which is forthcoming in Brill's STDJ series. I thank John J. Collins for his guidance on both the dissertationand the presentarticle. An earlierversion of this paperwas presentedat the New Englandregional meeting of the Society of Biblical Literatureat Brandeis Universityon 12 April 2002. ' 4QInstructionis generallyconsidereda wisdom text because of its admonitions, pedagogical ethos, and practical advice that will improve the ordinary life of the addressee. See J. Strugnell and D.J. Harrington,QumranCave 4.XXIV:Sapiential Texts, Part 2. 4QInstruction(MusdrI'Mevvn):4Q415ff. (DJD 34; Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1999) 28-33. 2 See, for example, 4Q415 6 4; 4Q416 2 i 5 (par 4Q417 2 i 1O0-I); 4Q416 2 iii 9, 14, 18, 21 (par 4Q418 9 8, 15; 4Q418 10 1, 3); 4Q417 I i 3, 6, 8, 18, 21 (par 4Q418 43 2, 4, 6, 14, 16); 4Q417 1 ii 3; 4Q418 77 2, 4; 4Q418 123 ii 4; 4Q418 172 1; 4Q418 184 2; and 4Q423 4 1, 4 (par 1Q26 1 1, 4). The phrasehas also been plausibly reconstructedin 4Q415 24 1; 4Q416 17 3; 4Q418 179 3; 4Q418 190 2-3; 4Q418 201 1; 4Q418c 8; 4Q423 3 2; 4Q423 5 2; and 4Q423 7 7. 3 4Q416 2 i 5 (par 4Q417 2 i 10); 4Q417 1 i 3, 18 (par 4Q418 43 2, 14). See also 4Q418 123 ii 5. 4 See 4Q416 2 iii 9 (par 4Q418 9 8), 4Q418 43 4 (par 4Q417 1 i 6), and 4Q418 77 4. See T. Elgvin, "The Mysteryto Come: Early Essene Theology of Revelation," Qumranbetween the Old and New Testaments(eds F.H. Cryer and T.L. Thompson; JSOTSup290; Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress, 1998) 133. ? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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The importance of the theme of creation for assessing the M"MTm has been emphasized most forcefully by A. Lange. For him the fl mm7:represents a predetermined natural order governing the world. The mm7:rl is a "praexistente Ordnung des Seins."5 He argues that God endowed the world with a rational structure at the moment of creation. The foundation of the knowledge that the addressee can obtain "hat Gott schon vor der Sch6pfung gelegt, als er die weisheitliche Ordnung von Sein und Sch6pfung schuf, die in 4QSap A (4QInstruction) gerne mit dem Begriff M"m:r7 ('Geheimnis des Werdens') bezeichnet wird."6 The mm n therefore signifies a "Schopfungsordnung" that is in direct continuity with Proverbs 1-9, which also explains that the world has an inherent sense of order by appealing to creation. In contrast, T. Elgvin argues that "4QInstruction's understanding of the world and man is determined more by apocalypticism than by traditional wisdom."7 He agrees with Lange that the MIm:Tnrepresents "the pre-existent sapiential order of creation," but he understands the Mm:nl primarily as an apocalyptic concept.8 Both Lange and Elgvin acknowledge that 4QInstruction has affinities with both the sapiential and apocalyptic traditions. Both scholars agree that the Mm:n7 refers to a divine comprehensive plan that orchestrates events. The aspects of the Mmi:n that are in continuity with the sapiential and apocalyptic traditions should be understood as complementary influences. It is more important to understand how these traditions are combined in 4QInstruction than to argue that one should be stressed at the expense of the other.9 In this article I will illustrate this by examining the theme of creation in 4QInstruction. The composition understands the nature of the created order as following a divine framework that is revealed to the addressee, a viewpoint that is in keeping with the apocalyptic tradition. But 4QInstruction also appeals to creation to explain the natural order. This trope is in continuity with the tradition of Proverbs 1-9, as stressed by Lange. 5 A. Lange, Weisheit und Prddestination: Weisheitliche Urordnung und Pradestination in den Textfunden von Qumran (STDJ 18; Leiden: Brill, 1995) 62. 6 Weisheit und Prddestination, 91. T. Elgvin, "Wisdom and Apocalypticism in the Early Second Century BCE-The Evidence of 4QInstruction," The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Years after Their Discovery: Proceedings of the Jerusalem Congress, July 20-25, 1997 (eds L.H. Schiffman, E. Tov, and J.C. VanderKam; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society/Shrine of the Book, Israel Museum, 2000) 239. 8 Elgvin, "Wisdom and Apocalypticism," 237. 9 K.B. Larsen, "Visdom og apokalyptik i Musar leMevin (lQ/4QInstruction) [Wisdom and Apocalyptic in Musar leMevin (lQ/4QInstruction)]," DTT 65 (2002) 1-14.
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I will also comparethe theme of creationin 4QInstructionwith that of Proverbsand Ben Sira. This will demonstratethat the composition takes a traditionalsapientialissue, creation,in a directionthat has no analoguein Proverbsand that some second temple sages, such as Ben Sira, would dispute. I will also compare the use of the term raz in 4QInstructionwith that of 1 Enoch to illustratethat the wisdom text depicts the act of creationas a raz because of its apocalypticworldview. 4QInstruction'scombinationof revelationand creation, I shall argue, is best understoodagainst the backdropof political and economic developmentsin Palestineduringthe early second centuryBCE, the time when the compositionwas written. The nMm rm:Its General Meaning and the Issue of Translation
Before proceeding,some backgrounddiscussion is necessary.fl is a term of Persian provenancethat is translatedas "secret"or "mystery."'0The word raz often signifies the revelationof heavenly knowledge in late second temple texts. The term occurs frequentlyin the Dead Sea Scrolls. For example, in the HabakkukPesher the word is used to refer to hidden meaningsof Scripturethat have been revealed by God: "The Teacher of Righteousness, to whom God has made known all the mysteriesof the words of his servants(1rfD "fl ), the prophets"(lQpHab 7:4-5)."1 Daniel also uses the word raz to describe supernaturalrevelation. In the Hebrew Bible the term tf occurs only in this book, which uses it nine times (2:18-19, 27-30, 47 [2x]; 4:6), referringto knowledge given to Daniel by God. The term is primarilyused to describe the interpretationof Nebuchadnezzar's dreamthat God gives Daniel in chapter2. 1 Enoch also describesthe heavenly knowledgethat it discloses as "mysteries."'2 "0 R.E. Brown, The SemiticBackgroundof the Term "Mystery"in the New Testament (Biblical Series 21; Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1968); B. Rigaux, "Revelation des Mystereset PerfectionA Qumranet dans le Nouveau Testament,"NTS 4 (1958) 237-62; M. Bockmuehl, Revelation and Mystery in Ancient Judaism and Pauline Christianity(GrandRapids,MI: Eerdmans,1990) 15-16. " See J.J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination: An Introduction to Jewish ApocalypticLiterature(GrandRapids, MI: Eerdmans,19982) 150-52; E.J. Schnabel,
Law and Wisdom from Ben Sira to Paul (WUNT 2.16; Tiibingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul
Siebeck], 1985) 172-74; Elgvin, "The Mysteryto Come," 132; Bockmuehl,Revelation and Mystery, 53-56. 12 See, for example, I Enoch 103:2, "I understandthis mystery(the destructionof the wicked; cf. 102:11). And I have read the tablets of heaven and seen the writings of the holy ones"; 104:12, "(then)I know anothermystery,that books will be given to the righteous and wise (which will be the source of) joy and truth and much
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While the term raz is relatively common in late second temple material, the phrase raz nihyeh is rare. Aside from 4QInstruction, the phrase is attested only in the Book of Mysteries (1Q27, 4Q299-301) and the Community Rule (1QS).13 In these texts the raz nihyeh refers to the divine control of reality, presented as a revealed truth. 1Q27 1 i 3-4 (par 4Q300 3 3-4) reads: .. . And they did not know the fl
imm,and the former things (mliDz:) they did not consider. Nor did they know what will come upon them, and their lives they did not save from the mmn7l.*"14 The Book of Mysteries uses the Mm7:nl to refer to the divine control of the entire scope of history, with emphasis on the final judgment.15 In IQS 11:3-4 the phrase is part of the speaker's claim that he has received revelation: "For from the source of his knowledge he has disclosed his light, and my eyes have observed his wonders, and the light of my heart the MIm:rl." The fl mm7:is in parallelism with God's "wonders" (1flMflS:). The speaker also claims that he knows the "truth of God" (11:4) and that he can see what exists forever (&1l% W'17) (11:5). The mi'mn- is presented as revealed knowledge about God's might and his eternal nature. The use of the phrase MIm:rn in Mysteries and the Community Rule provides context for its usage in 4QInstruction. In this composition the Mm r7 signifies a deterministic understanding of reality that is presented as a revealed truth: "And you, understanding son, gaze into the m,m fl and know [the path]s of all life" (4Q417 1 i 18-19).16 It is well known that the m7m:n helps establish the deterministic theology of 4QInstruction.17 While the mim n is never treated as a physical wisdom." These translations are from M. Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978). 13 Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34.28-29; E.J.C. Tigchelaar, To Increase Learning for the Understanding Ones: Reading and Reconstructing the Fragmentary Early Jewish Sapiential Text 4QInstruction (STDJ 44; Leiden: Brill, 2001) 205. 14 For this translation, see D.J. Harrington, Wisdom Texts from Qumran (London: Routledge, 1996) 70. 15 B. Nitzan, "The Idea of Creation and Its Implications in Qumran Literature,"Creation in Jewish and Christian Tradition (eds H.G. Reventlow and Y. Hoffman; JSOTSup 319; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002) 250. See also idem, "Apocalyptic Historiosophy in Qumran Literature: Its Origins and Perspectives in the Legacy of Jacob Licht" (Hebrew), M072 M' MnlnM77pM b:21 (eds G. Brin and B. Nitzan; Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi, 2001) 45-49. mystery 16 Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34.155. Also note 4Q418 77 2: "...the ." See Tigchelaar, that is to be, and grasp the nature of humankind (:=[n] rllt To Increase Learning, 196. 17 Elgvin, "The Mystery to Come," 135; Lange, Weisheit und Prddestination, 60. Writing about the Book of Mysteries, L.H. Schiffman observed that the MIM:M "refers to the mysteries of creation, that is, the natural order of things that depends on God's
THE MYSTERY OF CREATION IN 4QINSTRUCTION
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document, there has also been speculation that in 4QInstructionit refers to a body of literature.'8 If there is agreementthat the 7r,7rn refers to some sort of deterministic principle,there is much less accord on its translation.Scholars have offered many differentways to translatethis phrase.Debate has concentratedon the temporalsense of the nif'al participle .'in. R. de Vaux, in an early analysis of the Cave 1 text of the Book of Mysteries, suggested that it be translatedas "le mystere passe." He based this on several biblical examples where the nif'al of the verb TM refers to a completed action (e.g., Prov. 13:19; Judg. 20:3).'9 I. Rabinowitz, shortly thereafter,pointed out that the context of 1Q27 demands that the phrase be translated as "a mystery to be," since 1Q27 1 i 3-7 refers to the eschatological judgment.20Rabinowitz's translationhas influencedhow subsequentscholarsrenderthe phrase. Milik's edition of the Book of Mysteries in DJD 1 translates the phrase as "le mystere future."This translationwas also used in the preliminaryedition of IQ26 in DJD 1.21Several othertranslationsthat have been offeredalso emphasizethe futuremeaningof the m' r.22 wisdom, and to the mysteriesof the divine role in the processesof history."See his "4QMysteriesb:A PreliminaryEdition,"RevQ 16 (1993) 204. J.J. Collins similarly writes that the mysterythat is to be "seems to encompassthe entiredivine plan, from creation to eschatological judgment." See his Jewish Wisdom in the Hellenistic Age
(OTL;Louisville:WestminsterJohn Knox, 1997) 122. See also Bockmuehl,Revelation and Mystery, 54.
"TheRaz Nihyeh in a QumranWisdomText (IQ26, 4Q415-418, 18 D.J. Harrington, 423)," RevQ 17 (1996) 549-53; B.Z. Wacholder and M.G. Abegg, A Preliminary Edition of the Unpublished Dead Sea Scrolls: The Hebrew and Aramaic Texts from
Cave Four (Washington,D.C.: Biblical ArchaeologySociety, 1992) 2.xiii. 19 R. de Vaux, "La Grotte des ManuscritsHebreux,"RB 66 (1949) 605. In the HebrewBible the verbiTriin the nif'al normallytakes the meaningof "to happen"in the past tense. See Deut. 4:32; 27:9; Prov. 13:19; Judg. 19:30; Jer. 5:30; 48:19; and Neh. 6:8. The verb 7l7f in the nif'al is also used in the HebrewBible in referenceto the past to make a point that is valid for the totalityof the temporalorder.See Exod. 11:6; Joel 2:1-2; and Dan. 12:1. 20 . Rabinowitz,"The Authorship, Audienceand Date of the De Vaux Fragmentof an UnknownWork,"JBL 71 (1952) 22. 21 D. Barthelemyand J.T. Milik, QumranCave I (DJD 1; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1955) 102, 104. There is a re-edition of 1Q26 in Strugnell and Harrington,DJD 34.535-39. 22 This futuresense is also evident in the translation "le mysterefuturede l'avenir" of A. Caquot. See his "Les Textes de Sagesse de Qoumran(AperquPreliminaire)," RHPR76 (1996) 9. Relatedis H. Ringgren's"the coming mystery."See his The Faith of Qumran: Theology of the Dead Sea Scrolls (Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1963) 21.
The "mysteryto come" is also the translationpreferredby the editors of DJD 34, includingElgvin. This translationis also preferredby C.M. Murphy.See her Wealth in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Qumran Community (STDJ 40; Leiden: Brill, 2002)
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The immT: tn clearly has a futuresense. In 4QInstructionit provides eschatologicalknowledge:"[Gazeupon the mystery]that is to be, and grasp the birth-timesof salvation and know who is inheritingglory r)n:'n)" (4Q417 2 i 10-1 1).23 The and who ini[qu]ity ( Mt1n3? tl future sense of the phrase is even more prominentin the Book of Mysteries (1Q27 1 i 3-4). But this does not mean that the 77'mltn pertainsonly to the future.It extends to the entire range of history.24 This assessmentis supportedby the fact that the m'm:tn is associated with a tripartitedivision of time: "Gaze [upon the mlm:tfl and the deeds of old, from what has been to what exists throughwhat] [will rn - &)" (4Q417 be] ... [for]ever (15[V . . mini nn //mmnMiD mr 1 i 3-4).25 While this text is not fully preserved,it connectsthe mystery that is to be with the past, present,and future.Its reconstruction, as observed by Elgvin, is suggested by 4Q418 123 ii 3-4, which clearly recordsa tripartitechronologicaldivision and connects it with the mysterythat is to be: "Everythingthat exists in it, from what has mm 31 177ni f i-a-1n m b1D)... His nn mi been to what will be in it (]'1 irl period which God revealed to the ear of the understandingones throughthe mystery that is to be."26The nif'al participlemlimhelps tn extends throughoutthe establish that the "mystery"of the imTiM entire chronologicalorder.This meaning of inn in the nif'al is relatively common in late second temple texts.27There are also examples 207. Harringtonprefers"the mysterythat is to be/come."See his WisdomTexts,49. "themysterythatis to be"in his "WisdomReconsidered, Collinsusesthesimilartranslation in Light of the Scrolls,"DSD 4 (1997) 272. See also Larsen,"Visdomog apokalyptik," 8-11. 23 Tigchelaar,To Increase Learning, 238; Strugnelland Harrington, DJD 34.182. See also M. Morgenstern,"TheMeaningof -710 ?l" in the QumranWisdomTexts," JJS 51 (2000) 141-44. Regardingthe phrase'i1]D), thereis some disputeregardingits transcription.T. Elgvin and E.J.C.Tigchelaarboth use this transcription.See, respectively, An Analysisof 4Qlnstruction(Jerusalem:HebrewUniversityof JerusalemPh.D. Dissertation,1997) 196, and To IncreaseLearning,55. Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.182, transcribe 35.v The waw readingis to be preferredbecauseaccordingto PAM 43.516 theredoes not appearto be enough space betweenthe ayin and the lamed for a mem.However,thereis no majorsemanticdifferencebetweenthese options.In either case the disputedword is opposed to "glory"and has a negativeconnotation. 24 See, for example, T. Elgvin et al., Qumran Cave 4.XV: Sapiential Texts, Palt I (DJD 20; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1997) 37; Collins, Jewish Wisdom,122; Elgvin, "The Mysteryto Come," 133. 25 See also 4Q417 1 i 4-5: "withwhat exists, what has been, and what [will be?] ... (]nr2: n 1n n31 KIMfl // in)." 26
Elgvin, An Analysis of 4Qlnstruction, 259.
lQS 3:15, "Fromthe God of Knowledgestems all there is and all therewill be (irn'ml;fsVIT7)"; 4Q180 1 1-2, "An age to conclude [all that there is] and all that 27
will be (FT'Ml [n'VT 'p1:])"; 4Q402 4 12, "For from the God of Knowledge came into
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of -"Mas a nifCal participlereferringto the future without emphasis on the entire scope of history.28 While the rTIM: tr is clearly associated with the future, in both 4QInstructionand the Book of Mysteries the phrase is rooted in the distant past. In 1Q27 1 i 3 it is in parallelismwith "formerthings" n that the wicked do not know. 4Q417 1 i 3 likewise roots the mm12 n and the deeds of old ('ODr in primalhistory:"Gaze [upon the m'm7: 4QInstructionpushes the mmi Tneven furtherback to the act Cp)]."29 of creationitself (4Q417 1 i 8-9). The comprehensivechronologicalrange of the MiM:ti problematizes efforts to translatethis phrase.Any translationof the word imm must choose a single tense-past, present,or future,whereas the participle itself conveys the fact that the imm tn extends throughoutthe entire historicalorder.I opt for the translation"the mysterythat is to be" that is used by J.J. Collins and very similar to the one chosen by D.J. Harrington(see n. 22). This translationdoes not imply an exclusive future sense to the extent suggested by the rendering"the mystery to come" favored by Elgvin and the editors of DJD 34, or J.T. Milik's "le mysterefuture."No translation,however,fully capturesthe phrase's temporalsense.30Though not a literal translation,one could also translatethe phraseas "the eternalmystery"or "the mysterythat exists always." being everything [which exists for ever] ([Ws 'n;1]LV:) VTF)."See also IQS 10:4-5; 11:11, 17-18; 1QH 5:17-18; CD 2:9-10; 13:7-8. For this translation of 4Q402 4 12, see E. Eshel et al., Qumran Cave 4.VI: Poetical and Liturgical Texts, Part I (DJD 11;
Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1998) 228. 28 See Sir. 48:25, "He revealedwhat was to occur (MrIl'M/ta a6jirva) to the end of time, and the hiddenthings before they happened"(cf. 42:19); 1QM 1:11-12, "It will be a time of sufferingfo[r eve]ry nationredeemedby God. Of all theirsufferings,none will be (71ri-M) like this, hasteningtill eternal redemptionis fulfilled." IQM 17:4-5 apparentlyuses a nif'al participlefirst to refer to the futureand anotherto denote all aspects of the temporal scheme: "Not [do they know that from the God of] Israel everything is and will be (mmnlmii) [... I in all that will happen eternally ("M: vn1vw)"(cf. 4Q418 238 3). -irFin the nif'al is rarelyin the presenttense in the Dead Sea Scrolls. 1QH 11:32-33 could be understoodin this way: "The earth cries out at the calamitywhich overtakes(MM7r7mM) the world."Also note the problematiccase of Dan. 8:27: "So I, Daniel, was overcome('I'n"T7) and lay sick for some days; then I arose and went about the king's business."The word 'ni" of Dan. 8:27 may, however, be derivedfrom mFl,"to ruin,"as proposedby Rashi. There is a similarproblem with 2:1. See J.J. Collins, Daniel: A Commentary on the Book of Daniel (Hermeneia;
Minneapolis:FortressPress, 1993) 155, 342. 29 Also note 4Q418 148 ii 6, which exhorts one to "set (your heart?) to understanding the former things ([1C]
I
mll":107p'n'")*"
For this reason the translation"the mystery of existence," which avoids any specific tense, put forwardby scholarssuch as F. Garcia Martinezis also attractive. 30
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MAITHEW J. GOFF
The Mysteryof Creation Creationis presentedin 4QInstructionas a raz, a mystery.The passage that declares this reads: [Day and night meditate upon the mystery that is] to be. Inquireconstantly. Then you will know truth and iniquity, wisdom and [folIly you will [recognize] .
.
. Then you will distinguish
between
[good] and [evil according
to] [their]works, for the God of Knowledgeis a foundationof truth.By means of the mystery that is to be he has laid out its foundationand its works... If (Mr43rz170* ni Hml17: ) (4Q417 1 i 6-9).1'
In this pericopethe mysterythat is to be is somethingthe addressee is to study constantly.The result of this study will be the knowledge of good and evil. The acquisitionof such knowledgeis made possible by the fact that God is a "foundationof truth."God is the foundation of the world because he created "its foundationand its works."The antecedentof the femininesuffixof the nouns"foundation" and "works" is thereforeprobably"truth."32 Associating the basis of creationwith the mysterythat is to be implies that creationis underdivine control. The mysterythat is to be was the means by which God endowed the world with an overarchingframework.This explainswhy this mystery is such a valuablesourceof wisdom for the addressee.Knowinggood and evil is not simply a capacityfor moral thought,but representsthe acquisitionof wisdom about the largerdivine frameworkin which the humanrealm shouldbe understood.In the Treatiseon the Two Spirits, attainingknowledgeof good and evil is also associatedwith an awareness of the world's overarchingframework:"He knows the result of their deeds for all times [everlas]tingand has given them as a legacy to the sons of man so that they know good [and evil] (M MnD* (IQS 4:25-26). In 4QInstructionone can use the mysterythat [D-11])" is to be to understandthe naturalorderin a more comprehensiveway because God used this mysteryto create the world. 4Q417 1 i elsewhereemphasizesthat creationby meansof the mystery that is to be implies the goodness and rationalstructureof the naturalorder. After the declarationthat God created the world with the mysterythat is to be in 4Q417 1 i 8-9, the text reads:"[with all wisd]om and all [clever]nesshe has fashioned it (IoZr1 nrt[xr 'Ztj This translation is similar to A. Lange's "Geheimnis des Werdens," and Ibba's "mistero dell'esistenza." See F. Garcia Martfnez and E.J.C. Tigchelaar, DSSSE, 1.67; Lange, Weisheit und Prddestination, 97; G. Ibba, "II 'Libro dei Misteri' (1Q27, f.l); testo escatologico," Hen 21 (1999) 77. 1' Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34.151; Tigchelaar, To Increase Learning, 52. 32 Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34.158.
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ilm' flr-1[D)"(line 9).33 After affirming that the world was createdin
accordancewith a comprehensiveplan throughthe mystery that is to be, 4QInstructionthen emphasizes the same point in different language, appealing to the use of divine wisdom during creation. The role of God's wisdom in creationis also evident in 4Q418 126 ii 4-5: "He has spreadthem out (Drt); truthfullyhe has establishedthem ... Furthermore,they have not come into being without his favor, and vm R* on)."34 apart from [his] wis[dom]... ([inn]5iFrn'mln The last phrase of this text ("apartfrom [his] wis[dom]") could be understoodas either the end of a sentence, or as the beginning of a new sentence that is no longer fully extant. In either case the phrase is in parallelismwith "withouthis favor,"emphasizingthat the natural orderwas formed accordingto God's will and his wisdom. 4QInstructionalso uses the epithet "the God of Knowledge"(jt nwrrn)to highlightthe goodnessof the createdorderby stressingGod's wisdom.354Q417 1 i 8 declares that "the God of Knowledge"is "a foundationof truth"(cf. 1 Sam. 2:3). 4Q418 55 5-6 is a fragmentary passage that also connects the epithet "God of Knowledge" to the claim that the world was made with a foundationof truth:"Is [he] not [the] God of Knowledge? ... upon truth, in order to establish all [of
33 The phrase MM[1w] t:1 no[:r 'Z7] merits some text-criticaldiscussion. This portionof 4Q417 1 i suffersfrom ink erosion. The key to understandingthis poorly preservedphrase,as noted by Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.158, is recognizingits use of poetic parallelism.The verb for the phrasein questionis 7l1:', which matches semanticallythe verb (t-)n) of the visible portionof the phrase at the beginningof 4Q417 1 i 9. Both phrasesthus involve creation.The second section of the portionto be reconstructed,orz[ ]bZ'5, is a noun ending in nn- that is precededby . It is precededby anothernoun that also ends in Mln-.Given the parallelismof this stich, it is likely that the firstword of the first section to be reconstructedis t:t, as in the second portion,or its semanticequivalent.At this point the interpreterhas two nounsthat end in fn[, each of which is modifiedby '7M'. The phraseuses the verb 77-w to form a line that is semanticallyparallelto the stich of 4Q417 I i 8-9. The creationtheme and that the first is no:n.Several suggests that the second word ending in 7fl- is MnMn scholars reconstructthe nouns in question as 710-Wand -nOnf. See Strugnell and Harrington,DJD 34.151; Elgvin, An Analysis of 4Qinstruction,256. Tigchelaar,To Increase Learning, 52-53, agrees with the reconstructionF=rT but not with now. Drawingon the fact that the editorsof DJD 34 considerthe resh to be visible in the fragment,he argues that the transcriptionno:[ I i:5 would leave a gap that is too large for only one letter,ayin. He is right that there is no visible resh in the fragment. The reconstruction no[ID], however,still makessense on thematicgrounds.The lacuna in question is large enough for two letters. There is no reason to dispute the reconstructionof this word offeredin DJD 34. 3 Tigchelaar,To IncreaseLearning,102-3, joins this fragmentwith 4Q418 122 ii. 3S Elgvin,An Analysisof 4Qlnstruction,260; Strugnelland Harrington, DJD 34.158;
Tigchelaar, To Increase Learning, 197.
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their ways upon und]erstanding?"36 The epithet is used elsewhere in the Dead Sea Scrolls to praise God's role in creation.37 The "God of Knowledge"is praisedas the all-powerfulproducerof a createdorder that reflects his mastery and dominion. The epithet emphasizes that God used wisdom in the establishmentof the createdorder. God's creationof the world has deterministicimplications.4Q417 1 i 10-12 reads: "He has expoundedfor their un[der]standingevery d[ee]d so that one may walk in [the inclination]of their understanding .., in properunderstandingwere made [knownthe secr]etsof his plan (MnOMn H "lI[M IP]nn1)'along with his walking [perfe]ctly[in all] his [de]eds."A comprehensiveplan guidingthe flow of events has been revealedto the addressee.4Q417 1 i also declaresthat"Theway that one conducts himself he appointsover [his] deed[s] (liil]rD SD rnp9 ~Z~lfln)"s(line 19).3XThe deterministicstructureof the world has been revealedto encouragethe addresseeto be moraland upright-to walk perfectly in all his deeds. By living in an ethical mannerthe addresseeacts in accordancewith the divine plan orchestratingevents that God establishedat the beginningof creation.Correctconduct in 4QInstructionis predicatedon a correct understandingof creation. This knowledge is obtainedthroughthe mysterythat is to be. Since the natureof the createdorderin 4QInstructionis a revealed truthit follows thatthe mannerin which creationwas fashionedis also somethingthat must be revealed.Understandingthe act of creationas a revealed"mystery"helps sustain the perspectivethat creationbears
Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.265; Tigchelaar,To IncreaseLearning,89. See, for example, lQS 3:15; IQH 20:10-11; 4Q504 4 4; 4Q299 35 1; 4Q299 73 3. The equivalentexpressionnrn m* occurs in the Songs of the SabbathSacrifice and the Songs of the Sage (4Q400 2 8; 4Q402 4 12; 4Q405 23 ii 12; 4Q510 1 2; 4Q5111 7-8). See alsoElgvin,AnAnalysisof 4Qlnstruction, 261;StrugnellandHarrington, 36 37
DJD 34.158; Lange, Weisheit und Pradestination, 62; Harrington, Wisdom Texts, 54. 38 There is some disagreement of the phrasetranscribed regardingthe reconstruction here as r1]bsUt5b rnpD. Elgvin,An Analysis of 4Qlnstruction, 256, reads 'jIn nfnpt: 5[x, which producesthe translation,"and its walking accordingto what is appointed for the creatur[esof G]od."There are not enough lettertraces,however,to reproduce a bet. The reconstruction'rN is possible but not required.Strugnelland Harrington, DJD 34.151, readhe' insteadof bet and transcribe']ODOwithout"tt. This is translated "And the mannerof walking that is appointedfor [his] deed[s]."They argue that he' is to be favoredfor the pn?verb becausetwo verticaldescendersare visible. See DJD 34.154. This is also the transcriptionfavoredby Tigchelaar,To IncreaseLearning,52. Two such descenders,however,are not discernablefrom examinationof PAM 41.942. Based on the photograph,yod is to be favoredover he'. Readinga he' would not produce any majorsemanticdifference,althoughrnpFD7 could be renderedas a passive,as by Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.155. In either case it is clear that the mannerof walking is appointedby God.
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the stampof a transcendentdeity. As Lange's view suggests,the assertion that creationis a revealed"mystery"implies that the natureof the createdorder is not fully evident from humanobservationalone. The term raz not only refers to the means of revelationbut also to the heavenly knowledge that is revealed. After 4Q417 1 i 11-12 declares that God has establishedhow one's deeds are to be carried out, the compositionreads:"Seek these things continuallyand understand [al]l their outcomes. Then you will know the glory of [his] m[ight wi]th his wondrousmysteries,and the mighty acts of his deeds (1'DPrnfml1fl- IRtB 'l :[L Inl] nl::=1n97M )" (lines 12-13).39 Having full knowledge about creation,both in terms of its beginning and its regulation,allows one to know the mysteriesof God.Y0In this text these mysteries are equated with his "glory."Creationwas designed accordingto these divine mysteries.4'This also explains why the act of creationitself is a mystery.Full knowledgeof creationmust be revealed because it was shaped according to the will of a transcendent god. God's "wondrousmysteries"also denote his strength and power since the word m is parallelto M-II"in 4Q417 1 i 12-13.42 Calling the act of creationa "mystery"implies that it was a deed of great power. Scholarlydiscussion of the theme of creation in 4QInstructionhas focused on whether it should be considereda sapientialor apocalyptic feature of the text. Lange, as reviewed earlier, understandsthe mysterythat is to be as a "Sch6pfungsinstrument" that helps establish 39The reconstructionof the word lrlDremainstentativedue to erosion of the fragment's ink. Elgvin, An Analysis of 4QInstruction, 257, reads 1]D. He has also tran-
scribed it as :'74V. See his "The Mysteryto Come," 140. Strugnelland Harrington, DJD 34.160, argue that the space after the ayin is too large for 7 and too small for M'W.For this reason they opt for lnW. The readingin DJD 34 is favored here. It is also adoptedby Tigchelaar,To IncreaseLearning,52. The ltl] supplementwith its thin lettersfits this space well, whereasthe space is too small for the readingC7j]Du because of the ratherlarge size of final mems in this fragment. 40 Also note 4Q417 I i 2: "[And] upon the wondrousmysteriesof the God of the Awesome Ones you shall ponder." In lQS the Maskil to whom the st7D 'f7 are revealedmust teach them to the communityso that "theymay walk perfectly. . . in all that has been revealed to them" (9:18-19; cf. 3:15; 11:4-5). Cf. also IQH 5:8; 9:19-21; 10:13; 15:26; CD 3:18. See Tigchelaar, To Increase Learning, 204-5; Elgvin,
"The Mysteryto Come," 132. 41 Also note that 4Q417 I i 25 can be reconstructed as encouragingthe addressee to study both his "mysteries"and the "eternalfoundations":"Understandyour mysteries and the [eternal]found[ations]([&0D 'CJ1K:).See Tigchelaar,To Increase Learning, 206. 42 Cf. also 4Q299 5 2, "[migh]tymysteriesof light" (-n$t 'n7 nI7[:M]); CD 13:8, "the mightyacts of his wonder"(1K't lrnnuZ);Sir. 42:21, "mightyacts of his wisdom"
(InMOX MMn)z).
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the "weisheitlicheOrdnung"of the world. He thus comparescreation rni) to by means of the mysterythat is to be in 4Q417 1 i 8-9 (mmrn: Prov. 3:19, which declares that God made the world "with wisdom" (nrnn:).43 In this formulation4QInstructionuses revelationto elevate beyond human critique the sapiential assertionthat the world has a mn as rationalorder.Elgvin, by contrast,understandsthe phrasemm'iU an apocalypticappropriationof the traditionthat God made the world by wisdom. The mystery that is to be, not wisdom, has the critical instrumentalbet. He writes:"Whilenr=Zn,nr0w,and Mi':are portrayed as accompanyingattributesof God, raz nihyeh is the plan by which He designed the world and its foundations . .. Raz nihyeh is clearly a
of the divine Wisdom of Proverbs1-9."44 Assessment reinterpretation of the theme of creationin 4QInstructionvis-a-vis the sapientialand apocalyptictraditionsrequirescomparisonwith wisdom and apocalyptic texts. Creation in Proverbs and Ben Sira
Creation is an importanttheme in biblical wisdom.45Traditional wisdom teaches that knowledgecan be acquiredthroughan empirical of how conunderstandingof realitythat fosters a clear understanding sequencesresult from actions. This allows outcomesto be anticipated and helps one decide upon the appropriateaction in a given situation. Following K. Koch, scholarsoften assert that in biblical wisdom real(a deed-consequence ity is structuredby a Tat-Ergehen-Zusammenhang relationship)."In the worldviewof Proverbs,the wicked will be punished and the righteous rewardedin this world as a result of their actions. A good example of this perspectiveis in Prov. 26:27: "Whoever digs a pit will fall into it, and a stone will come back on the one who startsit rolling."Proverbs1-9 teaches that God made the world with wisdom, as personifiedby Lady Wisdom, who declares "The LORDcreatedme at the beginningof his work, the first of his acts of long ago"(8:22).Thismakesexplicitwhatis implicitin chapters10-31 Lange, Weisheitund Pradestination,63. 4 Elgvin, "Wisdomand Apocalypticism,"235. 43
4S
L.G. Purdue, Wisdom and Creation: The Theology of Wisdom Literature
(Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1994); R. Murphy,"Wisdom and Creation,"JBL 104 (1985) 3-11. `6 K. Koch, "Gibtes ein Vergeltungsdogma im Alten Testament?"ZTK52 (1955) 1-42. For a translationof this article, see "Is There a Doctrineof Retributionin the Old Testament?"Theodicy in the Old Testament(ed. J.L. Creshaw; Philadelphia: FortressPress, 1983) 57-87.
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that God made the world with a sense of order.47This explains why the correlationbetweenaction and consequencecan be understoodand predicted. Thereare similaritiesbetween4QInstructionand Proverbs,but there are also differencesbetween them. While in ProverbsLady Wisdom will teach anyone willing to listen about the rationalstructureof the world (8:1-10), in 4QInstructionthe natureof creationis a revealed mystery.This sapientialtext also gives no prominenceto Lady Wisdom, in markedcontrastto Proverbs.Also 4QInstructionteaches that creationfollows a pre-arrangedplan whereas this is never implied by the Tat-Ergehen-Zusammenhang of Proverbs.Lange's claim that the mystery that is to be presentsthe "weisheitlicheOrdnung"of traditionalwisdom as a revealedtruthdoes not adequatelyaddressthis. Both Proverbsand 4QInstruction,however, as Lange contends, posit that the naturalorderwas endowedwith a rationalstructureat the moment of creation. Ben Sira also relates divine wisdom to creation:"Wisdom(ao(pia) was created before all other things, and prudentunderstandingfrom eternity"(1:4; cf. v. 9).48 He emphasizesthat God's wisdom was used to establishthe deterministicframeworkof creation:"Whenthe LORD created his works from the beginning, and, in making them, determined theirboundaries,he arrangedhis works in an eternalorder,and their dominion for all generations" (16:26-27; cf. 33:7-8).49 The divine wisdom that fills creationcan be observed. Clearly the splendor and glory of God are evident in creation.This is a centralidea of the hymns to creationin 39:12-35 and 42:15-43:33.50The role of wisdom in creationis clear, for example, in 42:21-22: "He regulatesthe mighty deeds of his wisdom (ln3nrf n-l:1) . .. How beautiful are all
his works, delightfulto gaze upon and a joy to behold!"5' 4 L.G. Perdue,"Cosmologyand the Social Orderin the Wisdom Tradition,"The Sage in Israel and the AncientNear East (eds J.G. Gammieand L.G. Perdue;Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns,1990) 460-61. "8 F.V. Reiterer,"Die Immateriellen Ebenender Schopfungbei Ben Sira,"Treasures of Wisdom:Studies in Ben Sira and the Book of Wisdom.FestschriftM. Gilbert(eds N. Calduch-Benages and J. Vermeylen; Leuven: Leuven University Press, 1999) 91-127. 49 R.A. Argall, I Enoch and Sirach: A Comparative Literary and Conceptual Analysis of the Themesof Revelation,Creation,and Judgment(SBLEJL8; Atlanta: ScholarsPress, 1995) 136; A. Di Lella and P.W. Skehan,The Wisdomof Ben Sira (AB 39; New York: Doubleday,1987) 277-81. 50 Collins, Jewish Wisdom,84-89; Argall, 1 Enoch and Sirach, 140-51; Di Lella and Skehan,The Wisdomof Ben Sira, 454-62, 484-96. "1 This translationis from Di Lella and Skehan,The Wisdomof Ben Sira, 484.
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Like the word tf in 4QInstruction,the termn[:)rl in Ben Sira refers to both God's establishmentof the world's rationalstructureat creation and the ability of humankindto perceivethis cosmic order.Ben Sira's second hymn to creation associates the divine act of creation with humanwisdom: "It is the LORDwho has made all things, and to (43:33).52 Ben Sira those who fear him he gives wisdom (MlrOZl)" emphasizesthat the humanability to perceiveorderand beautyin creation is a consequenceof how God fashionedit. Both Ben Sira and 4QInstructionalso describe the act of perceiving the rationalconfigurationof the world as one of seeing. As mentioned previously,4QInstruction'saddresseeis frequentlytold to gaze upon, using the hif'il imperativeof MM,the mysterythat is to be in orderto understandthe natureof the world. R.A. Argall has observed stanzaof Ben Sira's secondcreationhymn(42:15thatthe introductory 25) emphasizes the seeing of God's splendor,using the word =:.53 Referringto all of God's works, Ben Sira rhetoricallyasks, "Canone ever see enough of their splendor (MAtIrMMFrnn)?" (42:25; cf. 43:1
[Bm]). When the sage wants his audienceto understandthe dualistic natureof creation,he uses C:: as a hif'il imperative,the form that is characteristicof 4QInstruction:"See (M:1l) now all the works of the MostHigh:theycome in pairs,theone theoppositeof theother"(33:15).54 Both Ben Sira and 4QInstructionteach that one can "gaze"upon the deterministicstructureof the created order and thus appreciatethe splendorof God. The two texts disagree,however, on the extent to which the nature of the createdordercan be perceived.5Ben Sira emphasizesthat there are aspects of creationthat are hidden from humankind.Even a sage as wise as Ben Sira cannot fully appreciatethe createdorder.At the conclusion of his second hymn on creationhe declares"Manythings greaterthan these lie hidden, for I have seen but few of his works" (43:32; cf. 1:1-10). This sentimentis in the traditionof texts such as Job 26 and Ecclesiastes8, which emphasizethe limitationsof human Di Lella and Skehan,The Wisdomof Ben Sira, 487. I Enoch and Sirach, 143. -4 For a discussionof the dualismof Ben Sira, see Collins, JeWishWisdom,85. "Two EarlyJewish Approachesto Wisdom:Sirachand Qumran 55 D.J. Harrington, SapientialWork A," JSP 16 (1997) 25-38. J. Aitken has attemptedto downplaythe differencesbetweenthese two texts. See his "Apocalyptic,Revelationand EarlyJewish 52
53
Wisdom Literature," New Heaven and New Earth: Prophecy and the Millennium.
Essays in Honourof AnthonyGelston (eds P.J. Harlandand C.T.R. Hayward;VTSup 77; Leiden:Brill, 1999) 181-93.
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knowledge.56Ben Sira goes so far as to dismiss claims that the epistemological restrictionsthat characterizethe human conditioncan be transcended:"Neitherseek what is too difficultfor you, nor investigate what is beyond your power ... Do not meddle in matters that are beyond you, for more than you can understandhas been shown you. For theirconceit has led many astray,and wrong opinionhas impaired theirjudgment"(3:21-23).57 4QInstruction,by contrast, claims that the epistemological limits that Ben Sira affirmscan be breachedthroughthe study of the mystery that is to be. 4QInstructionagrees with Ben Sira that the world follows discernible rules and patternsthat can be perceived by the ordinaryhumansenses. This viewpointis evident in 4Q423 5 5, which assumes that the addresseeis a farmer:"observethe appointedtimes of the summer,gatheryour crops in theirtime, and the season [of harvest in its appointedtime]."4Q418 69 ii 3-4 also urges the addressee to understandthe regularmotion of water: "Do not all their [waters] walk with truthand with knowledge all their waves?"58While 4QInstructionhighlights acquiringwisdom throughthe mystery that is to be, the compositionacknowledgesthat one source of wisdom is the observationof the naturalworld. Raz and Revelationin I Enoch 4QInstruction'sclaims to providerevelationaboutthe natureof creation are a consequenceof its apocalypticworldview. The apocalyptic mindset of 4QInstructioncan be illustratedby a brief comparison with 1 Enoch.s9Enoch claims to know the full extent of the created 56
Di Lella and Skehan, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, 496.
S7Argall has arguedpersuasivelythat Ben Sira is taking a stand against traditions of esoteric wisdom that purportto disclose heavenly revelation,such as 1 Enoch. See his 1 Enochand Sirach, 250. If he is correct4QInstructioncan be likewise understood as representativeof the kind of revelatorywisdom that Ben Sira spurns.Some scholars understandSir. 3:21-24 as polemic against Greek wisdom. See, for example, Di Lella and Skehan, The Wisdom of Ben Sira, 160; M. Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism
(Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1973) 1.139. 58 This follows the translationof Tigchelaar,To Increase Learning, 184. See also Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.283. S9 The affinitiesbetween4QInstruction and I Enoch have been chartedby Elgvin in several publications.See, for example, his "EarlyEssene Eschatology:Judgmentand Salvation according to Sapiential Work A," Current Research and Technological Development on the Dead Sea Scrolls: Conference on the Texts from the Judean Desert, Jerusalem, 30 April 1995 (eds D.W. Parry and S.D. Ricks; STDJ 20; Leiden:
Brill, 1996) 126-65.
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order:"I, Enoch, alone saw the sight, the ends of everything;and no man has seen what I have seen" (19:3).60 1 Enoch uses the term raz
to describerevelation.The best example of this is in chapter106. In this chapterEnoch reveals to his fatherLamechknowledgeabout the eschatological judgment. Enoch concludes the account by affirming that this informationwas disclosed to him throughdivine revelation: "ForI know the mysteries('tf) of the holy ones, for that LORD showed (them) to me and made (them) known to me, and I read (them) in the tablets of heaven" (106:19; cf. 93:2).6' There are abundantexamples of "mysteries"in I Enoch for which an Aramaictext is not extant.62 1 Enoch claims to provide angelic knowledge about the created order.This perspectiveis establishedat the outset of the Astronomical Book: "The book of the revolutionsof the lights of heaven,each as it is, accordingto their classes, accordingto their (period of) rule and their times ... which Uriel, the holy angel who was with me and is their leader,showed to me" (72:1; cf. 41:1-3).63 Like 4QInstruction,I Enoch has a deterministicunderstandingof the naturalorder that is depicted as a revealed truth. The knowledge that the Astronomical Book reveals presupposesthatheavenlybodies move accordingto predeterminedpatterns.However, the revelationsabout the createdorder disclosed in 1 Enoch are quite differentfrom those in 4QInstruction. The formertext providesan extraordinaryamountof detail about the I Argall, I Enoch and Sirach, 163. See also G.W.E. Nickelsburg, I Enoch: A Commentary on the Book of I Enoch, Chapters 1-36, 81-108 (Hermeneia; Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2001) 289. 61 The word rt is also used in 4QEna I iv 5 (I Enoch 8:3), in which the Watchers reveal "secrets (pr') to their wives." This detail is not in the Ethiopic manuscripts, but is in the Greek version of I Enoch 8:3 preserved in Syncellus. See Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, 2.83. J.T. Milik claimed that in the Book of Giants God is praised for knowing all mysteries: "for [you] know all mysteries (sin1)" (4QEnGiants' 9 3). This is similar to 1 Enoch 9:4-11; 63:2-4; and 84:2-6. See J.T. Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976) 316. He also reconstructed the word ri based on a visible resh in 1Q23 9+14+15 2, which he understood to be a Book of Giants manuscript. See The Books of Enoch, 302. For more on the Book of Giants, see L.T. Stuckenbruck, The Book of Giants from Qumran: Texts, Translation, and Commentary (TSAJ 63; Tiibingen: Mohr-Siebeck, 1997). 62 See, for example, 1 Enoch 16:3, "You were in heaven but (its) secrets had not yet been revealed to you and a worthless mystery you knew. This you made known to the women in the hardness of your hearts, and through this mystery the women and the men cause evil to increase on earth"; 41:3, "And there my eyes saw the secrets of the flashes of lightning of the thunder. . . and the secrets of the clouds and of the dew . . ."; 52:2, "there [in the west] my eyes saw the secrets of heaven, everything that will occur on earth...." 63 This translation is from Knibb, The Ethiopic Book of Enoch, 2.167. See also Argall, 1 Enoch and Sirach, 50-51.
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motion of astral phenomena.4QInstruction,by contrast,has no interest in disclosing any hidden astronomicalinformation.In principle such knowledgewould be available throughthe mysterythat is to be since it purportsto provide the full extent of the rationalstructureof the cosmos. 4QInstruction,however,is contentto claim that the secrets of God's plan guiding creation have been revealed without recounting this knowledge in an encyclopedic fashion. This helps clarify 4QInstruction's aim in disclosing the mystery that is to be. The addresseeto whom it is revealed is not enjoined to learn about the fullness of creationin the mannerof Enoch. There is no call for tours of heaven and earth guided by angels. The addresseeis not supposed to use the mystery that is to be to transcendthe normal bounds of humanlife. Ratherthe mysterythat is to be providesthe broadertheological context of his daily life. For example, knowing the mystery that is to be is to encourage the addressee to practice filial piety (4Q416 2 iii 15-19). Studyingthe mysterythat is to be will also help him have success at raising crops. This is clear from 4Q423 3 2, a fragmentary text:
"....
[through the mystery] that is to be. So you will
walk, and al[l your] c[rops will multiply]"(cf. 4Q418 103 ii).f4 The Combinationof Creationand Revelationin the HellenisticAge 4QInstructionassociates the term raz with the act of creation.The only other text that does this is the Hodayot.65Of these two texts, 64 This fragmentis safely reconstructedwith materialfrom 1Q26 2 2, a parallel attestationof the same text. See Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.513-14. 65 See, for example, IQH 5:19: "In the mysteriesof your insight (MnLbtzv '7:) [you] have apportionedall these things, to make your glory known."This text, like 4Q417 1 i 8-9, combines the word raz with the prepositionbet to convey the fact that God establishedthe deterministicframeworkof reality"with"his mysteries.The phrasetli 7 is used in 1QH 20:13 to describethe revelationof the true natureof creation that has been given to the speaker:"You have [op]enedwithin me knowledgeof the mystery of your wisdom, and the source of [your] power"(cf. 17:23-24). Note also
IQH 9:7-13: "In your wisdom ([Q7j:MlM:r) [you] es[tablished] eternal . . . [Without
you no]thingis done, and nothingis knownwithoutyour will ... eternalspiritsin their realms:luminariesaccordingto their mysteries(=[`Mr), stars accordingto [their]circuits, [all the stormywinds] accordingto their roles, lightningand thunderaccording to theirdutiesand well-designedstorehousesaccordingto th[eir]purposes[...] according to their secrets (nin'2)" (cf. 5:14-15). Comparealso 1QH 9:23-24 with 4Q417 I i 15-16. See also M.A. Daise, "BiblicalCreationMotifs in the QumranHodayot,"The Dead Sea Scrolls Fifty Yearsafter TheirDiscovery,293-305. Daise, however,focuses on 1QH 16 and does not examine col. 9 in any depth. See also Lange, Weisheitund Prddestination,297. The Wisdom of Solomon also presentsthe connectionbetween creationand divine wisdom as a "mystery":"I will tell you what wisdom is and how
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4QInstructionis certainlythe oldest. It is generallydatedto the beginning of the second centuryBCE;6 the Hodayotare usually considered a productof the Dead Sea Scroll communitythatflourishedin the first century BCE. One can easily argue that the Hodayot's views on creation were influencedby 4QInstruction.FThis only sharpensthe larger questionof why 4QInstructiondescribesthe act of creationas a "mystery"and relies so heavily on appeals to revelation. Elgvin has explainedthe theme of revelationof 4QInstruction,and other apocalypticfeaturesof the composition,by arguingthat it used 1 Enoch as a source.The two works have notablesimilarities,such as revelation in the form of a heavenly book (e.g., I Enoch 90:20; 93:1-2; 4Q417 1 i 15). They also both disclose revelationusing the term raz. If 4Q416 I is consideredthe beginningof 4QInstruction,as she came to be, and I will hide no secrets (guavrTipta) from you, but I will trace her course from the beginningof creation,and make knowledgeof her clear, and I will not pass by the truth"(6:22; cf. 2:22). See J.J. Collins, "The Mysteriesof God: The Category 'Mystery' in Apocalypticand SapientialWritings,"Wisdomand Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition: Proceedings of the Colloquium Biblicum Lovaniense LI, Leuven, July 31-August 2, 2002 (ed. F. Garcfa Martinez;
BETL 168; Leuven:Peeters-LeuvenUniversityPress, forthcoming). I Strugnell and Harrington,DJD 34.20-21, have argued that 4Qlnstructionwas used to trainadministrativescribesand functionariesof the royal courtin the thirdand second centuriesBCE. Lange has arguedthat the compositionwas producedby circles close to the JerusalemTemple aroundthe time of Jason and Menelaus(175-164 BCE). See his "In Diskussion mit dem Tempel: zur Auseinandersetzung zwischen Kohelet und weisheitlichenKreisenam JerusalemerTempel,"Qoheletin the Contextof Wisdom (ed. A. Schoors; BETL 136; Leuven: Leuven University Press/Peeters,1998) 157. Elgvin argued in his dissertationthat the apocalypticmaterialof 4Qln-structionwas composed around 160 and 130 BCE, although he has recently shifted to a preMaccabeandating. Elgvin, An Analysisof 4Qlnstruction,185; idem, "PriestlySages? TheMilieusof Originof 4QMysteriesand4QInstruction," SapientialPerspectives:Wisdom Literature in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls. Proceedings of the Sixth International Symposium of the Orion Center, 20-22 May 2001 (eds G. Sterling and J.J. Collins;
Leiden: Brill, forthcoming).There are several factors that suggest a pre-Maccabean dating: I) 4QInstructionhas no sense of politicalcrisis or scorn towardsGentiles;2) it shows no familiaritywith the Maccabeanconflict;3) many of the motifs that are typical in Qumranliteraturefrom the first centuryBCEare not found in 4QInstruction, such as messianism,the predictionof a final eschatologicalwar, the view that the world is underthe sway of Belial, or the convictionthat the text is writtenduringthe "end of days." 67 It is likely that 4QInstruction was a source for the compositionof the Hodayot. This is suggested 1) by the large numberof 4QInstructionmanuscriptsthatwere found at Qumran;2) the text sharedin common between4Q418 55 10 and IQH 18:28-29 ("... . facicordingto their knowledge they are glorified, one more than his neighbor, and accordingto each one's intelligencehis splendoris increased.");3) the numerous similarities noted above between 4Q417 1 i and IQH 5 and 9; 4) the fact that 4QInstructionis older thanthe Hodayot.Tigchelaar,To IncreaseLearning,207, argues that IQH 5-6 was influencedby 4QInstruction.
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is normallythoughtto be the case, both texts begin with theophanic judgmentscenes.68On the basis of such similaritiesElgvin concludes that "Enochictraditionsare the primarysources of inspirationfor the eschatological discourses" of 4QInstruction.69This claim of direct dependenceleads him to identify 4QInstruction'smystery that is to be as the "sevenfold wisdom" given to the elect in the Apocalypse of Weeks (1 Enoch 93:10).70As L.T. Stuckenbruckargues, however, this is a maximalist reading of the relationshipbetween these two texts.71There is no evidenceof directliterarydependence.Nevertheless it is possible that 4QInstructionwas inspired by Enochic literature. 1 Enoch was a populartext in the late second temple period, as suggested by the abundanceof Enochicmanuscriptsfound at Qumranand the descriptionof Enoch in Jubileesas one who "saw and knew everything and wrote his testimony"(4:20).72It is entirely possible that the authorsof 4QInstructionwere familiar with Enochic literature.This would explain the similarities between the two works. But, if one grants this view, it does not provide a reason why 4QInstruction would take some ideas from 1 Enoch but not others.Pointingout similaritiesbetween the two texts does not in itself explain why 1 Enoch would seem attractiveto 4QInstructionfor use as a source. Lange has explained4QInstruction'srelianceon revelationas a consequenceof the "crisis of wisdom"exemplifiedby Job and Qoheleth. In this formulation,these wisdom books demonstratedthe bankruptcy of traditionalwisdom and encouragedthe developmentof new forms
68 Most scholars consider 4Q416 I the beginning of the work because it has an unusuallywide right margin (3.3 cm). This could not be fully explained if it were placed in the middleof the work. See Harrington,WisdomTexts,41; J. Kampen,"The Diverse Aspects of Wisdom at Qumran,"The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years:A ComprehensiveAssessment(eds P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam;Leiden:Brill, 1998) 1.227; Tigchelaar,To Increase Learning, 161. For more on I Enoch 1, see Nickelsburg, I Enoch, 142-49; J.C. VanderKam,"TheTheophanyof Enoch I 3B-7, 9," From Revelation to Canon: Studies in the Hebrew Bible and Second Temple Literature (JSJSup62; Leiden:Brill, 2000) 332-53. 69 An Analysisof 4Qlnstruction,169. 70 An Analysisof 4Qlnstruction,63. 7' L.T. Stuckenbruck, "4QInstructionand the Possible Influenceof Early Enochic Traditions:An Evaluation,"The WisdomTextsfrom Qumranand the Developmentof Sapiential Thought (eds C. Hempel, A. Lange, and H. Lichtenberger;BETL 159; Leuven: Leuven University Press/Peeters,2002) 245-61. See also M. Knibb, "The Bookof Enochin theLightof theQumranWisdomLiterature," WisdomandApocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls and in the Biblical Tradition(forthcoming). 72 See J.C. VanderKam,"EnochTraditionsin Jubilees and Other Second-Century Sources,"From Revelationto Canon, 305-31.
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of sapientialthought.73For Lange 4QInstructionis an example of the new kinds of wisdom speculation produced by this crisis. Lange explains the "bookof remembrance" (4Q417 1 i 15-16) as an attempt to bolsterthe legitimacyof the assertionthat the world has a rational structurebecause its validity was weakening.He contendsthat when "diese fraglichgewordeneund verborgeneOrdnungzu einem auf den himmlischenTafeln schriftlich fixierten 'Bauplan' des Seins wurde, wurdeihre Wahrheitund Wirklichkeitbestarkt,gleichsammitfixiert."74 For Lange 4QInstructionconfirms G. von Rad's understandingof apocalypticismas an outgrowthfrom the sapientialtradition.75 Lange's views, however, are in need of some refinement.4QInstructionnever explicitly engages with the skepticismof Qohelethor the complaints of Job.76This suggests that the compositionshould not be understood as a responseto these works. As for von Rad's provocativecontention about the origins of apocalypticism,it is well known that it cannot stand as originallyformulated.77
That Job and Qohelethrepresenta sapientialcrisis has been questioned.J. Crenshaw has pointedout the antiquityof skepticismin Israel,as evident in texts such as Isa. 5:19 and Zeph. 1:12; this suggests that such views should not be associatedexclusively with Job and Qoheleth. See his Old Testament Wisdom: An Introduction
(Atlanta:John Knox Press, 1981) 196. G. von Rad has asked, "is it at all feasible that two individual works will have broughtabout a rethinkingof later Israel's understandingof the world?"See his Wisdomin Israel (London:SCM Press Ltd.; Valley Forge, PA: TrinityPress International,1972) 237. 7 7
Weisheit und Pradestination, 92. Weisheit und Pradestination, 301-6. For von Rad, see his Wisdom in Israel,
263-83. He argues that apocalypticismrepresentsan eschatologicaldevelopmentof sapientialthought,as found in materialsuch as Qoheleth3. In that text it is asserted that there is a right time for all things, and this perspective,accordingto von Rad, is given an eschatological orientationin apocalypticism.See also E.E. Johnson, The Function of Apocalyptic and Wisdom Traditions in Romans 9-11 (SBLDS 109;
Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1989) 55-56. 76 Lange has recentlyarguedthat4QInstruction, the Book of Mysteries,and the second epilogue of Ecclesiastes (12:12-14) all stem from the same sapiential circles, which he situatesin the Temple:"Inden nichtessenischenWeisheitstextenaus Qumran and Mysteries-MJG) dokumentiertsich vielmehraucheine von Koh kri(4QInstruction tisierteweisheitlicheSchule,die ich im folgendenals Tempelweisheitbezeichnenmochte." See his "In Diskussionmit dem Tempel," 145. Even if one were to grant, however, that the Torahand the cult are majorthemesfor these texts, it does not follow that its authorsshould be located at the Temple. Lange's common Sitz-im-Lebenfor Eccl. 12:12-14, 4QInstruction,and the Book of Mysteries should be seen in light of his of 4QInstructionand Mysteriesas a responseto the "crisisof wisdom." understanding See also Elgvin, "PriestlySages?" 77 J.J. Collins, "Wisdom,Apocalypticismand GenericCompatibility," Seers, Sibyls and Sages in Hellenistic Roman Judaism (JSJSup 54; Leiden: Brill, 1997) 385-404.
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Lange may be correct,in a sense, that 4QInstructionis a reaction to a "crisis of wisdom." That is, if one understandsthis "crisis"not as a sapientialrevolutiontriggeredby Job and Qohelethbut ratheras referringto broad intellectualdevelopmentsin the Hellenistic period. M. Hengel has argued that "higher wisdom through revelation" is characteristicof religiousexpressionin the wider Hellenisticareafrom the second century BCE onwards.78Media such as otherworldlyjourneys, dream visions, and secret books, providedsupernaturalexperiences and knowledge that gave people a fuller understandingof the cosmos and the heavenly world. The motif of the heavenly journey, which is found in Plato's Republic (Book 10), was satirized by the PalestinianCynic Menippusof Gadarain the third centuryBCE, SUggesting that the tropewas popularand widespreadin the region.79The revelations of these texts often present history as following a predeterminedplan.ThePersian"Oracleof Hystapes,"for example,contains revelations about the history of the world and its eventual destruction by fire, using indigenous Persian apocalyptic ideas to respond to Hellenisticrule in westernAsia.8"HeraclidesPontius(390-310 BCE) was a studentof Plato who recounteda heavenlyjourneyby Empedotimus in which, in a manner similar to Enoch, he is given secret knowledgeaboutthe patternsof the stars. Showing a similarframe of mind, the Egyptianoracles of Nechepso and Petosirispurportto reveal astronomicalknowledge.8'These examples, along with many others, form the wider intellectualcontext in which Hengel situates Jewish He arguesthat the Jewish apocalypsesand other apocalypticthought.82 contemporaryrevelatorytexts attesta "spiritualmilieu"of which "The 78 Judaism and Hellenism, 1.210-17. See also H. Cancik, "The End of the World, of History,and of the Individualin Greek and Roman Antiquity,"The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism(eds J.J. Collins, B. McGinn, and S. Stein; New York/London: Continuum,1998) 1.91. 79
80
Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.21 1. A. HultgArd, "PersianApocalypticism," The Encyclopedia of Apocalypticism, 1.74-76.
See also Collins, TheApocalypticImagination,32. For a classic treatmentof the availability of Persian and Babylonian ideas in the Hellenistic world, see J. Bidez and F. Cumont,Les Mages Hellenises (Paris:Les Belles Lettres, 1938). 81
E. Suys, Vie de Petosiris, Grand Pretre de Thot a Hermopolis-la-Grande (Bru-
xelles: FondationEgyptologiqueReine Elisabeth,1927); Hengel, Judaismand Hellenism, 1.214. 82 While it is importantto acknowledgethat Jewish apocalypticismhas featuresin common with its wider Hellenistic milieu, this should not obscure the fact that the genre is also an adaptationof native Palestiniantraditionssuch as postexilic prophecy and Canaanitemythology. See J.J. Collins, "Apocalypticismagainst Its Hellenistic Environment," Seers, Sibyls and Sages, 73.
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commonbasis is formedby the idea of 'higherwisdomby revelation'. It characterizesthe renewal of the religious feelings of the ancient world underthe influenceof orientalreligions and the suppressionof While Hengel helpfully Greek rationalismand religious skepticism."83 identifiesa prevailingintellectualmood in the Hellenistic period that is characterizedby revelationand determinism,it is not clear that this should be attributedto the "suppressionof Greek rationalism."The theHellenistic determinism andneedforhigherrevelationthatcharacterize Zeitgeist is perhapsbetter attributedto a widespreadsense of alienation. Drawingon A.M.J. Festugiere,Collins writes People who turnedto deterministicviews of historyhad little confidencein their ability to controlthe courseof events. In the Near East the loss of confidencein the presentand the politicalprocesscan be traceddirectlyto the loss of national independenceand the consequentdisorientationof politics and religion."4
As with the Jewish apocalypses, the Hellenistic "spiritualmilieu" identifiedby Hengelformsthewiderintellectualclimateof 4QInstruction. Appealingto higher revelationwas a known and establishedtrope at the time the text was composed.Calls for transcendentwisdom would have appearedattractiveto the authorsof 4QInstructiongiven the economic and politicalcircumstancesof its time. Since the text was probably composed in the early second centuryBCE, it is germaneto also take into considerationprominentfeatures of the third century that continuedinto the second. The Ptolemaiccontrolof Palestineduringthe thirdcenturyBCE was not one of totalitarianoppressionand persecutionbut ratherone of The Tobiad family economic reorganizationand financialdisparity.85 earnedextraordinaryamountsof money by collecting taxes from the rest of the population.The Seleucids led by AntiochusIII attempted to wrest control of Palestine from the PtolemaicEmpirein the latter portionof the thirdcentury.This campaignled to the Seleucid defeat at Raphia in 217 and the dynasty's eventual consolidationof power over the area in 198.86The Seleucids came to power with the support 83
Judaism and Hellenism, 1.217. Italics are the author's.
72; A.M.J.Festugiere, againstItsHellenisticEnvironment," 4 Collins,"Apocalypticism Personal Religion among the Greeks (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1954) 41. 85 Hengel, Judaism and Hellenism, 1.18-55. 86 V. Tcherikover, Hellenistic Civilization and the Jews (trans. S. Applebaum;
Philadelphia:Jewish PublicationSociety of America;Jerusalem:The Magnes Press, 1961) 73-89. See also J. Pastor, Land and Economy in Ancient Palestine (London/New
York:Routledge,1997) 21-52.
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of the Temple aristocracy.87 Accordingto Josephus,AntiochusIII alleviated the tax burdensof membersof the Temple establishment,and grantedthe inhabitantsof Jerusalema three-yearreprievefrom taxation and a permanentone-thirdtax reduction(Ant. 12:142-44). While the economic disparitythat characterizedthe Ptolemaic system might have been somewhatreducedin the pre-Maccabeanperiodof Seleucid rule, it was by no means alleviated. There was still a great deal of poverty and inequity in Palestine. Economic distress for ordinary Palestinianswas heightenedin the thirdcenturyunderPtolemaicrule and continuedinto the second. Povertyis a majortheme of 4QInstruction.88 The compositionhas a pronouncedinterest in financial affairs. The addressee is to keep in mind constantlythat he is "poor"(e.g., 4Q416 2 ii 20; iii 2, 8, 12, 19). There is ample evidence that this refers to materialpoverty.89For example,the compositionstressesthatthe addresseepayoff debts(4Q417 2 i 21-22), endureharshtreatmentfrom superiors(4Q416 2 ii 12-15), and suggests that he rely on God when he does not have enough money for his daily needs (4Q417 2 i 19). Some texts understandthe addresseeto be a farmer(4Q418 103 ii; 4Q423 5 5-6). 4QInstruction providesteaching for someone who is, or could easily become, poor. The composition's deterministictheology and appeals to revelation make sense against this general backgroundof economic hardship. 4QInstructionprovidesthe addresseewith revelationand contendsthat he has elect status, telling him that he is in the lot of the angels (4Q418 81 4-5). The povertyof the addresseeforces 4QInstructionto look beyond his ordinarylife for ways to endow him with a sense of dignity and self-worth.This is accomplishedby providinghim with privilegedknowledge from heaven about the natureof the world and his own elect status. Like other Jewish wisdom texts, 4QInstructionbases its understandingof the world upon a descriptionof how God fashioned the naturalorder.Like othercompositionsof the Hellenisticperiod,4QInstruction'sclaims aboutthe naturalorderare legitimatedby revelation. The act of creating the world, and its regulation,are understoodas divine mysteriesbecause the difficultsituationof the addresseeforces 87 E.J. Bickerman,The Jews in the Greek Age (Cambridge:HarvardUniversity Press, 1988) 121. 88 Murphy,Wealthin the Dead Sea Scrolls, 163-209. 89 Harrington, WisdomTexts,46.
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4QInstructionto look heavenwardfor evidence thatGod's handguides events. Conclusion 4QInstruction'sappealsto revelationcan be understoodagainst the backdropof economic distressin Palestineat the time of its composition. Against this background,it seems that Lange's claim that 4QInstructionsupportsvon Rad's understandingof apocalypticismas an outgrowthfrom the sapiential traditionshould be reassessed. Since 1 Enoch can be consideredan influence upon 4QInstruction,its elements probablydo not comprise,as Lange argues,"ersteSchritteauf dem Weg zur Apokalyptik."904QInstructiondoes not support von Rad's claim that apocalypticismcomes out of the wisdom tradition. The composition does show, however, that von Rad was not completely wrong. 4QInstructionmakes clear that it was possible in the early second centuryBCE for a wisdom text to develop an apocalyptic worldview.
' Weisheit und Prddestination, 305.
RHETORICALDEVICES IN 4QMMT* JESPER H0GENHAVEN University of Copenhagen
Since the publicationin 1994 of 4QMMT in DJD 10' a considerable number of studies of the text have appeared. Apart from the importantlinguisticaspects of the text and its place within the history of the Hebrewlanguage,the main points of focus in scholarlyresearch on 4QMMThave been the halakhicissues or the way biblical law is interpretedin 4QMMT, the contributionof 4QMMT to our understandingof the historical setting of the Qumrandocuments,and the relation of 4QMMT to other parts of the Qumranlibrary.These are all issues of the highest interestfor historicalreconstruction.Scholarly interest has also been devoted to studying formal and structural aspects of the documentitself. The unusualliteraryform employed in 4QMMTwas emphasizedby the editors, E. Qimronand J. Strugnell, in DJD 10, and several studies-although markedlylimited in number when comparedto the amount of historicallyoriented studies-have dealt with various aspects of the form, composition, and rhetorical strategyof 4QMMT.The purposeof this paper is to take the survey of rhetoricaldevices and strategiesemployed in 4QMMT a little bit further. The Epistolary Form of 4QMMT
4QMMTdisplays the unusualaspect-unusual for the Qumrandocuments, at least-of being cast in the form of a letter or an epistle.
* This articleis a revisedversion of a paperread at a symposiumat the University of Uppsala,Sweden, in September2001. I would like to express my gratitudeto the organizers,Mats Eskhult,Stig Norin and Bo Isakson,and to the CarlsbergFoundation for travel support.My special thanks are due to Elisha Qimron for his precise and inspiringremarks. I E. Qimron and J. Strugnell, Qumran Cave 4.V: Miqsat Ma'ase ha-Torah (DJD 10;
Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1994). ?) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 2
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Before its final publicationin DJD 10 the text had been referredto in secondaryliteratureas "Halakhicletter"or "lettremishnique."In the introductionin DJD 10 the editors discuss the literarycharacterand historicalsettingof the text.2Here in an attemptto determineor define more preciselythe literarygenre of 4QMMT,referenceis made to the distinctionbetween personalletters,epistles ("whichare less personal and more literary"),public letters, and treatises.The editors note that the formal featurescharacteristicof personallettersare largely absent from4QMMT.Suchfeatures,presumably,would includea praescriptio with an addressand initial greetings,which is not found in 4QMMT, though it should be borne in mind that the original beginningof the documenthas been lost.3 Furthermore,4QMMT would also seem to lack a conclusion formula in the stricter,epistolary sense, although this is not unparallelledin the corpusof ancient Hebrewletters studied by D. Pardee.'Nevertheless,the presenceof an explicit authorthe "we"-groupof the text-and of an addressee-a plural"you" in sections B and C and a singular"you"in section C-does place the documentwithin the epistolary genre, according to the editors. The editors also draw attentionto the apparentformal analogy between the concludingwords of section C '7trr7l 75 ZltC and the concluding greetingsof one of the Bar Kokhbalettersfrom Wadi Murabba'at ftV 7RM M: f7W7li. They furthermorepoint to the similarityin structurebetween the listing of halakhicissues in section B with the repeated introductory formulas bDl and
'D
gAl, and the way the
Pauline epistles list various topics using the formula iepi 6U. As the editorscautiouslyremark,this could also be seen not as a specific characteristicof lettersbut ratheras a generalfeatureof lists of various subjectmatters.5 The extant form of 4QMMT, then, leads its editors to classify the document as a corporate or public letter sent from one group to another,or possibly even as a treatise.As analogousexamplesof corporateletters,they point to some instancesin rabbinicliterature,to the
Qimronand Strugnell,DJD 10.109-21. I The terminologyused here is takenover from the surveysof Aramaicand Hebrew JBL 93 [19741 letters by J.A. Fitzmyer("Some Notes on AramaicEpistolography," 2
201-25
[= idem, A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays (SBLMS 25;
Chico, CA: ScholarsPress, 1979) 183-204]) and D. Pardee("An Overviewof Ancient JBL 97 [19781321-46). HebrewEpistolography," 4 Cf. Pardee,"Overview,"340-41. 5 Qimronand Strugnell,DJD 10.113-14.
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two letters in 2 Macc. 1:1-2:18, and to the Pauline epistles, while treatisesare representedby Hebrews and possibly by Luke and Acts. The treatise is said to differ from the epistle in assigning greater importanceto the subjectmatterdealt with than to the reactionof the recipient,and to some extent in lacking precise introductoryand concluding epistolaryformulas.6In other words, what the editors of DJD 10 have clearly and precisely outlined as a basic question when the genre of 4QMMTis to be assessed, is the existence of variousdegrees of closeness, as it were, to an actual, strictly definableepistolarysituation or setting.The epistle or treatisemay be more or less removed from a situationin which recipientsand sendersare recognizableparties to a common exchange, and have moved more or less in the directionof employingthe epistolaryform as a literary-or even fictitious-framework for presentinga given subject matterto the actual readersof the document.In the latter instance, of course, the epistolary form may itself be a part of the rhetoricalstrategyemployed by the text. It should be noted at this point that the epistolary character of 4QMMThas recentlybeen questionedby S.D. Fraade.7Fraadeargues that a possible and, indeed, more fruitfulapproachis to read 4QMMT as a Qumran sectarian document with an "intramural"function. Fraade claims that the legal section (B) of 4QMMT is for the most partnot really polemicalin nature.No opponentsare really addressed, and as in other Qumrantexts the rhetoricis directedat the members of the community themselves. Fraade continues to make the same point for the C section, the pareneticof which, he claims, can also be interpretedas directedat the "intramural" communityratherthanas an address to outsiders. I believe that Fraade in denying altogetherthe epistolary characterof the text has overstatedhis case, but he does make the importantpoint that 4QMMTin its transmission,in the way it seems to have been handled within the community, does indeed seem to have been treatedas a literarydocument-and not an unimportantone, since no less than six differentmanuscriptssurvive, possibly spanningas much time as a century.8
6
Qimron and Strugnell, DJD 10.114. S.D. Fraade, "To Whom It May Concern: 4QMMT and Its Addressee(s)," RevQ 19 (2000) 507-26. 8 Cf. the observations on the palaeography of the individual manuscripts in DJD 10. 7
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The Biblical Background The open questions regarding the genre and composition of 4QMMT were clearly seen and presentedin DJD 10 by Qimronand Strugnell.Some attemptshave subsequentlybeen made at determining more clearly or in greaterdetail the structureand compositiontechnique of the document. In this connexion the surveys of scriptural quotationsand allusions in 4QMMTby M. Bernsteinand G. Brooke deserve to be mentioned. Even though neither of these studies is directlyconcernedwith the overall literarystructureor with the rhetorical strategyof 4QMMTas such,neverthelesstheemploymentof Scripture is at least potentiallya highly importantstructuralfeaturein any text that so clearly and unambiguouslydeals with biblical material.And moreoverthe way in which biblical quotationsand allusions are used and interpretedis likely to constitutea major rhetoricaldevice in a text such as 4QMMT.Bernsteinaddressesspecificallythe questionto which extent 4QMMT and in particularthe legal section (B) of the text can be said to reflect scripturalexegesis or to be structuredas interpretationof biblical legal material.Bernsteintakes a somewhat different position from that of Qimron as represented in DJD 10, maintainingthat while, admittedly,4QMMTdoes containbiblical language, and while "some of its contents are manifestly the product of scripturalinterpretation,much of MMT cannot be said to indicate the scripturalexegesis of its authors.Too many passages are too far removed from the biblical text to make such an assertion."9This "independencefrom scripture"exhibited by 4QMMT could possibly, he argues, be relatedto the "epistolary"genre of the document.'0 Brooke takes a differentapproachfrom that of Bernstein."Brooke is concernedwith the explicit biblical citationsin 4QMMT,i.e., those passages in the text where a scripturalquotationis formallypresented as such by means of an introductoryor subsequentquotationformula,
9 M. Bernstein, "The Employmentand Interpretationof Scripturein 4QMMT: Preliminary Observations," Reading 4QMMT: New Perspectives on Qumran LaW and
History (eds J. Kampen and M.J. Bernstein;SBLSymS 2; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996) 46. of Scripture,"33, 46. '0 Bernstein,"The Employmentand Interpretation G. Brooke,"The ExplicitPresentationof Scripturein 4QMMT,"Legal Textsand Legal Issues: Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the International Or1ganizationfor Qumran Studies, Cambridge, 1995: Published in Honour of Joseph M. Baumgarten
(eds M. Bernstein,F. GarciaMartinez,and J. Kampen;STDJ 23; Leiden:Brill, 1997) 67-88.
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and he attemptsto assess in a more precise mannerwhat is going on in the document'spresentationof scripturalmaterial.Initially,Brooke points to the highly varying treatmentsof biblical citations in recent editions and translationsof 4QMMT. These editions differ substantially in the numberof explicit citationsthey identify,and in the manner these are presented (with or without quotation marks, etc.). A survey of the variousinstanceswhere 4QMMTuses the quotationformula 1flZnleads Brooke to conclude that in the majorityof cases this formulamarkswhat was clearly intendednot as mere allusions to or paraphrasesof biblical material but as explicit citations. This holds true, accordingto Brooke, also in a numberof cases where the biblical passage cited is given in an abbreviated or otherwise slightly altered form (when comparedto the Masoretic text), the vocabulary and substance being, however, still basically that of the biblical source.'2This way of quoting is in accordancewith quotationtechniques in comparable texts, whether Qumran documents or other roughly contemporaryJewish or Christianwritings. While emphasizingthe extent of actual explicit quotingfrom biblical sources in 4QMMT,Brooke also states that there is no scriptural basis for the order in which the various legal topics are discussed in sectionB. In thisrespect,as Brookepointsout,a differenceexistsbetween section B, which is primarilyconcernedwith mattersthat have their scripturalbackgroundin Leviticusand in Numbers,and section C, the language of which is dominatedalmost exclusively by Deuteronomy. Furthermore,while no scripturalfoundationcan be seen providingthe structureor frameworkfor the legal section B, it may be noted that in section C the quotations from Deuteronomy follow the canonical order.This is so if the arrangementof the fragmentsof 4Q398 suggested by Qimron is maintained,the referenceto the order of scriptural quotationsthus providing an additional argumentin favour of this orderingof the fragments."3Brooke also mentions the parallels
Brooke,"The Explicit Presentationof Scripture,"69-81. Cf. E. Qimron,"The Natureof the ReconstructedCompositeText of 4QMMT," Reading 4QMMT, 12-13; F. Garcia Martinez, "4QMMT in a Qumran Context," Reading4QMMT,15-19. A differentorderof the fragmentshas been suggestedby J. Strugnell("MMT:Second Thoughtson a ForthcomingEdition,"The Communityof the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposiumon the Dead Sea Scrolls [eds E. Ulrich and J. VanderKam;Christianityand Judaism in Antiquity Series 10; Notre Dame, IN: Universityof Notre Dame Press, 1994] 67-70). 12
13
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between parts of section B and the related material in the Temple Scroll, and points to the possibility that both the subject matter in these passages in 4QMMTand their handlingof the biblical material could have been influenced by an intermediary text such as the Temple Scroll, this text being the "filter"throughwhich the scriptural basis of the argument is mediated in a particular way."4 Composition Technique and Literary Structure in 4QMMT
M. Perez Fernandeztakes up the questionof the compositionand structureof 4QMMT as a whole.'5 While noting with the editors in DJD 10 the epistolary genre of the text, Perez Fernandezcorrectly underlinesthat a documentsuch as 4QMMTis not, in termsof genre or nature,importantonly for what is was or may have been at the time of its originalcompositionbut also for what it representedfor its readersin the subsequentprocess of transmission.The letter or epistle, like the Paulineepistles of the New Testament,has become "redirected"to the communitythat received it.'6 Perez Fernandezanalyses two main partsof the exhortatoryC section, C 9-26, and C 26-32. Both subsectionsare introducedwith the perfect lnn:z, the first n having been partly reconstructed.'7The object of the first 1::ID is an exhortationto study the Scriptures,followed by an exposition of what is written in the Scripturesand a recognition of its fulfilment. The object of the second fl:Mlnis a reminderof the exposition of the law (Ml-1MITnurnM:;pn)writtenin the precedingsection B. Both partsof section C are concludedwith a series of imperatives, "remember" (n1ZO),and "consider" (ln)
in C
23, "remember"(11r) in C 25, and "consider"(1=l), and "ask"(tDp-) in C 28. Perez Fernandezfurthernotes that the Deuteronomicvocabularyof the firstexhortativesection (C 9-26) is completelynew in comparison
14
Brooke,"The Explicit Presentationof Scripture,"84-85.
'5 M. Perez Fernandez,"4QMMT:RedactionalStudy,"RevQ 18 (1997) 191-205. 16 PerezFernandez, "RedactionalStudy,"193. It could, of course,be arguedthatthe Pauline epistles were in a certain sense also directedat the entire Christianchurch from the very beginning,since the particularcommuntiesto whom they are addressed are seen as representativeof the churchas a whole. By contrast,4QMMTseems originally to have been directedto somebodyoutside the communityof its author. as proposedby Qimronand Strugnell,DJD 17 The verb could also be e.g., ifts, 10.59 n. 10.
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to the legal section B, whereas, on the other hand, the second exhortative section (C 26-32) explicitly refers back to the legal part of the document as the direct object of Mn:(C 26). The employment of verbs in the perfectform in section C contrastswith the consistentuse of participlesin section B, and the use of directimperativesin section C may be comparedto the use in section B of the infinitiveto bring out the modal aspect. As rightlynoted by Perez Fernandez,it is in the exhortative section C that a "historical"epistolary situation would seem to make its appearanceas opposed to the more atemporalsetting of the legal section. I find it difficult,however, to follow Perez Fernandezin his attemptto build a redaction-criticalhypothesisupon these structuralobservations.Thus, he is of the opinion that the legal and exhortativepartsof 4QMMTprobablyhave differentauthors,and moreoverhe maintainsthat the legal section in itself has undergonea redactional process of expansion by editorial comments.'8Still, the analysis of the literary structureof 4QMMT, as attemptedby Perez Fernandez,remainsimportant. RhetoricalStrategyin 4QMMT A partial study of the rhetorical strategy used in 4QMMT has recentlybeen attemptedby C. Sharp.'9As her point of departureSharp analyses section C, beginning with its final phrase, C 31-32. Since this phrasemust be regardedas the intendedfinal word of the entire document, it would seem a reasonable assumption that it carries a considerable rhetorical force and has an importantfunction in the overall rhetoricalstructureof the text. This can be seen from the theologically significantreferenceto God (implicit in the suffix of IIMj) as well as from the final reference to "all Israel."20For the phrase rmI the two possible biblical sources are Gen. 15:6, inpM J~ MM referringto Abraham'strustin God, and Ps. 106:31, which recalls the zeal of Phinehas in the story of the apostasy at Baal-Peor, as recounted in Num. 25:1-13. Both biblical passages exhibit language similarto the expressionused in 4QMMT.Bernsteinin his previously mentionedstudy decides in favour of the Abrahamreference.2'Sharp, Perez Fernandez,"RedactionalStudy,"196-203. Sharp,"PhinehanZeal and RhetoricalStrategyin 4QMMT,"RevQ 18 (1997) 207-27. 20 Sharp,"PhinehanZeal," 209. 21 Bernstein,"The Employmentand Interpretation of Scripture,"35-36. 18
19 C.
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on the otherhand, decidedlyarguesthat the allusion is to the story of Phinehas.22She notes that the two featuresof the Abrahamtradition that receive attentionin the referencesto Abrahamin Qumranliterature are the 'Aqedahand the circumcision,motifs which do not seem to be centralin the context of 4QMMT,and argues that even though it is not impossiblethat Abraham'sobedience could be the model in 4QMMTC 31, such a reference"wouldlack the focus and sharpness one could reasonablyexpect for the last line of so carefullycrafteda piece of parenesis."By contrast,Sharpargues that a referenceto the biblical example of Phinehas would offer many more ideological points of contactwith 4QMMT.Admittedly,there are no explicit references to Phinehas in the Dead Sea Scrolls, although he receives significantattentionin 1 Maccabees(2:23-26, 51-54) and in Ben Sira (45:23-24). Sharpfurthermoreseeks to corroboratethe suppositionof a specific referenceto the Phinehasepisode by emphasizingthe prominence of the Deuteronomicblessing and curse theme in section C, allusionsthat evoke the sustainedDeuteronomicpolemic againstaposwith the nations,the tasy. In the Deuteronomictraditionintermarriage central motif of the Phinehas story, constitutes a primarycause of apostasy. Having thus sought to establish the centralimportanceof the Phinehas story and the motif of intermarriagein C 31, Sharpgoes on to trace this motif elsewherein section C. In C 4 she proposesto reconstruct after the partiallypreservedword n]BVZn the adjectivefl'fl7F, a reference to the Israelitestaking the as passage reading fragmentary foreign wives, with Ezra 10:2 and Neh. 13:27 as the biblical models. The referencein C 6 to the biblical injunctionagainst bringingany abominationinto one's home is read by Sharpin a similarlight, since "this ban of course (is) referringnot only to materialgoods but to foreign women," noting the holy war context of Deuteronomy 7, whence the injunction is taken. Likewise, the central statement in C 7 "we have separatedourselves from the multitudeof the people" (0].U-r1-1' 1:01e) is interpretedby Sharpin the light of Ezra 10:11, where Ezra commandsthe Israelitesto "separateyourselves from the peoples of the land and from the foreign wives," althoughthe Ezra passage does not employ the root 0-1 but the root ':r. Accordingto Sharp,the point made in C 7 "is not aboutseparationfrom the rest of
22
Sharp, "Phinehan Zeal," 210-1 1.
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the people on general halakhic groundsbut specifically concerns the problem of intermarriagewith non-Jews."This interpretationis supported by a reference to the word rwrzn ("from being involved") which occurs in C 8.23 Criticismof Sharp's Analysis The statementin C 31 Mp-[; l' MMtMdoes not constitutea quotation but has the characterof a phrase employing biblical language. Whetherthe biblical text inspiringthis phrasewas Gen. 15:6 or Ps. 106:31 or both texts in combinationcan hardlybe determined.At any rate, it is in our opinion inadmissible to base our understandingof the entire C section of 4QMMT on an allegedly implicit scriptural reference,especially in view of the series of clear and unambiguous referencesto biblical history containedin C 11-26. These explicit references and allusions should, of course, govern our interpretationof the rhetoricalstrategyemployed in the pareneticC section, including its rhetoricaluse of biblical material. Nevertheless,it remainsimportantto pay attentionto the rhetorical function of the vocabularyused in the text and the possible connotations of particularexpressions.While it can hardlybe permittedto let the interpretationof the "separation"statementin C 7 which explicitly points to "our"separation"from the multitudeof the people" be determinedby the commandmentto the Israelites in Ezra 10:11 to separatethemselves from the "peoples of the land,"which represents a differentmotif and a differentline of thought,still the employment of the word MIDN1 ("being involved") in this context should be noticed, and the significanceand rhetoricalforce of this expressionbe examined.It is hardlycoincidentalthat the same root is used in B 48 and B 50 of "forbidden unions."24 At any rate the use of the root here
in C 8 serves to set the issue of the "separation"of the "we"-group unambiguouslywithin an impuritycontext,thus lendingrhetoricalsupport to the position taken by the "we"-group,which is perceived as acting in accordancewith the laws against impurity. In the second part of her article, Sharp moves on to examine the compositionand organizationof the legal section B, which she also sees as structured around the governing theme of intermarriage
23 24
Sharp,"PhinehanZeal," 211-12. At the end of B 80 Qimronand Strugnellrestorethe verb o':mrwz(DJD 10.56).
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between Jews and non-Jews as the sin par excellence. She proceeds by isolating four halakhic passages that are characterizedby a more pointed, explicitly rhetoricalstyle and a more ideological and theological language than the rest of section B. The first passage she points to is B 48-49, which seems in fact to be concernedwith illegal marriages,and which follows a passage dealing with those who are forbiddento enter the congregation(B 39-47) 25 It is not quite clear to me exactly what, accordingto Sharp,constitutesthe particular rhetoricalforce of this passage. It could be the referenceto "reverence for the sanctuary"in B 49, although the possible rhetorical significanceof this phraseis not commentedupon by Sharp.It is more obvious that the reference in B 70 to Num. 15:30, the injunction againstsomebodyacting "witha high hand"or "transgressingthe precepts on purpose"(MlV1rn) must have some rhetoricalsignificance, standing,as it does, in a somewhatsurprisingplace within a passage dealing with the purificationof the leper. Therewould seem to be little doubt that a quotationfrom Num. 15:30 must indeed be restored i-it and the occurrenceof the in B 70, in view of the word-pairy1r1M formulamnnzin the preservedtext. But it is not altogetherclear how the biblical injunction,which is also reflected elsewhere in Qumran is relatedto the actual case underdiscussion at this point literature,26 in 4QMMT. Sharp then argues, on the basis of this apparentincongruity in the text, that the functionof the biblical referencehere may be "toflaga moresubstantiveissueof concernwithoutstatingit directly."27 of intentionaltransgressors She furtherarguesthat the characterization in B 70 as "despisers and blasphemers"(in the language of Num. 15:30) stands in rhetorical contrast to the characterizationof the Israelitesas "reveringthe sanctuary"in B 49, one statementreflecting the actual reality of what the opponentsare doing, and the other laying out the ideal practiceof the (true) Israelites.In accordancewith is the primaryconcernof 4QMMT,Sharp her thesis that intermarriage believes that this is in fact the issue at stake in B 70 as well as in two furtherpassagesfrom the B section that she cites, B 75 and B 79, two passages which also deal with forbiddensexual relations.Moreover, Sharp maintainsthat several of the remaininghalakhotof section B can be read as "illustrativeof the larger polemical concern
2s Sharp,"PhinehanZeal," 214. 26 27
Cf. CD 8:8; 10:10; 19:21; IQS 5:12; 8:17, 22; 9:1. Sharp,"PhinehanZeal,"216.
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regardingintermarriagewith Gentiles."While not denying that these passages have an intrinsic importance as matters of legal dispute, Sharp argues that the selection of these particulartopics has been made "with a specific ideological purposein mind."Passages such as, e.g., the passage on the blind and the deaf (B 50), accordingto Sharp, "can of course be read as the literal injunctionsthat they are, but they lend themselves readily to metaphoricalinterpretationas well." The point of a metaphoricalreadingwould, Sharpmaintains,be applicable to "apostateJews who do not see or understandthe errorof theirways or to Gentiles themselvesincapableof understandingthe Law."28Such a metaphoricalinterpretation,however, seems unwarrantedin view of the explicit referencein the text to the blind and the deaf, the halakhic position of 4QMMTbeing paralleledin the Temple Scroll.29There is every reasonto believe that the halakhicissues discussedin the B section are viewed as highly importantmattersin theirown right.Furthermore, if an attemptis to be made to detect a more general principle or a connectingtheme at work behind the various topics, the concern for purity might be suggested as a broaderalternativeto the intermarriagetheme suggestedby Sharp. In other words, I remainsceptical towardsthe attemptat determining one overall rhetoricalstrategywith a particularideological purpose supposed to be at work in every part of sections B and C of 4QMMT.As a matterof fact, the mere presenceof a calendarsection, precedingthe legal discussionin section B, as unambiguouslyattested in 4Q394 frags 3-4, should caution us against overemphasizingthe importanceof an organizingframeworkwithin the document,since it would appearthat there is at least a strongelement in the text of simply listing or juxtaposingtopics of importanceto the authors,as correctly notedby the editorsof DJD 10. This observationdoes not, however, exclude the appreciationthat rhetoricaldevices are at work in 4QMMT, both, as would be expected, and as most scholars readily recognize,in the exhortatorysection C, and to some extent also in the legal section B.
28 29
Sharp,"PhinehanZeal," 216-19. 11QT 45:12-14.
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Genre and RhetoricalStrategy Thus, even though in my opinion Sharp has defined the overall theme and the rhetoricalstrategyof the documenttoo narrowly,nevertheless her study representsan importantattemptat explainingand interpretingwith greaterprecisionthan hithertothe rhetoricalaspects of 4QMMT.In the final part of this paper I shall offer some further observationswith regard to the rhetoricalstrategy of 4QMMT, and point to some of the questionsthat I believe could fruitfullybe pursued in this respect. Any study of 4QMMTwill, of course, remainindebtedto the brilliant pioneeringwork carriedout by its editors,Qimronand Strugnell, in establishingand reconstructingthe textualbase from which to proceed. In fact, their basic resultshave to a remarkableextent remained unchallenged.Their achievementas far as putting together the preserved pieces of manuscriptsand of makingsense of the documentas a whole is concerned, has become the generally accepted point of departurefor any attemptat understanding4QMMT.It is in the area of interpretationand contextualisationthat subsequentresearch has been able in some cases to move beyond the work of the editors as presentedin DJD 10. Recognizing the epistolarygenre of 4QMMT leads naturallyto a quest for rhetoricalaspects of its style and language,since the art of letter writing was, in Graeco-Romanantiquity, seen as standing in close relationto the art of rhetoric.Althoughthe classical authorities on rhetoricdo not in generaldevote extensive space or attentionto the letter genre, discussions are found, e.g., in the work of Demetrius, who defines various types of letters and explains the difference between the style requiredfor letter writing and the style appropriate in public speech.30Rhetorical study has in recent years become an importantpartof researchinto ancientletters,notablythe Paulinecorpus. Scholars have focused on the rhetoricalsituation, the implied reader or audience, and the various strategiesof argumentationand persuasionat work in the Paulineletters.3'Since 4QMMTexhibits the
30 Demetrius,On Style, 223-25. Cf. S.K. Stowers,Letter Writing in Greco-Roman Antiquity(LEC 5; Philadelphia:WestminsterPress, 1986); G.A. Kennedy, A New Historyof Classical Rhetoric(Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1994) 88-90. Cf. also the literaturereferredto above (n. 3). 3' Studies of rhetoricalstrategyin Paul and the importanceof the letter genre are numerous.Many more works could be mentioned,but cf., e.g., W. Wuellner,"Paul's
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form of a public letter, following the classification of Qimron and Strugnell,it is a naturalassumptionthat similarrhetoricalfeaturesare to be found in this text. The obvious place to look for an outline of the rhetoricalsituationis, of course,the explicitly epistolaryC section. Rhetoricand Use of Scripture In section C of 4QMMT a sender("we") and an addressee(singular "you") stand out in the text, and a relationship between them emerges. The singular"you" of section C makes its first appearance in C 10 (ir3't n][mln]) but seems indeed here to stand in continuity with the plural "you" addressed in the previous lines stating that "you" (plural) know and witness the sincerity of the "we"-group which has separated itself from the "multitude of the people." A rhetorical point may be detected in the very way the attention of the text (and, intentionally, of the "you"-addressee)is immediately directed not to the "we"-groupor to the utteringsand statementsof the "we"-group(which could, of course, have followed the perfect verb in C 10) but ratherto the authoritativebody of holy Scriptures. What follows, again, is not a summaryor a detailed presentationof any particularviews of the "we"-group,but a summaryof the contents of the Scriptures or the biblical history, cast in the language of Deuteronomy.This summaryis thematicallyreminiscentof the more extensive presentationof biblicalhistoryfound in the introductorysection of the Damascus Document. Here, as in 4QMMT, emphasis is upon the Deuteronomicthemes of blessing and curse following faithfulness and apostasy,respectively,and here, too, the biblical figure of David is singled out as an example of righteousness,but also as an example of somebodywhose sins were forgiven.32 in otherwords, is being presented,with consiThe "you"-addressee, derableart and care, with the theologicalweight of biblical history.At the same time, explicitly polemicalutteringsare avoided,and the positions of the sender ("we") are only indirectlyhinted at. Instead, the biblical referencewith the indisputableauthorityit carriesis carefully
Rhetoricof Argumentation in Romans,"CBQ38 (1976)330-51; A. Malherbe,"Exhortation in FirstThessalonians,"NovT 25 (1983) 238-56; H. Probst,Paulus und der Brief: Die Rhetorikdes antikenBriefesals Form der paulinischerKorintherkorrespondenz (I Kor 8-10) (WUNT 2.45; Tiibingen:J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1991). 32 CD 5:5-6.
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placed at the centreof the discourse.In this manner,the impressionis created that a relationshipof fundamentalagreementexists between "we"1and "you"regardingthe authoritativetraditionand its implications. This effect, of course, is in accordancewith the requirementsof the lettergenrewithits suppositionof basicallyfriendlyrelationsbetween sender and addressee. The Parallel from 2 Maccabees
It is interestingat this point to comparemore closely the concluding section of 4QMMT with the epistolary passages in 2 Macc. 1:1-10; 1:10b-2:18.Two lettersfrom the Jews in Jerusalemand Judea to their brethrenoutside Judea are representedhere.33In the introductory section of the first letter (2 Macc. 1:1-5) we find after the initial wish of peace for the addresseesan extension of the wish, including the notion that God will do well to the addresseesand rememberhis covenant with the fathers. The extended wish then continues to include the notionof God grantingto the addresseesa God-fearingheart and obedienceto his law, and of his preservationof the addresseesin a time of evil.34This brief pareneticdiscourse,cast in the form of a wish for the addressees,with its explicit referenceto biblical history, with its Deuteronomiclanguage and its emphasis on the themes of obedienceto the law in the Deuteronomicsense, of God's faithfulness and mercy in the past and of hope for his help in a future(or present) affliction,echo ratherclosely the languageof the pareneticC section of 4QMMT. Interestingly,the eschatologicalorientationof section C also has its counterpartin the collective lettersof 2 Maccabees.In the conclusion to the second letter(2 Macc. 2:17-18) an eschatologicalperspectiveis present in combinationwith the reference to biblical history. V. 17 refers to God who saved all of his people and grantedto Israel heritage, kingdom, priesthood, and holiness, in accordance with his promisesin the law. And the concludingv. 18 then goes on to express
We are not concerned here with the fictitious character of these texts. at &ayaOonotnicaal ilbiv 6oOE; Kcait az TooiTi; npo; ApapXag RvgaEin ti; b6taGpqg czi IcaaKc KcaiIcacTcoP v 8OU')V cval&T3 XOV ntCStO)V' Kalt 6(1)1 vi4v KCapSiCav c&rGtv Ei; Tb crSEOal o~~~~~~~~~~ a'onrv icai notEiv aVToi T' OeXhgxta capbi,a teyaX Kai WU Xvuj ouojiev -oo #_s9 > 5swvs Stavoi'4at riv icapt'Iav ig(tOV ?V T(p VO6g.C aVTOi KCat EV Toi; 1CpOOT yX7OGtV KcEt EtipIVIV 3
34
noltlflOct
KEXtI
e7rc(OV
JO3V
TW
&
aEc3V
iyKaTaXiotot ?V Kclp(1 novTjp4 (2 Macc. 1:2-5).
K(iX
KQTaCXXQYCi11
Ktiv
Ki
1i
vw;
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the hope for the restorationof his people, and corroboratesthis hope by referringagain to the acts of God in the past.35We may note that both the fulfilmenttheme and the eschatologicalperspectiveare common to this text and to the exhortatoryC section of 4QMMT. The Singular "You"-addressee Moving to examine some aspects of the rhetoricalsignificanceof these themes, we may again take a look at the singular"you"-figure. The "you"-addresseeis instructedto study carefullythe Scriptures(C 10), to rememberthe kings of Israel and their various fates (C 23), andespeciallyto rememberDavid(C 25). At the sametime,the addressee is explicitly said to possess wisdom and knowledgeof the law (C 28). The following lines unfold a perspectiveof the addresseeconsidering "all these things,"and upon considerationprayingto God that he will strengthenhis will and remove from him the plans of evil and the counsel of Belial (C 27-29). This perspectiveis presentedwith a very careful formulation, not as a wish of the author or sender, but as somethingthat is to come true as a fulfilmentof the addressee'sown prayer.This perspective also underlies the subsequentvision of the addresseerejoicingat the end of time, finding"some of our practices" or "some of our words" (17fl=7 nXpD) to be true. Thus, a carefully balancedreturnto the subjectmatterof the legal body of the letter is achieved and concludedwith the notion of the addresseebeing credited in the eyes of God with a righteousdeed, doing what is good for him and for Israel. In DJD 10 the editors emphasizethe friendly and respectfulnature of the address,and to a certainextent this featureof 4QMMT is used for placing the documentwithin a historicalcontext.36It is, however, also possible to see a rhetoricalstrategyat work here. We need not necessarily assume that the discourse in section C directly reflects a historical situationin which the authorof 4QMMT, addressinghimself to a historicalleader figure (whetherking, prince, or high priest) was actually of the opinion that this person could be won over to his
t) Xnitoguv y'ap ?Jnt Ci OLs Co? O,TIra?XF-wijga5
?-X?n?'1yE
owpavovei6 TOVaytov TonoV' iETo yap 1a5q eic gya'Xov (2 Macc. 2:18). 36 Qimron and Strugnell, DJD 10.111, 117-21.
icai ?x1cajva4Ft? ?Si T5 "Ul0 rbv Ka]KO3V KCaXt TOV rTOOV KaOapIGEV
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or his group's views.31 The rhetoricalstrategycould work at two different levels. The friendlymannerof the discoursewas, accordingto ancient authorities,a necessarycomponentof the letter genre itself.38 And if, indeed, the documentwas intendednot only as a letter to a historicaladdresseebut also as a testimonyto be read by the members of the group from which it originated,the employmentof this genre with its particularfeatureswould also producea certaineffect. When read by subsequentgenerationswithin the group,the benevolent natureof the discoursecould serve to place all responsibilityfor the hostile relationsbetween the "we"-groupand their opponentswith the latter.The eirenic tone of the C section could thus be understoodas a rhetoricaldevice, promptedby the letter genre, and intended primarilyto demonstratethe good will of the "we"-group.This is not to deny the "historical"realityof the epistolarysituationwe must assume to have been the original setting for 4QMMT.We should be warned, however, against basing too much historicalreconstructionupon features that may have been partsof the rhetoricalstrategyof the document ratherthan direct referencesto external,historicalfacts. Rhetorical Devices and Historical Reference-"We," "They" in 4QMMT
"You," and
This takes us to our final point regardingthe employmentin sections B and C of the terms "we," "you,"and "they."Again, in DJD 10 the editorswork from the assumptionthat these figuresin the text must correspondratherneatly and unambiguouslywith actuallyexisting historicalgroups or partieswithin second temple Judaism.While this is certainly possible (and in many respects a plausible assumption), greatercaution ought definitelyto be exercised here. We might thus imaginethat somethingelse could be going on in the text, which, apartfrom reflectingexternalhistoricalconditions,could also be seen as engaged in a rhetoricalconstructionof the groups"we,""you,"and
" In fact, the rhetoricalstrategyat work in the addresscould be seen as reflecting a model employedin addressesto personsof greaterprestigeand powerfrom antique to modem times. One element would be the obligatoryassumptionthat the addressee is open to a just presentationof the truth,whilst any possibleresistanceis ascribedto other personslike, e.g., bad advisersof the addressee. 3# The main purposeof the letter, accordingto Demetrius,is the maintenanceof friendly relationsbetween the sender and the addressee,the letter functioningas an ?KMOVWNUX;of the sender.
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"they." At least, it does not seem unreasonableto assume that one rhetoricalstrategyemployed in the B section of 4QMMT consists in the isolation of opposing views in the form of "they."All the polemical force of the document is, as has often been remarked,directed against"them."It is to this figurethat all the views are ascribed,from which the document strives to dissociate itself. The figure the text calls "you,"on the other hand, is assigned a somewhatelusive role in the discourse.No specific opinion or position on legal mattersis ever ascribedto this "you";instead,the "you"-groupis called upon to witness to the reasonabilityof the views held by the "we"-group.39 Again, a rhetoricaldevice would seem to be at work here, the "you"(plural) of the documentfunctioningperhapsnot so much as a reference to some external, precisely definableparty or historicalgroup but more as an articulation or representationof the intended reader within the universe created by the text itself. This would accord well with the rhetoricof the letter genre, which is supposed to underlineand corroborate friendly relations and fellowship between sender and addressee. Concluding Remarks
The genre of 4QMMTis complex, but the epistolaryform must be describedas governingthe overall structureof the document.The text may fruitfullybe read and understoodas a letter, the rhetoricalsituation of which can at least to some extent be definedand described.As would be expected,rhetoricaldevices and strategiesof 4QMMTstand out most directly and clearly in the proper epistolary section (C). Certainrhetoricalfeatures, however, are detectable also in the legal section (B), e.g., in the basic structureof halakhic discussion which assigns viewpoints attackedin the text exclusively to a "they"-group. In accordance with the nature of the letter, as viewed by ancient authoritieson rhetoric,friendlyrelationsand at least a high degree of common ground between the "we" and the "you"-singular and plural-of the text are presupposedand underlined.This may be interpretedas a conscious use of rhetoricalfeaturesassociatedwith the letter genre.
I This is evident in the phrases )nr sibly be restored(with DJD 10) in C 7.
Dm1
B 80, C 8. One furthercase may plau-
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Severalrecent studiesof 4QMMThave focused on the meaningthe documentmay have had for its readerswithin the communityfrom which it originated. The rhetorical devices employed in 4QMMT could be understoodas working at two levels. The authormay have had the historicalepistolarysituationin mind, but the rhetoriccould also be directedtowardsthe subsequentreadingof the documentas a testimonywithin the communityitself. Thus, viewing the letter form employedin 4QMMTas a centralpartof the rhetoricalstrategyof the text allows for an interpretationthat takes into accountboth the epistolary situationof sender and addresseewhich the letter establishes, and the equally importantfunctionof the documentwithin the historical communitywhich eventuallyreceived and preservedit.
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE* JOHN KAMPEN Bluffton College The hypothesis that the appellation 'ETaaivot(Essenes) is derived from a group of functionariesin the cult of Artemis at Ephesuswith the same designationhas been advancedby me and others.'The most common critiqueof this proposalis that it is "a ratherremote model for the identificationof the Jewish sect."2In his survey of the options another analyst asks, "But why should anyone associate these two groups?"3What both those who have advancedthe hypothesisand its critics have overlookedis the evidence for the existence of the cult of Artemis and its influence in Palestine, Transjordan,and Coele-Syria duringthe Greco-Romanperiod.This articlewill survey that evidence and evaluate its relevancefor the subjectunderdiscussion.
* This line of researchwas inspiredby a visit to Jordanduringmy appointmentas an NEH Fellow at the AlbrightInstituteof ArcheaologicalResearchin Jerusalemduring the fall of 2000. Researchwas also begun during this appointment.I thank Sy Gitin, Director,Sarah Sussman,Librarian,the staff and the residentfellows for their assistanceand supportof my research. I E.L. Hicks, The Collectionof AncientGreek Inscriptionsin the British Museum: Ephesos (Part 3, Section 2; Oxford: ClarendonPress, 1890) 85; J.B. Lightfoot, St. Paul's Epistles to the Colossians and Philemon (rev. ed.; London: Macmillan & Co., 1904) 94 n. 1; A.H. Jones, Essenes: The Elect of Israel and the Priests of Artemis(Lanham/London: UniversityPressof America, 1985);J. Kampen,"A Reconsideration of the Name 'Essene' in Greco-Jewish Literature in Light of Recent Perceptionsof the QumranSect," HUCA 57 (1986) 61-68; also found in idem, The Hasideansand the Origin of Pharisaism(SBLSCS 24; Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1988) 151-85. The study by Jones does not include the inscriptionalevidence. 2 J.J. Collins, "Essenes,"ABD 2.620. 3 J. VanderKam,"Identityand History of the Community,"The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years:A ComprehensiveAssessment(eds P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam; Leiden:Brill, 1999) 2.492 n. 12. C) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.n]
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Jerash The most remarkablesurvivingmonumentto Artemis in that portion of the world is the imposingtemple in Jerash(Gerasa).When the new structurewas completed,probablyaround180 CE in the midst of Jerash's"goldenage," it constitutedone of the most impressivesanctuaries of the Syro-Palestinianworld. Inscriptionsof dedication are dated to 150/1 CE duringthe reign of Hadrian: Beginningin the easternhalf of the city, the processionalway (1I m wide x 500 m long) bridges the river, approachesthe cardo at an ornamentalexedra, and ascends the retainingwall towardthe easternend of the colonnadedpropylaeum. A staircasethen leads to the outer court (161 x 121 m) of the temenosthrough a triplegate and finally to a colonnade(11 m wide x 100 m long) that leads to the templecourt(124 x 88 m). The Templeof Artemisstandsin this colonnaded court;two sets of stairs ascend.thepodium(40 x 22.6 x 4 m) to the temple.Of peripteralhexastylosdesign, the templedisplayssix Corinthiancolumnsalong its facade, with eleven along each of its sides.4
Claims are made that it provides evidence of such innovationfor the organizationof urbanspace that this temple and its environsare representative of a new eastern architectural school. R. Parapetti argues that the constructionof the sanctuarywas the central piece towardsan entirereorganizationof that area of the city.5Similarly,in a recentstudy of urbanspace A.J. Whartonarguesthat "Theobject so elaboratelypackaged was the temple of the Tyche (Fortune)of the city, the goddess Artemis.... The Temple of Artemisis arguablythe most impressiveorchestrationof space to have survivedin the region from the Roman period."6She then goes on to demonstratethat this temple is situatedand built in such a mannerthat in orderto establish its prominenceit appearedto be the highest sanctuaryin the city, therebyconfirmingthe dominanceof its deity.7The architectureand its surroundingssuggest a situationof socioreligiousconflict in which it was necessary to assert the dominanceof the patronRoman deity of the city.8Whartonalso points out that the goddess, not the cult, is I
M.M. Aubin, "Jerash,"OEANE3.217. s R. Parapetti, "The ArchitecturalSignificance of the Sanctuary of Artemis at
Gerasa," Studies in the History and Archaeology of Jordan (ed. A. Hadidi; Amman:
Departmentof Antiquities,1982) 1.255-60. 6
A.J. Wharton, Refiguring the Post Classical City: Dura Europos, Jerash, Jeru-
salem and Ravenna(Cambridge/NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1995) 65. Refiguring,68; note also the referencein J.C. Balty, "Apamea,"OEANE 7 Wharton, 1.146. x A.N. Barghouti,"Urbanizationof Palestineand Jordanin Hellenisticand Roman
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE
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the center of the Artemision.The center of cultic activity, the altarin the temple courtyard,was not the visual focus for the approaching worshipperon feast days when the temple doors were wide open. The cult statue ratheroccupied this central position in the temple, hence for the city.9 Perhapsthis central position also conveyed the impression that the goddess could see everything,not only that it could be seen. We recall that in Ephesusthe processionof Artemis's worshippers ended in the theater in which the goddess was ceremonially enthronedto oversee the musical, dramatic,and athletic events that were carriedout in her name.'0A comparableplan of urbanspace and architecturehas been identifiedin the second-centuryrebuildingof the city of Apameawhere a monumentto Zeus Belos, the oraculargod of this city found not that far from Antioch on the Orontes,stands on a high podiumthat was situatedon the highest point on the urbanlandscape right in the center of the city located to the west of the main axis and between the two principaleast-west arteries."The impactof this temple and its goddess must have been felt throughouta good deal of eastern Syro-Palestine in the second century CE. But what about earlier? As with many of the remains of the cities of the Decapolis, evidence going back to the Hellenisticperiod at Jerashis limited. In his reportof the archeologicalwork done in the first portionof the century on this site, C.H. Kraelingbegins prior to the Hellenistic period with a Semitic village, perhapsof Nabateanoccupation.'2He attributes most likely to AntiochusIV the foundingof the Greek city as well as the constructionof an earliertemple to Zeus Olympios. Apparentlya large tractof land was also attachedto the city duringthe Hellenistic era. Rhodian jar handles found in the vicinity of the Temple of Artemis and some evidence from the constructionof Temple C as well as some figurines suggest a classical tradition unaffected by
Times,"Studies in the Historyand Archaeologyof Jordan, 1.228. 9 Wharton,Refiguring,72. "IR. MacMullen,Paganismin theRomanEmpire(New Haven/London: YaleUniversity Press, 1981) 20. " Balty, "Apamea,"1.146. 12 C.H. Kraeling (ed.), Gerasa: City of the Decapolis (New Haven: American Schools of OrientalResearch, 1938) 27-33. More popularversions of this history are found in I. Browning,Jerash and the Decapolis (London:Chatto & Windus, 1982) 35-38, 49-52 and R. Khouri,Jerash:A FrontierCity of the RomanEast (London/New York:Longman,1986) 11-34.
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Roman influence.It was then made a Jewish colony underAlexander Jannaeus(103-76 BcE).'3 Earlierinterpretations of the numismaticevidence suggestedthe presenceof a Jewish colony on this site as early as the periodof John Hyrcanus(135/4-104 BcE).'4 With the reattribution of the coins containing the name i7nrnm to John Hyrcanus II (63-40 BCE), this possibilityno longer seems plausible.'5Also present were Herodian and procuratorial coins. What about a temple of Artemis? The two significant deities of Gerasa (Jerash) were Zeus and Artemis.'6AntiochusIV is known for his policy of the promotionof the cult of Zeus.'7 During the Roman period we see evidence for the
growth in importanceof Artemis as the patrongoddess of the city.'8 While limited, there certainly is evidence to supportthe widespread assumptionthat the cult of Artemispredatesthe establishmentof the structurein 150 CE and that there is an earliertemple (or temples) to the goddess on this site. While Parapettiadmitsthe limitationsof our knowledge of the Hellenistic and first-centurycity, he proposes that the older temple was localized not far from the present site.'9 A.N. Barghoutinotes the tendencyof religious sites in the easterncities to not change location to the extent that this occurred in Greece.20 Kraelingnotes that a new city plan for Gerasawhich reflectsthe street arrangement,already mentioned above in connection with the new temple of Artemis of 150-180 CE, was adoptedat the latest in 75/76 CE.2' He also cites inscriptionsfor the older temple of Artemis,where it was adornedwith a portico and providedwith a aiKico; (pool or reservoir) in 79/80 CE. An altar dedication is attested in 98 CE and money was donatedfor an av8pwv and doors in 67/68 CE.22 While the
'
Josephus, War 1:104.
Kraeling, Gerasa, 33-34; Barghouti,"Urbanization,"219-20. Concerningthe coins, see A.R. Bellinger, Coins From Jerash, 1928-1934 (NumismaticNotes and Monographs81; New York:AmericanNumismaticSociety, 1938) 8-9. 14
'1
Y. Meshorer, Ancient Jewish Coinage, vol. 1: Persian Period Through Hasmo-
neans (Dix Hills, NY: AmphoraBooks, 1982) 84-87; Y. Ronen, "The First Hasmonean Coins,"BA 50 (1987) 105-7. 16 Barghouti,"Urbanization," 228. 7 Kraeling,Gerasa, 31. 1 Kraeling,Gerasa, 32; Barghouti,"Urbanization," 228. 19 Parapetti,"Architectural Significance,"259. 20 Barghouti,"Urbanization," 213. 21 Kraeling,Gerasa, 41. 22 Kraeling,Gerasa, 43. While not knowingexactly what the &v8pxv refers to, he proposesthat it must have stood in the vicinity of the temple.
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE
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majorityof the inscriptionsfound in the 1984-87 excavations of the temple of Artemisare dated to the second centuryCE, one example is attributedto the first centuryas well.23Other evidence from excavations in the courtyardof the temple include the Rhodianjar handles mentionedabove, fragmentsof sigillata pottery,bits of figurines,and at least one Nabateancoin. Evidence of the remains of buildings at levels lower than the courtyardof the second-centurystructurewas also found, even though the dimensions and function of those structures could not be established.It is clear that this earlier sacred area was smallerthanthe later structure.24 The evidence suggeststhat a cult and templeto Artemisare not innovationsintroducedto Gerasain 100 CE. Nor was Artemis a rarityin Syro-Palestinein the first century. Elsewherein Syro-Palestine The most well-known statue of Artemis in Syro-Palestinewas discovered by an Italian team excavating at Caesarea in 1961.25 This monumentalmarblesculpturewas found in the ruins of Caesar's theater and a Hadrianicdate is proposedfor its creation.In his study of the use of marble in Syro-Palestine,M. Fischer dubs it "one of the most sensationaldiscoveries of classical art in Palestine."26Presumably it functioned as a cult image in a temple to that deity, even though other evidence of such a structurehas not been found to this point. At the least this implies the presenceof a colony of Ephesians, who were active throughoutthe Empire, and presumably a shrine for their use.27Now housed at the Israel Museum in Jerusalem,the many-breastedfigure demonstratesthe utilizationof Artemis as fertility goddess, nourishingboth humanand animallife.28The bees, goats,
23 M.L. Lazzarini,"Iscrizionidal santuariodi Artemide1984-87," Syria 66 (1989) 41-49; the first-centuryinscriptionis describedon p. 48 (#8). 24 Kraeling,Gerasa, 138. 25 A. Frova,"La statuadi ArtemideEfesia a 'CaesareaMaritima,"'Bollettinod'arte 47 (1962) 305-13; idem, "La statuadi ArtemideEfesia a 'CaesareaMaritima,'"Scavi di Caesarea Maritima (Rome: "L'Erma" di Bretschneider, 1966) 206-15, figs 262-66/11. 26 M.L. Fischer,MarbleStudies:RomanPalestine and the MarbleTrade(Xenia 40; Konstanz:UniversitiitsVerlag Konstanz,1988) 142-43, 162-63. 27 Fischer,MarbleStudies, 163, 235. 28 The details of the statue and their significance are discussed by R. Fleischer, Artemisvon Ephesos und VerwandteKultstatuenaus Anatolienund Syrien (EPRO35; Leiden:Brill, 1973) 6, 63-65, 69-70, 75, 90, 101, 104, 115.
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and flowers demonstratethe goddess's role as preserverof the natural world.29R. Gersht also makes mention of a lead seal, lead tesserae, and a fragmentaryterracottalamp found recently by the Israel AntiquitiesAuthorityat the site, all of which bear images of the goddess.30 The widespreadpopularityof this cult throughoutthe easternRoman Empireis attestedwith these finds. In his survey of the gods of the Roman Empire,J. Fergusonnotes that Artemiswas the mothergoddess for Asian Greeks.3'For them she was not the virgin huntressknown from Greek mythology.32In Asia she was the power of fertility in nature,as representedby the manybreastedportrayalof her common among the survivingcult figurines. Otherfinds enlarge our knowledgeof the Syro-Palestiniancontext for the temple in Jerash. Two statuesof Artemishavebeenfoundin othercitiesof theDecapolis. In his article on the statues at Caesarea,Fischer notes anotherstatue of Artemis Ephesia uncovered in the region at Gadara, one of the othercities of the Decapolis.33It is found in the contextof a thirdcentury installation,but togetherwith a statue that probablydates to the time of AntoninusPius (138-161 CE).34 In his study of the use of marble in Syro-Palestine,Fischernotes the paucityof marbleconstruction by the Romansin this area with evidence of its ubiquitoususe in other parts of the Empire.35This also is a white marblefigurine,as in the case of Caesarea.Its presenceas probableevidence of an Artemiscult in anothercity in Syro-Palestine,and in this case of the Decapolis as
29 K.G. Holum, R.L. Hohlfelder,R.J. Bull, and A. Raban,King Herod's Dream: Caesarea on the Sea (New York/London:W.W. Norton, 1988) 145-47. 30 R. Gersht,"Representations of DeitiesandtheCultsof Caesrea,"CaesareaMaritima:
A Retrospective after Two Millenia (eds A. Raban and K.G. Holum; DMOA 21;
Leiden:Brill, 1996) 318-19. 31 J. Ferguson,Religions of the Roman East (Ithaca,NY: CornellUniversityPress, 1970) 21-22; note also W. Burkert,GreekReligion(trans.J. Raffan;Cambridge,MA: HarvardUniversityPress, 1985) 149-52. 32 A thoroughanalysis of the classical sources and their implicationsfor understandingthe significanceof the Artemis cult is found in J.-P. Vernant,Mortals and Immortals:Collected Essays (ed. F.I. Zeitlin; Princeton:PrincetonUniversityPress, 1991) 195-257. '" M. Fischer,"Marble,Urbanism,and Ideology in RomanPalestine:The Caesarea Example," Caesarea Maritima, 258; idem, Marble Studies, 264. 34 C.P. Bol, A. Hoffmann, and T. Weber, "Gadara in der Dekapolis: Deutsche
Ausgrabungenbei Umm Qais in Nordjordanien1986 bis 1988. Vorberichtet,"AA (1990) 201-4 and figs 8-9. I- Fischer, Marble Studies, 263-64.
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE
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well, supportsthe contentionthatworshipof Artemiswas wide-spread in the Greco-Romancities of Syro-Palestine.PerhapsArtemiswas one of the deities transplantedby the Romans into the cities of the Decapolis as they attemptedto "reclaim"these cities that had been under Hasmoneanrule.36Furtherevidence is available. A life-size marblestatueof Artemis,the Greekgoddess of the hunt, was excavated in 1994 at Abila, anotherof the cities of the Decapolis.37
The goddess has a quiver on her back and is wearing a
tunic/chiton, well-folded, with a mantle over the left shoulder and across the back to the right side, tucked into a high cloth belt. The hind quartersof probablya small deer are positionedagainst the one preserved foot. While found during the excavation of a Byzantine basilica, the excavatorsuggests the 1.64 m high statue with the head missing is one piece of evidence among others that the churchwas constructedupon the foundationsof an earlier Greco-Romantemple. This figure is a form of the common portrayalof the Greek deity based on its classical descriptions,hence differentfrom those representationsbased on the cult figurineat Ephesus.It is furtherevidence of the dispersalof Artemisas a deity of the Roman Empirethroughout the cities of the Decapolis. Significantis the excavator'sproposal that this statue was sculptedby a memberof a Hellenistic school of sculptorswho were followers of an earlierclassical form dated to the fourthcenturyBCE, hence pointingto the earlierHellenisticperiodfor its creation. Anotherfind attributedto Caesareaand now found in the Museum of Oslo adds to the significanceof the figure attestedby Gersht and Fischer.38While informationabout its discoveryis apparentlylacking, this marble bust also presentsthe more traditionalfigure of Artemis dressed in a long chiton with a sash over the shoulderand a belt. Its presencealso points to Artemisas one of the Greek gods accentuated
36Fischer,MarbleStudies,240, 263-64.
W.H. Mare, "The ArtemisStatueExcavatedat Abila of the Decapolis in 1994," ADAJ41 (1997) 277-81. I thankDr Susan Sheridanof Universityof Notre Dame for drawing this reference to my attention. She came upon it while doing research at ACOR in Amman. 38 Fischer,Marble Studies, 143, 291 (CSC 122 found in the table on p. 21 with a photo on p. 173), where he suggests that Lord Ustinov at Jaffa purchaseda statue of Artemisin the nineteenthcenturythat later reachedthe Museumof Oslo. On the basis of its design he proposesa second-thirdcenturyCE date for this work of Asia Minor origin. 37
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JOHN KAMPEN
by the Romans in their conquestof the lands that made up the eastern portionsof the Empire. Numismaticevidence supportsthe hypothesisof a significantrole for Artemisin the Romaneast. Coins found at Jerashconfirmthe significantrole of Artemisat the time of Hadrian(117-138 CE), already noted above in the descriptionof the constructionof the temple and its environs. Civic coins minted at this location contain the figure of Artemison the reverse side. The inscriptioncontainssome version of APTEMIXTYXHIEPAXQN (Artemis, Fortune of the Gerasenes). The figure of Artemis is also found on the reverse side of two coins of Crispina,the wife of Commodus(180-192 CE).39 Artemisalso appears on a coin at Jerashinscribedto Perga in Pamphylia,anothercult center of Artemis.40A. Spijkerman similarly records five coins from Hadrianamong the city-coins from Gerasa;he also notes, however, one from the time of Nero with an inscribeddate of 67-68 CE.41 In addition, he records coins from Gerasa with Artemis on the reverse side from MarcusAurelius(161-180 CE) to Caracalla(211-218 CE).42 More coins from the time of Hadrianare recordedby Y. Meshorer.43 He also recordscoins with the figureof Artemiswith bow and arrow, quiver, or as huntressminted at Acco-Ptolemais,4Gaza,45Raphia,46 and Neapolis.47Includedin his collection are coins with images of the temple of Marnas,with Marnasand Artemis his consort enclosed in the temple, minted at Gaza.48In the collection of coins from AccoPtolemais,L. Kadmanalso lists coins with the image of Artemis.As huntress,Artemis is found standingin a temple with the whole type
Bellinger,Coins FromJerash, 8-9, 29 (##40-42); 31 (#47). 4 Bellinger,Coins, 36 (#72). 41
A. Spijkerman, The Coins of the Decapolis and Provincia Arabia (Studii Biblici
FranciscaniCollectio Maior 25; Jerusalem:FranciscanPrintingPress, 1978) 158-59; also noted in idem, "A List of the Coins of Gerasa Decapoleos,"SBFLA25 (1975) 75-76. 42
Spijkerman,Coins, 158-65; idem, "List of the Coins,"77-82.
43
Y. Meshorer, City-Coins of Eretz-lsrael and the Decapolis in the Roman Period
(Jerusalem:The Israel Museum,1985) 94 (#252 and #254). 4 Meshorer,Coins, 15 (#14-dated to Valerian[253-260 CE]). 4 Meshorer,Coins, 30 (#60-dated to FaustinaJunior,wife of MarcusAurelius [161-180 CE]). I Meshorer,Coins, 32 (#72-dated to Commodus [180-192 CE]). 47 Meshorer,Coins, 49 (#132-dated to FaustinaJunior). to Hadrian,and #62-dated to Plautilla, 4h Meshorer,Coins, 29-30 (#56-dated wife of Caracalla[211-217 CE]).
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enclosed within the zodiac on coins dated to Elagabulus(218-222 CE) and Valerianus(253-259 CE).49 The cult statue of the multi-breasted Artemis Ephesia is seen standingwithin a portableshrine on a coin inscribed to Salonina, the wife of Gallienus (253-268 CE).50 Other coins from the thirdcenturyfeatureArtemisas huntress.5'The numismatic evidence points to the significant role of Artemis as a deity throughoutthe Roman east of Syro-Palestine.Numismatic evidence also supports the hypothesis that this deity was a cult figure with active worshippromotedin the cities of the area. The presenceof the figure of Artemis-Ephesiaas well as the enclosure in temples points to the reasonablenessof such a hypothesis.Finally, we look to evidence from mosaics to complete this picture. A collection of mythological mosaics found in 1983 at Sarrin, northeast of Membij-Hierapolisin present-day Syria, includes the hunter-figureof Artemis.52While it provides some corroboratingevidence for the continuingsignificanceof paganRomanreligion into the sixth century,its general mythologicalnatureand its presumedsixthcenturyCE date of constructiondoes not add significantlyto our case. A similar argument can be made concerning the classical scene depicted in a mosaic from Shabba-Philippopolisin southern Syria dated to the middle of the thirdcenturyCE in which Artemisis in the bath surprised by Action.53 In this case the mythological scene depicted does not relate to any of the motifs documentedin the evidence for an Artemiscult or the worshipof Artemis.These portrayals demonstratein general terms the ongoing presenceof Artemisamong the pantheonof deities found in the easternEmpire. The dominanceof Artemisas the Mother-goddessfor Asian Greeks is amply attested,and Ephesuswas her center.54The other large temple to the goddess was at Perge. Both of these sites were great festival and culturalcenters,drawingworshippersfrom the remoteregions 49 L. Kadman,The Coins of AkkoPtolemais (CorpusNummorumPalaestinensium: First Series-Vol. IV; Tel Aviv/Jerusalem:Schocken, 1961) 26, 56, 61, 70, 76, 138 (C165, C235). 5 Kadman,Coins, 70-71, 144 (C268). 5' Kadman,Coins, 26, 70, 138, 144 (C236, C237, C267). 52 J. Balty, Mosaiques antiques du Proche-Orient: Chronologie, Iconographie, Interpretation(Centre de Recherches d'Histoire Ancienne 140; Paris: Les Belles Lettres,1995) 130, 255-62. 53 Balty, Mosaiquesantiques,63-64. 5 R. MacMullen,Paganismin theRomanEmpire(New Haven/London: YaleUniversity Press, 1981) 37.
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for healing, culture, and prayer."5 An enumerationof Greek inscriptions in Asia Minor, admittedlynot the most sophisticatedmannerof gauging significance, makes Artemis the fifth most frequentlylisted deity.56R. Fleischernotes that one often cannot tell whethera statue imitates the EphesianArtemis or a local related cult image, thereby showing that Artemiswas the most importantAnatoliantype of idol that endured into the Hellenistic-Roman period and exercised influence on the other cult images of the region.57In addition to the temple at Gerasa we also find evidence of her shrines or temples at Magnesia-on-the-Maeander,Antioch-near-Pisidia, Sardis, Smyrna, Cyprus,Amyzon in Caria,and Dura on the Euphrates,and so we see herfamespreadthroughout Pisidia,Pamphylia,Rhodes,Santorin,Cyprus, Egypt, and Syro-Palestine,i.e., throughoutthe lands surroundingthe eastern Mediterranean.58As the dominant Mother-goddess she is assimilated with Aphrodite from the Greek pantheon,59and as the Greek goddess of wild nature,the mistress of the animals to Diana, the Roman goddess of the wildwood.YOne other significantconnection needs to be investigatedin orderto determinethe significanceof Artemis at Jerashand throughoutSyro-Palestine. Atargatis-The Nabatean Goddess
The Nabateans were an Arab kingdom in the Transjordanthat established itself as one of the leading independentnative political powers in the Levant during the Hellenistic period.6"Territoriescontrolled by them included southern Syria, most of Transjordan,the Negev, the Sinai to the bordersof Egypt, and the northwestpart of the Hijaz. With earlier habitation in northeasternArabia near the
s MacMullen, Paganism, 21, 26, 35, 42, 52. MacMullen,Paganism, 7.
56
S7
R. Fleischer, "Artemis von Ephesos und Verwandte KultstatuenAus Anato-
lien und Syrien: Supplement," Studien Zur Religion und Kultur Kleinasiens: Festschrift fur Friedrich Karl Dorner zum 65. Geburtstag am 28. Februar 1976 (eds S. $ahin,
E. Schwertheim,and J. Wagner;EPRO66; Brill, 1978) 1.327. 58 Ferguson,The Religions, 21-22, 73, 219; MacMullen,Paganism, 19, 31, 52. 59 Ferguson,The Religions, 29; R. Fleischer,"ArtemisEphesiaund Aphroditevon
Aphrodisias," Die Orientalischen Religionen im Romerreich (ed. M.J. Vermaseren;
EPRO93; Leiden:Brill, 1981) 298-315. Ferguson,The Religions, 16, 26, 70-71. 61
N. Glueck, Deities and Dolphins: The Story of the Nabataeans (New York:
Farrar,Straus and Giroux, 1965) 360-61, 374; D.F. Graf, "Nabateans,"OEANE 4.82-85.
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE
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PersianGulf, they apparentlymoved westwardto settle finally in Petra duringthe AchaemenidPersianperiod and establishthat spot as their center. Their reputationas merchantsof frankincenseand myrrhwas well establishedby the Hellenisticera. In the Transjordanand southern Syria, their settlementsextended as far as Damascus and Bosra, with evidence that both Philadelphia(present-dayAmman)and Jerash were the sites of Nabateancommunities.Their kingdom reached its greatest prominenceduring the reign of Aretas IV (9 BCE-40 CE), its best-knownmonarch.62 With the Roman annexationof the kingdomin 106 CE, the realm was integratedinto the Roman provinceof Arabia. The apparentinfluence of Artemis on the mannerof the development of the goddess Atargatiswithin the changingcultureof Nabatean society has been documentedin a numberof studies. Atargatisis the fertility goddess adopted by the Nabateans as they became a more sedentarycivilizationsettledon the land. They adoptedher as the consort for Dushares ("Lordof the Shara [Mountains]"),the traditional god of the Nabateanswho eventually is equatedwith both Dionysus and Zeus in the processof Hellenization.63 It may be that she replaced Allat as the original consort of Dusharesin the Nabateanpantheon.M4 This goddess graduallybecomes the dominantdeity in Nabateanlife, apparentlyeven overshadowing Dushares.65She also is sometimes describedas the consortof Hadad,the thundergod.6 One of his titles is Ba'al-Shamin, the Lord of Heaven. He becomes identified with Zeus. It is this same deity, Atargatis, that appears to be related to some of the uses of the figure of Artemis in the Roman east. The growthin importanceof Atargatisas the goddessof theNabateans, scatteredthroughoutthe Roman world as their commercial interests expand, coincides with the developmentof Artemis as a significant deity in Syro-Palestine and elsewhere in the eastern Empire. The identificationof the two grew with the spread of Nabatean trading interests throughoutthe Empire, especially in the east but also was noted as far west as Spain.67 62 The earliest inscriptionfrom Jerashnoted by Kraelingis bilingual in Nabatean and Greek,honoringa Nabateanking and dated to 75-100 CE (Gerasa, 371-72). 63
Ferguson, The Religions, 17-18; P.C. Hammond, The Nabataeans-Their
History,
CultureandArchaeology(Studiesin Mediterranean Sweden: Archaeology37;Gothenburg, Paul AstromsFPrlag,1973) 95-96. 64 Glueck, Deities, 359-60; Hammond, The Nabataeans, 97.
Ferguson,The Religions, 18-19; Hammond,The Nabataeans, 97, 102. 1 Ferguson, The Religions, 18-19. 67 Glueck, Deities, 380-83; Ferguson, The Religions, 19.
65
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JOHN KAMPEN
At Et-Tannur,N. Glueck identifieda variety of roles for Atargatis as fertility goddess attested in the sculptural details of the site. IncludedaretheGoddessof Vegetation,GrainGoddess,DolphinGoddess, Fortune(TYXH)Goddess and Zodiac Goddess.68This temple is dated in origin to somewhere in the second century BCE, coming into full of bloom by 8/7 BCE. With Artemisas one of the greatrepresentations the Mother Goddess, Ferguson finds the identificationof Atargatis GlueckproposesthattheNabateans withherbothnaturalandinevitable.69 must have been aware of the the marble statue of Artemis Ephesia found at Caesarea and then goes on to argue that the worship of In light of the Atargatisas Artemis "was popularand widespread."70 can identification such an Empire, religiousdevelopmentin the eastern be expected.An interestingconnectionfor this assimilatedgoddess of fertilitywith the dolphinmotif has yet to be examined. In his extensive treatmentof Nabateancultureand religion,Glueck argues that the connectionof Atargatiswith the dolphinis an integral partof her role as the goddess of fertilityin a desertclimate.7'While the dolphin itself was not a fertilitysymbol, water was recognizedas essential to life and the dolphinwas integrallyrelatedto it. In her role as goddess of fertility she also functionedas the fish goddess "that had originallylittle or nothingto do with her dolphinrole."72The former function made her the female incarnatewhose abundantwomb made her the source of all life. As dolphingoddess she was the protectoressof the travellerwhose reach extendedinto the afterlife.It is not clear that the Nabateansdifferentiatedbetweenthese two roles for the goddess. At Ascalon she is describedas half-womanand half-fish. At Hierapolisin Syria her statue is broughtdown to the lake during the spring season and immersed.Lucian also suggests that the greatest of the festivals which included these rites were practicedon the sea coast. As a symbol of fecundity the fish was sacred in the Atargatiscult.73Thus Glueck believes there may have been a sacred pond in the center of the outer courtyardat KhirbetTannurand that
70
Glueck,Deities, 359, 381, 398; Hammond,The Nabataeans, 97. Ferguson,The Religions, 19. Glueck,Deities, 382-83.
71
Glueck, Deities, 359; Hammond, The Nabataeans, 97.
72
Glueck,Deities, 381-82.
"7
Ferguson, The Religions, 19; MacMullen, Paganism, 35-36.
68 69
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE
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this may have been the case with every Nabateantemple devoted to Atargatis.74 Surprisingis Glueck's claim that the dolphin cult or worship of deities with the dolphin attributeis not presentamong the Nabateans until the second centuryCE.75 In some cases evidence of the dolphin cult was associated with Aphrodite,who was frequentlyregardedas synonymous with Atargatis.76The dolphin goddess was worshipped by all who went out to sea. A bilingual inscriptionin Nabateanand Greek dedicatedto the Nabateangod Dushareswas found in the Delphiniumof Apollo at Miletus. This sanctuarywas one of the sacred places where Apollo was accompaniedby or appearedin the guise of Delphinios, the dolphin god.77Since Syllaeus was on his way to see Augustus a few years after Aretas IV had ascended to the Nabatean throne in 9 BCE, we do find evidence of worship to the dolphin god by a gratefulNabateanby the turnof the eras.78Glueckhere questions whether the reason Syllaeus approachedthe dolphin deity of Miletus may have been because of his familiaritywith the dolphin goddess, "whose vogue was so great throughoutthe Nabataean kingdom?"79 He cites the discovery of a dolphin-crownedAtargatisat Aphrodisias just a few miles inlandfrom Miletus.He then goes on to list evidence of the goddess's appearanceat inland Nabatean sanctuariessuch as Abda in the Negev, Ain Shellalahin Wadi Ramm, KhirbetBrak and es-Sabranear Petra,and most notablyat KhirbetTannur"with a tiara of heraldic dolphins on her head."80Another Nabatean inscription from Puteoli in Italy mentionsan offeringof two camels to Dushares. He proposes that some of these cities may have had Nabatean colonies. Delos containeda Syrian temple devoted to Atargatis.8' In this exploration of the complimentaryroles of Atargatis and Artemis we see the ubiquitous presence of Atargatis clearly established throughoutNabateansociety by the turn of the eras. We also
Glueck, Deities, 391. Glueck, Deities, 359. 76 Glueck, Deities, 360, 374. 77 Glueck, Deities, 377. 78 Glueck, Deities, 376-77. 79 Glueck, Deities, 379. 80 Note also Ferguson, The Religions, 19-20. 81 Glueck, Deities, 379-80.
74
7S
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JOHN KAMPEN
see evidence that the cult of Artemisreceived considerableand complimentarydevelopment in the lands of the eastern Mediterranean, perhapsamong the hellenized, Roman populationsthat inhabitedportions of the easternEmpire,its urbancentersin particular.Perhapsthe reason for a temple to Artemisat Jerashwas because of its familiarity to Nabateaninhabitantsof the city. This possibilitywould provide an explanationfor the dolphinsin the catch-basinsof the Nymphaeum dedicated in 190 CE and for the large pool and theaterbuilt to the northeastof the city and dedicatedin 209 CE, both after the new temple to Artemis had been built under Hadrian.82It is clear that the assimilationof Artemis and Atargatiswould have made the worship of Artemisa more recognizablepresencein Syro-Palestine. The Essenes in Syro-Palestine In the earlier researchmentionedabove I collected and evaluated the inscriptionalevidence as well as the citationsfrom ancientauthors concerningthe "essenes"that served in the cult of Artemis at Ephesus.83In that analysisI concludedthat they served sacerdotalfunctions with regardto sacrificesin that temple as well as representedthe goddess in other roles within the operationsof that temple cult. The evidence suggests subtle changesin the role but supportsa hypothesisfor their continualfunctioningat that site over a period of six centuries from the thirdcenturyBCE to the thirdcenturyCE. I also cited evidence of their appointmentto this post for a limited period of time during which they were expected to observe laws of celibacy and other mandates regardingritualpurity.This pictureof the Ephesian"essenes"is supportedby Fleischer.84He lists two importantadditionalfunctions for the Artemis temple cult at Ephesus. The first was as a place of refuge for those who had been victims of unjustaccusations.The second of those was to functionas an importantbank for the deposit of money for safekeepingby rulers and communitiesas well as private individuals. He cites the "essenes" as having responsibilityfor the administrationof this temple-bank.He regardsit as one of the important componentsthat supportedthe blossomingcommerceof the city.
82 Kraeling,Gerasa, 21-22, 159-67; Browning,Jerash, 143-47, 211-15; Khouri, Jerash, 77-79, 135-36; Aubin, "Jerash,"3.218. 68-74; idem, The Hasideans, 161-72. 83 Kampen,"A Reconsideration," X4 Fleischer,"ArtemisEphesia,"299.
THE CULT OF ARTEMIS AND THE ESSENES IN SYRO-PALESTINE
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The argumentadvancedon the basis of this priorresearchwas that an observerwho had travelledenough to be awareof the "essenes"in the temple of Artemisat Ephesussaw this groupof Jews and detected similaritiesthat led him to describe them with the same appellation. Includedin the evidence was their apparentcultic role and their strict observanceof laws of ritualpurity,includingcelibacy. While the evidence concerning celibacy among the Essenes in Syro-Palestine continues to be a matter of debate, there remains a good basis for believing that at least a portion of them were celibate and did not marry.We now see in the descriptionadvancedby Fleischer that the bankingfunction of the "essenes"at Ephesus, an importantcontribution to the commercial development of that city, could have been viewed as possessing some similarityto the processes involved in the holding of goods in common ascribed to the Essene community as well, admittedlyon a much smallerscale.85Also advancedin this previous researchwas the argumentthat the relatedspelling of the Greek name, 'Eacaaioi,was derived from an attemptto make the ending of 'EcaTvoiparallelwith the endings of the names of two groupsalready known to the Jewish community,the Oaptiaot (Pharisees) and the EaWovKaa1ot(Sadducees). It is not necessary to argue, and highly unlikely,
that this emendationwas original with the same observer who was responsiblefor the initial designation. The research in this article demonstratesboth the significance of Artemis Ephesia for the eastern Mediterraneanand the ubiquitous presenceof the cult and the worshipof its deity throughoutthis same area. More specifically we find evidence of the cult and its goddess throughoutSyro-Palestineand of its influenceon the developmentof other deities such as Atargatiswith whom she was graduallyassimilated and which representedthe religio-culturallife of a native population in the area. The most obvious monument to the goddess's presenceand significanceis the templeof Artemisat Jerash.This temple did not stand alone nor appearabruptlyat a specific moment in time. While evidence of the hellenizedpresenceof the RomanEmpire, we know that Hellenization itself was a process of assimilation of Greek and native practices,beliefs, cultures,and institutions.There is good evidence to believe that most of the urban centers of SyroPalestinewouldhavecontainedresidentsfamiliarwithaspectsof Artemis
1' War 2:122, 127; Ant. 18:20; 1QS 1:11-12; 5:1-2; 6:17-22; 9:21-24; 10:18-19; 11:1-2; CD 6:20-7:1.
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JOHN KAMPEN
worshipas well as its practicesand institutionsby the firstcenturyCE. It is then quite plausibleto argue that the titles of its cult functionaries that go back to the thirdcenturyBCE would also have been recognized in these centersby the first centuryCE. In the colonial areas of the Roman Empire,we do not have the inscriptionalevidence on which to base descriptionsof cultic functioning in the same manneras we do for the site of Ephesus,with its more thanfour thousandinscriptionsalreadyfound.86The inscriptional evidence even from a major structuresuch as the temple of Artemis (the at Jerashis very limitedby comparison.Not only are the 6aaijcvaq usuallyconsidered essenes) not attested,neitherare the "megabyzoi,"87 to be the high priests at the cult center in Ephesus, or the other functionariesidentifiedin the inscriptions.To supportthe case made in the earlierresearchidentifiedabove, it is not necessaryto establish that "essenes" functioned in the temple at Jerash or at other sites where Artemis was worshippedin Syro-Palestine.It is rathernecessary merely to have demonstratedthat there would have been persons resident in Syro-Palestinewho were familiarwith the functioningof the temple of Artemis at Ephesus. Given the evidence cited for the presence of Artemis throughoutSyro-Palestine,this is a reasonable proposal.
86
J.O.
Smith, "The High Priests of the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus,"Cybele,
Attis and Related Cults: Essays in Memory of M.J. Vermaseren (ed. E.N. Lane;
Religions in the Graeco-RomanWorld 131; Leiden/NewYork/Koln:Brill, 1996) 325. 81 Smith, "High Priests,"323-35.
THE ENDTIME RETURN OF ELIJAH AND MOSES AT QUMRAN JOHN C. POIRLER The Jewish Theological Seminary of America
The commonclaim that Qumranmessianismwas not workedout to systematicprecisionis undoubtedlytrue, but it should not obscurethe fact that certain schematiclines had definitelybeen drawn.There are a numberof distinctivefeaturesof messianicexpectationsat Qumran, on which the opinion of the authenticwritings appearsto be unanimous (notwithstandingthe continuingappeal of an evolutionaryview of Qumranmessianism).The purposeof this study is to trace these main features,and to show that Elijah and Moses play a greaterrole at Qumranthan many scholars admit. A Messianic Diarchy
One of the most celebrated(and controverted)featuresof Qumran theology is the diarchical nature of its messianic expectations. The Qumranwritingstestifyto the appearanceof two distinctanointedfigures: one royal and one priestly. This diarchicalscheme was not invented at Qumran.Rather,it was widely adoptedwithin apocalypticcircles even before the Qumransettlementbegan.' How manymessiahsdid the Qumranitesexpect?Any answerwe give will need some qualification,based upon whether we limit the term "messiah"to figuresthat are explicitly anointed,or ratheruse the term I W. Horburywrites, "Whatis remarkable,perhaps,is not so much the occurrence of a dual messianism,given the view that this was the true Mosaic constitution,but ratherthe failure of dual messianismto exert a still more obvious influence"(Jewish Messianismand the Cult of Christ [London:SCM Press, 1998] 30). See R. Kasher's discussion of messianic diarchy in "On the Portrayalof Messiahs in Light of an UnknownTargumto Lam 4:21-22," JSQ 7 (2000) 22-41, esp. 28-38. This diarchyis reflectedin nonsectarian writingscontemporary withQumran,especiallyin theTestaments of the Twelve Patriarchs(T. Reub. 6:7-8; T. Sim. 7:2). See A.S. van der Woude,Die messianischenVorstellungender Gemeindevon Qumrdn(SSN 3; Assen: van Gorcum, 1957) 190-216.
? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 2
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to denote all endtimeredeemers.To adopt the terminologyof anointing as the bounds of messianismwould not be to commit the etymological fallacy-the Qumranitescertainly cared about which figures were officially anointedand which were not-but it is clearly more useful to place these figuresalongsidethe othersthatappearwithinthe endtimedrama.J. Fitzmyercomplainsthatthis is to give the term"messiah"a "rubber-band extension,"2but we clearlymust not use the word "messiah"in its narrowestsense if we are to avoid missing most of what the Qumrancommunitybelievedaboutendtimeredeemerfigures.3 Fitzmyer claims that the lack of terminological purism has caused confusion,but failing to admit othereschatologicalredeemersinto the messianic scheme would certainlycause worse confusion.A widened understandingof "messianism"rendersa more meaningfulaccountof the evidence, and, for the terminologicalpurists,it is not difficultto keep track of which figures are said to be anointed.4As J.J. Collins writes, "The issue ... is not how many texts speak explicitly of two messiahs, but how many involve the presence of another figure of 2 J.A. Fitzmyer, The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins (Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans,2000) 73. ' In additionto the studiescited elsewherein this article,the following discuss the idea of two (or three) messiahs at Qumran: J.M. Allegro, "Further Messianic JBL75 (1956) 174-87;K.G.Kuhn,"TheTwo Messiahs Referencesin QumranLiterature," of Aaron and Israel," The Scrolls and the New Testament (ed. K. Stendahl; New York:
derDamaskusschrift," "ZurMessiaserwartung Harper& Bros.,1957)5-64; R. Deichgraber, ZAW78 (1966) 333-43; A. Chester,"JewishMessianicExpectationsand Mediatorial Figures and Pauline Christology," Paulus und das antike Judentum: Tubingen-DurhamSymposium im Gedenken an den 50. Todestag Adolf Schlatters (t 19. Mai 1938) (eds
M. Hengel and U. Heckel; WUNT 58; Tubingen:Mohr-Siebeck,1991) 17-89, esp. of DamascusDocumentVII, 9b-VIII, 2a and 20-27; M.A. Knibb,"The Interpretation XIX, 5b-14," RevQ 15 (1991-92) 243-51; L.H. Schiffman, Law, Custom and Messianismin the Dead Sea Sect (Hebrew)(Jerusalem:ZalmanShazarCenter, 1993) 268-311; J. VanderKam,"Messianismin the Scrolls,"The Communityof the Renewed Covenant: The Notre Dame Symposium on the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds E. Ulrich and
J. VanderKam;Christianityand Judaism in Antiquity Series 10; Notre Dame, IN: Universityof NotreDame Press, 1994) 211-34; G.S. Oegema,"MessianicExpectations Studies in the QumranWritings:Theses on their Development,"Qumran-Messianism: on the Messianic Expectations in the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds J.H. Charlesworth,
H. Lichtenberger, and G.S. Oegema;Tiibingen:Mohr-Siebeck,1998) 53-82; J. Zimmermann, Messianische Texte aus Qumran: Konigliche, priesterliche und prophetische Messiasvorstellungen in den Schriftfunden von Qumran (WUNT 104; Tubingen: Mohr-
Siebeck, 1998). 4 I accept G.S. Oegema's definitionof "messiah":"a priestly,royal or otherwise characterizedfigure,who will play a liberatingrole at the end of time"(TheAnointed and His People: Messianic Expectations from the Maccabees to Bar Kochba [JSPSup
27; Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress, 1998] 26).
THE ENDTIME RETURN OF ELIJAH AND MOSES AT QUMRAN
223
authorityequal to or greaterthan that of the Davidic messiah."5At Qumran,an "anointedone"is not the sortof compositefigurethatdominatedlater Christianthinking,nor is he a breed apartfrom the eschatological prophet,who is probablynot "anointed"as such (see below). The authenticQumranwritingsherald the coming of three endtime redeemerfigures:a Prophet,a Priest, and a Prince (or King): They shouldnot departfrom any counsel of the law in orderto walk in complete stubbornnessof theirheart,but insteadshall be ruledby the firstdirectiveswhich the men of the Communitybegan to be taughtuntil the prophetcomes, and the Messiahsof Aaronand Israel(lQS 9:9-11 [cf. CD 12:23-13:1; 14:19; 19:10-11; 20:11).6
of the word concernsthe shoot] of David which will sprout [The interpretation in the fi[nal days, since with the breathof his lips he will execute] his [ene]my and God will supporthim with [the spiritof c]ourage[... throlneof glory, h[oly] crown and multi-colour[ed]vestments[...] in his hand. He will rule over all the pe[ople]s and Magog [...] his sword will judge [al]l the peoples. And as for what he says: "He will not [judgeby appearances]or give verdictson hearsay", its interpretation:which [... . and according to what they teach him, he will judge, and upon their authority[... ] with him will go out one of the priestsof renown,holding in his hand clothes. . . (4QpIsaa3:18-25 [4Q161]).
These three figures all appearto performcomplementaryfunctions within the eschatologicalredemption.One should not deduce from the fact that the Prophetis not called "messiah"that he is of a materially lesser standing.7As F. GarciaMartineznotes, 4QTestimoniarefers to thesethreefiguresthrougha seriesof prooftexts(Prophet:Deut. 18:18-19; King: Num. 24:15-17; Priest: Deut. 33:8-11): "The three quotations
are at the same level and in completeparallelism,and thereforemust refer to similar figures."8 Thereis someambiguityin theway in whichtheDamascusDocument's parallelsto 1QS 9:9-11 refer to these two figures, making it appear, I "Messiahs in Context: Method in the Study of Messianism in the Dead Sea Scrolls,"Methodsof Investigationof the Dead Sea Scrolls and the KhirbetQumran Site: PresentRealitiesand FutureProspects(eds M.O. Wise, N. Golb, J.J.Collins, and D.G. Pardee;Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 722; New York: New York Academyof Sciences, 1994) 213-29, esp. 224. 6 Translationsof Qumranicwritings are taken from F. Garcia Martinezand E.J.C. Tigchelaar,The Dead Sea Scrolls StudyEdition(Leiden:Brill, 1997-98). 7 W.M. Schniedewindcorrectlynotes, "the Hebrew term ro'n ... has received an inordinateamount of attention"("StructuralAspects of QumranMessianism in the DamascusDocument,"The Provo InternationalConferenceon the Dead Sea Scrolls: TechnologicalInnovations,New Texts, and ReformulatedIssues [eds D.W. Parryand E. Ulrich;STDJ 30; Leiden:Brill, 1999] 523-36, esp. 525). 8 F. GarciaMartinezand J. TrebolleBarrera,The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Their Writings,Beliefs and Practices (Leiden:Brill, 1995) 186.
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in some cases, that a single compositefiguremay be indicated.Several passages refer to the "Messiahof Aaron and Israel"(CD 12:23:nCrl A,711 V1R:; 14:19: [ori]m
rij rvim*; 19:10: orm Arrij
while CD 20:1 refers to the "Messiahof Aaron and of Israel"(r0ir ORr11 Bracketingthe historicalcontext, the formerexpression would almost certainlybe renderedto indicatea single composite figure,especiallyin view of what appearsto be a singularverb following the expression in CD 14:19, while n'rr mtril 0111RJ would invite a distributive rendering (cf. 1QS 9:11: orrin wmn1l1'rv2).q
It
is not clear which renderingwould be favored by the appearanceof bothformulations withina singledocument,butthecontextof theQumran finds as a whole suggests either that a distributiverenderingis best, or that the Qumranmessianic expectationschangedover time. Not a few scholarshave maintainedthat the writingsin questiondo, in fact, refer to a single, composite messiah,'0while others see a developing messianism in which the number of expected redeemers changes according to the age of the text in question." But these views are On the distributiverendering,see S. Talmon, "The Concepts of Maliah and Messianismin Early Judaism,"The Messiah: Developmentsin EarliestJudaismand Christianity(ed. J.H. Charlesworth;Minneapolis:FortressPress, 1992) 79-115, esp. 105 n. 64. Talmon also argues for a diarchical messianism in "Waiting for the Messiah:TheSpiritualUniverseof theQumranCovenanters," JudaismsandTheirMessiahs at the Turn of the Christian Era (eds J. Neusner, W.S. Green, and E. Frerichs; Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1987) 111-37. '? E.g., W.S. LaSor,"The Messiahsof Aaronand Israel,"VT 6 (1956) 425-29; B. Vawter,"LeviticalMessianismand the New Testament,"TheBible in CurrentCatholic Thought (ed. J.L. McKenzie; New York: Herder, 1962) 83-99; R.B. Laurin,"The Problemof Two Messiahs in the QumranScrolls,"RevQ 4 (1963-64) 39-52; E.A. Wcela, "The Messiah(s) of Qumran,"CBQ 26 (1964) 340-48; A.J.B. Higgins, "The PriestlyMessiah,"NTS 13 (1966-67) 211-39; S. Sabugal,"IQ Regla de la Comunidad IX, 11: Dos Ungidos, Un Messias,"RevQ 8 (1972-75) 417-23; M.O. Wise and J.D. Tabor, "The Messiah at Qumran,"BAR 18/6 (Nov./Dec. 1992) 60-61, 65; M.G. Abegg, Jr, "The Messiah at Qumran:Are We Still Seeing Double?"DSD 2 (1995) 125-44; L.D. Hurst,"Did QumranExpect Two Messiahs?"BBR 9 (1999) 157-80. "i E.g., J. Starcky,"Les quatreetapes du messianismea Qumran,"RB 70 (1963) 481-505; G.J. Brooke,"The Amos-NumbersMidrash(CD 7,13b-8,Ia) and Messianic Expectation,"ZAW92 (1980) 397-404; idem, "TheMessiahof Aaronin the Damascus Document," RevQ 15 (1991-92) 215-30; idem, "4Q254 Fragments I and 4, and 4Q254a: Some Preliminary Comments," Proceedings of the Eleventh World Congress of Jewish Studies: Jerusalem, June 22-29, 1993, div. A: The Bible and Its World(Jerusalem:
WorldUnion of Jewish Studies, 1994) 185-92; idem, "Kingshipand Messianismin the Dead Sea Scrolls," King and Messiah in Israel and the Ancient Near East: Proceedings
of the OxfordOld TestamentSeminar(ed. J. Day; JSOTSup270; Sheffield:Sheffield Academic Press, 1998) 434-55; G. Xeravits, "The Early History of Qumran's Messianic Expectations,"ETL 76 (2000) 113-21; Oegema, The Anointed and His People. See R.E. Brown, "J. Starcky'sTheory of QumranMessianic Development," CBQ 28 (1966) 51-57.
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problematic,as Collins points out: "It would be a remarkablecoincidence if the sectarianshad first coined the reference to 'Aaron and Israel' and only later developed the notion of a dual messiahship."12 While a number of scholars point to the singular verb '1=1 in CD 14:19 as evidence of single, composite messiah, F.M. Cross suggests that'IDEis passive, and that the singularaspect is not tied to the messianic reference: Comparethe passive constructionswith this verb, the nitpa'el in Deut 21:8 and in iSam 6:3 (4QSamaand OG), or the more familiarpu'al as in Isa 22:14 and 27:9. Were 'wnmthe objectof the verbykprhere, and msyhthe subject,the word 'wnm would have been precededby the particle 'et. So the case is clear. The putativesingle messiah is a phantomof bad philology.'3
W. Schniedewindfurthernotes that the principlesof Qumranicexegesis would have read two figures into Num. 24:17: It should... be emphasizedthat the pesher method in general and especially as illustratedby Num. 24:17 tells us somethingof the way in which the expression nMn
v,tr'i
"anointed of Aaron and of Israel" must be understood. Tere
areno rhetoricalredundancies in theBiblefortheQumraninterpreters. Thus,. . . each partof the parallelismhas its own individualmeaning,each parthas its own individual referent.... Given this basic methodology in Qumraninterpretation,it seems quite unlikely that the phrase narrT tkrri l1
should refer to one
anointedfigure.I imaginethat the problemgoes back to the fixationon the term CUT'r itself; as a result, the clear testimonyof Numbers24 pesher is not taken into considerationbecause it does not explicitly use the term niP.'4
As many scholarshave noted, Qumran'sdiarchicmessianismcould have found its main biblical prooftextin the accountof the two "sons of oil" in Zechariah4.15With the publicationof 4Q254, we now know 12 J.J. Collins, The Scepterand the Star: The Messiahsof the Dead Sea Scrolls and OtherAncientLiterature(ABRL;New York:Doubleday,1995)79. See alsoZimmermann, MessianischeTexteaus Qumran,34-35, 40-45. 1' "Some Notes on a Generation of Qumran Studies," The Madrid Qumran Congress:Proceedingsof the InternationalCongresson the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid 1-21 March,1991 (eds J. TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner;STDJ 11; Leiden: Brill, 1992) 1.1-14, esp. 14. Schniedewind writes that "the world view of the DamascusDocumentis bicephalicin the past, present,and future"("Structural Aspects of QumranMessianismin the DamascusDocument,"529). 4 "Structural Aspects of QumranMessianismin the DamascusDocument,"534. Is A. Caquot,"Le messianismequmranien,"Qumran:Sa piete, sa the'ologieet son milieu (ed. M. Delcor; BETL 46; Paris: Duculot, 1978) 23147, esp. 233. A. Laato writes, "An importantfactor in the developmentof postexilic messianic expectations was the theologicalemphasison dyarchiawhich is especially visible in Zechariah1-8 as well as in the DeuteronomisticHistorywhere the dynastyof David and the priestly lineageof Zadokreceiveddivinelegitimation.Jer33:14-26 presentsa similaridea,emphasizing that Yhwh will protectthe descendantsof Abraham,Isaac and Jacob by establishing two covenants,one with David and anotherwith Levi" (A Star is Rising: The
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JOHN C. POIRIER
thatZechariah4 appearsin theQumrancorpus.16ThefactthattheQumran interpretationof Gen. 49:10 had been known for so long may have misled initial studies of 4Q254 to assume that the Zecharianpassage was drawn in the train of Gen. 49:10, ratherthan vice versa,'7and of Gen. C.A. Evans may be rightin viewing the diarchicinterpretation of Zech. 4:14 found in 49:10 as secondary, and the interpretation 4Q254 as more representativeof the true exegetical source of Qumranic diarchicmessianism.'8Unfortunately,the text is too fragmentary to move beyond speculation. Qumran'sthree figures are also known by other titles. The messianic king ("messiahof Israel")is sometimescalled "thePrinceof the Congregation"(e.g., CD 7:20; 4Q285 5 5; 6 2-10; IQM 5:1; 4Qplsaa 2:15; lQSb 5:2l),1' and the priestis also known as "the interpreterof the Law" (CD 7:18; 4QFlor I i 11). These alternativetitles provide valuableclues as to the true identityof these figures. The forerunnerfigure mentionedin 1lQMelchizedek,who fulfills the eulogical task of Isa. 52:7 and is referredto as "the one anointed with the spirit,"should probablybe identifiedwith the eschatological Prophet.This does not, however,fully dissolve the terminologicaldisHistorical Development of the Old Testament Royal Ideology and the Rise of the
Jewish Messianic Expectations[Universityof South Florida InternationalStudies in FormativeChristianityand Judaism5; Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1997] 238). Fitzmyer notes "'The priest'(= the Messiahof Aaron?)and 'the Messiahof Israel'in these two passages of IQSa would thus agree with IQS 9:11 and undoubtedlyrepresentan explicit messianicdevelopmentof t:1 M' m717, 'the two sons of oil,' of Zech 4:14" (The Dead Sea Scrolls and Christian Origins, 86).
J.C. VanderKam'sreflectionson the absence 16 The publicationof 4Q254 overturns of Zechariah4 from Qumran("Jubileesand the Priestly Messiah of Qumran,"RevQ 13 [1988] 353-65, esp. 365). 7 E.g., see Brooke,"4Q254 Fragments1 and 4, and 4Q254a," 185-92. of Zechariah ,x "'The Two Sons of Oil': EarlyEvidenceof MessianicInterpretation 4:14 in 4Q254 4 2," The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls, 566-75. D.W. Rooke is probablycorrectto questionthe RSV'S translationof ::1-fl'w?
(Zech. 4:14) as "anointed"-for the originalauthor,"sons of oil" probablyreferredto the prosperityof theiroffices-but later interpreters(e.g., Avot de RabbiNathan[Ver. A] 34) made the same philological leap as the RSV (Zadok's Heirs: The Role and Development of the High Priesthood in Ancient Israel [Oxford Theological Mongraphs;
Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 2000] 136-37). Evans's argumentrecalls Ginzberg's appeal to the rabbinicuse of Zechariah4 in interpretingthe dual messianismof the Damascus Document (see L. Ginzberg,An Unknown Jewish Sect [New York:Jewish TheologicalSeminaryof America, 1976] 239-49). The publicationof 4Q254 suggests the possibilitythat Ginzbergwas correctall along. 19 This title seems to be derived from the "Prince" in Ezekiel 40-48, who is identifiedas a Davidic figurein Ezek. 34:23-24, 37:25. See VanderKam,"Messianism in the Scrolls," 218-19; Collins, The Scepter and the Star, 57-60; Rooke, Zadok's Heirs, 110-11.
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tinctionbetween the "messianism"of the Prophetand the messianism of the Priest and King. "Anointedwith the spirit"probablysignifies that the Prophetis, in an importantsense, comparableto the othertwo figures, but it also draws attentionto the fact that, unlike the other two, he has never been anointedwith oil, a distinctionthat is upheld in most of the Qumran messianic references. Anointing "with the spirit"should be read in contrastto the anointingof the Priestwithin 4Q375, "uponwhose head the oil of anointinghas been poured"(1 i 9). Elijah, the EndtimePriest Anothersource of confusionin the debateover Qumranmessianism can be found in the common assumptionthat Elijah assumes the role of eschatologicalProphet. Although it is clear that Qumranexpected the eschatologicalreturnof Elijah (see 4Q521 2 iii 1-2),2o scholarsare not agreed as to whetherElijah should be identifiedwith the eschatological Prophetor with the priestly messiah. J. Strugnellthinks that "in all probability, the Mosaic eschatological prophet was, in the thoughtof Qumran(as probablyalso in that of Mal. 3.23) identical with Elijah redivivus."21Similarly, Garcfa Martinezwrites that "the promise of the returnof Elijah... determinesthe hope in the eschatological prophetof the community."22 Garcia Martinezfurthermore of theLaw"witha prophetic(ratherthanpriestly) confusesthe"interpreter figure,23but J. VanderKamnotes that the priestly blessing of Deut. 33:8-11 appearswithin a later section of 4QFlor(along with allusions to the urim and thummim),and that, while 4QFlor 1 i 10-13 and CD 7:14-21 interpretthe star of Num. 24:17 as the "interpreterof the Law," T. Levi 18:3 interpretsthis same star as the eschatological Priest.24 StrugnellandGarciaMartinez,as well as Collins,J. Zimmermann,
20 See E. Puech'srestoration of these lines ("UneApocalypseMessianique(4Q521)," RevQ 15 [1991-92] 475-522, esp. 495). 21 J. Strugnell, atQumran:4Q375,4Q376,andSimilarWorks," "Moses-Pseudepigrapha Archaeology and History in the Dead Sea Scrolls: The New York University Conferencein Memoryof YigaelYadin(ed. L.H. Schiffman;JSPSup8; Sheffield:JSOT Press, 1990) 221-56, esp. 234. See also Zimmermann,Messianische Texte aus Qumran,332-42. 22 The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 163. 23 The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 183. 24 "Messianismin the Scrolls,"227-28. See also J.R. Porter,"The Messiah in the Testamentof Levi XVIII,"ExpTim61 (1949-50) 90-91; van der Woude, Die messianischen Vorstellungen der Gemeinde von Qumran, 54-57, 228-29, 243-44;
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and several others, associate Elijah with the eschatologicalProphet. This mistake seems to have been a costly one in the effort to understand Qumranmessianism. It is not difficult to reconstruct the exegetical basis of Elijah's inductioninto the priesthood.First, of course, is the fact that Elijah anoints kings (1 Kgs 19:15-16), a resolutely priestly privilege.25 Second, popularexegesis read Elijah into texts dealing with purportedly priestlyfigures,includingthe "anointedone" of Isa. 61:1. Collins writes that "[t]he word rs'n can refer to prophetsand priestsas well as to kings,"26but the biblicalevidence linkingthattitle with the office of prophetis slim enoughto warranta second look. While Crtnis used many times in the Bible to denote a king27or high28priest,29it is perJ. Gnilka, "Die Erwartungdes messianischen Hohenpriestersin den Schriften von Qumran und im Neuen Testament," RevQ 2 (1960) 395-426, esp. 405-6; F.M. Strickert,"DamascusDocumentVII, 10-20 and QumranMessianicExpectation,"RevQ 12 (1985-87) 327-49, esp. 336-37; R.A. Kugler, From Patriarch to Priest: The LeviPriestly Tradition from Aramaic Levi to Testament of Levi (SBLEJL 9; Atlanta:
MessianischeTexteaus Qumran,437-46. ScholarsPress, 1996) 215-16; Zimmermann, J. Liver argues that the diarchicmessianismfound in the Testamentsof the Twelve Patriarchsis the productof Qumran("TheDoctrineof the Two Messiahsin Sectarian Literaturein the Time of the Second Commonwealth,"HTR 52 [1959] 149-85). Vawterthinksthat the priestlymessiahwas interpolatedinto the Testamentof Levi by Christians("LeviticalMessianismand the New Testament,"83-99). On the star as priest,contrastTargumNeofiti, in which the starrepresentsa king. See H.W. Attridge, The Epistle to the Hebrews: A Commentary on the Epistle to the Hebrews (Hermeneia;
Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1989) 97-103. esp. 1 25 Rooke argues that Samuel is perhapspresentedas a priest as well-see Sam. 2:18 (Zadok'sHeirs, 58). E.-J. Waschkeextendsthis privilegeto prophetsin their own right,but the exampleshe cites eitherrevealaspectsof the priestlyoffice(Samuel) or act on behalf of Elijah'ssuccessor(Elisha's deputy[2 Kgs 9:1-10]) (Der Gesalbte: Studien zur alttestamentlichen Theologie [BZAW 306; Berlin: de Gruyter, 2001] 44-50). 26 The Scepter and the Star, 56. See also F.F. Bruce, Second Thoughts on the Dead
Sea Scrolls (rev. ed.; GrandRapids,MI: Eerdmans,1964) 83. Collins'sjudgmentthat CD 2:12; 6:1; and IQM 11:7 all refer to anointedprophetsis acceptedand enlarged upon,withoutfurtherargument,in M.G. Abegg and C.A. Evans, "MessianicPassages 191-203. in the Dead Sea Scrolls,"Qumran-Messianism, 27 Jdg. 9:8, 15; 1 Sam. 2:10; 2:35; 9:16; 10:1; 12:3, 5; 15:1, 17; 16:3, 6, 12-13; 24:6, 10; 26:9, 11, 16, 23; 2 Sam. 1:14, 16, 21; 2:4, 7; 3:39, 5:3, 17; 12:7; 19:10, 21; 22:51; 23:1; 1 Kgs 1:34, 39, 45; 5:1; 19:15-16a; 2 Kgs 9:3, 6, 12; 11:12; 23:30; 1 Chron. 11:3; 14:8; 16:22;29:22; 2 Chron.6:42; 22:7; 23:11; Ps. 2:2; 18:50;20:6; 28:8; 84:9; 89:20, 38, 51; 105:15 [?]; 132:10, 17; Isa. 45:1; Lam. 4:20; Dan. 9:25-26 [messianic]; Hab. 3:13. 28 Rooke notes, "'Theordinationprocedure... seems to distinguishbetweenpouring holy anointingoil on Aaron'shead (Exod. 29:7; Lev. 8:12) and sprinklingboth Aaron and sons and their garmentswith a mixtureof the anointingoil and blood from the altar(Exod. 29:21; Lev. 8:30); this would allow for all prieststo be anointedwhile at the same time distinguishingone priest in particularas the anointedpriest"(Zadok's Heirs, 20). 29 Exod. 28:41; 29:7; 30:30; 40:13, 15; Lev. 4:3, 5, 16; 6:13, 15; 7:36; 8:12; 16:32; Num. 3:3; 35:25. See Rooke, Zadok'sHeirs, 20-28.
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haps used of the propheticoffice only twice, in 1 Kgs 19:16b (the LORDtells Elijah to anointElisha) and in Isa. 61:1 ("The Spiritof the LoRDGod [is] upon me,. . ."), but even these two cases are somewhat dubious.E. Puech writes, Some authorsthink that "The Spirit of Lord YHWH is on me for YHWH has anointedme, he has sent me to bringnews to the poor. . ." can only be attributed to a propheticfigure,dismissingwithoutany serious analysis and argumentsthe propositionof a high priest.On one side authorsdo not distinguishgenerallythe gift of the spirit for prophecyand the anointing which is properto king and priests,but is neversaid of a prophet.The uniqueexamplein I Kings 19:16about Elijah is improper and is no anointing to become a prophet, thus the term "anointed-messiah" to designatea prophetmust be taken as a figurativemeaning (Psalm 105:15/HIChronicles 16:22, 1QM XI 7, CD II 12, V 20-VI 1). But this cannot be the case in Isaiah 61:1, where the gift of the spirit of YHWH depends directly on the anointing.The analysis of the technical terms of this Isaianic passage led Grelot to propose with conviction the anointingof a high priestafter the exile.30
Even if one or both of these passages really does suppose that prophetsare anointed,the exceptional natureof these passages may have caught the attentionof exegetes, who in turn sought to remove the offensive singularityby interpretingthe "anointed"as a priest or king. The referenceto "priestsof the LORD"in Isa. 61:6 would have strengthenedthis understanding.Since there was an undeniablesimilarity between the restorationwork describedin this passage and that attributedto Elijah in Mal. 3:23-24 (= 4:5-6), it was only naturalthat Isa. 61:1-5 would come to be identifiedwith Elijah's endtimereturn. (This was not the first time Elijah was identifiedwith Isaiah's prophesied redeemers:Sir. 48:10 combines Mal. 3:23 with Isa. 49:6.)3'The `0 "Some Remarks on 4Q246 and 4Q521 and QumranMessianism,"The Provo InternationalConferenceon the Dead Sea Scrolls, 556-57. See P. Grelot, "Sur Isale LXI: La Premi6reConsecrationd'un Grand-Pr8tre," RB 97 (1990) 414-31. (Contra Zimmermann,Messianische Texte aus Qumran, 313-14.) To the biblical folio of anointedprophets,Collins adds Ps. 105:15 (= 1 Chron. 16:22), in which "'anointed ones' and 'prophets' are used in parallelism"("A Herald of Good Tidings: Isaiah 61:1-3 and Its Actualizationin the Dead Sea Scrolls," The Quest for Context and Meaning:Studies in Biblical Intertextualityin Honor of James A. Sanders [eds C.A. Evans and S. Talmon;Biblical Interpretation Series 28; Leiden: Brill, 1997] 225-40, esp. 227). It is more likely, however, that Ps. 105:15 was written in progressiveor compositeparallelism,ratherthan synonymousparallelism:referringto the patriarchs as both priestand prophetmakes perfectsense, as it draws attentionto the full aspect of their (nondescript)mediatoryoffice. Horburysuggests that Ps. 105:15 views the patriarchsas kings (Jewish Messianismand the Cult of Christ,7). 31 See J.D. Martin,"Ben Sira's Hymn to the Fathers:A Messianic Perspective," Crises and Perspectives: Studies in Ancient Near Eastern Polytheism, Biblical Theology,PalestinianArchaeologyand Intertestamental Literature:Papers Read at the Joint British-DutchOld TestamentConferenceHeld at Cambridge,U.K. 1985 (OtSt24; Leiden:Brill, 1986) 107-23.
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absence of other passages describing prophethoodas an anointed office, togetherwith the identificationof Elijahas Isaiah's preacherof good news, may have led to speculation about Elijah's priestly or royal privilege. The fact that Elijah and his official successor are the only prophetswho are describedin the HebrewBible as having been anointed appearsto be the partialimpetus for what otherwisewould be considereda bold invention:Elijah is really a priest.The narrative of Elijah offering a sacrificeatop Mt Carmelprobablypromotedthis view as well. J. Villalon notes that the covenant spoken of in Mal. 2:4-8 is levitical, so that if Elijahis portrayedas the messengerof the covenant in Mal. 4:5-6 (read with 3:1), then Elijah is presumably himself levitical.32A numberof passages in the Qumranwritingssupport this view, as we will see below. Collins has recentlyresisted this line of interpretation: A few scholarshave objectedthat prophetswere not anointedin ancientIsrael, and inferredthat the figurein question[in Isaiah61] must be a High Priest.But in fact the anointingof prophetsis not unknown:Elijah is commandedto anoint Elisha as prophet in his place, although he is never actually said to do so. Anointinghere may alreadybe metaphorical,and mean simply "appoint."In any case, the Dead Sea Scrolls refer to prophetsas "anointedones" on severaloccasions, and give no indicationthat this usage was novel. Nothing that is said of the anointedfigurehere is distinctivelypriestly,and the priesthoodis apparently extendedto all the people of Judahin 61:6. 1
Collins is correctto find Elijahin the sectarianreadingof this passage fromIsaiah,but his failureto recognizeElijah'spriestlyrole causesconfusion.34In attemptingto prove that prophetswere also considered anointedfiguresin second temple times, Collins overstretchesthe evidence for the propheticanointing,both in the Bible and in the Qumran corpus. As examples of the Qumranscrolls referringto prophets as "anointed,"Collins adducesCD 2:12; 6:1; and IQM 11:7.35However, althoughother scholarsalso assume that the "anointedones" in the two CD passages are prophets,36it is more likely that they are 32 "Sources vetero-testamentaires de la doctrine qumraniennedes deux messies," RevQ 29 (1972) 54-69. Jewish Messianismand the 33 "A Heraldof Good Tidings,"227. See also Horbury, Cult of Christ,7-8. 34 Fitzmyerevidently has great difficultyadmittingElijah as a messianicfigure,as he writes, "Collinsis now speakingeven of 'Elijah' as a kind of messiah!"(The Dead Sea Scrolls and ChristianOrigins,95 n. 62). The exclamationpoint notwithstanding, it is not at all clear what is so problematicabout a messianicElijah. " "A Heraldof Good Tidings,"227 n. 10. 36 E.g., see Brooke,"The Messiahof Aaron in the DamascusDocument,"221.
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priests.37 This leaves 1QM 11:7, in which the "anointedones" are described
appositionallyas "seers of decrees."Although "seers"is a synonym for "prophet,"the term "seers of decrees"more directlyevokes popular descriptionsof the priestlyoffice. This is best illustratedin a fragment from Hecataeusof Abdera,preservedby Diodorusof Sicily: For this reasonthe Jews never have a king, and authorityover the people is regularlyvested in whicheverpriestis regardedas superiorto his colleagues in wisdom and virtue.They call this man the high priest,and believe that he acts as a messengerto them of God's commandments.It is he, we are told, who in their assembliesand othergatheringsannounceswhat is ordained,and the Jews are so docile in such mattersthat straightwaythey fall to the groundand do reverence to the high priestwhen he expoundsthe commandmentsto them.8
This fragmentcontainsinaccuraciescharacteristicof Greekattempts to understandJudaism,but its portrayalof priestsas "seersof decrees" is probably accurate.39 According to the way in which Ezra 2:63 and
Neh. 7:65 let unresolvedhalakhicdisputesstand until "a priest should arise with urimand thummim,"this "seeing of decrees"probablyoriginally had somethingto do with the divining lots, althoughit should be kept in mind that the urim and thummim(discontinued[at least among the Jerusalempriesthood]by second temple times) had probably been a high priestlyprivilege.40A connectionbetween Elijah and 3 In CD 2:12, "anointedones" appearsto be complementary,ratherthan appositional or parallel,to "seersof the truth."The priestlycharacterof "anointedones" is clearerin CD 6:1, where "holy anointedones" is not only complementaryto "the hand of Moses," but also follows closely upon "Moses and Aaron."Furthermore,the fact that the text speaksof "God'spreceptsthroughthe handof Moses and also of the holy anointedones" should be indicationenough that it refers to priests:prophetsdo not issue precepts. 38 Diodorus of Sicily, 40.3.5-6; trans. from F.R. Walton, Diodorus of Sicily Xli (LCL 423; London:W. Heinemann;New York:G.P. Putnam'sSons, 1967) 283, 285. 3 Rooke despairsof Hecataeus'trustworthiness, but this is clearly because she disagrees with his depictionof the high priest as the supremepolitician(Zadok'sHeirs, 245-50). Most scholars appearto accept the essentials of Hecataeus'testimony.For bibliography,see L.L. Grabbe,Judaismfrom Cyrusto Hadrian(Minneapolis:Fortress Press, 1991) 1.173. See also the newer discussionsin P.R. Davies, "Scenes from the Early Historyof Judaism,"The Triumphof Elohim:From Yahwismsto Judaisms(ed. D.V. Edelman;CBET 13; Kampen:Kok Pharos, 1995) 145-82, esp. 163-68; idem, "Judaeansin Egypt: Hebrew and Greek Stories," Did Moses Speak Attic? Jewish Historiographyand Scripturein the Hellenistic Period (ed. L.L. Grabbe;JSOTSup 317; Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress,2001) 108-28, esp. 117-21;L.L.Grabbe,"Jewish Historiographyand Scripture in the Hellenisitc Period," Did Moses Speak Attic? 129-55, esp. 131-33. B.Z. Wacholder suggests that Hecataeus may have visited Jerusalemand witnessedthe activitieshe relates(Eupolemus:A Studyof Judaeo-Greek Literature[HUCM3; Cincinnati:HebrewUnion College Press, 1974] 92). 4 With the high priestAbiathar(duringthe Davidic years), the urim and thummim
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the urim and thummimseems to underliethe evolution of the "unresolved halakhah"formula from its early version in Ezra and Nehe= n1p ["Tishbi miah to its rabbinicversion (M" 'IM'rplVin M.Unrn (= Elijah)will come and clear up all of our doubtsand questions"]).4' The case for taking Elijah as the eschatological priest, however, rests on strongerevidence than this. It is clear that Elijahwas widely L. Ginzberglong regardedas a priest in traditionsbeyond Qumran.42
fall into relative desuetude as the propheticoffice moves into its own. See Rooke, Zadok's Heirs, 62-63. F.M. Cross writes, "[Tihe high priest properlyperformedan oracularfunction, and the late high priests claimed gifts of prophecy"(The Ancient Libraryof Qumran[Minneapolis:Fortress,19953] 161). As an exampleof high priestly claims to prophesy,he points to Josephus,Ant. 13:288-98, 300; John 11:51. For the "oracularfunction,"Cross writes, "Cf. the 'ephod of prophecy'given to Levi in T. Levi, 8.2; the title 'False Oracle' taken from propheticcontexts in sectarianexposition ... presumesthe 'prophetic'office of high priest"(AncientLibraryof Qumran, 161 n. 4). On the possible continuinguse of urimand thummimat Qumran,see C.H.T. Fletcher-Louis, All the Glory of Adam: Liturgical Anthropology in the Dead Sea
Scrolls (STDJ 42; Leiden:Brill, 2002) 222-51. 41 L. Jacobshas collected all of the BabylonianTalmud'sunresolvedmattersinto a single compendium (TEYKU: The Unsolved Problem in the Babylonian Talmud: A Study in the Literary Analysis and Form of the Talmudic Argument [London: Cornwall,
1981]). In an appendix(ibid., 308-12), he discusses the role of Elijah in resolving these mattersin late Jewish mysticalthought.In Pseudo-Philo'sBib. Ant. (28:3; 46:1; 47:2), it is Phineaswho is associatedwith the urim and thummim.See R. Hayward, "Phinehas-the same is Elijah:The Origins of a RabbinicTradition,"JJS 29 (1978) 22-34, esp. 26-27. Prophet (Journal of Biblical 42 See H.M. Teeple, The Mosaic Eschatological LiteratureMonographSeries 10; Philadelphia:Society of Biblical Literature,1957) 6-8; P. Volz, Die Eschatologie der judischen Gemeinde im neutestamentlichen Zeitalter, nach den Quellen der rabbinischen, apokalyptischen und apokryphen
Literaturdargestellt (Tiibingen:Mohr, 1934) 190-93. For other aspects of popular expectationsconcerningElijah, see M.M. Faierstein,"Why Do the Scribes Say that Elijah Must Come First?" JBL 100 (1981) 75-86; M. Hengel, The Zealots: Investigations into the Jewish Freedom Movement in the Period from Herod I until 70
A.D. (Edinburgh:T. & T. Clark, 1989) 162-68; N. Oswald, "Elia,"TRE9.498-504; C. Houtman,"Elijah,"DDD 538-43. For Elijah in the targumictradition,see Kasher, "On the Portrayalof Messiahs,"33-34. For laterlegends, see J. Bowman,"Elijahand the Pauline Jesus Christ,"AbrN 26 (1988) 1-18; K.H. Lindbeck, "Non-Rabbinic Sources for Elijah Legends in RabbinicLiterature,"SBLSP33 (1994) 752-66. There are a numberof attemptsin rabbinictexts to identify the "four builders"of Zech. 2:3-4 with eschatologicalfigures,and, althoughthe lists vary, they all includeElijah. See Ginzberg,An UnknownJewish Sect, 209-56, esp. 239-41. Ginzbergwrites,"[T]he whole Jewish literatureknows of no other interpretationof these two olive trees of Zechariah'svision but that they representthe priesthoodof Aaronand the kingshipof David"(An UnknownJewish Sect, 243). This sentenceis often quoted,but H.-W. Kuhn notes that it is not strictlycorrect("Die beiden Messias in den Qumrantextenund die Messiasvorstellungin der rabbinischenLiteratur,"ZAW70 [19581 200-8, esp. 200 of Zechariah4 ("On n. 2). See also Kasher'sdiscussionof messianic interpretations the Portrayalof Messiahs,"28-31).
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ago recognized the congruityof the Damascus Document with later rabbinicviews: "The messianologyof our sect is much more congruent with the rabbinicaldoctrineof two distinct Messianic personages, two saviors and redeemers:Elijah and the Davidic Messiah."43The fullest investigationof Elijah's endtime priesthoodis found in D.G. Clark's 1975 Notre Dame dissertation.44 Following a numberof other scholars (Budde, P1oger,Richter),Clark argues that Mal. 3:23-24 is notoriginalto Malachi,butratherformsa colophonto theentireprophetic corpus. When comparedwith the colophon to the Pentateuch(Deut. 34:10-12), Moses and Elijah are clearly establishedby the canonical redactorsas figures of special importance.45 As the traditionof their pairingcontinued,Moses became the paradigmfor the eschatological prophet,and Elijah became the paradigmfor the eschatologicalpriest. Clarknotes three distinctshapes taken by the priestlyElijah tradition: sometimes he is simply said to be a priest or a descendentof Levi, sometimes he is the eschatologicalhigh priest, and sometimes he is identifiedwith Phineas,whose zeal for the LORD (Numbers25) made him emblematicof the Zealot movement.46 The accountof Phineas in Pseudo-Philo(Bib. Ant. 48:1-2) is filled with allusions to Elijah's ministry,makingthis our oldest source containing the Phineas-Elijahcomplex. S. Bryan notes, however, that this complex is "widespreadenough in subsequentliteratureto suggest a possibly earlier origin."47The tradition was relatively static, and 43 An Unknown Jewish Sect, 248-49. See E.L. Ehrlich,"Ein Beitrag zur Messiaslehre der Qumransekte," ZAW68 (1956) 234-43. See the challengeto Ginzberg'sand Ehrlich's readings of rabbinic messianism in Kuhn, "Die beiden Messias in den 200-8. Qumrantexten,"
44
D.G. Clark, Elijah as Eschatological High Priest: An Examination of the Elijah
Tradition in Mal. 3:23-24 (South Bend, IN: University of Notre Dame Ph.D. Dissertation,1975). 4S Elijah as Eschatological High Priest, viii, 39-44. See also J. Blenkinsopp, Prophecy and Canon: A Contribution to the Study of Jewish Origins (University of
Notre Dame Centerfor the Study of Judaismand Christianityin Antiquity3; Notre Dame, IN: Universityof Notre Dame Press, 1977) 85-89, 120-23. 46 Elijah as EschatologicalHigh Priest, 82. Haywarddiscusses the various explanations for the identificationof Elijah with Phineas ("Phinehas-the same is Elijah," 22-34). His own view, that the identificationresultedfrom John Hyrcanus'simultaneous fulfillmentof both the Phineas and Elijah hopes, is not convincing. Rather,an exegeticalexplanation(which Haywarddiscusses,but lightly dismisses) is much more likely. On Elijah as Phineas, see A. Zeron, "Einige Bemerkungenzu M.F. Collins 'The Hidden Vessels in SamaritanTraditions,"'JSJ 4 (1973) 165-68; idem, "The JBL 98 (1979) 99-100; Hengel, The Zealots, 162-68. Martyrdomof Phineas-Elijah," 47
S.M. Bryan, Jesus and Israel's
Traditions of Judgement and Restoration
(SNTSMS 117; Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 2002) 96.
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displaysan impressivechronologicalbreadth.Sometimesthe same tradition appearsin two differenttexts, and the shape of the traditiononly appearswhen the two are compared.Clark argues for a Hasmonaean dating for Targum Pseudo-Jonathan's paraphraseof Deut. 33:11: "Bless, 0 LORD, the sacrificesof the house of Levi, who give the tithe of the tithes; and the offeringof the hands of Elijah the priestwhich he is offering on Mount Carmel accept with favor."48The same Targum'sadditionsto Exod. 6:18; 40:10; and Deut. 30:4 all refer to rendering In TargumPseudo-Jonathan's Elijah as "the GreatPriest."49 of the Phineas narrative (Num. 25:6-13), God promises to make Phineas"an angel of the covenant,that he may ever live, to announce the Redemptionat the end of the days."50Of this last passage, Clark writes, "Implicitin this descriptionis the identity of Phinehaswith Elijah;the verses used are Num. 25:12; Mal. 3:1 and 3:23, with Mal. 2:7 serving as the link."5' The connection between an immortal Phineasandan eschatologicalElijahis also mentionedby Origen(Comm. Jo. 6.7), who complainsof not understandingits basis.52 The traditionof a priestlyElijah was long-lived, and a brief comment on its later survivals is in order, to show that certain of its details defy the rabbinicsensibility.By the time this traditionmade it to the Talmud, it had lost much of its force and detail, although,as Clarkpointsout, Elijahis consistentlyportrayedas performingpriestly duties: "He explains the law, b.Ber. 35b; b.Shab. 108a; b.B.M. 3a, 20a; b.Men. 3a; declares clean or unclean, b.Pes. 15a, 34a; b.Kidd. 71a (= M.'Ed 8,7); b.Bek. 33b, 34a; and purifies,b.Hag. 25a."53The traditionassociatingElijahwith Aaronor Phineasseems to have been 4 The case for a Hasmonaeandatingof this text (based on the continuationof this passage) is discussed in Clark, Elijah as Eschatological High Priest, 128-44. and he said, I pray for 49 See also Targ. Ps.-Jon.Exod. 4:13: "(Mosesto the LORD)
mercy before the LORD. Send now thy sendingby the handof Phinehasby whom it is to be sent at the end of days" (trans.J.W. Etheridge,The Targumsof Onkelosand Jonathan ben Uzziel on the Pentateuch: With the Fragments of the Jerusalem Targum
from the Chaldee [London:Longman,Green,Longmanand Roberts,1862-65; reprint: New York, Ktav, 1968]). A parallelappearsin PirqeR. El. 40. 50 The promisethat Phineaswill still be alive at the eschatonis found also in Num. Rab. 21:3. See A. Spiro, "The Ascensionof Phinehas,"PAAJR22 (1953) 91-114. 1'
Elijah as Eschatological High Priest, 163.
"OnceElijahbecameidentified OrigencouldhavebenefitedfromClark'sexplanation: with this covenantmessenger,it was only a short step to the Elijah-Phinehasidentity for Mal. 2:7 describesthe descendantsof Phinehasthe ideal priest as the messenger of the Lord of hosts. Hence, through3:1 Elijahwas associatedwith the priest of 2:7 and through2:7, partof the contextof 2:4-7, with Phinehaswhose covenantis referred 52
to in 2:5" (Elijah as Eschatological High Priest, 230). 53 Clark, Elijah as Eschatological High Priest, 135.
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partially suppressed in rabbinic literature, probably, as M. Hengel Traces of it, suggests, because this figure had Zealot connotations.54 however, do survive, as, for example, when Rabbahb. Abbuha encountersElijah standingin a non-Jewishcemetery, and asks whether that is consistentwith his priestly status (b. B.M. 114a-b). The most explicit passage is found in MidrashTehillim 42-43 (9th c. CE). This is the only rabbinicpassage, as H. Basser notes, that brings together Moses, Elijah, and the Messiah (recallingthe gospels' Transfiguration scene).55The Phineas-Elijahconnectionis also found in two passages from Pirqe de R. Eliezer, in chs 29 and 47 of that work. The latteris particularlyimpressive: Rabbi Eliezer said: He called the name of Phinehasby the name of ElijahElijah of blessed memory, [who was] of those who repentedin Gilead, for he brought about the repentanceof Israel in the land of Gilead. The Holy One, blessed be He, gave him the life of this world and the life of the world to come, as it is said, "My covenantwas with him of life and peace" (Mal. ii.5). He gave to him and to his sons a good reward,in order that [he might have] the everlasting priesthood,as it is said, "And it shall be unto him, and to his seed after him, the covenantof an everlastingpriesthood"(Num. xxv.13).56
It suffices to say that the eschatologicalpriesthoodwas one of the leading ideas associatedwith Elijahwithin the popularimaginationfor centuries.57 It shouldalso be noted, however,that one of Elijah's more prominentpriestly functionswas that of interpretingthe Law, a duty for which the priests were renowned.58The frequent promise of 5 The Zealots, 168-7 1. Teeple writes that Elijah's role as "High Priest of the MessianicAge" was "created"by the Rabbis(The Mosaic EschatologicalProphet,6), but the evidence is quiteotherwise.Phineas'Zealot connectionsare very clear throughout the tradition,and appearto be early. Clarkstates, "This portrayalof Phinehasas a zealot is earlierthanthe sourcesthemselvesfor when we firstencounterit, the ancestry of Phinehasis alreadybeing attacked"(Elijahas EschatologicalHigh Priest, 162). See V. Aptowitzer, Parteipolitik der Hasmonaerzeit im rabbinischen und pseudepigraphischenSchrifttum(Wien: Verlag der Kohut-Foundation, 1927) 95-98. 55 H.W. Basser, "TheJewish Roots of the Transfiguration," BRev 14/3 (June 1998) 30-35. For other (late) messianic interpretations of Zechariah4, see Kasher,"On the Portrayalof Messiahs,"28-31. 56 Trans. from G. Friedlander,Pirke de Rabbi Eliezer (= The Chaptersof Rabbi Eliezer the Great): Accordingto the Text of the ManuscriptBelonging to Abraham Epsteinof Vienna(London:Kegan Paul, Trench,Trubner;New York:Bloch, 1916). 57 Because Clark concentratesmostly upon the Phineas-Elijahconnection and its implicationfor a Hasmonaeandate, he ignores many importantrabbinicallusions to Elijah'seschatologicalpriesthood.See esp. G.F. Willems,"Quelquestextes rabbiniques anciens a propos du prophbteElie," Elie le prophete:Bible, tradition,iconographie: Colloque des 10 et 11 novembre1985 Bruxelles (ed. G.F. Willems; Publicationsde l'Institutumludaicum;Leuven:Peeters, 1988) 91-114, esp. 96-102. 58 Accordingto Mal. 2:7, "the lips of a priest should guardknowledge,and people
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Elijah's coming to settle a thorny halakhic debate is a part of this aspect of the priesthood.This aspect of Elijah's priesthood,of course, bears upon the correct identificationof the Qumranite"interpreterof the Law." Confirmationof Elijah's identificationas the "interpreter of the Law"can be found in the wordingof CD 7:18-19: "the interpreter of the Law ... will come to Damascus." The final words are an echo
of 1 Kgs 19:15, where God tells Elijah to go to Damascusto anoint the king of Syria, the king of Israel, and Elisha.59Unfortunately,a lack of consensus on the priestly characterof Elijah has caused no small amountof confusionin identifyingthe "interpreter of the Law," as some scholarshave set up a false dichotomybetween the priestly messiah and Elijah (whom they misinterpretas the eschatological prophet).60It must be said: the reason that some scholars see Elijah behind the Interpreterof the Law, while others see the "messianic priest,"is that the two are one and the same. Moses, the Endtime Prophet
If Elijah is not the endtimeprophet,then who is? Thereare indications that Moses assumedthis role. I mentionedabove, in connection with Clark's dissertation,that the canonical redactorsappearto have paired Moses and Elijah. There are, of course, a numberof striking similaritiesbetween their lives that invite some sort of pairing(which are enumeratedat length in Pesiq. R. 4:2),61 and it is hardlysurprising that endtime speculationshould mentionthese two figurestogether. should seek the law at his mouth,for he is the messengerof the LORD of hosts."See Zeron, "Einige Bemerkungenzu M.F. Collins 'The Hidden Vessels in Samaritan Traditions,'"165-68. 59 C. Rabin sees in "Damascus"a possible allusion to 2 Kgs 8:7, thus identifying the figurein questionwith Elisha (The ZadokiteDocuments[Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1954J 30). Apparently, the rabbinic links between Elijah's priesthood and his hermeneuticdecisiveness is not enough to convince everyone:Garcia Martinezdismisses this aspect of Elijah's priesthood,as it was known outside of Qumran,as an insufficientindicatorof the priestlycharacterof the Qumranic"interpreter of the Law" (The People of the Dead Sea Scrolls, 183-84). L.H. Schiffman similarly writes that
"The function of the eschatologicalpriest is envisionedas cultic, not educationalor exegetical" ("Messianic Figures and Ideas in the QumranScrolls," The Messiah, 116-29, esp. 126). 6 E.g., see M.A. Knibb, "Eschatologyand Messianismin the Dead Sea Scrolls," The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years: A Comprehensive Assessment (eds P.W. Flint
and J.C. VanderKam;Leiden:Brill, 1998-99) 2.379-402, esp. 388. See also Schiffman, "MessianicFiguresand Ideas in the QumranScrolls," 120. 61
See D.C. Allison, Jr, The New Moses: A Matthean Typology (Minneapolis:
FortressPress, 1993) 39-45; P. Schafer, "Jewish Liturgyand Magic," Geschichte-
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That Moses should be identifiedas a prophetis certainlyless surprisingthan Elijah's identificationas a priest,but it is not universally accepted. For one thing, some of the doxographicaltraditionsassert that Moses fulfilled all three of the figurehead offices: he was a prophet,a priest,and a king (see Philo, Mos. ii 3).62 The argumentfor Moses' endtimeprophethoodthereforesuffersmore from equivocality than from a lack of attestation.Still, there are reasons for supposing Moses to be the eschatologicalprophetexpected by Qumran. Themostsignificanttextsfor ourstudyarethoseseekingthefulfillment of Deut. 18:15, 18: The LORD your God will raise up for you a prophetlike me from among your own people; him you shall heed (Deut. 18:15). I will raise up for them a prophetlike you from among their own people; I will put my words in his mouth,and he shall speak to them all that I commandhim (Deut. 18:18).
Althoughthese verses originallymay have referredto a series or order of prophets (perhaps prophesying in Moses' name), during second temple times they were widely thought to refer to an eschatological Prophet.Just how this Prophetwas to be "like" Moses is not clear. Would he be a second Moses, or would he actually be Moses himself? Althoughthe wordingof Deuteronomyseems to precludea second coming of Moses, enthusiastsapparentlyfoisted such a hope upon these verses. The second coming of Moses may have originallydeveloped in the interplayof traditionsconcerningElijah's expected return and his typologicalconnectionwith Moses, an interplaythat begins to Tradition-Reflexion:Festschriftfir MartinHengel zum 70. Geburtstag(eds H. Cancik, H. Lichtenberger,and P. Schafer;TIibingen:Mohr-Siebeck,1996) 1.541-56, esp. 551-52. 62 See W.A. Meeks,TheProphet-King: MosesTraditionsandtheJohannineChristology (NovTSup 14; Leiden: Brill, 1967). Horburywrites, "Moses is king, probablyin the book of Deuteronomy(33.5), and the LXX Pentateuch.. ., and certainlyin Ezekiel the Tragedian,Philo and the midrash;Justusof Tiberias,alreadymentionedas a Jewish contributorto the literatureof monarchy,began his history of the Jewish kings with Moses" (JewishMessianismand the Cult of Christ,67-68). See ibid, 49. For sources, Horburylists Ezekiel Tragicus 36-41, 68-89; Philo, Mos. i 148-62 (6vogt6ao y'ap oi xoi o 0votu;O eo Kal BaatXse{x,158); Targ. Ps.-J. on Deut. 33.5; and Midrash Tehillim 1:2, on Ps. 1:1. On Moses in Sirach, the Testamentof Moses, Ezekiel the Tragedian, and Philo, see L.W. Hurtado, One God, One Lord: Early Christian Devotion and AncientJewish Monotheism(Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1988) 56-63. On the divergence of views on Moses in Ezekiel the Tragedian,see P.W. van der Horst, "The Interpretationof the Bible by the Minor Hellenistic Jewish Authors," Mikra:Text, Translation,Reading and Interpretationof the HebrewBible in Ancient Judaismand Early Christianity(ed. M.J. Mulder;CRINT 2/1; Assen: Van Gorcum, 1990) 519-46.
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emerge in the last chapterof Malachi. H.M. Teeple's contentionthat Moses' returnwas not as widely expected,in second temple times, as Elijah's returndoes not stand up to scrutiny.63 Moses is referredto as a prophetin Hos. 12:13, and Exod. 4:12 describes him, functionally, in prophetic terms (cf. Num. 11:17; 12:6-8). Wis. 11:1 calls Moses "a holy prophet,"and As. Moses 11:16 calls him "the divine prophet for the whole earth."64Even those authorswho identify Moses with all three high offices seem to pay more attentionto his prophethoodthan any other office. Philo calls Moses "the most holy prophet"(Det. 135; cf. Mos. i 57) and the "protoprophet"(o 7rpO)TOnpO&iTOflT; QG i 86).65 Moses also appears as a prophetin the New Testament.66 Samaritaneschatologicalexpectations centeredupon the returnof Moses as the Taheb("Redeemer"),a tradition that is invoked by the woman at the well in John 4, and which lies behind the identification of Simon Magus as the Prophet (as rejected in Clement, Recognitiones7.33).67 For rabbinicJudaism,A. Guillaumebelieves that Moses' prophethoodhas been partlyobscured by his role as lawgiver: The name of Moses has been so closely linkedwith the Law that bearshis name that the propheticcharacterof Moses tends to be obscuredand he becomes the law-giverpar excellence. Even the New Testamentappearsto acquiescein this. 63
Teeple, The Mosaic Eschatological Prophet, 47. See W.D. Davies, The Setting of
the Sermonon the Mount(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1964) 118. 4 See L.L. Belleville, Reflections of Glory: Paul's Polemical Use of the MosesDoxa Tradition in 2 Corinthians 3.1-18 (JSNTSup 52; Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 1991) 26. 6S On Moses as a prophetin Philo, see Teeple, The Mosaic EschatologicalProphet, of Scripturein the Writingsof Philo," 34-38; Y. Amir, "Authorityand Interpretation Mikra,421-53, esp. 436-41. ' Studies include C. Chavasse, "Jesus: Christ and Moses," Theology 54 (1951) 244-50, 289-96; Teeple, The Mosaic Eschatological Prophet, 74-88; T.F. Glasson,
Moses in the Fourth Gospel (SBT 40; Naperville,IL: Alec R. Allenson, 1963) esp. 27-32; Meeks, The Prophet-King, passim; T. Saito, Die Mosevorstellungen im Neuen
Testament(Bern: Peter Lang, 1977) passim; J.D. Crossan, "FromMoses to Jesus," BRev 2/2 (Summer 1986) 18-27; Davies, The Setting of the Sermon on the Mount, 25-93; D.P. Moessner, Lord of the Banquet: The Literary and Theological Significance
of the LukanTravelNarrative(Minneapolis:FortressPress, 1989) 259-88; D.M. Hay, "Moses ThroughNew TestamentSpectacles,"Int 44 (1990) 240-52; R.F. O'Toole, "The Parallels Between Jesus and Moses," BTB 20 (1990) 22-29; Allison, A New Moses, passim; M.-E. Boismard, Moses or Jesus: An Essay in Johannine Christology
(Minneapolis:FortressPress;Leuven:PeetersPress, 1993) 10-30. 67
See F. Dexinger, Der Taheb: Ein "messianischer" Heilsbringer der Samaritaner
(Kairos ReligionswissenschaftlicheStudien 3; Salzburg:Otto Muller, 1986); idem, "Reflectionson theRelationshipbetweenQumranandSamaritanMessianology,"Qumr-anMessianism,82-99. Dexinger notes that some later Samaritantexts waver from the Mosaic identityof the Taheb.
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The early estimate of Moses gives him the preeminentplace amongst the prophets. It was the view of the prophetichistorians,whose work the Deuteronomist uses as the basis of his book, that Moses was the greatestof the prophets.This is the view which the Jews as a whole have always held, and it is only in circles where law has been uprootedfrom the soil of prophecyin which it was originally plantedthat the fundamentalimportanceof Moses in the historyof religion has been lost sight of.68
In the last sentence, Guillaume seems to allude to the relative paucityof Mosaiceschatologicaltraditionsin rabbinicwritings.A. Shinan and R. Kasher explain this paucity as a reaction to Christianityand Samaritanism.69
A few scholarshave arguedthat Deutero-Isaiah'sSufferingServant was considereda Moses redivivus,eitherby Deutero-Isaiahor by secD. Allison persuasivelyargues that the expectaond temple readers.70 tion of a coming prophet-like-Moseswas "very much in the air in first-centuryPalestine":Theudusis not the only messianicpretenderin Josephus(Ant.20:97-99) to evokeMosaicthemes-similar themesappear in connectionwith the pretendersJosephusdiscusses in War 2:261-63 (par. Ant. 20:169-72); Ant. 18:85-87; 20:167-68, 188.71 Scripturenever states that Moses was anointed.If Philo at all registered this fact, he understandablylet it be ploughed under by the doxographicalimpulseto awardMoses every office. The Qumranwritings, however, are generallycareful not to refer to the eschatological prophetas an "anointedone," and it appearsthat the Qumranitesassociated Moses' lack of anointingwith the propheticoffice, but it should be noted that one text found at Qumran(4Q377) does refer to Moses as God's "anointed one." Any attempt to apply the eschatological 68 Prophecy and Divination among the Hebrews and Other Semites (New York: Harper& Bros., 1938) 98-99. ContrastMoses' role in postcanonicalChristianwritings, per L.V. Rutgers:"Perhapsmost strikingabout descriptionsof Moses in early Christianliterature... is the fact that Moses is frequentlyrepresentedas everythingbut a Lawgiver"(The HiddenHeritage of DiasporaJudaism [CBET 20; Leuven:Peeters, 19982]246). 9 A. Shinan,TheBiblicalStoryas Reflectedin Its AramaicTranslations(Hebrew)(Tel Aviv: HakibbutzHameuhad,1993) 119; Kasher,"On the Portrayalof Messiahs,"33. "0 See esp. E. Sellin, Mose und seine Bedeutung fir die israelitisch-juidische Religionsgeschichte(Leipzig:A. Deichert, 1922); A. Bentzen,King and Messiah (rev. ed.; Oxford:Basil Blackwell, 1970) 65-72. Sellin's positing of a traditionin which Moses was killed by his own people has caused his more generalremarksconcerning the Mosaic identityof the SufferingServantto be too quickly dismissed. 71 Allison, A New Moses, 83. 1 am puzzled that Kashercan give a list of explanations for Moses' appearancealongsidethe Davidic messiahin a traditionfound in four Palestiniantargums,but fail to mentionthe traditionsbased upon Deut. 18:15, 18 ("On the Portrayalof Messiahs,"32-33).
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scheme of IQS to 4Q377, while respectingthe former text's identificationof Moses as an "anointedone," runs into an immediatesnarl: it is difficult to imagine Moses occupying a non-propheticoffice in league with a separateprophet-like-Moses. It shouldbe noted,however, that the contextof 4Q377's anointedMoses may not be eschatological in perspective, and that it is not inconceivable that a group who thoughtof Moses as the endtime prophetmight also have envisioned his role during his first visit to Earth in more encompassingterms, including that of Israel's first ruler (not unlike Philo has done). Furthermore,it may be noted that the identificationof Moses as a priest makes sense of the immediatecontext within 4Q377: it may be as the lawgiver that Moses is dubbedan "anointedone," that is, as the "seerof decrees"par excellence. (See the discussionof Hecataeus of Abderaabove.) A more promisingapproach,however,is suggested by J.W. van Henten, who argues that 4Q377 presents Moses as a priestly intercessor,a concept apparentlysharedwith the Assumption of Moses. He notes that "the sanctificationmay be connected with Moses' consecration as priest by God, because sanctification and consecration go hand in hand according to Exod. 28:41 and 29:33."72
Whetheror not priestly status is implied, the Assumptionof Moses itself appearsto connect the act of ascendingto heaven with the need for anointing.73 The traditionof Moses being anointedduringa heavenly ascent is also knownelsewhere(e.g., MemarMarqah1.51.95), so that if Moses is referredto as an "anointedone" in the contextof allusions to a heavenly ascent (as in 4Q377), the presumptionis that the anointing is connected with the ascent.74There are good reasons, therefore,for bracketing4Q377 from our sketchof Qumraniceschatological hopes. The promiseof a coming prophet-like-Mosesappearsto have been a formativeinfluenceon Qumranicexpectations.A numberof scholars identify the Teacher of Righteousnesswith the promisedMosaic prophet.75 Teeple states the case succinctly: 72 "Moses as HeavenlyMessengerin AssumptioMosis and QumranPassages,"JJS 54 (2003). I would like to thankProf. van Hentenfor allowing me to read a prepublication copy of his paper. 73 Van Henten unfortunately attributesthe referenceto Moses as God's "anointed of 4Q377 as a whole one" in 4Q377 to his propheticrole, althoughhis interpretation suggests that the anointingis connectedwith Moses' priestlyrole and/orhis statusas one who has ascendedto heaven. 74 See Memar Marqah: The Teaching of Marqah (ed. J. MacDonald;BZAW 84;
Berlin: Topelmann, 1963) 1.51.95; J.P. Schultz, "Angelic Opposition to the Ascension of Moses and the Revelation of the Law," JQR 61 (1970-71) 282-307, esp. 292-95. 75
See N. Wieder,"The 'Law Interpreter'of the Sect of the Dead Sea Scrolls:The
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In [lQS 9:111, the presentlaws of the sect are valid only until the coming of a Prophetand the Messiahsof Aaronand Israel,and in the parallelpassage in CD 6 the presentlaws are valid until the coming of the Teacherof Righteousness.If there are three eschatologicalfiguresin IQS, the Prophetis the one who would logically best fit the Teacher.76
As Allison notes, R. Brown's principal objection to this view is hardly convincing: Brown writes that the implied futurity of the Prophet in IQS 9:11 conflicts with a teacher whose career (Brown supposes)is a past or presentevent.77Allison respondsthat, according to recent studies, IQS 8:1-16a and 9:3-10:8a representsthe earliest stage of 1QS and is pre-Qumranin its ideology: "I am inclined to think, on the basis of the work of O'Connorand Davies, that a preQumrangroup expected a righteousteacher accordingto an eschatoof Deut. 18:15 and 18, and that subsequentlyone logical interpretation arose who was held to fulfill that expectation."78 Conclusion The Qumran sectarians expected both a priestly messiah and an endtimeProphet,figures that were probablyequatedwith an eschatological return of Elijah and Moses, respectively. A certain amount of confusion concerning the prophetic and pedagogical roles of the priestly messiah has perhapscaused some scholars to miss these connections.
Second Moses,"JJS 4 (1953) 158-75; P. Winter,"Notes on Wieder'sObservationon the dwrs htwrh in the Book of the New Covenantersof Damascus,"JQR 45 (1954) a 1'6tudede la l6gislationdes sectairesde Damas et 39-47; M. Delcor, "Contribution de Qumran,"RB 61 (1954) 545-53; J. Giblet, "Proph6tismeet attente d'un Messieproph6tedans l'ancien Judaisme,"L'attentedu Messie (eds L. Cerfauxet al.; Louvain: Descl6e de Brouwer,1954) 85-130, esp. 127-28; W.H. Brownlee,"MessianicMotifs of Qumranand the New Testament,"NTS 3 (1956-57) 12-30, 195-210, esp. 17; Teeple, The Mosaic Eschatological Prophet, 49-68; P.R. Davies, "The Teacher of Righteousnessand the 'End of Days,'" RevQ 49-52 (1988) 313-17; M.O. Wise, "The TempleScroll and the Teacherof Righteousness,"Mogilany1989: Papers on the Dead Sea Scrolls Offered in Memory of Jean Carmignac (ed. Z.J. Kapera; Qumranica Mogilanensia3; Cracow:Enigma, 1991) 121-47; Allison, A New Moses, 84-85. 76 The Mosaic EschatologicalProphet,54. 77 "The Messianism of Qumran," CBQ 19 (1957) 53-82, esp. 73-75. Cf. G. Jeremias,Der Lehrerder Gerechtigkeit(SUNT 2; Gottingen:Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht, 1963) 295-98. 78 A New Moses, 84 n. 196. See J. MurphyO'Connor,"Le genese litterairede la Regle de la Communaute,"RB 76 (1969) 528-49; P.R. Davies, The Damascus Covenant:An Interpretationof the "DamascusDocument"(JSOTSup25; Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1983).
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Scholars are coming to realize that some of the particulars of Qumranmessianismare not distinctivelyQumranicat all. The nondistinctivenessof Qumranmessianismis especially apparentin regardto the identityof the various messianic figures.At the level of the question of who the messiahs would be, in terms of their identification with figures from the Hebrew Bible, Qumranmessianismwas either influencedby, or was a strong influence on, messianic speculations elsewhere.Once we match the varioushallowed figuresfrom the past with the roles that they (or theirrepresentatives)played in the endtime redemption, a reasonable and reassuring parity between the messianology of names and the messianologyof offices begins to appear. If readers of the New Testament would employ the same widened conception of redeemerfigures that allows the Qumranicscheme to come into focus, they would see a correlationbetween Qumranand the earliest layer of New Testamenttradition,especially in the role account,and that Elijah and Moses play in the gospel Transfiguration 1 in Revelation 1.79
79 Readersshouldalso consultG.G.Xeravits'sfinestudy,King,Priest,Prophet:Positive EschatologicalProtagonistsof the QumranLibrary(STDJ 47; Leiden: Brill, 2003), which appearedtoo late for me to consultin this article.XeravitsdiscussesMoses and Elijah in the context of Qumranicexpectationson pp. 174-91 of that work.
ABOMINATED TEMPLE AND A HOLY COMMUNITY: THE FORMATION OF THE NOTIONS OF PURITY AND IMPURITY IN QUMRAN EYAL REGEV Bar-Ilan University
Taboos structurea cosmos out of the raw materialof experience' Introduction
The Hebrewroots milt:and tArm(pure and impure)and their equivalents occurwith greatfrequencyin the vocabularyof the scrolls from Qumran.This is not merely a lexical observation.The importanceof purity and the separationfrom defilementfor the Qumransectarians cannotbe overemphasized.The evidence from other sources,however, viz. Apocrypha, New Testament, and especially rabbinic literature, testify to the special concern of purityamong other circles in second temple Judaism, such as the Pharisees and Sadducees. In a way, it seems that during the Hasmonean and Herodian periods there was competitionwithin Judean society for who was the most scrupulous observer of purity. Indeed, the purity boundariesin the Community Rule were stricterthan those of any otherJewish group.Interestingly, they treated other scrupulousobservers of purity as impure heretics who were indifferentto the puritylaws.2 Although the subject of purity has been discussed extensively in previous publications,there is no systematic analysis of its various theological components,implicationsfor the sectarians'social life, or I
E.M. Zuesse, "Tabooand the Divine Order,"JAAR42 (1979) 487. For a survey of sources regardingpurity both within Qumranand without, see J. Neusner,TheIdea of Purityin AncientJudaism(SJLA1; Leiden:Brill, 1973);Y. Sussmann,"TheHistoryof Halakhaand the Dead Sea Scrolls:PreliminaryObservationson Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah(4QMMT)"(Hebrew),Tarbiz59 (1989/90) 11-76, and the bibliographycited there; E. Regev, "Pure Individualism:The Idea of Non-Priestly Purityin AncientJudaism,"JSJ 31 (2000) 176-202. 2
? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.ni
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 2
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its historical development.These will be discussed in the following pages in order to demonstratethe procedureby which the Qumran sectariansgraduallyrejectedthe JerusalemTemple cult and createda substitutingsystem that producedfeatures necessary for the worship of God: ritual purity and moral purity. I will try to show that: (1) The authors of 4QMiqsat Ma'ase ha-Torah(henceforth,MMT) did not compose a random list of cultic regulations,but ratheractually stressedthat the Temple was defiled and desecratedwith ritualimpurity, hoping that this would lead the addresseeof MMT to practice more scrupulousobservanceof the cultic laws. (2) They arguedthat the reason for their withdrawalfrom a group called "the multitudeof the People" was due to the latter's moral impurity.(3) The authors possibly hoped that if theirhalakhicclaims were accepted,they would be able to rejoin the Templecult. (4) The sectariansclaimedthat their final separationfrom the Temple cult and the rest of the Jewish society was not necessarilydue to practicalhalakhic reasons (i.e., ritual purity,calendar,etc.) butinstead,to theWickedPriest'sandtheTemple's defilementthroughimpurityof immorality.(5) The uniquenessof the Qumranicconceptof moralimpuritywill be examinedthrougha comparisonto ancientGreekparallelsof miasma,as well as insightsfrom sociological theories of the function of moral codes (6-7). Finally, I will suggest how the ritualsand regulationsthat are connectedboth to moral impurity,on the one hand, and ritualpurity,on the otherhand, made it possible for the sectariansto createa new type of sacredcenter, and how these ritualsand regulationscontributedto the preservation and social cohesion of the sect in a state of externaland internal social pressures. My interpretations of the Qumranicmaterialwill be based on a twofold division of the notionsof purityand impurity:(I) purity/impurity of the Temple in contrast to purity/impurityof the sect; (2) Ritual in comparisonto moralpurity/impurity. As J. Klawans purity/impurity has recentlydemonstrated,3 whereasthe sources of ritualimpurityare natural,bodily, or related to cultic acts, moral impurityresults from heinousacts, particularlysins thatpertainto social life. Moreover,while I
See J. Klawans, "Notions of Gentile Impurityin Ancient Judaism,"AJSR 20
(1995) 285-312; idem, Impurityand Sin in Ancient Judaism (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2000) esp. 21-42. Klawans'smonographwas publishedafter the completionof this article.The two-folddivisionof purityconceptsin Qumranwas partlyindicatedby F. GarciaMartinez,"TheProblemof Purity:The QumranSolution,"ThePeople of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds F. GarcfaMartinezand J. TrebolleBarrera;Leiden:Brill, 1993) 151, 154-55, 157.
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ritualimpuritymay be unintentional,moral pollutionis the result of a deliberateact, and thus testifies to the characterof the transgressor. Most importantly,in contrastto ritual purity,moral defilementcannot be cleansed or disposed of throughablution (or any other technical/ ritual act), but rather, through sincere repentance,atonementor, in some cases, only throughpunishment(cf. Lev. 18:27-29). This distinctionbetween the two types of impurityis crucialfor the following understanding of the Qumranic ideology and practice, since the Qumransectarianstreatedthem somewhatdifferently.My argumentis that the sectariansassertedthat theirwithdrawalfrom the Temple cult and Judean society was due to moral impurity,which they saw as abominating,and not necessarilybecause they objectedto certainlaws of ritual purity. 1. Ritual Impurity and Desecration of the Temple according to MMT
The halakhic section (B) of MMT includes about seventeen cases that deal with the Temple rite. While scholars intensively discussed the relationshipbetween these particularlaws and Rabbinichalakhah, the generalframeworkand cultic trendof the laws of MMT remained almost unnoticed. One may therefore wonder: Why were all these laws gatheredin this epistle-like composition?What do they have in common? I believe that these are not just laws pertaining to the Temple cult and sacrificialrite. It is possible to point to a more precise and narrowconceptionthat ties them together.Such an observation may consequentlycontributeto the understandingof the religious perceptionand the historical importanceof MMT. As I will try to demonstrate,all these seventeen laws deal with ritual impurityand defilementof the Temple. They actually imply that the Temple was polluted and that the praxis of the cult accordingto the halakhahof the "they"group leads to desecration. This is apparentin light of the broadeneddefinitionand implications of the biblical concept of purity(especially in P). Desecrationof the cult may be caused not only by contact with or invasion of the seminaldissourcesof impurity(corpse,swarmingthings,menstruation, charge,and skin disease)into the sacredspace of the Temple(Lev. 5:214; 22:1-9). Sacred rituals can also be defiled by improperpractices. If one slaughtersthe sacrificedanimal in an improperway, or offers the rite leads to sin meat, cereals,wine, oil, or incense inappropriately, of to atonement instead and guilt ('uTh, IpID,and even nn: penalty)
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(e.g., Lev. 7:18; 10:17; 19:6-8). In the same manner,the eating of priestly dues, viz. heave offeringsby the laity would cause its sinful profanation(Num. 18:11, 13). As attested in the case of Nadab and Abihu (Lev. 10:1-7) and other catastrophicincidents,the Temple service demandsscrupulousattentionto details, and any failure to do so leads to desecrationratherthan consecration.4Indeed,all the laws in MMT fall into one of these two categoriesof desecrationand impurity. Eight of the laws of MMT discuss ritual purity,claiming that the halakhahof the "they group"is wrong and arguingthat the halakhah of the authors(the "we group")is preferable.It is stressedthat what "they"claim to be pure, "we" claim to be impure: 1. The ashes of the Red Cow should be preparedby being burnedin VMVrITYPWil (when one immersesand waits until sundown)and not in MTV 'intc (withoutwaiting until sundown).5 2. The bones and skin of unclean("non-kosher") animals,as well as theirproductsare impureand must not be broughtinto the Temple.6 3. The niMM are impure.This seems to mean that liquids that are pouredfrom a pure vessel into an impurevessel beneathit contaminate the pure vessel, namely, impurity "climbs" above to the uppervessel.' 4. Every bone is defiling,even if it bears only a small piece of meat.8 5. The heave offering/titheof the wheat and grain of the gentiles or the Levites is defiled and thus should not be brought into the Temple.9 4 For this second type of desecration,see J. Milgrom,Cult and Conscience:The Asham and the Priestly Doctrine of Repentance (SJLA 18; Leiden: Brill, 1976) 16-19,
34-40; idem, Leviticus 1-16 (AB 3; New York: Doubleday, 1991) 43-51, 307-18, 598-604, 976-1009. The desecrationthat is causedby improperrite was of coursealso recognizedby the rabbis. See e.g., m. Zeb. 2:3 on the dangerof 'u1J. M. Zevahim 1-4, however,distinguishesbetweendisqualifiedsacrificialacts that lead to bue, i.e., an offensive thing, and those which while not atoning,do not cause a rnl penalty.It should be clarifiedthat both Scriptureand Rabbinictexts differentiatebetween impurity and desecration.I referhere to both as one uniformconceptonly becauseof their commonimplicationfroma religiouspointof view, namely,thedesolationof thesacrificial cult in the Temple, as will be demonstratedfrom several Qumranictexts. I MMT B 13-16; E. Qimronand J. Strugnell,Qumran Cave 4.V: Miqsat Ma'a.se Ha-Torah(DJD 10; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1994) 46, 152-54. 6 MMT B 17-23 (it is possible that lines 17-20 deal with the slaughtering outside the Temple, see below); DJD 10.48-49, 154-56. 7 MMT B 55-58; DJD 10.52-53, 161-62. 8 MMT B 72-74; DJD 10.54-55, 170-71. MMT B 3-5; DJD 10.46, 148. For the second possibility(a tithe that is taken by or given to the Levites), see Y. Elman,"MMTB 3-5 and Its RitualContext,"DJD 6 (1999) 148-56.
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6. Ammonite,Moabite, the mamzer, and men who are sexually disabled (cf. Deut. 23:2-4) are forbiddento enter the Temple, and it is also prohibitedto have sexual relations(marriage?)with them.'0 7. Blind and deaf people are prohibitedfrom entering the Temple. The explanationgiven is that the blind cannot avoid defilement." 8. The sacrifices of gentiles should not be accepted, probably because gentiles are consideredimpurein Qumran.'2 Nine additionallaws bear the same rhetoric,discussing the dangerof desecrationthatmaybe associatedwith impurity,at leastin its metaphoric sense: 9. The rntrT(sin/purification)offering must not be boiled in copper vessels. Thus, if one does not observe this regulation,the nstDr might be desecrated.'3 10. The sacrifice and the thanksgiving cakes of the CTntt ("wellbeing")offering(cf. Lev. 7:11-21) shouldbe eaten only until sundown, and not duringthe following night, otherwisethey will be desecratedand consideredt1 D."14 11. Animals that are slaughtered outside the Temple must not be broughtintoJerusalem.Thereasonfor thisis explainedin theTemple Scroll: such animals are consideredto be improperlyslaughtered, hence having a defiling force, since every animal should be offeredon the altar.'5 MMT B 39-49; DJD 10.50-51, 158-60. Here the root M"D(1f1 nfl )rfl) designates impurity,as in many other cases in QumranicHebrew(cf. Qimron'snote in DJD 10.139-40). " MMT B 49-54; DJD 10.50-52, 160-61. 12 MMT B 8-9; DJD 10.46-47, 149-50. For the perceptionof gentile impurity,see Klawans, "Notions of Gentile Impurity."On the problematic subject of gentiles' 10
sacrifices in general cf. D.R. Schwartz, Studies in the Jewish Background of Chris-
tianity(WUNT 60; TUibingen: J.C.B. Mohr [Paul Siebeck], 1992) 102-16. 13 MMT B 5-8; DJD 10.46, 149. Cf. Lev. 6:21. This passage is poorly preserved. MMT's attitude may be derived from the use of the same vessels for the ntriD sacrificesof both the priest and the laity, to which the Temple Scroll (35:10-11; 37) objects. See E. Regev, "The Temple Impurityand Qumran'sForeign Affairs in the Early HasmoneanPeriod"(Hebrew),Zion 64 (1998) 137 n. 22. 14 MMT B 9-13; DJD 10.46-48, 150-51; E. Regev, "The SectarianControversies aboutthe CerealOfferings,"DSD 5 (1998) 33-56; H. Birenboym,"The Law of WellBeing Sacrificein the Miqsat Ma'as'ehHa-TorahScroll" (Hebrew),Tarbiz67 (1998) 241-44. Cf. Lev. 7:15; 22:30; m. Men. 1:3. IS MMT B 27-35; DJD 10.48-50, 156-57. Cf. Temple Scroll 47:7-18; 52:14-53:4. Two additionallaws are implied in the fragmentarypreservationof these lines: objection to slaughteringin the northof the camp and the place of the burningof the rittno sacrifice;both bear the same interestin the problemof desecration.See D. Heneshke, "The Sanctityof Jerusalem:The Sages and the SectarianHalakhah"(Hebrew),Tarbiz 67 (1997) 22-27 and bibliography.
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12. Sacrificingthe fetus on the same day as the animal is prohibited; the fetus (of a dead animal)has to be slaughteredlike every other sacrificed animal. Thus, MMT seems to agree with the Temple Scroll (52:5-7) that pregnantanimalsmust not be sacrificedon the altar."6 Obviously,sacrificingthemothertogetherwithits fetusdefiles the altar. 13. Dogs must not enterJerusalemsince they eat from the leftoversof the sacrificesandthusdesecrateor defile them."7 In this case, the distinctionbetween desecrationand defilementis especially vague.8 14. Fruitsof the fourthyear that are broughtto the Temple should be given to the priests.'9Therefore,if the ownerseat these fruits,they are desecratingthem, and in so doing, they commitan act of desecratingthe Temple. 15. The tithe of the animalsshould be given to the priests,and not be eaten by the owners.20 16. People afflictedby skin-diseaseshould stay away from the "purity of the holiness"(ltr rVilc:). They mustnot defile the sacred(such as heave offerings),even when it is not situatedin the Temple.2' 17. Mixed marriageamong the priests, which is declaredas fornication (nlft) is prohibited.It is not clear whetherthe authorsreferto marriagebetweenpriestsand lay women, or gentile women. Either way, they emphasizethat such marriagecauses "the defilementof the holy seed,"22and these defiled priestsmight then desecratethe Temple cult.
MMT B 36-38; DJD 10.50-51, 157-58. MMT B 58-62; DJD 10.52-53, 162-64. It is possible that the authorsalso worried about the possibilitythat the dogs would drag impurebones into the Temple.For this reason, the rabbis prohibited raising chickens in the city. See E. Qimron, "Chickensin the Temple Scroll (11QTc)"(Hebrew),Tarbiz64 (1995) 473-76. generally,and not only of the laws of 7lt'I). ("desecration") Ih This is characteristic in Qumran, in Qumran.See Lev. 5:15-16; m. Me'il. 2:3. On the moralmeaningof *S)Ur see below. 19 MMT B 62-63; DJD 10.52-54, 164-65. 20 MMT B 63-64; DJD 10.54, 164-65. 21 MMT B 64-72; DJD 10.54-55, 166-70. The authorsoppose the (Pharisaic)practice of eating from the heave-offeringwhen a personafflictedby skin-diseasehas not waited until the sundownof the eighth day of his impurity. 22 MMT B 75-82; DJD 10.54-57, 171-75. Accordingto Qimronand Strugnell,this passage refers to intermarriagewith the laity. Othersassert that the authorsopposed marriageto gentiles. See J.M. Baumgarten,"The "Halakha"in Miqsat Ma'ase haand Impurityin Ancient Torah,"JAOS 116 (1996) 515-16; C. Hayes, "Intermarriage Jewish Sources,"HTR 92 (1999) 3-36; M. Kister,"Studiesin 4QMiqsatMa'ase HaTorahand RelatedTexts: Law, Theology, Languageand Calendar"(Hebrew),Tarbiz 68 (1999) 343-48. 16
'7
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One may now conclude that every law in MMT warns against the desecrationof the sacrifices and the ritual in the Temple, when discussing both the impurityand the impropertreatmentof the sacrifices and offerings (in the last case, the genos of the priests is unfit or defiled). Consequently,it is implicit in these laws that the Temple and its cult are defiled with ritualimpurityand are desecrated.This severe implicationis demonstratedthroughseventeen examples in the form of an epistle (it may seem to be insufficientlyexplicit only because the The author'sconcern,or ratherfear, of the sin text is fragmentary).23 of desecratingthe cult is made explicit in two passages in MMT that warn the addresseeof MMT that "the priestsmight bear sin upon the people."24
As scholarshave alreadyconcluded,the authorsof MMT objected to the Pharisaichalakhah,held by the "they"group.25Now one can also add: the authors were accusing those who carried out the sacrificialcult in the Temple accordingto the Pharisaichalakhahof causing the defilementand desecrationof the Templecult. The authors of MMT, however, make even more serious accusations against anothergroup, "the multitudeof the People." 2. Moral Impurityin MMT Section C of MMT does not consist of halakhicdiscussionsbut is a homiletic discourse. The authorstry to persuadethe addressee to accept their views, and in the course of this homily, claim that the source of evil troublesare the W-M"1, literally,"the multitudeof the People."The authorsexplain their withdrawal(to where?):"[andyou know that]we have separatedourselvesfrom the multitudeof the people [and from all their impurity]"(C 7-8).26 The source and character 23 For later determinations regardingthe impurityof the Temple, see CD 4:15-19 and especially CD 5:6-7; but as I shall suggest below, these refer to the moral defilementof the Temple. 24 B 12-13, 26-27. Cf. Lev. 7:18; 22:16 in relation to desecratingsacrifices and offerings.H.K. Harrington,"Holinessin the Laws of 4QMMT,"Legal Textsand Legal
Issues: Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the International Organization for
QumranStudies, Cambridge,1995 (eds M. Bernsteinet al.; STDJ 23; Leiden: Brill, 1997) 109-28, has alreadysensed this majorfeatureof MMT,but she definedMMT's theoreticalconcept of holiness ratherthan the actual accusationsregardingimpurity and desecration. 25 Sussmann, "The History of Halakha";L.H. Schiffman, "Miq$at Ma'aseh HaTorah and the Temple Scroll,"RevQ 14 (1990) 435-57; Qimronand Strugnell,DJD 10.113-21. 26 The continuationof this sentence " M75[ Rlj t1i'1 : n7~tk D:I: :'7W'may also refer to impurity,though the editors did not note this. One of the
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of this impurity,however,remainedunnoticedin previousdiscussions of MMT. One may also wonderwhetherthis impurityhas something to do with the previousconclusionthat section B of MMT deals with the ritual impurityof the Temple cult. The answer lies in the accusationstowards "the multitudeof the People."The first lines of section C are very fragmentary,but according to the editors' restorationit is claimed: "and concerning... [the malice] (DnF)and the treachery(5Dn). .. and fornication(In1) [some] places were destroyed"(C 4-6). They furtherconfess:"andyou [know that no] treachery(5Drz)or deceit (-1pV)or evil (MD-1) can be found in our hand"(C 8-9). Following a literaryanalysis of this section, D.R. Schwartzhas suggestedthat these immoraland evil charactersshould be attributedto "the multitudeof the People."Schwartzhas assumed that the latter should not be associatedwith the "they"group in section B, but with a thirdgroup,which he suggestedidentifyingwith the Sadducees.?'
If these immoralcharactersactually refer to "the multitudeof the People," then the source of the latter's impurity, a point that the authorstendto stress,canbe disclosed.Thisimpuritystemsfromimmoral behavior.It seems that the authorsbelieve that fornication,treachery, malice, deceit, and evil bear a pollutingforce, especially in relationto the Temple.28Hence, in section C the authorsjuxtapose the moral
meaningsof the root :"C ("to mix") is to be defiled;cf. DJD 10.139-40. 27 D.R. Schwartz, "MMT, Josephus and the Pharisees,"Reading 4QMMT: New Perspectives
on Qumran Law and History (eds J. Kampen and M.J. Bernstein;
SBLSymS 2; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1996) 74-80. H. Eshel, "4QMMTand the History of the HasmoneanPeriod,"Reading 4QMMT,53-65, followed Schwartz's examinationof the text, but suggestedthat the "the multitudeof the People"may be identifiedwith the renegadeHellenisticpriestsin the early Maccabeanperiod.Kister, "Studies,"320 n. 9, has suggestedthat they shouldbe identifiedwith the Pharisees.R. adherentsof the addressee Deines has identifiedthem with the non-priestly/Pharisaic (Jonathan theMaccabee).See R. Deines,"ThePhariseesBetween'Judaisms'and'Common Judaism,"' Justification and Variegated Nomism, vol. 1: The Complexities of Second
MohrSiebeck;Grand TempleJudaism(eds D.A. Carsonet al.; WUNT 140; TUibingen: Rapids,MI: BakerAcademic,2001) 465-74. 28 Note that Schwartz,"MMT,Josephusand the Pharisees," 76-77, associatedtiVM with the cult and the priests. The same also holds for Mlt. Compare Milgrom, Leviticus1-16, 320-39, 345-61. A lexical examination,however,leads to the conclusion that 'rD and mrilare used in the scrolls as generalimmoraltransgressions,thus as social sins, and not necessarily cultic ones. For '7n see CD 20:23; IQHa 19 (Sukenik 11:11). For Milt see IQS 1:6; 4: 10; CD 2:16; 19:17 (see also the discussion below). It is also significantthat in MMT both are mentionedin relationto CrTn. For the meaningof deceit cf. Kister,"Studies,"321 n. 12. For the connectionbetweenthe moral impurityof the "multitudeof the People" and the Temple, see Regev, "The Temple Impurity,"147.
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defilementthat may have affected the Temple with the Temple's ritual impuritythat was detailed in section B. The notion of the impurityof immoralityis to be found in later compositionsfrom Qumran.Its significancefor the historicaldevelopment of the Qumrancommunityand its relationshipto the Templeand its authoritieswill be discussed in sections 4 and 5. Here it may be useful to note its biblical and cross-culturalbackground.Accordingto J. Milgromthe notion that sin and transgressionpollutethe altaris the basisforthe laws of nstDn("purification") sacrifice.29 Psalms Furthermore, 15, 24, and 51 declare that only the honest and righteouswho have not committedevil are wantedin the Temple.The connectionbetween sin and impurity is also to be found in the teachings of Jesus, as Klawans has recently shown.30The accusation that moral transgressions of fornication,treachery,malice etc. pollute the Temple is also mentionedin Jub. 23:16-21. Indeed,the quest for the exclusion of sinnersfrom the holy was not exclusive to Jewish circles. Moral miasma was acknowledged as endangeringthe sacred in ancient Greece. An inscriptionthat prohibited those who stole, murdered,or committedadulteryfrom entering the temple was found in a private temple in Philadelphia in Asia Minor.In temples in HellenisticEgypt therewere also ordersthat forbade entranceto sinners and evil people.3" How one can explain the rationaleof moral impurity?From a religious perspective,sin and offense cannot come close to the sacred. 29 J. Milgrom,"Israel'sSanctuary:The Priestly 'Pictureof Dorian Gray,'" RB 83 (1976) 390-99; idem, Leviticus 1-16, 254-69. Cf. Lev. 16:21; 20:3; B.J. Schwartz, "The Bearing of Sin in the Priestly Literature,"Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studiesin Biblical, Jewish, and Near EasternRitual,Law, and Literaturein Honor of Jacob Milgrom(eds D.P. Wrightet al.; Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns,1995) 3-21. For additionalconnectionsbetween purityand morality,see Milgrom,Leviticus1-16, 704-42. 30 J. Klawans, "The Impurityof Immoralityin Ancient Judaism,"JJS 48 (1997) 1-16; idem, "Idolatry,Incest, and Impurity:Moral Defilementin Ancient Judaism," JSJ 29 (1998) 391-415; idem, Impurityand Sin, 143-50. Klawans has followed A. Buchler, Studies in Sin and Atonement (London: Oxford University Press, 1928) 212-374. See also Rom. 1:18-30; 1 Cor. 5:9-13; 2 Cor. 6:14-17. Interestingly,one of Klawans'smain conclusionsin his Impurityand Sin is that while in Qumransin was associatedwith impurity,the rabbis"compartmentalize" impurityand sin. 31 For exclusionof murderers from sacredplaces and from publiclife in general,see R. Parker,Miasma:PollutionandPurificationin EarlyGreekReligion(Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1983) 111, 114, 153, 322-23. For Egypt, see M. Weinfeld, "Instructionsfor Temple Visitors in Ancient Israel and in Ancient Egypt"(Hebrew),Tarbiz62 (1992) 5-15. For Philadelphia,see idem, "The Decalogue: Its Significance,Uniqueness,and Place in Israel's Tradition,"Religion and Law: Biblical-Judaicand Islamic Perspectives (eds E.B. Firmageet al.; WinonaLake, IN: Eisenbrauns,1990) 34-38.
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From a socio-culturalperspective,moral pollution is a disruptionof the perfect social or cosmic order.Indeed,as sociologists and anthropologists assert,ritualand cult cannotbe separatedfrom the moralsof society and its social order, since rituals reinforce collective values and reaffirmmoral order.32 3. HistoricalReconstruction: MMTand the non-UtopianAspirationto Returnto the Temple In order to understand the notions of purity and impurity at Qumran,it is necessaryto discuss the political and social background that formed them. The authors'complaintto the addresseeregarding the ritualimpurityof the Temple may indicatethat this leaderdid not object to those who practicedthe Pharisaiccultic laws in the Temple, althoughthe direct and positive applicationto him in section C tends to show that he was not the religious leaderof the Pharisaicparty.It is also reasonableto concludethat he was a high priestwho followed the laws of the Pharisees.33 The authors' attitude towards the addressee in section C is quite complicated.Althoughhe is requestedto cease the ritualimpurityand desecrationin the Temple, he is not accused of any sin or misdeedin the past or present,nor do the authorsdoubthis authority.The authors even compare him to the kings of Israel. By referringto the future blessings and curses, however, they imply that only the preservation of the Temple purityand holiness (as they see them) will lead to the 32
M. Douglas, "Pollution,"ImplicitMeanings(Londonand Boston:Routledgeand
Paul, 1975) 48-50; R. Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order: Explorations in Cultural
Analysis(Berkeley,CA: Universityof CaliforniaPress, 1987) 97-144. On moral pollution, see also Zuesse, "Tabooand the Divine Order,"482-504, with bibliography. For the connectionbetween purityand moralvalues, see section 5 below. 33 See L.H. Schiffman, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls (Philadelphia:Jewish PublicationSociety, 1994); Kister,"Studies,"323. Cf. DJD 10.116-19, 175. After the completionof this article,S.D. Fraadeand M. Grossmanarguedthat MMTmay have (perhapscomposedin the late Hasmoneanperiod)treatisethat been an intracommunal cannot attest to the relationshipwith the Hasmoneanand the Temple authorities.I insist, however,that the fundamentalfocus on laws pertainingonly to the impurityof the Temple attest to a dialoguewith externalauthority,since other sectariancompositions (with the exceptionof the TempleScroll, thatmighthave been composed,at least partly,outside Qumranand in any case has its own uniquegenre) ratherconcentrate on internalissues of social and moralorder.Moreover,the direct and personal application to the addressee to follow the righteous kings of Israel for the benefit of his people and Israel shows that the authorstreatedhim as a ruler.See S.D. Fraade, "To Whom It May Concern:MMT and Its Addressee(s),"RevQ 19 (2000) 507-26; M. Grossman,"ReadingMMT:Genreand History,"RevQ 20 (2001) 3-22.
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welfare of the addresseeand the rest of Israel.Hence, in orderto convince him to follow the laws that were discussed in section B, the of biblical eschatologyregarding authorsemphasizetheirinterpretation the expectedpunishmentand rewardbut concludewith flatteringwords and admission of the addressee's wisdom.34The author's request is quite revolutionary,however, since such a public manifestation of their ideology may endangertheir relationshipwith the addressee. One majorquestionthat has not been addressedby previousscholars is what was the authors' intention in writing MMT to such a ruler?35It is not likely that the authors'aim was only the welfare of the addresseeand the rest of the people of Israel,as they assertin section C. MMT is not motivatedby a mere political piety. I would like to suggest that the authorshoped that the disposal of impurityfrom the Temple would make it possible for them to returnto the Temple and take part in the cult. Althoughsuch an aspirationto take partin the cult is not mentioned in the preservedtext of MMT, the authors'religious ideology, which concentratedon the scrupulousobservanceof the purityand the sanctity of the sacrificialrites (also attestedto in the Temple Scroll), could not be maintainedwithout it. Moreover,later compositions,such as the War Rule, testify that even after a long period of separationfrom the Temple cult, the sectarianswished to returnto the Temple and performthe rites accordingto their own halakhah.Hence, the Temple cult stood at the center of their inspirationsfor the messianic age.36 What preventedthe authorsfrom fulfilling this goal? A close reading of MMT shows that the sectariansboth mentionedand alluded to one reason for their withdrawal, namely, impurity. Moreover, they warnedon two occasions that impurityand desecrationmight lead to
34 See MMT C 20-32. For a more comprehensivediscussion of section C, see Kister,"Studies,"322-25, 348-54. 3S Notwithstanding this, Schiffman (Reclaiming the Dead Sea Scrolls, 84) has alreadybriefly suggestedthat:"The purposeof this document[MMT]was to call on their erstwhilecolleagues in Jerusalemand the Hasmoneanleaderto effect a reconciliation that would allow them to returnto their role in the Temple."Schiffman,however, did not explain what broughthim to this conclusion. '6 IQM 2:1-6. Cf. E. Eshel and H. Eshel, "4Q471 FragmentI and Ma'amadotin the War Scroll,"The MadridQumranCongress(eds J. TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner;STDJ I1; Leiden:Brill, 1992) 2.611-20. This messianicexpectationis also implicitin lQSa. See L.H. Schiffman,Law, Custom,and Messianismin the Dead Sea Scrolls(Hebrew)(Jerusalem: ZalmanShazarCenter,1993)300 [= idem,TheEschatological Communityof the Dead Sea Scrolls:A Studyof the Rule of Congregation(SBLMS 38: Atlanta:ScholarsPress, 1989) 55-561.
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a situationin which "the priests would bear sin upon the people"(B 12-13, 26-27). This would be changed if the laws of sacrificialrite and puritywere adoptedby the Temple authorities,and this is exactly what the authorsask of the addressee.Moreover,in contrastto the hostility and confrontationbetween the sectariansand the later Hasmoneans, no political tension between the authorsand the addressee is reflectedin the scroll.37Althoughthe addresseeis requestedto stop the impurityand desecrationof the Temple cult, and thus may have been held, at least partly, responsible for this grave situation, the authors did not ascribe moral impurity to him. The fact that they flatterthe addresseeand his people while condemning"the multitude of the People"may even testify to their attemptto cooperatewith the addresseeagainstthe "multitude." Underthese circumstances,a positive responsefrom the addresseeshouldlead to the end of the authors'selfimposedwithdrawaland theirrenewedparticipationin the Templecult. This possible intentionof the authorsis somewhatnaive and unrealistic. Was it wise for the authorsto expect the addresseeto change the entire sacrificialand cultic system in the Temple only because he receivedan epistle from a minoritygroupthat claimedthatthis is necessary in orderto attainheavenlyreward?The authors'high hopes are even more surprisingif one accepts the authenticityof the calendar (section A in the scroll), since this means that they expected the addresseeto adopt their solar calendarof 364 days.8 This is not to doubt the authenticityof sections B and C or the sincere intentionof its authors. It is possible that because of their lack of political or social power, the authorsthoughtthat this was the only way that they could influencethe rulerand the cult. This brave act may even testify "7 Kister,"Studies,"323, tends to conclude from this that, in contrastto the common view, there was no conflict between the sectariansand the Hasmoneansregarding the latter'srightto the high priesthoodsince they are not from the house of Zadok. Indeed,thetextualcriticismof theversionsof theCommunityRuletestifythattheZadokite priests led the communityduring a somewhat later stage. See, e.g., S. Metso, The
Textual Development of the Qumran Community Rule (STDJ 21; Leiden: Brill, 1997)
78. It is still possible, however,that the "Zadokitequestion"underminedthe Hasmoneans' priestlyauthorityin the eyes of the sectarians. 38 Strugnelland Schiffmanbelieve that the calendar(section A) was supplemented by a latercopyist since it is not includedin two of the copies of MMT.Strugnellhas stressedthatthe calendarlacks any conjunctionsor explanationsas in the othersections. See Strugnell,DJD 10.203. Schiffmanbelieves that MMT was composedbefore the solarcalendarwas acceptedby the sect (thatis, beforethe days of the Teacherof Righteousness),but it seems to me it is unlikelythat the sectarianhalakhicsystem of purity and sacrificialrite was formedpriorto the calendar.See L.H. Schiffman,"The Place Reading4QMMT,82-86, 97-98. of MMT in the Corpusof QumranManuscripts,"
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to their strong belief in their cultic perceptionsor their trust in the addresseeas a man of truth.39It is even possible that in order not to overwhelmthe addressee,they kept their requeststo a minimum,and includedonly some (MDpM) of the preceptsof the Torah,that is, only a certainselection of their cultic laws that they found to be extremely necessaryto practicein the Temple.' Although the historicalfacts that lie behind MMT and the consequences of this extraordinarysupplicationto the addresseecannot be fully reconstructed(there is even no assurancethat this epistle was actually sent), one particularpassage in the Dead Sea Scrolls leads to a supposedreconstructionof the historicalcontext of MMT. E. Qimron has suggested identifyingMMT with anothercompositionthat is mentionedin 4QpPsa. This passage mentions"theWickedPr[iest]who sp[ied on the Teac]her of Righteousn[ess and tried] to put him to death [because of the precep]ts and the law which he had sent to him."4'Accordingto Qimron,since MMT is the only Qumraniccompositionthat is writtenin a literarystyle of an epistle and is addressed to an authoritativepersonoutside the sect, it is reasonableto identify "the precepts and the law" with MMT. One may wonder why the Teacher bothered to send "the precepts and the law" to this evil leader?Indeed,Qimronhas referredto lQpHab 8:8-13 (discussedfurther below) which maintains that in the beginning, the sectarians viewed the Wicked Priest positively, but his evil deeds led them to despise him. Qimron's suggestion was later followed up and developed further by H. Eshel, who suggested identifying the Wicked Priest, that is, the ruler to whom MMT was addressed,with Jonathan the Hasmonean(152-135/4 BCE).42 39 A parallelfor such an act may perhapsbe found in the early days of the modem Israeli state. Several OrthodoxrabbisapproachedDavid Ben Gurionregardingthe religious identityof the state, such as their oppositionto draftingreligiouswomen to the army.It seems to me that some of theirletterscontainrhetoricand religious-political argumentssimilarto those found in MMT.Cf. David Ben-Gurion,TheFirst Prime Minister:SelectedDocuments(1947-1963)(ed.E. Shaltiel;Jerusalem: IsraelStateArchives, 1996) 212-16, 436-51 [Hebrew]. I For this argument,see Regev, "TheTemple Impurity,"140-41, 143. 41
4Qppsa
1-10 iv 7-9. See Qimron, DJD 10.119-21.
Eshel, "4QMMT,"53-65. Cf. also H. Stegemann,The Libraryof Qumran,on the Essenes, Qumran,John the Baptist,and Jesus (GrandRapids,MI: Eerdmans;Leiden: Brill, 1998) 104-6. Several scholarshave already suggestedthis identificationof the WickedPriestregardlessof MMT.See J.T.Milik,TenYearsof Discoveryin the Wilderness of Judaea (trans. J. Strugnell;London:SCM Press, 1959) 84-87; G. Jeremias,Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit (Gottingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963) 75-79; G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls, Qumranin Perspective(London:SCM Press, 19943) 42
256
EYAL REGEV
If this suggestion regarding the connection between MMT and 4Qppsais correct,the brave attemptto send a halakhic letter to the Wicked Priest ended in complete failure. Not only was the Priest not convinced to follow the laws of ritual purity, on which the authors elaboratedin much detail, but accordingto 4Qppsa he even tried to kill their Teacher.The Wicked Priest may have respondedviolently since he saw the authors'daringattemptto instructhim to change the whole sacrificialsystem as a threatto his authority.Now the sectarians' hope to returnto the Templecult was anythingbut fulfilled.They were systematically persecutedby the Wicked Priest as well as by Thus, they "Ephraimand Manasseh"(the Phariseesand Sadducees).43 were doomed to maintaintheirwithdrawalfrom the Temple and public life because of their devianthalakhah.Under these circumstances, it is surprisingthat the sectariansmaintainedthat the crucial boundary between themselvesand the Wicked Priest and his followers does not concernritualpurityor sacrificialrulingssuch as those elaborated on in section B of MMT. Rather,it is the moral purity that shaped both the sectarians'religious and social identityas well as their relations with the "others." 4. The Moral Impurityof the WickedPriest, the Temple and the Men of Injustice As was alreadypointedout, the authorsof MMT claimed that the "multitudeof the People" are defiled by moral impurity, and thus stressedthat they had separatedthemselvesfrom "the multitude"and from all their impurity.In MMT, this situationmarks the boundary between the sectariansand anothergroup (that may be identifiedwith the Sadduceesor the Hellenistic priests).However, in later compositions-the pesharim,the Damascus Document, and the Community 135; Stegemann,The QumranLibrary,104-6, 128. In light of the fact that the Teacher (or any other leadership)is not mentionedin MMT, Qimron'ssuggestionmay seem untenable(see Schiffman[n. 38 above]). This lack of referenceto the Teacher,however, may be derivedfrom the authors'purposeto avoid any politicaltensionbetween them and the addressee(which is also reflectedin lQpHab 8:8-13). For reservations aboutQimron'sproposal,see J. Strugnell,"MMT:SecondThoughtson a Forthcoming Edition," The Community of the Renewed Covenant (eds E. Ulrich and J. Vanderkam;
Notre Dame: Universityof Notre Dame Press, 1994) 62-73. 43 Accordingto lQpHab 11:4-8, the Wicked Priest tried to capturethe Teacherat his place of exile on the Day of Atonement(that is, the date of this festival according to the sectarian solar calendar). For the Pharisees and Sadducees oppressing the Teacher and his followers, see 4QpPsa1-10, ii 15-18. See the discussion of Eshel, "4QMMT,"55-58 and bibliography.
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Rule-this moral boundary separates the sect from all people and institutionsoutside the sect's realm. Previous discussions of the following passages ignoredtheir moral dimensionor underestimatedtheir social significance.Hence, it is my intentionto examine more closely the fundamentaldevelopmentof the concept of moral impurity in order to demonstrate the manner in which it shaped the sect's identity and attitudetowardsthe Hasmoneans and the Temple. The transitionof moral impurityfrom a certain group ("the multitude")to the Jewish leadershipand religious consensus indicatesthe sectarians'complete separation. It seems that this developmentbegan with the leader of the Jews, the Hasmoneanhigh priest who is called "the Wicked Priest"in the pesharim.As was alreadymentioned,the Wicked Priestpersecutedthe Teacherof Righteousnessand his followers. Now attentionshould be given to the sectarians'attitudetowardsthe Priest in lQpHab: its interpretation concernsthe WickedPriest,who was called on by the truename at the beginningof his publiclife, but when he ruledover Israelhe became arrogant, abandonedGod, and betrayedthe laws for the sake of wealth. He stole and amassed the wealth of men of violence who had rebelled against God, and he took the wealth of people to add to himself guilt (and) sin. And abominatedways he practiced with every sort of unclean impurity."
This is not merely an expression of the burning hatred toward the Wicked Priest in Qumran.It is also a theological message: the Priest has sinned by stealing and collaboratingwith evil people and he is also defiled by impurity;his sins and abominableimmoraldeeds have caused his impurity.These are quite similarto the descriptionof "the multitudeof the People" in MMT (malice, treachery,deceit, and evil thereis no indicationthatthe impurityof theWicked deeds).Furthermore, Priest is derived from cultic or ritual unscrupulousness,althoughhe was a high priest. The fact that he was defiled, however, may have grave consequencesfor the Temple cult for which he was responsible. Indeed, anotherpassage in lQpHab stresses this situation: its interpretation:the "town"is Jerusalem,where the WickedPriest committed abominable deeds (rflnf 'aPr) and defiled God's Sanctuary.And "violence (Con) (done to) the Land" (refers to) the cities of Judah, where he stole the wealth of the poor ones45
"
1n1 ''m"7
lQpHab 8:8-13 (pesher to Hab. 2:5-6): MDbD t-mpD-tt2 DOi71imn-r 1-1c vplnn 'c' po A nMA n yMM MitR'i :1ri pm onz rnrv '= MOVA J'D 1'tDU q"'0*
Mpf
VW
1'n7' tR::IT1'
;Dx
mr;
-V:R
-Irl' r1:117-. blIrr
AMM M1 b:: brnV ]n. 4S lQpHab 12:7-10 (pesherto Hab. 2:17). For the moral dimensionof the impurity of this passage, see now Klawans,Impurityand Sin, 69-72.
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Here the abominableacts of the Wicked Priest-violence against the towns of Judaeaand the stealingof the propertyof the poor-have caused the pollutionof the Temple. Note that the source of this pollution is not bodily or ritualistic(as in the halakhicsection of MMT) but rather,it is moral. Therefore,the cause of the pollution of the Temple is the corruptbehaviorof a cruel rulerwho has no mercy for his subjects.Interestingly,other sources indicatethat the moralimpurity of the Wicked Priest spreadamong the people. Consequently,the sectarianssaw the wealth of the Temple,probablythe money thatwas donatedto it in orderto finance the cult, as defiled: And all who were broughtinto the covenant(are) not to enter the sanctuaryto light his altarin vain, (but ratherare) to be "closersof the door"of whom God said, "Who of you will close my door and not light my altar in vain" (Mal. of) 1:10)-unless they take care to performaccordingto the exact (requirements Torahduringthe time of evil and to separate(themselves)from the sons of the pit (rtvri ':) and to refrainfrom the wicked wealth (which is) impuredue to oath(s) and dedication(s)and to (being) the wealth of the sanctuary,(for) they (the sons of the pit) steal from the poor of his people, preyingupon wid[ow]s and murderingorphans.46
Althoughthis passage mentionsonly the pollutionof the wealth of the Temple, it is reasonableto assume that the author saw the Temple itself as an abominatedinstitutiondue to the wickednessof "the sons of pit" who steal, prey, and murder.Even their money is defiled. It may be possible to assume that the author(s)of CD hold that this moneyalso contaminatesthedonationsandthe sacrificesthatwerebought by it. These sins are quite similar to those of the Wicked Priest, as mentionedin the two passages from lQpHab. Thus, the Temple was pollutedbecause of the immoralityof the high priestand some of the worshippers.Other possible evidence for the moral defilementof the Temple may be seen in CD 4:15-19, where "the three nets of Belial" that are makingthem seen as if they were threetypes of righteousness include unchastity (nMV),arrogance(lI"n),and the defilement of the sanctuary.Here the Temple's impurityis mentionedtogetherwith two immoral traits, and one may even conclude from this passage that I CD 6:11-17. See also the parallelin 4Q266 3 ii; J.M. Baumgarten, QumranCave 4.XlIl: The Damascus Document (4Q266-273) (DJD 18; Oxford: ClarendonPress, "The 1996) 41-43. For the interpretationof this passage, see J. Murphy-O'Connor, Translation of Damascus Document VI 11-14," RevQ 7 (1969-71) 553-56. The defilingforce of wealth is emphasizedalso in IQpHab8:11-12 and 12:19(bothquoted above); IQS 6:19-20, 22; Cf. 1QS 9:22/4QSd2 iii 6 (also in relationto "the sons of
the pit"); IQHa 19:25-26 (Sukenik 10:22-23). On the suspicion of sacrilegious treat-
ment of the Temple's wealth, cf. m. Shek. 3:2. For money of widows and orphansin the Temple, see 2 Mac. 3:10.
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and pFT)lead unchastityand arrogance(or any othertranslationsof rnm? to the moral defilementof the Temple.47 Hence, in contrast to the previous conclusions drawn from the halakhic section of MMT, the reason for the sectarians'estrangement from the Temple cult is not necessarily because the priests do not scrupulously observe the laws of ritual purity and consecration. Rather,the main shortcomingof the priestlyrites in the Temple is the immoralbehaviorof the high priest and the people who follow him, perhapsboth in their social and political behavior.The transgressions that are mentioned in the passages just cited are those of immoral behavior, not ritualistic or cultic acts. These are mostly social sins, although they bear severe implications for the desecration of the Temple cult. The severity of the sectarians'claim is obvious: in contrastto bodily impurity,moral impuritycannotbe removedby immersion or any other ritualistic act; only repentance can lead to its removal.Thus, the desecrationof the Temple that resultedfrom moral pollutionis more acute and difficultto eliminatethan the ritualimpurity that was discussed in relationto the laws of MMT. Thecircumstancesin whichpeopleoutsidethesect arewickedandbear moral impurityare not only relevantto Qumran'sattitudetowardsthe Temple, but especially concernthe more generalrelationshipbetween the sectariansand non-sectarians.One of the main pre-suppositionsof the CommunityRule is that the membersof the community"shallsep'IXI)."48 arate from the congregation of the men of injustice (P1D
Namely,
the membersof the communitymust withdrawfrom those who might have morallydefiled their holy spirit,not theirbodies (cf. CD 5:7-11; 7:3-4). The CommunityRule continuesthe strong association of sin with impurityand thus aims to preventany contact with the wicked in order to avoid their defilement (see below in section 6). Thus, immorality,wickedness, and their defiling consequencesseem to pervade the entire world outside the realm of the Qumransect. The pesharim,the Damascus Document,and the CommunityRule describe a full circle of immoralityand pollution:the Wicked Priest leads the people in a sinful way and pollutes the Temple. Then, others follow him and defile the cult with their impurewealth. The rest 47 Mt does not necessarily refer only to sexual sins (as Klawans, "Idolatry, Incest, and Impurity," 410-1 1, argues in his discussion of this passage), but also has a more general meaning of evil. Cf. n. 28 above. 48 IQS 5:2-3. This is attested in earliest versions the Community Rule (4QSd, 4QS). See Metso, The Textual Development, 41, 44 45. For the early attestation of the separation from the outsiders and their impure property, see ibid., 82.
260
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of the people are then infected with this moral impuritywhen they either participatein the cult or follow the leadershipof the wicked. Thus, if the sectariansthemselves were participatingin the Temple cult they might have been also defiled. Under these circumstances, purification andatonementarealmostimpossible.49 Any atoningsacrificial ritualmust fail because of the sins and moralimpuritythat still dwell in the Temple. Only drasticand collective repentancecan lead to the restorationof purity and holiness in the Temple. Following this conclusion, it is now easier to understandwhy the Qumransectarianscontinued to withdrawfrom the Temple cult in the period after the days of MMT. In their view, the Temple would be doomed to desecration and spiritualdesolationuntil the people and theirleaderschangedtheir evil behavior.Until then, they believed, there could be no theological merit in the sacrificial cult in Jerusalem. Rather, its performance would only bear additionalguilt.50 5. The Religious and Sociological Functions of Moral Impurity
Since the Qumransectariansopposed the laws of ritual purityand sacrificialcult that were practicedin the Temple, it is surprisingthat 4 In order to demonstratethis attitude,it may be appropriateto quote Milgrom's descriptionof the priestlytheology of the destructiveforce of impurity:"The God to Israel will not abide in a pollutedsanctuary.The mercifulGod will toleratea modicum of pollution.But there is a point of no return.If the pollutioncontinuesto accumulate the end is inexorable:'The cherubimlifted their wings' (Ezek. 11:22). The divine chariotflies heavenwardand the sanctuaryis left to its doom." See Milgrom, "Israel'sSanctuary,"396-97. 50 Previous scholars have already concludedthat the Qumransectarianswithdrew from the Temple cult because of what they saw as the impurityof the cult. See especially J.M. Baumgarten,"Sacrificeand Worshipamong the Jewish Sectariansof the Dead Sea Scrolls,"HTR46 (1953) 141-59; G. Klinzing,Die Umdeutungdes Kultusin der Qumrangemeinde und im Neuen Testament (SUNT 7; Gottingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht,1971) 11-20. Neitherthe natureof this impurity,however,nor its development and implicationsregardingthe ordinancesand rituals of the Qumransect has been examinedthoroughly.It is also worth mentioningthat accordingto Davies, CD 6:11-17 limits participationin the cult only to those who accept its regulations.The moral defilementof wealth, however,seems also to infect the "oathsand dedications and the wealth of the sanctuary."Thus, I find it quite impossible that this passage would permiteven partialparticipationin the cult. In any event, it should be admitted that CD 11:18-21, which orderssendingofferingsto the Temple only by a pureman, does permit it. As Davies himself concluded, CD contains more than one attitude towardsthe problemof the impurityof the Temple. See P.R. Davies, "The Ideology of the Temple in the Damascus Document,"JJS 33 (Essays in Honour of Yigael Yadin, 1982) 287-301. For the Essenes' approach,which is somewhatsimilarto CD 11:18-21,see A.I. Baumgarten, "Josephuson the EsseneSacrifice,"JJS 45 (1994) 169-83 and bibliography.
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whentheyclaimedthattheTemplewas polluted,theiraccusationsreferred not to this ritual puritybut to moral impurity.5'In this section I will try to explain what factors led them to stress the impuritycaused by immoralityeven more than the halakhic controversiesthat dealt with ritual purity and why they viewed immoralbehavioras more severe or importantthan ritual transgressions.I will compareit to parallels from ancient Greek religion, draw connectionsbetween moral impurity and dualisticbelief in Qumran,and finally, use sociological theories regardingthe functionof moral codes. At first glance, the moral impurityascribed to the Wicked Priest seems to be a direct reactionto the oppressionsthat he caused (mentioned above in the pesharim).One cannotexpect anythingother than hatred from his persecutedopponents. This interpretationwould be correct if the relationshipbetween sin and puritywere found in the scrolls only in the contextof the pesharim.The same basic perception, however, can also be found in more socially neutraltexts. For example, the Temple Scroll (51:11-15) asserts that judges must perform judgmentrighteouslyand cannot take bribes since the bribe "causes great guilt and defiles the house because of the sin of iniquity(MlVID iAnrn' In' rnrln n':n Ro1il nrzmto)." This text atteststo the fact that moralimpurityis not a mere expressionof political conflict and opposition. Even if the Temple Scroll is a proto-sectariancompositionthat does not reflect the sectarians' own position, the passage just cited shows that the sectarianscontinueda traditionin which there was a strong belief that immoralbehavior,such as taking a bribe, pollutes. In light of this, it is interestingthat in this passage not only is the transgressorpolluted,but also "the house,"namely, the sanctuary.The pre-suppositionof this law in the Temple Scroll is thereforethat sins pollute the Temple from afar without any physical contact with the sacred.52Moreover,the direct connectionbetween sin and impurityis s' One additionalaccusation of defiling the Temple in CD 5:6-7 refers to intercourse with a menstruatingwoman and thus is actuallyconnectedto ritualpurity.See E. Regev, "On Blood, Impurityand Body Perceptionin the HalakhicSchools in the Second Temple and TalmudicPeriod"(Hebrew),AJSR(forthcoming).CD 5:6-7, however, also refers to the more spiritualcharacterof impuritycaused by incest (cf. Lev. 18:13) stressedby Klawans,"Idolatry,Incest, and Impurity"411-13. 52 See Klawans,"Idolatry,Incest, and Impurity," 406-9. Even scholarswho tend to see the Temple Scroll as a non-sectariancannot ignore its importantinfluence on Qumranic halakhah. Cf. Schiffman, "Miqsat Ma'a'eh Ha-Torah and the Temple Scroll." For the pollution of the sanctuaryfrom afar, see Lev. 20:3; Num. 19:13. Klawans,"Idolatry,Incest, and Impurity,"411-13, suggests that the same pollutionis mentionedin CD 5:6-9.
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EYAL REGEV
also demonstratedby the penal regulationsof the Qumrancommunity.53 In these regulations,even the slightest transgressionsare seri-
ously condemned and punished (the connection between the penal code and the persistenceof moral puritywill be discussed in section 6 below). These arguments attest to the significance of moral impurity in Qumranictheology and prove that it is not just a sectarianpolemic. However, this basic phenomenonof the close associationof sin and pollution is by no means exclusive to Qumran.As I have already mentionedin section 2, it is also found in other sourcesand societies, from Leviticus to ancient Greece.s4In order to examine its character and functionin Qumran,it is useful to comparethe concept of moral pollutionin the scrolls with the Greek parallelof moral miasma. In ancientGreekreligion, not only corpses, sexual intercourse,and women after childbirth(in some cases, also pregnantwomen) defile people and sacred rites. Disgracefulacts such as murder,male prostitution, and female adulteryalso have a defiling force, and they lead to moralcondemnationby the society. The non-physicalaspect of pollution is extremely significantin early Greek culture,and sometimes sins and guilt lead to a collective need for purificationof the entire city. R. Parkerhas attemptedto characterizethe non-physicalimpurity of incest as disgraceful,that is, outside the limits of Greek essential values of social behavior,but not dangerousand contagious.These are termed"metaphoricalmoral pollutions"and their possessorsare only deprivedof "honor"or rights of full citizenship,and thus cannot partake in the prayeron the city's behalf.55 Parkerhas shown, however, that moral defilementis not always a mere social rule that is meant to mark the status of the disgracedin the eyes of society. The pollution of homicide-in which the actual source of pollution is the wrath of the victim-has coercive and dynamicforce and its effects might threatenthe killer, his family, and even the entire community.Hence, unless the blood of the victim is Klawans,"The Impurityof Immorality,"8-10. Parker,Miasma,3, 96-97, 106-30, 263, 289, 294, 311-13, and see the discussion below.ForLeviticussee n. 29 above.See Ezek.22:2-4, 12-15, whereimmorality(together with idolatryand incest) is seen as an abominationthat literallypollutes,and cf. Hos. 6:10. For Paul see n. 30 above. For additional examples from Philo, the New Testament,andRabbinicsources,see Klawans,"TheImpurityof Immorality." Interestingly, in Deut. 25:15-16, certainimmoralbehavioris condemnedas an abomination,but is not associatedwith defilement. 5S Parker,Miasma, 94-100. 53
S4
ABOMINATED TEMPLE AND A HOLY COMMUNITY
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cleansed from the hands of the murderer,his seclusion from society is demanded.Even in cases of murder,however, it is possible to find legal treatmentof pollution,where impurityis used only to illustrate or justify the legal (punishable)weight of the transgression,while the law itself does not derive from the fear of pollution.56 Ancient Greekreligion offers helpful examples for the generalconnection between purity, morality, and social order. Though in both societies moral transgressionspollute the sinner and mark intolerable behavior,theirconsequencesin theQumranscrollsaremuchmoresevere. This severity indicates the fundamentalismregardingmoral impurity in Qumran.Here the pollutiondoes not only damagethe individualor (in some cases) his community.Accordingto the Qumranictheology, moral sins destructively violate the sacredness of the Temple and apparentlybanishholiness from all religious acts. It is not just "a kind of institutionor metaphysicaljustification for a set of conventional responses to the disruption of normal life,"57 but an independent and
dynamicentityor forcethatis associatedwithevil. Therefore,thisdestructive force of moral impurity deserves an explanation even beyond what this comparisonoffers. One possible explanationfor the fundamentalismof moral impurity in Qumranmay lie in the focal place of dualism in the Qumranic world-view. The sectariansbelieved in the dichotomyof the way of truthand the way of evil, and of God and Belial (e.g., 1QM 13:2-5). This belief was not only theoretical,since they actuallytried to reveal on which side a personbelonged.Therefore,it affectedtheir decisionmaking. This world-view, I suggest, led the sectariansto an extreme interpretationof the acts of their opponentsand their followers. For 56 Parker,Miasma, 104-43. Even in the case of a murderer, in some cases impurity may only illustratehis ritual status or violationof the social orderwithoutexpressing belief in supernatural danger.For example,althoughPlato sees pollutionas a real thing and not as legalized fiction,he does not ascribehorrorto it (Parker,Miasma, 112-13). 57 Parker,Miasma, 120. Cf. L. Dumont,Homo Hierarchicus:The Caste Systemand Its Implications(trans.M. Sainsbury,L. Dumont,and B. Gulati;Chicago and London: Universityof Chicago Press, 19802)48. He writes: "amongthe Hindus the notion of impurityis distinct,differentfrom the notion of dangerwhich correspondselsewhere to the sacred in general and not only to the impure."Accordingto Dumont (Homo Hierarchicus,49), in this case defilementis a matterof social status. Parker(56-57, 6143, 124) adopts M. Douglas's theory of purity as a symbol of social order. See M. Douglas,Purityand Danger (London:Routledge& KeganPaul, 1966). I find, however, that this approachcan be only partlyappliedto the case of moralimpurityin the scrolls. For the work of Douglas as applied to Qumran,see recently,C.M. Conway, "Towarda Well-FormedSubject:The Functionof PurityLanguagein the Serek haYahad,"JSP 21 (2000) 103-20.
264
EYAL REGEV
the membersof the Qumrancommunity,the sins referredto in the passages mentionedabove were signs or proof that these people were possessed by "the spirit of Belial." Thus, the sectariansbelieved that their adversariesand all those who cooperatedwith them, called "the men of injustice,"had a destructiveinfluence on the universe, and especially on the Temple.58 In fact, it is also possible to see this subjectfrom a reversedperspective. The developmentof the notion of moralimpuritymay clarify the social backgroundof the strong belief in dualism in Qumran. Stories about the angel Mastemaand Belial characterizehumanconflicts in terms of a great cosmic war. This is also attestedto in the phenomenonof the ethical dualismof the two spirits(lQS 3:13-4:26). Those who developedand elaboratedthe image of Belial or Satanwere involved in a struggleagainst other Jews, often against the dominant majority.The sectariansinvoked the figureof Satan or Belial to characterizewhat they saw as an irreconcilablemetaphysicalcontraposition between themselvesand their opponents.59 The texts quotedabove, as well as many others,point to the subjectof conflict that promotedthe dualisticworld-view.Hence, moralimpurityand dualism(both cosmic and ethical) were two pre-Qumranicperceptionsthat were both developed during the flourishingof Qumranicintellectualand social life. Each contributedto the fundamentalformationof the other. It is interestingto suggest a sociologicalunderstanding of the development of the sectarian notion of moral pollution which the sect's adversariespossessed. It is possible to interpretit in light of Conflict Theory,viewing struggleover values and status as maintaininggroup boundaries.Accordingly,the sectariansemphasizedthe immoralityof their adversariesin orderto reinforcethe members'commitment,and preventa split in the sect. In this way, they could also answera ques58 For the characteristics of dualism in Qumranand their supposedhistory,see J. Frey, "DifferentPatternsof DualisticThoughtin the QumranLibrary:Reflectionson
their Background and History," Legal Texts and Legal Issues, 275-335 and bibliography. Cf. J.J. Collins, Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls (London and New York:
Routledge, 1997) 43-44, 106-7. Althoughthe dualisticconcept is stronglyexpressed in later compositions,such as the CommunityRule and the War Rule, Frey demonstratesits early origins in pre-Qumranic compositions(such as the AramaicTestament of Levi). Thus, it was probablycharacteristicof the early phasesof the Qumrancommunity.Note, however,that Strugnell(DJD 10.205) arguesthat thereare no dualistic the implicaexpressionsin MMT. It is also interestingto note that in Zoroastrianism, tions of impurityare cosmic since they are associatedwith the evil Ahiram.See M. Boyce, A Persian Stronghold of Zoroastrianism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1977) 94. S9 See E. Pagels, "TheSocial Historyof Satan,the 'IntimateEnemy':A Preliminary Sketch,"HTR84 (1991) 105-28.
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tion that must have troubledthem:why are you so few when you are so right? Such an interpretationis especially illuminatingif one follows the assumptionthat the Wicked Priest was the addresseeto whom MMT was directed,and his fundamentalchange of attitudetowardsthe sectarians came to them as a total surprise.Under these circumstances, the socio-psychological procedure which the sectarians had gone throughcan be tentativelyreconstructedas follows: (1) An encounter with opposing views and competinggroups in order to convince the others, such as writing MMT to the Wicked Priest when he was still "called on by the true name." (2) The failure of this attemptto persuade;in our case, ratherthanrespondingfavorably,the WickedPriest haspersecutedtheTeacherof Righteousnessandhis followers.(3) Finally, in order to confrontthe failure, a new perceptionemerges, in which the adversaryis no longer consideredlegitimate,but evil and corrupt; in Qumran,moral impurityis ascribedto the Wicked Priest and his followers as a consequenceof their sins.!' The Qumranicaccusationsof moralimpuritymay be also explained in light of R. Wuthnow'scognitive distinctionbetween the intentional and the inevitable.6"Accordingto this socio-psychologicalfunctionalistic approach,it is possible that the sectariansconcludedthat the failure to influence the Temple cult or to integrateinto the Hasmonean state was not a result of any (political) mistakes or wrongdoingsof the sectariansor their leadership.Rather,it is likely that they ascribed "natural"reasons to their failure, over which they had no control,but I For ConflictTheory,see L. Cosar,The Functionsof Social Conflict(Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1956). For the social interaction described here, cf. S. Schachter, "Deviation, Rejection and Communication," Journal of Abnormal and Social Psychology 46 (1951) 190-209; L. Festinger, "Informal Social Communication," Psychological Review 57 (1950) 271-82. A somewhat similar developmentcan be traced in MartinLuther'sattitudetowardsthe Jews. At first, he tried to make them join his movement,but when he was rejected,he raisedsevereaccusationsagainstJudaism. See J. Wallmann,"Lutheron Jews and Islam,"CreativeBiblical Exegesis (eds B. Uffenheimerand H.G. Reventlow;JSOTSup59; Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress, 1988) 149-60; H.A. Oberman,The Roots of Anti-Semitismin the Age of Renaissance and Reformation(Philadelphia:FortressPress, 1984) 45-50, 71-74, 94-107. I would like to thankProf. Daniel R. Schwartzfor drawingmy attentionto this example. 61 See Wuthnow,Meaningand Moral Order,73-96. Wuthnow(pp. 79-96) suggests the model of the moralbehaviorin the marketsystem,where people believe thatethics and integrity(namely, the rules of economics) lead to success in public participation. Unexpected and undesired outcomes, however, are explained as certain economic forces ("nature"),hence inevitable.In this way, people are able to maintainthe fiction that they are morallyresponsibleand can therebylimit their sense of guilt even if their well-intentionedactivitiesyield grave results.
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whichresultedfromtheevil characterandthemisdeedsof theHasmonean leadershipin Jerusalem.This ideological interpretationof reality permitted the sectarians to preserve and continue their religious ideas without crisis. The change in their social and religious status did not underminethe community.On the contrary,even if some withdrew from the group or the sect was split, the idea of moral impuritycontinued to formulatethe sectarians'ideology as we know it.62 In light of these ideas, the culturalrelationshipbetweenmoralsand impurityshould be systematicallydefinedas follows. A moralcode is "a set of culturalelements that defines the natureof commitmentto a particularcourse of behavior."63 It is expressedthroughsymbols, and these symbols constituteculturalboundaries.A4 Hence, in the case of Qumran,it is possibleto establishmoralimpurityas a symbolicboundary that defines the structureof moral codes. Ideology createsmodels of moral order, and thus disturbance of moral order-that which resultsfrom uncertaintiesaboutthe natureof moralobligations-leads to the modificationof ideology.65This observationwill be developed furtherbelow in relationto the Qumranicregulationsand rituals. Following these determinations,it is possible to conclude that the moral impurityascribedto the sect's opponentsshaped the sectarian ideology. It markedthe ethical boundarybetween "us and them"and contributedto the sectarianself-identityand understanding of the cruel reality that had befallen them. This relationshipbetween purity and sectarianideology or identity can be furtherapplied to the sectarian regulationsand rituals.The concepts of both ritual and moral impurity had a significantplace in the daily life of the sectarians.Based on the above conclusions,it is now possible to betterunderstandthe sectarian'sself-image as morallypure. I shall now turnto approachtheir ritualsand regulationsof moralpuritythatdistinguishedand preserved this self-image,as well as certainfunctionalaspectsof ritualpurification. In doing so I will continueto use the sociological and culturaltheories that were mentionedabove. 62 As Wuthnow(Meaningand Moral Order, 162) notes: "Some ideological forms may be ... capableof adaptingto a changingenvironment.In this sense the ideology 'innovates'in orderto survive."Here, as well as in the following sections, I am using a functionalisttheory of social perceptionsomewhatsimilar to that of M. Douglas, How InstitutionsThink(Syracuse:SyracuseUniversityPress, 1986). 63 6 6S
Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order, 66. Wuthnow,Meaning and Moral Order, 69-70. Wuthnow, Meaning and Moral Order, 154-56.
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6. The Moral Purity of the "HolyCommunity"as a Means of Atonementand Social Cohesion It is well known that the authorsof CD call themselves"the community of the renewed covenant in the land of Damascus" whilst those of the CommunityRule of the -in"proclaimedthat they are "a holy house" or embody "a holy spirit"that is able to atone for sins. These designationsattest to their self-image as a moral community.I would like to examine the role in which morality,especially the purity of morality,shaped their life as a "holy community." In contrastto the moralpollutionthatinfectedtheiradversaries,according to the sectarians,the membersof the Qumransect(s) were distinguished by their moral purity. This perceptionis attested to extensively in the CommunityRule as well as in the DamascusDocument (CD and its relatedCave 4 fragments),in which the laws of the community are described in detail. Transgressionssuch as lying about financialissues, answeringone's fellow with stubbornnessor addressing him impatiently,behaving improperlyin the council of the community, gossiping about other members,bearing a grudge, and many The phenomenonof communaldiscipline others requirepunishment.11 is a characteristicof sectarian organizationsthat demanded a total obedience from all of its members.67This should also be understood in light of the sectarians'great sensitivityto immoralityand sin. 66 See Schiffman,Law, Customand Messianism,136-267, esp. 240-67 [Hebrew][= SectarianLaw in the Dead Sea Scrolls: Courts, Testimonyand Penal Code (BJS 33; Chico, CA: ScholarsPress, 1983)];C. Hempel,"ThePenal Code Reconsidered,"Legal Text and Legal Issues, 337-48. The actual practicingof these perceptionsis documentedin 4Q477. See E. Eshel, "4Q477:The Rebukesof the Overseer,"JJS 45 (1994) 111-22. Regardingthe distinctionbetween the differentsectarianorganizations,especially that between those of the Damascus Covenantand the CommunityRule, see P.R. Davies, "TheJudaism(s)of the DamascusDocument,"The DamascusDocument: A Centennialof Discovery: Proceedingsof the ThirdInternationalSymposiumof the Orion Centerfor the Study of the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature,4-8 February,1998 (eds J.M. Baumgarten,E.G. Chazon, A. Pinnick;STDJ 34; Leiden/ Boston: Brill, 2000) 27-43. 67 Several laws may not stem purely from a moral stance but from the all-encompassingdisciplineof what is termeda "greedyinstitution,"e.g., the penaltieson "complainingaboutthe fathers/mothers" of the community,or "murmuring againstthe foundation of the community."Cf. Hempel, "The Penal Code Reconsidered,"344-48. Some of the penaltiesalso point to typical sectarianorganization,such as decreasing the food supply of the transgressor.Cf. the generalcommentof Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict,100-1, regardingthe selection of those who are "worthy"of joining the sect, or the "self-purification" of the sect's members.I hope to develop this subjectmore thoroughlyelsewhere.
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This sensitivity is also attestedto in the complicatedprocedureof the admissionof a novice into the community.68 Only after examinations that lasted more than two years was the new member fully accepted into the community.He was then allowed to participatein its assembliesand (in certainrulingsof lQS) his propertywas shared among the people of the covenant. This procedurewas intendedto prevent inappropriatecandidates from joining the community and underminingits holy character.The fact that the new memberwas still restrictedfrom the "purity"(probably,solid food) and "liquids"of the communitytestify to the dangerof pollution.This strongconcernfor the purityof the community'srites does not necessarilyderive from the suspicionthat the new memberwould not be able to maintainhis body in a state of ritual purity, but from the anxiety that his soul might be morally corrupt.One may comparethis complicatedprocedure with the acceptanceof new member(-flrr)into the Pharisaicfellowship. In the lattercase, however, purityrestrictionspertainedonly to ritual purity,not to moral purity.69 Indeed,in contrastto ritualpurity,a sinful mind and a wicked spirit cannotbe easily cleansedby immersion.Only a processof repentance and mental trainingcan preparethe novice for the intensive experi68
See Schiffman, Law Custom and Messianism, 248-52; idem, Reclaiming the Dead
Sea Scrolls, 99-100. The stages of restrictionfrom puritiesalso exist in the penalcode of 4QD. See C. Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document: Sources, Tradition,
and Redaction(STDJ 29; Leiden:Brill, 1998) 140-48. 69 The significanceof moralityin the admissionof novices was alreadynotedby D. Flusser, "John's Baptism and the Dead Sea Sect," Jewish Sources in Early Christianity
(Hebrew) (Tel Aviv: Sifriat Hapo'alim, 1979) 85-87; Schiffman,Law, Customand Messianism,252, 267. The reason for the exclusion of the novices from the community's purity was that "they cannot be cleansed unless they turn away from their wickedness,for (he remains)impurealong all those who transgresshis words"(lQS 5:13-14). According to lQS 6:16-17, the candidatewas allowed to touch the pure foodstuffonly after the community'sassembly had examinedhis spirit and deeds (7W wn'i irnr* 71lt07 W1tt).Moreover,in the final stage, the assemblyexaminedthe candidate'sintellectualability and observanceof the laws of Torah(1QS 6:18). Note, however,that lQS 6:16-18 was probablynot includedin the earlierversionof 4QSe. See Metso, The TextualDevelopment,143-44. It is noteworthythat it is not only the bodily cleanness of the candidatethat concernedthe authorof these passages in the CommunityRule. The same principleswere also applied to the penaltiesfor severe transgressions(Schiffman,Law, Customand Messianism,253-57). The community's associationof sin or transgressionwith impurityis explicitly stated in IQS 8:16-19, where the exclusion from the "puritiesof the =-:I" was maintaineduntil the transgressorrefrainedfrom his unjustways (177 C'OIn J5Mt t1P tf T'ODO1:t' 70K 7D). Cf. also M. Newton, The Concept of Purity at Qumran and in the Letters of Paul
(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversityPress, 1985) 40-49. For the parallelismwith the fellowship (withoutattentionto the phenomenonof moral purity),cf. S. Lieberman, "TheDisciplinein theSo-CalledDeadSea Manualof Discipline,"JBL71 (1951) 199-206.
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ence of atonement and holiness within the community. Thus, the demandingprocess for a new member to enter into the community illustratesthe sectarians'scrupulousseparationfrom moral impurity. These moral boundariescreate a practicaldifferentiationbetween the sons of righteousnessand the sons of Belial. One might suppose that the community'smotivationfor disposal of sin, guilt, and immorality was derived from the unlimitedsectariandiscipline and total control by the leadershipover the life of the individualmembers.IQS 9:3-5, however,describesthe aim of the aspirationfor righteousnessand separationfrom defilementand evil quite differently: these (men) become in Israela foundationof the Holy spiritin eternaltruth,they shall atone for iniquitousguilt and sinful unfaithfulness,so that (God's) favor for the land (is obtained) without flesh of burnt offerings and without the fat of sacrifices.The properofferingsof the lips forjudgement(is as) a righteoussweetness, and the perfect of the Way (are as) a pleasing freewill offering.70
Herejustice and righteousbehavior(togetherwith prayer)atone for sin and treacheryas substitutesfor the corruptsacrificesin the Temple. Thus, there is a contrapositionbetween the immorality of the sect's opponentsand the righteousnessof the Qumrancommunity.The latter's moral code is posted as an alternativeto the traditionalcultic system that has been contaminatedin wickedness. Furthermore,an analogy between the communal punishment and the sacrifices of atonementand purgationof the sin from the altar (rIKOltand Ctl) is attestedto in 4QDe 7 i and 4QDa 11: Any[one] who [ I shall enter and make it known to the priest [in chairge over the many, and he shall receive his judgmentwith goodwill as he has said through Moses concerningthe one who sins unintentionallythat they shall bring his sinofferingand his guilt-offering.'
This attitude towards sacrifices and atonement is revolutionary. How can moral behavioror acceptingone's penalty willfully replace sacrifices?Althoughmany scholarsdiscussedthe Qumranicopposition V0 1fiom rK" pN- nrnm n-n-i
11!r
nKom 7Snl UveMMO ].U ,^,; &,Iv irnK" tvi1 ,,i-1l v=11 p-s rtilmn v M fl?l-ni r 'nflD1 r*w.
See also the parallel 4QSd 2 ii 5-6. For a more subtle parallel, see IQS 8:2-10/4QSe 2:8-15 ("to pay for iniquityby works of judgment").For the 4Q materialsee Metso, TextualDevelopment,44, 52, and passim.Cf. also the biblical metaphorof "sacrifices in Deut. 33:19; Pss 4:6, 51:21. of justice"(p7! 'FTZt) 1--
MMMM -10 irMK rNK lnmi MKIK'D CIUR UD)YOn:nn
UnI
UM
-
C. For
the compositetext of 4QD and the ritual discussed in this passage, see Hempel, The Laws of the Damascus Document, 175-79, who also notes its close relation to the CommunityRule. I hope to discuss the exegetical aspects of this passage elsewhere.
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to the Temple cult and the spiritualalternativesto sacrifice,this question has remainedalmost untouched.Previousdiscussionsfocused on the phenomenonof prayersas a substitutefor sacrifices(CD 11:2021), as well as on the assumptionthat the sectariancommunityconstitutesa "humantemple"(following 4Q174 Florileguim).The meaning and significanceof moral behavior,however, as a cultic aim of worship and atonementalso deserves attention.72 Following the previousconclusionsregardingthe moral impurityof the Temple cult, it is now possible to interpretlQS 9:3-5 and 4QDe 7 i // 4QDa 11. Since the Temple was infected with moral pollution in a way that made it impossible to atone for sins throughTemple rites until the non-sectarianpeople collectively repented,it therefore follows that the only alternativeleft for the sectarianswould be to adhere to the concept of strict moral behaviorthat is divorced from the Temple. Since the sectariansbelieved that the holiness or divine presencewas eliminatedfrom the sanctuarybecause of the sins and guilt of those outside the sect, it is perhapsreasonablethat it could still dwell among the righteous, precisely because they do not take part in the traditionalsacrificialcult. I suggest that the theology of moralityis a later developmentthan the claim of the moraldefilementof the WickedPriestand the men of Belial. If the chronologicaldevelopmentof these two perceptionswere reversed,then the moralatonementtheologywould be a solutionlooking for a problem.Therefore,it is more reasonableto reconstructthe conceptof moralatonementas the resultof polemicagainstthe Wicked Priest and other adversaries,as well as of social pressure.73 Since the 72 For the Qumranic fundamental aim of atonement see H. Lichtenberger, "Atonement and Sacrifice in the Qumran Community," Approaches to Ancient Judaism:Theoryand Practice, II (ed. W.S. Green;BJS 9; Chico, CA: ScholarsPress, 1980) 159-71. For prayerat Qumran,see B. Nitzan, QumranPrayer and Religious Poetry (STDJ 12; Leiden:Brill, 1994). For the "humanTemple theory"see Klinzing,
Die Umdeutung des Kultus, 50-106 and also n. 75 below. 73 lQS 9:3-5 is not attested in 4QSe, and thus Metso, The Textual Development,
71-72, 143 concludes that it was insertedin a later edition of the CommunityRule (althoughJ. MurphyO'Connor,"La genese litterairede la regle communaute," RB 76 [1969] 528-48, suggests that it was includedin one of the earliestphases in the gradualdevelopmentof theCommunityRule,priorto thedaysof theTeacherof Righteousness). It is possiblethatthe textualcriticismof the passagescited above fromthe Community Rule, lQpHabandCD wouldquestiontheaboveconclusionregardingtherelationbetween the accusationsagainstthe moralpollutersof the Templeand the moralatonementtheology. However,the fact that lQpHab and CD were presumablyedited in a relatively late period (cf. Stegemann,The QumranLibrary,117-18, 131-33) should not necessarily lead to the conclusion that the accusation reflects such a late period (cf. Stegemann, The Qumran Library, 117-18).
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sectariansemphasizedthe concept of moral pollutionas the boundary between the communityand its foes and concludedthat this was the majorreason for withdrawingfrom the Temple cult, it was only natural for them to conclude that if moralityand righteousbehaviorare so important,then they should functionas a mode of atonement. It is unwarranted,however, to conclude that the Qumransectarians preferredpersonalactivities of morality,prayer,etc. to the notion of Temple ritual. Their motivationfor the scrupulousobservationof the sacrificialrites and theireschatologicalaspirationto restorethe Temple cult accordingto their special halakhahwere alreadydiscussedabove. How, then, did they solve this paradoxof two conflictingtrends-the traditionalpriestly ideology (with significanthalakhic modifications) and the innovativenotions of substitutesfor the Temple cult?74 An interestingexplanationof thatparadoxwas proposedby F. Schmidt. He suggested that the sectarianssaw themselves as a communityin exile, like the People of Israel wanderingin the wilderness. In their view, the Temple could not actuallyatone since the heavenly glory no longerdwelled there(this is similarto what both Ezekiel and Josephus claimed regardingthe destructionof the first and second Temples). But this would not imply that the Temple and the sacrificialsystem are unnecessary.Consequently,the Qumranictendenciestowardsspiritualizingthe cult were intendedto be only temporary.75 74 Schwartz,Studiesin the Jewish Background of Christianity,19-24, points to this paradox,underscoringtwo oppositeQumranicnotions of (priestly)descent.According to his view, althoughthe sectariansdid not rejectthe concept of the Temple, the persistence of its substitutesfor more than a centuryprobablyled to their adjustmentto living withouta Temple. (Paris:Les Editions 75 F. Schmidt,La pensee du Temple:de Jerusalema Qoumracn du Seuil, 1994) 134-41. Cf. Schwartz, Studies in the Jewish Background of Christianity,37-38. For the Qumranicself-image of exiled communitysee esp. IQM 1:3 ("whenthe exiles, the Sons of Light, returnfrom the wildernessof the peoples"). For the "house of exile" of the Teacherof Righteousand his followers see lQpHab 11:4-9. For the general sense of exile see CD 1:4-8; IQHa 12:9-10 (Sukenik4:8-9). Cf. CD 7:14-16. For God's desertionof the Temple,see Ezek. 10; 11:22-23; Josephus, War 5:367, 412. Ezek. 11:16 also describedthe substitutionfor the Temple (01p?e MM)duringthe exilic period,as well as the restorationof the Temple(Ezek. 20:40-43) and it is possible that these prophecieshave influencedthis Qumranicnotion. Schmidt (La pensee du Temple, 130-43, 153-56 with furtherbibliography)concludedthat the perceptionof a "humanTemple"in 4Q174 Florilegiumwas only temporalwhereasthe sectarianshoped for a new Temple in Jerusalem(cf. La pensee du Temple, 158-83 regarding"le Temple aux douze portes").Thus Schmidtadmits that "Le succes rencontr6 par cette theorie spiritualisanteest dfi avant tout a sa perspectivechristianocentr6e.. ." (La pensee du Temple,133). For a denial of the literaryevidence of the notion of the "humanTemple"see D.R. Schwartz,"The Three Temples of 4QFlorilegium"RevQ 10 (1979-81) 83-89; idem, "To Join Oneself to the House of Judah (DamascusDocumentIV, 11),"RevQ 10 (1979-81) 435-46.
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The exile from the wickednessof Jerusalem(cf. lQpHab 10:9-10) to the wilderness of justice and righteousnessmay explain why the sectariansused certainalternativeritualsin orderto attainatonement, holiness, and religious experience.As J.Z. Smith has pointedout, the exile from what he termed"the holy center,"from the place of closeness to God, is a chaotic situation.The religious catastropheof exile, however,is partlyovercomeby ritualsthat create sacredmomentsand experiences, and transformholiness from its exilic dwelling. Thus, these rituals constitutea virtualand temporaryholy center.76Smith's observationshouldbe appliedto Qumran,where ritualsactuallyestablished the communallife,77especially in the realms of moral purity and ritual purity. In order to demonstratethe place of the ritualsof moral purityas well as ritual purity in community life, I will present only a few examples. The performanceof moralityand the accompanyingmoral purity played a central part in the daily life of the Qumrancommunity and its organization.Many judicial scenes and ceremonieswere taken over by the community'sassembly (D'11l M irn), such as the stages of observingthe characterof a novice and differentlegal procedures against transgressingmembers. In these rituals, the moral purity of novices and memberswas thoroughlyexamined, and those who proved to be unjust or incapableof behaving in a truthfulway were excluded (at least partly)from the communityor punishedby a reductionof their food supply. Anotherimportantceremonywas the annual entry into the covenant, which included the blessings of the priests and the curses of the Levites. During this ritualistic perfor76
J.Z. Smith, "Earth and Gods," Map is Not Territory: Studies in the History of Reli-
gion (SJLA 23; Leiden:Brill, 1978) 119-28. For the essentialityof the holy centerfor maintainingcosmic order,especially by ritualsin the Temple, see Smith, "Earthand Gods," 112-19. Cf. also F.H. Gorman, The Ideology of Ritual: Space, Time and Status
in the Priestly Theology(JSOTSup91; Sheffield:SheffieldAcademicPress, 1990). As E. Durkheimhas alreadystressed,ritual separatesthe individualfrom everydayreality. It sets a sacred realm and sharplydelineatesit from the defiling elementsof the profane. See E. Durkheim, Elementary Forms of the Religious Life (trans. J.W. Swain;
London:George Allen and Unwin, 1915). I believe that Smith's theory may set an alternativeexplanationfor the sectarian'sself image as "a dwelling place for the holy of holies"(IQS 8:8), or "a house of holies for Israeland of the holy of holies in Israel for Aharon"(IQS 8:5-6). It shouldbe mentionedthat Smithwas stimulatedby the rituals of Lurianickabbalah.This fact may illustratethat viewing the holy communityin Qumranas a "humanTemple"is a misunderstanding of the exilic religiousexperience. " Anothersubstitutefor the Temple cult, in additionto moralbehaviorand prayer, is the angelic liturgy."Thedistinctiveinterestof the communityin the angelic liturgy, and the belief in presentfellowshipwith the angels, can be understoodin large partas compensationfor the loss of participationin the temple cult" (Collins,Apocalypticism in the Dead Sea Scrolls, 155).
ABOMINATED TEMPLE AND A HOLY COMMUNITY
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mance, the righteousnessof the memberswas publicly declared.78 The most fundamentalmanifestationof the rituals of moral purity is the ablutionin "the holy spirit."Here moral behavior(in its broadest definition)is mandatoryin orderto be purifiedby "the holy spirit": For it is by the spirit of the true counsel of God that he (the member)can be cleansedfrom all his iniquities.It is by an uprightand humblespiritthat his sins can be atoned.It is by humblinghis soul to all God's statutes,that his flesh can be cleansed, by sprinklingwith waters of purification(71iZ 'rn),and by sanctifying himself with waters of purity(IM-1TC).May he establishhis steps for walking perfectlyin all God's ways, as he commandedat the appointedtimes of his fixed times, and not turn aside, to the right or to the left, and not transgressa single one of all his commands.Then he will be acceptedby an agreeableatonement before God, and it shall be unto him a covenant of the everlasting(V7: C'0t1.v
Inn).79
Accordingto this passage, expiationand redemptionwithin the "everlasting covenant"is attainedthroughmoral repentanceand religious commitmentto the heavenly precepts,as well as ritualbodily immersion in "the waters of purification."This act of purificationis practiced during bodily immersionin a fresh water spring or ritual bath (Mlpn),and thus the internal,spiritual,and individualreligious act is publiclyobservedby other members.Moreover,several texts testify to a daily communalpracticeof bodily ablutionin "the holy spirit"(see below). The assemblies,the entryinto the covenant,and especially the ablution in "the holy spirit" maintain the moral characterof the community and display the pure behavior of its members.80They are all 78 For the judicial procedures see nn. 69, 71-72. For the entry into the covenant,see IQS 1:16-2:25/4QSccol. 2 (moral purity/impurityexplicitly appearsin this passage only in relationto one who refusesto enterthecovenant,see nextnote);Conway,"Towards a Well-FormedSubject."For an updatedsurvey, cf. C. Hempel, "CommunityStructures in the Dead Sea Scrolls:Admission,Organization,DisciplinaryProcedures,"The
Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years (eds P.W. Flint and J.C. Vanderkam; Leiden: Brill,
1999) 2.77-92. 79 IQS 3:6-12. See also the parallelin 4QSacol. 2; 4QSc col. 3. For the interpretation of this passage and its parallels within and outside Qumran,see D. Flusser, Judaismand the Originsof Christianity(Jerusalem:MagnesPress, 1988) 54-60; idem, "John'sBaptism and the Dead Sea Sect," 89-102. A complete contrapositionto this attainmentof the holy spirit appearsin IQS 3:3-6/4QSb 1 ii in relationto one who refuses to enter (or despises entering)the covenant.Here it is stressedthat "he cannot be purifiedby atonementnor be cleansed by waters of purification.Unclean, unclean is he as long as he rejectsthe judgmentof God so that he cannotbe instructedwithin the Communityof his counsel." 10Note that the entry into the covenantand purificationthroughthe "holy spirit"is not attestedto in the early versions of the CommunityRule, 4QSd and 4QSe (Metso, The TextualDevelopment,145). Consequently,these moral liturgies probablydeveloped in a later period.
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public and ceremonialdemonstrationsof "the perfectof the Way (are as) a pleasing freewill offering"that is supposedto atone for the sectarians'sins and to create sanctityamong them. In a way, these moral liturgies may be viewed as creating a new holy center or at least a sacred realm. Moreover,such moral rituals have a significantsocial function. They strengthenthe communal moral order, illustrate the value of moral purityin a symbolic fashion, and also implementit as a way of reconstructingsocial relations.8'Althoughthis may explain the sectarians'need to performritualsof morality,the fact that these rituals are the main subject of the CommunityRule still raises an intriguingquestion:why was the Qumrancommunityso obsessively concentratedon the moral level of its members? I suggest that the tense social atmospherecontributedto this unusualsituation.TheQumransectarianslivedin a constantstateof polemic and felt stronghostility towardsthe people outside the sect. They suffered from the dissentionof members;some of these "traitors"might even have joined competinggroupsor sects. These situationsare quite familiar from modem sects in North America.82Under such circumstances, the special distinctionof the morality of the memberscontributedto the cohesion of the sect and the sectarianself-identityof its membersas being morally pure, as opposed to the men of Belial. The penal measures taken against transgressors and the rigorous examinationof novices were also needed in order to detect members who were not loyal enough to the community'sideology, and even Therefore,not only moral rituals, but also cerepotentialdeserters.83 81
For this understandingof ritual as reinforcing moral order, see Wuthnow,
Meaning and Moral Order, 156. 82 For traitorsand dissenterswho turnedaway from the Teacherof Righteous,see CD 8:20, 13:20; lQpHab 2:1-10; 5:9-12. Cf. J. MurphyO'Connor,"The Essenes and TheirHistory,"RB81 (1974)215-44, esp. 233-38; Jeremias,Der LehrerderGerechtigkeit,
79-126. Compare also Coser, The Functions of Social Conflict, 100-4. For the danger
of fractionalizationin modernsectariangroups,see S.J. Stein, The ShakerExperience in America(New Haven and London:Yale UniversityPress, 1992) index, s.v. apostates; C.W. Redekop,MennoniteSociety (Baltimore:Johns HopkinsUniversityPress, 1989) 261-65; J.A. Hostetler,HutteriteSociety (Baltimoreand London:John Hopkins UniversityPress, 1997) 255-83. Cf. also n. 90 below. 83 An insightfulexampleof such a connectionbetween socio-religiouspolemic and "penalliturgy"that draws the moral boundaryof the communityis the witch trials in Salem, Massachusettsin the 17th century.These were collective ritualsthat emerged in responseto a 'boundarycrisis"in the moralorderof the Massachusettscolony. K.T. Eriksonhas maintained,following Durkheim,that collectivitydevelopscollective identity that defines boundariesof membership(namely, a variety of collective values, definitions,and relations)and distinguishesthe collectivityfrom outsiders.When these authoremergeregardingmembership, boundarieschangeorbecomeblurred,uncertainties ity, and sharedvalues. Hereticsand witches only symbolizethese boundariesas they
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monies and the performanceof moral purity strengthenedthe collectivity of the Qumrancommunity. 7. The Performanceof Ritual Purity in "TheHoly Community" The sectarians'extraordinarilyscrupulousobservanceof the laws of ritual puritywas not confined only to the Temple and the sacrificial system.As 4Q DamascusDocumentfragmentsandother4Q textsdemonstrate,the membersof the communitywere extremelycautiousregarding bodily impurityin theirdaily life, such as skin disease and seminal discharge.This is also attestedto in the archaeologicalexcavationsat KhirbetQumran.Ten ritual baths, more than two hundredfragments of stone vessels (that are not susceptibleto impurity),and the fact that most of the Qumranicpottery was manufacturedby the sectarians themselvesat the site all testify to their strict adherenceto boundaries of ritual purity.84 The ritualsof bodily purityhad special religious value in the communal life of the Qumransectarians.Purificationwas followed by a special blessing or prayer(while the cleansed person was still standing in the water) and certaincompositionsalso attestedto communal The aimof thesepurificationritualswas "purity purificationceremonies.85 representways of violating or transgressingshared values. The ritual serves as an occasion for clarifying collective boundariesand provides an object lesson to those who might be inclined to violate these boundaries. See K.T. Erikson, Wayward Puritans:A Siudy in the Sociology of Deviance (New York:Wiley, 1966). For "penal liturgies,"cf. M. Foucault,Discipline and Punish (Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1977). "274-2784QToharotA-C," in J.M.Baumgarten et al., Qumran 14See J.M.Baumgarten, Cave 4XXV: HalakhicTexts (DJD 35; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1999) 79-122; idem, "The4QZadokiteFragmentson SkinDisease,"JJS41 (1990) 153-65; idem,"ZabImpurity in Qumran and Rabbinic Law," JJS 45 (1994) 273-77; idem, "Liquids and Susceptibilityto Defilementin New 4Q Texts,"JQR 84 (1994) 91-101. See also the practiceof gradualpurification(impurepeople practiceablutionand thus obtain partial purificationin orderto eat non-sacredfood, pray and study, since these activities demanda certaindegree of sacredness)in Regev, "PureIndividualism,"177-80, 185, of the Qumranritualbaths, see E. Regev, 188-89. For a socio-halakhicinterpretation "RitualBaths of Jewish Groups and Sects in the Second Temple Period"(Hebrew), Forstonevessels(also in EinFeshkhah, Cathedra79 (1996)3-21 withfurtherbibliography. anothersite of the community),see the discussion and bibliographyin Regev, "Pure Individualism,"181-84. For the ceramic selection, see J. Magness, "The Community at Qumranin Light of Its Pottery,"Methodsof Investigationof the Dead Sea Scrolls and the KhirbetQumranSite: PresentRealitiesand FutureProspects (eds M.O. Wise et al.; Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 722; New York: New York Academyof Sciences, 1994) 39-50. 85 J.M. Baumgarten,"The PurificationLiturgies,"The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years,2.200-12 and bibliography,discussing4Q284, 4Q414, and 4Q512. 4Q414 and 4Q512 make special referenceto purityin relationto festivals. Cf. also E. Eshel, "4Q Ritual PurificationA," DJD 35.135-54.
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of truth/righteousness, or ratherto attain "a holy spirit."Thus, ritual purity (along with moral behavior) was essential in order to achieve the degree of individualsanctity called "the holy spirit."As was mentionedabove, the result is that this "holy spirit"also purified the person's soul from guilt and promised him atonement.87Ritual purity was also maintained in the communal meals,88from which novices and certainoffenderswere not permittedto participate.Indeed, the Qumransectariansfundamentallyfollowed the well-knownaxiom that holiness requiresritual/bodilypurity.89 All this has a religiousand social significancefor the persistenceof sectarian activity, a point that has not been clarified before. The adherenceto strict ritual purity during the assemblies and the communal meals was certainlymeant as a way of pursuingsacrednessin religiousexperience,or rather,to createa new holy centerin a state of exile from the Temple. The performanceof ritual purityin the daily life of the communityhas, however,additionalsocial implications.As in the case of moral purity,the frequentritualsin which the members of the communityparticipatedcontributedto their solidarityand selfidentity.This fact is extremely significantin a sectarianorganization that might be split due to controversiesregardingleadership,theological interpretation,and communal regulations."Under these fragile Baumgarten,"The PurificationLiturgies,"202. qualitiesin For pursuingboth bodily purityas well as appropriatemoral/spiritual order to accomplishthe stage of the holy spirit, see IQS 3:6-12, 4:20-22; Flusser, "ThePurification Liturgies," "John'sBaptismandtheDeadSea Sect,"84-93; Baumgarten, 207-11. beforethe meal, see lQS 5:13/4QSd1:7-8 (cf. Josephus'description 88 For immersion of the Essenes in War 2.129); Hempel,"CommunityStructures,"85-86 and bibliography. This is also attestedto in the ritualbathnearthe diningroom in KhirbetQumran. 89 Cf. the discussion and bibliographyin Schmidt,La pensee du Temple, 142-88. Note there is no need to conclude that the sectariansview their communalcenter at KhirbetQumran(or in any otherdwelling)as a sacredlocus or a spatialsubstitutefor the Temple in Jerusalem.Interestingly,Schmidt discerns differentstages of purity/ sacrednesswithin the community(La pensee du Temple,143-57, and fig. 6 on p. 155), but unfortunatelyfails to distinguishbetween ritual (bodily) purityand moral purity which is essential to the understandingof the Qumranicorganizationand theology. Thus, he sees the communalassemblies as the most sanctifiedinstitutionor activity (La pens&edu Temple, 152-54) but does not notice the fact that the restrictionsconcerning the assemblies are related to adequatebehavior and not ritual purity (lQS 6:10-13, 7:11-12, 13-15). 9 Awarenessof this sectariantension is to be found in MurphyO'Connor'stextual "TheEssenes criticismof IQS and CD ("Lagenbselitterairede la regle communaute"; and Their History"and his earlier studies on CD cited there), and especially in A.I. 86 17
Baumgarten, The Flourishing of Jewish Sects in the Maccabean Era: An Interpretation
(JSJSup55; Leiden:Brill, 1997), esp. 152-87, where he examinedthe developmentof
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social circumstances,ritualsare extremelyeffective, since they reconstruct social relationsthrougha symbolic or expressive dimensionof behavior.Throughritual, the actors' roles and obligationsare dramatized.9"Thus, it is noteworthythat ritual is most likely to occur in situations of social uncertainty(e.g., regardingthe community'sshared values).92The sectarians' common religious goal of atonement and their unique way of life was dramatizedconstantly,giving an actual setting for ideas and beliefs. In a certainsense, rituals-of both ritual and moral purity-were the ties that continuedto bind the community togetherin spite of the internaldifficultiesand the externalthreats. Conclusion
MMT is a compositionthat was meant to discuss the problemof the impurityand desecrationof the Temple. While section B of MMT discusses the halakhic issues of ritual impurity,section C deals with moral impurity.This conclusion leads to a new understandingof the developmentof the ideology of purity in Qumran.In the beginning, the Qumransectariansdid not see the ritual impurityin the Temple as a casus belli with the Temple institutions.At this point, they still had not completelywithdrawnfrom the Jewish society, as can be seen from their attemptto persuadethe addresseeof MMT to change the was to return cultic system. Theiraim, accordingto my understanding, to Jerusalemand to participatein the Temple cult. The total rupture occurrednot much later, as the pesharimand CD show. Accordingto my interpretation,this resulted from the sectarians' belief that the Temple authorities,especially the Wicked Priest,were corruptand sinful, and consequently that the Temple itself was defiled by moral impuritythat could not be cleansed by ritual act. At this point, there was no one to negotiatewith, and the Temple cult became (temporarily) irrelevant. Section C of MMT testifies that even before this complete separation, moral sins and moral impuritysufficedfor the authorsto restrict themselvesfrom the groupof "the multitudeof the People."Therefore, it seems that the concept of moral impurityshaped their social life millenarianviews in light of comparativeevidence. For furthercomparativeevidence regardingthe fractions within the Shakers, the Hutterites,and the Mennonites,see n. 82 above. 9' See Wuthnow,Meaningand Moral Order,97-144, esp. 101, 123, 129-32. 92 Cf. V. Turner, Dramas, Fields, and Metaphors: Symbolic Action in Human Society (Ithaca,NY: CornellUniversityPress, 1974).
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from the very beginning.Indeed, the comparisonbetween MMT and later compositionsillustrateshow the Qumrancommunitywas gradually transformed froma Reformativegroup,tryingto influencethebroader society and to integrateinto it, to an Introversionistsect that completely rejectedthe outside world.93Moral impuritywas not an excuse or a reflexiveexplanationfor the separationfrom the rest of the Jews. It consisted of a real substance that led the sectarians to extreme social positions. But this is only half of the story. The sectariansdid not just condemn and reject. They also createdan alternativeway of life, building a system of holiness and social life accordingto their own moral standardsand social needs. In light of the previousconclusionsconcerning the Qumranicpolemics on puritymatters,a new understanding of the ritualsand regulationsof moraland ritualpurityin Qumran emerges. By using conceptionstaken from comparativereligion and sociology, I have illustratedthat these ritualsand regulationswere the key for all that the sectarianshad ever desired-atonement and sanctity. Moreover,these practiceshad the significantsocial function of maintainingthe group's cohesion and remindingthe membersof what ties them together. All this may serve as a test-case for the role of ritualpurity,moral behavior,and moral purity/impurityfor the social and religious formation of communities.
93 For Reformativeand Introversionist sects, cf. B. Wilson, "An Analysis of Sect Development,"AmericanSociological Review 24 (1959) 3-15, followed by Baumgarten,Flourishing,13-15.
BOOK REVIEWS The Dead Sea Scrolls. Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. Pseudepigraphic and Non-Masoretic Psalms
and Prayers, by James H. Charlesworthand Henry W.L. Rietz (eds), with P.W. Flint, D.T. Olson, J.A. Sanders,E.M. Schuller, and R.E. Whitaker.The PrincetonTheologicalSeminaryDead Sea ScrollsProject4A. Tiibingen:J.C.B.Mohr(PaulSiebeck);Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 1997. Pp. xxiii + 296. Price: ?109.00/$125.00. ISBN 3-16-146649-7 (Mohr); 0-664-22060-6 (WJK). Among the Dead Sea Scrolls is a rich corpus of "liturgical"works thatprovidesveryimportantevidencefortheearlydevelopmentof Jewish prayer.Three volumes in the PrincetonTheological Seminary Dead Sea ScrollsProjectaredevotedto thiscorpus.Thepresentvolumeincludes various psalms not found in the Masoretic canon and prayers for specific occasions (festivals, days of the week, days of a month,exorcisms). Volume 4B (1999) treats the Songs of the SabbathSacrifice, and volume 5 (anticipated)will includethe ThanksgivingHymns, and various other blessings, prayers,and songs. As usual for the series, the volume providesintroductionsfor each text, transcriptionsand translationson facing pages, and critical notes that especially indicate paralleltexts. The transcriptionsaim as much as possible at a graphiclayout similarto that in the Discoveries in the Judaean Desert series, but in a much more convenient format for general study. No photographsare provided. There is no apparent principleof orderto the volume: texts are not arrangedby genre, text numberor editor. For convenience, this review will discuss the editions of psalms first, then the editions of prayers. The first work treated in the volume is a collection of Qumran PseudepigraphicPsalms (4Q380 and 4Q381), edited by E. Schuller, who also published the editio princeps (Non-Canonical Psalms from
Qumran [HSS 28; Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1986]) as well as the official edition in DJD 11 (Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1998). Both manuscripts contain a collection of similar psalms otherwise unknown. ?) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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Only portionsof the psalms survive,some preservingpseudepigraphic attributions:in 4Q381 are psalms attributedto Manasseh(but different from the Prayer of Manasseh in the Apocrypha), a king of Judah (name lost, possibly Hezekiah), and an unnamed Man of God; in 4Q380 is a psalm attributedto Obadiah.Althoughthere is no actual overlappingcontentbetweenthe two manuscriptsand they are written in two differenthands,Schullerthinksit likely that they representtwo copies of a single collection of psalms. If so, "the whole work can be seen as a non-Davidiccollection, perhapseven as a supplementto the biblical psalter"(p. 2). Schuller finds no evidence of distinctivesectariantheology or ideology, and considersthe psalms to be witnesses to prayerand piety in second temple Judaismmore broadly.There is a considerableuse of language from the biblical psalms, but in variant forms not attestedin the MT or otherversions.A particularlyhelpful featureof this edition is that the footnotesprovidethe Hebrewtext of such parallels for easy comparison. In this edition, Schuller includes almost no comments on the reconstructionor orderingof the fragments,as this remainshighly conjectural;the readershouldunderstandthatfragmentsarepresentedmerelyin theorderof numbersassigned to them and that this does not imply their actual relationshipto each other (for a full discussion,one must refer to Non-CanonicalPsalms, AppendixA). The transcriptionis essentially identicalto that in DJD 11, with only a few very minor differences. J.A. Sanders published the editio princeps of the largest Psalms Scroll from Qumran(1 1Q5) in 1965 (DJD 4). In this volume he provides editions of sixteen non-masoretic psalms appearing in four psalms scrolls found at Qumran (4Q88, 11Q5, 11Q6 and 1lQl 1). First, there are five psalms previouslyknown only from ancienttranslations, all found in 1lQ5: Psalms 151A, 151B, 154 and 155, and Sirach 51:13ff. In each case, 1lQ5 provides a close witness to the original Hebrew. Sanders presents each of these psalms first in the form of its appearancein 11Q5 and then very helpfully in parallel columns with the ancient versions (Greek [Septuagint]:Psalm 151, Sir. 51:13ff.; Syriac:Psalms 151, 154, 155). Second, there are eleven psalms previously unknown: "A Doxology" based on Psalm 118 (11Q5, 11Q6), Plea for Deliverance (11Q5, 11Q6), Hymn to the Creator(11Q5),Apostropheto Zion(1 1Q5,4Q88),David'sCompositions (1lQ5), EschatologicalHymn (4Q88), Apostropheto Judah (4Q88), and four apotropaicpsalms that Sandersbelieves constitute"A Liturgy for Healing the Stricken"(1 IQI 1; the last of these is a version of
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Psalm 91). The criticalnotes are particularlyvaluable,includingmany reconstructionsproposedby other scholars. P. Flint, co-editorof some of the Psalms scrolls for the DJD series (DJD 16, 2000), provides an edition of a fragment of Psalm 89 (4Q236 = 4QPs89) in a version differentfrom the Masoreticcanon. It has a differentorderingof cola, as well as some other textual differences. In additionto the usual transcriptionand translation,Flint adds a separate layout of the text by cola in synoptic columns with the MasoreticPsalm 89, and markssignificantvariantsby underlinednote numbers.Flint agrees with J.T. Milik's view that 4QPs89 "preserves one of the sourcesof Psalm 89, or is a very early form of this Psalm" (p. 41). A very welcome appendixto the volume by Flint summarizes thecontentsandimportantfeaturesof the PsalmsScrollsfromtheJudaean Desert. Based on his comprehensive monograph (The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms [STDJ 17; Leiden: Brill, 1997]), this is a remarkablysuccinct and authoritativecatalogue(now in need of minor amendmentin light of DJD 16). Three collections of prayersare included in this volume. The first of these is a collection of Prayersfor Festivals, for which there are four fragmentarymanuscriptsextant. Only two designationsare preserved, which indicate prayers for the Day of Atonement and First Fruits (festival of Weeks), but probablythe collection includedprayers for the festivals throughoutthe Jewish year. J.H. Charlesworth provided the edition of
lQ3434bis,
and D. Olson provided the edi-
tions for 4Q507-509. This results in a subtle disjuncture because Charlesworthadopts the reconstructionof 1Q34-34bis proposedby J. Carmignacand J. Trever,whereas the discussion of identifyingfestivals in 4Q507-509 relies on M. Baillet who based his argumentson a different arrangement of lQ3434bis (DJD 7, 178). Furthermore, the reconstruction of 1Q34-34bis followed here is likely to cause confusion
among readerswho attemptto locate the references,because it differs from the conventionfollowed in DJD 1 and 7, and most translations. All of the fragmentsassigned to lQ3434bis constituteonly two units of contiguousfragments;the usual conventionsince DJD 1 has been to refer to frags 1 + 2 and frag. 3, cols 1 and 2. Charlesworthrefers to this latterfragmentas frags 3-5. His frag. 3 correspondsto frag. 3, col. 1, and his frags 4-5 correspondto frag. 3, col. 2. Moreover,following Treverand Carmignac,he regardsfrags 1 + 2 as belonging to the right-handportionof the same column as frag. 3 (= frag. 3, col. 1); this means that the line numbersfor these fragmentsdiffer from
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those in DJD and most translations(e.g., frags 1-3 line 9 [p. 46, n. 2] correspondsto frags 1-2 line 2 in most editions).There are certainly argumentsto commendthe reconstructionfollowed here, and it is valuable to have an accessible edition that representsit. On the other hand, it introducesthe possibilityof confusion. The editorsexpress the view that these prayers"probablyoriginated within the QumranCommunity,"and theircommentaryto the translation is particularlyvaluable for explainingthe prayersin the light of this theory.In the end I am still not convincedby this view: the arguments listed in favor of a Qumranorigin include some languageand ideas that are also found in Qumransectariantexts, but truly distinctive features are lacking. Moreover, these prayers are very closely related in form and style to the Words of the Lights, which in terms of contentand date are generallyregardedto be pre-Qumranin origin. The transcriptionsare essentiallythe same as that in the editioprinceps in DJD 7, but more conservativeaboutofferingrestorations.They do not include Baillet's restorationsbased on overlaps between the different copies (e.g., 4Q508 frag. 2); rather they indicate possible overlapsand parallelsin the criticalnotes. This is probablythe wisest choice as it does not prejudicethe reader.One correctionshould be noted: at IQ34-34biS 1-3 5 [= 1 + 2 2] one should read ITmIIeV "our dispersedones" (as clear from the parallelin 4Q509 3 4; see DJD 7. 186) ratherthanIlYT110"oursouls." In the light of this, fl1pfnn cannot mean "the solstitialpoint"as the editorsemphasize(p. 48), but rather is probablya reference to the turningof the age with an expected returnof the dispersed. Olson providedthe edition for a collection of prayersfor days of the week entitledWords of the Lights, one of the few scrolls to bear a survivingtitle. Olson discusses differentpossibilitiesfor the meaning of the title: "The Liturgies(accordingto the Cycle of Heavenly) Lights"or,understanding "Lights"as a referenceto priestlyintermediaries, of the Priests."Following E. Chazon,Olson "Words/Prayers/Liturgies believes that these prayerswere probablynot composedby the community at Qumran,but inheritedand used by them. There are three problemswith the presentationof the text. First,Olson follows Baillet in listing three copies of this work: 4Q504, 4Q505, and 4Q506. Following the review of DJD 7 by F. Garcia Martfnez(JSJ 15 [1984]: 161-62), it is now generallyacceptedthat 4Q505 is not a copy of this work, but rather part of 4Q509 Prayers for Festivals. Second, this edition presentsthe fragmentsof 4Q504 in the order tentativelypro-
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posed by Baillet (DJD 7.138). This has been shown to be in error: independentreconstructionsby E. Puech (RB 95 [1988]: 404-11) and H. Stegemann(presentedwith refinementsby E. Chazonin her unpublished dissertation,Hebrew University, 1991; see RevQ [19921:44755) have establishedthe correctorder of fragmentswith a very high degree of probability,and this should be adoptedin currenteditions (as it is, e.g., in The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition, ed. F. Garcia Martinezand E. Tigchelaar)unless there are compellingargumentsto the contrary.Third,there does not appearto be any attemptto incorporate into the transcriptionthe many convincing restorationsproposed by Puech and Chazon. The edition offered here, then, is basically a faithfulreflectionof the editio princeps by Baillet in 1982; this in itself may be helpful to English-onlyreaderssince Baillet's edition was in French,but it must be kept in mind that this edition does not represent the text as currently understood and discussed by experts. The notes to the transcriptionand translationconveniently provideparallelsto biblical texts and the differentmanuscripts. The last text includedis a single fragmentarymanuscriptof a collection of Daily Prayers(4Q503). Olson's edition once again faithfully representsBaillet's editio princeps (DJD 7). This is not as problematic as it is for Words of the Lights, because much less advancehas been made with Daily Prayers.Still, frags 1-6 cannot belong together in a single column providingthe prayersfor days four to six as proposed by Baillet and followed by Olson. J. Baumgarten(mentionedby Olson, p. 235) recognizedthat frags 2-3 belong ratherto the prayers for days fourteenand fifteen.Frag. 1 also belongs with these in col. 7, while frag. 4 belongs to the prayerfor day six in col. 3 (Falk, Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls [STDJ 27; Leiden: Brill, 1996], 29-35). The authorshipof these prayersis still debated;to Olson, the languagesuggests compositionat Qumran,and if so, the referencesto the moon and the sun for dating the prayers indicatethat the liturgicalcalendarof the Qumrancommunitywas not exclusively solar, but intercalatedwith the lunarcycle. The principalvalue of this volume will be for its editions of the psalms, which are up-to-dateand authoritativeeditions producedby top experts on these texts. The editions of the prayers are reliable representationsof the editio princeps, but not authoritativeguides to current scholarship. This volume, as with the series generally, is unparalleledfor its elegant presentationof texts with translationsin a formatto facilitateconvenientcomparisons,andforits succinctsummary
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of the data most importantfor interpretingthe texts. It lacks the photographic plates and the technical data necessary for specialized research,but is very handy as a workbook.As such, it is of most use to studentsand non-specialistscholars. Universityof Oregon
DANIEL FALK
The Complete World of the Dead Sea Scrolls, by Philip R.
Davies, George J. Brooke, and Phillip R. Callaway. London: Thames& Hudson,2002. Pp. 216; 216 illustrations,84 in colour. Price:?24.95. ISBN 0-500-05111-9. This is a popularintroductionto the scrolls that has been designed to cater for the widest possible readership.It consists of five chapters. In the first the authorsrecountthe story of the discoveryand publication of the scrolls, with many details about the personalitiesinvolved and the controversiesof the last fifty years, and in the second they give a succinctdescriptionof the world in which the scrolls were produced (Jewish historyfrom the exile to Bar Kokhba,Jewish religious life, and Jewish parties and sects). The core of the work, to which more than eighty pages is devoted, consists of a list of all the scrolls and then of a discussion, cave by cave, of all the main non-biblical texts, both sectarian and non-sectarian,and of the issues raised by them. This is preceded by a brief description of the processes by which scrolls were manufacturedand preparedfor use, and of scripts and writing styles; by a discussion of the dating of manuscriptsby palaeographicalmethodsand by Carbon-14testing, and of the merits and limitations of the two methods; and by an explanation of the materialreconstructionof manuscripts.A descriptionof the Qumran settlementand of the results of the excavationof the site follows in the fourth chapter as the basis for a discussion of the relationship between the scrolls, the caves, and the ruins, and of the question which group occupied the site. Finally, the significanceof the scrolls for Judaismand for Christianityis taken up in the concludingchapter, as well as the questionof who wrote the scrolls. The book, like others from this publisher,has been designed and writtento make it as attractiveas possible to the generalreader.The text is interspersedwith numeroustables and maps, and above all with illustrations(on which more below), and frequentlyparticulartopics (e.g., Josephus on the Sadducees; Zoroastrianismand the Scrolls; i KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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Crucifixion)are dealt with in special panels colouredyellow. The popular style should not, however, mislead, and the names of the authors are a guaranteeof the quality of the text. They have managedto say a greatdeal of commonsense aboutthe scrolls in a limited space, and they have some very shrewdand perceptivecommentsto make about many issues, both concerning individual texts and concerning the wider problemsthat they raise. The emphasis on the point that there are many questionsto which no certainanswerscan be given is a very welcome feature.As minorcriticisms,it should be said that occasionally there is a degree of repetitionin the text, while the fact that in the final stages of production the cross-references that had been intendedwere not inserted(e.g., on pp. 78-81) will hardly help the reader. The numerousillustrations,in monochromeandcolour,in partenhance the usefulnessof this work and in partdetractfrom it. The many photographs of the personalities involved in the study of the scrolls enliventhenarrative,andthenumerousphotographsof scrolls,of Qumran and other sites, of the excavations, and of artefactsand inscriptions from the ancient world are interesting and add to the value of the work. But the work is also illustratedwith reproductionsof numerous paintingsfrom the renaissanceand early modem periods, even down to Holman Hunt, by reproductionsfrom medieval manuscripts,by photographsdepicting religious practice in the contemporaryworld, and by photographssuch as that of the interiorof the Churchof the Holy Sepulchre.Illustrationslike this are no doubt intendedto make the work visually attractive,but they run the risk of giving a quite misleadingimpressionof the ancient world in which the scrolls were copied. To take one trivial example, the discussion of the War Scroll includes (p. 93) the comment:'The War Scroll describesbattle traditions that may well stem from the Maccabeanwars of the mid-2nd century BCE, as depicted by the 10th-centuryBook of Maccabees.' The illustrationof soldiers fighting that appears below this caption comes from a Leiden manuscriptand reflects entirely the conventions of the century in which it was produced,and one cannot help wondering how such a stylised picturefrom a period so much later than that of the War Scroll is meant to help the reader. The 'artist's impression' (from The National Geographic Magazine, 1958) of an
assembly of the communitymembersat Qumran(pp. 56-57) is, alas, reminiscentof the kind of picturesthat used to illustratescenes from the gospels in books intendedfor children. Notwithstandingwhat has just been said, it should be emphasised
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that this is overall a thoughtfuland helpful introductionto the scrolls that will be of use not just to the general readerand in schools, but also for introductoryundergraduate courses (where,however,it would very soon need supplementing).But it must be wondered for how much longer it will make sense from a scholarly point of view to write an introductiondevoted solely to the scrolls, and not ratherto the scrolls as part and parcel of the whole range of literaturethat has survivedfrom the latterpart of the Second Temple period. King's College London
MICHAEL A. KNIBB
'Al Kanfei Yonah, Collected Studies of Jonas C. Greenfieldon Semitic Philology, by Jonas Greenfield; edited by Shalom M. Paul, Michael E. Stone, and Avital Pinnick. Leiden: Brill, 2001. Pp. x + 572 (vol. 1); vi + 432 (vol. 2). Price: E171.00/$199.00. ISBN 90-04-12170-6. Jonas Greenfieldwas a man of both great learningand greatcharm, who was one of the few remaininggeneralSemitistsof his generation. As can be seen from the presentposthumouscollectionof his articles, Greenfieldhad an impressivecommandof Semitic philology, dealing with Bible, Qumran,Apocrypha,Rabbinics,the full range of Aramaic language and literatures,Ugaritic and Akkadian,as well as Greek. He also had close colleagues in all branchesof Semitic languages. However, since Greenfieldnever produceda major synthesis of his vast learning during his lifetime, these volumes will serve as a reminderof his many individualcontributionsto fields usually considered to be dominatedby specialists. The editorsshouldbe congratulatedfor collectingthis material,particularly with the indices providing the ancient sources upon which Greenfieldhad commented,and words he had discussed in his writings. Nevertheless,the indices are far from complete.A subjectindex would have been very welcome, as well as a note at the beginningof each individualchapterprovidingthe original bibliographicalsource of each article. A list of Greenfield'sarticles appearsat the end of vol. 2 (pp. 945ff.), but this is not particularlyconvenient for the reader,who may not have both volumes to hand at once. Furthermore, the list of articles (List of Sources)containsno referenceto the page numbersof the chaptersin the presentvolumes. Moreover,the articles ? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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have been photographicallyreproducedfrom their originaleditions, in original typographies,and the editors have made no attemptto add bibliographicalreferences, such as to studies published after Greenfield's death, or to correct Greenfield'sreferences to "forthcoming" articles which have now subsequentlyappeared.It is somewhatlamentable that the editors made no effort to bring referencesup to date, having gone to the troubleof collecting the material. I wish to focus on one general theme which Greenfielddiscussed in a numberof his studies concerningthe division of Aramaic into various dialects, such as Westernand EasternAramaic,and Standard LiteraryAramaic,which is now the subject of continuingdiscussion among Aramaic specialists. In one article, for instance, Greenfield noted that the "Proverbsof Ahiqar belong clearly to the Western dialect"(p. 114). Elsewhere,however, he was less sure of his ground, stating that the "frameworkstory of the Proverbsof Ahiqar"was in Eastern Aramaic, "while the proverbs themselves are written in a dialect which may be consideredWestern"(p. 234). Greenfield'sfinal comment on Ahiqar slightly altered this assessment:"the framework story is written in OfficialAramaicwhile the proverbsare written in WesternAramaic"(p. 365). One problemwith Greenfield'sanalysis is to find what criteriahe assigned to the identificationof Westernvs. EasternAramaic.In one footnote (p. 115), he describedvarious features of Official Aramaic which appearto be Easternratherthan Western,althoughone usually assigns OfficialAramaicto the Westernbranchof Aramaic.Similarly, in anotherstudy Greenfieldagreedwith E. Kutscher'sanalysis of "the Eastern origin of Biblical Aramaic as part of Reichsaramaisch" (p. 116). In any case, Greenfieldrecogniseda dialect which he called StandardLiteraryAramaic which was used in the West, although it too apparentlyoriginatedin the East (pp. 116-17, 157, 366). He later definedhis understandingof Official Aramaicas follows (p. 163): Official Aramaicwas the dialect of Aramaicused by the Babyloniansboth for local needs, replacingAkkadian,and for communicatingwith the Empirein the West.... One may assumethat StandardAramaicwas the basis of this language but that Easternfeatures of morphology,syntax, and vocabulary(with perhaps strongAkkadianinfluence)were prevalent.
This dialect was contrastedwith the HermopolisPapyri from Egypt, which Greenfield assumed to have the clear features of Western Aramaic,such as specific forms of the fem. sing. participle,adjective, passive suffix, and the infinitive of the haphel (causative) forms (pp.
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163-64, 364). The main distinguishingfeature of Western Aramaic was "the prefixingof all infinitiveforms with m-" (p. 365). We are left with an uneasy feeling that the linguistic boundaries between Official Aramaic, Western Aramaic, and StandardLiterary Aramaic are less than clear. The basis for distinguishing between these dialects is never fully explained,and many problemsin syntax remain unresolved when trying to define these dialects. Greenfield understood,however,that the distinctionbetweenOfficialAramaicand StandardLiteraryAramaic was not simply one of morphology,but genre; letters and documents were composed in Official Aramaic, while literatureappearsin its own standarddialect (p. 366). Nevertheless,it is still useful to remindourselvesabout the unique featuresof Aramaicin general which set the languageapartfrom its cognate Semitic languages.These featuresare: (1) Aramaicdevelops a tense system from an aspect verbal system. The participlebecomes used as a present tense in narratives,often in conjunctionwith the verb "to be" (hwy). The verb "to be" (hwy) is also used with the passive participleto express past time. (2) There is no niphal form for the passive or middle voices. (3) In later Easterndialects of Aramaic, the presenttense is formedby joining the participleto the independent personal(not suffix) pronounas an enclitic. It is the first of these points which is most significant.No grammar of Aramaic has yet explained this puzzling feature of Aramaic, namelythat Aramaicis the first Semitic languageto adopta tense system in place of a "completedaction"(perfect)vs. "incompleteaction" (imperfect)verbal structure.Verbaltense is a characteristicof Official Aramaicfrom Egypt, as well as Biblical Aramaic;none of these features appearsin Tell Fakhariyahor in pre-AchaemenidAramaictexts (see, for example,Greenfield,pp. 217ff.). (MishnaicHebrewis another example of a Semitic language using a tense system, but this probably derivedfrom Aramaic.)The point is that the participleitself serves as a main narrativeverb, ratherthan as a subordinateform, and that hwy can serve as an auxiliary verb plus a participle,as a narrative verbal form. Such uses of participles and copula are indicative of Indo-Europeanlanguagesratherthan Semitic syntax, and the suggestion must be entertainedthat this feature which appears in Achaemenid periodAramaictexts representsPersianinfluence.On the other hand, the thirdfeatureof Aramaic,combiningthe participlewith personal pronoun,may resemble AkkadianStative forms which can be fully conjugatedin all persons(e.g. sarraku,etc.).
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Furthermore,the issue of dialect becomes more complicatedwhen taking into account the so-called Aramaic Incantation from Uruk (discussed by Greenfield,pp. 367, 428), which is Aramaicwritten in cuneiformscript (now re-editedby the presentreviewer in collaboration with T. Kwasman, JEOL 35-36 [1997-2000]: 127-46). This tablet is likely to date from the Achaemenidperiod,and Kwasmanhas observedthat the text is consistentlyEasternAramaic,and similar in some featuresto later BabylonianTalmudicAramaic.The text shows Eastern Aramaic emphatic plurals, weakening of determination,and prepositional aleph (= 'a) for "on," in conjunction with Akkadian loanwords and weak laryngeals (e.g., 'ayin is not indicated in the script);see ibid., p. 128. How does one assess such a text in relation to the other dialect distinctionsproposedby Greenfield,e.g., Official Aramaic and StandardLiteraryAramaic, since this text has features which differ from both? SuchproblemsoccupiedGreenfield'sthinkingthroughouthis scholarly life, and one would have liked to be able to discuss these matterswith him still. Jonas Greenfieldreferredin his articles to a plannedlarger work on Aramaic,which never appeared,and his prematuredeathrepresents a great loss for Aramaic studies in general. The present collection of articles somewhatcompensatesus for that loss. UniversityCollege London
M.J. GELLER
The Dead Sea Scrolls: An Introductory Guide by Stephen Hodge.
London:Judy Piattkus(Publishers)Limited, 2001. Pp. v + 234. Price: ?16.99. ISBN 0-7499-2165-X. At first sight it seems somewhatironic that the "essentialguide to the origin, meaningand significance"(on the dust cover) of the Dead Sea Scrolls could be a two hundred-pagebook that might take only a day to read, especially since the authoris not a prominentQumran scholar. But StephenHodge, an independentresearcher,has managed to write a general introductionto the Dead Sea Scrolls for a broad audience.For the lay person who has heard of the scrolls and wants to know more about them, this book goes a long way to living up to its title, guiding the readerremarkablycompetentlythroughthe many years of scrolls research. Perhaps rather too optimistically, Hodge hopes that when readershave finished his book they will be able to C) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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decide certain questionableissues for themselves. More specifically, he outlines four goals. First, Hodge sought to write a book for a general audience-an audiencethat would recognizethe name "Dead Sea Scrolls"but have no real understandingof their date, meaning, or significance for Christianity and Judaism. With this in mind, the author gives a detailed account of the political and culturalbackgroundof Jewish society from 168 BCE to 70 CE so that readers will be familiar with
somethingof the strugglesof variousJewish groupsliving duringthis time. Hodge devotes one chapterto the historyof the Jews underthe rule of the Maccabeesand anotherchapterto the time of Romanoccupation. He mentions the crucial issue of the hereditaryoffice of the high priest and how some Jews may have believed that this office became corruptduring the Maccabeanperiod. The book contains a four-pageglossary of technicalterms, a two-page chronologicalchart and a suggested reading list for those who want to learn more. Although not thoroughlynuanced,Hodge certainlysucceeds in presenting the materialin an educativeand readablemanner. His second objective is to wade throughthe various theories and speculationsurroundingthe scrolls in order to give a balanced,nonpartisananswerto questionsabouttheirage, theirauthorshipand their importancefor Christianityand Judaism.He spends ten pages on the questionof dating,discussingin detail both palaeographicaland radiocarbon (C-14) dating methods. He concludes unsurprisinglythat the only certain statementto be made regardingthe dating of the scrolls is that they are neither medieval nor modern forgeries but genuine ancientdocuments.He is very criticalof the delays in the publication of the scrolls: he portraysa small band of Christianscholars who inappropriatelykept the scrolls hidden from the scholarly world for over twentyyears referringto certainaspectsof theirwork as "incompetentand careless"(p. 28). In describingthe role of B.-Z. Wacholder and M. Abegg in reconstructing some of the Scrolls from the PreliminaryConcordance,he makes the slip of referringto them as "two young researcherswith computerskills" (p. 32). He divides the scrolls into biblical, sectarian, non-sectarian,and unidentifiedcategories. Under the biblical category, Hodge states that besides the proto-Masoretictext of the Hebrew Bible, four other versions of the HebrewBible were discovered.While he only providesdetails of three of them, the "Qumranstyle" recension,the Samaritanrecension,and the Septuagintrecension,he mentionsthat a fifth "random"recension
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is also present.He appropriatelyspends six pages discussing 1 Enoch and its affinityto Qumransectarianbeliefs. When he moves on to discuss non-sectarianwritings,he associates the numberof copies found with the importanceof the work to the community,perhapsnot giving enough significanceto the accidentsof survival.Like many books publishedwith illustratedmaterialon the Scrolls, Hodge's book has an image printed of col. 35 of lQIsaa (p. 154). Unfortunately,the image appearsupside down and back to front. Hodge's thirdgoal is to make the Christianreadertake a fresh look at Jesus (whom he renames Yeshua) in his Jewish context. Hodge states that he tries to do this "withoutdisrespect intendedto Christians" (p. 6). However, he makes several sweeping and sometimes sarcastic comments about the Christianfaith in general and fundamentalist,evangelical Christianityspecifically.When he discusses the "Teachingof the Two Spirits,"he commentsthat a similar theory of predestinationis a tenet of "manyof today's fundamentalistor evangelical ChristianChurcheswhich are apparentlycontentto consign the greater part of humanity to eternal perdition in the fire of hell" (p. 113). Most scholarsagree that the importanceof the scrolls' material must be acknowledgedfor the light it casts upon the Judaismfrom which Jesus and his teachings emerged. Hodge thinks that much Gospel materialcontains ideas alien to Jewish thinking:for him, the Gospels were edited for later doctrinal reasons and attributed to Yeshua. But he does not suggest what type of Judaismwould find Jesus' teachings alien? Hodge seems to have slipped into another agenda here, one more concernedwith dismantlingcertain Christian dogmas and less concernedwith discoveringJesus' Jewishness. Finally, Hodge hopes that his readers, armed with the important facts, can draw their own conclusions.He has presentedhis material in such a way that one has to read to the end of the book in orderto discover his own position. Because he does this, his presentation indeedmakesreadersdecideissuesas theyencounterthem.Partlybecause of the limited scale of his presentation,overall Hodge is very selective in his treatmentof key authors and scholars who research and write on the scrolls. He claims to feature interviewswith the major scrolls scholars,but there is only significantreferenceto the works of H. Stegemann,R. Eisenman,G. Vermes, N. Golb, and L. Schiffman. Nonetheless,for a broadaudiencethe theoriesthese scholarsarticulate indeed representmuch of the wide variety of thoughtwithin the last fifty years of Qumranresearch.
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Qumranscholars know that they themselves should be responsible for the public disseminationof knowledgeabout the scrolls, but, with the misgivings noted above, StephenHodge has also successfullypresented a surprisingly articulate and factual discussion about the scrolls
from Qumran. Universityof Manchester
JENNIFER M. SHEPHERD
QumrdnGrotte4.XXII:TextesArameens,premierepartie 4Q529549, by Emile Puech. DJD 31. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 2001. Pp. xviii + 439; 22 plates. Price: ?80.00. ISBN 0-19-827026-7. The present volume contains the editio princeps of ten Aramaic works known only from Qumran.They form partof the lot originally entrustedto J. Starckyfor publicationand later transferredby him to Emile Puech. Most of these texts have been known for several years in various preliminaryforms and some of them have been subjected to intense discussion. However, the volume under review offers the first completeedition, freshly collated, of all the materialsassignedto these works. Not a few small fragmentsare publishedhere for the first time. The excellent photographsaccompanyingthe volume furnishan indispensabletool for verificationand furtherwork on the fragments. Thus, the new edition supersedespreviousones and subsequentstudy must take it into account.With the notes on readingand the informative commentsthe volume atteststo the labourand eruditionthatwent into it. The achievementis even more impressivegiven the varietyof the materialstreated,for each work involves a differentset of problems. Puech is to be thanked for the volume he has placed in the hands of the students of the Qumrandocuments, providing a solid basis for furtherinquiry. The volume includes the following works: the Words of Michael (4Q529), the Book of Giants (4Q203, 4Q530-533), the Birthof Noah (4Q534-536), the Testament of Jacob? (4Q537), the Testament of Judah(4Q538), the Testamentof Joseph (4Q539), the Apocryphonof Levi (4Q540-541), the Testamentof Qahat (4Q542), and the Visions of Amram(4Q543-549). The following remarksare intendedto contributeto the ongoing discussionof these difficulttexts.
C Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
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4Q529 The Words of Michael ar (pp. 1-8; pl. I) Mentioned briefly by Starcky nearly forty-five years ago (RB 73 [1956]: 66), 4Q529 has been known to the scholarlypublic from the passing referenceof Milik (J.T. Milik, The Books of Enoch [Oxford: ClarendonPress,1976],91). Itwas only in 1994,whenK. Beyerpublished his edition of the Aramaic texts from Qumran,that the full text of frag. 1 became known (cf. K. Beyer, Die aramdischen Texte vom Toten Meer: Ergdnzungsband[Gottingen:Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht, 1994], 127-8). However, Puech provides not only an editio princeps with photograph,but for the first time also a detailedcommentary.Of interestis frag. 1, which has preservedremainsof sixteen lines from the upperright part of the column. The survivingtext producesparts of a discourseby a seer describingwhat he saw, among other details nine mountains(lines 3-4), the archangelGabriel(line 4), perhapsthe flood or its aftermath(lines 7, 11-12), and the building of Jerusalem (line 9). The first line forms a title, apparentlymarkingof the beginning of a section. It mentionsa book whose contentsare relatedto the angels by the archangel Michael. Milik (ibid.) suggested that the visionaryis Enoch, given the similarityof the descriptionin lines 2-4 to 1 Enoch 14:8, 17:1, and 2 Enoch 20, a suggestion accepted by Puech. The identificationof the seer with Enoch is indeed plausible, given the similarityof certaindetails in this fragmentto the visions of Enoch. In fact, the peculiarcosmic characterof the places revealedto the seer is typical only of the Enochicvisions, as they are known from theEnochicwritings.Moreover,if thereferenceof lines7, 11-12 is indeed to the flood and is set in the future,the seer must be situatedbefore this event, and Enoch fits perfectlyinto such circumstances.If Enoch were really the speakerhere the fragmentwould then presenta passage from an unknownwork of the Enochic cycle, not identicalwith any known partof 1 Enoch. In such a case it is interestingto note that here Enoch beholds the futureJerusalemand probablythe Temple in a mannerdifferentfrom the known Enochic visions on the same topics in the Apocalypse of Weeks (1 Enoch 93:7-8) and the Animal Apocalypse (1 Enoch 89:49-50). Milik was also the first to suggest that the small papyrusfragments from Cave 6 (6Q23) came from anothercopy of the same work (first publishedby M. Baillet in Les 'petitesgrottes' de Qumran[M. Baillet, J.T. Milik, R. de Vaux; DJD 3; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1962], 138). This identificationis convincing,since it is based on the fact that the locutiont"'n " ("my lord, the sovereign"),which appearsfive times
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in 4Q529 1, occurs also in 6Q23 2 2, and probablyin 6Q23 I and 6Q23 2 3 as well. The full expressioncomes only in 4Q529: A-n ":Rtm'D("my lord, the eternalsovereign").Puech providescorrectedand supplementedreadingsto all the fragmentsof 6Q23. He dates 4Q529 to around50 BCE and 6Q23 to a date slightly later. But he rightly emphasizesthat 4Q529 is a copy and not an autograph,since the erasure of lettersin 4Q259 1 8 indicatesthe activityof copying.The date of composition must thereforeprecede the date of both 4Q529 and 6Q23. The publicationof Puech has opened the way for furtherstudy of 4Q529. For much is still to be done regardingthe backgroundand significanceof the preservedtext. Thus, e.g., the survivingwords in 4Q529 1 15 readR=mi7n RC= '5 ("forme the silver and the gold. . ."). This is a citationof Hag. 2:8 (ilrfl '7119 1 's).Interestinglyenough, TargumJonathangives a differentAramaictranslationof the verse:i7 mirl'brn1Re:. The comparisonof the two brings out the Hebraism of the expression in 4Q529. In the original context of Haggai's prophecy the verse is connected with the Temple. Thus, this line, incorporatingthe citationas it does, is undoubtedlyconnectedwith the Temple and thereforeshouldbe linkedwith the theme of Jerusalemin line 9. 4Q530-533, 4Q203 1: 4Q Book of GiantsIear(pp. 9-115) The so-called Book of Giantswas firstidentifiedby Milik (cf. idem, "Turfanet Qumran.Livre des Geantsjuif et manicheen,"in Tradition und Glaube. Das Fruihe Christentum in seiner Umwelt. Festgabe fur Karl Georg Kuhn zum 65. Geburtstag [ed. G. Jeremias, H.-W. Kuhn
and H. Stegemann;Gottingen:Vandenhoeck& Ruprecht,19711, 11728; idem, The Books of Enoch [Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1976], 298317). He noticed the identity of names appearingin certain Qumran Aramaicfragmentsand in fragmentsof an unknownManicheanwork, surviving in various Iranian dialects (identified by W.B. Henning, "The Book of Giants,"BSOAS 11 [1943-46], 52-74; for additional fragments,cf. W. Sundermann,6"Eineweiteres Fragmentesaus Manis Gigantenbuch,"Acta Iranica 23 [1984], 491-505). The Manichean work describesin detail the doings of the giants, the offspringof the union between the angels and the women. The Aramaic work from Qumran undoubtedly dealt with the same topic. But as noted by Puech, the Manicheanwork is not just a simple translationof the
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Aramaic(p. 12). Situatedbefore the flood this Book of Giants elaborates the enigmatic episode of Gen. 6:1-4 and is certainly familiar with the traditionsembeddedin 1 Enoch 6-11. The chief protagonists, appearingin both the Iranianand the QumranAramaicfragments,are Mahawiand Ohia, the giant sons of the sinful angel Barakiel.Mahawi undertakestwo journeys to paradiseto seek from Enoch the interpretationof the two visions revealedto the giants. The visions foretellthe coming flood and the annihilationof the giants, themes well known from the Enochic literature.The Book of Giants must have been one of the most popularwritingsin the libraryof Qumran,since nine, and possibly eleven, copies of it were identifiedamong the Qumranmanuscripts,all in Aramaic.Three copies come from the small caves of Qumran:1Q23, 2Q26, and 6Q8. Since the assignmentof 1Q23, 2Q26, and 6Q8 to the Book of Giants is certain, they were re-edited by L. Stuckenbruck,but unfortunatelyunderthe title EnochGiants(DJD 36, pp. 49-94). Stuckenbruckalso edited two copies from cave 4, 4Q203 and 4Q206 2-3, also underthe headingEnochGiants(DJD 36, pp. 8-48). Puechoffersan improvededitionof 4Q206 2-3 (pp. 111-13) and proposes to designate it 4Q206a, since the hand of these fragments differsfrom that of the other remainingfragmentsof this manuscript.Such a designationshould indeedbe adoptedin orderto avoid confusion, for the other fragments of 4Q206 belong to a copy of 1 Enoch (= 4QEnoche).Puech also notes that 4Q206a should not be confusedwith 4Q556 (as it is by Stuckenbruckin DJD 36, pp. 46-47, following Milik). 4Q556 is a copy of a differenttext, now entitled 4QVisionaar, to be edited by Puech in his second volume of Aramaic texts (in DJD 37; cf. The Texts from the Judaean Desert [ed. E. Tov;
DJD 39; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 2002], 74). In the presentvolume Puech edits four other copies of this work from Cave 4, and they are arrangedunderthe properheadingof the Book of Giants:4Q530-533. The total numberof securely identifiedcopies of the Book of Giants is then nine. This includes also 4Q203 1, which mentions Barakiel, one of the main figuresin the Book of Giants.Two othermanuscripts, 1Q24 and 6Q14, may be relatedto the Book of Giants. Of particularimportanceare Puech's palaeographicobservations. Puech establishesthat 4Q206 2-3 does not belong with the remaining fragmentsassigned to this manuscript.By this he invalidatesMilik's claim that 4Q206 2-3, coming as it does from the Book of Giants, and the remaining4Q206 fragmentsbelonging to 1 Enoch, were part of one and the same manuscript.Puech's affirmationthus effectively
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disposes of one of Milik's chief argumentsin favor of his assertion that the Book of Giantsformedpartof the Enochiccorpus(Milik, The Books of Enoch,227). Puech also rejects Milik's second argumentto this effect, namely, that one copy of the Book of Giants,4Q203, was written by the same scribe who wrote another copy of 1 Enoch, 4Q204. Puech rightlypointsout that the identityof the scribedoes not prove anythingabout the inclusion of the Book of Giants in one literary collection or another(p. 16). While Puech's presentationof the manuscriptsis convincing, his dating of the original work is problematic.He is certainlycorrectin affirmingthat the Book of Giants was composed during the second centuryBCE at the latest, since the oldest copy of it, 4Q530, dates to 100 BCE (p. 12). However, in trying to establish a more precise date Puech moves into the domainof speculation.He accepts Milik's contentionthatthe DamascusDocument(= CD) referenceto the "Watchers of heaven" (2:17-19) is "an implicit citation"of the Book of Giants (pp. 12-13; cf. Milik, The Books of Enoch, 57). However, the short CD referencedisplaysonly a generalresemblanceto the themesof the Book of Giants, and for that matter,also to those of 1 Enoch 6-11. As rightly observedby F. Garcia Martinez,the CD allusion is based on Amos 2:9 and can be sufficientlyexplainedas a reworkingof this verse (cf. idem, Qumranand Apocalyptic[Leiden:Brill, 1992], 115; his argumentis rejectedby Puech on p. 13 n. 16, without a proper explanation).Puech defends the idea the CD cites the Book of Giants "becausethe Damascus Document had to be written during the last decades of the second century BCE (after the death of the Teacher of Righteousness).. ." (p. 13). This argumentis based on several debatableassumptions.The date of compositionof the DamascusDocument is by no means agreedupon. It dependson the reconstructionof the career of the Teacher of Righteousness.Puech opts for the prevailing theory that the Teacher was active aroundthe middle of the second century BCE. However, this theory is a matterof contention and cannot be taken as a historical fact. Therefore, the Damascus Documentmay not be citing the Book of Giantsnor can CD be dated with precision.Hence it cannot help in dating the compositionof the Book of Giants. A similar problemis involved in Puech's treatment of relationbetween the Book of Giants and 1 Enoch 6-16. He argues that since the Book of Giants develops the tale of the giants with details not found elsewhere it must depend on the shorteraccountof 1 Enoch 6-16 ratherthan the reverse(p. 13). However,nothingcom-
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pels us to assume that.the enlarged,more developedstory of the Book of Giants is posteriorto the shorterversion of 1 Enoch. The reverse may have been the case. Alternatively,both 1 Enoch 6-16 and the Book of Giants may have reworkedindependentlya more ancient and detailed tradition.In fact, Puech uses precisely this argumentto reject Milik's contentionthat the descriptionof 4Q530 2 ii 15-20, a copy of the Book of Giants,dependson Dan. 7:8-10 (pp. 13-14). Yet he does not apply it to the similar case of the relationshipbetween 1 Enoch 6-16 and the Book of Giants. As a concludingremarkit should neverthelessbe stressed that the Book of Giants is undoubtedlyconnected to the traditionsrelated to Enoch and his times. However, the precise mapping of these traditions, their natureand links to the works of the Enochic cycle, their provenanceand background,and their function within the libraryof Qumran,are open questionswhich still remainto be studied. 4Q534-536 The Birth of Noaha-c ar (pp. 117-170; pl. VII-IX) These threemanuscriptsare certainlycopies of the same work since 4Q534 and 4Q535 partlyoverlap with 4Q536. The texts describe the birth of an unusual personality,exceptionally gifted both physically and mentally.When Starckyfirstpublisheda fragmentfrom 4Q534 he identifiedthe figure as the futuremessiah basing himself on this personality's title stsbR -lr- (= "Elect of God"; cf. idem, in Memorial du cinquantenaire 1914-1964, Ecole des Langues Orientales Anciennes de l'institut Catholique de Paris [Paris, 1964], 51-66). Due
to the detailedphysicaldescriptionof the figureStarckyassociatedthe text with the horoscopespreservedin 4Q186 (cf. DJD 5) and 4Q561 (to be published by Puech in DJD 37). While several scholars accepted this identification, J. Fitzmyer argued that since the title "messiah"does not occur in the text, and since the appellation"Elect of God" is not limited to messianic figures, the personagein the text should not be identifiedwith the messiah (cf. idem, CBQ 27 [1965]: 348-72). Given the descriptionsof the miraculousbirth of Noah in 1 Enoch 106-7 and lQapGen 2, Fitzmyer suggested identifying the figure in questionwith Noah. This suggestionwas generally accepted and as a resultthe connectionwith the horoscopes(4Q186 and 4Q561) was abandoned.Puech subscribeswithout reservationto the interpretationof Fitzmyer(pp. 124-5). Nevertheless,in the opinionof the present revieweralternativeidentificationsshouldnot be dismissedfor the
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on the basis following reasons:a) Fitzmyeradvancedhis interpretation of a single fragment(4Q534 1 i), which was availableat the time. It is precisely this fragmentthat preservesthe passage dealing with the miraculousbirthof the chief personage,describinghis physical peculiarities.But the full edition now offeredby Puech providesadditional passages unconnectedwith the birth (see especially 4Q534 7 and the parallel in 4Q536 2 ii 11-13). b) Fitzmyer's argumentsagainst the are less cogent than they appear.For although messianicinterpretation the title "Elect of God" is sometimes attributedto non-messianic figures, it does not exclude its applicationto the messiah (note, e.g., the similarmessianictitles "my elect," "the elect" in I Enoch 45:3-4; 51:3). In addition,the absence of the term "messiah"from 4Q534 1 i cannot serve as an argumentagainst the messianic characterof the figure in question,for his messianic naturemay be conveyed in other terms. c) In the light of the new full editio princeps, and given the strong emphasis laid on the special wisdom of the figure in question (cf. 4Q534 I i 6-11; 7 1-4; 4Q536 2 i + 3; 2 ii), a theme absentfrom the traditionsabout Noah, the entire question of the identity of the figure in this work needs to be reformulatedand studiedafresh. 4Q537-539 Testamentsof Biblical Patriarchs(pp. 171-211) Three Aramaictexts, publishedin the presentvolume, are defined by the editor as testaments.They are assigned to three differentbiblical patriarchs:Jacob, Joseph, and Judah. 4Q537 The Testament of Jacob? ar. The few small fragments, which have survivedfrom this manuscript(datedto 50-25 BCE), present passages from a vision. In it tablets are given to a seer, which foretell future events (4Q537 1-7). Among others the seer is shown how priestsofficiatein the futuretemple (4Q537 12). FollowingMilik (cf. Milik in Qumrdn:sa piete, sa theologieet son milieu [Paris,1978], 104) Puech identifiesthe seer with Jacob. Althoughhe places a question markbefore the title attributingthe work to this patriarch,in his comments Puech affirms that 4Q540, 4Q541, and 4Q537 "incontestably concern Jacob and his descendents" (p. 173). This identification rests upon the suppositionthat the episode of reading the tablets mentionedin 4Q537 1+2+3 3-5 correspondswith what is narrated in Jub. 32:21-26, according to which an angel is revealed to Jacob at Bethel and shows him seven tablets. However, no similar numberand no name have survived in 4Q537 and thus we do not
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know if 4Q537 really mentionedJacob and the seven tablets. Puech prejudicedthe contentsand identificationof the passage by supplying the number seven in a conjectural reconstruction of lines 4Q537 1+2+3 01-02. Yet the identificationof the figure in 4Q537 with Jacob cannot be established on the basis of the mention of tablets alone. Other candidates, such as Enoch, are equally fitting for the role of tablets readers, since the Enochic traditions repeatedly relate how Enoch read the heavenly tablets. Even less convincing is the label "testament"that Puech has assigned to the work. 4Q537 lacks the specific testamentaryfeatures, such as the gathering of descendants and pietistic exhortation.Milik avoided this pitfall by labeling 4Q537 the Visions of Jacob. 4Q538 The Testamentof Juda ar. Four small fragmentshave survived of this middlefirst centuryBCE manuscript.The two largerfragments, joined by Puech into one column (p. 197), have preserveda passage reworkinga scene from the story of Joseph and his brothers, correspondingwith Genesis 44- 45. The name of Joseph occurs twice and other details of the text also fit with the story of Joseph. But the story here appearsto be shorterthan the biblical account,and in this, and in other respects, it resembles the version of Jub. 42:24; 43:7, 14-15. However,due to the fragmentarystate of the text it is difficult to decipherthe structureof the section. The interchangeof personsin this short passage is puzzling. In 4Q538 1-2 2-3 Joseph seems to be the speakerin the first personbut in lines 4-5 he is referredto in the thirdperson.Otherverbs are also formulatedin the singularfirst person (e.g., 4Q538 2 2: fr*P
nt421R). Although Milik admitted that
such verbs may apply to any of Joseph's brothers,he preferredto apply them to Judahas the leading figure in the biblical story (Milik, The Books of Enoch, 98). Puech accepts Milik's interpretationand follows his assignmentof thesefragmentsto a Testamentof Judah.However, Milik's argumentsare tenuous. No inner narrativelogic dictates the choice of Judahas chief protagonistof the Joseph story. Joseph himself, or for that mattereven Benjamin,could play such a role. And perhapsit is no accident that the Aramaicpassages of 4Q538 do not betrayany similarityto the GreekTestamentof Judah.Indeed,several details in the story in these Aramaic fragments point in a different direction.In 4Q538 2 6 someone tells in the first person how Joseph embracedhim, using the Hebrew idiom to describe what happened: "he fell on his neck." This detail is undoubtedlytaken from Gen. 45:14, the only verse in the biblical Joseph narrativethat employs the
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word "neck" (nt4). Joseph embraced Benjamin by "falling on his neck."Accordingto the parallelpassage of Jub. 43:15, Josephfell on the necks of all his brothers. The difference between 4Q538 and Jubileeshighlightsthe distinctivecharacterof the Qumrantext and its effortto follow the precise biblical formulation,specificallyappliedto Benjamin.Thisdetailmusthavebeenthebasisfortheinitialidentification of the text as a Testamentof Benjamin, suggested by Starcky (the association with Benjamin is retained by Beyer, Die aramdischen Texte vom TotenMeer, 187-88). However,these formulationsmay be understoodas citing Joseph. According to such an understandingit would be Joseph who describes how Benjamin fell upon his neck. Such a reading would turn the passage into a sequence of Joseph's quoted words and a narrativeaccount of his activity. Thus, 4Q538 may constitutea second copy of the Testamentof Joseph,if 4Q539 is indeed the first copy of it (cf. below). Be the case as it may, there is no unequivocal evidence or convincing arguments for identifying 4Q538 as a Testamentof Judah.Hence there is no need to associate it with the Hebrew fragmentsof patriarchaltestaments,3Q7 coming from the Testamentof Judah (Milik, The Books of Enoch, 98), and 4Q215 assigned to the Testamentof Naphtali.Puech's hypothesisthat the Hebrew Testamentof Judah was an abbreviationof the conjecturedAramaicTestamentof Judah(p. 193) is also superfluous. 4Q539 Testamentof Josephar. Only four small fragmentshave survived of this manuscriptfrom the first half of the first centuryBCE. The identificationof the contents as coming from the Testamentof Joseph goes back to Milik (The Books of Enoch, 101-2) and is acceptedby Puech. In this case some similaritybetween frags. 2 and 3 and the GreekTestamentof Joseph 16-17 is apparentand therefore the identificationhas some plausibility.However, it should be noted that the fragmentsare meagre,that the supposedresemblancerests on isolated words, and that the name of Josephdoes not occur in any of the survivingfragments. 4Q540-541 Apocryphonof Levia-b?ar (pp. 213-256) Under this heading Puech groups two manuscripts,4Q540 and 4Q541, both dated to around100 BCE. 4Q540 consists of three fragments,but only the first one has preserved a readabletext, partsof nearlyfive lines. They depict someone who will suffer deprivationand distress that will be constrainedto leave his native home and go elsewhere.This personageis somehow
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connectedwith the Temple, since the word Ktv-pr3("the Temple")is preservedin 4Q540 1 5. However, the survivingwords do not make this connectionclear. If Puech is correct in reading at the beginning of 4Q538 1 2 the numberof weeks as fifty-two, it should probablyto be associatedwith variousjubilee computationsconnectedwith eschatological speculations,which are well-knownfrom contemporaryliterature.Thus, the passage would have a clear eschatologicaltenor. 4Q541 is representedby twenty-fourfragments.A numberof passages employ first person singularverbs (e.g., 4Q541 2 6, 8-9; 3 2), while others have second person singular verbs or pronouns (e.g., 4Q541 3 2, 4; 6 2, 5; 4 ii 3-4, 6; significantly,both forms are absent from 4Q540). The speakerin the firstpersonaddressessomeone in the second person,as is clear for instance,from frag. 3. This fragmentis of particularinterestsince it is modelled on the Balaam prophecyin Num. 24:16-17. The formula"rir 0i: n x " ("I addressyou my parable") in 4Q541 3 2 is very similar to Balaam's own opening words in Num. 24:16-17. In his commenton this locutionPuech cites the similar expressionsin 1 Enoch 1:2 but 1 Enoch itself depends on Balaam'swords. Balaam's speech may be furtherhintedat in the next line of the presentQumranpassage, alludingas it does to contemplation of deep mysteries(4Q541 4 i 4; cf. 7 1). In the biblical passage Balaamspeaksas a seerof divinewisdomandinspiration.ThePalestinian Targums(Neofiti, FragmentTargum,and Pseudo-Jonathan)of Num. 24:16 understoodthe verse to mean that divine secrets were revealed to Balaam.The authorof 4Q541 may have viewed his biblical model in the same way. The largest fragment(9) is also the most intriguing one. It introducesa person of divine wisdom who will atone for his contemporaries,will teach and enlighten them, and will be subjected to slanderand defamation.The strongemphasison wisdom themes in this text (cf. 4Q541 2 i 7; ii 6; 3 3; 4 i 4; 7 1, 4-5; 9 3) is another aspect which merits furtherstudy. The obvious affinityof this aspect to the sapiential literaturefrom Qumran, and especially to the socalled Mysteries,is particularlyintriguing. Although Puech introduces4Q541-541 as two copies of the same work, he does not justify it. No overlappingexists between the two scrolls and except for their general eschatologicaltenor nothing does specifically link them. Furthermore,each manuscript has peculiar material of its own. 4Q540 describes someone who is subjected to deprivationdue to a loss of property,whereas4Q541 speaks of a personality of exceptional wisdom who will suffer lies and calumnies. Nothing shows that the two figures are one and the same person.Nor
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is their identityclear. In his preliminarypublicationPuech associated these two manuscriptswith 4Q537, the so-called Testamentof Jacob? ar (see his publicationin The MadridQumranCongress [eds. J. Trebolle Barreraand L. Vegas Montaner;Leiden: Brill, 1992], 2.449501). However, as pointed out above, the association 4Q537 with Jacob is problematic,as is its supposedconnectionwith 4Q540-541. In any case nothingin 4Q540 or 4Q541 permitsthe assertionthat one or both of the figures introducedthereinis Levi. At most it may be assertedthat the figure in 4Q541 performspriestlyfunctionsbut this detail alone does not make him a priestlyfigure,as arguedby Puech on basis of the verb -inz' ("andhe will atone")in 4Q541 9 i 2, for other types of figurescould have performedthis function. 4Q542 The Testamentof Qahat ar (pp. 257-82) One of the best-preservedQumranpieces is extant in this 100 BCE manuscript.It is frag. 1, which preservestwo columns almost complete. They contain the farewell exhortation of Qahat to his sons (4Q542 1 i-ii) and in particularto his firstbornAmram,Moses' father (4Q542 1 ii 9). In the style well-knownfrom the testamentof Enoch (1 Enoch 91:1-4) and the Testamentsof the Twelve PatriarchsQahat urges his sons to be just, pure,and truthful.These qualitiesare attributed to Qahat's ancestorsAbraham,Isaac, Jacob and Levi (4Q542 1 i 8-13). Qahat also passes on to his sons the books of his forefathers (4Q532 1 ii 10-12). One line mentionsthe priesthood(4Q542 1 i 13), which obviously was of major concern to the descendantsof Levi. 4Q542 I ii 3 mentions"eternalblessings"(At&s nolZl) bestowed on Qahat's sons. This appearsto allude to the eternal priestly covenant made with Phineas,the son of Amram'sgrandson(cf. Num. 25:13; cf. w1nfnl:f,"eternalcovenant,"for the priestly covenant of Aaron in Sir. 45:16). Anotherbrokenline has an intriguingstringof nouns:"in the earth and in the abyss and in the caves" (A71:Rn iT:IN UIRni Rl'trr 4Q542 1 ii 7). Puech may be right in associating it with I Enoch 22:3-5 (p. 261). But whetherthis is a clear attestationof the belief in resurrection,as Puech seems to imply by referringalso to Dan. 12:2 and I Enoch 91:9, is questionable.Following Milik, Puech adheres to the problematic idea that the three priestly testaments in the Testamentof dualism:"darkness-light" espouse "light-darkness" Levi (4QLevia[4Q21314 1-6), the Testamentof Qahat(2 11-12), and Here more caution is needed. that of Amram (4QVisionsAmramabf). For there is a distinctionto be made between the Visions of Amram
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on the one hand, and the Testamentsof Levi and Qahaton the other. While the Visions of Amram display a full-fledged dualism, the priestlytestamentsof Levi and Qahatonly mentiononce or twice the pair of terms "light-darkness." ar (pp. 283-405) 4Q543-549 The Visions of AmraMa-9 This is the largest group of texts included in the presentvolume, representingwhat must have been one of the most cherishedwritings at Qumran,as attestedby six copies of this work that have turnedup in Cave 4 (4Q543-548). Puech suggests that anotherscroll (4Q549) may constitutea seventhcopy of this writing.The identificationof the work as the farewell addressof Amram,the grandsonof Levi and the father of Moses, Aaron, and Miriam, is clear from the introductory phrasespreservedin threecopies (4Q543 1 1-4; 4Q545 1 i 1-4; 4Q546 1 1-2). The surviving fragments yield parts of Amram's final discourse to his children,recountingvisions revealed to him. The passages include a descriptionof priestly greatnessand wisdom (4Q543 2 ii; 4Q545 4). They also mentiona battle between the Philistinesand Egypt, which prevented Amram, who happened to be in Palestine buryinghis ancestors,from returningto his wife Yochebed in Egypt (4Q543 3 2-3; 4Q544 1 4-5; 4Q545 1 ii 19; 4Q546 2 1). This tradition was also known to Jub. 46:9-10; 47:1. Interestingly,this detail offersan old parallelto varioushaggadictraditions,whichrelateAmram's abstinence(cf. e.g., Bib. Ant. 9:2; b. Sot. 12a; b. B. B. 60b). In other fragmentsof the Qumranwork Amram seems to predict the future roles of his sons Moses and Aaron in the events that led to the exodus from Egypt. But the most intriguing passages in the preserved fragmentsrelate Amram'svision of two fighting angels, one of darkness and the other of light (4Q543 5-9, 10, 14; 4Q544 1 9-14, 2, 3; 4Q547 1-2 9-13). Clearly of dualistic character,this descriptionhas close affinityto the terminologyand presentationof the Rule of the Community3-4 and other related sectarianwritings. In addition,one of the three names of the dark angel has survived(Iun 'Z'7r, 4Q544 2 12). The same appellationis conferredon the demonic leaderof the forces of evil in a Hebrewsectariancurses text (4Q280 2 2). It is the opposite of pmr'Db, the name of the angelic eschatologicaljudge in the sectarianPesherMelchizedek(11Q13 5, 13). Given these parallels Milik assumed that the figure of light in the Visions of Amramwas also called Melchizedek. Priestly ancestry and the dualistic world view match some of the
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centralconcernsof the sectariancircles. The Visions of Amrammust thereforebe linked with the literatureand ideology of the Qumran scrolls'community.AlthoughtheGreekandAramaicTestamentsof Levi, and the QumranAramaicTestamentof Qahatdo not containthe same explicit dualisticcreed, the strongpriestlyemphasisand variouspoints of contact in halakhic matters,especially in the Testamentof Levi, link them to the same community.Thus Milik, followed by Puech, is right in suggestingthat the three are linked togetherand shareclosely affinity with sectarian teachings (pp. 287-88). Nevertheless, it is difficultto assign the Visions of Amramto the communityproper.For it lacks typical sectarianterminology,as do all the Aramaictexts from Qumran. The Aramaictexts publishedin the presentvolume offer much food for thought.It is interestingto note that the affinitybetween some of the Aramaic texts, such as the Visions of Amram,and the community's literature,does not concern specific organizationalpatternsbut covers only general religious beliefs. With Puech one may posit that these Aramaic texts were nurturedby priestly circles duringthe first half of the second century BCE at the latest (p. 260). Yet I do not think that such texts must be "pre-Essene,"as Milik, followed by Puech, would have it. If we adopt the hypothesis that such circles were the parent group from which the community emerged, rather than its first phase, they could have continuedto be active even after the emergenceof the more restrictedand organizedcommunity.Such a view will also dispense with the controversialtheory which places the beginningsof the communityin the contextof the Maccabeancrisis, aroundthe middle of the second century BCE. ThroughPuech's palaeographicobservations,and his insistencethat the compositionof these works predates their copies, Puech provides evidence for the early date of these Aramaictexts, the compositionof some, if not all, of which must go back at least to the thirdcenturyBCE. The foregoingcommentsare aimed at indicatingsome of the issues raised by the analysis of these texts in relation to more general Qumranproblems.The editio princeps publishedby Puech offers an indispensabletool for such an analysis and thus inauguratesa new phase in the study of the QumranAramaictexts and theirplace within the Qumranlibrary. University of Haifa
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Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der Qumrangemeinde MaterielleRekonstruktion, Textbestand,Gattung (4QMidrEschata_b): und traditionsgeschichtliche Einordnung des durch 4Q174 ("Florilegium")und 4Q177 ("CatenaA") reprdsentiertenWerkes aus den Qumranfunden,by Annette Steudel. STDJ 13. Leiden: Brill, 1994. Pp. xi + 235; 4 plates. Price:C110.00/$130.00.ISBN 90-04-09763-5. The volume under review embodies the author's slightly revised version of her 1990 dissertation.It contains a re-editionof two texts, 4Q174 (= 4QFlorilegium)and 4Q177 (= CatenaA), known for the last thirty years from the first edition of J.M. Allegro, Qumran Cave 4.1 (4Q158-4Q186) (DJD 5; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1968), 53-57, 67-74. In her edition Steudel was able to incorporatethe corrections and improvementsof Allegro's publicationpublishedby J. Strugnell ("Notesen margedu volume V des 'Discoveriesin the JudaeanDesert of Jordan',"RevQ7 [1970]: 220-25, 236-48). She also had the benefit of a close associationwith her mentor H. Stegemann,and was thus able to apply his methodof materialreconstructionof Qumranscrolls. This resultedin a completelynew edition of both texts, improvednot only by numerousnew readingsand the first publicationof additional small fragments, but also by a material reconstructionof the two scrolls in their entirety.The new edition fills the first part of the volume under review, where the Hebrew editions of the two fragments togetherwith translationsand commentsare offered(pp. 5-128). This is undoubtedlythe most importantpart of the volume and is of permanentvalue. Especially helpful are the photographsattachedto the volume, which presentthe way the authorreconstructseach scroll. In fact, the new editions permita betterappreciationof the structureand meaning of these texts, and thus enable the reader to evaluate correctly Steudel's suggestionsabout their literarycharacter. Both 4Q174 and 4Q177 clearly belong to the same literarygenre, popular within the community of the scrolls, namely pesher. Both texts cite various biblical passages and provide pesher-typecommentaries on them. As is the practice of all known pesher texts from Qumran, the present scrolls expound the citations in terms of the Qumrancommunity'sideas and its historicalcircumstances.The interpretativesections are clearly distinguishablefrom the citationsby their use of formulationsand terminologyfamiliar from other writings of the community. C KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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But beyond clarifying these features,Steudel, taking up a suggestion made by Strugnell("Notes en marge,"237), argues that 4Q174 and 4Q177 are in fact two copies of the same work, producingdifferentpartsof the samewriting(pp. 127-51). Thishypothesisis advanced despite the fact that the two scrolls constitute differentmanuscripts and share no overlap. Steudel's argumentsin favour of this proposal are thereforemostly confinedto aspects of content and literarystructure of the respectivemanuscripts.Since this proposalforms an essential element of Steudel's work, and is importantfor the understanding of the two manuscripts,indeed for the process of editing Qumran manuscriptsin general,it meritsan analysis in some detail. In support of her thesis Steudel advancesthe following arguments: 1. From the materialpoint of view she calculatesthat 4Q174 cols I-VI could be fitted into the original scroll of 4Q177, just before the availablefragmentsfrom 4Q177, designatedby her as 4Q177 VIII. 2. In her opinion the sequence 4Q174 I-VI + 4Q177 VIII-XII is supportedby the sequenceof the Psalms cited. In 4Q174 Pss 1:1; 2:1 and 5:3 are cited, while in 4Q177 VIII-XII Pss 11:1; 12:1, 7; 13:2-3; 16:3-4; 17:1 are cited. In both texts the citationsof Psalms follow the orderof the MasoreticPsalter. 3. In both texts the citationsof Psalms are expoundedwith the help of citations mostly from the Prophets.These secondarycitations are intoducedby specific formulae, whereas the citations of Psalms are presentedwithout such formulae. 4. Both texts are concernedwith eschatologyand display the ideas and terminologyof the Qumrancommunity. While the generalsimilarityof the two texts is undeniable,a closer analysis of them reveals distinctive characteristicspeculiar to each manuscript.Consequentlythe two cannot be consideredas copies of the same work. Let us first examine 4Q177, for its structureis the more coherent. According to Steudel, remnants of five columns may be reconstructed,which she numbersVIII to XII (insteadof I-V) so that they might be consideredas following on from what is containedin the six columns reconstructedin 4Q174. These five columns exhibit a welldefined structure.As observedby Steudel, the Psalm citations follow the biblical orderand are adducedwithoutintroductoryformulae.This is clear from the cases where the beginning of the citations is preserved intact:VIII:12cites Ps. 12:1, X:2 cites Ps. 16:3-4 and X:4 cites Ps. 17:1. Other Psalms citations which have survived only partially were probablyquotedin the same way: VIII:7cites Ps. 11:1 and IX:1
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cites Ps. 12:7. IX:8 cites Ps. 13:2-3. This practice, however, is not peculiar to the present text. It is well known from the running pesharim, where the main biblical passages expounded are always cited without introductoryformulae.It is importantto realize that the absence of introductoryformulaemarks only the verses of the major biblical passages underconsideration.That the Psalms are indeed the majortext expoundedin 4Q177 is also suggestedby the fact that they are quotedfollowing the orderof the biblical Psalter.Consequentlywe may conclude that 4Q177, at least in the part preserved,is a pesher on the Psalms. A second featurecharacteristicof 4Q177, as also observedby Steudel, consists of adducingadditionalcitations from the biblical Prophets or prophetic discourses in order to further elaborate the main Psalms citations.In contrastwith the main Psalms citationssuch secondary prophetic ones are introducedby specific formulae. Indeed, such is the consistencyof this practicethat the presenceof introductory formulaeindicatesthat the citationfunctionsas subordinateto the main one, even if this subordinatetext comes from the Psalms. A clear illustrationof this featureis offeredby the citationof Ps. 6:2 in XI:7. That this is a subordinatecitation not forming part of the main sequence of Psalm citationsis also shown by the fact that it does not fit with the biblical sequence of the remaining Psalms quotations. Again, the insertionof additionalsecondarycitations by introductory formulaeis a practicewell attestedin the runningas well as the thematic pesharimfrom Qumran. The length of each interpretativeunit is also importantfor the understandingof this pesher structure.Most of the survivingpassages in 4Q177 produce interpretativeunits not exceeding three or four lines, comprisingonly two subordinatepropheticquotationsfor each main Psalm citation. Only in two cases (IX:09-16; XI:9-16) is the comment longer, and in both it is augmentedby haggadic/midrashic elements. The structureof 4Q177 as it emerges from Steudel's reconstruction is clear and coherentand thus corroboratesher materialreconstruction. The case of 4Q174 is more complex. Beside disparate small fragments, which cannot be fitted into columns, Steudel reconstructshere a sequence of six columns, of which col. III is best preserved.She suggests that col. I came from the beginning of the scroll, and was precededby a blank handlesheet.However, she admits that an alternative reconstructionis also possible, namely, that anothersheet with more columnsprecededthe presentcol. I (pp. 21-22). The plausibility
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of this otheralternativehas an importantbearingon her attemptto see 4Q174 as a copy of the pesher on Psalms preservedin 4Q177 (cf. below). The sequenceof columns materiallyreconstructedby Steudel consists of the following: 1. Citationsand peshercommentarieson the blessing of Judah, Levi, Benjamin, Zebulun, and Gad from Deuteronomy 33 are preserved in I-II:6. A fragmentary passage in II:12-18 may constitute a pesher on the last tribes of the Deuteronomic blessings.Apparentlythe originalscroll containedcommentson all the tribes. At the end of col. I, as reconstructedby Steudel, there is a space of at least two lines, sufficient for a short citation of Joseph's blessing (Deut. 33:13-17). So his blessing is not necessarily omitted, as argued by Steudel. The citations clearly follow the Masoreticbiblical text and appearwithoutintroductoryformulae.This shows that Deuteronomy33 is the main text expoundedand is consideredas prophecy.From an introductoryformulaextant in 1:14 it is clear that also the prophecyof Deuteronomy33 is expoundedwith the aid of subordinatecitations,either from the same verse or from other prophecies.Yet the interpretativecommentson the biblical blessings seem to be quite short,for in one-and-a-halfcolumnsthe entirebiblical chapteris compressed,and commentsincluded,at least according to the reconstructionof Steudel(for this reason,shouldwe not assume an additionalcolumnbetween col. I and col. II?). This standsat variance with the more elaboratecommentariesin the following sections of 4Q174, and also with those of 4Q177. 2. Following the section on Deuteronomy33, there are citationsof Nathan's prophecy (2 Sam. 7:5-17) and pesher commentaries in II:19-III:13.The transitionfrom the paragraphon Deuteronomy33 to that on 2 Samuel 7 being lost, it is difficultto see how these two sections were connected,if at all. Nevertheless,the survivinglengthyand detailedpeshercommentson Nathan'sprophecysuggest that this passage is treatedas a main text ratherthan as a subordinateone. Several structuralfeaturessupportthis conclusion.Subsequentcitationsfrom 2 Samuel 7 are introducedwithout formulae(in this manner111:10-11 cites, after a vacat, 2 Sam. 7:11-13). That 2 Samuel7 is the main text is also indicatedby its exposition throughthe help of several subordinate propheticcitations (Exod. 15:17 in III:3;Amos 9:11 in III:12), all of which are presentedwith introductoryformulae. 3. Following the commentsof 2 Samuel 7 comes a section of citaof Ps. 1:1 and Ps. 2:1 (III:14-19).This tions and pesherinterpretations of Nathan'swords section is separatedfrom the previousinterpretation by a half-line blank.It opens with the word tt1-n (mdrs),a title prob-
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ably indicatingthe characterof what follows. Both featurespoint to a new section. V:1-2 has also preserveda citationand the beginningof a pesher on Ps. 5:3, but col. IV yields only comments on the community and a combinedcitation of Dan. 12:10 + 11:32. Col. VI has preserveda citation of Isa. 65:22. Both in subject-matterand in structureonly the third section, dealing with the Psalms as it does, is similar to 4Q177. In this section (III:14-VI:3)citationsof Pss 1:1; 2:1; and 5:3 are preserved.In III:18 the quotationis introducedwithout a formula.This seems also be the case in III:14,where the word midrashmay stand only for a general title, as suggestedby Steudel,ratherthan as an introductionof the following citationof Ps. 1:1. Thus the Psalms appearto be the main text expoundedin this section. Just like 4Q177 the Psalms quotationsare furtherexpoundedwith the help of subordinatecitations,all from the Prophets (Daniel, cited in IV:3, is called explicitly "the prophet"). They are all introducedby formulae,which indicate their secondary character. Steudel's argumentsfor identifyingthe work representedby 4Q174 and 4Q177 as one and the same are based not only on the similar structure and eschatological content, but also on the fact that the 4Q174 Psalm citations are from the beginningof the biblical Psalter, while the 4Q177 Psalm citations come from sections located further on in the biblical Psalter. On material grounds she argues that the Psalms commentedupon in 4Q174 III:14-VI may, and materiallycan, be fitted into the beginning of 4Q177, so as to create a complete sequence of Psalms following the orderof the biblical Psalms. However, comparedwith 4Q177, which has preservedonly Psalm citations and commentaries,4Q174 includes two additionalsections, namely, citations and expositionof Deuteronomy33 and 2 Samuel 7. The type of quoted biblical text, the length and detail of their interpretation,and the particularuse of the introductoryformulaemake the of Deuteronomy33 and 2 Samuel7 distinctiveof 4Q174 interpretation alone. Moreover, their structure is not entirely identical with the pesher of the Psalms. It is difficultto see what the function of these two sections is in the alleged unified sequence of 4Q174 I-IV + 4Q177 VIII-XII, as proposedby Steudel.For SteudelDeuteronomy33 and 2 Samuel 7 serve as an introductionto the supposedunified text, but this suggestion finds little supportin the detailed and distinctive exposition of these biblical prophecies. In fact, alternativeexplanations may better account for the distinctive characterof each manuscript and for their mutual similarityat the same time. We may, for
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instance, posit that 4Q174 copied various pesharim,among them the pesheron Psalms partlypreservedin 4Q177. Such a suggestionwould retain the idea that at least the part of the Psalm commentary in 4Q174 III:14-VI is indeed anothercopy of a section from the work preservedin 4Q177. A more cautioushypothesiswould postulatethat both scrolls dependon a thirdsource,perhapsa runningpesheron the Psalms circulating among the Qumranites (note the existence at Qumranof a pesheron the Psalms, 4QpPs). One may thereforeargue that 4Q174 either excerptedvariouspesharim,among them the pesher on Psalms, or createdan exegetical chain of its own, includingpesher commentarieson a selection of biblical texts. Whateverthe case may be, 4Q174 as it has survivedcannot be consideredas a simple copy of the work preservedin 4Q177, for there is no real evidence to consider 4Q174 and 4Q177 as two copies of one and the same work. As a matterof fact, there is evidence for consideringthem as representing two differentcompositions.It is thereforeregrettablethat Steudel prejudicedher presentationby numberingthe columns of 4Q174 and 4Q177 as forming a single sequence, and by giving the two manuscriptsone name. In light of the foregoing remarksthe exegesis, the eschatological ideas embeddedin the two manuscripts,and the ensuing date should all be freshly studied(this is the subjectof Steudel's thirdpartin pp. 161-215).
Universityof Haifa
DEVORAHDIMANT
To Increase Learning for the Understanding Ones: Reading and Reconstructing the Fragmentary Early Jewish Sapiential Text
4QInstruction, by E.J.C. Tigchelaar. STDJ 44. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Pp. 265. Price:El 10.00/$130.00ISBN 90-04-11678-8. Eibert J.C. Tigchelaar's recent contribution to the reading and reconstruction of the document Instruction is a highly valuable resource that should be considereda supplementto DJD 34. Noting from the outset that J. Strugnell and D.J. Harringtoncharacterized DJD 34 as "minimalist"in approach,Tigchelaar proceeds to build upon their substantialcommentaryand reconstruction(p. 4). Tigchelaar's monographon Instructionis organized in two parts. The first part is devoted primarilyto the following tasks: (1) intro?) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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ducing the documentvia a history of its reconstruction,(2) offering reconstructionsof individualmanuscripts(he identifies eight: 4Q415, 416, 417, 418*, 418, 418a, 423 and 1Q26) and (3) discussinga reconstructionand sequencingfor the documentInstruction. Tigchelaar'shistoryof scholarshipon Instructionfrom the 1950s to the present is more extensive than DJD 34 and especially helpful in describingthe role of the PreliminaryConcordancein reconstructing the document(pp. 7-10). More important,however, is the delineation between fragments formerlydesignated4Q418 and 4Q418a as representingthree manuscripts ratherthan two and a repair sheet (consisting of three fragments: 1, 2, 2b). On the basis of palaeographic,physical, and textual evidence Tigchelaarconcludesthat the repairsheet must be interpreted as a separatemanuscriptwhich he designates 4Q418* (p. 64). The reconstructionof manuscriptsis providedfrom Tigchelaar'sown consultationof the fragmentsand the overlap of fragments.Particularly helpful are transcriptionsof overlapswith indicationof each fragment by way of font style. Tigchelaar'sreconstructionsoffer a numberof variantreadings(i.e. omissions, additions,substitutions)from DJD 34, some of the more significant: 4Q415 11 8 Ift[L] vs DJD ]rft[; ztk 4Q416 2 ii 4 pl-n I vs DJD il00' JIMl ], line 9 71[mr:]vs DJD Ur:[Q:&; 4Q416 2 iv 3 Rti-f 1fl1t I vs DJD I -nplVn]; 4Q417 2 i 7 M"D11 =7lP7n], line 24 r1RD vs DJD omits nT I whereas DJD '*= CRn, line 25 F-l:D vs DJD mlm; 4Q417 2 ii 20 Z]R' vs DJD 1:11D; 4Q418 64 + 199 + 66 8 irirlrz vs DJD (7b + 199(?) + 64(?) + 66(?)) UDtsRD;4Q418 55 1 10l01 vs DJD lDll; 4Q418 69 ii + 60 5 *D) ] vs DJD [DV'][R ], M[ In vs DJD D[DV ~]Z; 4Q418 81 4 [I:]b[D line 12 omits I rTnrwhereas DJD -1'0[ I rne, line 13 omits ]p t1: whereas DJD r1nIMblz. The final chapterof part one is devoted to
reconstructingthe documentInstruction. Tigchelaardefines the aim of reconstructinga compositionas, "an absoluteor relative placementof preservedfragmentsin their respective manuscripts,or in relation to fragments of other manuscripts" (p. 155). Two other morpho-phthiseoreconstructionshave been proposed, one by T. Elgvin the other by A. Steudel and B. Lucassen. Tigchelaar's contributionhere is especially useful as Elgvin's pubof SapientialWork (see Elgvin,"TheReconstruction lishedreconstruction A," RevQ 16/64 [1995]: 559-80) has been revised but not yet published while Steudel and Lucassen have not publishedtheir hypothesis outside of a table in the introductionto DJD 34. WhereasElgvin
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bases his reconstructionupon 4Q416 and Steudel and Lucassenupon 4Q418, Tigchelaar'sputativecolumn is 4Q418a. The most likely relative order of the preservedfragmentsof 4Q418a is: [??]-12- 1- 109[??]-22-[?]-19-18-17-16+14-15+13-[??1-8-7-6-5-4-3-2-1-[??J while 20+21 have not been placed (p. 157). Using overlaps with 4Q418a Tigchelaaris able to place in sequence a numberof importantfragments from other manuscripts.On this basis 4Q417 1 i is located in the first few columns of the document(overlaps4Q418a 11) and is followed several columns later by 4Q417 2 i (overlaps4Q418a 22) and then 4Q417 2 ii (overlaps4Q418a 19). 4Q423 5 (overlaps4Q418a 3) is situatedamong the final columns of Instruction.On the basis of thelargeright-handmarginof 4Q416 1, ratherthanoverlapswith4Q418a, Tigchelaaragrees with all but Elgvin in locating 4Q416 1 as the first column of the document(p. 158). In reconstructingand placing documents in sequence, Tigchelaarrepeatedlyemphasizes that much of the task is uncertainand approximate. The second part of the monographfocuses on several sections of Instruction(4Q416 1; 4Q418 55 and 69 ii; 4Q415 1 ii-2 i; 4Q418 81) and considers terminology and themes of composite transcriptions. Correspondingthemes and vocabularybetween Instructionand lQS 3-4 and 1QHa5 are discussed in the context of its relationshipto other early Jewish texts as well as the document'sprovenance. Tigchelaar'scompositetext of 4Q416 1 containsa numberof overlaps which are not present in DJD 34. In the cosmological portion (lines 1-10), which describes the orderly course of creation, Tigchelaarprovidestwo alternativereadingsnot suggestedelsewhere:line 2 "!Mrtas a pluralnoun in constructmeaning"affairs"or "tasks"(cf. 1QS 3:17 and 1QHa9:15) ratherthan "pleasures;"line 6 the word nlonr is perhapsa scribal error and could be read as the Akkadian loan-word-ltl:: meaning"circuit"(pp. 177-79). In the eschatological section (lines 11-14), near to the end of line 11 Tigchelaarsuggests the reconstructionim]irpon(DJD 34 offers no reconstruction)and (p. 185). The reconstruction rejects Elgvin's proposedM-1 nMZJMnn and commentaryprovidedon 4Q416 1 lead to a betterand more comprehensiveunderstandingof the column. Two controversialsuggestions regardingfragments4Q418 55 and 69 ii are consideredby Tigchelaar.First,Elgvin's theorythat 1 Enoch 91-92 and 103 are closely related to, and probably inspired, these fragmentsis assessed (pp. 212-17). Second, the possibilitythat these fragmentsare distinct,perhapsintegratedcompositionswithin Instruc-
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tion is evaluated. In regard to Elgvin's theories of correspondences between the Epistle of Enoch and Instruction,Tigchelaarnotes important points of dissimilarity between them and suggests a possible reverse order of influence.With regardto the fragments'relationship to the documentas a whole, while unique occurrencesexist between the fragments (1st and 2nd plural forms, R7l1-questions, specific terms) and suggest a differentorigin, there are also occurrencesof termscharacteristicof Instruction('rh, *n, 1"rim, nn, mnrir~t) that indicate a shared provenance(pp. 221-24). Tigchelaarconcludes, "it is not impossible that these shared features should be attributedto slight editorialreworkingsof a Vorlage"(p. 224). In his concluding remarkshe is more definitive,stating that the easiest explanation"is that the texts of these two fragmentsderive from an older source and have been incorporatedinto the composition"(p. 246). Tigchelaar considers the possibility, among other considerations, that fragments4Q415 1 ii-2 i and 4Q418 81 shouldbe understoodas directedtowardsa priestlyaddressee,distinctlyfrom other portionsof Instruction.One of his main points of contention is with Elgvin's readingof these fragmentsas referringto a holy remnantcommunity (pp. 234-35). In general,Tigchelaarconcludesthat Instructionreflects a numberof addresseesand that fragments4Q415 1 ii-2 i and 4Q418 81 conceive of an addresseewho is an actual priest with an intermediary role (pp. 236, 247). The task of readingand reconstructingthe documentInstructionis considerablyfurtheredby Tigchelaar'swork. Particularlywelcome is the contributionof his placingfragmentsin sequence.This monograph is markedby its technicalprecisionand lucid presentation.Tigchelaar puts us on a betterfooting to engage in researchin a numberof areas concerningthe document'splace among literatureof the period. Universityof Durham
BENJAMIN G. WOLD
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The Documents from the Bar-Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters. Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean-Aramaic Papyri, edited
by Yigael Yadin, Jonas C. Greenfield, Ada Yardeni, Baruch Levine, et al. Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, Instituteof Archaeology,HebrewUniversity,Shrineof theBook,IsraelMuseum, 2002. Pp. xviii + 422. 92 plates in a supplementaryvolume. Price: $120.00. ISBN 965-221-046-3. This volume is the thirdand final one in the official series of publications of the finds from the Bar Kokhbaera by the Yadin expeditions, in this case containing a treasuretrove of primarilySemitic documentarytexts from the so-called Cave of the Lettersin the Nahal Hever. It opens with a general introductioncovering subjectsof general interest(e.g., water rights, currency);formal featuresof the documents;detailedandusefulgrammaticalsurveysof theHebrew,Aramaic, of the texts; and notes on the presentationand and Nabatean-Aramaic the sigla. There follow editions of twenty-eightdocuments,dating from 93/ 94 CE to the last monthsof the second revolt, commencingwith three legal papyri in Hebrew (P.Yadin 44 46) written in the thirdyear of the revolt and involving the joint leasing of land parcelsin Ein Gedi. Next are six Aramaic legal papyri: an exceptionally well preserved deed of gift by Babatha's father (P.Yadin 7; previously published), transferringpropertyto her mother,with full ownershipdeliveredonly upon his death;a purchasecontract(P.Yadin8) in which a man purchases two animalsfrom his brother;Babatha'swell-knownand much discussedketubba(P.Yadin 10; previouslypublished);a lease of property for three years (P.Yadin42); a "tie"receipt for a small payment on the same lease later in the same year (P.Yadin43); and a poorly preserved contract of sale of half a vegetable garden in Ein Gedi (P.Yadin 47). Given the scarcity of literarycitations in these documentarytexts, it is worth highlightingthe referenceto "[the la]w of Moses and the J[u]deans"in P.Yadin 10:5. fill out our knowledgeof the Six legal papyriin Nabatean-Aramaic Nabateanking list and local history and cultureas well as contributing greatly to our knowledge of the Nabatean language. We find a "debenture"in two versions in which a NabateanArab draws on his wife's moharto cover the two-yearlease of a propertyand writes her this promissory note in return (P.Yadin 1, incidentally the earliest dated text in the volume); two sales contractsfor a single piece of ? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 2
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315
property, both dated in 97/98 CE and written by the same scribe (P.Yadin 2-3); a very fragmentarytext that may be a guarantor's agreement pertaining to the buying of a plantation (P.Yadin 4); a tenancy agreementbetween two Jews (P.Yadin6); and a fragmentary text that apparentlypertains to a sale-perhaps a waiver of claims (P.Yadin9). Next come thirteen pieces of correspondence from Shimon bar Kosiba during the second revolt, some of which have been partially published or summarizedpreviously by Yadin. These consist of a Hebrew letter to the men of Ein Gedi, especially Shimon's two followers Mesabalaand Yehonathan,warningthem of his displeasureat their complacency (P.Yadin 49); a menacing Hebrew letter ordering the same two men to send a certainman before the Sabbath(P. Yadin 50); a fragmentaryHebrew letter to Yehonathan pertaining to the sending of goods or persons (P.Yadin 51); a short Aramaic letter orderingYehonathanto do whatever a certainElisha tells him to do (P.Yadin 53); an Aramaic letter to Yehonathanand Mesabala with ordersaboutdealingwitha numberof malefactors,including"anyTekoan man" (P.Yadin54); an Aramaicletter to the same men sternlyordering them to send him anyone from Tekoa or anywhereelse (?) immediately (P.Yadin 55); an Aramaic letter to the same two men and anotherfollower, giving stern ordersregardingthe movementof certain goods and people and enunciatinga threatagainstthe Romansas an aside (P.Yadin 56); an Aramaic letter to a certain Yehudah bar Menashe, who resides at a place whose name is difficult, regarding preparationsfor the celebrationof the Sukkoth festival in the camp (P.Yadin57); andan Aramaicletterto YehonathanandMesabalainstructing them to deliver a shipment of salt to the camp (P.Yadin 58). Several of the letters are highly fragmentary: one in Hebrew (P.Yadin60) addressesYehonathanbut is otherwiseindecipherable;in another(P.Yadin 61), perhapsin Hebrew, Shimon calls for payment of some sort from the people of Tekoa (cf. P.Yadin 54-55); another (P.Yadin62) is entirely indecipherablewith the possible exception of a single Aramaicword; and the last (P.Yadin63), in Aramaicand perhaps again to Mesabalaand Yehonathan,refersto the weighing out of something(a demandfor payment?)and gives warningagainst pursuing a certaincourse of action. Two epistles in Greek are reeditedby HannahM. Cotton. One is a letter from a certain Soumaios (not to be identifiedwith Shimon bar Kosiba) to Yehonathanand Mesabalaorderingthem to send supplies
316
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to the camp for the celebrationof Sukkothand crypticallyapologizing for writing in Greekratherthan in Hebrew(script?)(P.Yadin52). letterfromAnnanosorAelianusto Yehonathan Theotheris a fragmentary regardingneeds of the brothersaboutwhich Simon son of Kosibahas already written (P.Yadin 59). A third, very poorly preserved,Greek text remainsuneditedbut apparentlya photographof it can be found on the lower left-handcornerof plate 91 (P.Yadin64). Following the text editions there are appendiceson the title KIMfl , which is appliedto Bar Kosiba in the texts and which is illuminated by biblical, Qumran,and Hasmoneanusages; on the "tie" (-1p) receipt as proof of paymentand its parallelsin rabbinicliterature;and on a special use of the relativepronounin the Aramaicand of directspeech. Hebrewdocumentswhichseemsto marktheintroduction There are also a detailed prosopographicalindex of personalnames, brief indices of place names, namesof fields, months,Romanofficials, consuls, and Nabateanroyalty;glossaries and concordancesof words in Hebrew, Aramaic, and Nabatean-Aramaic(includingArabic loanwords); and the volume concludeswith a selected bibliography. Excellent drawings by Yardeni of all the Semitic texts are given text-by-textin the main, hardboundvolume. A separate,Kivar-bound volume contains ninety-twoplates of all the texts in the Yadin collection, with the exception of the two reedited by Cotton, plates of which appearwith her editions in the main volume. All the photographs are clear and as readableas the state of the texts themselves allow. The plates are numberedand ordered according to Yadin's original plan, which involved publicationin a single volume. In the event, most of the Greekpapyriwere edited in an earliervolume (The Documents from the Bar Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters. Greek Papyri edited by Naphtali Lewis, Aramaic and Nabatean Signatures
and Subscriptionsedited by Yigael Yadin and Jonas C. Greenfield [Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Shrine of the Book, 1989]). Rather than revising Yadin's plates, which apparentlywould have resultedin a loss of quality,the originalarrangementhas been kept. This makes for some unfortunate confusion,since the orderof the plates varies both from the document numbersand the orderthe texts are presentedin the main volume, but this arrangementseems to have been the least of all possible evils. All in all, this is a superb edition of a corpus of exceptionally difficulttexts, whose editing requiredfull control of rabbinicHebrew and literature,Jewish Palestinianand NabateanAramaic,Greek,Latin,
BOOK REVIEWS
317
Arabic, and even Akkadian.The quality of productionis extremely high, with very few typographicalerrors.One can occasionallydebate a particularpoint (e.g., whetherthe interpretationof 7n710 on p. 303 is the most likely possibility) but I found no cases where I felt strongly that the authors were wrong. This is a fitting and worthy memorialto both Yadin and Greenfield,and an enormouscontribution to our knowledge of the languages and culturesof this region in the years leading up to and culminatingin the Bar Kokhbarevolt. Universityof St. Andrews
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JOB 28. COGNITIONIN CONTEXT VANWOLDE EDITED BY ELLEN This volume deals with the song of wisdom in Job 28 as it is analysed by scholars in biblical exegesis, Hebrew lexicography and cognitive linguistics. A colloquium (organised by the Royal Netherlands Academy of Arts and Sciences, Amsterdam 2002) of experts in these three disciplines showed that exploring the common ground is APRIL2003 worthwhile. The proceedings of this conference presented here, under the ISBN 90 04 13004 7 Hardback (380 pp., 11 illus. title 'Job 28. Cognition in Context' not only indicate the possibilities of Hebrew LiSTPRICE EUR85.- / US$ 99.semantics and cognitive approaches to BIBLICAL INTERPRETATION 64 SERIES,
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NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS Submission of Articles Contributions to the journal should be sent in the first instance to Prof. John J. Collins, Dead Sea Discoveries, Yale Divinity School, 409 Prospect St., New Haven, CT 06511, USA. Only one copy of the article need be sent. Preferably it should be written in English; articles in French or German will also be accepted. The text must be grammatically correct and in good literary style, using inclusive language. Articles must be typewritten, or in the form of a clear printout from a word-processor, on A4 or American-standard white paper, double-spaced (including notes, which must appear at the end of the article), and on one side of the paper only. Printouts should, if possible, be accompanied by a disk. Word Perfect, Microsoft Word as well as ASCII are accepted formats. Articles must follow Dead Sea Discoveries style, for which see DSD 5 (1998) 25660. Articles in French and German must follow the journal's style as far as possible. Articles must be complete, including all necessary notes, bibliographical references, tables, etc. Articles must be original work and should normally not have been published previously. Simultaneous submission of identical work to other journals is not acceptable. Articles will normally be put through a system of blind refereeing; authors who wish to avoid referees' knowing their identity should not give themselves away, for example, by referring to their own works in footnotes with first person possessive pronouns. Authors of accepted articles will be asked to complete a form concerning the content and the copyright of their articles. Authors will receive galley proofs for proofreading. These must be returned promptly within the period requested, and the publishers reserves the right to charge authors for changes to proofs other than corrections of compositor's errors. The page proofs are read by the editors. Authors receive twenty-five complimentary offprints of their published article and a copy of the issue in which their article appears. Reviewers receive eight free offprints of their published review. Book reviews Books for review should be sent to Prof. Armin Lange, The Department of Religious Studies, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, CB#3225, 106 Saunders Hall, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3225, USA.
CONTENTS MATTHEWJ. GOFF,The Mystery of Creation in 4QInstruction JESPERH0GENHAVEN,Rhetorical Devices in 4QMMT ............ JOHNKAMPEN,The Cult of Artemis and the Essenes in SyroPalestine ................................................... JOHNC. POIRIER,The Endtime Return of Elijah and Moses at Qumran ................................................... EYALREGEV,Abominated Temple and a Holy Community: The Formation of the Notions of Purity and Impurity in Qumran
163 187 205 221 243
BOOK REVIEWS
The Dead Sea Scrolls. Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. Pseudepigraphic and Non-Masoretic Psalms and Prayers, edited by James H. Charlesworth and Henry W.L. Rietz. The Princeton Theological Seminary Dead Sea Scrolls Project 4A (DANIELFALK) .................. ................ 279 The Complete World of the Dead Sea Scrolls, by Philip R. Davies, George J. Brooke, and Philip R. Callaway (MICHAEL A. KNIBB) ...................................................
284
'Al Kanfei Yonah, Collected Studies of Jonas C. Greenfield on Semitic Philology, by Jonas Greenfield (M.J. GELLER) ........ 286 The Dead Sea Scrolls: An Introductory Guide, by Stephen Hodge (JENNIFERM. SHEPHERD) ............................................
Qumran Grotte 4.XXII: Textes Arame'ens, premiere partie 4Q529-549, by Emile Puech. DJD 31 (Devorah Dimant) .... Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der Qumrangemeinde (QMidrEschathb): Materielle Rekonstruktion, Textbestand, Gattung und traditionsgeschichtliche Einordnung des durch 4Q174 ("Florilegium") und 4Q177 ("Catena A") reprdsentierten Werkes aus den Qumranfunden, by Annette Steudel. STDJ 13 (DEVORAH DIMANT) ................................................
To Increase Learning for the Understanding Ones: Reading and Reconstructing the Fragmentary Early Jewish Sapiential Text 4Qlnstruction, by E.J.C. Tichgelaar. STDJ 44 (BENJAMIN G. WOLD) ............................... .................... The Documents from the Bar-Kokhba Period in the Cave of Letters. Hebrew, Aramaic and Nabatean-Aramaic Papyri, edited by Yigael Yadin, Jonas C. Greenfield, Ada Yardeni, Baruch Levine, et al. ( JAMES R. DAVILA) ...................................................
289 292
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Dead Sea c Discovries A
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Related VOL.
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DEAD SEA DISCOVERIES A Journal of Current Research on the Scrolls and Related Literature EDITORS:
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P.S. Alexander, M.J. Bernstein, G.J. Brooke, E. Chazon, D. Dimant, C.A. Evans, H. Eshel, M. Kister, A. van der Kooij, F. Garcia Martinez, J.P. Meier, G.W.E. Nickelsburg, B. Nitzan, E. Puech, L.H. Schiffman, E. Schuller, M.E. Stone, E. Tov, E. Ulrich, J.C. VanderKam
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THE DATE OF THE PSALMS SCROLL FROM THE CAVE OF LETTERS (5/6HEVPS) RECONSIDERED WALTERC. BOUZARD,JR. WartburgCollege
The most recentinvestigationof the Cave of Lettershas done more than produceadditionalartifactsto supplementthe historicalcollection gatheredin the 1960's underthe directionof ProfessorYigael Yadin. A new hypothesisabout many of the previouslyknown artifactswas unearthedin the cave as well. ProfessorRichardFreund,co-director of the "2000 Returnto the Cave of Letters"expeditionhas now published his view that, pace Yadin, not all of the artifactsrecoveredin previous expeditions and associated by Yadin with Bar Kokhba are properlyassociatedwith that second-centuryrevolt. Drawingupon evidence from the CopperScroll, numismaticmaterialsfrom the Cave of Letters,and an arrayof other evidence, Freundproposesthat The objects that appearto date to the first centuryCE-the incense shovels and rest of the bronze hoard,the stone ware, the Psalms fragment,the First Revolt era coins-not only appearto date to the first century CE, they really do. Perhaps they were taken to the cave by Jerusalem priests fleeing the city's destruction by
the Romans.The second-centuryCE remains-Babatha's archive,the Bar-Kokhba letters-pose no dating difficulty(they are clearly second centuryCE), but they shouldnot precludeour datingof the cave's otherartifactsto the firstcenturyCE.'
The purposeof this brief essay is to reconsiderone artifactmentioned by Professor Freund, the famous Psalms fragmentknown as 5/6HevPs, in the light of this new hypothesis.Any difficultiesassociated with such an investigationhave been eased considerablyby the very recent publicationof this text, among others, by Peter W. Flint in the Discoveries in the Judaean Desert series.2 My own contribution I R. Freund and R. Arav, "Returnto the Cave of the Letters. What Still Lies Buried?"BAR 27/1 (January/February 2001) 39. 2 P. Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," MiscellaneousTextsfrom the JudaeanDesert (DJD 38; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 2000) 141-66. In the same volume, Flint has publishedother importantbiblical texts from Nahal Hever including5/6Numbersa,XHev/SeNumbersb, and XHev/SeDeuteronomy.
?) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
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will be to bring the fruits of that and other investigationsto bear on the Freundhypothesis, articulatingwhat can and cannot be claimed relative to the other artifactsdiscoveredin the Cave of Letterson the basis of the Psalms fragment. Thedetailsof Yadin'sdiscoveryof thePsalmsfragmentaresufficiently well knownthatthey need not be rehearsedin detail.On April3, 1960, Yadin's team, investigatingNahal Hever, discovereda small Psalms fragmentcontainingPs. 15:1-16:1 near the western wall of the first chamberof Cave 5/6,3 soon to be known as the Cave of Letters.4The following March saw the discovery of a second small biblical fragment, this one from the book of Numbers, found in the eastern entranceof the same cave.5Anotherbiblical text discoveredin Nahal Hever by Yadin, fragmentsof the GreekMinorProphetsScroll, came from Cave 8, the so-called 'Cave of Horror.'6Yadin did, of course, also find numerousnon-biblicalscrolls in the course of his twin expeditions to the Cave of Letters, most notably the Bar Kokhba letters and the Babatha archives. Indeed, it was primarilyon the basis of these readily datable documentsthat Yadin concludedthat all of the artifacts from the Cave of Letters are properly associated with the Second Revolt. The documents discovered by Yadin's team and the subsequent study of those materialsalso confirmeda rumorrelative to the discovery of other scrolls that had been sold by Bedouin to the Rockefeller Museumand other authoritiesin the early 1950's, namely, that these scrolls had been found in Israeliterritory.Indeed,it is now certain that the Bedouin entered the caves of Israeli-occupied Nahal Hever and removeddocumentsfrom there ratherthan having discovered them, as they claimed, in Jordaniancontrolled Nahal Se'elim (Wadi Seiyal). For example,correspondingfragmentsof the following
Cave 5/6 was so designatedbecauseit has both an easternand a westernentrance. See Y. Yadin, "The Expeditionto the JudaeanDesert, 1960, ExpeditionD," IEJ 11 (1961) 40. 4 See Y. Yadin, "The Expeditionto the JudaeanDesert, 1960, ExpeditionD." (esp. 40 andplateXXD) as well as thepopularaccountfoundin hisBarKokhba.TheRediscovery of the Legendary Hero of the Last Jewish Revolt Against Imperial Rome [London:
Weidenfeldand Nicolson, 1971] 113-4. Y. Yadin, "The Expeditionto the JudaeanDesert, 1961, ExpeditionD," IEJ 12 (1962) 229 and plate D. 6 B. Lifshitz, "The Greek Documents from the Cave of Horror,"IEJ 12 (1962) 201-7; E. Tov, The Greek Minor Prophets Scroll from Nahal Hever [8HevXII GrI
(DJD 8; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1990) 1.
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documents,all putativelydiscoverednear Nahal Se'elim, were discovered in the caves of Nahal Hever: a Nabateantext publishedalready in 1954,7 an Aramaic sales deed known as the Kefar Bebayu conveyance,8 and the first published fragments of the Greek Minor Prophets scroll.9 These few examples are by no means exhaustive: Jonas C. Greenfield'?and Hannah Cotton with Ada Yardenil"have amassed furtherinstancesof texts claimed to be from Nahal Se'elim but which, in fact, were removedfrom Nahal Hever. In his consideration of these and numerousother materials,Jonas C. Greenfieldconcludes, simply, "Therecan thereforebe little doubt that Nahal Hever is the source of the so called Se'elim texts."'2 There can likewise be little doubt that Nahal Hever served as the sourcefor at least two of the longerbiblical scrolls in the Se'elim collection. After his own comparativeexaminationof the biblical fragments from the respectivesites, Peter Flint reportsthat "Forboth the Numbersand the Psalms scrolls, similaritiesin the script and in the textureand appearanceof the leatherconfirmthat the two fragments found by Yadin at Nahal Hever are indeed part of the larger scrolls discoveredearlier by the Bedouin."'3Indeed, Flint is so confidentof the identificationof the two collections that he employs the siglum 5/6HevPs for both the fragmentfound by Yadin and the 'Seiyal' portion 4-a practiceI will hereafterfollow. Flint reasons that the tiny size of Yadin's fragmentseliminate the possibility that the Bedouin had divided the scrolls intentionallyand taken them to two locations.It appearsfar more likely that small portions of the first Numbersscroll and the Psalms scroll were accidently J. Starcky,"Un contratnabat6ensur Papyrus,"RB 61 (1954) 161-81. J. Milik, "Un contratjuif de I'an 134 aprdsJ.-C.,"RB 61 (1954) 182-90. 9 D. Barthelemy,"Red6couverted'un chainon manquantde 1'histoirede la Septante,"RB 60 (1953) 18-29. 10 J.C. Greenfield, "The Texts from Nahal Se'elim (Wadi Seiyal)," The Madrid QumranCongress.Proceedingsof the InternationalCongresson the Dead Sea Scrolls Madrid18-21 March,1991 (eds J. TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner;STDJ 11; Madrid:Editorialcomplutense;Leiden:Brill, 1992) 661-65. " H.M. Cotton and A. Yardeni,Aramaic,Hebrew, and Greek DocumentaryTexts from Nahal Hever and OtherSites (DJD 27; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1997) 1-6. 12 Greenfield,"The Texts from Nahal Se'elim (Wadi Seiyal)," 662. 13 P. Flint, "Biblical Scrolls from Nahal Hever and 'Wadi Seiyal': Introduction," MiscellaneousTextsfrom the JudeanDesert (DJD 38; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 2000) 134; cf. P.W. Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms (STDJ 17; Leiden:Brill, 1997) 43-4; Greenfield,"TheTexts from Nahal Se'elim [Wadi Seiyal]," 662-63. 14 Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 134-35. 8
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WALTER C. BOUZARD, JR.
left behindwhen they were removedfrom Nahal Hever's Cave 5/6. It may also be true that the second Numbersscroll and the Deuteronomy scroll of the Seiyal collection were likewise found in Cave 5/6. However, since no fragmentsof these documentshave been discoveredin that cave, that likely suppositioncannotbe proven.'5 Since it is the case that Yadin's fragment,Ps. 15:1-16:1, is a portion of a largerscroll known to be from the Cave the Letters,not just the fragmentbut the scroll as a whole-or at least what has survived of it-becomes pertinentfor this discussion.'6The scroll is especially importantas it is the only Psalms scroll from the Judeandesert that preservesmaterialfrom Psalms 7, 8, 10, 11, 14, 15, 23, 24, and 29. It is also, significantly,one of the only three Psalms scrolls not found at Qumran,the others being MasPsaand MasPsb.'7Eleven columns are preserved, and each column originally contained twenty-eight lines.'8The survivingtext representsportionsof eighteenPsalmsranging from Psalm 7 to Psalm 31. The pristinestate of this manuscriptis describedas having been "fine and delicate"with both the recto and verso smooth and the writing surface well prepared.'9 The format is stichometric,normallyincludingtwo cola per line. Unless the Psalm begins at a top of a column,new Psalms consistentlybegin aftera full one-line interval.A. Steudel, with Flint, believes that "the surviving fragmentsrepresentcols. III-XVI of a much largerscroll which probably containedall 150 Psalms in some seventy-fiveto eighty columns, and was between c. 6.75 and 7.20 m in length, excluding the handle sheets."20Flint does, however, allow the for the possibility that the original scroll contained only a Davidic Psalter of Psalms 1-41 arrangedin 21 columnsand measuringabout 1.9 meters,excludingthe handle sheets.2'
'5 Flint, "Biblical Scrolls from Nahal Hever and 'Wadi Seiyal': Introduction," 134. 16
For the following see Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 141-45. See P.W. Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 43-5. On MasPsa, see below. Shemaryahu Talmon, editor of MasPsb, judges that manuscript to date to the last half of the first century BCE. Cf. S. Talmon, "Fragments of a Psalms Scroll from Masada, MPsb (Masada 1103-1742)," Minhah le-Nahum:Biblical and Other Studies Presented to Nahum M. Sarna in Honour of His 70th Birthday (eds M. Brettler and M. Fishbane; JSOTSup 154; Sheffield: JSOT, 1993) 318-27 + pl. 8 Not preserved are columns I-II with their conjectured contents of Ps. 1:1-7:5, column X with its conjectured content of Ps. 18:44-22:3, and columns XIII-XIV with their conjectured contents of Ps. 25:7c-28:9. See P. Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 141, chart 1. 1' Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 142. 20 Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 142. 21 Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 142. 1"
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A crucial factor in the consideration of the significance of this scroll for the history of the Cave of Letters is its age, determinable only on palaeographical grounds.Althoughoriginallythoughtby Yardeni to be a Herodianbook hand of the early firstcenturyCE,22F.M. Cross believes the scriptto be post-Herodianand locates it in last quarterof the first centuryCE. As recently as 1998, the latter scholar published his view that the scroll representsa highly evolved formal script that has its closest parallel in a vely late Herodiantype representedby 4QPsb, but is one step beyond it, i.e., it is "post-Herodian."23 Peter Flint, the editor of this scroll, previously adopted Cross's dating.24 Upon fuller personalinvestigationof the documents,however,he now assertsthat a late Herodiandate (c. 50-58) is appropriatenot only for 5/6HevPsbutforXHevNuma,XHev/SeNumb, andXHev/SeDeutas well.25 It should be noted that Flint uses Cross's own palaeographiccriteria and descriptionsto revise the date of this and the other scrolls in the Nahal Hever/Seiyalcollection. Conveniently,several letters exhibiting telltale characteristicsof the late Herodianscriptappearclearly on that portion of the scroll discoveredby Yadin, includingthe following:26 (i) The 'aleph appearsin lines 1, 4, and 5. The characteristicHerodian keraia appearson the top right stroke and the oblique axis while the left leg is penned as an inverted 'V'; (ii) Bet, appearingclearly in lines 1 and 4, is written with a baseline drawn from left to right breakingthroughthe right down stroke(iii) The tick, or keraia, of the Herodiangimel can be seen in line 1; (iv) The he, survivingin lines
As cited by Greenfield,"The Texts from Nahal Se'elim (Wadi Seiyal)," 663. F.M. Cross, "Palaeographyand the Dead Sea Scrolls," The Dead Sea Scrolls AfterFifty Years.A ComprehensiveAssessment(eds P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam; Leiden: Brill, 1998) 388-89 and plate 10. In his discussion of the evolution of the Herodianscript, Cross neglects to explain how 5/6HevPs is to be distinguishedfrom other examples of the late Herodianformal script. For an early assessmentof a late first-centuryCE date which perhapshas unduly influencedCross (pace tanti viri) see Yadin, "The Expeditionto the JudaeanDesert, 1960, ExpeditionD," 40. 24 See Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 43, 253; idem "Psalms Scrolls from the Judean Desert,"The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translation4a (eds J.H. Charlesworth,H.W. Rietz and P.W. Flint;Tuibingen:MohrSiebeck, 1997) 289. 25 Flint, "5/6HevPsalms,"143. 26 For the characteristics of the Herodianand late Herodianscript describedhere, see Flint, "5/6HevPsalms,"143, and Cross, "Palaeographyand the Dead Sea Scrolls," 388-92. Line numbers1 through5 below referto Flint's publicationof the Yadinfragment ("5/6HevPsalms,"153-4); lines 7 and 8 referto the blankspace and fragmentary remainsof Ps. 16:1, respectively. 22
23
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WALTER C. BOUZARD, JR.
1, 3, and 5, exemplifies that Herodian style whereby the right leg, penned upwards,moves first into a triangularmotion with the horizontal and then in anothertriangularmotion to the down stroke;(v) in theearlyHerodianperiod, Theyod andwaw,virtuallyindistinguishable are again distinguishablein the late Herodianera. On the Yadin fragment, this developmentis discernibleon lines 1 through5; (vi) The triangularkeraia, typical of the Herodianhet, can be seen on lines 3 and 6; (vii) The keraia of the Hasmoneanlamed appearson lines 1, 3, 5, 6, and 8; (viii) Line 4 bears witness to the Herodianpracticeof forming a tick, or keraia, on the top of the medial nun; (ix) The closed, somewhattriangularsamekhappearsin lines 4 and 5; (x) The practiceof rotatingthe 'ayin clockwise, evident in lines 2 through6, shows a late Herodiandevelopment;(xi) The Herodiantendency to curl the heads underin the pe in both medial and final forms can be seen in line 2; (xii) Line 2 also includes a sade with a keraia appearing on both the rightand left arms;(xiii) The long tail of the Herodian quoph, lengthenedalready in the Hasmoneanperiod, appearsin line 2; (xiv) The slowly evolved keraia of the sin, while absent in line 3, is clear in line 6. Many more examples could be adducedfrom other columns of 5/6HevPs, but this is sufficient to demonstratethat the script of this scroll is Herodianand not post-Herodianas assertedby Cross. Finally, it is well to note that the survivingtext containsvery few variantreadings against the Codex Leningradensisas representedin BHS; most variants are against the minor Masoretic manuscripts.27 Two of the most interestingof these variants,however, occur in the fragmentdiscoveredby Yadin and are worthy of mention. First is the omission of verse 15:3a.That is, 5/6HjevPspresentstwo cola for verse 3, as opposed to the three of the MT and LXX, while missing. This variant is otherwise unattested,and iZ 7t: Sis one suspectsthat we have here to do with a simple case of parablepsis triggeredby homoioarkton:the sequence of waw (here representing a thirdmasculinesingularsuffix) precedingthe negative word tk' occurs at beginningof this colon and the one that follows it.28Even
27 Flint, "5/6HevPsalms," 144. All of the variantsare listed in his publicationof the individualportionsof 5/6HevPs,pp. 146-66. For a list of the majorvariantssee, conveniently,Flint's The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 82-3. g -bkg 2 5 g : X .? .."' .I II -
j^7:VI-1 1@:_W*
l_P::mk:-z
THE PSALMS SCROLL FROM THE CAVE OF LETTERS
325
though the phrase is difficultto translatein the MT (the qal form of is otherwise unattestedin the MT or at Qumran,29 and the exact meaning of the verb in that stem is difficultto assess),0 the MT here seems to have greater claim to originality. This claim is made not only on the obvious text-criticalgrounds,but also because the trilogy of "heart/tongue/eyes" (verses 2b, 3a, and 4a), here used positively to describethe righteous,appearsin the same sequenceelsewhere in the Psalms, albeit negatively,to describethe deeds of the wicked.3" A more telling variantis the Davidic superscriptionthat appearsin the MT and LXX (MrMr Tr AautB) but appearsto be U1T~, aTrioypawpica lacking in 5/6HjevPs.The Yadin fragmentwas originallyat the top of the seventh column of text, a column that once included all of Ps. 15:1-17:4ab.Althoughthe bottom of column VI is not preserved,the absenceof the superscriptionseems certain,since a) the alignmentand spacing precludesthe possibility of it having been originally placed before the preservedtext in line 1, and b) as occurs elsewhere in this scroll, were the superscriptionoriginally present in column VI, it would have been precededby a blank line, yet there is no room for two additionallines (i.e., a blank line followed by the superscription) in that twenty-eightline column.32 The absenceof the Davidic superscriptionhere is puzzling since, as Flinthaselsewhereconvincinglyargued,theassociationof superscriptions with particularPsalms is a phenomenonthat is not only attestedearly in the Dead Sea Psalms scrolls, but seems to have been a constitutive componentof the early canonicalshapingof what is now the Psalter's
L,y1
Books I-III (Psalms 1-89).33 To be more specific on this point: the
survivingthirty-nineJudeanPsalms scrolls show only two instancesof
29 The only attestationof tl at Qumranis a pu'al participlein I QM 5:13, refering to the lower foot of a sword (J. Duhaime,"WarScroll [1QM; 1Q33; 4Q491-496 = 4Qml-6; 4Q497]," The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts, 108) anda curiousastrologicaltext(4Q1862 1.2;see J. Allegro,QumranCave 4 [4Q158-4QJ861 [DJD 5; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1968188-91) the elusive meaningof which does not seem to be pertinent. 30 See, however, the attractivesuggestionof M. Dahood (Psalms 1: 1-50 lAB 16; GardenCity: Doubleday& Company, 1966] 83-4) who understandst-l to represent a denominativeverb formedfrom the name of a body part,here "foot."He thus translates the phrase,"He who does not trip (-l7) over his tongue."
31 Cf. Ps. 10:6-8. 32
Flint, "5/6HevPsalms,"155. See Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 117-49, esp. 148-49. 33
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WALTER C. BOUZARD, JR.
deviationfrom the Masoreticorderingof Psalms 1-89: Psalm 33 follows Psalm 31 in 4Qpsa and 4QPsq, and Psalm 71 follows Psalm 38 in 4QPsa. Flint claims of this that Both deviationscoincide with the rare absence of superscriptionsin Books I to III of the MasoreticPsalter,which signals a correlationbetweenstabilizationand the presenceof titles for Psalms 1-89. The absence of superscriptionsin Books I-III seems to identifythose Psalmswhose positionswere not finalizedas late as the first centuryCE (cf. 4QPSq), thus renderingthem prone to varyingcombinations with other Psalms.34
Based on these observations,as well as corroborativeevidence from his study of the relativeage of the JudeanPsalms manuscriptsand the sequencingof Psalms found in them, Flint concludes that the stabilizationof the Psaltertook place in two distinctivestages, with Psalms 1-89 (or thereabouts)having reachedits canonicalshape priorto the first century BCE and the balance of the present Psalter towards the end of the first centuryCE:"Althoughthe manuscriptevidence is not complete, the scrolls strongly suggest that during the entire Qumran period Psalms 1-89 were virtually finalized as a collection, while Psalms 90 and beyond remainedmuch more fluid."35 Flint's carefulstudy has obvious and importantimplicationsfor the ongoing conversationabout the canonical shape and shaping of the Psalms. His observationsare importantfor this presentdiscussion as well. As will be noted presently,the omission of the Davidic superscription on a scroll containing Psalms-the structureand order of which had alreadylong achieved stability,and that in correspondence to the presence of superscriptionsin the copied texts-provides a clue as to the questions that surroundthe Nahal Hever Psalms scroll. Before turningto this matter,however, it will be helpful to summarize what has been discernedabout 5/6HevPs. We have noted that 5/6HevPs is: (i) one of threePsalms scrolls discovered in the Judeanwildernessthat are not associatedwith Qumran, the othertwo having been discoveredin the ruinsof Masada;(ii) from the late Herodianperiod,c. 50-58 CE, and is one of two (or perhaps
Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 146. Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 148. Flint continues: "For Psalms 1-89, the order of continguousPsalms almost always corresponds with that found in the MT-150 Psalter(92% supportive,8% contradictory),with the only two exceptionsinvolvingPsalms that lack superscriptionsin the ReceivedText." See also M.C. Dailey, "The Psalter of the Dead Sea Scrolls: Arguing for an Early Formulationof the Psalms,"(Ohio State UniversityM.A. Thesis: Ohio, 1996) 24-44. 34 3"
THE PSALMS SCROLL FROM THE CAVE OF LETTERS
327
four) biblical scrolls discoveredin Nahal Hever, all copied in the same period;(iii) a scroll that was of exceptionallyhigh quality in its pristine state; (iv) representsa Psalms collection that is largely consistent with the MT in termsof the contentand orderof the preservedPsalms, althoughthe apparentabsence of the superscriptionbefore Psalm 15 representsa curiousvariant. From this, the question naturallyemerges, "Wherewas this scroll produced?"In spite of the fact that not a few of the QumranPsalms scrolls date from the same period as does 5/6HevPs,36it is highly unlikely that this Psalms scroll was produced by the scribes of Qumran,especially given the absenceof the Davidic superscriptionfor Psalm 15. This claim is based on the following considerations:(i) The Psalms were considered as "scripture"at Qumran.Besides the fact that there are more surviving Psalms scrolls than any other biblical book,37 the scrolls themselves signal the scriptural status of the Psalms. For example, the HalakhicLetter 4QMMT enjoins the study of threescripturalgroupings,namely"thebookof Moses,""theProphets," the latter referringto the nascent third division of the and "David,"38 Hebrew scripturesby means of signaling out the foremost Davidic book, the Psalms.39(ii) The Psalms were viewed by the Qumran
36 Besides 5/6HevPs, Psalms scrolls dated from the early to middle first centuryCE 1lQPsc, 1lQPsd, and from I include 4QPsC,4QPsg, 4QPsJ, 4QPsq, 4QPs', lQPs", Masada,MasPsa.Only marginallylater are 4QPsc(50-68 CE), 4QPss (50 CE or later), and 1lQPsApa(50-70 CE). Cf. Flint, "PsalmsScrolls from the JudeanDesert,"288-9; idem, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 49, notes 150 and 151. 37 Thirty-sixPsalms manuscriptshave been recoveredfrom Qumran.Otherwell representedbiblical books include Deuteronomy(27) and Isaiah (24). These numbersare in contrastto the two manuscriptsrepresentingQoheleth(4QQohab) and one each for Ezra (4QEzra)and Chronicles(4QChron).Cf. Flint, "PsalmsScrolls from the Judean Desert,"221. The special role of the Psalms in the Qumraniccommunity,as well as the importanceof books of Deuteronomyand Isaiah,is likewise evidencedby the fact thatthese books are the most frequentlyquotedin the sectarianwritingsof the Qumran sect. Cf. E. Tov, "HebrewBiblical Manuscriptsfrom the JudaeanDesert:Their Contributionto Textual Criticism,"Jewish Civilizationin the Hellenistic-RomanPeriod (ed. S. Talmon; Philadelphia:Trinity, 1991) 122 (previously published in JSS 39 (1988) 5-37); J. Carmignac,"Les citationsde l'ancien testamentdans 'La guerredes fils de lumiereles fils de t6ndbres',"RB 63 (1956) 375-90; P. Wernberg-M0ller, "The Contributionof the Hodayotto Biblical TextualCriticism,"Textus4 (1964) 173-5. 38 4Q397 14-21 C, lines 9-10: n'1':[piT ]]neon[)] itinf :[znz1t'] b 1-rn nr'tt ("And we have also written to you that you should examine the book of [7Jp-TnV Moses, and the books of the Prophetsand David.. .") in E. Qimronand J. Strugnell, QumranCave 4: V. Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah (DJD 10; Oxford: ClarendonPress,
1994) 58-9. 39
Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 23.
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WALTER C. BOUZARD, JR.
scribes as prophetic.01lQPsa 27:1141articulatesthe belief that 4,050 musicalcompositions(includingthose preservedin the MT) were given to David from the Most High, and that explicitly, by prophecy (Alf:l).42 Somethingof that same understandingof the propheticand revelatorycharacterof the Psalms also appearsto stand behind the statementincluded in the daily prayersof 4Q503: "you have made known to us the psalms of your glory."43Moreover, pesharim-a genre mostly confinedto prophetictexts-were writtenon the Psalms at Qumranincluding4Q171, 4Q173 and, perhaps,4Q172.4 (iii) The Davidic authorshipof the Psalter was strongly asserted in Qumran. The already mentioned 1lQPsa col. 27 ("David's Compositions")"is directedratherpatentlyto those who might doubtthe Davidic authorship of the Psalter,of whatever size, so that those who would limit the Psaltermight be persuadedotherwise."45 Flint, expandingupon the earlierwork of Wilson,j6has shown that the emphasison David is a major organizingelement of 1lQPsa, since the redactorof that scroll has dispersed Davidic Psalms in such a way as to highlight the Davidic characterof the entire collection.47This same emphasis is transparentin the concatenationformed by Psalm 154 (col. 18), the Sirach 51 canticle (col. 21), and the "Hymnto the Creator"(col. 26) preceding "David's Compositions"(col. 27): the four compositions serve to stress the role of Wisdom in David's life and musical gifts.48
E. Urlich, "Pluriformityand the Biblical Text," The MadridQumranCongress, Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 218-19. " I IQPsa= I IQ5. 42 See J.A. Sanders,J. Charlesworth and H. Rietz, "Non-MasoreticPsalms [4Q88 = 4QPsf, I IQ5 = I IQPs', I IQ6
=
I IQPsb]," The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic,
and Greek Texts, 214-15. The full line reads:I&M 1' In: nttM1;ft-'tr* 1i: jl'7Dil. Flint (The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 219) sagely cautions against identifyingPsalms with the later collection of Nevi'im in the MT, especially since 4QMMTdistinguishesbetweenthe "prophets"and "David."He concludes, however, by stating, "It is nevertheless clear that the Psalms were among those Scriptureswhich containedthe revealedtruththat was to be interpreted,and servedas the basis for orderingof the community." See D.T. Olson, "Daily Prayers 43 4Q503 frgs 51-55, 1. 9: 17:r11=: lrbn -417. [ (4Q503 = 4QPrQuot),"TheDead Sea Scrolls:Hebrew,Aramaic,and GreekTexts,263. 44 Urlich, "Pluriformityand the Biblical Text," 34; Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 218-19. 45 Sanders,Charlesworth and Rietz, "Non-MasoreticPsalms (4Q88 = 4QPsf, II Q5 I QPs",11Q6 = IlQPsb)," 213. 46 G. Wilson, The Editingof the HebrewPsalter (SBLDS 76; Chico, CA: Scholars, 1985). 47 Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 193-95, 224. 48 Sanders,Charlesworth and Rietz, "Non-MasoreticPsalms (4Q88 = 4QPs', 11Q5 = 11QPsa,11Q6 = IlQPSb) " 213.
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None of the above considerations,of course, eliminates the possibility that a Qumranscribe copied this text and, for whateverreason, omitted the superscription.Nevertheless, given the relative stability of the first half of the Psalter throughoutthe Qumran period, the prophetic value that was placed on the Psalms, and the Davidic emphasisthat featuresso prominentlyin that community,it would be an especially curiousomission at Qumran.Couple these considerations with the following observationregardingthe Psalm scrolls collected at Qumran: Of the six Qumran Psalms scrolls that are generally classified as "Herodian"(lQPsC,2 QPs, 4QPsh, 4QPsm,4QPsP, and 4QPsr),49 five are written in prose format. Only 4QPsh, which evidently
includedno more than Psalm 119:10-21, was writtenstichometrically by full line. However,the scribalpenchantfor copying Psalm 119 stichometrically manifested itself early in the tradition. lQPsa, which dates from the middle of the first centuryBCE, is arrangedin a prose formatexcept for Psalm 119 which is presentedwith two hemistichs per line.50Similarly, 5QPs (loosely assigned to the first century CE) and 4QPsg (mid-firstcentury CE) present Psalm 119 with two hemistichs per line.5' The remainingQumranscrolls that have been located in the century CE include the following: 4QPsS, 4QPs', 4QPsq, 4QPsi, 4QPse, lQPsb, 1 lQPsa, 1lQPsb, 11QPsC, 1lQPsd, 1lQPsApa, 3Qps, 8QPsa, 4QPsC, 5/6HevPs and MasPsa.52The scrolls from Nahal Hever and Masada will be discussed separatelybelow. Of the remainingscrolls, eleven present the psalms in a prose format, with 3QPs, 8QPsa,and 4QPsc serving as apparentexceptions. Thus, and discounting those scrolls that preserveonly Psalm 119, of the nineteenQumranpsalms scrolls classified as Herodianperiods and includingthe first centuryCE, SiXteen, or 84.2%, are writtenin a prose format.Moreover,the evidence I Flint (The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 49, note 148 and page 45), on paleographicalgrounds,also includes a seventh text of uncertainprovenance among the HerodianPsalms scrolls. The fragmentin questionwas discoveredin Yadin's study and has been variouslycataloguedas Maslg(?), MasPsc(?)and now, by
Flint, as 4QPsv.
50 EmanuelTov, "Special Layout of Poetical Units in the Texts from the Judean Desert,"in Give Ear to My Word:Psalmsand OtherPoetryin and Aroundthe Hebrew Bible. Essays in Honourof ProfessorN.A. van Uchelen, ed. by J. Dyk et al. (Amsterdam: Societas HebraicaAmstelodamensis,1996) 118-19. A second centuryBCE scroll, 4QPsa, presentsthe psalmsas a runningtext except for the preservedportionof Psalm 119 which is copied with two hemistichsper line. s' Tov, "SpecialLayout,"120-121. 5QPs has two hemistichsper line seperatedby a space while 4QPsghas no such dividerbetween the stichs. 52 Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 31-37, 252-253.
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surroundingthe remainingtexts is mixed. 3QPs is a small fragment that includes only a few words of Psalm 2:6-7 which "as far as may be ascertainedfrom the remainingtext"is stichometricallyarranged,a surmise based on the relative positions of a few remainingletters in verses six and seven which begin successive lines.53 Obviously, the
evidence remains sparse. 4QPsC,dated between 50 and 68 CE, iS mostly-but not completely-written stichometrically,usually with two hemistichsper line without any spaces between them. The scroll also includes some Psalms writtenin prose format.54Finally, there is 8QPs, putativelywrittenin bi-cola lines and, accordingto that Psalm scroll's editor, M. Baillet, is to be loosely located in the first century CE.55 The fourteen fragments preserve portions of Psalms 17 (frgs 8-13) and Psalm 18:6-13 (frgs 8-13). Baillet reconstructsthis poorly preservedscroll as representingbi-cola lines with the cola separated by one or more intervalsof widely varying length. In light of subsequentdiscoveriesand publications,however,it may be time to reconsider Baillet's reconstructionof this Psalm scroll. One notes, for example, that except for the lines representingPsalm 17:8 and 18:11, the intervalsbetween the cola are all suppliedby Baillet himself. Of the two survivinglines which do seem to attest to a space between cola, the first (Psalm 17:8, fragment5) does not appearto represent an extraordinarily large gap betweenthe words 1 and tZ]=, and about the second (Psalm 18:11, fragment13) Baillet himself remarks,"Apres ?X'1, espace en blanc attest6, mais assez reduit" (emphasis added).56
The just mentionedscrolls (and the 3QPs fragment)may be exceptions for anotherreason: neither 4QPsc nor 8QPs is copied in what and both were cerEmanuelTov has dubbedthe "Qumransystem""7 Flint, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 32 and note 23. Flint, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 34. s MauriceBaillet, Les "PetitesGrottes"de Qumran:explorationde la falaise; Les grottes 2Q, 3Q, 5Q, 6Q, 7Q, a IOQ:le rouleau de cuivre (eds MauriceBaillet, J.T. Milik and Rolandde Vaux; DJD 3; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1962) 148-9 and plate S3 S
xxxi.
MauriceBaillet, Les "PetitesGrottes"de Qumran,149. On the "Qumransystem" see Tov, "Hebrew Biblical Manuscriptsfrom the Judaean Desert: Their Contributionto Textual Criticism," 114-9. Tov divides the Qumranscrolls between those copied elsewhereand importedinto the settlementand those characterizedby the "Qumransystem."The featuresof the latterinclude peculiaritiesof orthography,language,and scribalmarkings,the placementof initial-medial letters in final positions,the generallyhigherquality of the physicalscroll itself, and the writing of the divine names 'l(hym) and yhwh in palaeo-Hebrewletters in texts writtenin the squarescript.In addition,he notes that "The scrolls writtenin Qumran orthographyand language display a tendencyto modernizebiblical Hebrew spelling 56 57
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tainly among a numberof scrolls that were importedto the Qumran settlementratherthan copied there."8If so, it appearsto be the case that, all of the Psalms scrolls identifiedas "Herodian"in scriptand the vast majority-and perhapsall-of the QumranPsalms scrolls dated to the early or mid-first century CE are written in a prose format except the scrolls that, apparently,originallyincludedonly Psalm 119. One must, of course grant that the significance of stichometric arrangementsremains unclear,as does their place in their history of transmission.59 For example, it is difficult to know how to evaluate those few psalms that were presentedstichometricallyfrom the first century CE-if there were, in fact, any full representativesof this type-or how to judge the several first centuryBCE scrolls arranged stichometrically.f'A lack of clarityon the meaningand purposeof stichometricarrangementsnotwithstanding,it is neverthelessstartlingto realize how uniquetwo stichometricPsalms scrolls appearin contrast to the scrolls copied in the same period and, moreover,how similar they are to each other. 5/6HevPs and MasPsa6Iare both copied in late and languange" (119). See, however, E. Ulrich, The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins
of the Bible (GrandRapids:Eerdmanns,1999) 110-20, who expressesreservationas to whetheror not the idea of a "Qumranpractice"remainsa useful concept. He suggests instead that variationssuch as describedby Tov are "generallytypical of contemporaryPalestiniancopyists ratherthan specific to the copyists at Qumran"(112). 58 Tov, "HebrewBiblical Manuscriptsfrom the JudaeanDesert:Their Contribution to TextualCriticism,"120, especially note 1. 19 Tov, "Special Layout,"126 and passim. See, however, the earlier suggestionby Joseph M. Oesch who proposes a functional origin for sundry copying patterns ["Textgliederungim alten Testament und in den Qumranhandschriften," Henoch 5 (1983) 317]. Specifically,Oesch asserts "dass die Wahl der Gliederungsmethode und des dadurchgeschaffenenGliederungssystems von Zweck abhangtfur welchen eine HS angefertigtwurde."Evidence for this proposalis indirectonly and is drawnby analogy from findingsat the Cairo Geniza. 60 There are eleven scrolls dated to the first centuryBCE by means of palaeographic analysis. Of these, five are copied in a prose format (4QPs', 4Qpsk, 4QPsn, 4QPso, and 4QPs 522), and one (4QPsu,includingonly Psalm 99:1!) is too fragmentaryfor stichometricanalysis. The remainingscrolls, IQPs8,4QPsb, 4QPsd, 4QPs' and MasPsb presenttheir psalms variously.4Qpsband 4QPs' have one hemistich per line, lQPsa has two hemistichs on each line with an interveningspace, while MasPsbdisplays what the masoreteswould later call the as "a half-brickatop a half-brick"layout [see Tov, "SpecialLayout,"121; Talmon,MasadaVI, 92]. It is interestingto note that two of these scrolls eitheromit psalms includedin the MT (4QPsb)or presentthe psalms in a differentorder(4QPsd)albeit the orthographyof both-as well as that of 4QPs' and MasPs6-is close to that of the MT [see Flint, The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms, 31, 33-38]. 61 MasPsaappearsin S. Talmon,Masada VI: Yigael Yadin Excavations, 1963-1965: Final Reports: Hebrew Fragments from Masada (Masada Reports; Jerusalem: Israel
ExplorationSociety, 1999) 76-90. See also two photos of the scroll publishedin J.K.
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Herodianscripton, respectively,twenty-eightand twenty-nine(?) line columns, includingblank lines separatingthe Psalms.62They both are written in a stichometricformat with two cola per line with space between each stich.63In this respect these texts are distinct from the stichometricstructureof 4QPsC.Also noteworthyare the similaritiesin the blank spaces separatingthe psalms in these two scrolls. ColumnII of MasPsafeaturesa 1.5 centimeterblank that divides Psalms 82 and 83. Talmon has noted that "a similar separationof two consecutive psalms by a blank line" can be observedin 5/61jevPsbetweenPsalms 15 and 16.64 Furthersimilaritiesand differencesbetweenthese scrolls need to be investigated.The argumentat this point, however,is as follows: First, these two Psalms scrolls are similar in formatand that in contradistinctionto otherPsalms scrolls from the Judeandesertdatingfrom the first centuryCE. In this connection,it is worthy to note that MasPsb is written in what Talmon says might be a Herodianscript from the first decades of that era. Although older than MasPsaand exhibiting a formatthat is somewhatdifferent,the script type and the stichometric arrangementfor both of these scrolls-and especially MasPsasuggests a link of some descriptionwith 5/6Hever/$e'elimas well as a link to the later MT tradition.Second, it seems unlikely that any of thesescrollsoriginatedat Qumran.Quiteapartfromtheevidenceadduced above, Tov has argued that none of the biblical texts discovered at Masada originated at Qumran. This is so, he avers, because the Masadabiblical texts are closer to the medieval Masoretictexts than are the Qumran texts that also belong to the Masoretic family.65 Indeed, this same observationpertainsto other biblical texts deriving from the time of the Bar Kokhba revolt,66all of which point to
McDonald,"Treasuresfrom the Holy Land.AncientArt from the IsraelMuseum,"BA 43 (1986) 163 and E. Netzer, "Masada,"The New Encyclopaedia of Archaeological Excavations (ed. E. Stem; Jerusalem:IsraelExplorationSociety and Carta,19930 982 as well as the earlier helpful edition of this text (based on the McDonaldphoto) by M1039-160 nach einem jungst G. Wilhelm Nebe, "Die Masada-Psalmen-Handschrift veroffentlichenPhoto mit Text von Psalm 81.2-85.6," RevQ 53 (1989) 89-97. 62 The best preservedcolumnsof MasPsainclude27 lines of text plus blanksof various widths. See Talmon, Masada VI, 78; cf. G.W. Nebe, "Die Masada-PsalmenHandschrift,"91. 63 Tov, "SpecialLayout,"121. 64 Talmon,MasadaVI, 78 and note 1. 65 E. Tov, "A QumranOriginfor the MasadaNon-BiblicalTexts?"DSD 7/1 (2000) 61. 1 Tov, "A QumranOrigin for the MasadaNon-BiblicalTexts?"61. Tov lists, as
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"groupswhichadheredto one singlebiblicaltexts,probablytheJerusalem centraltext."67With respect to Masada,Tov believes that the Zealots were the most likely group to have broughtthe biblical texts to that fortress.68This assumption appears probable since the terminus ad quem of the deposit of MasPsais certain:discovered at the base of casemate wall 1039, south of the fortress synagogue, the scroll was left by the rebels of the FirstRevolt-or droppedtheirby their Roman conquerors-in 74 CE. Tov does not, of course, transfer the same assumptionto theHebrewbiblicalscrollsof NahalHever/$e'elimbecause those texts are generallyunderstoodas derivingfrom the time of Bar Kokhba.In principle,however, there is no reason not to assume that Zealots of the first century CE-or sympathetic priests from Jerusalem-rather than the Bar Kokhbarebels of the second century CE, were responsiblefor depositingbiblical texts in the Cave of Letters. The notion that these scrolls were left by Bar Kokhba's confederates is driven primarilyby the fact that indisputableBar Kokhbaartifacts were found in the same cave. Against this conclusion, however, are the following considerations:i) The Cave of Letters,like other caves of the Judaeanwilderness,were known throughoutantiquityand frequently visited by various groups. For example, sundryChalcolithic artifactswere discoveredin the Cave of Letters,69and at a small cave next to the Cave of Letters finds of both the Chalcolithic and Bar Kokhbaperiodswere found intermingled.70 ii) The fragmentsof biblical scrolls obviously were not in their original location when Yadin's team discovered them and, consequently, nothing of their original stratigraphiclocation can be known. In any event, stratigraphyin the Cave of Letters is extraordinarilydifficult to discern owing to the natureof the cave itself and ceiling collapse over the centuries.Even had the largerscrolls been found in situ, the picturewould not necessarily have been made clearer.iii) Nothing about the survivingscrolls themselves-including the Psalms scroll underdiscussion-testifies to the conclusion that the Bar Kokhba rebels deposited the scrolls. On
examples,the texts discoveredat Murabba'at(MurGen,MurExod,MurNum,MurDeut, Murlsa, MurXII), Nahal Hever/Se'elim (5/6HevNuma, 5/6HevPs; XHev/SeNumb, XHev/SeDeut,34SeNum) and Sdeir. 67 Tov, "A QumranOriginfor the MasadaNon-BiblicalTexts?"61. 61 Tov, "A QumranOrigin for the MasadaNon-BiblicalTexts?"61, 67. 69 Y. Yadin,TheFindsfromtheBarKokhbaPeriodin theCaveof theLetters(Jerusalem: Israel ExplorationSociety, 1963) 27. 70 Yadin, The Findsfrom the Bar KokhbaPeriod in the Cave of the Letters,9.
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the contrary,given the obvious general similaritiesbetween 5/6HevPs and MasPsa(e.g. palaeography,format,proximityto the MT) the possibility thatthe Zealotswere responsiblefor secretingthe scrolls in the Cave of Lettersappearsat least as likely as the traditionalinterpretation. In other words, had the Bedouinremovedthe second centuryCE Bar Kokhba letters and Babatha archives rather than the two (or four?) biblical scrolls, quite anotherconclusion about the deposit of those scrolls would likely have been reached.In short,the similarities between that scroll and the one from the Cave of Letters,while not providingproof of the terminusad quem for the deposit of the latter, does make conceivablea scenariowherebythe nearbycave served as refuge for first-centuryJewish rebels, just as it did for the comrades of Bar Kokhba. In this connection,the caves of Wadi Murabba'atprovidea telling parallel. The Hebrew literary remains discovered at Murabba'at include a palimpsestfrom the eighth centuryBCE, ostracaand (likely) a papyrusfrom the firstcenturyBCE, a recognitionof debt dated55/56 CE along with other literary fragments deposited during the First Revolt, and various documents associated with the Bar Kokhba period.7'In contrastto the Cave of Letters,however,the biblicalmaterials (including fragments of Genesis, Numbers, Deuteronomy,and Isaiah) and the phylacteryfound at Murabba'athave all been dated, on palaeographicgrounds,to the late firstor early second centuryCE.72 That is to say, these scrolls-which were doubtlessdepositedby the participantsof the Second Revolt underBar Kokhba-were all copied subsequentto the Herodianera. They are post-Herodian.This observation underscoresthe curious fact that the 5/6Hever/$e'elimbiblical scrolls originate in the late Herodian period and antedate the First Revolt. Is it accidentalthat a cache of biblical scrolls, putativelyleft in the Cave of Lettersby the allies of Bar Kokhba,all date from the late Herodianperiodwhile a second collection, found at Murabba'at,
(DJD 2; Oxford: 7' P. Benoit, J. Milik and R. de Vaux, Les Grottesde Murabba'at ClarendonPress, 1961) 70, noting the author'sreservationabout dating the ostraca. See also R. de Vaux, "Grottesde Murabba'atet leursdocuments,"RB 60 (April 1953) 246-67; G.W.L. Harding,"KhirbetQumranand Wady Muraba'at,"PEQ 84 (Mayof the Dead Sea Caves,"BA 17 (Feb. October1952) 104-9; F.M. Cross,"Manuscripts 1954) 7-12; W. Baumgartner,"Neues von den palastinischenHandschriftenfunden," Handschriftendie palstinischen "Wiederum 7Z9 (July-August1953)316;W. Baumgartner, funde,"TZ 9 (November-December1953) 469-70. 72 Benoit, Milik and Vaux, Les Grottes de Murabba'dt, 70, 77-81; Cross, "Manuscriptsof the Dead Sea Caves," 11.
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were all copied at a later time? Such an accidentof history remains, of course, possible. And yet, the facts might more easily be explained if the scrolls of the Cave of Letters were deposited not by Bar Kokhba'sconfederates,but ratherby those who allied themselveswith the Zealots of Masada.Precisely this sort of scenariois demonstrable at Murabba'at,albeit there, the First Revolt documentsare not biblical texts. On the other hand, at Nahal Hever evidence of Bar Kokhba occupation appears intermingledwith artifactsfrom the Chalcolithic era. Why should it be assumedthat other artifacts-artifacts from the First Revolt-would not be intermingledwith the Bar Kokhba material as well? This is, of course, ProfessorFreund'shypothesis. Returningto that hypothesis:Freund'sclaim is that artifactsfrom the Cave of Lettersthat are datable to the First Revolt period were, in fact, depositedin the cave during that time. Moreover,he asserts, the more precious and valuable of these items, such as the bronze hoard,came from the precinctsof the Second Temple. With respectto the Psalms scroll, is Freund'shypothesispossible? The palaeographic evidence and the links between this Psalms scroll and MasPsaanswer that questionin the affirmative.The scroll is old enough and of sufficiently high quality in its pristinestate for that scenario to be credible. The late Herodianfragmentof the larger5/6HevPs scroll (as well as XHevNuma,XHev/SeNumb,and XHev/SeDeut) provides, if not proof, then at least one more link in the chain of circumstantialevidence adducedby ProfessorFreund.But could it not also be possible that the Bar Kokhbarebels had this and other eighty year old scrolls in their possession and that they deposited them in the Cave of Letters?While this scenarioalso remainspossible and cannotbe ruled out on the evidence of the Psalms scroll alone, the Murabba'atmaterials, at the very least, cast suspicion on the traditionalinterpretation of the Psalms fragmentand the other scrolls onrginallydeposited in the Cave of Letters.Recognizingthat the state of the evidence to date does not allow for an irrefutableconclusion, the circumstantialevidence here adduced, coupled with evidence drawn from other firstcentury artifacts found in the Cave of Letters and elsewhere in the Judeandesert,neverthelesstilts the balancein favor of Freund'shypothesis. Perhapsa definitiveanswerwill be had only with anotherexpedition to the Cave of Letters. Until such time as that difficult and expensive expeditioncan be undertaken,however, the above remarks point to the importanceof re-evaluatingwidely accepted conclusions about the archaeologicaldata associated with the Cave of Letters as well as the other caves of the Judeanwilderness.
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Oesch, Joseph M. "Textgliederungim alten Testament und in den Qumranhandschriften,"Henoch 5 (1983): 289-321. Olson, Dennis T. "Daily Prayers (4Q503 = 4QPrQuot)."In The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translation,vol. 4a, edited by James H. Charlesworth,Henry W.L. Rietz, and Peter W. Flint, 235-85. Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997. Qimron, Elisha, and John Strugnell.QumranCave 4: V. Miqsat Ma'ase Ha-Torah. DJD 10. Oxford:Clarendon,1994. Sanders, James A., J.H. Charlesworth,and H.W.L. Rietz. "Non-MasoreticPsalms (4Q88 = 4QPsf, llQ5 = II QPs", 11Q6 = I 1QPsb)." In The Dead Sea Scrolls: Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translation,vol. 4a, edited by James H. Charlesworth,HenryW.L. Rietz, and Peter W. Flint, 155-215. Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1997. Starcky,Jean. "Un contratnabateensur Papyrus."RB 61 (1954): 161-81. Talmon,S. "Fragmentsof a Psalms Scroll from Masada,MPsb(Masada 1103-1742)." In Minhahle-Nahum:Biblical and Other StudiesPresentedto NahumM. Sarna in Honour of His 70th Birthday, ed. M. Brettler and M. Fishbane. JSOTSup 154, 318-27 + pi. Sheffield:JSOT, 1993. . Masada VI: YigaelYadinExcavations,1963-1965: Final Reports:HebrewFragmentsfrom Masada. MasadaReports.Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, 1999. Tov, Emanuel.The GreekMinorProphetsScrollfrom Nahal Hever (8HevXIIGr). DJD 8. Oxford:Clarendon,1990. --. "HebrewBiblical Manuscriptsfrom the JudaeanDesert: Their Contributionto TextualCriticism."In Jewish Civilizationin the Hellenistic-Roman Period, edited by ShemaryahuTalmon, 107-37. Philadelphia:Trinity, 1991. -."SpecialLayoutof PoeticalUnits in the Texts from the JudeanDesert,"in Give Ear to My Word:Psalms and OtherPoetryin and Aroundthe HebrewBible. Essays in Honour of Professor N.A. van Uchelen, edited by J. Dyk et al. (Amsterdam: Societas HebraicaAmstelodamensis,1996): 115-28. . "A QumranOrigin for the MasadaNon-BiblicalTexts?"DSD 7, no. 1 (2000): 57-73. Urlich, Eugene. The Dead Sea Scrolls and the Origins of the Bible. Grand Rapids: William B. Eerdmanns,1999. . "Pluriformity and the Biblical Text." In The Madrid Qumran Congress. Proceedingsof the InternationalCongress on the Dead Sea Scrolls Madrid 18-21 March, 1991, edited by Julio Trebolle Barrerraand Luis Vegas Montaner.STDJ 11,1, 23-41. Leiden:E.J. Brill, 1992. Vaux, Roland de. "Grottesde Murabba'atet leurs documents."Revue biblique 60 (April 1953): 246-67. P. "The Contributionof the Hodayotto Biblical TextualCriticism." Wernberg-M0ller, Textus4 (1964): 133-75. Wilson, G.H. The Editingof the HebrewPsalter. SBLDS, no. 76. Chico, CA: Scholars, 1985. Yadin, Y. Bar Kokhba.The Rediscoveryof the LegendaryHero of the Last Jewish RevoltAgainst ImperialRome. London:Weidenfeldand Nicolson, 1971. . "The Expeditionto the JudaeanDesert, 1960, ExpeditionD." IEJ 11 (1961): 36-52 + plates. . "The Expeditionto the JudaeanDesert, 1961, ExpeditionD." IEJ 12 (1962): 227-57 + plates. . The Finds from the Bar KokhbaPeriod in the Cave of the Letters.Jerusalem: Israel ExplorationSociety, 1963.
4Q PESHER HOSEAB: RECONSTRUCTIONOF FRAGMENTS4, 5, 18, AND 24* GREGORYL. DOUDNA The Danish Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities, Copenhagen
4Q167 Pesher Hoseab (4QpHosb)is the surviving remains of an ancientcommentaryon severalchaptersof Hosea, one of over a dozen "continuouspesharim"among the Qumrantext finds. Althougha line quoted from this text was disclosed in 1956 (= 4QpHosb2:3),' the complete fragmentswere not broughtto light until the publicationin 1968 of Discoveries in the Judaean Desert V (DJD 5), edited by John
Allegro with the collaboration of Arnold Anderson.2Furthertextcritical work on 4QpHosbwas published by J. Strugnell in 1970,3 M. Horganin 1979,4the presentauthorin 2001,5and R. Vielhauerin 2001.6
Editions and discussions of 4QpHosbfrom 1979 to 1999, plus the new Volume6B: Pesharim, Other Commentaries,and Related Documents,
of the PrincetonTheologicalSeminaryDead Sea Scrolls Project(hereafter referredto as Volume6B),7 have drawnfrom the early work of
* I would like to thank the Statens ForskningsrAd Humanistiske of Denmark, the Institute for Biblical Exegesis of the Theology Faculty of the University of Copenhagen, and the Danish Institute for Advanced Studies in the Humanities (Copenhagen) for the generous support that made this study possible. J.M. Allegro, "FurtherLight on the History of the Qumran Sect," JBL 75 (1956) 93. 2 J.M. Allegro (ed.) with the collaboration of A.A. Anderson, Qumran Cave 4: 1 (DJD 5; Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1968) 32-36. 3 J. Strugnell, "Notes du Volume V des 'Discoveries in the Judaean Desert of Jordan'," RevQ 7 (1970) 201-3. 4 M. Horgan, Pesharim: QumranInterpretationof Biblical Books(Wash., D.C.: Catholic Biblical Association of America, 1979) 148-58. 5 G. Doudna, 4Q Pesher Nahum: A Critical Edition (Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001) 557-73. 6 R. Vielhauer, "Materielle Rekonstruktion und Historische Einordnung der Beiden Pescharim zum Hoseabuch (4QpHosa und 4QpHos6)," RevQ 20 (2001) 39-82. 7 J.H. Charlesworth (ed.), Hebrew, Aramaic, and Greek Texts with English Translations. Volume 6B. Pesharim, Other Commentaries, and Related Documents (Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 2002) 119-31. The 4QpHosb edition is by M. Horgan.
? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
339
Allegro, Strugnell,and Horganwithout correctionsor furtherdevelopThe presentation ments of fragmentjoins, readings,or reconstructions.8 done unchanged 6B was in by Horgan, essentially of 4QpHosb Volume from Horgan's 1979 study (which itself, althoughit containedoriginal work, largely followed Allegro and Strugnell). On the other hand Vielhauer's2001 study representssubstantialindependentand original work, and is currentlythe most importantand reliable existing comprehensivestudy of 4QpHosb.The points of comparisonwith which the presentdiscussionwill engage are from Volume6B and Vielhauer. 4QpHosb(4Q167) consists of about three dozen small fragments presentedin DJD 5, with some adjustmentsin the inventorymade by Strugnell.9The extent of writing on the fragmentsranges from two letterseach in, e.g., frags 29 and 37, to partsof seven lines in frag. 2 (the largest fragment).4QpHosbhas received relativelylittle attention except for frag. 2, which has been of interestbecause of readings in that fragmentof ll:mil 71=), the "AngryLion" or "Lion of Wrath,"a sobriquet that also appears in 4QpNah, and 1lrnsil p in[ml, the "Last
Priest,"a sobriquetnot attestedin any otherQumrantext. Frag. 2 preserves quotationsand peshers on Hos. 5:13b-15. In an analysis of 4QpHosbpublishedin 2001 1 showed that joining frag. 10a to frag. 4, as was done by Strugnellin 1970 in his review of Allegro's DJD 5, was incorrect.'0Strugnellhad joined frag. 10a above
Line numbersfor 4QpHosbin the presentarticle follow that of Volume6B of 2002 (which are the same as those in Horgan,Pesharim). I Editionsof Qumrantexts with 4QpHosbinclude J. Carmignac,E'.Cothenet,and H. Lignde,Les Textesde Qumran.Traduitset Annotes(Paris, 1963) 77-81; R. Amusin, TekstyKumrana(Moscow, 1971); F. Garcia Martinez,The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated. The Qumran Texts in English (trans. W.G.E. Watson; Leiden: Brill, 1994) 192-93; G. Vermes, The CompleteDead Sea Scrolls in English (4th edn; New York: Die Texte vom TotenMeer Penguin, 1995) 334; J. Maier (ed.), Die Qumran-Essener: (Munichand Basel: Reinhardt,1995) 2. 84-87; M.O. Wise, M. Abegg, and E. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls:A New Translation(New York:HarperCollins, 1996) 215; and F. GarciaMartinezand E.J.C.Tigchelaar,The Dead Sea Scrolls StudyEdition(Leiden: Brill, 1997) 2. 331-33. See also M. Bernstein,"PesherHosea," Encyclopediaof the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds L.H. Schiffmanand J.C. VanderKam;Oxford:OxfordUniversity Press, 2000) 2.650-51. 9 Strugnellidentifiedfragments9 and 36 of 4Q167 pHosbin DJD 5 as belonging insteadto 4Q168 pMic, and also expresseddoubts that fragments27, 28, 30, and 31 were from 4QpHosb(Strugnell,"Notes,"203). 10 Doudna,4Q Pesher Nahum,564-65. My reasonsfor rejectingStrugnell'sjoin of frag. 10a were: (a) the line of letters in frag. 10a after the join producesan odd vertical spacing interval;(b) the line of lettersin frag. 10a afterthe join is not parallelto the lines below it; and (c) the identificationby Strugnelland othereditionsof 11t, "to
340
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
frag. 4, and frags 18 and 24 below frag. 4, makingfour joined fragments in all (PAM 44.189). Strugnell'sjoin of frag. lOa changedthe reconstructedpositioning of all of these fragments with respect to frag. 2. WhereasDJD 5 had identifiedfrag. 4 as the remainsof a quotation from Hos. 6:2-3 (only two verses after Hos. 5:13b-15 of frag. 2), Strugnell'sfrag. lOa made this impossible.Strugnellidentifiedhis new cluster (Frags lOa, 4, 18, 24) as the remainsof a quotationand pesher on Hos. 6:11. However,while Strugnell'sjoins of frags 18 and 24 were correct,his join of fragmentlOa was a mistake,and in this case a mistakewith far-reachingconsequences.In fact frag. 4, and all fragmentscorrectlyjoined or positioned in association with frag. 4, are from a quotationand pesher on Hos. 6:2-3 as DJD 5 had originally surmised. Strugnell'smistakenjoin of frag. lOa has been followed by subsequenteditions of 4QpHosb,includingVolume6B, but the erroris recognized by Vielhauer." The present article focuses on frag. 4 and other fragments in relation to it: frags 18 and 24 (correctlyjoined below frag. 4 by Strugnell);frag. 5 (not joined to any fragment);frags 7-8 (also not joined to any others or to each other);and frag. 2. As will be demonstrated,all of the fragmentsjust namedwere locatedon the same column of the original scroll. This in turn has important implicationsfor correctingerrorsin publishedreconstructionsof frag. 2. For the sake of convenience,the cluster of frags 4, 5, 18, and 24 is hereafterreferredto as "frags4+." Reconstruction of Frags 4+
Below are the reconstructedplacementsand partiallyrestoredlines of frags 4, 5, 18, and 24. Frags 4, 18, and 24 are at the left ends of lines 1-6 below, and are joined with respect to each other. Frag. 5 is toward the right ends of lines 6, 7, and 8 below, and is unjoinedto
us," of frag. 4 as from a pesher is impossible,since pesharimare never written in other than the 3rd person.Therefore1%'can only be from a quotation.There is only one occurrenceof ii* in Hosea, and that is at Hos 6:3. All lettersof frag. 4-four certain letter readings, two wawlyods, and two uncertainletter readings-correspond exactly to Hos. 6:2-3. Strugnell'sidentificationof frags lOa, 4, 18, and 24 as being associated with each other and with Hos. 6:11 was thereforeincorrect.The DJD 5 identificationof frag. 4 with Hos. 6:2-3 was correct. 57. Vielhauercites two reasonsforrejectingStrugnell's " Vielhauer,"Rekonstruktion," join of frag. lOa:(a) frag. IOaexhibitsa brighterleathercolor thanthe fragmentcombination4, 18, and 24; and (b) the verticalline spacingbetweenfrags 4 and lOa created by Strugnell'sjoin is unusual(cf. (a) in n. 10).
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4Q PESHER HOSEAB
the other fragments.Its position is establishedby argumentin the discussion that follows.12 I
014i4 nnoln il'Tn. ..
ix:oo pin:nm-n:mm rirrw rI
rmunvn
I] I f`
O[... [
...
;1~ . .~.nn; .rmm
[
3
2 3
5 F1' 01p5MM12- :Cz tK-'mIOrM JIDI -nr: (...?)] (1?):1noM' noi( bdv ?) ... ]'VIA[ 1 6 7 ... .]&1-n10 j[ rT:
I11fTr1
1
vTn]
> fltrIpR:I K1'
2
nvn v3p,
... (Hos. 6:2-3)
in5 -Tom UC c-tm] nn5 nob[tt mnn] 8
HE WILLMAKEUS LIVEAFrERTWODAYS; IN THE] DAY
[THE THIRD HE WILL RAISE US UP, AND WE SHALL LIVE IN HIS SIGHT. AND WE SHALL KNOW, IF WE PRESS ON TO KNOW YAHWEH, AS CERTAIN AS THE DAYBREAK WILL BE HIS GOING FORTH, AND HE SHALL COME AS THE RAIN] TO US, [AS THE SPRING RAINS POURING OUT ON THE EARTH.
4
is that/concerns__ [Itsinterpretation J his [ ]h/t. And concer[ning]
5
?) AS CERTAIN AS THE DAYBREAK WILL BE HIS GOING FORTH, AND HE SHALL [(... COME AS THE RAIN TO US, AS THE SPRING RAINS POURING OUT (ON) THE EARTH.
Its interpretation (concerns
who will)/(is that he/they
wiIl)y?(y/w)b[(w?)] 6
[all(?)]
_ 7 8
the
men
of
their L
_
_], and they will [wa]l[k]
[in the wa]y of the[ir] teachers (or, their Teacher) [ . .. ] [WHAT SHALLI] DO WITHYOU, [EPHRAIM?WHAT SHALLI DO WITH
(Hos. 6:4a)
YOU, JUDAH? ..
.]
Lines 1, 2, and 3 Line 1. Z: A foot to the left could be the remainsof taw, bet, or nun. It is difficult a shortfollowingwaw/yodorwhether to tell whetherthisbasestrokegoes underneath the waw/yodgoes down beyond the end of the foot. ': Restoredas yod based on correspondencewith the quotation.1: Restoredas waw based on correspondence with the quotation.Line 2. 0: A tick from the left of a lettercould be compatible with dalet, resh, yod or final mem; restoredas final mem based on correspondence with the quotation.Line 3. The line visibly ends with the end of a vacat.
The endings of lines 1-2 correspondto a quotationfrom Hos. 6:2-3. The correctnessof the identificationis confirmedby the word l2'2 of line 2, which must be from a quotation(pesharimnever use the 1st or 2nd person, outside of quotations).Furthermore,1:t occurs in Hosea 12 Caret (e.g., i) indicatesuncertainletter identificationon the basis of visible ink alone-i.e., the letter's identity has been restoredon the basis of other information. Overlining,usedonly withambiguouswawlyod(e.g., 1) indicatesthattheletteris identified as waw or yod on the basis of other information(e.g., expected spelling). Square brackets([D]) indicatethat there is no ink visible-i.e. the letterhas been restoredon the basis of other informationand analysis.
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GREGORY L. DOUDNA
only in Hos. 6:3. The restorationof the quotationin lines 1-2 establishes the lengths of lines in this column as ca. 80. If minm of the quotationin line 2 was writtenin paleo-Hebrewletters,thatwould addca. 1-2 spaces to the letters line-length,but it is impossibleto determine whetheror not this was the case, since there is no attestationof mm7ir elsewhere in 4QpHosb.3 This space estimate agrees with the linelength estimateof ca. 78 spaces for frag. 2, line 5, higherin the same column.'4The final threewords of Hos. 6:3 will have appearedat the beginningof line 3, accountingfor the first 16 spaces of line 3. From the visible end of a vacat at the end of line 3 it can be inferredthata lengthy vacat extendedfrom the last word of the quotationto the end of line 3. The phenomenonof a lengthyvacat coveringthe rest of a line following the end of a quotationhas an exact parallelat 11-13:8-9.'5 Similarlyin frag.2, line 4, andby restorationin frags 4+, line 7, lengthy vacats extend from the ends of peshers to the ends of those lines.'6 (Vielhauerrestoresrlom following the last word of the quotationof frags 4+, line 3, on the assumptionthat a pesher continuedand then ended in the lacuna before the vacat visible at the end of line 3. But that is incorrect,since -lo at the end of line 4 introducesa requotation. That means that the words of line 4 priorto -U0l must be from a pesher. Therefore anotherpesher will not have ended before the vacat ending line 3.) 13 m1" is writtenin paleo-Hebrewin someof thepesharim(l QpHab,IQpZeph,l QpMic, 4QpIsa', and the original scribe of 4QpPsa) but not in others (4Qplsab,4QpIsac, 4QpNah,4QpZeph,4QpPsb,and an interlinearcorrectionin 4QpPsa[1-10 iii Sa]). 14 The ca. 78 figure in fragment2 is based on a restoration of a quotationin line 5 of that fragmentas discussed in Doudna,4Q Pesher Nahum,557-66 (summarized earlier in G. Doudna, Redating the Dead Sea Scrolls Found at Qumran [Qumran Chronicle8/4; Cracow:EnigmaPress, 1999] 11-14); and Vielhauer,"Rekonstruktion," 63, 69. On p. 70 Vielhauerstates that the length of the line correspondingto frag. 2, line 5 is 80 spaces, althoughin Vielhauer'stranscription(= his columnX, line 10) the spacing is 77. On p. 69 Vielhauerstates that the width of this column (consistingof frags 2 and 4+) is 78 spaces, based on the line correspondingto Frags 4+, line 2, althoughVielhauer'stranscriptionof that line actuallycontains80 spaces. '5 Vielhauerdoes not accept the example at 11-13:8-9. The exampleof 11-13:8-9 requiresthat the placementof frag. 11 in relationto frags 12-13 as given in DJD 5 and Volume6B is correct.Vielhauerquestionsthis positioningof frag. 11 since there is no materialjoin, and since he considersa full-line ending vacat in line 8 implausible ("Rekonstruktion," 57). But the analogies of frags 4+, line 3 (also rejected by Vielhauer,but wrongly;see below) and frag. 2, line 4, show that the full-line ending vacat of frags 11-13:8 is very plausible.This in turn makes it likely that the positioningof frag. 11 in relationto frags 12-13 as given in DJD 5 and Volume6B is correct (although,strictlyspeaking,this is not quite proven). 16 The lengthy,line-endingvacat in frag. 2, line 4 is visible and uncontroversial (all editionshave it). The case in frags 4+, line 7 is restoredin the presentstudy and differs from Volume6B and Vielhauer,"Rekonstruktion".
343
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
Line 4 n: Only the left side of the letter is preservedbut it is clearly readableas taw.
A pesher on the preceding lemma from Hos. 6:2-3 will have startedat the beginning of line 4. Elsewhere in 4QpHosb,the introductoryformula`IVArivin is attestedtwice (4QpHosb11-13:4; 16:1).'7 Another formula, D1n]El -tot [, is restored in Volume 6B and by Vielhauerin frag. 19, line 1, but althoughthe restorationseems correct, the association of frag. 19 with 4QpHosbis uncertain."8 As for the most common introductory formula, bI l t2D, all editions of 4QpHosb,including Volume 6B and Vielhauer, restore MDi[[10 in frag. 17, line 1, but it is not certain that that restorationis correct.19 Further on in the present study, a restoration of tD[ litoo is suggestedin frag. 6, line 1 (= 11-13:5), as a result of a new positioning of frag. 6, but althoughthat positioningseems likely it is not certain.20 In any case the formulas-10RI-lo and ts rnCCare both frequently used in lQpHab.By analogy,the same could be expectedfor 4QpHosb irrespectiveof whetheror not tD r-sL is attestedamong the surviving fragments. lIrnm1[t I]ND[E. 4QpHosb 16:1 has ]-h nC[r. Horganidentifieda difficultreadingin 19:1, ]-Mm[, as 03M]irl-i, an introductoryformulathat may be attestedin 4QpIsaa2-6 ii 26 and 4Qppsb2:1 (Horgan, Pesharim,80-81, 149). Horgan'ssolutionis followed in Volume6B and by Vielhauer. Horgan'srestorationis convincing:the string'ID,cannotbe -C but is compatiblewith -10band thereforelooks like an introductoryformula,and it is difficultto reconstruct any known introductoryformulafrom the visible letters other than 1n7nms. Frag. 19, however,has not been identifiedwith any quotationfrom Hosea, it is not in relationshipto any other 4QpHosbfragment,and it does not have distinctivewords relating it to any other4QpHosbfragment.In the opinionof the presentauthor,frag. 19 is neitherconfirmednor rejectedas being a partof 4QpHosb. 19 Frag. 17, line I reads ]:16IS 'V% *[. Volume6B and Vielhauerboth restore1[27D 4QpHos' 11-13:4 has ]&l1
18
]6h-1:0 b2 "Its [interpretation] concerns Egypt.. .", Volume 6B having frag. 17 unpo-
sitioned,whereas Vielhauerpositions it in associationwith frag. 37 as a pesher on a requotationof Hos. 7:11b. (Vielhauer,"Rekonstruktion," 61: "Zu beiden Fragmenten [13, 38] findensich fernerhinsehr mhnliche Beschadigungsspuren an Frg. 17. So deckt sich die rechteSeite von Frg. 17 ziemlichgenau mit dem rechtsherausstehenden Stuck von Frg. 13,6-7 und die linke Bruchform mit der von Frg. 38,6-7.") A simple geographicalterm by itself as a subject of a pesher is unparalleledin the pesher literature.4QpIsachas subjecttermsin the form "Xof Babylon"(cf. 6-7 ii 4; 8-10:1; 25:1), and 4QpNah attests "the city of Ephraim"or "the city of (the leaders-astrayof} Ephraim"at 3-4 ii 2, but there is no known case in a Qumrantext of "Its interpretation concerns."In any case, it is not certainthat the word preceding 0'mrZ bD in 17:1 was I1057.Are Vielhauer's fragment shape comparisons maybe a coincidenceand frag. 17 may insteadbelong to a differenttext quotingfrom Isa. 36:9, ]`130D
'sU ;i[DP
n7mnm,"you rely on Egypt..
Vielhauercould be right. 20 See the discussionof frag. 6 below, as well as n. 25.
."?
On the other hand,
344
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
The words of the pesher in line 4 are unknown,except for that which can be leamedfromthe final two visible letters,In[. These letters could be the ending of e.g. ln[=L 'MR, "his men of counsel", r[-14, "his congregation",IM['D,"his house," or any constructsequence in which the final nounends in n- or 7l-.As suggestedcorrectlyby Strug-
nell, nttRIat the end of line 4 introducesa requotationof a portionof the previousquotation(cf. similarlymK1 at 10:1).21 10RI in 4QpHosb 10:1 and frags 4+, line 4 is apparentlya variantof the formulam1I m:S, used to introducerequotationsin lQpHab (6:2-3; 7:3-4; 9:2-4; 10:1-3; 12:6-7) and 4QpIsac (6-7 ii 7; 22:4; 24:2), -lifl: 7t in 4Qplsae(1-2:2; 6:2), and :nl -10R in 4QpIsac(6-7 ii 18; 47:2). Line 5 it A tiny speck from the upper left of a letter could be compatiblewith many
letters.(IP):The letter is shortlike a yod, but yods and waws are not easily distinguishablein 4QpHosb.r: The survivingmarkseems readableonly as bet. The angle seems too sharpto be compatiblewith nun,pe, or mem.
Line 5 will have startedwith the firstwords of the requotationfrom Hos. 6:2-3 introducedby 1tDKI at the end of line 4. Following the requotation, one expects a pesher introductory formula and then (dependingon the introductoryformula)possibly a namingof a subject term, followed by the visible -10k Furtheranalysis of line 5 will be taken up below. Positioning of frag. S (lines 6, 7, 8)
Several letters from Hos. 6:4a are visible in the third of the three lines of frag. 5. The first two lines of frag. 5 have words from a pesher precedingHos. 6:4a. The pesher that precededHos. 6:4a in frag. 5 is thereforethe same pesher that followed the requotationfrom Hos. 6:3 (of frags 4, 18, and 24). The only questionis the exact positioning of frag. 5 in relationto the otherfragments.The lettersof one or both of the first two lines of frag. 5 either followed or are different parts of lines 6 and 7 of frags 4, 18, and 24 (which contain a pesher on Hos. 6:3). Volume6B proposes no exact position for frag. 5. Vielhauersituates frag. 5 towardthe left side of the column, in lines 7-9 of frags 4+. It seems, however, that frag. 5 should be positionedon the right side of the column, preservingparts of lines 6-8 of frags 4+, a few 21
only in 10:1). Vielhauerrestores-?Z1]-ORI in lines 4-5 of frags4+ (butreads-IONI
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
345
spaces to the left of the column's right margin,with the quotationof Hos. 6:4a startingat the column's right marginin line 8. The following correlationssupportthis positioning. (1) If the quotationof Hos. 6:4a startsat the beginningof line 8 (= frag. 5, line 3), the lacunabeginningthe line above, line 7, will occupy about3 spaces. A visible horizontalmark in an upper left position following this 3-space lacuna at the beginningof line 7 can be readas the roof of a final kaphand is difficultto read as any other letter. This in turn suggests a restorationof t[Ir71 in a sequence that correlatesboth sets of fragments:iD]'7IMiMi at the end of line 6 (from the j[77-] startingline 7 (from joined clusterof frags 4, 18, 24) followed by ;1Tn-10 frag. 5), "andthey will [wa]l[k in the waly of the[ir]teacher(s). *"22 The idiom of "walkingin the way" of a righteouspersonis commonin Biblical Hebrew.23 (2) Quotationsstartingat the beginningsof lines (right marginsof columns) are commonin the pesharim.24 A restorationof the quotationof Hos. 6:4a startingat the beginningof line 8, MOD[MMc], is in agreementwith this common pattem and gives perfectagreementin spacing with the restorationin line 7. (3) After this restoration,crr' near the end of line 6 (from frag. 24) is followed by 6rT' near the start of line 7 (from frag. 5). The two identical suffix endings follow in the same sentence.
The restorationof the quotationat the beginningof line 8 gives a natural,idiomaticrestorationin line 7 of wording that connects both clusters of fragments.This is verified by the naturalsense given for lines 6-7. The specific fit of these line restorationsestablishes the exact position of frag. 5. 22 Comparethe similarityof the markin 4QpHosbfrag. 5 with the final kaphof the formal hand of 4Q184 (e.g., 'lrm in 1:4; ltDlrlin 1:6; and lTrT in similar-appearing 1:7), in which there is an upturnat the left end of the roof, insteadof a descent and addedkereia. The markin 4QpHosbfrag. 5 is not in agreementwith the final kaph of I=[ in 4QpHosb,frag. 3, line 3 (which has a low left end of the roof with added kereia), the only case of a visible final kaph in a fragmentattributedto 4QpHosb.On independentgrounds,however, frag. 3 is almost certainlymisidentifiedand does not stem from the same scribe or text as the other 4QpHosbfragments(see n. 43). With frag. 3 removed from 4QpHosb,there is no attestationof final kaph in a verified 4QpHosbfragment,and thereforenothingto preventone from readingthe markof the second line of frag. 5 in light of the expectationon contextualgroundsthat the word was jWTL]. 23 E.g., I Kgs 22:43: "And he walked in all the way 15-.: of Asa his father.He did not turn aside from it, doing what was right in the sight of Yahweh"; 2 Kgs 22:2, "And he did what was right in the eyes of the Lord, and walked in all the way 1 J? - of David his father. 24 Quotationsstartat the beginningsof lines in 4QpNah in 1-2 ii 2; ii 5; 3-4 ii 3; ii 7; iii 10 (as well as 3-4 iii 5, reconstructedat an earlier stage [Doudna,Pesher Nahum,514-15]). That is, five (six at an earlier stage) quotationsstart at the beginnings of lines, comparedto 17 quotationsin the survivingfragmentsof 4QpNah that did not startat the startsof lines, which is an incidencehigherthanwould be expected if the startswere purelyrandom.Comparethe restartof the quotationat the rightmargin of 4QpHosbfrag. 2, line 5, following a visible lengthyvacat in the end of the previous line.
346
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
A note concerningfrag. 6 Frag. 6, preservingfour letters from two lines, is associated with Hos. 6:4 and placed close to frag. 5 in all editions, includingVolume 6B and Veilhauer. While this association is possible, it is probably incorrect.Frag. 6 reads ] 'T[ in its upper line and ],-In[in the line below. All editionshave assumedthat ]r7r0[is from Hos. 6:4 where the word i70 appearstwice. Indeed,in chapters5-8 of Hosea, from which all known quotationsin the 4QpHosbfragmentsare derived,fl3 occurs only in Hos. 6:4. But the flaw in this argumentis the assumptionthat frag. 6 contains the word Mn.What is visible is a letter string ]Inr[ with no evidence of blank space on either side. The string -flr- can come from any word that has those two consecutiveletters.If from a in 6:7, MMrt quotation,it could reflectMl13in Hos. 5:6 or 9:12, r1m,7 in in 8:13, rl7ttm in 9:8, and so on. 6:9, inoimin 7:13, rlDpin 8:7, MlCM In fact, frag. 6 makes very good sense identifiedwith rn7pin Hos. 8:7 and positionedin relationto frags 11-13. If ]ilD[of frag. 6 is situated in the position of i7rp in Hos. 8:7 in the lacuna of line 6 of frags 11-13, the ] D[ directlyabove it would then be in the position where a pesher introductoryformulais expected.The ') would be the '2) of )D 1nC) restoredin this position.Therefore,frag. 6 is not includedas partof the presentrestorationof frags 4+, since there is no positive basis for such an association,whereasthereis an excellent basis for the placement of the fragment together with frags 11-13.25
Lines 6, 7, 8 Line 6. U7T[: The letters ;r of =1I[ are not visible in the DJD 5 photograph of frag. 24 but can be seen in PAM 42.052 in the Brill microfiche edition. Second Fr: Only a speck from the upper right corner of a letter is visible; it could easily be bet, mem, tsade, yod, pe, etc., but is reconstructed here as he. Compare the shape of the upper right corner of the he in line 2 of frag. 15. ": Only a part of the ascender is visible, but it is sufficient to identify the letter. Its position almost certainly rules out an intervening letter between the preceding he and the lamed 25 The restoration of lines 5-6 of frags 11-13 after the placement of frag. 6 would be as below (see the earlier suggestion in Doudna, 4Q Pesher Nahum, 556-67 n. 664). On the ca. 3 letter spaces occupied by the vacat, see n. 28. . .] .
. [... ...
D
nY
...
VE )n@j11
bNU
77
ri%]np' r 1tt 18 ]run[p
V-:10n
]
,'
nl
: ]"k[...
WAS THE CALFOF SAMARIA.ItSinterpretation] FOR SHATTERED
I God. [(Hos. 8:7) FOR] THEY SOW THE WIND,
THE STIANDING GRAIN [HAS NO SPROUT...
concerns
AND [THEY WILL REAP] THE WHIRLWIND.
347
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
(although an interveningwaw is possible). Line 8. j of j[7nn]: As discussed above, the markagrees with final kaph and little else.
The position of frag. 5 as arguedabove producesa 4-space lacuna at the start of line 6. This could be restoredwith 'In before the visible ]'ts[, giving ]t't1A['2n], "[all] the men of," or alternativelywith MD,yielding "[with] the men of." Or Cd could be at the end of line 5 and 1:Zat the startof line 6, yielding "[with all] the men of." (Compare IQS 7:22, -711i1'C0Rt1n, "all the men of the yahad.") Other pos-
sible restorationscould be "men of war," "men of truth,""men of reknown"("menof the name"),"men of Israel,""menof Judah,"etc. At the end of line 6, the first three letters of the final visible word, -n-n, indicate a hitpa'el verb with waw-consecutive.26 Based on the masculinepluralpossessive suffix of the precedingword, MrM[ (which is in agreementwith ]&P'r7nwhich follows as the second word of line 7), this hitpa'el verb at the end of line 6 is likely to be masculine plural.A visible lamed is the second root consonantof the verb. These details combined with the context of lines 6 and 7 are sufficientto reconstruct Ur]'nniflfl'[, "and [they] will wal[k. . Frag 7-8
Frag. 7 preservespart of a quotationfrom Hos. 6:7 and a visible bottom line of a column. Therefore,it is several lines below the lines of Frags 4+, and at the bottom of the same column in the original scroll (in agreementwith Volume6B and Vielhauer).Frag. 8, which is joined to no other fragment,also preservespart of a bottom line of a column.In agreementwith DJD 5 and Volume6B, the presentstudy regardsthe lettersof frag. 8 as being from the same line as the lower line of frag. 7, whereas Vielhauerleaves frag. 8 unplaced.The association of frag. 8 with frag. 7 is likely to be correctbecause both have a line of pesher at the bottom of a column and because the restoration given below (of 4QpHosb7-8:2) is so fitting. PI=: cni[ol 1:'7[<parficiple> c,tv)nin]pm:i
iz[r]i
&7RnRnDtb[nl .. .
... and] they forsook God and they walked in the customs of [, <participle>]ing them in all things [...
26 Vielhauerreads [(1)Z]Nf1ihnl with restoredbet, as if nnl were a distinctword at the end of line 6, but proposes no translation.Volume 6B restores a single broken unidentifiedword ]j{ )-ri, "andht.[ ]I[...]."
348
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
is from frag. 7. The The stringof readablelettersending at ]MInpTr string startingat M"'[is from frag. 8. The second stringof lettersfollows, ratherthan precedes, the first string in naturalsequence, since an object is explicitly named first, then a pronounrefers back to it as antecedent.Note the contrastbetween the future"theywill [wa]l[k in the waly of the[ir] teachers"of lines 6-7 of frags 4+ and the past "they walked in the customs of ["of frags 7-8 a few lines below. The position of frag. 7 in the reconstructionabove correspondsto the similarpositionrelativeto the rightmarginindicatedfor frag. 5 several lines higher in the same column, possibly reflecting similardamage patternsin the column of the original scroll. Subjectterm of the pesherof lines 5-7 A critical point is the identity and form of the verb at the end of line 5, J(/')C. DJD 5 read the thirdletter of this word as waw, giving a qal form of flt which is used commonly in the pesharim and relatedtexts. Strugnell,1970 noted that the letter could be eitheryod or waw. If the letter is yod the verb becomes hiph'il. The letter itself is short like a yod, but the waws of DI't[ in 4:1, Dl8 in 25:2, and fl]:MUin 15:1 are short as well. Therefore,the physical readingalone is indecisive. A second issue is whetherthe verb is singularor plural,i.e. ]:tV', qal 3rd qal 3rd masc. sing. ("he will repent, turn, return"),l'" 3rd masc. masc. pl. ("theywill repent,turn,return");or ]:8" hiph'il sing ('he will bring back, restore'). Hiph'il plural can probablybe ruledout since BDB shows no case in the Bible of a masculineplural finite form of :11 in the hiph'il. Qal singular also seems extremely unlikely.The verb could be hiph'il singular]:1ttr with God or a righteous figure as the subject. The other possibility, qal plural 1]n", would have a righteous group as the subject. Both Volume6B and Vielhauerunderstandthe verb to be a hiph'il singular,neitherone giving reasons for excluding other possibilities.In any case, the, subject term of the pesher in line 5 can be expected to be righteous, not wicked, based on correspondencewith the quotation.Also, the expression "and they will [wall[k in the wa]y of the[ir] teacher(s)"of lines 6-7 is the languageof living rightly,not wickedly, and reinforcesthe sense of a righteoussubjectof the sentence. The visible -IO'[ of line 5 may be the second word of the formula -10Al ra or else the relative pronoun following tD lr0a and an
349
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
explicit naming of the subject. In peshers that begin with - tDr nCo the subjectof the verb is understood,from a previouspesher. That is, when the formula is mIO r-tOBthe subject is never named explicitly (nor is the subjectever understoodfrom the precedingquotation).27 ma
1lCE
Its interpretation is that <(pronoun) verb>... Its interpretation is that he/they will...
In the Qumranpesharim there is no example of At "God" introduced as an explicitly named subject of a bD 110Dpesher;for some reason God as subject is always expressedwith 'IONIMP forms. In the presentcase the pesher introductoryformulaat the end of line 5 n ... ], which is the introductoryformula could be ()]-P)to[ l t. . *] restoredby Vielhauer,or it could be -IVA[<>__ (1)]:(/')C. In the second case, the subjectterm would likely be some two-word sobriquetfor a masculinesingularrighteousfigure or masculine plural righteous group.28The pesher introductory formula (whateverit is) will have been precededby a vacat of ca. 3 spaces, since quotation/pesher(QIP) transitionsin 4QpHosbalways have a vacat of about this length in all cases in which this point can be checked.29If God was the understoodsubject, then God would be restoring or reviving the righteous. The pesher would be an image portrayingthe coming age of peace. On the age of peace in a similar text, compareat 4QpPsa1-10 ii 11-12; iii 5a-6; iii 10-11; iv 3. __
27 Compareat lQpHab 4:1-2; 5:7; 7:7; 7:15; 4QpIsaa7-10 iii 27; 4QpHosa2:2-3; 2:12; 2:15-16; 4QpPsa 1-10 iii 3; and 4QpHosb 11-13:4. For example, 4QpHosa is that he [God] smote them 2:12-14, cDrZn :D:Z 0:7 IMKI-ID "Its interpretation with famine and nakedness..."; 4QpPsa1-10 iii 3, :3DT mmn [-iv]i riv "Its interpretationis that he [God] will keep them alive in the famine.. .", etc. Note that lQpHab7:7 is not an exception,despite its renderingin Volume6B ("Its interpretation is that the last period will be prolonged[qal 117 ], and it will be greaterthan anything of which the prophetsspoke").Instead,that passage should be read 7OR I-IUM riM 1'-1W, "Its interpretationis that he (God) will extend [hiph'il1'-14] the In last time,"with God as the understoodsubjectcontinuedfrom the previouspesher of 7:4-5. (Comparethe syntax of e.g., I Kgs 3:14; Isa. 53:10.) 28 Almost all sobriquetsfor personal figures or groups in the pesharim are two words, with a few one-wordexceptions (e.g., "Manasseh"in 4QpNah). Interestingly, whennamedsubjectsin thepesharimareone-wordsobriquets,modifyingwordsor phrases are usually attachedin the subjectterm. 29 4QpHosb2:1 has a visible Q/P vacat of about 3 spaces. 4QpHosb10:2 has a visible Q/P vacat of 2 or 2-1/2 spaces. 4QpHosb7:1 has a visible Q/P vacat of about 5 spaces. There is no case of a Q/P transitionin a surviving4QpHosbfragmentthat is not markedby a vacat. The patternappearssimilarto that of 4QpNah, in which Q/P transitionsare systematicallymarkedwith vacats of 3 (?1) spaces;comparethe analysis and tables in Doudna,4QPesherNahum, 120, 233-52.
350
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
The startingand stoppingpoints of the requotationin line 5 are a furtherissue. rnr1t3of line 7 in the pesher seems to reflectFmI, the next-to-lastword of Hos. 6:3. Therefore,the requotationin line 5 can be presumedto have gone to the end of Hos. 6:3. The real issue is the startingpoint. In the case of the 7tORrV formula,the firstword of the requotationmight be 7Dr7rI(this is Vielhauer'srestoredstarting word for the requotation).If the Q/P vacat was 3 spaces and there wereno variantsfromMTbeyondroutinespellingconventions,thiswould give a spacing for line 5 of ca. 82 or 83 spaces, which would be in approximateagreementwith ca. 80 of line 2 (and ca. 78 of frag. 2, line 5, higher in the same column).30For anotherexampleof a requotation starting"mid-verse"compareHos. 6:9bp-6:10 in frag. 10, lines 1-2.31If the introductoryformulaof the presentline 5 was PDflI, there was a two-word subject term occupying ca. 10 spaces, a Q/P vacat of 3 spaces, and no variantsfrom MT beyond routine spelling conventions,then the firstword of the requotationmight be Inc: and the line length ca. 76 or 77 spaces. Was the Teacherof Righteousnessthe subjectof the pesher of lines 5-7? Was the subject of the presentpesher pISM Mtnl "the Teacherof Righteousness"?32 &rirnr:of line 7 in the pesher can be read either as singular"theirteacher"(as Volume6B and Vielhauer["ihrLehrer"]), or plural"theirteachers"(as GarciaMartinez["theirmasters"]).33 The either spelling permits rendering.34 30 Vielhauerreconstructsa second word for the formulaintroducingthe requotation at the start of line 5, [....nt] -Whl.This is unlikely, since 4QpHosb10:1 has only -tt1 introducinga requotation.Vielhaueralso neglects to reconstructa vacat between the quotationand pesher in the lacuna in line 5, which is certainly mistaken (see n. 29). But these two minorpoints cancel each otherout in termsof spacing,thereby agreeingwith the presentstudy as regardsthe start-and end-pointsof the requotation (assumingthat the formulalater in line 5 was -10 I-00). "
See n. 47.
32
For discussionof referencesin Qumrantexts to the Teacherof Righteousness,see
Hakan Bengtsson, What's in a Name? A Study of Sobriquets in the Pesharim (Uppsala:
UppsalaUniversity,2000) 179-216. 33 DJD 5 did not give an English renderingfor Dfl'-1?. Strugnell,"Notes"did not commenton cm-nt. The editions of Vermes and Wise-Abegg-Cookdo not give renderingsof frag. 5 with =rrml. In Die Qumran-Essener,85, Maierallows both singular and pluralpossibilities:"ihr (en/es) Anweiser(s)." 34For yod in singularforms with pronominalsuffixes in nouns formed from III-Mi HebrewGKC,#93ss, 124k. roots, see Gesenius-Kautzsch-Cowley,
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
351
In the singular reading the righteous would "walk in the way of their Teacher,"in accordancewith the well attestedBiblical Hebrew idiom "they will walk in the way of ."35 The
Teacheris known by the stand-alonetermM-l0 in CD 20:27-28. The possessive form Mn'nr1would be in keeping with the Biblical Hebrew patternin which leadersand rulersare spoken of with possessive pronouns indicatingthose whom they lead, e.g., "the Lord is my shepherd," "theirrulers,""theirking," etc. CompareCD 1:11, M;* )p'l pm; mn-11God "raised up to them the Teacher of Righteousness" (= God raised up their Teacher).The notion of walking in the way of the Teacher would be in keeping with lQpHab 8:1-3, in which the righteousremain faithful to the Teacher, or CD 20:27-28, in which the righteouscome and go accordingto the law, having listenedto the Teacher's voice. The sense would be in contrastto 4QpHosa2:4-6, "they listened to the ones leading them astray." Accordingto this reading,the quotationin line 4 and again in the requotationin line 5 might have yielded, by correspondencewith the lemma and also through a wordplay on -IT, a pesher focusing on priln nMnr.The Teacherof Righteousnesscould be the subjectin line 5, eitherreferredto explicitly (with tD 110M),or else understoodfrom the pesher of line 4 (with tDAI've in line 5). Yahweh likened in the to rrn" "springrain",pouringout on the earth, quotation/requotation might have evoked the human figure pmrnl;VVn, "the Teacher of Righteousness".Similarly, Yahweh being likened to a violent lion at Hos. 5:14a was interpretedas referringto a human figure, the "Lion of Wrath"of 4QpHosb 2:2-4.36 A use of ZT, in the hiph'il in frags 4+, line 5 with referenceto the Teacher'sactivity might be partof an idiom of turningpeople to God.37 Curiously,a fragmentidentifiedin DJD 5 as possibly belonging to 4QpHosbpreservesa clear readingof pTN]mlflmfr.This is 4Q172, frag. 7. As DJD 5 explained,4Q172 consists of miscellaneous"fragments whose scriptis reminiscentof plsaa(161), pHosa,b (166, 167) and pPssa (171)." The scribalhand of 4Q172 frag. 7 is not that of the scribe of 4Qplsaa,4QpHosa,or 4Qppsa(these threewere all copied by the same scribe), leaving only 4QpHosbin the list of suggestedassociationsfor See n. 23. For analysisestablishingthat the Lion of Wrathis the subjecttermof the pesher in 4QpHosb2:2-4 see Doudna,4Q Pesher Nahum,557-73. . . . broughtthembackto Yahweh(mfl'ttt D:'Iti')"; 37 E.g. IIChron.19:4,"Jehoshaphat 35
36
24:19, "Yet he sent prophets among them to bring them back to Yahweh (7IM'MI., :I'
e)."
352
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
4Q172, frag. 7. If that fragmentis from 4QpHosbthen the Teacheris present somewhere in 4QpHosbexplicitly, and might therefore be in the presentlines as well. But 4Q172 frag. 7 is not identifiedwith a quotation from Hosea or confirmed in relationship to a verified 4QpHosbfragment.Therefore,the suggestionis insubstantial. There is a fundamentalobjection to the idea of the Teacher of Righteousness being spoken of in the present pesher, however. Elsewherein the pesharim,the Teacher'sactivity is portrayedas having startedin the recent past and continuingin the present.38No text portraysthe activity of the Teacher of Righteousnessas continuing into the coming age of peace, which seems to be the setting of the presentpesher.39Imperfectverbs are used in 4Qppsa 1-10 ii 18-20 and iv 8-10 of the Teacherin foretellinghis survivaldespite attempts by the Wicked Priest to kill him (and thereby implying that the Teacheris alive in the world of the text), but those are the only two known uses of imperfectsin the pesharimwhich have the Teacherof Righteousnessas the verb's subject or object. This observationsuggests that the Teacherof Righteousnesswill not have been the subject term of the pesher of 4QpHosbfrags 4+, attached to the imperfect verb ](/')' of line 5. It could be arguedthat there were notions of the Teacher'srole in the coming age of peace in these texts that simply failed to be preservedin any survivingfragment(except possibly this one), but the comparativeparallelsseem to give greaterweight to the negative argument.
38 There is no clear proof for the common notion that the Teacheris dead at the time of writing of the pesharim.The medieval"B" copy of CD alludes to either an imminentlyanticipatedor recentdeathof the Teacherat CD 19:35-20:1and 20:13-15, rnn'm 9i('t8) ptsn. Presumablythe absenceof CD 19:35-20:1 and 20:13-15 among the Qumranfinds is accidental.But the date of productionof CD "B" relativeto the dates of compositionof the pesharimhas not been established.In any case CD "B" gives no informationestablishinga past death of the Teacherin the pesharim.In fact all of the sobriquet-bearing personalfigures of the pesharimare likely contemporary with the authorsof those texts. (That is why they are given sobriquets.)Figuresfrom the past are referredto by propernames. See Doudna,4QPesherNahum,615-25, 43, for furtherdiscussionof these points. 39 CD 6:11, which reads "untilthe rise of the Teacherof Righteousnessat the end
of days," is not an exception. In the late Qumran texts the expression
r'ilt"7n,
"the last days"or "endof days," is always an idiom for the presentage, neverhaving the sense of "future."See A. Steudel,"D'-n'lniTt in the Texts from Qumran,"RevQ 16 (1993) 225-45; Doudna, 4Q Pesher Nahum, 63-66. For an argumentthat the medievalcopy of CD 6:11 also reflectsa scribalcopyingerror,see Doudna,4QPesher Nahum, 686-89.
353
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
Furthermore,it seems that DflflD of line 7 is plural, "theirteachers,"ratherthan"theirteacher,"becausethe pluralreadingagreeswith a precedingpluralnoun ending in il'- near the end of line 6. For the notion of plural, righteous teachers in the coming era, compare in 4Qplsaa8-10 iii 28-29: ]
: =) 17: 1 MU1'D1mz 7-rrtAS' 1n3.[ ]110
.UlcDO'
pZ
77m11m'
] and accordingto their teachinghim (the Branchof David), so shall he judge 1 With him will (the nations).And accordingto their word [ go out one of the priestsof the name (or, priestsof renown),and in his hand the garments of [...
The identity of the ones who teach the Branch of David of is not visible due to a lacuna, 4QpIsaa-the subjectof the verb rrVW-11 but from the context appearsto be righteouspriests.The sense is parallel to the relationship in 11QTa56:20-57:15 between a council of 12 princes, 12 priests,and 12 Levites, and the king ("he shall not turnhis heartfrom them or do anythingof any plan outsideof them").Similar language in 1IQTa56:5-8 instructsthe citizens of the ideal Israel to be taughtby priests and judges: 7,0nnn ;
l bDm nDnVl nr:^ -lox ODMI-itti
ma 10K Inm lvu nwl
Be carefulto do all that they teach you and accordingto the judgementthat they tell you, do that. Do not stray from the law which they proclaimto you to the right or left.
Otherpossibilitiesfor the subject of the pesher of lines 5-7 Perhapsthe subjectof the pesher of lines 5-7 was some otherrighteous figure known from the Qumranyahad texts, such as inmlnif71n1 "the Interpreterof the Law", iMIX tR'IC"the Prince of the Congregation", or '1'1 Frin,"the Branchof David". The second and third of these, 71lT7 RIMand rnr nrS, seem to be two names for the same figure (cf. 4Q285 5:1-6). The Interpreterof the Law may be another name for the Teacherof Righteousness(though this is never attested directly).40The Prince/Branchis always-without exception-portrayedwith imperfectverbs, his activity set in the future.In the world 40The identificationof these two figureswith each other is suggestedin Bengtsson, What'sin a Name?, 193, 216. SimilarlyBengtssonsuggests that un1 rlcz,"the Interpreterof Knowledge"of 4Qppsa 1-10 i 27 is also to be identifiedwith the Teacherof Righteousness(pp. 207-8). For CD 6:7-11 not being groundsfor a distinctionbetween the Interpreterof the Law and the Teacherof Righteousnesssee Doudna,4Q Pesher Nahum,686-89.
354
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
of the texts, he is destined to lead Israel in a future war of victory over the majorpowers of the world, and then to rule Israel in an era of peace to come.4'In the idiom of ir0.uas the beginningof his public activity, the Teacherof Righteousnesshas "stood"and is "standing," whereas the Prince/Branch's"standing"has not yet happened.42 The subjectof line 5 of Frags 4+ could also be a masculineplural righteous group returningto God or the law. In this case the verb would be 1]fl"0 and the restorationof the words opening line 6 might be ]"VIA[0-ll, "they will return [with] the men of [..." Could it be
that "theirteachers"of line 7 refers to the subjectterm (some masculine pluralrighteousgroup)by anothername? In the end, thereseem to be threebasic possibilitiesfor line 5. First, a qal plural verb with stated or unstated righteous plural subject. Second, a hiph'il singularverb with God as the unstatedsubject.And third, a hiph'il singularverb with the Prince/Branchas the stated or unstatedsubject. The presentstudy is unable to express any conclusion on this point. Frags 2 and 4+ on the same column
Only one verse of Hosea-Hos. 6:1, quotedand interpreted-separates the end of frag. 2 from the beginning of frags 4+. In DJD 5, frag. 3 was associatedwith a position between Frags 2 and 4+. That proposedpositioningwas incorrectand it is doubtfulthatfrag. 3 is from 4QpHosb.43 Frag. 14 was associated by Strugnellwith a position in
') the Branchof David. 4' Accordingto 4QpIsa'8-10 iii 23 God will support(1: In 4QpIsaa8-10 iii 25 the Branchof David will rule over (10c1"') the nations and all peoples. In Magog. In 4QpIsa'8-10 iii 26 the Branch'ssword will judge (cWOrn) 4QpIsaa 8-10 iii 28 he will judge (mleit). In 4QFlor (4Q MidrEschata)1:11-13 the of the Law who will with the Interpreter Branchof David is the one standing(IMrDiW) [] in Zion in the last days; he will stand (-nav') to save Israel. In 4Q285 5:3 the Branchof David will go into battle;the Prince/Branchwill kill (mri'rl) the [king of the Kittim]. In CD 7:20-21 when the Prince of the Congregationstands he will destroy(mplp) the sons of Seth. 1QM featuresa victoriouswar led by the Princeof the Congregationagainst the Kittim and other nations,entirelyset in the future.(An insertedhymn in IQM 14 alludesto God's wonderfuldeeds of the past,but the singing of the hymn itself is set in the future.)From the perspectiveof the War Scroll the righteoushave not yet returnedto the wildernessof Judea;they are presentlystill in the wildernessof the nationsanticipatingsuch a return(IQM 1:1-3). could be known "in secret"to the 42 The identityof the anticipatedPrince/Branch authorsof the texts but not yet revealedpublicly,with the texts foretellingthis figure's "standing". 4' DJD 5 suggestedthat frag. 3 was relatedto Hos. 5:14, 15, or 6:1, based on what
355
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
betweenfrags2 and4+." Thatproposedpositioningwas also incorrect.45 As Vielhauerhas correctlyrecognized,Frags 2 and 4+ are from the same column. A column width or line length of ca. 80 spaces for frags 4+ is quite close to the independentoutcome of ca. 78 for frag. 2 (based on restorationof a quotationfrom Hos. 5:14b-15 in frag. 2, line 5).46 The suggestionthat the line lengths of frag. 2 and frags 4+ reflect the same column is reinforcedwhen consideredin comparison to the shorterline lengths of other columns from the same scroll: ca. 57 spaces of frag. 10 (with Hos. 6:9b-6:10), from the column to the right of the column represented by frags 2 and
4+,4
ca. 57 spaces in
was claimedto be a similaritybetweena readingof -Ift~ n775[ in the fragment'ssecond line, and =nnsw of Hos. 5:15, and also between 1Br:: Ion[ of the fragment's thirdline and 1flWKof Hos. 5:14 or fl: of Hos. 6:1. (Volume6B proposesno placement for frag. 3. Vielhauersuggests a possible associationwith Hos. 7:6, which is unconvincing.)First of all, the reading of DJD 5 and all other editions (including Volume6B and Vielhauer)of ]jft in line 2 of the fragmentis probablywrong. The strokewhich has been read as the visible remnantof b seems insteadto be the right arm of the shin, slightly displacedby a tear (the lamed does not exist). The correct readingis ]-V and the letters after C could be nearly anything.Second, none of the readingsgives an exact match with words from Hosea. Third,the stringIUr[ is not associatedwith any word common in peshers, nor do peshers ever have 2nd person forms. And fourth,in the fragment'sline 3, n]ill)'[ "to the threshingfloor[s"does not seem like a word which would be used in a pesher. But this word is not found in Hos. 5:15-6:1 in any form (or anywherein Hosea in that form). In short,there is no basis for an associationof frag. 3 with Hos. 6:1. The scribal hand of frag. 3 also appears to be differentfrom the otherfragmentsof 4QpHosband thereis no known association of frag. 3 with anotherfragmentof 4QpHosb.These observationsmake it doubtfulthat frag. 3 belongs to 4QpHosb. " Strugnell,"Notes,"203. 4S Frag. 14 is a tiny piece bearing only three readable letters: ]J1n[ or ]50m[. Criticizingthe suggestionof DJD 5 thatfrag. 14 is from Hos. 8:12, Strugnellremarked that frag. 14 might insteadbe from Hos. 6:1: "vu l'etat materialdu cuir, on songera peut-etrea Osee 6, 1 plutotqu'a Osee 8, 12"(Strugnell"Notes,"203). He did not clarify what about the conditionof the skin suggested that fragment 14 was associated with Hos. 6:1. And unless Strugnellwas proposingthat frag. 14 contains a variant from the known text of Hos. 6:1 at the only point at which a contactwith Hos. 6:1 is claimed, the letter readingsin frag. 14 exclude Hos. 6:1; there is no string -:30n-or -Xl- in Hos. 6:1 in eitherMT or any knownvariant.Thereforethe suggestionin DJD 5 that frag. 14 is associatedwith Hos. 8:12 (which has IMInI)is reasonable,although Vielhauernotes that 1it' of Hos. 7:15 would be anothergood possibility. 4 Given a marginof errorof ? 4-6 spaces at the same ending positionfor lines of the same ca. 80 space length, plus uneven endpointsat left marginsgiving at least an additional? 2, reconstructedline lengths of ca. 78 and ca. 80 spaces are indistinguishable.The statementin Volume6B, 120, n. 4, that "thereis not enoughroom"for routinerestorationof the expected quotationfrom Hos. 5:14b at the beginningof line 5 of frag. 2 of 4QpHosb is without basis. 47 Frag. 10 (with Hos. 6:9bp-6:10), from the columnto the rightof the column representedby frags 2 and 4+ of the originalscroll, has a reconstructedline lengthof ca. 57 spaces. The first two lines of frag. 10 read:
356
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
frag. 13 (with Hos. 8:7) from several columns later in the original scroll,48and ca. 62 spaces in frag. 38 (with Hos. 7:10b), if Vielhauer's restorationis correct,which is possible but not certain.49 The agreementbetween ca. 78 spaces (frag. 2) and ca. 80 (spaces frags 4+), in contrastto ca. 58-62 spaces line lengths for the other columns, argues that frag. 2 and frags 4+ are from the same column in the originalscroll. Comparethe commentsof Stegemannand Tov: [Ifl one can determinethe averagewidth of the columns in a scroll, about80% of all its columns will conformclosely to the average;the othersmay differ up to 40% in eitherdirection.50 In some Qumranscrolls the height and width of the columnswere fairly consistently fixed, but in most cases these parametersprobablyvaried from sheet to sheet, and also within the individualsheets, in accordancewith their measurements. Thus, for instance,the width of certainindividualcolumns in IQM and 4QLamdiffersby as much as 50 percentfrom othercolumnsin the same scrolls. Considerabledifferencesbetween the sizes of columns are visible in 11QTaand 8HevXIIgr,while even largerones are in evidence in lQIsa8(cf. cols. 49 [16.3 cm] and 52 [8.8 cm]), in IQS (cf. cols. 1 [9.7 cm], 2 [11.5 cm], and other columns measuring16, 18, and 19 cm), and in 4QLama(where col. 3 is almost twice as wide as cols. I and 2). At the same time, a certainregularityin column sizes is noticeable. In most cases the available space in a sheet was evenly divided betweenthe columns,but the unusualsizes of the sheets did not always allow for such uniformity.Columnswhich are unusuallywide or narroware generally found in the beginningor end of sheets.5'
.;e
[ 1
ms
2 The visible -ki marksthe startof a requotation,just as at line 4 of frags 4+ (see n. 21), which explains the odd startingpoint of the quotation(the final two words of Hos. 6:9). Restorationof a single requotationfrom Hos. 6:9bI (IO) onr)withoutinterruptionto the last word of Hos. 6:10 ('RtU")gives a reconstructedline length of ca. 57 spaces. This analysis of frag. 10 is in agreementwith Volume6B and Vielhauer. 48 Frag. 13 has a reconstructed line length of ca. 57 spaces, based on a quotation from Hos. 8:7 restoredcontinuouslyin lines 6-8 of frags 11-13. This is exactly the same as the estimate independentlyarrived at for the differentcolumn represented by frag. 10 (n. 47). This analysis of frag. 13 is in agreementwith Volume6B and Vielhauer. 10]E9'tf'
4
[
Frag. 38, lines 4-5.
H. Stegemann,"Methodsfor the Reconstructionof Scrolls from ScatteredFragments,"Archaeologyand History in the Dead Sea Scrolls-the New YorkConference in Memoryof Yigael Yadin(ed. L.H. SchiffmanSheffield:JSOT Press, 1990) 198. 5' E. Tov, "ScribalPracticesReflectedin the Texts from the JudaeanDesert,"The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years(eds P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKamLeiden:Brill, 50
1998) 1. 403-29 [410-111.
4Q PESHER HOSEAB
357
There seems to be a visible space above the top line of frag. 2, which has a quotationfrom Hos. 5:13b. The top line of frag. 2 therefore seems to be the first line of the column.52The bottom line of the column is visible in frags 7-8, which bear a quotationfrom Hos. 6:7a. This gives an estimatedca. 27 (? 2-3) lines per column for 4QpHosb, which is in agreementwith 27 lines per column of 4QpPsaand similar numbersfor 4Qplsaaand 4QpIsac(comparedto shorter12 and 17 lines per column for 4QpNah and lQpHab, respectively).53 An exegetical implication The reconstructedline lengthof ca. 80 of the columnrepresentedby frags 2 and 4+ establishedby Vielhauerand by the presentauthorinstead of the shorter line length given in Volume 6B, which was inheritedfrom errors in DJD 5 and Strugnell-makes clear that the "Last Priest"of 4QpHosb2:3 is not the agent who "smites Ephraim" of that line as ubiquitouslyassumed in currentscholarly discussions. The following three quotes have been selected at randomand many more could be cited: [A] high priest currentlyin office 'has dealt a heavy blow' (4QpHosb2:2-4) to the evil Ephraim.14 [Hos.] 5:14 containsa referenceto a lion and lion cub who oppose Ephraimand Judah,which the pesher interpretsas referringto the 'latter priest' who smites Ephraim." Alexander Jannaeus is called the last priest in this pesher [4QpHosbI, and he pun-
ished the Pharisees.s6
None of these citations note that this interpretationis a conjectural restoration.These scholarsratherspeak as if it were a fact of the text. Earlierscholarswere aware that that interpretationis not a fact of the text. Dupont-Sommerand Carmignac commented (referring to the same line): Noter que ... il n'est meme pas sur que le pronomrelatif 'qui' se rapporteau nom qui precedeimm6diatement57 52 S3
Vielhauerregardsfrag. 2, line 1 as the 6th line of the column. Vielhauerreconstructsabout 30 lines per column for 4QpHosb.
54 H. Stegemann, The Library of Qumran (Leiden: Brill, 1998) 130.
ss M. Bernstein,"PesherHosea,"650. 56 H. Eshel, "Ephraimand Manasseh," Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls 1.253-54. 57
A. Dupont-Sommer, Les ecrits esseniens decouverts pres de la Mer Morte (Paris,
1960) 289 n. 3.
358
GREGORY L. DOUDNA
L'antec6dentde ce pronom relatif n'est pas necessairementle 'pretre futur' (h'hrwn)et ce peut etre un autretermedisparudans la lacune pr6c6dente.58
Although Vielhauerhas the longer line length of frags 2 and 4+ correctlyrestored,he assumes the same mistakenrestorationof words in the lacuna in line 3 that is made in DJD 5, Strugnell,Horgan,and Volume6B: of rn,'* 17Srrft'9 11771 1Z[F.] [3 1:CB... I "Its interpretationconcernsthe Last Priest who will stretchforth his hand to smite.. ." But Vielhauer's restoration leaves ca. 25 spaces in the
lacuna between the last word of the quotationand the first word of the pesher. The lengthsof all knownQ/P vacats in 4QpHosb,however, are only ca. 2-5 spaces (see n. 29). The unaccounted-forspacing in Vielhauer'srestorationindicatesthat Vielhauer'srestorationis not correct. In fact the subject inflictingviolence of thatpesher can only be the Lion of Wrath,who is a figure distinct from the Last Priest.The Last Priest is a victim of the Lion of Wrath.I concludedan analysis of this line in my 2001 study as follows: 4QpHosbhas been read as if lacunascould, in effect, be disregarded,and visible words assumedto be relatedsyntacticallysimply becauseof the accidentof their physical survival in proximity to one another. Mistakes in 4QpHosbin turn affected perceptionof the Lion of Wrathof 4QpNah, and in this way fatally blocked understandingof 4QpNah. Far-reachingand erroneousinterpretiveconsequencescame about in this case because lacunas were not properlyrestored. 4QpHosbfrag. 2 is a showcase argumentfor the necessity of sound reconstruction analysis of lacunas in any critical study of a Qumrantext.59
Conclusion DJD 5 identified the quotation in frag. 4 of 4QpHosb as being from
Hos. 6:2-3. Strugnellcorrectlyjoined two new fragmentsbelow frag. 4 (frags 18 and 24), but erred in joining frag. lOa above frag. 2 and in rejectingthe correctidentificationin DJD 5 of frag. 4 as being from Hos. 6:2-3. Strugnell'serrorwas followed in subsequenteditions and continuesuncorrectedin Charlesworth'sVolume6B. A correctedreconstructionof frags 4, 5, 18, and 24 has been established. Frags 4+ belong to the same column of the original scroll as fragment2, occupying a position below the latter.The reconstructed pesher of frags 4+, lines 5-7 appearsto deal with the righteousand an image of the age of peace to come, althoughthe identificationof the subjectterm and exact wordingelude certainidentification. 8
59
J. Carmignac, "Notes sur les pesharilm,"RevQ 3 (1962) at 535 n. I00.
Doudna, 4Q Pesher Nahum, 573.
MASTEMA'SATTEMPTON MOSES' LIFE IN THE "PSEUDO-JUBILEES" TEXT FROM MASADA ESTHERESHEL Bar-Ilan University
In the excavation conductedat Masadafrom 1963 to 1965, fifteen Hebrew scrolls were found. Among them was one small fragment, found on the floor of the room, "in one of the wall towers to the west of the western palace,"' where, according to Yadin, "it had been thrownby the Roman garrison stationed at the site after Masada's fall."2It was describedas follows: The fragment we found is small but its importanceis great. It is written in Hebrewand it containsportionsof the originalHebrewtext of one of the pseudoepigraphicworks which has also disappearedwith time, namely, the Book of Jubilees.3
Yadin'sidentificationwas basedon thereadingof thenamei "the Prince of Mastema."In the final edition, this fragmentwas titled by S. Talmon as MasJubor MaspsJub(Mas 1 j: 1276-1786).4 The identificationof the story behind that fragmentwill be the focus of this note. The name Mastemaappears,apartfrom the book of Hosea, which does not seems to be linked to this fragment,mainly in the book of Jubilees.As mentionedby Talmon,it also appearsin othertexts found at Qumran,such as lQM, IQS, 4QBer, and CD. Talmon also refers 10 turns up twice in to the fact that "the significant term 7n10MDO a Qumran fragment of Pseudo-Jubilees (4Q225 2 I, 9-10)."5 He ' Y. Yadin,Masada:Herod'sFortressand the Zealots' Last Stand(London:Weidenfeld and Nicolson, 1966) 178-89. 2 y. Yadin, "Masada," The New Encyclopediaof ArchaeologicalExcavationsin the Holy Land (ed. E. Stern,Jerusalem:The IsraelExplorationSociety, 1993) 3.983. 3 Yadin, Masada, 179. 4 S. Talmon, "Fragmentsof Extra-BiblicalWorks,"in idem, "HebrewFragments fromMasada,"MasadaVI:YigaelYadinExcavations1963-1965,FinalReports(Jerusalem: IsraelExplorationSociety 1999) 117-19. 5 Talmon, "Fragments," 119. For new readingsand reconstructionsof 4Q225, see C Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.ni
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
ESTHER ESHEL
360
concludesthus:"ThereforeYadin'ssuggestionthatfrg. 1276-1786stems from a copy of Jubilees, or possibly Pseudo-Jubileesof Qumranvintage has exceeding merit."He also argues that "the furthersupposition that it was presumablybroughtto Masadaby a yahad member, is supportedby the elongated forms =: (Col. 1,7; 11,5) and mna3I (II,5) which are characteristicallyqumranic."6As to the last point, having no sectarian terminology, I find no proof for its Qumranic origin. J.C. VanderKam,in his surveyof the Jubileesmanuscripts,rejected the identificationof this fragment as part of the book of Jubilees, because of its "failureto correspondclosely with the Ethiopictext,"7 and because "the fragmentarytext is related to parts of the book in theme only and is not from a copy of Jubilees itself."8 This tiny fragment measures 6.5 x 5.0 cm, written in an early Herodianformal script,was characterizedby Talmonas "the hand of an expert scribe."9It reads as follows: Mas 1 j (or: 1276-1786) Col. I n1'5[ .1
:n mn[rr .2 ) pr'1 t[
.3
.5
1sn :n;lcvr~ n:D oD[
.7
Col. ll
1 .1
] .2 1&39 .3 ] l-n: .4
[7Ns nl^7Z.7...1710-M
7: nD
.5
]: 11C: .6 1Tnpl
.7
RQ 20 R.A. Kugler and J.C. VanderKam,"A Note on 4Q225 (4Qpseudo-Jubilees)," (2001) 109-16, who reconstructedMastemain Frg. 1:8. 6 Talmon,"Fragments," 119. See also E. Tov, "A QumranOrigin for the Masada Non-BiblicalTexts?"DSD 7 (2000) 66. "TheJubileesFragmentsfrom QumranCave 4," in The Madrid 7 J.C. VanderKam, Qumran Congress: Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls,
Madrid18-21 March,1991 (eds J. TrebolleBarreraand L. Vegas Montaner;STDJ 11; Madrid:EditorialComplutense;Leiden:Brill, 1992) 2.642-43, n. 27. 8
J.C. VanderKam, "Jubilees, Book of," in Encyclopedia of the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds
L.H. Schiffmanand J.C. VanderKam;Oxford:OxfordUniversityPress, 2000) 1.435. 1 Talmon,Masada VI, 117.
MASTEMA'S A1TEMPT ON MOSES' LIFE IN "PSEUDO-JUBILEES"
361
col. I
1. 2. 3. 4. 5.
ILud YH]WHwith ]YM and they took (or: and he took him) ]and he took and did not land the Princeof Mastema
6.
... sev]enty years
Col. II
3. he (or: they) shall approach 4. Midianand [ 5.
to you in them [...
the covenant which I]
6. establishedwith [ 7. and with you (or; and your people)
Althoughpoorly preserved,some clear words can be read. In line 4 of col. II Talmon read 1yrrn and translated'strife,' but noted also that "one could read 1D." Indeed,the yod is clear, and j1"7is to be identified as Midian, the place that Moses left to returnto Egypt. The mentionof Midiantogetherwith the Prince of Mastema(MMUDWms) enables us to identify the scene as the struggle between Moses and i1r 'at a night encampmenton the way,' prince of MastemaJl kill when he tried to Moses. This identification is based on Jub. 48:2-3 (see discussionbelow). As we can see, the prince of Mastema is mentionedin "PseudoJubilees"as trying to kill Moses on his way from Midian to Egypt. This identificationcan also be supportedby additionalfacts. At the beginning of line 1 the letters lamed, waw and dalet can be deciphered,yielding the reading"I*[. This may be the end of a word, such as -*41,10but it can also be read as a complete word-1n* 'Lud'. The name Lud is mentionedeight times in the Bible. It designates a son of Shem in Gen. 10:22, and is referredto again in Isa. 66:19, where Lud is mentionedtogetherwith other nations, and is usually identified as dwelling in Asia Minor. Lud is also mentioned in the book of Jubilees (9:6), in the War Scroll (11:10) and in Josephus' Jewish Antiquities(1:144). The pluralform D:'1- is mentionedin the Table of Nations, as the descendantsof Egypt:v-i* nA * vI ?Z1 'And Egypt begot Ludim' (Gen. 10:13; cf. 1 Chron. 1:11). They are mentioned again in two propheciesaddressedto the Egyptians.The first is in Jeremiah:
10 As an adjective1i' 'born' (e.g. Exod. 1:22), or as a qal passive participleof 7m 'to bear, beget' 7*,; (e.g., I Kgs 3:26). All biblical translationsare based on NJPS.
362
ESTHER ESHEL
ConcerningEgypt,aboutthe armyof PharaohNeco ... Advance,0 horses,Dash madly,0 chariots!Let the warriorsgo forth,Cush and Put, that graspthe shield, and the Ludimwho grasp and draw the bow (nWp'zi-i ernc-7*; 46:2-9).
And the other is in Ezekiel: A sword shall pierce Egypt, and Nubi shall be seized with trembling... When men fall slain in Egypt... Nubia, Put, and Lud and all the mixed populations (30:4-5; cf. 27:10).
If we read -n1 as a complete word, then the name n* mentioned in the Masadafragmentis associatedin some sense with Egypt. The connection between 7n' and Egypt is found in Mekhilta de-Rabbi Ishmael, Pisha 7:
Zrt 'j7A- M119en'CK- C"ISMn1 -1= t) 1'l
5
n ? 'I' 7*) CIE :
That the Lord smote all the first-born in Egypt. Even those who hailed from other
places. And how about Egyptianfirst-bornwho were in other places? Scripture says: "To him who smote Egypt in theirfirst-born"(Ps. 136:10).And how about the first-bornof Ham, Cush, Put and Lud?Scripturesays: "And smote Egypt in their first-bornin Egypt, the first fruit of their strengthin the tents of Ham"(Ps. 78:51)."
A clear identificationof Lud as Egypt appearsin Qallir's famous hoshana for Sukkot:
This verse is based on Isaiah 61:3, where Israel is called p:1n '&7A 'terebinthsof victory'. 0js is an epithet for Israel, while 7n' clearly refers to Egypt. In line 5 of the Masada fragmentthe prince of Mastemais mentioned. Accordingto the book of Jubilees,Mastemawas active in six events: In the days of Noah's sons, when Mastemaasks God not to destroy all the evil spiritswho botherNoah's sons, but to leave onetenth under his command (Jub. 10:8-9); at the time of Ur son of Kesed (Jub. 11:5-6); in the days of Terah (Jub. 11:10-12); and the sacrificeof Isaac (Jub. 17:16). The last two episodes were in the days
11 Translatedby J.Z. Lauterbach,Mekilta de-Rabbi Ishmael (Philadelphia:JPS, 1933) 1.53-54. rr (Jerusalem:Qoren, 12 D. Goldschmidt(ed.), nmln nnr: rrrD "YOUMI: nnvne 1981) 181.
MASTEMA'S ATTEMPT ON MOSES' LIFE IN "PSEUDO-JUBILEES"
363
of Moses: the first was his strugglewith Moses on his way to Egypt, and the second (and most detailed) is his help to the Egyptians and their magicians(Jub. 48:9-18) duringthe Exodus. According to Jub. 47:9 Moses was 21 years old when he was broughtto Pharaoh,where he stayed21 years (v. 10). At the age of 42 he went to Midian,where he spent 36 years (48:1). Moses was therefore 78 years old when he left for Egypt. Line 6 of col. I may indicate Moses' age at that time, and might thus be reconstructedas 7r001 nu D'I.[V flflDt 'And Moses was se]venty[-eight]years old'. The second column is even more fragmentary,but in addition to frnnone can read the words: ]bb nT: which might be reconstructed as IT3DI[...] : Sn' [10s nrfln 'and the covenant that I established with [probably vMisor ZpD'1 pnMM, DFflfls] and with you'. The mention of the covenant on that occasion is significant, and seems to be connected with the circumcision which, according to Exod. 4:24-26, takes place duringthe same event. After God had commandedMoses to leave Midian and go back to Egypt in orderto fulfill his real mission, an unexpectedevent occurred to Moses and his family. This event is described briefly in Exod. 4:24-26: XmI71= 5MR
nbrr
M:rnDl -1! MIMSnpnl WnOrM Vp-11 7r1771,7MVI1*0-I 1-17: ^;:MI U.r-n - -pnim rn:', ?: z mr:smb: Inrn7-In-m tAnn 9rrn
At a nightencampmenton the way, the LORD encounteredhim and soughtto kill him. So Zipporahtook a flint and cut off her son's foreskin,and touchedhis legs with it, saying, "You are truly a bridegroomof blood to me!" And when he let him alone, she added,"A bridegroomof blood because of the circumcision."
This short, obscure description,which includes a few grammatical problems,was the subject of many commentaries,ancient and modem. The main difficultiesare the subjectand the object of some of the verbs, which can be either Moses or his sons. Whom did the Lord seek to kill? At whose feet was the foreskinthrown?And in the larger context:Moses is said to have had two sons-Gershom and Eliezerwhereas here only one is mentioned.Which one? For the translatorof the Septuagint as well as for most of the Jewish traditions,it was inconceivablethat the Lord in person would threatenthe life of any man, and particularlythat of Moses. Thus, in most of them, the responsiblepartywas an angel. The authorof the book of Jubilees could not accept that God tried to kill Moses, and thereforethe threatof death came from the prince of Mastema.But
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ESTHER ESHEL
the cause of the threatwas no sin of Moses, but Mastema'sdesire to protectthe Egyptiansfrom him (Jub.48:3).'3 I would like to suggest understandingthe fragmentfoundat Masada as related to the event of the strugglebetween Mastemaand Moses, but its explanation,althoughpoorly preserved,seems to give the circumcisionas the reasonfor why Mastemaattacked-a differentexplanationthan that given by the authorof Jubilees.Unfortunately,we are unable to determinewhich son was circumcised,and which explanation was attributedto it.
According to this description, the prince of Mastema tried to kill Moses in order "to save the Egyptian from your [i.e., Moses'] power." According to the world-view of the author of Jubilees, circumcision is of great importance, as a law written in the heavenly tablets. Accordingly, the children of Abraham resemble the angels, who were created circumcised, as opposed to the sons of Ishmael and everyone who is not circumcised, and thus called a "son of Belial" (Jub. 15:25-33). Having this in mind, one may wonder why the author of Jubilees prefers to give as a reason for Mastema's attempt on Moses' life the former's desire to help the Egyptians rather than the circumcision.
A QUMRANICPARALLELTO ITHESS 4:4? READINGAND INTERPRETATION OF 4Q416 2 II 21* MENAHEMKISTER The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
In the first epistle to the Thessalonians,Paul admonishesthe recipients of his epistle: "This is the will of God... that you should abstain from fornication,that everyone of you should know how to possess his vessel in sanctificationand honour"(1 Thess. 4:3-4). The meaning of the word "vessel"
(CSxeiuo) is a crux interpretum.
Some
commentatorssuggest that it refers to the body, others maintainthat it refers to one's wife.' Recently it has been arguedthat a passage of the work designated 4Qlnstruction2 (probably composed no later than the first century
BCE)
may shed new light on this enigmaticexpression.The Qumranictext reads, accordingto the scholars,FlOp'l bpn b all or i-rpIm 't (4Q416 2 ii 21 = 4Q417 2 ii 26).3 This phraseis translated"Furthermore, do not dishonourthe vessel of your bosom (or: your lawful vessel)." Following PierreBenoit, who had noted the parallelto the New Testament,Strugnellhas interpretedthe "vessel" as meaning "wife",4 while Elgvin has interpreted"vessel"in the text from Qumranand in the New Testamentas "a euphemismfor the male organ".5According to Elgvin, "the expression 'to master one's vessel in holiness and '
* I am grateful to Profs J.L. Kugel and Y. Sussmann for valuable comments. C. Maurer, s.v. m6oio4, TDNT 8 (1971) 365-67; F.F. Bruce, I & 2 Thessalonians
(WBC; Waco: Word Books, 1982) 83-84. 2 This work has been published by J. Strugnell and D.J. Harrington (eds), Qumran Cave 4.XXIV (DJD 34; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999). 3 Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34.90, 193 (4Q416: pl. IV; 4Q417: pl. IX). 4 J. Strugnell, "More on Wives and Marriage in the Dead Sea Scrolls," RevQ 17 (1996) 538-40. Cf. also the Commentary and Excursus in Strugnell and Harrington, DJD 34.108-10. I T. Elgvin, "To Master His Own Vessel: lThess 4.4 in Light of New QumranEvidence," NTS 43 (1997) 604-19.
C) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
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MENAHEM KISTER
honour' probablyhas a comprehensivemeaning:to behave and dress in decency (as is the meaning in [the Qumranictext]), and, whether one is marriedor single, to master one's sexual drives with respect, for othersas well as for one's own body".6The similaritybetweenthe two texts seems "almostverbatim,"and Strugnellconsidersthe possibility that there was some contact between them.7In a populartranslation of the Dead Sea Scrolls the sentencehas been freely translated: "And moreover,do not disdainyour wife, your closest companion".8 However,this appears(almost certainly)not to be the correctreading of the text and its interpretationis thus differentas well. Instead of irOp'tr'tZ ("thevessel of your bosom"),one shouldreadflZpr7'-n (or rinprn*1r) ("not [accordingto] your prescribedportion").While in 4Q416 the traces of the first letter look more like bet than kaf, the traces of beth are clear in 4Q417.9This readingmakes bettersense in the context. The text reads:
This passage should be translatedas follows:" (a) Do not sate yourself with food when there is no clothing, do not drink wine when there is no food, do not seek pleasureswhen you lack food. (b) Do not live lavishly (literally: honor yourself) with the little you have when you are poor,'2lest you be unmindfulof your very life. (c) And do not be disgraced by (living) not according to your prescribed portion. 6
Elgvin, "To Master,"618. Strugnell,"Wives,"540.
8
M. Wise, M. Abegg and E. Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls: A New Translation (San
Francisco:HarperCollins,1996) 384. 9 I thankProf. Elisha Qimronfor confirmingmy reading,and for checkingit with me in the originalin the Israel Museum. Although FT is the rightreading.In Strugnelland Harrington'sedition:FnTYlF. '? iz-r they noted that "the object of ti: is almost always markedwith b" (108), they missed the lamed in the text for some reason.The correctreading l"rT; occurs in T. Elgvin, An Analysisof 4Qlnstruction(HebrewUniversityPh.D. Dissertation:Jerusalem,1997) 211; F. Garcia Martinez and E.J.C. Tigchelaar, The Dead Sea Scrolls Study Edition
(Leiden:Brill, 1998) 850. 11Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.93 translate:"Do not sate thyself with food when there is no clothing,And do not drinkwine when thereis no food. Do not seek after delicacies when thou lackest (even) bread.Do not esteem thyself highly for thy povertywhen thou art (anyhow?)a pauper,Lest thou bring into contemptthy (own way) of life. Moreover,do not treat with dishonourthe 'vessel' (or 'wife') of thy bosom."There are some awkwardpoints in this translation.Some earliertranslations of this text by other scholarsare entirelymisleading:"Do not promisethem [sic] . . . If there are no cups, do not drinkwine [sic], and if there is no food do not request delicacies. 0 ye, [... If you] lack bread, do not glory in your poverty. You are
A QUMRANIC PARALLEL TO ITHESS 4:4?
367
Section (a) lists the prioritiesof the consumptionof goods in a limited budget: first clothing, then food, then wine and luxuries. One should live, it says, accordingto one's means.'3Section (b) continues this train of thought. It is based on a biblical verse: "He that is despised (sTp:) and has a servant(?)'4is better than he who honors himself and lacks food (or: bread;Orb '1ornn 1:rnM)" (Prov. 12:9).15 According to section (b), living beyond one's means because of the desire to play the honorableman might lead to the loss of the most necessarymeans, and thus entail the risking of one's life. Section (c) is a direct continuationof section (b).16The word 2pmis an antonym of -nznn, it should be vocalized 'pn and is in nif'al ratherthan in hif'il (5pn), as assumed by former editors and translators. One of the meanings of the word pin in Biblical Hebrew is "prescribedportion needy... [Do not] plunderto stay alive [sic], and also, do not water down [sic] (the contentsof a vessel... [yo]ur Laws..." (R. Eisenmanand M. Wise, The Dead Sea Scrolls Uncovered[London:Penguin, 1992] 253-54; "Do not fill yourself with bread; and if thereare no glasses, do not drinkwine [sic]; and if thereis no food do not seek delicacies. (If) you lack bread,do not glory in your lack; you are poor, do not despise your life. Neither should you lighten a vessel [...]" (F. Garcla Martinez,The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated[trans.G.E. Watson;Leiden:Brill, 1992] 384). Othertranslations are much better(T. Elgvin Analysis,212; G. Vermes, The CompleteDead Sea Scrolls in English [London: Penguin, 1997] 406; Garcia Martinez and Tigchelaar, Study Edition, 851; Wise, Abegg and Cook, A New Translation,384). They differ mainly in their choice of the English words. It is appropriateto quote Vermes' translation:"Do not satiate yourself with bread while there is no clothing. Do not drinkwine while there is no food. Do not seek luxurywhen you lack bread.Do not glorify yourself in your need if you are poor lest you degradeyour life. Also do not treatwith contempt your ordainedinstrument"(cf. Garcia Martinezand Tigchelaar:"The vessel of your bolsom"). 12 The words "with the little you have" are clearly relatedto the clause "whenyou are poor",and the editors' translation"esteem thyself for your poverty"(as well as Elgvin's translation"do not boast aboutyour lowly estate-you who are poor"[Elgvin, Analysis, 212]) is wide of the mark. See also below (n. 26), for the semantics of "honor"in ancientHebrew.The translation"glorify"should be rejected. 13 Rather than "live a decent and humble life without luxury"(Elgvin, Analysis, 219). 14 Insteadof 7iZ, the originalreadingmay well have been -0D1 [= flZD1], meaning "produce,food, victuals"(cf. Josh. 5:11-12; D. Payne Smith, ThesaurusSyriacus [Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1890], 2786). Such a readingwould fit admirablyas a synonym to nnriin the second stich. It is not impossiblethat 4Qlnstructionhad this reading in Prov. 12:9. However, Ben Sira (10:27), LXx and Pesh. already read in the Hebrewtext of Proverbs 7D=1,which they interpretas meaningthat one should work for oneself ratherthan abstainfrom [non-honorable]work (M. Kister,"In the Margins of the Book of Ben Sira,"Leshonenu47 [1983] 128, n. 8 [Hebrew]). 15 Strugnell and Harringtonnote: "The juxtapositionof the same words in Prov 12:9... may perhapsbe due only to hazard"(DJD 34.108). 16 Contrast: "Thereis no subsequentcontext to explain the reasonfor this... stich; theprecedingstichs.. . do notseemcloselyrelatedin senseto it"(StrugnellandHarrington, DJD 34.108).
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(or allowance of food), prescribeddue, prescribedlimit, boundary".'7 The word preceding it in our text is *-1 [= Rfl]'1 or '5f, literally
"without,"rather than ',: "vessel," as has been unanimouslyread. The sentencemay mean eitherthatone shouldneverexceed one's prescribedportionor boundaries,'9or that one shouldnot humbleoneself without one's due portion(the latterpossibilityhas been suggestedto me by Prof. J.L. Kugel). It should be stressed,however, that in the context of the last passage cited above it is not "riches"but "poverty" that is of theological value. In the extant fragmentsof 4QInstruction as a whole there is no admonitionagainst consumingless than one's portion,and such a sayingwould not easily fit the tendencyof thiswork. Admonitionsagainst humanefforts to exceed the portionordainedby God occur elsewherein 4QInstruction,and our passage is more likely to be interpretedaccordingly.Two of these admonitionsmay be cited in this context: (1) Elsewhere in the same work we read: 5IZR iOM"ItY-tO nfR irn"n 'R1 "WhatHe feeds you, eat, and do [p,rin not (eat) more lest [...]
you shorten your life" (4Q417 2 i 20-21 +
4Q418 frg. 7b+199+64+66,1. 4). The end of this sentenceis reminiscent of section (b); the word rlZr':I' is clearly based on Agur's plea 'IM'prrCnr :10 ("[Give me neitherpovertynor riches,] feed me my allottedportionof food" [Prov. 30:81),and could thereforebe considered as derived from the conception of a fixed portion allotted to every humanbeing, a conceptionreflectedin section (c). (2) Several lines before our passage we read: 7t ilnlr: 'jt -Rt nzD M MIRM ;7:Mn Vn tn lin Mn (4Q416 2 ii 16), "Do not reach what is beyond the range of your power, lest you stumble,and your and severallines after our pasdisgracebecomes exceedinglygreat",20 Z r MM 11MA sage we read the admonition: tw Mnntn: nTlt TRnn (above, n. II), is '7 BDB, 349. Vermes' translation,"your ordainedinstrument" based on this sense of the word. 8 For the orthographysee 4Q417 frag. 5 (Strugnelland Harrington,DJD 34.197). Cf. also in the same column (4Q416 frg. 2 ii, 11). The alternative, preferredby Strugnell and Harrington,DJD 34.93, 101, "tax money, tribute money," is most unlikely.This orthographyis frequentin one of the copies of the DamascusCovenant (4Q266; cf. concordanceto DJD 18.219). 1' The expressionpin t1k'- occurs in the next columnof the same fragment(4Q416 2 iii 20), but unfortunatelythe text is too fragmentaryfor decidingwhat these words meant in context.Comparealso the words pnri'b in Isa. 5:14. 20 Correctlytranslatedby Garcia Martinezand Tigchelaar,StudyEdition,851. The translationof Strugnelland Harrington("Onewho does not have thy strengthdo not smite, Lest thou makehim (her)to stumble,and thou increasethy own shamegreatly"; similarlyElgvin, Analysis,212; Vermes,CompleteDSS, 405) is clearly erroneous.
A QUMRANIC PARALLEL TO ITHESS 4:4?
nZ=
369
Yon IC 71 U5Mnn(4Q416 2 iii 8-9) "If you are poor, do not
aspire to anythingbut your portion(literally:inheritance),and do not be harmedby it, lest you decrease(literally:move back) your boundary".2'These two sentences and the sentence underscrutinyshare the same idea: anyonewho does not respectwhat has been allottedto him by God is doomed to decreasehis portionand to disgrace.The "portions" granted are both spiritual and material. I have demonstrated elsewhere that the idea of measurementsallotted by God is a central one in 4QInstruction,and in Qumranicliterature.22 The "inheritance" allotted to membersof the sect is mentionedin the Damascus Covenant (CD 13:12 = 4Q267 9 iv 9). In a passage of the Hodayot, pirl "fixed share"is synonymouswith t1U "portion,"both being employed as theological terms.23Indeed, I believe that an analysis of the wider context of these columns will show that this is the specific theological atmospherein which the work was composed,but such an analysis is far beyond the scope of this article. It seems plausiblethat some of the verses were originallyproverbs of practicalwisdom.Thus,theexpenditureon food, clothinganddwelling (cf. section [a]) is dealt with in several passages of rabbinic literature.24"Reduceyour food and increase [expenditure]on your house" (b. Pes. 114a);"Spendaccordingto your means on food, less thanyou can afford on clothing, but more than you can afford on dwelling" (Gen. Rab. 20:12);25"A man shouldalways eat and drinkless thanhis means allow, clothe himself in accordance with his means, and honor26his wife and children more than his means allow" (b. Hul. I will explain elsewherethe linguisticdetails of this translation. M. Kister, "Physicaland MetaphysicalMeasurementsOrdainedby God according to the Literatureof the Second Temple Period,"Proceedingsof the Orion Colloquium2001 [forthcoming]. 23 The sentence reads: :'bDt: -n1rn ltD nwz '-rnu MMfli A 'x: ntR n[ZnT1] pmr Mnn=At "I thankyou, 0 Lord, for You have not cast my lot in the congregation of vanity, nor has You set my portionin the council of sinners (?)." Compare: ': ptn'' nrT MOO s ttl -I70 n'n 'nul'O 'P5 nnssc 717:n ':R 11-1 (b. Ber. Ml:-IP 28a; similarlyy. Ber. 4:2 [7d]). The word pmrin the Hodayotis synonymousto the word ptn in the tannaiticsource. 24 None of these passages is identicalto the advice in the Qumranictext, but all of the sourcesdeal with closely relatedthemes. 25 Cf. also the opinion, "Applicantsfor food are examined but not applicantsfor clothes"(b. B.B. 9a). 26 "To honor"in this source, as in rabbinicliteraturein general, means to supply one's needs; see, e.g., ed. J.Z. Lauterbach (ed.), Mekhilta de-Rabbi Yishmael (Philadelphia:JPS, 1933) 2.257 (Ba-hodesh8). See also M. Kister, "Some Notes on Biblical Expressionsand Allusionsand the Lexicographyof Ben Sira,"Sirach,Scrolls, and Sages: Proceedingsof a Second InternationalSymposiumon the Hebrew of the 21 22
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84b). Instructionsof "worldlywisdom" (ri- rNnY were adaptedin 4Qlnstructioninto a peculiarreligious teaching,and thus gained new depth and theological significance. Such a sublimationof practical wisdom can be demonstratedin the New Testamentand rabbinicliterature.For instance,the proverb"takeno thoughtfor the morrow... sufficientunto the day is the evil thereof" (Matt. 6:34) is a secular that gained a new religious meaningwhen it proverb(b. San. 1OOb)28 was attachedto Jesus' teaching, which has God's providenceas its focus. Similarly,some of Hillel's sayings are probablyadaptationsof practical wisdom sayings and proverbs,29and Ben Sira's advice "respecta physicianbeforeyou need him"(Sir. 38:1) was used in rabbinic sourcesin the context of the attitudetowardsGod (y. Ta'an. 3:6 [66d]; Tanh. Gen. Miqqes 10, 14). The sentences of 4QInstruction probablyunderwenta similar sublimationwhen a theological reason was added for not living beyond one's means, not only for practical reasonsbut also in orderto not trespassthe limits ordainedby God. I thereforeagree with Elgvin's suggestionthat the author"incorporated existing wisdom admonitions into his work," although I seriously It does doubthis hypothesisof "two literarylayers"in 4QInstruction:30 not seem to me that the mundanewisdom materialthat was incorporated and reinterpretedin this work was ever an independentliterary unit. In conclusion,the sentence in section (c), accordingto our reading fits very well both the directcontext and prominent and interpretation, theological conceptionsof the sapientialwork 4QInstructions.If the reading 'jZ "vessel" is abandoned, the ostensibly striking parallel proves to be entirely irrelevant,for there is no similaritywhatsoever between Paul's expressionand our passage either in theme or in terminology. This text does not contributeto the clarification of the phrase "to possess one's vessel in sanctification" in iThess 4:4. Instead,we gain throughit a betterunderstandingof practicalwisdom advice and its adaptationto theologicalconceptions. Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira and the Mishnah held at Leiden University, 15-17 December1997 (eds T. Muraokaand J.F. Elwolde;Leiden:Brill, 1999) 185. 27 The term occurs in Gen. Rab. 20:12. 28 Cf. also J.G. Griffiths,"Wisdomabout Tomorrow," HTR 53 (1960) 219-21 for parallels to the saying of Jesus (that are even closer to the Jewish proverb)from Egyptianwisdom literature. 29 S. Lieberman(ed.), SiphreZuta (New York:Jewish TheologicalSeminary,1968) of Ben Sira,"Tarbiz 112-13. See also M. Kister,"A Contributionto the Interpretation 59 (1990) 325-26 (Hebrew). -'?T. Elgvin, Analysis,53.
THE BOOK OF JUBILEES AND ITS CALENDAR-A REEXAMINATION* LIORARAVID Hertzilia, Israel
The calendar of the Book of Jubilees is based on a year of 364 days, which is importantfor threereasons: 1) It providesthe basis for understandingone of the most importantworks writtenin the Jewish worldin the SecondTempleperiod;2) Accordingto theDeadSea Scrolls, the membersof the sect who lived at Qumranorganizedtheir lives in accordancewith a calendarwith a 364-day year; 3) The calendarof Jubilees has been linked with other calendars,and alluded to in the Book of 1 Enoch (chapters72-82, known as the Book of the Heavenly Luminaries),which also count 364 days to a year. Because of the significanceof the calendarfor our understandingof the lifestyle and beliefs of the Qumransect, scholars have ascribed considerable importance to these calendars. In 1953 and 1957, a French scholar, A. Jaubert,publishedtwo studies of the calendarof Jubilees.' In view of the close relationshipbetween the calendar of Jubilees and the calendricalfragmentsfrom Qumran,Jaubert'swork is consideredto be a major contributionto our understandingof the Qumrancalendaras well. Jaubertclaimedto haveidentifiedtheunderlyingprinciplesandmethodology of the Jubilees calendar,as well as the ideological motives for the author'sinsistence on a calendarin which the year was exactly 364 days long. The time that has elapsed since the publicationof her theories has not lessened their importance,and even today they are * This article is a reworkedversion of an appendix to my doctoral dissertation, which was preparedunderthe supervisionof Prof.JamesKugel of Bar-IlanUniversity. Commentsmay be addressedto [email protected]. I A. Jaubert,"LecalendrierdesJubileset de la sectede Qumran.Ses originesbibliques," VT3 (1953)250-64; idem,"Lecalendrierdes Jubileset les joursliturgiquesde la semaine," VT 7 (1957) 35-61. For an English translationof her work see idem, The Date of the Last Supper(StatenIsland:Alba House, 1965). C KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
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consideredbasic for any scholardealingwith the calendarsof Jubilees and of the Qumransect. Although Jaubert'sreasoningwas indeed brilliantand of primary importancefor our understandingof Jubilees, I believe that some of the centralargumentson which she based her study are fallacious,and that, consequently,the viability of her theory must be reexamined.I shall begin by presentingJaubert'smajor arguments(which will be referredto hereafteras "the theory"or "the fixed calendartheory").I shall then outline some of the objectionsthat have been raisedagainst Jaubert,and go on to analyze the theoryitself. Finally, my own position will be presented. I. The Elementsof Jaubert's Theory Jaubert'stheory of the calendarof the Book of Jubilees is based primarilyon six arguments: 1. The calendarof Jubilees may be regardedas a solar calendar,in which the year consists of 364 days (Jub. 6:29-32). 2. The days of the solar year are reckonedonly from the creationof the sun, that is, from the fourthday of Creation(Jub. 2:8). 3. The number364 is divisible by 7 without remainder:364/7 = 52. Hence the calendarof Jubilees is a "fixed"calendar,in which all the festivals and "set times" fall, year after year, on exactly the same day of the week as their very first occurrence.This point is consideredone of the greatestachievementsof the theory,since it enabled Jaubert, as she believed, to prove that in Jubilees the Festival of Weeks always falls on the firstday of the week; hence, she concluded, the author of Jubilees must have interpretedthe expression"the day after the Sabbath"(Lev. 23:11, 15) as meaning the first day of the week. 4. The authorof Jubileesbased his own calendaron that of 1 Enoch 72, which providedthe basis for his own calendar,in particular,for the division of the year into four seasons. According to 1 Enoch 72, etc., the year is divided into four seasons, each comprising91 days-two monthsof 30 days and one of 31. In otherwords, eight monthsof the year contain30 days each, and four (the third,sixth, ninth and twelfth) contain 31. 5. In Jub. 5:23-32 the authorretells the story of Noah and the flood. Accordingto the plain meaningof the text, the year of the flood is
THE BOOK OF JUBILEES AND ITS CALENDAR-A REEXAMINATION
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comprised of twelve months, each containing 30 days, i.e., 360 days in all. In view of this apparentcontradictionto the ideology of the author,who emphaticallyinsisted on a year of 364 days, Jaubertsuggestedthat one day was intercalatedat the end of each season, for a total of four intercalarydays per year, and so 360 + 4 = 364. Hence the thirdmonthof each season contained31 days, as in 1 Enoch 72. 6. Analyzing the many dates specified in Jubilees,Jaubertdrew three furtherconclusions.First, the Patriarchsnever set out on theirjourneys on the Sabbath.Second, no festival ever falls on a Sabbath. Third, the events and festivals described in Jubilees took place exclusively on three days of the week: the first, the fourthand the sixth. These days, Jaubertargued, must thereforehave possessed ritual (liturgical) significance. For example, Abraham settled in Beer-Sheba on the sixth day of the week (Jub. 16:11). Jacob reached Beth-El on the fourth day (Jub. 27:19); and later he and his family reachedBeth-El on the fourth day, the first of the seventh month(Jub. 31:1). The Day of Atonement,on the tenth of the seventh month,will always fall on the sixth day of the week (Jub. 17:15). And so on. On the basis of these assumptions,Jaubertreconstructedthe Jubilees calendaras shown in the following table. The patternof the calendarof Jubilees Ist h7th Sun Mon Tue Wed Thu Fri Sat
5 _
6
1 2 3 4
7 8 9 10 _
10th Month 2nd 3i8th 1 1 thh Month 3rd 6th 12 19 24 26 3 10 17 1 8 13 20 27 4I 25 18 2 9 3 10 14 21 28 5 12 19 26 15 22 6 13 20 4 11 29 27 7 114 16 23 30 21 28 5 12 17 24 1 8 15 22 29 6 13 30 714 18 25 2 9 16 23
9th 12th Month 15 22 29 16 23 30 17 24 31 18 25 19 26 _ 20 27 21 28
Jaubert'scalendarhas been quoted and requotedin the many studies of the Book of Jubilees and of Qumranliteraturewritten since then. It clearly begins on the fourthday of the week. The Festival of Weeks, on the 15th of the third month, will always falls on the first day of the week.
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II. ScholarlyObjectionsto Jaubert's Theory While Jaubert'stheory has generallybeen accepted,some scholars have taken exception to a few of her arguments. Thus, J. Baumgarten,2 while agreeingwith most of her assumptions, took exception to the supposed liturgical significance of the first, fourth and sixth days. He also contested her conclusion that, as the events are laid out in Jubilees, the Patriarchsnever set out on the Sabbath.In his view, Jaubertbased this conclusionon inaccuratedata. S. Hoenig3also disputedJaubert'sthesis that most of the festivals and events in Jubileesfall on the first,fourthand sixth days, arguingthat, on the contrary,they take place on the second, fifth and seventh(i.e., Sabbath)days. J. Morgenstem,4for his part,identifiedthe four 31-day months as the first, fourth, seventh and tenth months, rather than Jaubert'sthird,sixth, ninth and twelfth months.Thoughthis is merely a sample, it should be sufficientto demonstratethat, while details of Jaubert's theory have aroused certain objections, none of its basic principleshave been challenged. III. Analysis of the Main Points of Jaubert's Theory III.1. The "solar" calendar of the Book of Jubilees Jaubertargues that the calendarin Jubileesis a solar calendarwith 364 days in a year: The figure of 364 days is evidently the figuredivisible by seven nearestto the solar year. For this reason we may describethe calendarof Jubileesas a solar calendar.It is preciselythe intentionof its authorto rely on the sun, and not on the moon, which arrives"everyyear ten days too soon.". . . Yet even thoughthe difference from the true solar year is much less importantin the calendarof Jubileesthanin theofficialcalendar[i.e., thelunisolarcalendarof RabbinicJudaism], it still exists and consists in 1 1/4 days each year. At the end of a jubilee-49 years-the gap to be bridgedwould be 61 1/4 days. Now such a discrepancyis
2 J Baumgarten, Studies in Qumran Law (Leiden: Brill, 1997) 110-15. A rejoinder was offered by J.C. VanderKam, "The Origin, Character, and Early History of the 364Day Calendar: A Reassessment of Jaubert's Hypothesis," CBQ 41 (1979) 390-411; and see the reply in J. Baumgarten, "Some Problems of the Jubilees Calendar in Current Research," VT 32 (1982) 485-89. 3 S. Hoenig, "The Jubilees Calendar and the 'Day of Assembly'," Essays on the Occasion of the Seventieth Anniversary of the Dropsie University (eds A.l. Katsh and L. Nemoy; Philadelphia: Dropsie University, 1979) 189-207. 4 J. Morgenstern, "The Calendar of the Book of Jubilees, Its Origin and Its Character," VT 5 (1955) 60-61.
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impossiblein the system of Jubilees,. . . whose liturgicalfestivals are correlated with the seasons of the year ... As regardsthe intercalationsin this calendarwe are reducedto conjecture.5
It is well known that a calendarwith 364 days of the year cannot possibly be considereda solar calendar.The exact length of the solar year is 365 1/4 days per year-a fact known thousands of years before the time of the authorof Jubilees to the scientists of ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia.Hence Jaubert'sstatementthat the 364-day calendarmay be "described"as a solar calendaris scientificallyfallacious. While fully aware, as seen in the above passage, of the discrepancyof 1 1/4 days per year, and of the fact that this discrepancy would of course increasewith the passing of time, she seems then to dismiss the problem, stating simply that "the difficulty has not yet been solved." It is hard to understandhow, lacking such a solution, she can continue neverthelessto refer to the 364-day calendaras a solar calendar. Moreover,there is no textual evidence in the Book of Jubilees that it was "the intentionof its authorto rely on the sun," or in fact that the author associated his calendarany way with the solar year.6As will be shown later, the solar "connection"was so crucial for the proof of her theory that Jaubertcould not dispense with it. III.2. Countingthe calendarfrom the fourth day One expression of the "solar"natureof the Jubilees calendar,according to Jaubert,is that the year necessarily begins on the fourth day of the week, that is, the day on which the sun was created.To quote:"It is preciselyfrom the momentthe stars began to regulatethe course of time that the days, the months and the cycle of festivals began to run."7This thesis, first stated by D. Barthelemy,8is one of
I
Jaubert, Date of the Last Supper, 21-22.
6
This critiquehas been aptly formulatedby U. Glessmer,"Calendarsin the Qumran
Scrolls," The Dead Sea Scrolls after Fifty Years (eds P.W. Flint and J.C. VanderKam;
Leiden:Brill, 1999) 2:231: "... [T]he oft-used term 'solar calendar'is certainlyinappropriateand shouldbe avoided.For those using this type of calendarthe constitutive elementwas the numberof 364 days, which allows the schematicassignmentof weeks or Sabbaths. This heterogeneity is far better expressed if one speaks of 364 Day Calendar Tradition." Jaubert, Date of the Last Supper, 24. 8 D. Barthelemy,"Notes en marge de publicationsrecentes sur les manuscritsde Qumran,"RB 59 (1952) 187-218.
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the pillars of Jaubert'stheory. It seems to me, however, to involve several serious logical fallacies. 1. If the days "began to run" only from the fourth day, the first three days of Creationseem to have disappeared,as if never created (see the table above). The suppressionof the first three days of Creation is curious in and of itself, and it also violates the symmetry between the numberof days in the year and the numberof days in the calendar(after 364 days in the firstyear of Creation,the calendar would count only 361 days). In order to complete these "missing" days, Jaubertseems to have includedthe first three days of the second year, as if they had been the last threedays of the firstyear. This three-daylacunacarriesover, of course,from one year to the next, ad infinitum. 2. Jaubertpoints out the immensesignificancein the calendarof the typological numberseven, as being symbolic of the Sabbath.But if the days are reckonedonly from the fourthday of the week, the seventh day reckonedwill be the third day of the second week, not the Sabbath.This seems to clash with the very concept of the Sabbathas the seventh day of the week-a concept as basic to Jubilees as it is in the book of Genesis. 3. Jaubertseems to have ignoredthe fact that both in Genesis and in Jubileeseach of the seven days of Creationis countedand referred to by its number(the firstday, the second, etc.). This is clearly inconsistentwith the contentionthat the calendarshouldbegin each year on the fourthday. 111.3.In Jubilees the festivals fall on fixed days of the week One of Jaubert's major argumentsis that, since the calendar in Jubileescomprises364 days per year, all the festivals and otherdated events took place-and will always take place-on fixed days of the week: There is no doubt-and this view will be confirmed.. .-that this reckoningof 364 days, exactly divisible by seven, is intendedto bring into prominencethe days of the week. It means that the liturgicalfestivalswill fall from year to year on the same day of the week. This is an essentialcharacteristicof this calendar.9
This statementis ratherpuzzling,becausethereis not a single piece of textual evidence in its favor-nowhere does the text of Jubilees
9 Jaubert,Date of the Last Supper,21 (Jaubert'sitalics).
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specify the day of the week on which an event or a festival falls.'? There are dozens of dates in the Book of Jubilees: festivals, birth dates, events in the lives of the Patriarchs.There is not one single reference to the day of the week concerned.If the authorwished to associate these dates with a specific day of the week, this would have been stated explicitly. This thesis, however, is crucial for Jaubert'sunderstandingof the ideology underlyingthe calendarof Jubilees. III.4. The Festival of Weeks and the Festival of First Fruits in Jubilees
To determinethe date of the Festival of Weeks, the Bible commandsthe Israelitesto elevate the 'omer (the first sheaf of the harvest) on "the day after the Sabbath"(Lev. 23:11, 15-16), and thereafterto count seven weeks. The precise connotation of this phrase, and together with it the date of the Festival of Weeks (or First Fruits), became a major bone of contention toward the end of the Second Temple period. According to the traditionunderlyingRabbinic law, the word "Sabbath"is to be understoodas denotinga holy day in general and refers to the first day of the Passover festival, so that the 'omer is to be offered on the 16th of the first month and the seven weeks reckonedfrom that date. Accordingto the opposing tradition, as reflected in Rabbinic writings, the "Boethusians"interpretedthe word "Sabbath"literally, understandingit to mean the first Sabbath after the seven days of Passover,and accordinglyofferedthe Omer on the first day of the following week (m. Men. 10:3; m. Hag. 2:4); this was also the traditionof the membersof the Qumransect." As mentioned previously, the most importantconclusion of the "fixed calendar"theory was the proof that in Jubilees the Festival of Weeks will always fall on the first day of the week. Since the festival was supposedto fall on the 15thof the thirdmonth,Jaubertcounts
10
This difficultywas first pointedout by Baumgarten,Studiesin QumranLaw, 102. " For a survey of the method for the counting of seven weeks see L. Jacobs, "Shavuot,"EncyclopediaJudaica (Jerusalem:Keter Publishing, 1971) 14:1319. See also D.Z. Hoffmann, Commentary on the Book of Leviticus (Jerusalem: Mossad Harav
Kook, 1963) 113-14 (Hebrew),and ibid., 113-118, 125 for referencesto the relevant Rabbinicliterature.For a general survey of the treatmentof the obscure phrase"the day after the Sabbath"in Qumranliteraturesee J.C. VanderKam,"The Temple Scroll and the Book of Jubilees,"TempleScroll Studies(ed. G.J. Brooke;Sheffield:Sheffield AcademicPress, 1989) 214-18.
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seven weeks back, reachingthe 26th day of the first month(see table above); she then attributesthis intentionto the authorof Jubilees.'2 Jaubert's"proof" has gained wide scholarly acceptance;the following statementby S. Talmon is typical: In orderthat the "raisingof the omer,"and consequentlyalso Pentecost,should always fall on the firstday of the week, it is essentialfor the days of the month always to be attachedto fixed days of the week, otherwisethere could be no assurancethat the 26.1 would fall permanently"on the morrowafter Sabbath." Oncethisis achievedthedatesof all theotherfestivalswill alsoremainunchanged.... The sect's calendar,which was sharedby manyof the pseudepigrapha, had the advantage,that its festivals did not "wander"as they do in othercalendaricsystems. The principlesunderlyingthis valuable arrangementwere establishedby FrenchscholarMlle. Jaubertin a study of the calendarpertainingto the Book of Jubilees.13
However,nowheredoes the authorof Jubileesever mentionthe day of the week on which the Festival of Weeks should fall. Neitherdoes he use the expression"the day after the Sabbath,"nor requireseven weeks to be reckonedup to the Festival of Weeks. In fact, it is only Jaubert'sthesis that the Festival of Weeks in Jubileeswill always fall on the first day of the week, and that seven Sabbaths(weeks) are to be countedfrom the 26th of the first month. Contraryto Jaubert'sargument,and indeed to the generally held scholarly view, the author of the. Book of Jubilees never states his position regardingthe meaning of the expression "the day after the Sabbath";so much so that one might think that disputeto have been beyond his historical horizon. Rather,he prescribesa festival to be celebrated "in the third month, in the middle of the month" (Jub. 15:1)-a prescriptionwith no controversialovertones. S. Zeitlin pointedout the following two verses:"Forthis reason.. . they should celebratethe festival of weeks during this [= the third] month-once a year-to renew the covenant each and every year (Jub. 6:17; see also vv. 4-11); "... we concluded a covenant with
Abramlike the covenantwhich we concludedduringthis monthwith Noah. Abram renewed the festival and the ordinancefor himself for ever" (Jub. 14:20). So, writes Zeitlin, the Festival of Weeks in Jubi12
Jaubert, Date of the Last Supper, 22-23.
S. Talmon, "The CalendarReckoningof the Sect from the JudaeanDesert,"in ScriptaHierosolymitana4 (1958) 175-76. See also Y. Sussmann,"The Historyof the Halakhaand the Dead Sea Scrolls-PreliminaryTalmudicObservationson MIQSAT MAASE HA-TORAH(4QMMT),"E. Qimron and J. Strugnell(eds), QumranCave 4.V: MiqsatMa'ase ha-Torah(DJD 10; Oxford:ClarendonPress, 1994) 188-89, for a comprehensivereview of scholarlyviews in this connection. 1'
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lees was intendedto renew the covenantthat God had concluded,by oath, with the Patriarchs.It was not, therefore,a festival of weeks, nVIM0,but of oaths, Ml1:j.'4 Indeed,examiningthe Festival of First Fruitsin Jubilees,one finds that,contraryto theFestivalof Weeks/Oaths,whichcelebratestherenewal of the covenant that God concludedwith Israel by oath, the festival of first fruits is purely agricultural: 1.... in the third month, in the middle of the month-Abram celebratedthe festival of the firstfruitsof the wheat harvest.He offered as a new sacrifice on the altar the firstfruitsof the food for the Lord-a bull, a ram, and a sheep; (he offeredthem) as a sacrifice to the Lord ... (Jub. 15:1-2). 2. (Jacob) celebrated the harvest festival-the firstfruitsof grainwith old grainbecause in all the land of Canaantherewas not even a handfulof seed ... (Jub. 44:4). If indeed, as Zeitlin claims, the festival of nInMtt should be understood as the Festival of Oaths, celebrating the renewal of God's covenantwith Israel (Jub.6:17-20), while the festival of first fruits is a purely agriculturalaffair,duringwhich the first fruits of the harvest are to be offeredup on the altar,one can proposean explanationof a ratherpuzzlingverse: "Becauseit is the festival of weeks and the festival of firstfruits.This festival is twofold and of two kinds" (Jub. 6:21). As seems to emerge from the text, the Festival of Weeks/Oaths and the Festival of First Fruits are two distinct festivals, both celebratedon the 15thof the thirdmonth;hence the statementthat the festival is "twofold and of two kinds." This hypothesisis supportedby the context of the text, and also by the fact that in Hebrew, the words rDl1"week" and 71DI:M"oath" share the common root DPt. The pluralform of the words is spelled exactly the same in Hebrew:nlDM:0.It is possible that for this reason, the Greek version of Jubilees (which was translatedfrom Hebrew)'5 used the term "Festivalof Weeks,"and not "Festivalof Oaths."This choice would have seemed logical, since "Festivalof Weeks" appears in the Bible. The "weeks"translationprobablycarriedon from Greek
14 S. Zeitlin, "The Book of Jubilees, Its Characterand Its Significance,"JQR 30 (1939-40) 5-7. " J. VanderKam,Textualand HistoricalStudiesin the Book of Jubilees (Missoula, MT: ScholarsPress, 1977) 1-18.
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into the Ge'ez version. Our hypothesis-that the originalname for the holiday in Jubilees meant "oaths"-seems preferable,relying as it does on the contentof the text and the linguisticrelationshipbetween the two concepts. Whateverthe case may be, the authorof the Book of Jubileesdid not count seven weeks or Sabbathstill the Festival of Weeks, and the invariableassociationof the festival with the firstday of the week has no textualbasis. This in turnbringsus back to the thesis that the calendar of Jubilees begins on the fourth day of Creation(i.e., of the week), not on the first day. Had the calendarbeen reckonedfrom the first day, as logic and the plain meaningof the text imply, the "fixed calendar"theorywould have provedthat the Festival of Weeks should always fall on the fifth day of the week. Hence, Jaubert'sargument that the festival always fell on the first day of the week left her no choicebutto beginthecalendricalreckoningon thefourthdayof Creation. In orderto justify this thesis, she linked the calendarof Jubileeswith the creationof the sun, in keeping with her theorythat it was a solar calendar.In otherwords, the sun has been mobilizedin supportof the "fixedcalendar"theoryfor one simple reason:to ensurethat the Festival of Weeks would always fall on the first day of the week. It seems clear, however, that the Jubileestext, "The Lord appointedthe sun as a great sign above the earth for days, Sabbaths, months, festivals, years, Sabbathsof years, jubilees, and all times of the years" (Jub. 2:9), has nothingto do with the solar calendar.It simply interpretsthe text of Genesis: "God said, 'Let there be lights in the expanse of the sky to separateday from night; they shall serve as signs for the set times-the days and the years"' (Gen. 1:14). III.5. The Book of I Enoch and the "middle of the [third] month" in Jubilees
As has been demonstrated,there are numerousholes in Jaubert's theory.Nevertheless,I would like to investigatewhether,on the basis of her own principles,she has indeed successfullyplaced the Festival of Weeks invariablyon the first day of the week. To that end, we must first presentyet anotherof her argumentsthat has been widely acceptedin the scholarlyliterature,namely,that the authorof Jubilees was acquaintedwith the calendarin 1 Enoch72 and in fact copied the internalstructureof his own calendarfrom there:
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Every three months an intercalaryday must be added in orderto obtain the 91 days or 13 weeks which form the season (91 x 4 = 364 days). The same distributionof days is found in the relatedbook, the Luminariesof Henoch.16
As already noted, Chapter72 in the book of 1 Enoch expressly states that four monthsof the year (the third,sixth, ninth and twelfth) contain 31 days, while the other eight contain only 30. What are the practicalimplicationsof this subdivisionfor Jubilees? There are several occurrencesin the work of the term "the middle of the month"(Jub. 14:10; 15:1; 16:11, 12, 13), particularlyin relation to events taking place in the third month, which was full of highly significantevents in the lives of the Patriarchsand the subsequenthistory of Israel: 1. The covenant"betweenthe pieces"was concludedin the middle of the thirdmonth (Jub. 14:10). 2. ". . . in the third month, in the middle of the month-Abram
cele-
brated the festival of the firstfruitsof the wheat harvest" (Jub. 15:1).
3. On the same day, Abraham and the members of his household were circumcised(Jub. 15:24). 4. SarahconceivedIsaacin themiddleof thesixthmonth-which according to Jaubertshouldhave consistedof 31 days-and gave birthto him in the middle of the thirdmonth (Jub. 16:13). 5. Jacob pausedon his way from Canaanto Egypt on the 15th of the thirdmonthto celebratethe Festival of the First Fruits(Jub.44:4). On the next day, the 16th of the month, he continuedon his way to Egypt (Jub. 44:8). 6. Moses ascended the mountain of God on the 16th of the third month,because, like his ancestors,he too had celebratedthe festival on the 15th of the month (Jub. 1:1). 7. Abrahamwas apparentlyborn and died on that date (Jub. 22:1, 7). 8. Judahwas born on the 15th of the thirdmonth (Jub. 28:16). The author'sdates are quite definite:"the middle of the thirdmonth" is identicalwith the 15th day of the month-this is undisputedin the scholarlyworld. Now, according to Jaubert's theory, the third, sixth, ninth and twelfth monthsof the year each contain 31 days (as in 1 Enoch 72). 16
Jaubert, Date of the Last Supper, 21.
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Hence events that took place in the "middle"of a 31-day monthtook place not on the 15th but the 16th day of that month.Mathematically speaking, the 15th day of such a month cannot be considered the "middle"of the month;that descriptionfits only the 16th: 15-1-15
Thus, the association of the calendar in Jubilees with that of 1 Enoch 72, in which the third,etc., monthscontain31 days each, violates the identityof the "middleof the month"with its 15th day, as specifiedin Jubileesitself. As a result,Jaubert'stheorywould seem to requirethat the Festival of Weeks, celebratedin the "middleof the month"(15:1), should fall each year on the second day of the weekthe 16th of the month. In what follows, in my analysis of the calendar of the Book of Jubilees,I shall endeavorto show that each month consisted of exactly 30 days, so that the 15th of the month would indeed always be the "middleof the month." 111.6. The "liturgical" days in Jubilees
Once Jauberthas determinedthe specific day of the week on which each festival and event invariablyfalls, she arguesthat they take place on three fixed days, which therefore possess liturgical significance. She also claims that the author of Jubilees planned the Patriarchs' peregrinationsin such a way that they would never set out on the Sabbathday. The difficultiesin these theses have alreadybeen pointed out by Joseph Baumgarten,who, among other things, questionswhy the authorof the book should have remainedcompletelysilent on this matter."7 I would add one furtherdetail. The authorof Jubilees does indeed jealously observe the sanctity of the Sabbath,'8and indeed Jaubertargues,as hasbeennoted,thatnoneof thePatriarchs everdeparted on a journeyon that day. Now, accordingto Jub. 5.23, Noah and the animalswere broughtinto the ark in the second month, from the 1st to the 16th of the month.But in Jaubert'scalendar(see above table), the 16th of the second monthwas a Sabbath,implyingthat the preparations for the coming "journey"were completed on the holy day.
" Baumgarten,Studiesin QumranLaw, 102. I have shown that the Sabbathlaws of Jub. 50:6-13 are a late additionto the book by the Qumranitecopyists of Jubilees;see L. Ravid, "The Relationshipof the SabbathLaws in Jubilees50:6-13 to the Rest of the Book," Tarbiz69 (2000) 161-66 (Hebrew). 18
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This is surely inconsistent with the concept of the Sabbath that emerges from Jubilees. III.7. Conclusion I have examinedonly the most centraltheses of Jaubert'stheoryof the "fixedcalendar"in the Book of Jubilees.My analysis demonstrates serious lacunae in each of her basic assumptions.These surely merit a reexaminationof the calendaras expressedin that work. IV. The Calendarin the Book of Jubilees In the subsequentpages I wish to analyze the structureof the calendarin the Book of Jubilees,pointingout its problematicnatureand proposinga new interpretation. IV.1. "Weekly"and "monthly"calendars The authorof the Book of Jubilees,as we know, adheredunequivocally to a calendarof 364 days. One might thereforeexpect his calendar to be simple and comprehensible,but that is not the case. The text in fact envisages two distinct modes of calendricalreckoning:by weeks or by months.In Jub. 6:28-31, we read: So they are ordained,and they enter them on the heavenly tablets. Each one of them (consists of) 13 weeks... from the first to the second, from the second to the third, and from the third to the fourth.All the days of the commandments will be 52 weeks of days; (they will make) the entireyear complete.
Clearly, this mode of calculation counts four cycles, each of 13 weeks: (13 x 7) x 4 = 364. Similarly,it counts 52 weeks (Sabbaths): 52 x 7 = 364. We shall call this in what follows the "weeklycalendar." The other calendricalreckoning,based on months, is the reference system for all dates in the Book of Jubilees, without exception. Among these are the dates of the variousstages of the flood in Noah's time, which indicate the structureof the calendar: The Lord closed it from outside on the seventeenth[of the second month]in the evening. The Lord opened the seven floodgates of heaven . . . The floodgates began to send water down from the sky .. . (Jub. 5:23-35).
The watersremainedstandingon the surfaceof the earthfor five months-150 days (Jub. 5:27). On the first of the seventh month all the sources of the earth's deep places were opened... On the first of the tenth month the summits of the mountains becamevisible, and on thefirst of thefirst monththe earthbecamevisible ... On the seventeenthday of the second monththe earthwas dry (Jub. 5:29-31).
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Here it is explicitly stated that five monthsequal 150 days, implying that each monthcontainsexactly 30 days; hence the total number of days in the year should be 12 x 30 = 360, leaving a discrepancy of four days between the "weekly" and "monthly"calendars.There seems, therefore,to be an innercontradictionin the Book of Jubilees; as we have already seen, the text in Chapter6 clearly reckons 364 days to the year, in fact statingthat figurequite explicitly:"Now you commandthe Israelitesto keep the years in this number-364 days" (Jub. 6:32). In this respect,I agree with Jaubertthat the year of the flood must necessarilyhave contained364 days ratherthan just 360 as implied by the above calculation.However, her solution to the puzzle, based on the calendarof 1 Enoch72, is, as we have seen, highly problematic. For my own solution, I first wish to examine the Ancient Egyptian "schematiccalendar." IV.2. The schematiccalendar 0. Neugebauermade a study of the AncientEgyptiancalendar(3rd millenniumBCE), which remainedin use for many years and was in facttakenoverby theGreekswho ruledEgyptfromthe timeof Alexander the Great.'9Accordingto Neugebauer,the ancientEgyptianswere well awarethat the solaryear consistedof 365 1/4 days. Observingthat the tidal rhythmof the Nile was governedby the cycles of the solar year, theyconcludedthatnaturalrealitywas governedby the sun.Nevertheless, they conductedtheir daily affairson the basis of two differentcalendars: a lunar calendarwith 354 days to the year, and another,with 365 days per year, which Neugebauercalled the "schematiccalendar." The lunarcalendarwas based on astronomicalobservationsand on precise mathematicalcalculations. The schematic calendar,however was an arbitraryconstruct,based on 12 months of 30 days each, to which five days, not includedin the reckoningof months,were added annually,for a total of 365 days. Pointingout the paradoxicalcontradiction between the calendricalcalculation of 12 thirty-daymonths and the reality of a 365-day year, Neugebauernoted that no astro'1 0. Neugebauer, "The Origin of the Egyptian Calendar," JNES (1942) 396-97. See also U. Glessmer and M. Albani, "Astronomical Measuring Instrument from Qumran," The Provo International Conference on the Dead Sea Scrolls (eds D.W. Parry and E. Ulrich; Leiden: Brill, 1999) 409-11. For a comprehensive survey of the calendars of Egypt, Mesopotamia and Persia and the influence of these various systems on the Hellenistic world see Glessmer, "Calendars in the Qumran Scrolls," 214-19.
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nomical observationcould lead to such a year. He thereforeconsidered the 365-day year not as a solar year, but as a "schematic"one:20 The Egyptiancalendaris thereforein all respects the result of practicalneeds alone, and "astronomy"is restrictedto the simple fact that the real lunarfestivals were regulatedby directobservation,with no attemptto influencethe civil calendar,and vice versa.2'
The schematicyear, accordingto Neugebauer,was thereforesimply a conventionaldivision of the year into twelve equal parts,each of 30 days, to which five days were then added. It was thus, as already noted, a completelyartificialconstruct,entirelyunrelatedto the movement of the sun or the moon, or for that matterto any other scientific consideration. Why, then, was this schematic calendar adopted by the Greeks, while the accuratecalculationof both lunar and solar years was well known to the Egyptians?22 The answer,wrote Neugebauer,is that economic and commerciallife in Egypt demandedthe use of a simple, uniform,calendar,independentof the regularitiesof the moon or any other astronomicalfacts: ". . . the Egyptiancalendaris an ideal tool: twelve monthsof thirtydays each, five additionaldays at the end, and no intercalationwhatsoever."23 J. Evans, in his study of ancient astronomy,calls these extra days "epagomenal"days (epagomenai in Greek).24The epagomenal days were not included in the 360 days reckonedin months, but added at their end to complete the 365 days of the year. E. Bickermantakes a similar position, though he calls the Ancient Egyptiancalendara "civil" calendar,convenientfor use in economic and administrativeaffairs.He too sees the calendaras based on twelve 30-day months, with five epagomenaldays added at the end of the year.25In addition,he states,since the schematiccalendarwas a quarter Neugebauer,"Originof the EgyptianCalendar,"396-97. Neugebauer,"Originof the EgyptianCalendar,"401; and cf. Glessmer,"Calendars in the QumranScrolls,"214. 22 Neugebauer,"Originof the EgyptianCalendar,"396. 23 Neugebauer,"Originof the EgyptianCalendar,"396. 24 J. Evans, The History and Practice of Ancient Astronomy(New York: Oxford University Press, 1998), 175. See also E.J. Bickerman,Chronology of the Ancient World (rev. ed.; London: Thames and Hudson, 1980) 40; Glessmer and Albani, "AstronomicalMeasuringInstrument," 420-22. 25 Bickerman,Chronology,40-43. And see ibid., 60-69, esp. 68, for a survey of calendarsof the Ancient Near East and Israel and the various systems of calculation. For the existence of a 360-day calendarused because of its simplicityfor administrative needs,see F.H. Cryer,"The360-DayCalendarYearandEarlyJudaicSectarianism," 20 21
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of a day shorterthan the true solar year, the Egyptiansaddeda sixth epagomenal day once in four years, that particularyear containing therefore366 days. They thus ensuredthat the quarterdays would not addup in thecourseof years,creatinga discrepancybetweentheschematic and solar years.26(This is of course the practicetoday-the addition of a twenty-ninthday in Februaryserves exactly the same purpose.) A. Pannekoek,who also studied the calendarsof the Ancient East, writes: The year of 12 times 30, i.e. 360 days, had alreadyin early times been foundto be too short;then five days were added after the twelfth month... and use as festival days, because they were consideredto be unluckyfor work.27
IV.3. Mesopotamia While the Egyptianshad a 365-day year, the Mesopotamiancalendar was a lunarone, based on observationof the moon. At the same time, the Mesopotamianswere aware that the naturalseasons were governedby the sun: But as an acknowledgmentof the unbreakablebond between the solar year and its religiousfestivals, the Mesopotamiansintercalatedthe year to ensurethat festivals were observedin a particularmonthwith the seasonal phenomenonbeing celebrated. But even this intercalationwas defined in terms of the moon by addinga completelunarcycle to the year. Thus, the Mesopotamianyear was, in effect, a solar year squeezedinto a lunarstrait-jacket.28
practiceda lunisolarcalendar, Evans,too, notesthattheMesopotamians in which the monthbeganwith the sightingof the new moon, the year JSOT 1 (1987) 116-22. For the resemblanceof the 360-day calendarto the Jubilees calendar see ibid., 119, and also 0. Neugebauer, The "Astronomical" Chapters of the Ethiopic Book of Enoch (72-82) (Copenhagen: Munksgaard, 1981) 4. 26 E.J. Bickerman, "Calendarand Chronology,"CHJ 40-42; see also A. Pannekoek, A Historyof Astronomy(London:Allen and Unwin, 1969), 83. 27 Pannekoek, Astronomy,83. See also R. Beckwith,"The EarliestEnoch Literature and Its Calendar:Markof theirOrigin,Date and Motivation,"RevQ 10 (1981) 374-77.
Idem, Calendar and Chronology, Jewish and Christian (Leiden: Brill, 1966) 97 writes
that the Egyptiansused threecalendarssimultaneously:two solar ones and one lunar. For a brief but thoroughreview of ancient Near EasternCalendarssee ibid., 95-98. Cf. also U. Glessmer,"HorizontalMeasuringin the BabylonianAstronomicalCompendium MUL.APINand in the AstronomicalBook of lEn.," Hen 18 (1996) 259-82; Morgenstern,"Calendarof the Book of Jubilees,"67. 28
M. Cohen, The Cultic Calendars of the Ancient Near East (Bethesda: CDL Press,
1993) 3-4. The Mesopotamians'intercalarymonthwas Adaru,the last month in the Sumeriancalendar;however, the intercalationwas not done regularly,but only when the discrepancywith the solar year became too obvious; see Pannekoek,Histo,y of Astronomy, 30-32.
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counting 354 days. They thereforeadded an intercalarymonth once every few years, in order"to bring things back into alignment."29 In other words, the ancients possessed the mathematicaland astronomicalknowledgenecessaryfor a precise calculationof the length of the year, whethersolar or lunar.They knew that seasonal phenomena were governedby the cycle of the solar year, but neverthelessmade use of shorteryears, intercalatingdays in orderto correctthe increasing discrepancybetween lunarand solar years. The importantpoint here is that the intercalarydays were "outside the calendar."That is, additionof days to the lunar calendardid not change the fact that the lunaryear countedonly 354 days. This position is corroboratedby the method by which the Jewish calendaris still calculatedtoday, adding an intercalarymonth of 30 days every two or three years (in a fixed sequence, seven times in each cycle of 19 years). This thirteenthmonth closes the gap between the solar and lunarcalendars,but does not make the lunaryear 384 days long. The "'extra"30 days, as it were, "displace"the new year forwardin time, so that it begins only after thirteenmonthsfrom the previousone. A similar conventionheld for the Ancient Egyptiancalendar.The schematicmonthwas exactly 30 days long, so that the year contained exactly 360 days, to which five or six epagomenaldays were added each year. As a result, the beginningof the new schematicyear was postponed,as it were, for five or six days, so that the new year did not begin immediatelyafter the end of the previous one but a few days later. IV.4. The Jewish world As we shall see below, there are indicationsthat writers living in the Land of Israel between the early 3rd and late 1st centuriesBCE were acquaintedwith the schematicyear of the Egyptians and were indeed influencedby it.30 IV.4.1. The Book of the HeavenlyLuminaries(1 Enoch 72-82) The Book of the Heavenly Luminaries,or the AstronomicalBook of Enoch (1 Enoch 72-82), was probablywritten in the first half of I
Evans, History and Practice, 7. Cryer, "The 360-Day Calendar Year," 121 suggested that the Jews in antiquity used several calendars simultaneously; hence the 365-day calendar year is represented by the flood story in Genesis, but Enoch 72 describes a 360-day year with four added epagomenal days. 30
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the 3rd century BCE. The authorput togetherremnantsof calendars from a variety of sources at his disposal. Some of them create the impressionthat,as alreadystated,the schematiccalendarof theEgyptians was known in Israel. In chapter72, the authordescribeshow the sun rises in "the eastern portalsof the heavens"and sets in the westernportals.Chapter73 is devoted to the moon. In chapter74 the authortries to synchronize the calendardescribingthe course of the sun (1 Enoch 72) with that describingthe course of the moon (1 Enoch 73). 1 Enoch 75:1-2 presents yet anothercalendar,which seems not to belong to the text of chaps 72-74:3' And the leadersof the heads of the thousands.. . have also to do with the four intercalarydays, being inseparablefrom their office, accordingto the reckoning of the year, and these renderservice on thefour days whichare not reckonedin the reckoningof the year. And owing to them men go wrong therein...
The four days "which are not reckoned in the reckoning of the year"clearly recall the four epagomenal,unlucky,days in the schematic calendar.32In a later chapterwe find further,similar evidence, probablyfrom a differentsource: ... togetherwith the four which are intercalatedwhich divide the four portions of the year, which lead them and enterwith them four days. Owing to them men shall be at fault and not reckon them in the whole reckoningof the year: yea, men shall be at fault, and not recognizethem accurately.For they belong to the reckoningof the year and are truly recorded(thereon)for ever, one in the first portaland one in the third,and one in the fourthand one in the sixth, and the year is completedin three hundredand sixty-fourdays (I Enoch 82:4-6). Their four leaderswho divide the four partsof the year enter first; and after them the twelve leadersof the orderswho divide the months;and for the three hundredand sixty (days) there are heads over thousandswho divide the days: and for the four intercalarydays thereare the leaderswhich sunderthe four parts of the year (1 Enoch 82:11-12).
IV.4.2. The Psalms Scroll IIQPsa The authorof the Psalms Scroll was clearly also familiar with a calendarin which there were 364 days to the year, countingfour of them as unlucky: And [David] wrote 3,600 psalms; and songs to sing before the altar over the whole-burnttamid offeringevery day, for all the days of the year, 364; and for the qorban of the Sabbath, 52 songs ... and songs for makingmusic over the stricken,4 ... (11QPsa27:4-10). 3'
J.C. VanderKam,Calendarsin the Dead Sea Scrolls: MeasuringTime (London:
Routledge, 1998) 17-26. 32 Pannekoek, Historyof Astronomy,83.
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IV.5. The chronologyof the flood year in Jubilees The above examplesdemonstratethat the schematiccalendarof the Egyptianswas probablyknown in the Landof Israel(at least since the 3rd centuryBCE). The above observations,in particularthe fragmentary calendarsin the Book of 1 Enoch, seem to point to a year of 360 days, to which four epagomenaldays-not included in the monthly reckoningas they were consideredunlucky-were added. The assumption that the schematic calendar was known to the author of the Book of Jubilees may explain the chronology of the flood year. As will be recalled, the author stated that five months equaled 150 days (Jub. 5:27), indicatingthat each month consisted of 30 days, makinga total of 360 days for twelve months.Fourepagomenal days were added, to make a 364-day year. If so, the fact that each month counts 30 days ensures that "the middle of the month" will always be the 15th day of the month.Thus, the Festival of First Fruitswould always fall "in the middle of the third month,"that is, on the 15th of the month. IV.6. Thefour seasons It is readilyseen from the division of the year into seasons that,just as the "weekly"calendaris not identicalwith the "monthly"one, so the numberof days in a season is differentin each. Each of the four seasons in the "weekly"calendar(Jub. 6:29) consists of seven cycles, each 13 weeks long, totaling 91 days (= 7 x 13). In the "monthly" reckoning,however, each season consists of only 90 days. The text states that each season begins on the first day of the month (the first, fourth, seventh and tenth months;see Jub. 5:29-31; 6:23-27). In my view, the authorof Jubilees,in orderto synchronizethe two systems, insertedeach of the four epagomenaldays between two consecutive seasons, thus obtaininga total of 90 + 1 = 91 days per season. This, indeed, also seems to be the situation in the book of 1 Enoch: ". . . together with the four which are intercalatedwhich divide the four portionsof the year, which lead them and enter with the four days" (1 Enoch 82:4). Before going on with this analysis of the structureof the calendar in the Book of Jubilees, our findings up to this point may be summarizedas follows. The calendarwas calculatedon the basis of two different systems. The "weekly" system stipulated 52 weeks (Sabbaths),each of seven days, for a total of 364 days;the year was divided into four seasons, each of 91 days. Therewas thus no need to add any
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epagomenaldays. The "monthly"system, however,was based on the chronologyof the flood year (Jub. 5:22-32), so that each monthconsisted of exactly 30 days and the year, consequently,of 360 days. Since the authorinsisted that the year should consist of 364 days, it was necessaryto bridge the gap between the two systems of calculation. We have found ample proof that the schematic calendar used in Egypt since the 3rd millenniumBCE, and later adoptedby the Greeks, was known around the time the Book of Jubilees was written. We may thereforeassume that the authorwas indeed familiarwith itparticularlyin view of his equating five months to 150 days (Jub. 5:27), which is entirely consistentwith the schematiccalendar.Since the epagomenaldays adaptedthe schematiccalendarto reality, and moreoversuch days are alludedto in our sources,this was surely the case in the Book of Jubilees. That is, four epagomenal days were interpolatedinto the "monthly"calendar, in order to make up the numberof days in the year to 364. I would like to add one important note to the previous discussion: While the schematic calendarsin 1 Enoch 75:1; 82:4-6, llQPsa, and Jub. 5:27 imply the influenceof the Egyptian calendar, the calendar in 1 Enoch 72 implies Babylonian influence.The course of the calendarin 1 Enoch 72 begins in the first month of the year (1 Enoch 72:6), that is, Nisan in the later lunisolar calendar;for the sake of convenience,let us call it April. Three months later (i.e., in June) we have the longest day of the year (1 Enoch 72:14), and three months later (i.e., in September), the autumnalequinox, when night and day are of equal length (I Enoch 72:20). The shortest day of the year falls three months later, in December(1 Enoch 72:26), and finally, after anotherthree months,in March,comes the vernalequinox (1 Enoch72:32). Now it is common knowledge that the equinoxes are March 21 and September23; the longest day is June 21, and the shortestday is December21. Clearly, the authorof I Enoch knew the dates of these four days precisely,he had no way of acquiringsuch knowledgewithout having at his disposal accuratemeasurementsof solar time. In otherwords, while presenting a calendarostensibly consisting of 364 days, he was actually describinga genuine solar calendar. S. Velnerhas calculatedthatthedivisionof thedayintohoursdescribed in 1 Enoch 72 is valid at 490 latitude.33 This is the latitudeof present-
33 I would like to thankDr. Simcha Velnerfrom the Department of Mathematicsat Bar Ilan University,who calculatedfor me the data in I Enoch 72.
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day Turkey, slightly north of Iraq-a region within the area of the Babylonian Jewish Diaspora. On the basis of these data, it seems plausible to conjecturethat the calendarof 1 Enoch 72 was brought to the Land of Israel from Babylon togetherwith the lunisolarcalendar. In contrast,the other fragmentsof the calendarsthat were presented above suggest an Egyptianinfluence. This same influence, in my opinion, also appearsin the flood calendarof Jubilees. IV.7. The calendar in Jubilees-a "Sabbath"calendar Jaubertand other scholarsnote the importanceof the numberseven, symbolizingthe Sabbathday, as the basis for the calendarin the Book of Jubilees. Of all the set times prescribed in the work, only the Sabbathis explicitly declared to be holy (Jub. 2:17-33). It signifies the covenant between God and his angels (Jub. 2:17), and between GodandIsrael(Jub.2:21).Sincethe Sabbathis essentiallytimesanctified, it is the axis aroundwhich the whole calendarof the Book of Jubilees revolves. One might thereforecall that calendara "Sabbath-based" or simply "Sabbath"calendar. Thereis a radicaldifferencebetweensuch a "Sabbath"calendarand a lunar or solar calendar.The purposeof the lunar or solar calendar is to supply a precise quantitativevalue to the lunaror solar cycle of the year. A "Sabbath"calendar,by contrast,representsan ideological time frame, which essentially ignores reality-no astronomicalobservation or mathematicalcalculationcan trace such a calendarto any set of naturalphenomena.The authorof Jubilees saw the Sabbathas a formative principleof Jewish life, and such was the intent of the calendarthat he devised. IV.8. Adaptationof the Sabbath-basedyear to reality Much to the chagrinof the authorof Jubilees, the practicallife of the Jews was governedby a lunisolarcalendar.He was undoubtedly aware of the need to add 30 days every two or threeyears in orderto adaptit to reality(Jub.6:36). Since the festivals as detailedin Jubilees dependupon the annualseasons-the Festival of Booths (Jub. 16:2131), the Festivalof FirstFruits(Jub. 15:1) and Passover(Jubilees49)the authormust have known that the calendarwould have to be modified every few years, since otherwisethe "agricultural" festivals would "move"by one anda quarterdayseachyear,thereby"wandering" through the seasons of the year. He did not explain how this was to be done, perhaps since his calendar was essentially an ideal one, consistent
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with his world-view. Of course, such an adjustment,adding a few days at set intervals,would have been necessaryif the calendarwere ever used in practice;for example, it might be possible to add five epagomenaldays to the year once every four years, or ten such days once every eight years. In any event, the additionaldays would not be counted among the 364 days of the year, just as the 13th month is extraneousto the lunarcalendar. One question still remainsopen: Is it at all possible, in a calendar whose year consists of 364 days, to "attach"the festivals to fixed days of the week. I believe that the answer must be in the negative. The festivals in the Book of Jubileesare determinedin the "monthly"calendar,in which each monthconsists of exactly 30 days so thatthe full year comprisesonly 360 days-a numberthat is not divisible by 7, the number of days in the week. The four epagomenal days were addedto the year (so as to make up the required364 days), not to the month. For the calendarof Jubileesto be usable in practice,it would have to be adjustedto reality,addinga few days once every few years. The calendarwould thus require so many modificationsand adjustments that it would surely be impossible for the festivals to fall on fixed days of the week. IV.9. The Book of Jubilees and the calendar of the Qumranites We know that the calendarused by the sect who lived at Qumran also counted364 days in the year; the relationshipbetween it and the calendar of Jubilees is therefore obvious. Nevertheless, there is an essential difference between the two. While the author of Jubilees associatedthe festivals and other "set times" with a specific date, in terms of the day of the month, the Qumranscrolls clearly associate each with a specific day of the week as well. For example, we read in MMT: [On the sixteenthof it (of the second month):Sabbath.] On the twenty-thirdof it: Sabbath.... [... On the fifteenthof it: the Festival of Weeks. On the twenty-fjirs[t]of it: Sabbath. [On] the twenty-eighthof it: Sabbath... And the season is complete: ninety-one days (4Q394 frags 1 and 2).
Or, in the Songs of the SabbathSacrifice: For the instructor.]Song of the whole-offeringof the sixth Sabbathon the ninth of the [second month](Mas1k 1:8).
THE BOOK OF JUBILEES AND ITS CALENDAR-A REEXAMINATION
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For the instructor.Song of the sacrificeof the seventh Sabbathon the sixteenth of the month(4Q403 I i 30). For the instructor.Song of the sacrificeof the eighth Sabbathon the tw[enty]third [of the second month](4Q403 1 ii 18). For the instr[uctor.Song of the sacrificeof] the twelfth [sa]bbath[on the twentyfirst of the thirdmonth](4Q405 20 ii 6).
These brief quotations-out of many relevant passages-clearly show that the authorsof the Dead Sea Scrolls associatedevery festival, indeed,every specific day of the month,with a specific day of the week. While the authorof Jubileeswas at odds with his opponentsas to the obligatorynatureof the calendargoverningJewish life, the Dead Sea Scrolls reveal a more profounddisagreement,namely, as to the day of the week on which the festivals should fall. The membersof the Qumransect believed that the Festival of Weeks would invariably fall on the first day of the week. In Jubilees we find no reference whatsoeverto this issue. It follows, therefore,thatwhile Jaubert'stheory is mistakenas regardsthe calendarof the Book of Jubilees,it correctly describesthat of the authorsof Qumranliterature.The Qumran calendar,however,is not our concernhere. Sufficeit to say that, since the membersof the sect, like the authorof Jubilees, used a calendar counting364 days to the year, it follows that they too did not associate their calendarwith the sun. IV. Conclusion Jaubert's"fixedcalendar"theoryhas enjoyed scholarlycurrencyfor several decades, almost achieving axiomatic status. However, as I have shown, the theory involves several serious errors, as well as internalcontradictions,and in essence ignores the text of Jubilees.To my mind, the only possible conclusion is that the theory is tendentious, actually aiming to prove that the authorof Jubilees interpreted the biblical phrase "after the Sabbath"(Lev. 23:11) as referringto "the first day of the week," and hence that in his view the Festival of Weeks would invariablyfall on the first day of the week. This thesis, however,flies in the face of the fact that the text of the Book of Jubilees never so much as mentionsthe expression"the day after the Sabbath,"'nor indeed the countingof seven weeks from that day. Jaubert'sclaim that the authorwished to "attach"the festivals and other set times to fixed days of the week has no textual support; all the dates in Jubilees(of which, as alreadynoted, there are dozens) specify the day of the month.
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Jaubert'seagernessto show that the Festival of Weeks had to fall on the first day of the week led her inevitablyto a series of "proofs" that, taken together, make the entire theory erroneous and indeed illogical. Perhapsthe time has come for the scholarlyworld to abandon her theory and propose alternatives.I believe that the model of calendarproposedabove is such an alternative, the "Sabbath-based" avoiding the fallacies and pitfalls into which, I contend,Jaubertfell.
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In a recent reassesmentof Jonathanthe Hasmoneanas the Wicked Priestof the Qumranpesharim,the claim has been made that all other theorieshave been refuted"once and for all."' There appearsto have beenlittleresponseto thisclaim,perhapsin partbecausethatidentification alreadyenjoys somethingof a consensus.One of the main arguments for Jonathanhas always been his death at the hands of gentiles (executed by Tryphonin 142 BCE), which is supposedto agree with what is said of the demise of the Wicked Priest in lQpHab and 4Q171.2 According to H. Stegemann,the Habakkukpesher even agrees with Jonathan'sdeath outside Judea.3 On the other hand, there are a number of reasons why such confidencein identifyingJonathanas the Wicked Priest is misleading. To begin with, Stegemann's assertion was based on a highly questionable interpretationof the above-mentionedpesher.4J. Carmignac and W. Brownlee have criticized taking as past events what could actuallyrefer to futurepunishment,accordingto the verb tenses.5The
I
E. Puech, "Jonathanle pretreimpie et les debuts de la communautede Qumran. 4QJonathan(4Q523) et 4QPsAp (4Q448),"RevQ 17 (1996) 241-70, esp. 269. 2 E.g. G. Jeremias,Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit(SUNT 2; Gottingen, 1963) 75. A.S. van der Woudehas recentlyassertedthat "all commentators" see lQpHab9:9-12 as Jonathan'smurderby Tryphon("OnceAgain:The WickedPriestsin the Habakkuk Pesherfrom Cave I of Qumran,"RevQ 17 [1996] 383). 3 H. Stegemann,Die Entstehungder Qumrangemeinde (Bonn: privatelypublished, 1971) 205-6. 4 J. Murphy-O'Connor: "I see no evidence for this" ("The Essenes and Their History,"RB 81 [1974] 230 n. 67); M. Knibb:"by no means straightforward" ("Keeping up with Recent Studies: IIl. The Dead Sea Scrolls: Reflections on Some Recent Publications,"ExpTim90-1 [1978-80] 297). s J. Carmignac,Les Textesde Qumrantraduitset annotes (Paris,Letouzey& And, 1961) 1:55-6; W. Brownlee,"TheWicked Priest,the Man of Lies, and the Righteous Teacher-The Problemof Identity,"JQR 73 (1982) 7. C KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
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perfect verbs that clearly indicate past punishmentoccur in passages that make no mention of gentiles, nor do they offer anything that would suggest a sudden execution, even if precededby torture.Instead, there is a specific mentionof diseases, which does not fit what is known of Jonathan.6 Brownlee also pointed out that there is no warrantfor deriving "illegitimate priesthood"from the title "wicked." On the contrary, there is clear evidence that at one time, the Wicked Priestwas highly regarded,but that throughgreed, he transgressedthe law. Brownlee put it bluntly:"in any translationit is the lust for wealth which has made a traitorof the WickedPriest,and nothingis said of the usurpation of an office which did not belong to him."7To this can be added that there is no certaintythat he was even a high priest at all.8 From anotherangle, the presenceof Essenes in the Temple as late as 103 BCE is hard to reconcile with the idea of an exodus of Zado-
kites from Jerusalemat the time of Jonathan.9Some have even questioned whether Jonathan'sexternal concerns would have permitted him to persecute the Zadokites.'0Still anotherproblem is posed by seeing him as the object of praise in 4Q448." The explanationthat this song was writtenwhen Jonathanwas only a militaryleaderbefore becoming high priest leaves an importantquestion unanswered:Why would it then be kept by the Qumrancommunityfor over two hundred years after Jonathanhad become the Wicked Priest?'2These difficulties, and especially the question of the punishment of the
6 Brownlee, "Wicked Priest," 4; cf. M. Knibb, The Qumran Community (Cam-
bridge:UniversityPress, 1987) 239. Brownlee,"WickedPriest,"17. 8
P. Callaway, The History of the Qumran Community: An Investigation (Sheffield:
AcademicPress, 1988) 156-67. 9 J. Murphy-O'Connor,"Judahthe Essene and the Teacher of Righteousness," RevQ 10/40 (1981) 583. '0 E.g. F.M. Cross, The Ancient Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies,
(GardenCity, NY: DoubledayAnchor,19612)153 n. 87a. J. Charleworthhas criticised Jonathansupportersfor not addressingCross' arguments("TheOriginand Subsequent Historyof the Authorsof the Dead Sea Scrolls:Four TransitionalPhases Among the QumranEssenes,"RevQ 10 [1979-1981] 222). 0 Vermes, "The So-Called King JonathanFragment(4Q448),"JJS 44 (1993) G. 294-300. For the original proposal that the "Jonathan"in question is Alexander Janneuas,cf. E. Eshel et al., "A CompositionContainingPartof Ps. 154 and a Prayer for the Welfareof King Jonathanand his Kingdom,"IEJ 42 (1992) 199-229. 12 Puech ("Jonathan le pretreimpie,"259, 268) has attemptedto defend that explanationwith the suggestionthat the song was introducedinto the Qumranlibraryby a member,withoutthe notice of the others (!).
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
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Wicked Priest, are behind Brownlee's conclusion that, of all the proposed candidates, no single figure can be made to fit all the facts, "least of all Jonathan."'3 Brownlee attemptedto resolve the above-mentionedproblems by opting for droppingthe idea of the Wicked Priest as a single individual.14 A.S. van der Woude has carriedthe idea further,using the perfect and imperfectverbs in the Wicked Priest referencesto argue for five past Wicked Priests,as well as one contemporarywith the author of lQpHab.'5A numberof weaknesses in his hypothesis, however, have been pointedout as well.'6 Given these problems,the "Jonathan consensus"is better describedas a general acquiescence,based on a growingfrustrationwith reconstructionsof Qumranhistoryfrom problematic data.'7Past criticism of the Jonathantheory has been forgotten, and little effort has been made to test the validity of the presuppositions on which it is based. Such a test will be undertakenin this article. A literaryand thematic comparisonwill be made between the referencesto the punishment of the Wicked Priest and a similartraditionin early Christianity. It will be seen that both traditionsare based on the same exegetical principles.In light of those principles,the statementsabout the punishmentof the Wicked Priest do not confirmthat he died at the hands of gentiles. His temporalpunishment,alreadypast, involved sickness, as well as inner turmoil,inflictedby evil spiritualforces. His future, eschatologicaljudgmentis clearly distinguishedfrom past sufferingby the use of verbal forms, as well as by contextualdifferences. The Language of the Punishment References
Midrashicin nature,the Wicked Priest referencesare imbued with biblical themes, imagery and phraseologyin a context understoodby 13 Brownlee, "WickedPriest,"7; cf. idem, "The HistoricalAllusions of the Dead Sea HabakkukMidrash,"BASOR 126 (1952) 10-20; and Van der Woude, "Once Again,"375. 41Brownlee,"WickedPriest,"21. '5 Van der Woude, "Once Again,"376. 16 T. Lim, "The Wicked Priests of the Groningen Hypothesis,"JBL 112 (1993) 415-25, esp. 417; In response,Van der Woude admittedproblemsin his schema, but to Lim's argumentthat it is "by no means necessary"to take 'ISp' in 9:5 as habitual action, he repliedthat since A. Janneuasis the "last priest,"the verb cannot (!) refer to the future("OnceAgain,"376). 17 Equallyunfounded is VanderWoude'sclaimthat"WickedPriest"hasbeen"proven" to be a genericterm ("OnceAgain,"382).
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the commentatorand his originalreaders.8In modem times, mistakes have undoubtedlybeen made in applyingthe pesher languageto historical figures and events, without properconsiderationof its context. A good example is Dupont-Sommer'sliteralapplicationof the "House of Absalom"to an uncle of Aristobulusnamed Absalom!'9This article will involve looking at the broaderbiblical backgroundbehindthe idiomaticlanguageof the Wicked Priest references.That background will help to clarify the intendedcontext, which, in turn, should shed some light on whetheror not the commentatoris alludingto Jonathan. That much of Qumranterminologyis derivedfrom Psalms is particularlyevident in lQpHab, since the psalmshave influencedthe prophecy of Habakkukitself.20One of the lament psalms which has the strongest literary and thematic links with Habakkukis Psalm 37.21 Aware of this connection,the authorof lQpHab uses languagefrom Psalm 37 in his commentary on Hab. 2:17.22 The long-observed parallels between lQpHab and the pesher on Psalm 37 (4Q171), moreover, suggest, if not a common author,at least a common interpretive tradition.23Both identically take the persecution of the "just one" by the "wicked one" in Habakkuk1 and Psalm 37 as prophecyof P:IS il'lT and his antagonists.24
18
E. Slomovic, "Toward an Understanding of the Exegesis in the Dead Sea
Scrolls," RevQ 7 (1969-1971) 5-15; W. Brownlee, The Midrash Pesher of Habakkuk
(Missoula:ScholarsPress, 1979) 23; idem, "WickedPriest,"17; G. Brooke,"Qumran Pesher:Towardsthe Definitionof a Genre,"RevQ 10 (1979-1981) 494, 502-3. 19
A. Dupont-Sommer, Observations sur le Commentaire d'Habacuc decouvert pres
de la Mer Morte (Paris:Acad6miedes Inscriptionset Belles-Lettres,1950) 52. 20 P. Humbert,Problemes du livre d'Habacuc (Neuchfatel:Secretariatde l'Universite, 1944) 9-21, 173-80; M. Baillet, "Psaumes,hymnes, cantiqueset prieresdans les manuscrits de Qumran," Le Psautier. Ses origines. Ses problemes litteraires. Son
influence(ed. R. De Langhe,Louvain:InstitutOrienatiste,1962) 404; B. Lindars,New Testament Apologetic (London: SCM Press, 1961) 176; W.H. Bellinger, Psalmody and
Prophecy(JSOTSup27; Sheffield:AcademicPress, 1984) 83. 21 Cyril of Alexandria,Comm. in Hab. Proph. [PG 71:873]. W. Brownleeproposed that the "revelation"of Hab. 2:2 is the message of Ps. 37:22: "the meek shall inherit the earth"("The PlacardedRevelation of Habakkuk,"JBL 82 [1963] 319-25); cf. P. Skehan, "Borrowingsfrom the Psalms in the Book of Wisdom,"CBQ 10 (1948) 384-97. 22 lQpHab 12:2-8; cf. G. Brooke,"The Pesharimand the Originsof the Dead Sea Scrolls," Methods of Investigation of the Dead Sea Scrolls and the Khirbet Qumran Site. Present Realities and Future Prospects (eds M. Wise et al., New York: NY
Academyof Sciences, 1994) 350. 23 The first section of lQpHab 12:2-8 parallelsthe languageof 4Q1713-10 4:7-10, while the second parallels4Q171 1-10, 2:9-16. 24 J.A. SandersThe Dead Sea Psalms Scroll (Ithaca,NY: CornellUniversity,1967)
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Exegetical parallels have long been observed between Qumran pesher and early Christianexegesis, includingan atomizingapproach, actualizationof biblical prophecy,and heavy use of psalmic themes and terminology.25 Perhapsthe most strikingof those parallelsis the peculiarmidrashicuse of a second textual reading.26One example in the Mattheanaccountof Judas' death (Matt.27:3-10) has been called "the most elaborate product of the Church's midrash pesher in the New Testament."27 This common ground is behind the assertion of 0. Betz that the "most promisingmethod"for comparisonof the scrolls with the New method,which means the examTestamentis the "tradition-historical ination of the interpretationof the Bible."28That advice provides the starting-pointfor the following comparisonof the Qumrandescription of the punishmentof the Wicked Priestwith early Christiantraditions on the death of Judas.The focus will be on how psalm referencesto the punishmentof the "wickedone" who betrayedthe "justone" were interpretedas fulfilled in the demise of a specific individual.What the results will suggest is a setting for the punishmentof the Wicked Priest that does not coincide with what is assumed in the popular Jonathantheory. Traditionson the Death of Judas There are three early Christiantraditionson the death of Judas: Matt. 27:3-10, Acts 1:15-26, and Papias, frag. 3. For some time, they have intriguedmodem scholars,who have attemptedto solve the various problemssurroundingthem.29Much of the earlier scholarlywork 137; E. Nielson, "The Righteousand the Wicked in Habakkuk,"ST 6 (1952) 54-78; W. Brownlee,"The Significanceof David's Compositions,"RevQ 5/4 (1966) 571-2. 25 E.g. L.W. Barnard, Studies in the Apostolic Fathers and their Background (Oxford:Blackwell, 1966) 87-8; Lindars,Apologetic,276. 26 A. Dupont-Sommer,"Le Commentaired'Habacuc d6couvert pres de la Mer Morte,"RHR 137 (1950) 143, 149; B. Gartner,"The HabakkukCommentary(DSH) and the Gospel of Matthew,"ST 8 (1954) 1-24; K. Stendahl,The School of St. Matthewand its Use of the Old Testament(Philadelphia: Fortress,19682)186;W. Brownlee, The Textof Habakkukin the AncientCommentary from Qumran(Philadelphia:SBLE, 1959) 15, 119. 27 Lindars,Apologetic, 116. 28 O. Betz, "Qumran and the New Testament. Forty Years of Research," in Mogilany1989. Papers on the Dead Sea Scrolls offeredin Memoryof Jean Carmignac (Kracow:EnigmaPress, 1993) 85. 29 E.g. S. Liberty,"St. Peter's Speech in Acts 1:15-23," The Expositor 7 (1909) 77-88; A.D. Nock, "TheDeathof Judas,"JTS 25 (1924), 289-90; K. Lake,"TheDeath
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focused on the question of their historicalvalue. Attemptsat harmonizing the two divergentNew Testamenttraditionsfollowed the early Christianconcern for showing that the differing details in Matthew and Acts were simply complementarypieces in the overall puzzle of Judas' demise.30Others, rejecting these attempts from lack of evidence, proposedthat the key to understandingthe differencesin the two traditions is Old Testament typology. Matthew's account, in which Judas hangs himself (27:5), is based on the type of David's friend, Ahitophel, who betrayed him and then hanged himself in despair.Judas' fall in Luke's account(Acts 1:18), on the other hand, alludes to the punishmentof the enemies of the "'ust one" in Wis. 4:19 and Psalms 69 and 109. These different literary models in Matthewand Luke, however, convey a commontheme:the miserable death of the wicked.Linkedhistoricallyby the Aramaicname "Hakeldama"for which differentetymologiesare given, the two independent traditionsmay both have originatedin Jerusalem.3' Their divergencesare furthercomplicatedby the fact that Papias' descriptionof the death of Judas representsa traditiondifferingfrom What is remarkableaboutPapias'traboth New Testamentaccounts.32 dition is that, independentlyof Luke, he likewise uses Psalms 69 and 109 in recountingthe death of Judas.33The way in which all threetra-
of Judas" in The Beginnings of Christianity(London: Macmillan, 1933) 5:22-29; R. Halas, Judas Iscariot (Washington:Catholic Universityof AmericaPress, 1946); Ph-H. Menoud,"Lesadditionsau groupedes ap6tresd'apresle livre des Actes,"RHPR 37 (1957) 71-80. J. Dupont,"La Destinee de Judasproph6tis6epar David (Act 1:1620)," CBQ 23 (1961) 41-51; J.-P. Charlier,I'Evangilede l'enfance de l'Eglise: commentairede Actes 1-2 (Bruxelles:La Pens6e Catholique,1966); P. Benoit,Jesus and theGospel(London:Dartman,Longman,& Todd,1973);M. Wilcox,"TheJudas-Tradition in Acts 1:15-26, NTS 19 (1972-73) 458-72; W. van Unnik, "The Death of Judas in Saint Matthew'sGospel,"ATRSS 3 (March,1974) 44-57; R.E. Brown,The Death of the Messiah (New York: Doubleday, 1994) 2:1394-416. The numerousrecent books and articleson Judashave offeredlittle new inputgermaneto the issue underdiscussion here. 30 Treatmentof ancient and modern attempts at harmonizationcan be found in Lake, "Deathof Judas,"25-28; Halas, Judas Iscariot, 156-64; Brown, Death, 14041406. 31 Lake, "Deathof Judas,"29; Benoit, Jesus, 190-206; Wilcox, "Judas-Tradition," 444; J. Dupont, Nouvelles etudes sur les Actes des Ap6tres (Paris: Cerf, 1984) 97; Brown,Death 2:1394. 32 Lake, "Deathof Judas,"25; Brown,Death, 2:1408. 3 H. Conzelmann,Die Apostelgeschichte(HNT 7; Tubingen: Mohr, 19632) 24; E. Haenchen,The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary(Philadelphia:Westminster, 1971) 160; Brown,Death, 2:1409; "tenuous".
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ditions interpretthese psalms propheticallywill be demonstratedin more detail below. Judas in the Psalms of the RighteousSufferer Extensive study of the use of Psalms in the gospel passion narratives has clarifiedthat it is because certain psalms were regardedin their entiretyas prophecyof Jesus and his enemies that particularreferences to the handing over of the suffering"just one" were applied to Judas.34Along with Ps. (21)22, Psalm (68)69 was the most important of the "passionpsalms."It was associatedwith Psalm (40)41, for both were seen to include prophecies of Jesus' betrayer.The same principle of interpretationwas applied to Psalm (108)109: since the whole psalm refersto the sufferingsof Christ,the curses upon the one responsiblefor those sufferingsmust refer to Judas.35Othertexts held to be propheciesof the disciple who rebelledwere found in Psalms 7 and (54)55.36 Such use of these psalms can be found, not only in the New Testament, but in other early Christian literature as well.37
Sometimesthose psalms are cited outrightin the accountsof Judas' death.More often, however,thereare only allusions.Determininggenuine allusions is not always an easy task. As Luke's variant psalm citationsattest, there is no certaintyas to what text of the psalms the interpreterswere using. Nor, for that matter,can one be sure as to the originallanguageof Matthew'saccount.Several of the proposedallusions, moreover, are alleged to have been made by Jesus. Consequentlly, it goes without saying that literal correspondencecannot be 34 C.H. Dodd, Accordingto the Scriptures(London:Nisbet, 1952) 126-32; Dupont, "La destinee de Judas," 51; J.B. Green, The Death of Jesus. Traditionand Interpretation in the Passion Narrative(WUNT 2:33; Tubingen:Mohr, 1988); J. Marcus, The Way of the Lord: ChristologicalExegesis of the Old Testamentin the Gospel of Mark(Louisville:Westminster-John Knox, 1992). 35 A. Kirkpatrick, The Book of Psalms (Cambridge:UniversityPress, 1902) lxxix; Lindars,Apologetic,99, 106; Brown, Death, 2:1452. For Psalm 69, cf. Benoit, Jesus, 196. For Psalm 41, cf. Haenchen,Acts, 159; A. Rose, "L'influencedes Psaumes sur les annonceset les rdcitsde la passion et de la resurrectiondans les 6vangiles,"in De Langhe,Le Psautier, 327-28. 36 For Ps. 7:14, Didymus the Blind asserted: "AXo."O 0viloaq a&voViav-RaN&aS twxToE0V(R. Devreesse,Les anciens commentateurs grecs des Psaumes [STesti 264;
Vatican City: Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, 1970] 150); cf. Augustin,Enarratioin PsalmumVii [PL 36, 97]. For Psalm (54)55, cf. J. Cales, Le Livredes Psaumes(Paris: G. Beauchesne,1936) 540-41. 37 For a summaryof patristic use of these psalms, cf. R. Halas, Judas Iscariot (Washington:CatholicUniversityof America, 1946) 171-76.
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the sole criterionfor determininga genuine allusion to a psalm. What argues most convincingly for the presence of psalm allusions is the context in which any specific detail occurs.Wherea numberof details in a given passagecoincidewith the words or ideas of the same psalm or group of psalms, it is probablethat allusion to the psalms is intended.The establishmentof that generalintentionfor a given passage increases the probabilityof individual details within it constituting allusions. Matthew'sUse of Psalms in RelatingJudas' Death The attemptto show fulfillmentof some of those psalms can be seen in Matthew'saccountof Judas' betrayal.In light of John 13:27, Jesus' declarationto Judasin Gethsemane:Cp'o' iapct(26:50),probably means:"Do what you are here for."38The implicationis thatwhat had been prophesiedconcerningJudas' betrayal is about to be fulfilled. Matthew alone has Jesus address Judas there as "friend"(26:50), apparentlyin allusion to the betrayerfriend in Psalm (54)55:13 and (40)41:9.39 The specific mentionof the hand that will deliverJesus up in Matt. 26:23 and the scatteringof the disciples (Matt. (nrapax6&&) 26:56) likewise implies perceived fulfillmentof Ps. 54:20-21 (Gr).Y0 Matthew concludes the pericope on Gethsemanewith the assertion: 6"All this happened that the scriptures of the prophets might be fulfilled"(26:56). An even subtler indicationof Matthew's dependenceupon Psalm (54)55 appearsin 27:3, the only New Testamentrecordof Judashaving regrettedhis evil deed. Why Matthewshould make this point is normallyexplained in terms of his prediction-fulfillmentschema, in which Judas' remorse is contrasted with Peter's repentance.4'In
38 N. Turner,GrammaticalInsights into the New Testament(Edinburgh:T & T Clark, 1965) 69. 19Rabbinicsources saw Psalm 55 in the context of David and Ahitophel(cf. A. Feldman,The Parablesand Similesof the Rabbis[Cambridge:UniversityPress, 19271 76 n. 1). For the patristicapplicationof Ps. 55:13-15 to Judas, cf. Cales, Psaumes 1:541; Kirkpatrick,Psalms, 218. 4 Luke 22:21 also mentionsthe betrayer'shand.ComparePs. 54:4 (Gr) with Matt. 26:38 (Rose, "L'influence,"323-4). The scatteringof the disciples also alludes to Zech. 13:7 (cf. Matt.26:31). 41 D. Senior, "The Fate of the Betrayer:A RedactionalStudy of MatthewXXVII, 3-10," ETL48 (1972) 372-80. The commentaryof J. Chrysostomon Heb. 12:17 contrasts Esau's tears with Peter's true repentance,then compares them with Judas'
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
403
recountingnot only Judas' change of mind, but also the rejectionof his request,however, Matthewalso appearsto be casting Judasas the anti-typeof Esau, whose regretat having given up his birthrightwas to no avail (Gen. 27:38). The presentationof Esau as just such a type in Heb. 12:15-17 shows literaryand thematicdependenceupon Psalm (54)55.42
Otherpsalms traditionallyplaced in the context of David and Ahitophel, or other traitorfigures,can likewise be found in the Matthean passion narrative.In Matt. 27:4, for example, Judas' plea: "I sinned, delivering up innocent blood" (icapaeo-ig a1ia &O'&ov),has been
related, not only to Deut. 27:25, but also to its parallelsin Jer. 19:4 and Ps. 15:5.43 There are also numerousallusions to Psalm 109. Matthew's mentionof the refusalof Judas' plea (27:4) echoes the psalmic phrases, "may he go out condemned. . . may there be none to help him" (Ps. 109:7,12)."Jeromerecordsthat anotherphrasein Ps. 109:7, "let his prayer be turned to sin" was seen as fulfilled in Judas' remorse and subsequentsuicide (Matt. 27:5).45 Still another phrase, "may strangersplunderhis labor,"in Ps. 109:11, appears to be the inspiration for Matthew's mention of the graveyard for strangers, boughtwith the fruit of his evil deed (Matt. 27:7). Even Jesus' statement: "woe to that man by whom the Son of Man is delivered up; good were it for that man if he had never been born"(Matt. 26:24), echoes the curses in Ps. 109:6-19. The clear allusion to Ps. 109:25 ("peopleshaketheirheadsatme in scorn")in theaccountof thecrucifixion is yet anotherindicationthat Psalm 109 was seen as a prophecyof Jesus and his betrayer."6 Matthew'suse of Psalm 35 has also been noted.47He joins it with remorse,as tears of anger and insult (In Epist. ad Hebraeos Xli, Hom. XXXI [PG 63:215-16]). 42 C. Spicq, I'Epftreaux Hebreux(Paris:Gabalda,1953) 2:402; 0. Michel, "pgragEXowa," TDNT4:628. The "root of bitterness"in Heb. 12:15 refers to Deut. 29:18, which threatensa curse;cf. Isaac's curse of Esau in Jub. 35:14. Jewish traditionpresented Esau's ruddy nature as characteristicof a murderer(Gen. Rab. 63:8, 120). Along the same lines, early Christianart likens Cain and Judasto Esau by giving them red hair (cf. H. Maccoby,Judas Iscariot and the Mythof Jewish Evil [London:Peter Halban, 1992] 118; R. Melinkoff,"Judas'Red Hair and the Jews,"Journal of Jewish Art 9 [19821 31-46; and Brown,Death, 2:1416). 43 Van Unnik, "Deathof Judas,"53-56; Senior, "Fate,"407-11. I Halas, Judas, 175-76. 4S Jerome,Comm.in Matt. 27,4-5 (SC 259; Paris:Cerf, 1979) 274. 4 Matt. 27:39 (= Mark 15:29).The Lucan parallel(23:35) alludes to Ps. (21) 22:8; cf. Lindars, Apologetic, 110. 47
For the use of Psalm 35 in Matthew26-7, cf. Lindars,Apologetic,247-48. For
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Ps 109 to associateJudas'betrayal(Matt.27:7, 9) with its proto-type, the plot against Jeremiah and the potter (Jeremiah 18-19).48 Given that
use of Psalm 35, it is not unlikely that Matthewsaw in the irony of Judas' death the fulfillmentof MT Ps. 35:8 ("let his net that he hid catch him; in destruction,let him fall into it"). Such extensive and clearly midrashicuse of Psalms 35, 55, 69 and 109 in recountingthe demise of Judas suggests underlyingsources. Could Matthew'straditionof Judas' death be based upon systematic pesharim produced to show fulfillment of prophecies in those Psalms?49In any case, the general goal of Matthew'sgospel to show prophecyfulfillment,coupled with the sheer numberof details in the accountof Judasthat coincide with Psalms of the betrayer,leaves little doubt as to the evangelist's intention. Judas and the Psalms in Acts 1:15-26 Like Matthew'saccount,Luke's also relatesJudas'deathto prophecies in the Psalms. In fact, the whole thrust of Acts 1:15-26 is to showhow thetwo particularversesin Psalms(68)69 and(108)109prophesied Judas' demise and the need to replace him.50Luke may have used a Semitic source in which the two psalm citationswere already combinedand appliedtogetherto the death of Judasand the necessity of choosing his successor.5' Judas' purchaseof the field serves as a lead into the citationof Ps.
Judas' death and Ps. 35:8, cf. A. L6picier, Diatessaron seu Concordia Quatuor Evangeliorum(Rome: IstitutoPius IX, 1927) 4:76. 48 Given the observedliteraryrelationshipbetween those two psalms and Jeremiah 18, Matthew'sassociationof them is not unusual;cf. Kirkpatrick,Psalms, 175; M.-J. Lagrange,Evangile selon Saint Matthieu(Paris:Gabalda, 1923) 516-17; R. Gundry, The Use of the Old Testament in St. Matthew's Gospel (Leiden: Brill, 1967) 125;
Senoir,"Fate,"382; Benoit,Jesus, 197. 49 On the fulfillment motif in Matt. 27:3-10, cf. E. Schweizer, The Good News Accordingto Matthew(Atlanta:John Knox, 1975) 504. On the redactionalunityof the passage,cf. Senior,"Fate,"420; and on the possibilityof sources,cf. G.D. Kilpatrick, The Origins of the Gospel according to Matthew (Oxford: Clarendon, 1946) 26, 46,
81, 104. 50 D. Peterson, "The Motif of Fulfillment and the Purpose of Luke-Acts,"The Book of Acts in its First Century Setting (eds B. Winter & A. Clark, Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans,1993) 94-100. 1' C.C. Torrey, The Compositionand Date of Acts (Cambridge:UniversityPress, 1916) 10, 24; M. Wilcox, The Semitismsof Acts (Oxford:Clarendon,1965); idem, 441; Haenchen,Acts, 160 n. 6; Dodd, Scriptures,59; Menoud,"Les "Judas-Tradition," additions,"74.
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
405
in the Psalm refersto the field, which 69:25.52The idea is that C"cnwkl; What the account of his gruesome death is to remain uninhabited.53 implies is that it happenedin his field, making it abhorrentand thus uninhabitable,in fulfillment of the prophecy.54The gory death also serves to explain the name "Field of Blood."55 Luke presents Judas' sudden demise as a sign that he was evil (Acts 1:18), emphasizinghis avarice.56The headlongfall in Acts 1:18 appearsto intendpropheticfulfillment.ThoughWis. 4:19 is the likely candidate, consideration should also be given to MT Ps. 35:8 (the "wicked man"falling into the net he hid for the "poorone") and Ps. (54)55:13, where the friend's betrayalis followed by the phrase:"Let death come hastily upon them."57Lateron in Acts 1:25, Luke's enigmatic assertion that Judas abandoned the apostolate to go "to his place" (Ei; tOvT6koVtov '!iov) can be explained as an allusion to Ps. 36:36 (Gr), where the sudden plight of the "wicked one" who had plotted against the "just one" is describedwith the phrase:"and his place was not found."58According to Luke, such perceived fulfillment was the stimulusfor replacingJudas,so that the prophecyin Ps. (108)109:8 might be fulfilled as well.59
Judas and Psalm Imageryin Papias Frag. 3 Versions of the death of Judas accordingto Papias have been preHis tradition served in the writings of several early commentators.60
52
Benoit, Jesus, 196; cf. Menoud,"Les additions,"76. MT reads"camp";cf. Dupont,NouvellesEtudes,98. Luke's Xwpiovis the equivalent of 'sraiaXst,propertywhose habitationwas foreseen (cf. Matthew's ryp?S). 4 Dupont,"La destinee de Judas,"49; Benoit, Jesus, 196. s Dupont,"La destinee,"49. S6 He betrayedJesus so as to buy a field (Acts 1:18; cf. Matt. 26:14-16); cf. Van Unnik, "Death,"48; Haenchen,Acts, 160 n. 6; Brown,Death, 2:1401). 57 Ps. 35:8 alludes to the lex talionis of Exod. 21:23 and Deut. 19:18 (Bellinger, Psalmody, 109 n. 131); Liberty,"St. Peter's Speech,"84. 58 icaU o 6peip7 6p O 0xRo0a&To. Cf. the otherversionsand possibly4Q171; also D. Pardee,"A Restudyof the Commentaryon Psalm 37 from QumranCave 4," RevQ 30 [19731 193); Benoit, Jesus, 204; Barn. 19:1. S9 Acts 1:16, 20; cf. Dupont, Nouvelles Etudes, 98. Luke's use of the unusual S
expression
Kar6tVWYtT0av dTv Kap6i'av
(Acts 2:37), which occurs only in Ps.
(108)109:16, suggests that Luke took the expressionfrom the Psalm,and that he saw the "prickedin heart"of Ps. 109:16 as referringto the new believersin Jerusalem(cf. Wilcox, Semitisms,61; Haenchen,Acts, 183 n. 6; Lindars,Apologetic, 109). 1 Apollinarius, in Matt., in J.A. Cramer (ed.), Catenae Graecorum Patrum in NovumTestamentum (Oxford:AcademicPress,1844) 1:231;inActaApost.,ibid.,3:12-13;
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has usually been considereda "tall tale," fashioned after famous accounts of the deaths of the wicked in order to emphasizethe horror A lookat theaccountin termsof psalmfulfillment, of Judas'punishment.6' however,reveals that the gruesomedetails functionas examplesof the fulfillment of specific psalm prophecies, in the fashion of the New Testamenttraditions.The descriptionof Judas' swollen body alludes to the "trialby water"in Num. 5:21, in proof of his guilt.62That allusion appearsin Ps. 109:18 as well: "(the curse) has come like water into his bowels." Papias' traditiontakes this literally,as propheticof Judas' swollen body.63 Judas' eyes are also said to have been so swollen that he could not see the light at all, apparentlyin allusionto Ps. 69:23a ("let theireyes be darkenedso that they cannot see"). In the MT, this curse is immediately followed by "and let their loins continuallyshake" (69:23b). Likewise in Papias' account,Judas' blindnessis followed by mention Even closer to Ps. 36:36 (Gr) of the miserablestate of his genitals.6T thanActs 1:18 is Papias' statementthatJudasdied in "his own place." He then describeshow the stench thereresultedin the field remaining uninhabited.This is an attempt,like that of the Acts, to show the literal fulfillment of Ps. 69:25.65
Anotherpoint made by Papiasis thatJudas,after living throughhis hanging,went walking about throughall the world, as a great example of wickedness.The allusion is apparentlyto Cain, the prototypeof both the sheddingof innocent blood and being cursed for it. In the Cain story, there was death in a field, the ground was cursed by spilled blood, and the guilty one was sentencedto be a fugitive and a wandererover the earth (Gen. 4:8). Cain's curse is echoed in Psalm 109.66 The details of Papias' traditionon the divine punishmentof Judas thus appear to be based on a prophetic interpretationof the Psalms generallyconsistentwith that of the New Testamenttraditions.
Oecumenius, Comm. in Acta Apost. [PG 118:57]; Theophylact, Enarr. in Evang. Matt.
[PG 123:459];cf. Lake, "TheDeath of Judas,"24; J. Herber"La mortde Judas,"RHR (1945-A) 47-56; A.F. Walls, "Papiasand Oral Tradition,"VC 21 (1967) 137-40. 61 E.g., Lake, "The Death of Judas,"25. 62 F.H. Chase, "On PRHNHSGENOMENOS in Acts 1,18,"JTS 13 (1912) 278-85. 63 W. McKane,"Poison, Trial by Ordeal, and the Cup of Wrath,"VT 30 (1980) 474-92. 64 Schweizer,Matthew,503; Lake, "The Death of Judas,"30. 65 Schweizer,Matthew, 503. 66 CompareJosephus,Ant. i 2, 1, 58, with Ps. 109:10"andlet his sons always wander";also van Unnik, "Deathof Judas,"54.
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
407
Judas and the Psalms in ApocryphalTexts Stories of Judas in a numberof early Christianapocryphaltexts containpsalm interpretationthat is strikinglysimilarto what has been seen in Matthew,Acts and Papias. One of the most interestingis the Book of the Resurrectionof Jesus Christ, attributedto Bartholomew the apostle.67Like Matthew's tradition,this work asserts that Judas hung himself. It adds that he did so, hoping to meet Jesus in Hades and implorehim for salvation.68 The same idea appearsin the Psalms, particularlyin the MTof Ps. 10:5-13. Having descended to Amente to release the captives from prison, Jesus rebukes Judas with words that are clearly a composite of psalmic texts, particularlyfrom the curses upon the wicked man in Psalms (68)69 and (108)109. Thirty snakes, which are sins, fill his mouth "so that they might devour him".69This vividly illustratesthe extent to which the early Christianscarriedthe applicationof psalm texts to Judas.In fact, the whole scenariodramatizesthe threatof Ps. (49)50:21b, addressedto the "wickedman"who ran with thieves and scandalizedhis brother:"I will reproveyou and will standbeforeyou" (napaatixao Kata zcpo6awirvaot). Like Papias' tradition,this text also includes Cain-Judastypology, relatingthatJesus left only threesouls in hell: Cain, Herod,and Judas. The reason given for the choice is that Judas delivered up the Lord, just as Cain rose up against his own brotherand killed him.70That depiction of the demise of the wicked echoes the assertion in Wis. 4:19 that "they shall be objects of scorn among the dead forever."7' The Acts of Thomasalso relates Judaswith Cain and Herod in the context of demonicpossession.The serpentclaims that he stirredCain 67 P. Lacau, "Fragments d'apocryphescoptes,"Memoirespubliees par les membres de l'institutfrancais d'archeologieorientalede Caire 9 (Cairo:IFAOC, 1904) 39-77; E. Budge, "The Book of the Resurrection of Jesus Christ by Bartholomew the Apostle,"Coptic Apocryphain the Dialect of UpperEgypt (London:BritishMuseum, 1913) 179-215; E. Revillout,"Les Apocryphescoptes" [PO 2:123-198]. 68 Cf. Theophylact,Enarr. in Evang. Matt. (PG 123:459]. 69 Budge, "Book of the Resurrection,"185-6; Lacau,Memoires,67. The removalof Judas' garmentof glory (line 5) recalls the guest addressedas "friend"('ETaipe) in Matt. 22:11-13, who is speechless (i(ptg(*9 cf. Wis. 4:19c a(pOvou;),and then, for lack of the propergarment,is throwninto "outerdarkness"with "grindingof teeth;" cf. John 13:30;Ps. 11:10 (Gr); Gundry,Use of the Old Testament,77. 70 Revillout,Apocryphes,187. For Cain typology in the New Testament,cf. I John 3:12, Jude 11; P. Perkins,NJBC, 991. 71 CompareActs 1:18 with Wis. 4:19 ("becauseHe will burst them, silent, headlong"),which is in the context of the persecutionof the "justone" (Wisdom2-5).
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to kill Abel, that he was behind Herod's false accusation of Jesus before Pilate, and thathe bribedJudasto deliverhim up. Whatfollows includes elements in common with all three death-of-Judastraditions: But the serpent,being swollen (Papias),burstand died, and his poison and gall poured out (Acts 1:18)... And the apostle said.. . "Send workmenand fill up that place . .. that it may become a dwelling place for the strangers" (Matt. 26:34; 27:7).72
This use of the psalms in apocryphalwritingsthus bearswitness to the wider interpretivebackgroundout of which our three death-ofJudasaccountsemerged.Thisbackground model providesa contemporary with which to comparethe scroll referencesto the punishmentof the Wicked Priest. Past Punishmentof the WickedPriest The first passage to be consideredis lQpHab 8:13-9:2. It consists of a text of Hab. 2:7, followed by its interpretation. The personwhom this prophecyconcernsis the "man in high office"(-rm m::) of Hab. 2:5, interpretedas "the Wicked Priest" in 8:3, and "the priest who rebelled" in 8:16.
This reference to rebellion (cf. 8:11) could allude
to his betrayalof p-n; iM1non the Day of Atonement(11:5-8), which may have resulted in the shedding of blood (9:8). In this context, the phraseMDns'IMPOOM (9:1) would then conformwith Habakkuk's prophecy, which presents the traitor's demise as the lex talionis.74
Most The text of Hab. 2:7 cited in 8:14 containsthe variant%;?pTh. translatorshave followed the MT readingnqp' (from Np'), ignoring the variant.Brownlee, on the other hand, saw the referenceto "evil diseases" (VX1 a'5nD) in 9:1 as indicative of an understandingof lYP" as "(they) sicken"(from Nlp).75 He also read Win)in 9:1 in that
72 Acts of Thomas, 32-33. Recalling Rev. 12:4, the story is symbolic, as explained by Maximus the Confessor: "God becomes perfect man, then. . . He offered his flesh as a bait, to provoke the insatiable dragon to devour the flesh which he was greedily pursuing. This flesh would be poison to the dragon, destroying him utterly by the power of the divinity in it" (Capitum Quinquies CentenorumCenturia 1:11; PG 90:1182-3); cf. Lake, "The Death of Judas," 28. 73 Despite the lacuna in 8:17, the relationship between the biblical text and its pesher indicates reference to -III Im: in Hab. 2:5 (Brownlee, Midrash Pesher, 147). 74 Exod. 21:24; Deut. 19:21; cf. M.E. Szeles, Wrath and Mercy. A Commentary on the Books of Habakkuk and Zephaniah, (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) 35.
7
Brownlee,Text of Habakkuk,61. The MT readingis a hapax legomenon,while
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
409
context.76The biblical associationof D22with disease, as well as with divine judgment,supportssuch an approach.77 The perfect form of the verb Itt in 9:2 indicates an event which has alreadytaken place before the writing of the pesher.78Due to the lacunain 8:17, the subjectof ltoDhas been variouslyinterpreted.Some have understoodthe diseases to be the agent.79If restoredaccording to the MT, however, the text of Habakkukgives the agents as and rl mrrur. The formermeans literally"thosebiting you," from the root 102 (whence the Greek rendering&iicvov1t;), whose semantic field includes the bite of poisonous snakes.80 Thus it seems more likely that the subjectof 1MUwas mentionedin the lacuna of line 17.81 Brownlee reconstructedthe lacuna to read "pain-inflictingangels."This implies divine punishmentin the form of disease inflicted upon the Wicked Priest by spiritualagents. Supporting Brownlee's proposalis the assertionin IQS 4:12 that those who walk in the ways of darkness and evil craftiness (D1I- nolw) will be visited by a multitudeof plagues (:O1In)at the hand of all painTheadjectiveCID-addsanevil connotation inflictingangels(bfn :Z&M).82 to those agents.83Thus the Wicked Priesthas been handedover to the spiritualforces of evil as the agents of his physical suffering.84 A second reference to past punishment of the Wicked Priest (lQpHab 9:8-12) follows almost immediately upon the first, and the hiphil of rp is used nine times in propheticliterature.For the connectionwith ",evildiseases," cf. Brownlee, MidrashPesher, 146. T. Gaster translated:"will they not. .. sting"(The Dead Sea Scriptures[GardenCity: Doubleday,19763]323). 76 7 78
Brownlee, Midrash Pesher, 149.
Leviticus 13-14; Ps. 91:10. Cf. Callaway,History, 157.
? E.g. Carmignac, Textes, 108; Gaster, Scriptures, 323; M. Horgan, Pesharim: Qumran Interpretations of Biblical Books (Washington: Catholic Association of America, 1979) 18; F. Garcia Martinez, The Dead Sea Scrolls Translated (Leiden:
Brill, 1994) 200. 80 Szeles, Wrath and Mercy, 37; Gaster:"puttheirbite" (Scriptures, 323); Jer. 8:17. 81 M. Delcor,Le midrashd'Habacuc(Paris:Cerf, 1951) 26; H.E. Del Medico,Deux manuscrits Hebreux de la Mer Morte (Paris: Geuthner, 1951) 114; G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (Harmondsworth: Penguin,19752) 240; Brownlee,Midrash Pesher, 145; Knibb, Qumran Community, 237. 82 Brownlee,MidrashPesher, 147-48, 150; A.S. van der Woude, "WickedPriestor WickedPriests?Reflectionson the Identificationof the WickedPriestin the Habakkuk JJS 33 (1982) 349-59, esp. 355. Commentary," 83 Brownleenoted 4Q181 with the parallelexpression-10ZZ mn o'*nr (Midrash
Pesher, 150).
4 Like Brownlee,F.F. Bruce saw "they"in lQpHab 9:2 as a Hebraicidiom referring to "the supernaturalexecutorsof divine judgment,"as in Lk. 12:16-21 (Second Thoughtson the Dead Sea Scrolls (Exeter:Paternoster,19662) 102 n. 1).
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Sheddingfurther includesthe text of Hab. 2:8b with its interpretation. light on the "abominableacts" committedby the Wicked Priest(9:1), it interprets"man's shed blood"in Hab. 2:8 as referringto an offense against Pnx -i711 and his council (9:9-10). In the canonical ,(111D) is translatedconsistentlyas avopia. There and in Psalms, the term pIUD the prophets,it recurs in the context of the "just one" persecutedby the "wicked one." Of particularpertinencehere is its use in the two above-mentionedimprecatoryPsalms in which the just one intones curses upon the wicked, by whom he has been victimized. In Ps. 68:26-7 (Gr) he pleads:"they have addedto the grief of my wounds. for a crime This use of Jv/&avogiia Add iniquity to their iniquity."85 againsta righteouspersonand subsequentdivine punishmentcoincides with its use in lQpHab 9:8-10. A second example is found in both the MT and Greek readingsof Ps. (108)109:14:"Let the iniquityof his fathersbe rememberedby the Lord."As mentionedabove, this imprecationis includedin a stringof curses upon the "wicked one" (DO1)who, in return for friendship (109:5), has caused the death of the "poorone" (109:16). Here again, the word p'Iv appearsin the context of judgmentupon a wicked man for causing the bloodshed of a righteousone. Its use in the parallel contextof lQpHab9:9 again evokes the lamentpsalms.The authorof the pesher sees p-7 rinm as the "just one," and the Psalms have prophesiednot only his death,but also the punishmentof the "wicked man"whose iniquitycaused it.86 A clarificationof the previouspassage can be seen in lQpHab9:10. Because of the iniquitydone to pIS nlinand the men of his council, the Wicked Priest was given by God into the power of his enemies. Here, the agents of his punishmentare clearly designated.A choice must be made as to whetherlines 10-11 describe a punishmentdifferentfrom that of 9:2, or whetherit was in fact these "enemies"who inflictedthe evil diseases and vengeful acts on his body. Brownlee,for whom the agents of punishmentin 9:2 are "pain-inflictingangels," surprisinglytook the "enemies"of line 11 as humans.This forcedhim As mento read D: in line 11 as "blow," ratherthan "affliction."87 tioned above in regardto 'DUf:in 9:1, however,the biblical use of = 85 Cf. the Hexapla reading; MT reads: "to the pain of those you pierced, they gossip. Give iniquity to their iniquity." 1n (Midrash Pesher, 86 Brownlee took GMK mn-in Hab. 2:8b in reference to p mr 155). 87 Brownlee, Midrash Pesher, 156, who read the term with the presupposition that it was related to the death of some Hasmonean figure.
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
411
clearly involves disease (Lev. 13-14). A numberof translatorshave thus given DMin 9:11 the same connotationas its counterpartin 9:1.88 The parallelbetween M:: and ID1=f argues that lines 10-11 constitutea second descriptionof the same punishment.Anotherargumentis the similaritybetween 'ti tDn in 9:11 and fl.s 8OC:: in 9:1. Whereasin 9:2 the concernwas with bodily disease and suffering, in line 11 the reference to "festeringwounds of the soul" indicates spiritual sufferingas well. Brownlee recognized this, but apparently did not considerthe possibilitythat all the suffering,both physical and spiritual,was caused by the same "enemies."89 To consider that possibility, one must examine the expression "6given intothehandsof his enemies"froma tradition-history perspective. A most strikingparallelto the phrase in 9:10 occurs in Deut. 28:25: jlnia "91 9m mirr1zZ ("theLord shall hand you over to be stricken before your enemies"). This warning occurs in a string of curses to fall upon those who do not obey the commandmentsof God (28:15). A further parallel can be seen in "pin ...n-n
in lQpHab 8:16-17.
Among the list of those who will fall under these curses (Deut. 27:15-26) is he "who accepts a bribe to take an innocent life" (ZI 'p:). Since the giving of the Wicked Priest into the hands of his enemies is likewise linked to 01t 'rIn in lQpHab 9:8, the intention is apparentlyto show that the Deuteronomiccurses have been fulfilled.90 This Deuteronomictheme recurs in Psalms, where, in contrast to the fate of the wicked, the righteousone is deliveredfrom the hands of his enemies(Ps. 31:9, 16).Modernexegeteshave long debatedwhether the "enemies"in the Psalms were seen as purelyhumanor otherwise. Whateverthe case may be, the metaphysicalaspect of conflict with enemies is part and parcel of the ancient Israelite world-view, in which demonic forces were portrayedas fearful beasts, capable of inflictingbodily harm, as well as inner torment.9" Such an outlook is particularlyevident at Qumran.92
88 E.g. Carmignac: "un fleau destructeur" (Textes, 110); Vermes: "a destroying scourge" (Scrolls in English, 240); Horgan "disease" (Pesharim, 18); A. Michel: "une plaie" (Le Maitre de Justice d'apres les documents de la Mer Morte, la litterature apocryphe et rabbinique [Avignon: Maison Aubanel Pere, 1954] 15). 89 Brownlee, Midrash Pesher, 157. 9 See also Sir. 4:19. 9' E.g. Ps. 78:49; 91:5; Job 2:6-8; 33:22; 1 Enoch 53:3; 56:1; 62:11; 63:1; Mark 9:18; Luke 4:39; 10:19; 13:16; cf. H. Kelly, "The Devil in the Desert," CBQ 26 (1964) 194 n. 12. 92 Cf. J.M. Baumgarten, "On the Nature of the Seductress in 4Q184," RevQ 15 (1991) 134-43.
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Anotherbiblical idiom is the expression,CD n'mr ("bittemessof soul"), in lQpHab9:11.93 At the head of the list of curses in Leviticus 26 upon those who reject God's statutes and hate God's judgment are diseases "destroyingthe eyes and consuming the soul" (26:16). Similar wording is used of Esau, who sufferedremorseafter having forfeited his birthrightand let out a great and bitter (vnn) cry (Gen. 27:34).94 There is no constrainingevidence, then, that the sufferingsof the Wicked Priest as describedin lQpHab 9:8-12 were at the hands of humans.On the contrary,the associationwith the "diseases"of 9:2, as well as the introductionof the "bitternessof soul" leave quite open the possibility that the "enemies"in 9:10 are the same spiritualenemies who caused his sickness. Future Punishmentof the WickedPriest As mentionedat the outset, one of the two passagesfrom which the notion of the death of the Wicked Priest at the hands of gentiles has been derivedis the phrase,"God will hand down his judgmentin the midst of many peoples"(lQpHab 10:3-4). It applies the second woe in Hab. 2:9-11 to a "priest"(9:16), whom some would like to identify as the Wicked Priest. It is conceivable, however, that this "priest" refersto someoneelse. In any case, the verbaltenses in the imperfect, as well as referenceto resurrectionand "fireof sulfur"(line 5) clearly point to an eschatological context, rather than a past event.95
Anotherextendedpassage (lQpHab 11:2-12:6) also deals with the punishmentof the Wicked Priest. It consists of the citation of Hab. 2:15-17, each verse being followed by its interpretation.The biblical text constitutesthe fourthand final "woe"of the prophecy.Two points relate the passage to punishment.The first is the event described, which, as noted above, has been relatedto the "offense"againstn-i-li p1x in 9:9. The second is the term "ri, which is taken as connoting impendingpunishment. The offense againstpM; nmrliis describedin termsof drunkenness. Some have tried to take this literally,relatingit to the drinkinghabits
93
E.g. 1 Sam. 1:10; 22:2; 30:6; 2 Sam. 4:17.
94 See also IQH 8:28, 37; 11:19;and Philo, on spiritualwounds caused by sin (On the Migration of Abraham, ? 124). 95
Van der Woude sees this personas alreadyin Sheol ("OnceAgain,"378).
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of particularHasmoneanhigh priests.96Given the nature of pesher, however,what is more probableis the use of anotherwell-knownbiblical motif: the images of wine, cup, drinking,and drunkennessin the depictionof anger.97 A citationof Hab. 2:16 and its pesher follows. Here the past wrath of the Wicked Priest,in his act againstpMr irrnD( 1:5-6), is counterbalancedby the coming wrathof God in judgmentupon him. Like his wrath,the Wicked Priest's attemptto "swallow up" p-N ilin and his council (11:7) is counteredby the prospectof God swallowinghim up (11: 15).98
What is of importanceto this inquiryis the imperfectverb 11Mbnn in 11:15. Carmignacwas adamantthat this use of the imperfectindicates not a past, but a future punishment.99 G. Jeremiaslikewise felt that the "cup of the wrath of God" should be interpretedeschatologically.'??Others simply ignored verb forms, treatingall referencesto punishmentas if referringto the past. For Brownlee, the imperfectmerited an explanation.He proposed that it indicatesevents following the death of p):w il71, or predicted by him.'0'In an effortto relate lQpHab 11:15 to the referencesto past punishment,however, he then reconstructedthe word "sickness"from the mere tip of a lamed, barely visible in line 16. Though ingenious, the proposal was too speculative to warrant serious consideration. There is no constrainingevidence, then, that the punishmentin 11:15 is a past event. A third section of this passage consists of the remainderof Hab. 2:17 with its interpretation. The idea that the Wicked Priestis doomed to destructionis derivedfrom the biblical text, part of which is missing in 11:17. The MTcontainsthe imperfectverb 'p? . Whateverthe verb was in 11:17, it seems to have been linked in a parallelismwith the variant rnrnrin 12:1.102The interpreterapparentlytook either or both of the verbs as referringto a futurerecompense(bl=) that would befall the Wicked Priest (12:2-3), when "God will condemn him to
I Cf. Brownlee,MidrashPesher, 194-95. 9 E.g. Ps. 60:3; 75:8; Isa. 51:17, 21-22; 63:1-6; Jer. 25:16-17; Ezek. 23:32-34. 98 The continuityin Hab. 2:15-16, as well as in the interpretation, arguesthat "the priest"in 11:12 is the Wicked Priest.Cf. Bruce, Second Thoughts,99. 9 Carmignac,Textes,50. 0 Jeremias,Der Lehrer,58. 101 Brownlee, "Wicked Priest," 34-35. 10
Brownlee, Midrash Pesher, 197.
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destruction"(12:5).'03There is nothing demandingthe connectionof this referencewith the past punishmentof the WickedPriestin 8:13.'?0 Future Punishmentin 4QpPs. 37 4:7-10 The final passage to be consideredis perhapsthe most importantof all, for it has played a majorrole in the theoriesmentionedat the outset. It appears in 4Q171, from a continuouscommentaryon Psalm In the passage underconsideration,the text of Ps. 37:32-33 is 37,105 followed by its interpretation.The thematicrelationshipbetween Ps. 37:32-33 and Habakkuk1-2 is obvious. In both, the "wicked one" seeks to trap the "just one," and there is an intentionto pervertjustice; but, in the end, the "justone" is vindicated.This commontheme of the is undoubtedlybehindthe similaritybetween the interpretations two texts, both of which are seen as prophesyingthe attemptof the iMlt1.'06 Wicked Priest upon p-N A couple of observationscan be made here. First, the text of Ps. 37:32-33, which concerns the trial of the "just one", says nothing aboutjudgmentupon the "wickedone." Nothingthereforewarrantsan abrupt change from pInr inin to the Wicked Priest in the pesher (4Q171 4:9). In the attempt to make such a transition, some have followed J. Allegro's original rendering of h1 as "but".'07While G. Vermes' translation"and"is more literal, it makes even more improbable a sudden switch to the Wicked Priest.'08Grammatically speaking,it is unlikelythat the pronoun"he"would suddenlybe introduced without an antecedent.Given the two negationsin 4:9, a more likely alternative is 15*1 The extra letter fills up the space of the would lacuna more adequately.All three phrasesof the interpretation in agreement with the text of Ps. 37:33. then refer to p-[fliD, Though the certaintyof this proposedreadingis impossibleto estab-
I'l Brownlee supplied "livestock"from the MT reading, as the implied object of "will snatch away." In its pual form, however, the verb would be read "will be snatchedaway,"and could be taken as referringto the WickedPriest. '0 Cf. Callaway, History, 161. 105 Tracesof a pesher on Psalm 45 at the end of 4Q171 suggest that it was a commentaryon a numberof Psalms groupedarounda commontheme(Horgan,Pesharim, 201).
'1 Brooke, "Pesharim," 344-45.
E.g. Gaster,Scriptures, 329; GarciaMartinez,Dead Sea Scrolls, 205. Vermes, Scrolls in English, 292; cf. Puech:"Quanta lui" ("Jonathanle pretre impie,"268). 107
'0'
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
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lish, the point is simply that there is an alternativefor 4:9 that seems more probablethan suddenlyintroducinga new figure by a pronoun without an antecedent. A second observationon 4:9 concerns the imperfectverb Mj0'1.09 As in the case of lQpHab, the significanceof the imperfectverb here has largely been ignored.110 Brownlee, however, again attemptedto deal with it. Whereashe had been reasonablysatisfiedwith his solution for the imperfect in lQpHab, here he found an "anomalous usage." Admittingthat some of the imperfectsare eschatological,he nonetheless took others as representinghistoricalevents as if in the future,"fromthe standpointof the Biblical author,the prophetDavid." Since the perfecttense is also used for past events, this "lapsing"into the imperfect,as he called it, "appearsto be inconsistent."1'' Brownlee's perspective here may in part have been due to his identificationof the "priest"in 2:18 as p- ilrl. The text in fact reads IMIXI,whose indefiniteform is not normallyused to designate PM' rinDl, even when he is referredto as "the priest."That this priest is mentionedin the context of a "time of testing that is coming" in 2:18-19, moreover,is conceptuallysimilarto what is said of an eschatological priestin the War Scroll, who is clearly not pIN i-flm ll2 Why then complicatethe issue with "the standpointof the prophetDavid"? The simplest solution is that the imperfectverbs in 4QpPs37 are used quite normallyin speakingof events which have not yet taken place. This applies to the supposed punishmentof the Wicked Priest in 4:9 as well. If the referenceis to him at all, the imperfectverb o&ts points, not to a past punishment,but to the eschatologicaljudgment describedin lQpHab 10:3-4.113To deduce the Wicked Priest's "death at the hands of gentiles" from such a fragmentedand uncertaintext as 4:9 is thus unwise (to say the least). The uncertaintytherehas long been voiced."14 Careful examination of the references to the punishment of the Wicked Priest in lQpHab and 4QpPs37 has thus verified the distinction between a past punishmentand a futureeschatologicalone. What 10 The verb can be rendered"he will complete,"or "he will recompense." 1"0 E.g. J. Starcky,"Les Maitresde Justiceet la chronologiede Qumran,"Qumran. Sa piete, sa theologie, et son milieu (ed. M. Delcor; BETL 46; Leuven: University Press, 1978) 254. " Brownlee,"WickedPriest,"26. 112 1QM 15:6; cf. Deut. 20:1-4. "3 Cf. Carmignac,Textes, 59; Callaway,History, 157. 114 E.g. Cross:"the readingis not completelycertain"(AncientLibrary,147 n. 78).
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is presented as a past event is the bodily suffering of the Wicked Priest,apparentlythroughsickness (lQpHab 8:13-9:2). It was seen as divine punishmentfor his transgressions,and was carriedout by his being handedover to hostile demonic forces ("enemies"). Other passages in which imperfectverbs are used in referenceto the punishmentof the Wicked Priest (lQp Hab 11:2-12:6) concerna future, eschatological judgment, and should not be confused with events of the past. This confirms the assertion of P. Callaway that "one cannot speak of the actual death of a high priest, the Wicked Priest, among or by the hands of Gentiles.""'That confirmationconstitutesa serious problemfor the Jonathantheory. The Punishmentof the WickedPriest and Judas Early ChristiantraditionpresentsJudas' punishmentin the biblical context of the Levitical curses, Davidic typology and the psalmic theme of the traitor-friendof the righteous sufferer.His bodily torment, in the form of disease, is seen as the fulfillmentof the plagues to befall an Israelitewho betrays innocentblood. This physical suffering is accompaniedby innertormentas well. Since Judas'rebellion has led him outside the spiritualboundariesof the covenantcommunity, he is handedover to afflictionby the forces of evil."6 His demise is not only temporal,but includesan eschatologicaldimensionas well. In all of these aspects, there are strikingparallelswith the Qumran presentationof the punishmentof the Wicked Priest. Likewise based upon a propheticreadingof the Psalms of the righteoussufferer,the Qumrantraditionactualizesreferencesto the "wickedone," identifying him as a person in the author'stime. The same psalm terminology is related to that theme. In the context of Davidic typology, the WickedPriest,like Judas,is presentedas a once-noblefigurewho became a traitorof the "justone" throughgreed."' The punishmentof the Wicked Priest, like that of Judas, is portrayedin terms of prophetic"woes"befalling those who rebel against
II
Callaway, History, 157.
Cf. 0. Betz, "TheDichotomizedServantand the End of JudasIscariot(Light on the Dark Passages:Matthew24,51 and parallel;Acts 1:18),"RevQ 5 (1964) 43-58; K. Weber, "Is There a QumranParallel to Matthew24,51/Luke 12, 46?," RevQ 16 (1995) 657-63; also 1 Cor. 5:5; Luke 13:16;Acts 13:11. "I Along these lines is the "House of Absalom" (lQpHab 5:9), and the greed behindthe act of treacheryin lQpHab 8:9-11; also John 12:6; Matt. 26:14. 116
THE PUNISHMENT OF THE WICKED PRIEST AND THE DEATH OF JUDAS
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God.118Both the Wicked Priest and Judas,guilty of sheddinginnocent blood, are judged by the lex talionis, receiving in like kind for their
evil deeds."'9In both cases, the sufferingthey have undergoneis seen as divine punishment. As to the form of that past punishment,the Qumrantraditioncoincides with both Papias and the Coptic traditionsin describingdisease or plague in terms of the Pentateuchalcurses upon an Israelitewho betraysinnocentblood.'20Like Judas, the Wicked Priest has put himself outside the spiritualprotectionof the yahad, subjectinghimself to afflictionby demonic "enemies".'2'In an exceptionallyvivid way, the Qumraninterpretationof "those biting you" (Hab. 2:7) parallelsboth the Coptic image of Judas filled with snakes and the suggestion of demonic possession behind the Lucan account of Judas bursting.'22 Both the Qumrantraditionand the Judastraditionsinclude spiritual sufferingin addition to the physical. Matthew's emphasis on Judas' remorse and subsequentsuicide is echoed in the "bitternessof soul" experiencedby the WickedPriest.'23Both Qumranand Christiantraditions stress an additionalfuturejudgmentin the afterlife,again in fulfillment of prophecy.'24This eschatologicaljudgmentof the "wicked one" will set aright the distortionof justice that resulted in the condemnationof the just one.'25 Through these parallels emerges a much different picture of the punishmentof the Wicked Priest than that assumedby most theorists. What is normallytaken as the evidence for maltreatmentor death at the hand of gentiles is so fragmentaryas to leave unclearwhetherthe
lQpHab 8:7; 11:2; Matt. 26:24. lQpHab 9:1; 12:2-3; Acts 18-19. '2 Lev. 26:14; Deut. 27:25; 28:15. CompareMatt. 27:5 with lIQT. 64:7-8, which specifies the generic "capitaloffense" in Deut. 21:22-23, for which the penalty was "hangingon a tree,"as the crime of betrayalof one's people to a foreign nation (cf. J.M. Baumgarten,"Does TLH in the Temple Scroll Refer to Crucifixion?,"JBL 91 [1972] 473; J. Fitzmyer,"Crucifixionin Ancient Palestine,QumranLiteratue,and the New Testament,"CBQ 40 [1978] 503). 121 Josephusmentionsthat expelled Essenes "often died after a miserablemanner" (War2,8.8 ?143). 122 For the associationof snakes with spiritual"enemies,"cf. Mark 16:17-18; Luke 10:19 ("serpents... and upon all the powerof the enemy");I Cor. 10:10-11. Cf. also Luke 22:3. The storyin the Acts of Thomas(above) relatesLuke's traditionto demonic possession;cf. Brown,Death, 2:1410. 123 Matt. 27:3-5; 1QpHab9:11. 124 lQpHab 10:4-5; 12:5; John 17:12; Acts 1:25. 125 lQpHab 1:12-16; Matt. 27:3. 118 '9
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victim is the Wicked Priest or p-t iFrlr. On the other hand, the past punishment of the Wicked Priest is clearly presented as suffering caused by disease and inner turmoil. Since nothing warrantsconcluding past violence at the hands of gentiles, that assertioncannot be considereda valid argumentfor the identificationof the WickedPriestas Jonathan.The searchfor the correct historicalidentificationshould focus insteadupon candidateswho suffereddisease, as well as intense emotionalsuffering.If the Wicked Priestwas seen in termsof Davidictypologyas the friendwho betrayed, then such expressionsas "called by the name of truth"(1QpHab8:9) and "rebelled"(8:16) shouldalso be reconsidered,not in termsof high priesthood,but in terms of discipleshipunderpr7 IT-1r26 A host of other questionsare raised as to the natureof this common punishment tradition. That shared interpretivebackgroundis made even more intriguingby the strikingresemblancesbetween the of Habakkuk'sprophecyin IQpHaband in early generalinterpretation Christianwritings.The frequentcitationsand allusions to the Book of Habakkukin the New Testamentsuggest that it was interpretedchristologically. In the account of Paul's preachingin Acts, for example, Hab. 1:5 is cited along with two Psalms seen as propheciesof the resurrectionof Jesus (13:33-41). The "traitors"in Hab. 1:5 are taken as referringto the unbelieving Jews who were behind his crucifixion. This parallels lQpHab 2:1, where Hab. 1:5 is appliedto the rejection of pSI n 1127 Anotherexampleof directcitationoccursin Rom. 1:17,where Hab. 2:4 not only constitutesthe key to the literary structureof Romans 1-8, but is taken as an announcementof the age of grace.'28Like lQpHab 8:2, which takes the prophet's term "faith"as referringto Paul takes it as referringto faith in Jesus.'29In faith in p-ISflr, , 126 "Rebelled"would refer specifically to his act of agression against 17-1: ratherthan a genericrebellionagainstGod. 127 Cf. J. Dupont, L'utilisation apologetique de l'Ancien Testament dans les discours des Actes (Leuven:UniversityPress, 1953) 302. F.F. Bruce used Acts 13:41 to speculateon what form a continuousChristianpesher on Habakkukwould have taken in Biblical Exegesis in the Qumran Texts (The Hague: Uitgeverijvan Keulen N.V., 1959) 71. 12Y A. Feuillet,"La citationd'Habacuc11.4et les huit premierschapitresde l'6pitre aux Romains,"NTS 6 (1959) 52-80. 129 J.A. Sanders, "Habakkukin Qumran, Paul, and the Old Testament,"JR 39 (1959) 233; J. Fitzmyer,To Advancethe Gospel(New York:Crossroad,1981) 242; cf. Heb. 10:37-39 and its re-organizationin pesher form by Bruce (Biblical Exegesis, 72-72); Gal. 3:11.
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additionto these direct citations,a numberof Jesus' statementsin the gospels contain possible allusions to Habakkuk'sprophecy.'30 This extensive use of Habakkuk1-2 in early Christianpreaching led C.H. Dodd to list it among the sources for early ChristianTestimonia.'3' Evidence for the messianic interpretation of Habakkuk in
patristictraditionsupportsDodd's hypothesis.Cyril of Alexandria,for example, applies the "perversion"of justice in Hab. 1:4 to the trial of Jesus; and the "relaxing"of the Law, to his condemnationin violation of Exod. 23:7 (Gr).32 He then continuesverse by verse, interpreting the prophecychristologically.133 All this suggests that the exegetical traditionof the punishmentof the "wicked one," shared by the Qumran community and early Christianity,was not isolated, but ratherpart of a sharedinterpretive frameworkfor all of Habakkuk1-2. Extensionof the comparisonto that entire passage will help to determinewhetherthis is so.
130 Dodd (Scriptures,87 n. 1) proposedMark 10:38 and 14:36 as allusions to Hab. 2:15; cf. Matt. 24:28 parallelwith Hab. 1:8; Mark 14:21 parallel with Hab. 2:6,15; Luke 19:40 parallelwith Hab. 2:11, as noted by Theophylact(Exp. in Proph. Hab. 2:11 [PG 126:864]) and Theodoretof Cyrus (In Hab. 2:11); cf. R.J. Harris, "The Gospel Accordingto Luke,"NJBC, 712; also Rev. 14:10 and 16:19 with Hab. 2:16; and 2 Thess. 1:7ffwith lQpHab col. 13. 3'3 Dodd, Scriptures,87. 132 Cyril of Alexandria,Comm.in Hab. Proph. [PG 71:849]. 133 E.g. Hab. 1:13:"you have ordainedhim for judgment... establishedhim for correction,"which he takes as a referenceto Christ linked to John 9:39 (col. 861). For Cyril [PG 71: 889], Hab. 2:16-17 is directedat the Pharisees,indicatingthe wrath to come upon them for the crucifixionof Christand, subsequently,the persecutionof the Church(= "Lebanon").This offers some reassuranceto Brookewho has asserted:"It's a pity that none of the early Christiansources seem to think that Hab. 2:17 is particularly germaneto their experiences"("Pesharim,"349).
BOOK REVIEWS Hasmoneanand Herodian Palaces at Jericho: Final Reports of the 1973-1987 Excavations,VolumeIII: The Pottery, by Rachel Bar-Nathan.Jerusalem:Israel ExplorationSociety, 2002. Pp. xi + 284; 8 color plates. Price: $68.00. ISBN 965-221-047-1. This is the second volume to appear(althoughnumberedIII) in a projectedseries of final reportson E. Netzer's 1973-1987 excavations at Herodian Jericho (Arabic Tulul Abu al-'Alayiq). It representsa revised and updatedversion of Bar-Nathan's1988 M.A. thesis (The Pottery of Jericho in the HasmoneanPeriod and the Time of Herod, and the Problem of the Transitionfrom HasmoneanPottery Types to Pottery Types of the Time of Herod [Jerusalem:Instituteof Archaeology at the Hebrew University]).The volume is divided into the following chapters:in Chapter1, Bar-Nathanexplains the methodology that she employedto createa typology and chronologyfor the pottery; Chapter2 providesan overview of the stratigraphyand chronologyof the Jerichopalaces;in Chapters3-5, Bar-Nathanpresentsthe Hasmonean and Herodianpotterytypes (coarse wares and fine wares); and Chapter6 is a summaryand conclusion. There are two appendices, one comparingthe Jericho ceramic types with those from Qumran, and the second presenting all of the pottery from selected loci at Jericho.Two concordanceslist the Jerichopotterytypes accordingto provenience(loci) and cataloguenumbers.It would have been helpful to have the potteryillustratedat the end of the volume labeled with the type numbers,as it is cumbersometo have to flip back and forth between the drawingsand the text. Netzer's excavationsat Jerichorevealed the remainsof a series of palaces dating to the Hasmoneanand Herodianperiodson the north and south banks of Wadi Qelt. Accordingto Netzer, a Royal Estate was establishedat the site by John HyrcanusI (134-104 BCE) or perhaps by his father, Simon (143-134 BCE). This estate consisted of an irrigatedfarm where crops such as dates and opobalsamwere cultivated. The only known structureassociatedwith this phase (Netzer's Stage 1) is a tower (AA1) that was later incorporatedinto the First ? KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
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Palace building(the "BuriedPalace"of Stage 2). Accordingto Netzer, the First Palace at the site (Stage 2) was constructedby John Hyrcanus I between 125-115 BCE. It was deliberatelyburiedundera mound of earth between 93 and 85 BCE. Early in the reign of Alexander Jannaeus(103-76 BCE), a complex consistingof two swimmingpools, gardens,and a pavilionwas built on partof the Royal Estate(Stage 3). Later (Stage 4), while experiencingpolitical and military difficulties (93-86 BCE), AlexanderJannaeusconstructeda fortified palace over the earlier(First) palace building,buryingit in a massive fill. Salome Alexandra(76-67 BCE) addedtwo semi-detachedmansions(the "Twin Palaces")with swimmingpools and gardens(Stage 5) to the south of the two swimming pools. During the final years of the Hasmonean period, other additionsand alterationswere made to the palace complex (Stages 6 and 7). The earthquakeof 31 BCE severely damagedthe Hasmoneanpalace complex. It caused less damage to Herod's First Palace, which was constructedaround35 BCE (and excavatedby J.M. Pritchardin 1951). Around25 BCE, Herodconstructeda Second Palace on top of the ruins of the Hasmonean palace. Herod's Third Palace, on the north and southbanksof Wadi Qelt, was built around15 BCE (partof it was previously excavated by J.L. Kelso and D.C. Baramki). According to Josephus,Herod's palace at Jerichowas damagedduringthe turmoil that followed his death in 4 BCE (Ant. 17:273-77). Josephusmentions that Archelaus(4 BCE-6 CE) rebuiltor repairedthe palace. The archaeological evidence for damage is relatively limited, and Netzer and Bar-Nathanbelieve that Herod's three palaces were continuouslyused by his family until the end of Archelaus'sreign in 6 CE. After that, the palaces probablyremainedunderthe controlof the Roman procuratorsuntil they were destroyedby the earthquakeof 48 CE. Netzer'schronologyis dictatedprimarilyby historicalconsiderations, and in particularby a literalreadingof Josephus.For example, Netzer (Hasmonean and Herodian Palaces at Jericho Volume I: Stratigraphy
and Architecture [Jerusalem:Israel Antiquities Authority, 2001] = Netzer, 2001, below) states as follows with regardto the datingof the Hasmonean First Palace (Stage 2): "The time of its burial can be establishedwith reasonablecertainty,but the nature of the material finds does not permitus to date its constructionto much earlier than the days of John HyrcanusI. On the other hand, his lengthy reign, duringwhich the Hasmoneankingdomwas consolidated,is an appropriate background to the erection of the palace" (p. 335, my emphasis).
Regarding the Hasmonean pools complex (Stage 3), Netzer (2001)
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states that"Eventhoughit is theoreticallypossibleto link the construction of the new water system and the lavish Pools Complexwith the reign of John HyrcanusI, in view of generalconsiderationswe prefer to attributethem to his son and heir Alexander Jannaeus, perhaps because the building of such a splendid complex, with swimming pools at its center, more befits a young man" (p. 335, my emphasis). Netzer
(2001) dates the constructionof the FortifiedPalace (Stage 4) as follows: "Herewe can rely on historicaldata thatdefine a relativelyshort interval, in the middle of Alexander Jannaeus' reign, between the years 93 and 86 BCE, as the only time during the period under discussion when a ruler would have taken such a drastic step as the burial of a complete, elaborate and fairly new palace beneath a fortified struc-
ture"(p. 336, my emphasis).Netzer (2001) attributesthe construction of the Twin Palaces (Stage 5) to Salome Alexandra'sneed to accommodate her rival sons, HyrcanusII and AristobulusII (p. 336). In my opinion, the fact that the Hasmoneanand Herodianpalaces are dated primarilyon the basis of historicalconsiderationsinsteadof by archaeologicalevidence rendersNetzer's chronologicalframework suspect. Of greaterconcernis the fact that this chronologyconstitutes the basis for Bar-Nathan'sdating of the associated ceramic types: "The ceramic finds from the Jericho winter palaces are divided into six typological-chronological groups. In most cases these groups correlate with the stratigraphical-architectural stages" (p. 4; my empha-
sis). The problemsthis creates are clearest in the case of the earliest Hasmoneanphases (Stages 1 and 2). Bar-Nathanacknowledgesthat "with regardto the beginning of the Hasmonean1 period, the dates are not in accordance[with the ceramicevidence]"(p. 4). The assignment of Stage 2 (the HasmoneanFirst Palace) to the time of John Hyrcanusis similarly unsupportedby the ceramic evidence. In fact, the main evidence for the dating of this phase consists of an assemblage of over 1000 dishes from a miqvehin the BuriedPalace.On the one hand, Bar-Nathanaccepts Netzer's terminusante quem of 85 BCE for the burial of this palace (and with it, the ceramic assemblage): "the vessels can date no later than 85 BCE" (p. 5). However,she notes that parallelswith Hasmoneanpotteryfrom other sites do not support a date prior to 100/90 BCE for this material (pp. 6, 193). In other words, as in the case of Qumran,the ceramic evidence from Jericho does not supportthe excavator'sclaim that the settlementwas established before 100 BCE. In fact, the ceramic and numismaticevidence suggests that the settlementsat both sites were establishedat roughly the same time-apparently duringthe reign of AlexanderJannaeus.
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To a lesserdegree,Bar-Nathanalso used the numismaticevidencefor the datingof the Jerichopottery.Unfortunately,the coins have not yet been published(a reportby Y. Meshoreris describedas forthcoming). Regardingthe numismaticevidence from the Hasmoneanpalaces, BarNathan reports that "[o]nly two coins . . . predated the Hasmonean period ... About 10 coins are from the reign of Hyrcanus I, but most
of the coins are those of AlexanderJannaeus.Noteworthyis a hoard of 22 coins of MattathiasAntigonus,the last Hasmoneanking (40-37 BCE), unearthedin the Pools Complex"(p. 16). Coins often provide only a terminus post quem rather than an actual date of construction.
Indeed,coins of AlexanderJannaeusare very common at late Second Temple period sites in Judea and are known to have remainedin circulation at least throughthe reign of Herod the Great. Not surprisingly, most of the ceramic assemblagesfrom the Hasmoneanpalace complex date to its final period of occupation(p. 5). ElsewhereBarNathannotes that "few changes could be identifiedin the potteryfrom the various stages of the Hasmoneanpalace complex, a span of ca. 70-100 years" (p. 7). Bar-Nathannotes that EasternSigillata A and other importedwares are conspicuously absent from sites in Judea before the reign of Herod, perhapsdue to the culturalor religious climate under Hasmonean rule. Althougheleganttablewareis rarein the Hasmoneanpalaces at Jericho,there are a few examples of a locally-producedred-slipped ware that imitatesEasternSigillata A and was used as a substitutefor it. Although Bar-Nathandistinguishessome typological changes over the courseof the Hasmoneanperiod,it is only duringthe reignof Herod theGreatthatmajorchangesin theceramicrepertoireoccurred.According to Bar-Nathan,between about 15 and 6 BCE, a new series of local types was introduced,and importedamphorasand importedfine wares (includingEasternSigillata A) first appearat Jerichoand otherJudean sites. As Bar-Nathansuggests, this points to a "Romanization" of pottery types in Judea in the last two decades of the first century BCE. However,importsare relativelyrareeven at palatialsites in Judeaand seem to have been "a privilege of the aristocracy"(p. 202). Bar-Nathan'sdate for the introductionof these new local types and imported wares is pegged to Netzer's chronology. According to Netzer, Herod's Third Palace was built following Marcus Agrippa's visit to Judea in 15 BCE. Netzer bases this on Josephus'sreferenceto Herod's constructionof new palace buildings at Jericho, which he named after "his friends"(War 1:407). On the basis of this passage, Netzer identifiestwo of the receptionrooms in Herod's Third Palace
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as the Augusteum and Agrippaeum(as in Herod's palace in Jerusalem; see Netzer 2001, p. 9). Netzer claims that the style of the wall paintingsin Herod's ThirdPalace and the use of opus reticulatumin the construction(a Roman technology requiringimportedmaterials and probably Italian workmen) indicate that the Third Palace was constructedin the wake of Agrippa's visit (see Netzer 2001, pp. 9, 339-40). However,Netzer's date is only one possibility,as we do not know whether Josephus's passage refers to Herod's Third Palace. Even if this is the case, Josephus does not specify that Herod constructedthese buildings in the wake of Agrippa'svisit. Does the ceramic evidence support Netzer's date of 15 BCE for Herod'sThirdPalace?Unfortunately,Bar-Nathandoes not publishthe Terra Sigillata (including Eastern Sigillata A) or most of the other importedfine wares in this volume. These well-dated importswould providea meansof evaluatingNetzer'schronology.However,Bar-Nathan did illustrate these wares in her MA thesis (1988, P1. 28). As she noted there, the Eastern Sigillata A includes examples of the most commonlate Hellenistictypes, includingplates with a broadfloor and low, upturnedrim, and hemisphericalcups with a bevel at the base of the wall (Bar-Nathan1988, P1.28: 1-5). These types rangein date from the late second centuryto first centuryBCE, throughthe reign of Herod (see K. Slane Warner,"The Fine Wares,"in S.C. Herbert[ed.], Tel Anafa II, i. The Hellenistic and Roman Pottery [Ann Arbor:Journal of Roman ArchaeologySupplementarySeries 10, 1997], pp. 288-89 [TA Type 13, variants c-d]; pp. 309-10 [TA Type 25, variant b]). Therefore, the ceramic evidence neither confirms nor disproves Netzer's date of 15 BCE for Herod's ThirdPalace at Jericho.It is one possible date, but not the only one. Importedwares and new local types were introducedduring the course of Herod's reign, but the availableevidence from Jerichodoes not indicatethat this necessarily occurredin ca. 15 BCE. Althoughthe potteryand coins provideevidence for occupationor activity until the earthquakeof 48 CE, Bar-Nathannotes "signs of degeneration"in Herod's Second and Third Palaces. Here again she follows Netzer,who attributespossibledamagein a few roomsof Herod's ThirdPalace to a fire set by the slave Simon in 4 BCE (mentionedby Josephus;see Netzer2001, p. 10).FollowingJosephus'stestimony,Netzer attributesrepairs to the palace to Archelaus. The fact that only 37 coins dating between the years 6 and 48 CE were found in the excavations, together with an apparent drop in the amount of pottery
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recovered and the discovery of only four fragments of imported Romandiscus lamps suggest to me that these buildingswere no longer used or maintainedas palaces after Archelauswas removedfrom rule. Bar-Nathan's discussion is accompanied by four plans of the Hasmoneanand Herodianpalace complexes, which show the location of loci from which pottery is published. However, although she describes the stratigraphyof the "IndustrialZone" (Zone F), an area that was apparentlyconnectedwith the processingof crops grown on the Royal Estate, there is no accompanyingplan or means of determining its locationrelativeto the palaces. This informationis also not providedin Netzer, 2001, thoughon p. 335 he promisesthat the publication of the IndustrialZone is forthcomingin Volume II of this series. This is unfortunatebecause many of the examplesof ovoid jars and lids recoveredat Jericho(see below) come from this area. Readersof this journalare probablymost interestedin the parallels between the ceramic assemblagesat Jericho and Qumran.For example, assemblages of hundredsand even thousandsof plain, locallyproducedplates, bowls, and cups were discoveredin the Hasmonean palaces at Jericho, analogous to stores of the same ceramic types in L86 and Li 14 at Qumran.At Qumran,these assemblageswere discovered in storerooms(or pantries) associated with two communal dining rooms (see J. Magness, The Archaeologyof Qumranand the Dead Sea Scrolls [GrandRapids, MI: Eerdmans,2002], 116-26). At Jericho, most of these dishes were found in miqva'ot and swimming pools. Bar-Nathannotes that similardepositshave been found in miqva'ot in the Hasmoneanperiodhouses in Jerusalem'sUpper City and might reflect the eating customs and purity concerns of the royal/ priestly inhabitantsof Jerusalemand Jericho. This suggests that this populationhad purity concerns and practices similar to those of the Qumrancommunity(not surprisingin light of the priestly orientation of the sect). As Bar-Nathanobserves,"[t]heHasmoneanpalacecomplex was dominatedby priestlykingswho demandedcompliancewithHalachic laws and customs,while duringHerod'sreign the royal palace and its customs indicateda strong Roman influence,reflectingHerod's fondness for the Hellenisticworld and Roman culture"(p. 199). Anotherpoint of correspondencebetween Jerichoand Qumranconcerns the ovoid and cylindricaljars (the so-called "scrolljars")and the bowl-shapedlids used to cover them. A numberof jars of this type were found in Hasmoneanand Herodianperiod contexts at Jericho. However, there is only one example of the "classic" cylindricaljar
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that is common at Qumranand the nearbycaves (Bar-Nathan'sType J-SJ2B). It comes from "a Herodiancontext in Pool F176 of the ritual bath of Building FB1 in the IndustrialArea" (p. 25). All of the other examples are either ovoid jars (Type S-SJ2A), small cylindrical jars (Type J-SJ2C;only one complete example and several fragments were found in Herodian contexts in the IndustrialZone), or small ovoid jars (Type J-SJ2D). Bar-Nathanconfirmsmy observationthat ovoid jars representan earliertype or variantthat appearedin the first centuryBCE (but continuedinto the first centuryCE), whereascylindrical jars appearedtowardsthe end of the first centuryBCE (p. 27; see Magness 2002, 80-81). Bar-Nathanidentifies all of these variants (ovoid and cylindrical) as "Genizah"or "Archive"Storage Jars because of their association with the scrolls in the Qumran caves. However, I believe that ovoid jars representa regional type that was adopted by the Qumrancommunity(with the cylindricaljars representing an adaptationof this form) for the purposeof storingthe pure goods of the sect (not only scrolls but also pure food and drink;see Magness 2002, 85-89). Whereascylindricaljars are virtuallyunique to Qumran,ovoid jars have been found at other sites in the Dead Sea region (althoughthey are rare,with only one specimeneach from Ein Feshkha,Ein Boqeq, and Ein ez-Zara).In my opinion, it is inaccurate to describeovoid jars as "Archive"Storage Jars because even cylindricaljars were not always (and probablynot even usually) used for storing scrolls. In fact, the discovery of ovoid jars in industrialcontexts at Jerichosuggests that they were used for variouspurposes.On the other hand, the discoveryof jars associatedwith bowl-shapedlids at Jerichomight reflect the presenceof a groupwith purityconcerns similar to those of the Qumrancommunity(althoughon p. 91, BarNathannotes that bowl-shapedlids are "uncommonin Jericho"). Bar-Nathanattributesthe similaritiesbetween the Hasmoneanpottery of Jerichoand Qumran(and other sites) to local "schools"in the JerichoValley and Dead Sea region. Althoughthis suggests that there were connectionsbetween Qumranand other sites in the region (as I have noted elsewhere, the Qumranpotterswere clearly influencedby contemporarytrends),the presenceof a potters'workshopthroughout the existence of the sectarian settlement indicates that much of the potterywas manufacturedat the site. The same seems to be true at Jericho,where Netzer's excavationsbroughtto light a potters'kiln (of the final Herodianphase in the IndustrialZone), a lamp mold, and numerouswasters(see pp. 196, 199 and P1.VII. For a completecasserole from the kiln, see p. 176).
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In AppendixI, Bar-Nathanconsiders"TheProblemof the Existence of a Communityat QumranDuring the Reign of Herod the Great." Basedon comparisonswiththeJerichopottery,she concludesthatQumran was occupied after the earthquakeof 31 and through the reign of Herod the Great (for this suggestionbased on the context of the coin hoardfrom L120 at Qumran,see J. Magness,"The Chronologyof the Settlementat Qumranin the HerodianPeriod,"DSD 2 [1995]: 58-65). Unfortunately,throughoutthe rest of the volume, Bar-Nathancites de Vaux's dating. This creates unnecessaryconfusion, since assemblages that should be dated to Herod's reign (in particular,those from LI 14 and L130-135) are discussed by Bar-Nathanas if they date to before 31 BCE. For example, she states that the presenceof first centuryBCE Type J-BL5 bowls in L114 at Qumranindicatesthat "[t]he dating of the materialfrom QumranPeriodII might have to be revised"(p. 89). Thisstatementwill probablymuddythealreadymurkywaterssurrounding the archaeologyof Qumran.This confusion could have been avoided by dating the store of dishes from LI 14 and the vessels associated with the animal bone deposits in L130-135 to the reign of Herod, as I have suggested elsewhere. These dishes were apparentlyassociated with a communal dining room located above Llll, L120-123 (see Magness 2002, 125-26). Bar-Nathanseems to suggest that the pantry of dishes in L86 at Qumran(which she refers to by its Period II designation of L89) was not destroyedby the earthquakeof 31 BCE but dates to later in the reign of Herod: "one may attributethe finds in the latter locus (L89) to the first half of Herod's reign" (pp. 203-4). It is true that the carinatedplates from L86 appearto reflect Roman influenceor prototypes.However,carinatedplates of the late first century BCE and first centuryCE typically have a vertical rim instead of splayed rims like those from L86 (and, in fact, on p. 97 Bar-Nathan notes that the Qumranplates are not identicalto the Jerichoexamples, which first appearduringHerod's reign). In addition,the hundredsof hemisphericalcups from L86 (Bar-Nathan'sType J-BL5) representa first centuryBCE type with numerousparallelsfrom the Twin Palaces at Jericho. Furthermore,although Bar-Nathanidentifies a jug from L86 at Qumranas a type that appearedin Jerichoonly duringHerod's reign (her Type J-JGIC), the Qumranexample differs significantlyin the form of the rim and body. Therefore,I believe that based on the currentlyavailable evidence, the collapse of the pantry of dishes in L86 at Qumranshould still be associated with the earthquakeof 31 BCE and not with the destructionof the settlementtowardsthe end of Herod's reign (ca. 9/8 BCE or some time thereafter).
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My comments have been meant to clarify the implicationsof the Jerichopotteryfor our understandingof the settlementat Qumranand are not intendedas negative criticism.To the contrary,this is a firstrate ceramicpublicationwith a wealth of informationthat helps fill a gap in our knowledge of the Dead Sea region. Bar-Nathanis probathananyoneelse with theHasmoneanandHerodian bly better-acquainted period potteryof Judea, and her discussion is careful and thorough. We eagerly await her publicationof the potteryfrom Y. Yadin's excavations at Masada,which she promisesis forthcoming. Universityof NorthCarolinaat Chapel Hill
JODIMAGNESS
Salvationfor the RighteousRevealed:Jesus amid Covenantaland MessianicExpectationsin SecondTempleJudaism,by Ed Condra. AGJU 51. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Pp. xviii + 396. Price: ?102.00/ $122.00. ISBN 90-04-12617-1. In this new study of Jesus in the context of Second TempleJewish messianism,E. Condrasets out his basic argumentas follows: "Jesus' emphasison righteousnessboth made sense within the Judaismof his time and was able to point to a fuller sense more clearly understood afterthe furtherrevelationof his deathand resurrectionand the coming of the Spirit"(p. 7). After an introduction("Jesusand his Audience"), the main body of the book treats the Qumran material (especially 1QH, IQS and CD), where the focus is on the soteriologicalthemes of grace, sin, and obedience, seen within the frameworkof messianism. In the discussion of the Jewish literature(of which the ideas in the Qumran texts are seen as fairly representative) there are two prominentaspects.First,Condrasides with the growingconsensusthat obedienceto the Torahwas a criterionof salvationin Second Temple Judaism.Secondly,he aligns himself with W. Horburyand otherswho see messianic expectation as fairly widespreadat the time: there is "lively Messianism"not only at Qumran,but also among Jesus' audience (p. 269). The final chapterof the book ("Jesusthe Messiah of the Needed GreaterRighteousness")deals with Jesus' teaching,in particularin the Sermonon the Mount.In the case of Torah-observance and salvation,Condrapresses the notion that Jesus both appropriated the idea, but also extended the category of "righteousness."In terms of messianism,the argumentgoes thatJesus did not take on boardany C) KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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particularpre-existingmodel of a messianic figure, but adoptedelements from a numberof differentparadigms. The peculiarityof the book lies in the fact that it is really more of a systematic-theologicalwork than a strictlyhistoricalstudy. Condra's aim is to explain the apparentdifference between the theologies of Jesus and Paul, but he does this not throughseeking a rapprochement between the two patternsof thought,but by explainingthe differences on the basis of their situationsin two distinctrevelatoryeras. As the citation at the beginningof this review hints, the authorworks with a concept of divine accommodationwhereby Jesus limits himself to communicatingwith his audienceat a level which they can understand (p. 10, and passim). The essence of his message is that the Law must be obeyed, althoughin the course of this teaching,Jesus makes clear the need for a greater righteousness which comes from the heart, ratherthan mere conformityto halakhah.After the cross and resurrection, this teaching about the need for righteousnessto be reflected in the attitude of the heart then allows for the apostolic reflection which graspsthe full dimensionsof the teachingwhich had previously only been implicit.This had been plannedby Jesus: "this approachis predicatedupon Jesus being divine, with a knowledgeof the result of his ministryand the righteousnaturewhich his death and resurrection wouldaccomplish"(p. 292). Thus,theextensionby Jesusof righteousness of behaviourto include righteousnessof natureprovides a bridge to Paul's focus on forensic righteousness(p. 322). The attemptis courageous, but it is difficultto see how the solutionworks.It is by no means clear, from Condra'streatment,how these concepts of righteousness of nature and forensic righteousnessoverlap significantly(especially if Condra advocates the traditionalReformationdoctrine of imputed righteousnessas he does [p. 293]). Since the questionof the continuity between Jesus and Paul appearsto be such a major concern, it is unfortunatethat there is no treatmentof the Pauline material. On historicalissues in connectionwith Qumran,Condra'sconclusions are reliableenough. However,his treatmentsalmost invariablyconsist of synthesesof currentscholarship;thereare few examples of detailed exegesis of passages from Qumrantexts. Similarly,the use of secondary literaturein general consists of extended discussions of scholars who supportthe argumentsput forward,ratherthan of engagementin closely argueddebate. The argumentsadvancedare usually uncontroversial, and a good deal of space is occupied with the discussion of introductoryQumranissues (e.g., the treatmentof the origins of the
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communityon pp. 88-103). Overall, then, the centralchaptersmake little contributionto Qumranscholarship,althoughthe book is a brave attemptto see Jesus as one who consciously redrew the categoryof righteousnessin relation to himself in a way that was subsequently adoptedby Paul and the other early Christians. Universityof Aberdeen
SIMONGATHERCOLE
A ScriptureIndex to Charlesworth'sThe Old TestamentPseudepigrapha,by Steve Delamarter.London:SheffieldAcademic Press, 2002. Pp. viii + 99. Price: ?15.99. ISBN 0-8264-6431-9. Nearly 8,000 scripturalreferencesfrom the marginsand footnotes of the two volumes of the OTP are listed in this index. Perhaps because referencesto the books of the New Testamentare listed, they are orderedaccordingto the Christiancanon, and the Protestantone at that, since references to the books of the Apocryphaare not included. In orderto avoid the difficultyof also referringin each entry to either volume one or volume two, each volume of OTP is treated separately;as a result references in each biblical book have to be looked up in two places. As is well known and as is admittedin the Introduction,the quality and the quantityof referencesgiven in OTP for each pseudepigraphic work vary accordingto the approachof each contribution'seditor. At the least, as Delamarterpoints out, those interestedin the use of scripturein these works should also look at the section in the introductionto each contributionto OTP where the work's relation to the canonical books is usually commentedupon; referencesto scripturein these introductionsare not indexedhere. To complementthe index James H. Charlesworthhas provideda brief opening chapterin which he rightly points out that the relationship between the pseudepigraphaand scriptureis not always straightforward,since some pseudepigraphaantedatethe final form of some scripturalbooks and several may be dependentin places on a scripturaltext-typewhichdidnotbecomecanonical.Nevertheless,forCharlesworth it is clear that scripture forms the crucible from which the molten metal has been mouldedto form a wide range of new literature.Charlesworthalso offers valuableinsightsinto his editorialpolicy in OTP with regard to scripturalreferences:he deliberatelyencouraged contributorsto take a somewhatminimalistapproach. C KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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This slim volume will be immensely useful to all those concerned with the transmissionof scripturaltexts in the late Second Temple period and beyond. As the authorpoints out it should also serve all those who work with intertextualityin its many diverse forms. This index will no doubt act as a significantstartingpoint for those interested in the reflectionof scripturein the pseudepigrapha.In orderthat the false separationbetween the pseudepigraphaand the DSS may be overcome, perhapssomeone one day will compile an index to all the scripturalreferencesdiscernedin both the scrolls and all other extant early Jewish literature,includingthe works of Philo and Josephus(and even the New Testament). Universityof Manchester
GEORGE J. BROOKE
All the Glory of Adam:LiturgicalAnthropologyin the Dead Sea Scrolls, by Crispin H.T. Fletcher-Louis.STDJ 42. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Pp. xii + 546. E160.00/$190.00.ISBN 90-04-12326-1. In this bold revisionistreading of liturgicaltraditionsin the Dead Sea Scrolls Fletcher-Louis argues for two related theses: that the Qumrancommunity"believed that (1) in its original and redeemed state humanity is divine (and/or angelic)" and that (2) "those who enter the worship of the communityexperiencea transferfrom earth to heaven, from humanityto divinity and from mortalityto immortality" (p. 476). This belief derives,in his view, from an ancientIsraelite understandingof the temple as a microcosmof the universe.It is not merely the place where heaven and earth meet but in some sense is the totality of heaven and earth (p. 62). The high priest in his distinctive vestments is a literal embodimentof the Glory of God and "withinthe temple-as-microcosmtheatre[he plays the role] that God plays within creation"(p. 63). The first three chaptersexamine the notion of divine humanityand priestly angelomorphismin late Second Temple texts. Chaptersfour throughseven consider the evidence for these concepts in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Extended reinterpretationsof the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice and the War Scroll are offered in chapters eight through twelve. In chapter1 Fletcher-Louisbuildson recentresearchconcerningdepictions of the righteous, the messiah, or the mystic in angelic/divine C) Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
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terms.In several of the texts the descriptionsare strikingand explicit, e.g., Moses in Ezekiel the Tragedian'sExagoge, Adam in The Life of Adam and Eve, Jacob in the Prayerof Joseph.But Fletcher-Louisalso argues that essentially the same angelomorphictraditionsare present in Sirach and Jubilees.Thus the descriptionof Moses in Sir. 44:2345:5, "He made him like the angels in glory"(45:2) is takenas a witness to Moses' actual deification(p. 8), and the statementthat "He chose him from all flesh" (45:4b) as implyingboth a spatial transfer of Moses to heaven and an ontologicaltransformation(p. 9). That is not the most obvious interpretationof the text but depends upon the assumption that Sirach's understandingof Moses is essentially the same as that depicted in the Exagoge, where Moses is explicitly enthronedin heaven(p. 7). Concerningthe blessingof Levi in Jub. 31:14 Fletcher-Louismakes a similar argumentabout the phrase"from all flesh" and takes the phrases "as the angels of the presence ... like them" not as comparisonsbut as assertionsof the ontological transformationof Levi and his descendants. In chapter2, Fletcher-LouisinterpretsNoah's miraculousappearance at birth in the Epistle of Enoch and the Genesis Apocryphonas specifically priestly angelomorphism.Although the teachings associated with Noah clearly pertainto priestlythemes, the functionof the wondrous birth is less clear, and other scholars have interpretedit quite differently, as Fletcher-Louishimself notes (p. 38). His own argumentdependson the use of solar imagery,which he comparesto the descriptionof Simon the Just in Sirach 50 (p. 46), and the suppositionthat the referenceto the house of Noah's parentssymbolically alludes to the temple (p. 47). Comparisonswith other miraculous births (pp. 49-53) are similarlybased on debatablepatternsof inference. Though suggestive, Fletcher-Louis'sargumentsfall short of the "overwhelmingbody of evidence"(p. 53) he claims. The heart of chapter 3 is the interpretationof the descriptionof Simon the Just in Sirach50 as the literalembodimentof God's Glory (p. 72) and the incarnationof divine Wisdom (p. 74). Fletcher-Louis demonstratesthe intertextualallusions to Ezek. 1:28 and Sirach 24, but is he warrantedin the assumptionthat such allusions are to be taken as assertions of a transformedangelomorphicidentity for the high priest?Fletcher-Louisfails to inquireinto the variousfunctions that languagemay have (e.g., poetic analogy, hyperbolicflattery),but assumes that in all cases the language serves primarilyto refer to a fully formed and consistent ideology concerningpriestly angelomor-
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phism. This tendencyweakens the force of his argumentconsiderably. Concerningthe Qumranmaterials,Fletcher-Louisrightlypresses the question of what communionwith the angels in the Hodayot implies for the community'sunderstandingof the natureof its humanity(pp. 105-7) and sees in 4QInstruction'scontrastbetween "peopleof spirit" and"spiritof flesh"the possibilityof two typesof humanity(pp. 114-15). But his treatmentof other texts can be tendentious,as, for example, his claim that in 4QDibHam"you createdus for your Glory"is to be understoodas an assertionthat "Israelis to be the Glory of God (pp. 93-94). Similarly,thoughFletcher-Louismakes the case that Moses is strikingly compared to angels (4Q377 1) and described in godlike terms in his dealings with Pharaoh and the Israelites (4Q374), his desire to see in these texts a Moses who is "viewed as a transformed humanwho is no longer confinedto the realm of flesh" (p. 142) goes beyond the evidence. The texts examined for the discussion of priestly angelomorphism (Chap. 6) are of mixed value. Several are too broken or obscure for certainty. The most explicit text is 4Q545 1 i 1+2+3 (Visions of Amram),which does appearto apply divine and angelic language to Aaron.Morerelevantto the self-understanding of the sectariancommunity, however,are the two versionsof the GlorificationHymn,4Q491c and 4Q427 7 1-ii, which specifically claim for the speaker a place among the heavenly beings. Fletcher-Louisrightly questionswhether 4Q491c refers to a future eschatologicalstate. Certainly4Q427 does not, thoughit is far less extravagantin its claims. These are significant texts for his thesis.His argumentfor realizedeschatologyin the blessing of the priest in IQSb, however, amountsto special pleading(p. 161). A fragmentfrom the Songs of the Sage (4Q511 35) may speak of the humanpriesthoodin angelic terms or at least of a mixed community of angels and humans, though Fletcher-Louisconcedes that the text probably refers to an eschatological future (p. 176). In Chapter 7 Fletcher-Louismakes a strongcase for the fascinationthat the priestly breastplateand the Urim and Thummimexercised on the Qumranic imagination,althoughin my opinionhis particularinterpretations overstate the "ontology" of the divine presence that the shining of the stones represent. Obviously, it is difficult to assess objectively the arguments of someone who offers a stronglyrevisionistreadingof one's own interpretationof a major text! I find myself intriguedthough largely not persuadedby Fletcher-Louis's readingof the SabbathSongs.ForFletcher-
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Louis the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice are not about an angelic priesthoodwhich the Qumrancommunityjoins as "mysticalvoyeurs" (p. 255), but a full participationof an angelomorphichuman priesthood in the heavenly world. Ratherextraordinarily,he takes most of the termsordinarilyunderstoodas referringto angels (Krtn, Dtr'it, tK, etc.) as actuallyreferringto these exalted humans(p. 278). Rightly, Fletcher-Louisquestionswhetherlanguagethat uses moral and cultic categories of obedience/disobedienceand purity/impurity can properlybe applied to the angels and invoked in relationto the establishmentof an angelic ratherthan a humanpriesthoodin Sabbath Song 1 (pp. 288-89). But to reject the notion of heavenly laws that regulate angelic conduct and purity, as he does, is to overlook the implications of the Enochic traditions,which are deeply concerned with the problemsof angelic disobedienceand consequentimpurity, and the referencesin Jubilees to aspects of torahobservedin heaven as well as on earth. In this context the developmentof speculation about an angelic priesthood concerned with angelic obedience and purityhas a logical place. Still, Fletcher-Louishas raisedan important question that deserves furtherattention.Similarly,he argues that the blessings in Songs 6/8, which often name the moral qualities of the recipientsin language similar to that which the Qumrancommunity elsewhere uses to refer to itself should be understoodas addressedto humans(p. 315). This is certainlypossible, thoughthe claim that the speakers,the seven chief and deputyprinces,are also humanis much more problematicfor the reasons given below. Fletcher-Louisis rightthat the first personpluralirruptionof speech in the second song that talks about human insufficiencyvis-a-vis the angelic priesthoodis to be taken as a preludeto a sense of God's graciousness in granting humans a place in the heavenly world (pp. 307-8). But if he were correctthat the overcomingof the "we/they" gap warrantsunderstandingmuch of the rest of the songs as referring to the exalted Qumranpriesthood,why does the first person plural grammaticalform disappear?It is difficultto understandwhy the community would refer to itself in the first person plural once and then refer to itself as "they"/'them"for the rest of the composition.Also, since Fletcher-Louis is elsewhere so concerned to seek out direct Qumranliteratureparallels, he should be troubled by the fact that there is no parallel to the division of the Qumranpriesthood into seven "councils"/leaders, as is the priesthooddescribedin the Sabbath
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Songs. In other Qumran texts the human priestly bureaucracy is divided into twelve units (so 1QM 2:1; cf. 4Q511 [Songs of the Sage] 2 i 7-8), accordingto the numberof the tribesof Israel.Althoughone hesitates to refer to the "plain sense" of a text as obscure as the SabbathSongs, it still seems more likely that most of the references to "godlikebeings" and "angels"should be taken in their usual sense and that the seven priesthoodsare angelic ones. As Freud is reputed to have said, sometimesa cigar is just a cigar. In his interpretationof the War Scroll Fletcher-Louisminimizesthe seeinginstead of mostinterpretations, heaven/earthdualismcharacteristic "the greateremphasison the Israelitesthemselves as agents of God's power" (p. 401). The heart of his argumentis the homology established between God and Israel throughthe paired questions in IQM 10:8-9, "Who is like you, 0 God of Israel?"and "Who is like your people Israel?"(p. 406). More provocativelyhe reinterpretsMichael as "not simply Israel's principal guardian angel, but ... her secret name, carrying in himself her vocation and privileged God-like-ness" (p. 411). Thus he suggests that the phrase RtV'D nr-n be renderednot as the "authorityof Michael"but as the "serviceof Michael,"i.e., an allusion to "Israel,particularlyher priesthood,in its cultic space and liturgicalmode" (p. 463). In this chapteras elsewhere Fletcher-Louis often points up ways in which scholarshiphas glossed over interpretive difficulties,but his own proposalsoften seem even more forced. One cannot read this book without thinkingof Isaiah Berlin's distinctionbetween the two types of scholarlyintellect:the hedgehogand the fox ("The fox knows many things, but the hedgehog knows one great thing"). Fletcher-Louisis a quintessentialhedgehog. He knows one great thesis. This is both the strengthof his book and its flaw. Positively, the power of his idea allows him to look at texts whose interpretationhas long been "decided"and to read them anew-often generatingsignificantnew exegetical insights.But negatively,the overwhelming attachmentto his thesis causes him to read preconceived ideas into many texts that do not supportthem, giving his interpretation an often tendentiousquality. The notion of angelomorphismat Qumrandeserves a closer look, but the argumentspresentedhere will requirecareful sifting to separatewheat from chaff. CandlerSchool of Theology
CAROLA. NEWSOM
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Readingfor Historyin the DamascusDocument:A Methodological Study,by MaxineL. Grossman.STDJ45. Leiden:Brill, 2002. Pp. xiv + 258. Price: E75.00/$89.00.ISBN 90-04-12252-4. This volume is a revised version of a Universityof Pennsylvania doctoraldissertationwhich applies a new, "alternative"historiography to a long-knownQumrantext, with richly significantresults. Chapterone, "Methodology:Toward a Literary-CriticalHistoriography,"begins with the premisethat the more complex a text is, the wider the varietyof possible interpretations open to an audiencewhich "mobilizes"the text for its own purposes-a process that may lead to understandingsunintendedby the author.Grossmanlays out a method informedby deconstruction,reader-responsecriticism, intertextuality, social-scientificinsights, and the study of foundationdocumentsand sectariantheory, which has the goal of providinga way to read the DamascusDocumentand similartexts which leads to a historiography nourishedby their very multivalence. Chaptertwo, "Two Test Cases," offers readings of two Qumran texts. The first reads the Damascus Documentwith attentionto how issues of gender function in the text. The communitydescribedin it is consistently referred to by masculine plural grammaticalforms, which in Hebrew can refer either to males exclusively or to a mixed group of males and females. This ambiguityopens a range of possible originalsocial parametersfor the group:it could have been a communitywhose authoritywas vested in marriedmen; one in which both men and women held positionsof authority;or one in which some of the readerswere celibate men living apart from women. Interpretations by later audiencesneed not have been the same as the author's intent:they could have been eithermoreor less egalitarian.The second readingoffers imaginableunderstandingsof 4QMMTas a real public or privateletter,a retrospectiveintracommunaltreatisethat presentsa memoryor traditionabouta long-pastevent (perhapscomparablewith some of the pseudo-Paulineliterature),and an entirelyfictionalpiece of literature.Latergenerationscould have read it as an instructionaltext, as a doctrinallycompatiblecompanion-pieceto the DamascusDocument, or as a work for personal devotion, and each reading would "foreground"and "background" differentelements of the text. Chapter three, "History and Time in the Damascus Document," looks at a range of potentialoriginal meaningsof the opening three "admonitions"of the Damascus Documentand their view of history ? KoninklijkeBfill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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and time. The second admonitionpresentsa sharpdichotomybetween imperfecthumansand the atemporalperfectionof God, but offers the former special knowledge as a key to accessing the latter, and uses strategicgrammaticalforms and biblical terminologyto drive the point home. The agenda of the first is to merge the universaland national biblical history with the covenanters'narrative,in order to establish the covenantersas the true remnantor even the new Israel. To this end it deliberatelymakes terms such as "Israel"ambiguous, giving them a positive or negative connotationas ideologically expedient in context. The third admonition repeats key grammatical forms and applies an "accordion-fold"patternto history, which compressesthe descriptionof ideologically insignificantevents while expandingthat of crucial ones, in order to presentthe whole of human history as a single, cyclical transgression,one which only the esoteric wisdom of the convenanterscan break. Thus differentstrategies toward history and time are used to bring home a fairly narrowrange of lessons. Chapter four, "Reading for History and Time in the Damascus Document,"extends the analysis of the same three passages to possible readingsby a range of both contemporaryand later audiences.The focus is on the key chronologicalevidence in cols 1 and 20, which refers crypticallyto periods of three hundredand ninety, twenty, and forty years in the history of the sect. These could be understoodin various ways dependingon whetherthe focus of the readeris on the covenant community, internal schisms, or an imminent eschaton. If M. Boyce's view of the redactionalhistoryof the openingpoem is correct and most of it is original, these numbersmay give valuable historical informationabout the community'sorigins;but if P.R. Davies is correctto find much secondarymaterial,the text in our hands may reflect an internalschism which led to a pesher-likereworkingof the text. Later readings could also foreground a wide array of issues dependingon the ideology of the audience.For example, readerswho also knew the Pesher to Habakkukmay have drawn on its col. 7 to help come to terms with the delay of the eschaton anticipatedin the DamascusDocument. Chapterfive, "Reading for Identity in the Damascus Document," focuses on the themes of priesthoodand exile as workings out of the centralissue of communalidentityin the DamascusDocument.Again, differentpossible readingsare offered:that of an original audienceof actual disaffected Zadokite priests who saw themselves as the true remnant; that of non-Zadokite Aaronids who would highlight the
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authorityof Aaronidswhile downplayingthe Zadokiteelement;or that of lay people or a mixtureof lay people and priestswho would have used the righteousnesslanguagein the work as groundsfor takingthe referencesto Zadokitesas metaphorical,and used the royal imagery as a foil to those references.Audienceswho read the DamascusDocument and 1QS side-by-side might have understoodthe Zadokitesas metaphoricalreferencesto the membersof the communityas a whole in the imminent endtime if the Damascus Document held primary authority,but if primaryauthoritywas vested in IQS, they mighthave used the DamascusDocumentas furthersupportfor the literal leadership of the Zadokites.These and otherreadingsillustratethe pointthat any history constructedfrom these texts must read them critically in terms of ideology ratherthan mining them for historicalnuggets. Chaptersix, "Conclusionsand Challenges,"gives a last set of readings, this one of medieval audiences,whetherKaraitesor others. For example, such readersmight have read CD 3:10-13 as describinga cycle of sinful history in which the rabbinicmovementnow took its place as the transgressors,or applied the theme of exile in the work to their own situationin Cairo, Damascus, or even Jerusalemunder foreign rule. In general, ancient and medieval exegetes reading the DamascusDocumentas a foundationdocumentwould have neededto mobilize it on behalf of the power and leadershipstructuresthey supportedin a way that seemed obvious and natural.Modem historians face a similarneedto findplausiblemeaningsforsuchtexts,andGrossman concludesthat they must come to termswith the fact that our accounts of history are inconclusive and contingent;that a text can take on many meanings during its transmission;that they should avoid both "atomistic"interpretations, which naively seize on details in isolation, and "harmonistic"interpretations,which combine atomistic readings of multipletexts; and that our analysis should focus as much on the lifetime of the text in the hands of differentaudiencesas on any original meaning.
Grossman'swork is a majorcontributionnot only to our understanding of the DamascusDocument,but also to any attemptat exegesis of the texts from the Qumranlibrary or reconstructionof the history behind those texts. Her methodcombines philologicalanalysis with a close and sensitive readingthat marshalsthe gains of poststructuralist and postmodernapproacheswhile purgingtheirobscurantismand pretension. By makinga virtue of the multivalenceof the Qumrandocuments (and, by implication,many otherancientworks), she shows that
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previous attempts at understandingthem in their historical context have frequentlybeen naive and even shallow, and she opens the door to a new historiographythat superimposesa range of viable original meanings on a text while tracing shifts in its potentialmeaning as it is encounteredby lateraudiences.Thepayoffis immediateandsignificant: negatively,we see the inadequatefoundationof the traditionalhistory of (code-) names,events, and dates,while positively,our analysisgains in both rigor and richness. All that said, I do have some criticismsand suggestionsfor refinement of the method.Grossmanhas a gift for vivid technicalterminology that usually advancesthe discussionratherthan obscuringit (and the concepts of "foregrounding" and "backgrounding" are particularly useful), but she is clearly stretchingto find the right language for the concepts and some attempts(such as "wormhole"on p. 114) are less than successful. The term "author/editor(s)" covers all the bases but, frankly,it is ugly, and I preferJ. Neusner's"authorship," whateverits baggage. More substantively,the method needs clear criteriafor formulatingand evaluatingimaginedreadings.Some readings(e.g., those involving ancientastronauts)would clearly be out of court,but Grossman does not explicitlygive us parametersfor decidingwhat is a possible readingand what is not. One of her approachesis to explore the implicationsof a numberof contradictorysolutions alreadyproposed by scholarsas unitaryreadings,but she does not limit herself to these, nor should she. Another approachwould be to generate readings on thebasisof close analogiesknownto be historicalforothertexts,although as far as I can tell, she does not do this. The whole issue needs a careful treatmentin the future. I should also note in passing that some early copies of this book were printedwith an error in the subtitle. The correctsubtitleis given above. This is one of the most importantbooks written on the Dead Sea Scrolls in recent years. Grossmanhas pulled firmly on a strandthat may unravelthe entire garmentof the "history"of the Qumran"community."It will be very interestingto see what can be done with the heap of thread. Universityof St. Andrews
JAMESR. DAVILA
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Qumran Cave 4. XXVI: Cryptic Texts and Miscellanea, Part 1, by
Stephen J. Pfann, Philip Alexander, Magen Broshi, and others. DJD 36. Oxford:ClarendonPress, 2000. Pp. xvi + 739; 49 plates. ?65.00. ISBN 0-19-827017-8. This substantialvolume, to which no less than thirty-threescholars have contributed,containsa very interestingcollectionof fragmentsof Aramaicand Hebrew texts from QumranCave 4. It is true that few of the fragmentsare of any size, that almost all of the texts have been known, at least by report,for some time, and that there is nothingin the volume of the significance,say, of 4QInstruction,the fragmentsof which were publishedin 1999 and which prior to that time had only relatively recently become widely known to scholars. But the fragments in the presentvolume are of considerableinterest,whether in their own right, or because their publicationhas made available the remainderof the manuscriptevidence of a work alreadyfairly wellknown, or because they provide,despite often being quite small, further evidence for beliefs attestedin otherdocumentsfound at Qumran. The contentsof the volume are divided into three unequalparts:miscellaneous texts, of which the Enochic fragmentsform the most substantialgroup;threeostraca;and texts writtenin the so-called Cryptic A script.The fragmentsof the miscellaneoustexts take up more than two thirdsof the volume and representthe remainsof nearly seventy manuscripts,and it is not possible-and indeed not appropriate-to discuss every one of these. What follows are commentson some of the more importanttexts and on the issues that they raise. The Aramaic fragments of the Book of Watchers, the Book of Giants, and the AstronomicalBook included in the present volume complete the publicationof the Enochic materialfound at Qumran. The seven minute fragmentsof 4QEnochaar (4Q201), which Milik left out of his edition of the Aramaic Enoch (The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumrdn Cave 4 [Oxford: Clarendon Press,
19761) and are here edited by L. Stuckenbruck,add little to our knowledge of the text of the Book of Watchers.But Stuckenbruckis also responsiblefor the editions of two manuscriptsof the Book of Giants (4QEnochGiantsaand f ar [4Q203 and 4Q206 2-3]), and for re-editionsof four other manuscriptsof this work (1Q23, IQ24, 2Q26, 6Q8), and these do providea good deal of new materialto consider. (Stuckenbruck publisheda monographon this materialin 1997 entitled The Book of Giants from Qumran [TSAJ 63; Tubingen: Mohr Siebeck,
C Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also available online - www.brill.nl
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1997].) To complete the picture,it should be noted that other manuscripts of the Book of Giants (4Q530-533) were edited by E. Puech and included,togetherwith commentson one or two of the fragments edited by Stuckenbruck,in DJD 31 (2001). The Book of Giants represents an early elaborationof the myth of the watchers,as known to us from 1 Enoch 6-16, which focuses on the story of their offspring, the giants. Milik included a preliminaryedition of 4Q203 and of fragments from some other manuscriptsof the Book of Giants in The Books of Enoch. Milik argued in that book that at Qumranthe Enochic texts were divided into two volumes, the Astronomical Book and an Enochic tetrateuchconsisting of the Book of Watchers,the Book of Giants, the Book of Dreams,and the Epistle of Enoch, and this view formed a key element in his reconstructionof the literarygenesis of the Book of Enoch. 4Q204 (4QEnochcar) contains fragmentsof the Book of Watchers,the Book of Dreams, and the Epistle, but Milik argued on palaeographicgrounds that the fragmentsof the Book of Giants in 4Q203 formed part of the same manuscriptas 4Q204 and belonged in the second place, thus providingmaterialevidence for the existence of the tetrateuch.(A similar argumentwas also adoptedin the case of the fragments of 4Q206.) In his treatment of 4Q203 Stuckenbruckcautiouslyleaves open the questionof the codicological associationof the fragmentsof 4Q203 and 4Q204 (pp. 9-10), but on p. 46 he states: "Enoch does play an importantrole in the Book of Giants as a dream interpreter,and for this reason it is likely that the Book of Giants was transmittedalongside other Enochic works in the same manuscript(i.e. 4Q203-204 and 4Q206)." However,the palaeographicevidence is at best ambiguous,and it seems unlikely that the fragmentsof 4Q203 and 4Q204 do belong in the same scroll. Equally it is unlikely that 4Q206 2-3 form partof the same manuscriptas the other fragmentsof 4Q206, and Puech gives fragments2-3 a separate siglum, 4Q206a (cf. DJD 31, pp. 111-13). It seems best to leave the Book of Giants out of accountin any attemptto reconstructthe literary genesis of the Book of Enoch itself. As comparedwith the earliereditions, Stuckenbruckprovidessome valuable new readings, placements of fragments,and interpretations for the manuscriptsof the Book of Giants whose fragmentshe here edits (4Q203, 4Q206 2-3) or re-edits (1Q23, 1Q24, 2Q26, 6Q8). Not all his new readings are totally convincing, however, and Puech's readingsof 4Q206 3, for example,seem more plausible(see his edition
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of 4Q206 3 in DJD 31, pp. 111-13, where it is given the siglum 4Q206a 1; cf. also pp. 17-18 for 4Q203 1). Milik's treatmentof the AstronomicalBook in his The Books of Enoch was not dissimilarto his treatmentof the Book of Giants.Thus he provideda generalintroductionto all four manuscriptsthat contain the AstronomicalBook (4QAstronomicalEnochal ar [4Q208-211]), virtually complete editions of 4Q210-211, but only of some of the fragmentsof 4Q209, and nothing from 4Q208. The manuscriptsand fragments of the Astronomical Book that Milik published corresponded,almostwithoutexception,to partsof 1 Enoch 76-79 and 82, while the materialthat he did not publish(apartfrom 4Q209 7 and a few lines of 4Q209 6 as examples)belongedto the synchronisticcalendar.This calendarstandsat the beginningof the AstronomicalBook in 4Q209, but the Ethiopic version preservesonly a much curtailed, and somewhatincoherent,summaryof it in 1 Enoch 73:1-74:9. In the presentvolume E. Tigchelaarand F. Garcia Martinezhave provided an excellent introductionto the synchronisticcalendarand an edition of all the fragmentsof 4Q208-209 (includingthose from 4Q209 of which Milik gave preliminaryeditions).4Q208, which is the oldest of the four manuscriptsof the AstronomicalBook and is datedto the end of the thirdor the beginningof the second centuryBCE, containsonly fragmentsthat belong to the synchronisticcalendar,and Tigchelaar and Garcia Martinez,following the earliercommentof Milik, rightly observe that it cannot be ruled out that it only containedthis calendar. Apartfrom anythingelse, this does raise rathersharplythe question of the preciserelationshipof the synchronisticcalendarto the rest of the AstronomicalBook, which is ratherdifferentin characterfrom the synchronisticcalendar,just as in the case of othermanuscriptsand texts from Qumranthe question of the relationshipof the different partsto one anotherneeds to be considered,for example the question of the relationshipof the calendarto the remainderof 4QMMT. Within the penumbraof Enochic literatureit is appropriateto refer here also to 4Q247, which the editor, M. Broshi, describes as "4QPesheron the Apocalypse of Weeks." Broshi follows the broad lines of interpretationalready put forward by Milik (The Books of Enoch,p. 256), butgoes beyondMilikin usingthetechnicalterm"pesher" to describethe work. Broshijustifies this by the use of the term in an extendedsense in 4Q180, but unlike that work 4Q247 contains nothing of the technicallanguagecharacteristicof the genre. But the character and purposeof the work to which this small fragmentbelonged
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remainenigmatic,not least in view of the fact that it appearsto cover threeof the ten weeks of world historywithin the space of seven lines. Questionsof genre are also raised by 4Q248. This text was previously describedas "Acts of a GreekKing,"but the editors in the present volume (Broshi and E. Eshel) make a plausiblecase for the view that it is a genuine historicalwork that formedpart of an apocalypse. They argue that the main part of the fragmentrefers to events of the reign of Antiochus IV and interpretthe last lines that can be read (lines 8b-10) as marking,like Dan. 11:40-45 in the context of Daniel 11, the turning point from vaticinium ex eventu to genuine prophecy.
However, their reconstructionof the fragmentwould appearto produce lines of somewhatunequallength, and line 9, which is important for their case, but where they state that their reconstructionis "certain," would appearto be rathershort. It is to be regrettedthat the questionof the length of the lines is not discussed. A number of texts, amongst which may be included 4Q215a, 4Q285, 4Q458, 4Q468g, 4Q471, and 4Q475, are of interestbecause of their concern with eschatology and messianism.The largest fragment of 4Q4215a, one of the more substantialpieces in the present volume, describesthe end of the periodof wickedness( rpnilrP) and the dawning of the time of righteousness(pmzt MD),but because the introductionto the document has not survived, it is difficult to go beyond the descriptionof the text given by the editors(E. Chazonand M. Stone) as a "poetic eschatological work;" 4Q475 (4QRenewed Earth),of which the editor is T. Elgvin, is also cast in poetic form. The fragmentsof 4Q458 are of particularinterestbecause of their messianic concern. They refer to one or more messianic figures: an individualwho is "anointedwith the oil of kingship"(4Q458 2 ii 6), apparentlya royal messiah; a figure called "the beloved" (4Q458 1 1-2), possibly a priestly messiah (cf. 4Q471b la-d 7); and a figure called "the first angel" (4Q458 1 8). It is apparentlythis angel who is said (4Q458 1 9) to have "struck the tree of evil." The editor (E. Larson) suggests the possibility of a connectionwith the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, which seems unlikely, or the possibility that the tree is "a tree that is in some way connectedto pagan worship."It may be wonderedwhetherthe imageryis not rathertaken from Ezekiel 31. The fragmentsof several manuscriptsare to be related to the War Scroll or to its ideology, of which 4Q285 (4QSefer ha-Milhamah, editedby P. Alexanderand G. Vermes)is the best knownbecauseof its
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referencesto "the Branchof David"and "the Princeof the Congregation" (4Q285 7). Anothercopy of this text is to be found in 11Q14. The three small fragmentsof 4Q471 also belong to a work relatedto the War Scroll to which the editors (E. Eshel and H. Eshel) give the title "4QWarScroll-likeText B." 4Q471 1 appearsin fact to represent a shorterand earlier version of lQM col. 2 or 4QMd. It is appropriate also to mentionhere 4Q468g, the one fragmentof which lists several towns and a people, and mentionswaging war and a greatplague. Although it is difficult to define the precise purpose of the text to which the fragmentbelonged, the editor (A. Lange) argues plausibly that it refers to God's eschatologicalwar. He comparesthe list with the one in 1QM 2:10-14. There are several other texts in this volume that deserve mention, but here it must suffice simply to refer to two groups of manuscripts and one other manuscript.The fragmentsof 4Q331-333 (edited by J. Fitzmyer)are not very large or numerous,but have attractedattention for a long time because of their referencesto known historical figures.4Q408 (4QApocryphonof Mosesc?),of which the editoris A. Steudel,is anothercopy of the work known from 1Q29 and 4Q376. It is of interest,amongstother things, because of the descriptionit contains of the two preciousstones on the ephod of the high priest(Exod. 28:9-12) and of their oracularshining in a ritual (cf. Josephus,Ant. 3:214-15). Finally, there are several texts in this volume that are apparentlysapientialin character.This is clearly the case for 4Q424 (editedby S. Tanzer)and probablyalso for the small fragment4Q294 (edited by E. Tigchelaar). This status has also been claimed for 4Q419, to which its editor (Tanzer)gives the title 4QInstruction-like CompositionA, but this is less certaindespite one strikingverbalparallel to two phrasesthat occur in 4QInstruction.But 4Q419 is also of interest because it uses terminology that occurs elsewhere in texts recognised to be sectarianor pre-sectarian.Although there are very few texts in this volume that can be describedas sectarian,4Q419 is one of a numberof texts of differentkinds within the volume that appear to be pre-sectarian,that is to representthe viewpoint of the wider movementfrom which the Qumransect emerged. Three ostracafrom KhirbetQumranare includedin this volume, of which the most importantis KhQ1. This ostracon,which was found at Qumranin 1996, has attractedattentionbecauseof the apparentreference within it to the sectariancommunity,the yahad. The ostracon is a draft or copy of a deed of gift, and the editors (F.M. Cross and
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E. Eshel) argue that it deals with the assignmentof the propertyof the donor to the community on his entering the community or his fulfilmentof his year as a neophyte. Crucial to this interpretationis their readingof line 8 as nmr r*mm, which they translateas "when he fulfils (his oath) to the community."However, this reading has been questioned,and so far as the key word -WT' is concerned,it does depend on the assumptionthat for the het a cursive form was used, which, althoughattested in contemporaryinscriptions,is not used in any of the other eleven occurrencesof het in KhQl. It must remain uncertainwhetherthis ostracondoes refer to the sectariancommunity. The last fifteen (of the forty-nine)plates in the volume are devoted to papyrusfragmentson which the writing is in the so-called Cryptic A script, and S.J. Pfann provides an edition of these in the final part of the volume. There are some two hundredand sixty fragmentsin total, and the vast majorityare very small, if not minute, althougha few are a little larger.It has been recognisedfor some time that several of the fragmentsbelong to the halakhicwork known as Midrash Sefer Moshe, and the edition of these fragments(includingthreeof the fragmentsof this work of which a photographonly is given on plate XLIX of the presentvolume) has been publishedby Pfann in DJD 35. Throughthe use of a computersearch-enginedevelopedby him and a careful examinationof the palaeographyof the fragmentsand of the physical characterof the papyrus,Pfann maintainsthat it is possible to assign some of the fragmentsto differentmanuscripts,and to show that more than one hundredpapyrusmanuscriptsare represented.He argues on palaeographicgrounds that all the manuscriptsdate from the second century BCE. Several of the fragmentsinclude quotations from Leviticus, and twenty-threeof the fragmentsare held to represent no less than nine manuscriptsof the Rule of the Congregation (4Q249a-i, 4Qpap cryptA Serekh ha-'Edah). Pfann suggests that, despite their small size, the fragmentscast light on the redactionhistory of the Rule of the Congregation,and this is one of the many issues raised by this volume that deserve furtherconsideration. King's College London
MICHAEL A. KNIBB
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Les manuscritsde la Mer Morte et le Judai'sme,by LawrenceH. Schiffman;trans.by Jean Duhaime.Quebec:Fides, 2003. Pp. 546. ?32.00. ISBN 3-762-12412-3. The handsomevolume underreview is a translationof Schiffman's original book entitledReclaimingthe Dead Sea Scrolls, publishedin 1994 (Philadelphia/Jerusalem: The Jewish PublicationSociety). Translating a scientificwork is a thanklesstask but of crucial importance. Jean Duhaime,a Qumranscholar in his own right, is thereforeto be thankedfor the fine translationhe has placedat the disposalof Frenchspeakingreaders.He thus fills a gap in updatedand reliable publications available in that language. Indeed, the choice of this particular book for translationis a happy one and the volume has not lost its usefulness, spark and vividness. Writtenin a fluent style, the monographoffers a good introductionto the majorQumranissues, which is still valid and may be read with profitby scholarsas well as general readers. However, the decade which separatesthe original publicationfrom the presenttranslationis a long stretchof time in the fast changingscenery of Qumranresearch.The lapse of time is especially felt with regard to several issues. The original volume was written under the impact of the first informationabout the so-called MiqsatMa'ase haTorah(4QMMT).Writtenas a letterto a groupof opponentsand their leader,4QMMTadmitsto a breakfrom the majorityof Israelbecause of halakhic controversies.Strikingly,the documentdefends halakhic positionsknownfrom the Mishnahto be Sadducean,while at the same time it contests Pharisaicpositions. In the English original Schiffman was one of the first,following Y. Sussmann,to arguethat the community describedby the Qumranscrolls was Sadduceanin origin rather than made up of Essenes who had branchedoff from the Hasidim,as the commonview would pictureit. The formulationof this positionis one of the significant contributionsSchiffmanmade to the ongoing discussionon the origins of the scrolls' community.The presenttranslation has done well to renderthis chapterin its initial form (pp. 92106), for it presentsan importantstance in the scholarlydebateon the origins of the Qumrancommunity.However, more than a decade has elapsed since this chapter was written and Schiffman has certainly modifiedhis position, at least regardingsome aspects of it. The occasion offered by the publicationof the French version was unfortunately not used to supplementthe chapterwith an update.Moreover, i KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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since the initial publicationof the English version a whole new corpus of Qumransapientialtexts has surfaced,and additionalstudies on the so-called parabiblicaltexts from Qumranhave been published. These and other data introducenew elements into the discussion on the origin and identityof the Qumrancommunity.4QMMTis not the sole, nor even the major,piece of evidence in this discussion. Another fact that contributedto the shape of the original monographwas the inaccessibilityat thatpoint of partof the scrolls.A bitter public debate over this issue raged then in the media and in various circles. With this context in mind Schiffmanwrote a survey of some of the scholarsactive at the time in Qumranresearch.That accountis translatedwithout change in the presentvolume (pp. 23-39). The uninformedreadermay think that the survey reflects the actual state of affairs.However,today almost all the scrolls are publishedand accessible. The debate of the early nineties of the last centuryis of value for the history of scholarshipratherthan of pertinenceto the present situation.In addition,some of the personaldetails in this chapterwere not updated(thus,for instance,JonasC. Greenfield,describedon p. 26, has since passed away, a fact not mentioned in the translation).In fact, one wonders whether Schiffmanwould have offered today the same list of scholarsfor this survey. Thetranslationfollows the originallayoutof textwithoutnotes,clearly aimed at a wide readership.Schiffmancompensatedfor this absence with a copious bibliographyat the end of the English volume. This list is reproducedin the Frenchvolume, but the gap of ten years is only sporadicallyupdated,mainlywith the volumes of the Discoveries in the JudaeanSeries. Yet, since the translationis designed to meet theneedsof theFrench-speaking public,thepresentreviewermustexpress surpriseat the omission of at least two articles in Frenchpertinentto the list: D. Dimant,"Significationet importancedes manuscriptsde la Mer Morte. L'etat des etudes qoumraniennes,"Annales 51 (1996): 975-1003; and J.M. Baumgarten,"La Loi religieuse de la communaute de Qoumran,"Annales 51 (1996): 1005-25. University of Haifa
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QumranCave 4.XVI:CalendricalTexts, by ShemaryahuTalmon, Jonathan Ben-Dov, and Uwe Glessmer. DJD 21. Oxford: ClarendonPress, 2001. Pp. xii + 263; 13 plates. ?60.00. ISBN 0- 19-827016-X. DJD 21 containseditions of texts underthree headings.The first is "CalendricalDocumentsand Mishmarot,"edited by Talmonwith the assistanceof Ben-Dov; the second is "Ordo,"edited by Glessmer;and the third is "Otot,"edited by Ben-Dov. Y. Shemeshhas suppliedthe concordance(pp. 245-63). The volume does not containall of the calendarictexts from cave 4, as the ones in crypticscriptA appearedin DJD 28 (4Q313c, 317, 324d-i; photographsonly), and 4Q318 was publishedin DJD 36. Much the longest section is the first.Here the readerfinds an introductionwith substantialappendixes(pp. 1-36) followed by editionsof seventeentexts(pp. 37-166). Theyare(severalnumbersaresub-divided): 4Q320-330, 4Q337, and 4Q394 1-2; the last-named fragments the editors correctly do not consider to be part of 4QMMT, although they were so publishedin DJD 10. Some of the names assignedto the texts seem createdto cause confusionand should have been changed. Thus we have 4QCalendricalDocument/MishmarotA-D as well as 4QMishmarotA-I. The introductionto the first section highlights the informationin these texts that complementswhat the "foundational"texts say about the calendarof the group. Table 1 provides the data correlatingthe presentsigla for the texts with earlierones; includedis also a list giving the new names (primarilyHistoricalText) and numbersfor most of the texts into which the siglum 4QMishmarotC had been divided. Those texts (4Q322a, 4Q331, 4Q332, 4Q332a, and 4Q333) were published in DJD 36. The rubric "Structureand Characteristicsof the Covenanters'Calendar"standsover a unit in which the generalnature and significanceof the calendarare examined.The full structureof the calendaris not preservedin any single text but may be gleanedby "collating and integrating discrete details preserved in the various fragmentsand calendar-relatednotations"(p. 3). The 364-day system insuresthatfour holy seasonsare observedon a Wednesday(1/1; 1/15; 7/1; and 7/15), althoughin rabbinictradition1/15 and 7/1 can never fall on a Wednesday(p. 5). The Day of Atonementfalls on Friday in the 364-day arrangement;it never does in the rabbiniccalendar. And of course the two differ on the dating of the Festival of Weeks. C KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
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"The discrepanciesbetween the solar and lunar calendricalschedules inevitablyunderminedthe social orderand communallife of Judaism at the height of the Second Temple period, and effected an unbridgeable gap between the 'Communityof the Renewed Covenant'and its opponents.It may be said that the calendarcontroversywas a major cause, possibly the causa causans of the Yahad's separation from mainstreamJudaism"(p. 6). Regardingthe much-canvassedsubject of intercalation,the editors agree that, while the texts do not furnishthe desiredinformation,such a methodmust have existed and would have involved insertingone or severalweeks at a time. They proposeintercalationof one week every seven years and one additionalweek every twenty-eightyears. The classificationofferedfor the calendar-relatedtexts is threefold: CalendricalDocuments,MishmarotRegisters,and Mixed-TypeRosters. The calendricaldocuments include simpler enumerationsof days or holidays such as 6Q17, and 4Q326, 4Q394 1-2. The mishmarot registersare 4Q320-24a, 4Q324c-325, 4Q328-30. Althoughthe mishmarot are not mentioned in cult-relatedcompositions such as IQS, lQHa, CD, or even in the Temple Scroll, "[t]he Qumranfinds preserve, in fact, the earliest extrabiblicalduplicatesof the biblical roster, with the only differencebeing that the list is headedby Gamul,in service already at the time of Creation..., while in the Chronicles version, the course of Jehoiaribheads the list" (p. 8). In this connection there is a discussion of the terms (M)-rton (which, curiously enough, never occurs in the Qumrancalendrical texts) and X na: (where X is one of the courses). Regarding the latter, the rabbinic texts speak of the entry and exit of the courses, while the Qumran texts refer only to theirentry.There are four main types of mishmarot registers:plain lists of the names of the priestlygroups (e.g., 4Q329); rota of mishmarot that serve at the heads of years, quarters, and months in a six-year cycle (4Q328-29, 4Q319 VII); rosters of the dates of sabbathsand beginningsof months in the 364-day year with names of the watches (4Q322-24, 4Q324a, 4Q324c); and registersof the priestlycourses in whose weeks of duty festivals fall in a six-year cycle (4Q320 4 iii-vi; 4Q321 IV-VII). Besides these, there are also cataloguesof those watches in whose time of service a specific festival falls in a six-year cycle. The mixed types combine a number of the "discrete categories" (p. 13) distinguishedabove. The thirdtype among the mixed sorts are those texts (4Q320, 4Q321, 4Q321a) that correlatetwo phases in the
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lunar monthly course with both the correspondingdates in the solar month and the mishmarot.The one lunar phase is called imlprr,ipiN or rrplrand the otherdoes not receive a name and is thereforelabeled X. The editors think cataloguingthese two dates ought not to be seen as a systematicattemptto synchronizelunarand solar years. "Rather it is aimed at singling out two 'dark' phases in the moon's monthly revolution.The termduqahrefers to the moon's phase when it begins to wane in the middle of the lunarmonth,and X pertainsto the night of the moon's total eclipse at the end of the lunar month. Thirteen days pass from the night in which the moon begins to wane to the night of its total darkness,and sixteen or seventeen days from that night to the next waning phase in the following month"(p. 14). These rosters, on their view, warned the covenantersof the days presumed to be underthe moon's evil spell. The introductionto this first section concludes with four appendixes. The first suggests which are the thirtyholy seasons mentioned in 1lQPsa XXVII David's Compositions(the proposalworks only if 1/1 and 7/1 are counted twice as firsts of the months and as a newyear's day [1/1] and the day of remembrance[7/1]). The second appendix contains a reconstructionof the six-year mishmarotcycle, the thirdgives a "reconstructed masterregisterof mishmarot,"and the fourthfurnishesin a table the occurrencesof X and duqah, followed by an explanationof the table and reflectionson the meaningof X, of 4Q320 1 i 1-5, and the connotationof duqah. In the sections devoted to the editions themselves one finds the materialpresentedin the standardDJD format.The importantand sizable 4Q320 is treatedon pp. 37-63, with the survivingpartspresented as four largerfragmentsand six smallerones. The editorsconsiderit "a compendiumof discrete chronometriclists" that differ from most othersby having "concise literaryintroductionsand/orsummarynotations" (p. 37). One of these introductionsapppearsin 4Q320 1 i 1-5; it speaks about a luminarythat shone at creation:"]to[ sh]ine[ in ]the middle of the heavens at the foundationof [Creatio]nfrom evening until morningon the 4th (day) of the week." The editors argue that the sun is under considerationhere and adduce in support of this is synonymous understanding that in "rabbinic parlance, M'rvi rlnn with the term VpI(Fr) MM, which pertains exclusively to the sun's position at its zenith (e.g. b. Tamid 32a) and never refers to a phase
in the moon's revolution"(p. 44). Appeal to rabbinicusage to explain a featurein a calendricalscroll is, however,curiousin light of the dif-
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ferences in language between the sectariansand the rabbis that they earlier adduced. Also, that the phrase "from evening until morning" pertainsto the sun is, to put it mildly, counterintuitive. In connectionwith several texts in this section we meet Talmon's previously published theory about the meaning of nprr and the unnamed set of lunar dates with which it is always paired. As the noun does not occur in biblical or rabbinicHebrew,he has arguedthat one ought not depend on its supposedetymology but on its usage in these texts. That seems safe enough, but etymologicalevidence is not irrelevant.The noun is relatedto eitherpTl (to examine)or pp-r (to be thin, favoredhere [p. 68]). He thinksit is a designationfor "the onset of the moon's waning"(p. 68), while the X termrefers to the moon's complete eclipse at the end of a lunar month. But what evidence in the text favors these suggestions? There appears to be no decisive indicatorfrom them, while an etymology from ppr would favor associating nplr with some aspect of the moon's thinness-something that would naturallybe associated with the new moon, not some point aroundthe time when the moon is still nearlyfull and only startingto wane. Similarlythere seems to be no supportin the texts for the idea that the Qumranitesdesignatedthese days to markdark times. The section regarding4Q334 (4QOrdo),which survives in just nine small fragments(one has no visible letters) offers first an edition of the fragments(some of the lines are not properlyaligned in the transcriptions,e.g., frgs 1, 3, and bracketsare omittedin frg. 6 at beginning of lines) and then two possible reconstructionsof the text around the fragments.This is followed by a lengthy attemptto identify the purposeand meaningof the few letterspreservedand a longer section aboutits key words (songs and words of praises) in biblical usage, the combinationof the phrases,and later attestationsof the phrase"words of songs and praises"in synagogal and rabbinictexts. Naturally,not much can securely be concludedabout a text so poorly preserved;it is not even clear that it should be considereda calendricaltext. The extendedattemptsto reconstructthe text at the end of the edition are incorrectlylabeled 4Q434. The final section is Ben-Dov's detailed introductionto and edition of 4Q319 (4QOtot),a work with strong similaritiesto the calendrical texts (4Q320 also refers to nIKnl)as it also has, in additionto the Otot section, mishmarotlists of variouskinds. Ben-Dov agrees with earlier scholarsin concludingthat4Q319 is fromthe same scroll as 4Q259,the fifth copy of the Serekh.He accepts Milik's division of the fragments
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into cols. IV-VII but also adopts Metso's conclusion that no additional columnappearedbetween4QSeIV and the firstlines of 4QOtot. He divides the 110 fragments that have been associated with the definite Otot pieces on museum plates into four categories. Frgs. 48-110 do not belong (they are treated separately),while there are doubts about 24-25, 33-35. The fragmentsthat reveal the most about the natureof the text are 1-15, 23 (= cols. IV-VII; these are mostly composite fragments);16-20, 26-31, and 36-47 seem to belong but are too small to locate in the text. What does the Otot section of 4Q319 mean? It deals with a sixjubilee cycle (= 294 years; note the misprintof "Two hundredand forty-nineyears"on p. 201) afterwhich one returnsto the originalsituation,with the courseof Gamulagain servingas year one of the new cycle begins. Ben Dov thinksthe "correlationwhich serves as a basis for the otot schedule was engenderedin order to harmonizethe sixyear priestlycycle [of the mishmarot]with the typical septad scheme, prominentin Enochiccalendricalthought"(p. 202). For this a "chronwas needed and the 294-year unit was the ological super-structure" first one that permittedthis correlation.Oddly, the text seems to label those six jubilees numbers2-7, althoughthe text is too brokenat key points to be sure. He thinks the term int marksan X-date occurring once every three years: since there remainsdebate about what the Xdate is (here he is more open to the suggestionthat it refersto the full moon than is the case in the first section),nfN referseitherto the concurrenceof the vernalequinoxwith the conjunctionor its concurrence with the full moon (p. 210). This makes the otot list "a manualfor the maintenanceof the lunarcalendar"(p. 210). All scholarsof Qumrantexts shouldbe gratefulto the threeeditors who have producedthis volume. For the first time we have the corpus of calendrical texts available not only in transcriptionbut also with photographsand full supportingdetail in the DJD fashion.There remain a numberof puzzles in the study of these texts, but with the arrivalof DJD 21 we are in a better position to make advances in solving them. Universityof Notre Dame
JAMES C. VANDERKAM
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TheBookof Jubilees,by JamesC. VanderKam.Guidesto Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha.Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2001. Pp. 167. Price: $19.95. ISBN 1-85075-767-4. Among Jewish texts from the Hellenistic period, the Book of Jubilees stands at the top of the list, along with 1 Enoch, for the breadthof its implications for the study of Judaism in that period. Specifically,it offers a uniquewindow into the first half of the second century BCE and the shape of the text of the Hebrew Bible, its haggadic interpretation, early halakah,calendricaland chronologicalspeculation, and the development of sectarian Judaism in the decades before the formation of the Qumrancommunity. No scholar of his generationhas contributedmore to the study of this ancient text than James VanderKam.His publicationsinclude a collection of studieson the book's text and historical context, a two-volume critical edition and translationof the Ethiopicversion, a DJD edition of the Qumran Hebrew fragments, and a substantial number of articles on topics relatingto the book and to the Jewish calendarof the Second Temple period. To this he now adds what is to date the best introductionto the work. In his first chapter,VanderKamprovides a brief descriptionof the book and then lays out its textual history. In his treatmentof "The ApproximateDate of Composition,"he places the work between 160 and 150 BCE. His second chapteris not simply a "Surveyof the Book of Jubilees,"but a sixty-threepage runningcommentaryon important aspects of Jubilees' fifty chapters.In this exposition,he appropriately focuses on significant haggadic details (often in the context of the book as a whole), halakah and its relationship to the narratives, chronology,and the text's reflectionsof its historicalsetting. The book's thirdchapteron "Aspectsof the Book of Jubilees"takes a synthetic and topical look at the work. Under "Jubilees' SelfPresentation"VanderKamtreatsthe book's claim to be a "Testimony" revealed to Moses by an Angel of the Presencewho dictates its contents from the heavenly tablets. In it he clarifies the textual problems that (wrongly) suggest that the angel wrote the book ratherthan dictated it to Moses. "Jubileesin Relationto Genesis and Exodus"discusses, first of all, the book's chronologyand calendar.As in the previous chapter,he deftly demonstrateshow the book's chronologyand calendar are an inextricablepart of both its narrativeelaborationof the Bible and its legal prescriptions.Not surprisingly,given VanderKam's C KoninklijkeBrill NV, Leiden, 2003 Also availableonline - www.brill.nl
Dead Sea Discoveries 10, 3
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previouspublications,this is one of the real strengthsof the book. The next subsectiondescribeshow the authorof Jubileeshas enhancedor degradedbiblical characters."The Theology of the Author"discusses God, the world of good and evil spirits,the issue of purityand impurity, and the book's view of the future."The Book of Jubileesand its Author"looks at the genre and sources of the book, its purpose,and the author'ssocial location. In his final section, VanderKamsurveys "Jubilees'Influenceon Later Literature,"both Jewish and Christian. Each of the chaptersis suppliedwith a list for "FurtherReading." VanderKamtreatsall the majorcriticalissues in Jubileesand offers a balanced discussion of disputed matters. His exegesis is always insightfuland on target.His combinationof lucid prose and attention to significantdetail make it an ideal guide for studentsand a stimulating resourcefor scholars. Used alongside his text and translation, and complementedby the collection of specialized articles edited by M. Albani, J. Frey, and A. Lange (Studies in the Book of Jubilees [TSAJ65; Tubingen:MohrSiebeck, 1997]), this excellent and enlightening introductionwill enhance the work of Jubilees specialists as well as that of scholars interestedmore generally in Judaismof the Greco-Romanperiod. Here are a few issues that VanderKam'sbook raised in my mind. What similarities and differencesmight a systematic comparisonof Jubilees and 1 Enoch reveal? JubileesincorporatesEnochic traditions and celebratesthe figureof Enoch,but its protagonistis Moses and its substanceis Mosaic Torah,the importanceof both of which is downplayed in most of 1 Enoch. Althoughboth Jubileesand 1 Enochclaim to presentdirect revelation,Jubilees, throughits detailed paraphrase, implicitly acknowledgesthe existence of Genesis and Exodus, while 1 Enoch pretendsnot to know the Tanakh. 1 Enoch provides moral instructionthroughsapientialforms,while Jubileesfocuses on halakah. 1 Enoch identifiesa whole mass of named (good and evil) heavenly beings; Jubilees provides two names for the chief evil spirit, who is counterposedto a host of unnamedangels and their unnamedchief, the Angel of the Presence. VanderKamnotes how certain biblical figures become examples of good and evil dispositionand behavior.To what extent does this element in the Hebrew Jubilees reflect the Hellenistic tendency to describemoralbehaviorin termsof abstractvices andvirtues?VanderKam sees connectionsbetween Jubilees and the Qumrancommunity-not least the presenceof numerousmanuscriptsin the caves. Can we flesh out in more detail the history and variegatedshape of second-century
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sectarianJudaism,as it manifests itself in the strataof 1 Enoch, the Aramaic Levi document, Jubilees, and Qumrantexts such as IQS, CD, and the Temple Scroll?As hypothesesaboutQumranorigins proliferate and become more complex, these pre-Qumranictexts take on increasedhistoricalsignificance. Whatdoes one make of the fact thatJubileescites Levi as the patriarch of the priesthoodand never even mentionsAaron(as VanderKam notes, p. 142), who has the distinction of being the brotherof the putativeauthorof the book (as he does not note). PerhapsVanderKam is correct:this an anotherexample of the authorattributingIsraelite institutionsto the pre-Mosaicperiod.Given the book's alleged Mosaic authorship,its many priestly elements, and its well-representedpresence in ZadokiteQumran,one must deal with Aaron's strangeabsence from the narrative. Tracing the priesthood back to the patriarchal period is in keeping with the author's tendency, but this would not precludeany mentionof Aaron. If one gives any weight to this fact, the precise priestlyidentityof the authormay still be in questionand the place of Jubilees in Jewish sectarianhistory, a puzzle. Finally, there is the problematicissue of the book's date. Was it written some years before the persecution of Antiochus Epiphanes (167 BCE) or, as VanderKamsuggests, in the early Hasmoneanperiod (160-150 BcE)? He cites as significantevidence Jubilees' citation of the Enochic Book of Dreams (p. 21). This might be a telling point, since the Animal Vision knows the battles of Judas Maccabeus. However, VanderKamdoes not mention the fact that a number of scholars,at least since R.H. Charles,have identifiedthe referencesto Judas as part of an updatingof the Vision (see G.W.E. Nickelsburg, 1 Enoch 1 [Minneapolis:FortressPress, 2001], 360-61, 386-98). A referenceto the Animal Vision could presumea pre-Maccabeanform of that text. More curious is VanderKam'sclaim that the purposeof the book was to oppose the kind of Hellenizingthat characterizedthe pre-167 period (pp. 139-41). It is precisely this anti-Hellenizing polemic in Jubileesthat led me to date Jubilees to the pre-167 period in my discussionof his dating ("TheBible Rewrittenand Expanded," in M.E. Stone [ed.], Jewish Writings of the Second Temple Period
FortressPress, 1984] [CRINT 2/2; Assen: Van Gorcum/Philadelphia: 102-103, not cited by VanderKamin this volume). In my view, the questionhas not been definitivelysettled,thoughI still lean towardthe earlierdate. The Universityof Iowa
GEORGEW.E. NICKELSBURG
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Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah Scholarly translationand evaluation of Biblical textsfrom the papyrii and manuscriptsof WadiQumran and the Dead Sea Scrolls, and related bibliographic, linguistic, cultural and historical aspects of ancient Judaism and early Christianity.
Psalmen-und Psalter-Rezeptionim FrUhjudentum Rekonstruktion, Textbestand, Struktur und Pragmatik der Psalmenrolle JI QPsa aus Qumran ULRICHDAHMEN
This volume is concernedwith the great Psalms Scroll from cave 11 at Qumranas an example for the reception("Fortschreibung")of biblical texts and books in earlyjudaism. After methodologicalconsiderationsthe scroll is examined and reconstructedentirely in its materialand textual extent for the first time. Detailed analyses of the text and the structureof this work show that 11Qpsadeveloped from the final redactionof the biblical book of Psalms. In its uniquetext form and arrangementof Psalms it was composed in a qumranicmilieu and functions as a work for a davidic figure. Readership:All those interestedin the history of the biblical text, in the early receptionof the Bible, in the Book of Psalms, in the Dead Sea Scrolls, as well as theologians, Old Testamentand Qumran specialists.
Ulrich Dahmen, Dr. theol. (1996), University of Bonn, is assistantat the Universityof Siegen and PrivatdozentfiirAlttestamentliche Wissenschaftat the University of Bonn. In print2003
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Also available in this series Liturgical Perspectives: Prayer and Poetry in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls Proceedings of the Fifth InternationalSymposiumof the Orion Centerfor the Studyof the Dead Sea Scrolls and Associated Literature,19-23 January,2000. OF RUTH A. CLEMENTSAND AVITAL PINNICK EDITED BY ESTHERGCCHAZON WITHTHECOLLABORATION
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Thepresentvolumehasbeencompiledby colleaguesandfriendsas a tributeto Dr.A. Hilhorst,the Secretaryof theJournalforthe Studyof Judaism,on theoccasionof his 65thbirthday. Its23 contributions by renownedinternational experts,reflectthevariousinterestsof the honouree,his approach to theClassicalandSemiticlanguagesand literatures as formingpartof a continuum, andhis attentionto the interactions betweenthedifferentliterarycorpora. Severalcontributions dealwiththe interaction of theOldTestament withlaterJewish,Gnostic,or Christian writings;othersexplorethe influencesof Greekwritingswithina Jewishcontextat the levelsof philology,of theologicalideas,of realia,or of influenceof literary compositions. a numberof contributions Furthermore, centerson the interaction of Greekmotivesin JewishandChristianliterature, whereasin severalothersthe focusis on the Martyrium literature oron texts. earlyChristian FlorentinoGarciaMartinez is Professorof EarlyJudaismandDead SeaScrollsat the Universitiesof Leuven(Belgium)andGroningen (TheNetherlands), wherehe headstheQumranInstituut. He is the Editor-in-Chief of the Journalforthe Studyof Judaismandhaswrittennumerousbooksandarticles,particularly on the DeadSea Scrolls. GerardP. Luttikhuizen,Ph.D.(1984),is Professorof EarlyChristianLiterature andNew Testament Studiesat the Universityof Groningen.He haspublishedon earlyChristian Judaismandnon-canonical earlyChristian texts,andon CopticGnosticLiterature. Inprint2003 Clothwithdustiacket(xiv,394 pp.) to theJournalforthe Studyof Judaism,82 Supplements
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Studies in Aramaic Interpretation of Scripture Thisseries aims to publish quality, scholarly monographson interpretationsof the Hebrew Bible done in the Aramaic language, primarily withinJudaism. Themainfocus will be on the translations of Scripturein Aramaic called Targums,texts classified as RewrittenBible such as thosefound at Qumran, andAramaic midrashic interpretationsof Scripture. Christianworks writtenin Palestinian Aramaic will also be included.
Targumand Scripture Studies in Aramaic Translations and Interpretation in Memory of Ernest G Clarke
EDITEDBYPAULVMM. FLESHER If Greek was the language by which PalestinianJews talked to the Empire,then Aramaic and Hebrew were the languages by which they talked to themselves. In this context, what resulted when they translatedthe Hebrew Bible into Aramaic? Moments of the inner Jewish conversationabout the meaning and relevance of Hebrew Scripturesfrozen in Aramaic renditions. The scholars in this volume use these Aramaic translations,known as the Targums,like dioramas,peering throughthem to glimpse these moments in the development of Judaismand its theology. Dedicated to Ernest G. Clarke, the essays explore the variety of interpretationspreserved in the differentTargumsfrom the Second Temple and post-Temple periods during which they were composed. Paul V.M. Flesher earned his Ph.D. (1988) from Brown University, after studying at Oxford University and the Hebrew University. He is a founding memberof the InternationalOrganizationfor Targumic Studies, and actively publishes on the targumsand ancient synagogues. In print 2002
ISBN 90 04 12677 5
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Studies in the Aramaic Interpretation of Scripture, 2
Also available in this series The Targum of Samuel by EVELINEVANSTAALDUINE-SULMAN This volume deals with the Targumof 1 and 2 Samuel. It systematically discusses its text, translation techniques and the usage of several Aramaicwords. It also provides a commentary,including an English translation,to the entire Targumof these books. Eveline van Staalduine-Sulman, Dr. in Theology, is Researcherat the Theological University Kampen.She published on the Targumof Samuel, including the Samuel volumes of the Bilingual Concordanceto the Targumof the Prophets (Brill, 1995). ISBN 90 04 12164 1, Hardback (xiv, 768 pp.), List price EUR 139.- / US$ 165.Studies in the Aramaic Interpretation of Scripture, 1 Academic
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Philo of Alexandria Commentary Series Thiscommentaryseries aims to make Philo s thoughtaccessible to readers such as graduate students who arejust beginning to read him, but also contains much material that will be of interestto specialists in Hellenistic Judaism, ancient philosophy and patristic literature.
Philo's Flaccus The First Pogrom PIETERW. VANDERHORST
This book is the first English commentaryon Philo's In Flaccum since the publicationof Box in 1939. The work contains an introductionin which mattersof genre, historicalbackground,the textual evidence etc. are discussed. This is followed by a new English translationof the Greektext. The main partof the book is a detailed philological and historicalcommentaryon Philo's text. Since In Flaccum is our only source for the anti-Jewishpogrom in Alexandriain the year 38 CE, it is of the utmost significance for the study of the origins and early history of antisemitism.The book is of interestsfor scholars of Judaism,Ancient History,Biblical Studies, Classical Literature,and Historyof Religions. Pieter W. van der Horst, Ph.D. (1978) in Theology, is Professorof New Testamentand the Jewish and Hellenistic world of EarlyChristianity at UtrechtUniversity.He publishedhundredsof articles and books on a wide variety of subjects in this field, the most recent of which is Japheth in the Tentsof Shem: Studieson Jewish Hellenism in Antiquity(Peeters, 2002). In print2003
Clothwithdustyacket (xii, 284 pp.)
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Philo of AlexandriaCommentarySeries, 2
Also available in this series Philo of Alexandria, On the Creation of the Cosmos according to Moses Introduction,Translationand Commentary DAVIDT. RUNIA
This study is the first volume in the new Philo of AlexandriaCommentarySeries. It contains a new English translationof the Jewish philosopher's famous treatise On the creation of the cosmos (the first for seventy years), and the first ever commentaryin English. In print2002
ISBN 90 04 12169 2
Clothwithdustyacket (xviii, 444 pp.) List price EUR 109.- / US$ 119.Philo of AlexandriaCommentarySeries, I Academic
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Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums / Ancient Judaism & Early Christianity Thisseries, which began publication with M Hengel's Die Zeloten in 1976, includes monographsand collections of essays on a range of topics, typicallyfocussing on points of controversyor mutual influence betweenJudaism and Christianityin thefirst centuries of our era. Recent titlespublished in the series have included importantstudies of Josephus, of the Jewish backgroundof Paul 'swritings, and of the historical Jesus in his Jewish context.
Josephus'Jewish Warand its Slavonic Version A Synoptic Comparison EDITED BY H. LEEMING AND K. LEEMING. TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH BY H. LEEMING AND L. OSINKINA
This volume presents in English translationthe Slavonic version of Josephus Flavius' Jewish War,long inaccessible to Anglophone readers,accordingto N.A. Mekerskij's scholarly edition, together with his erudite and wide-ranging study of literary,historical and philological aspects of the work, a textological apparatusand commentary.The synoptic layout of the Slavonic and Greek versions in parallel columns enables the readerto comparetheir content in detail. It will be seen that the divergences are far more extensive than those indicated hitherto. Readership:Scholars and students of Flavius Josephus, Judaism, Early ChurchHistory, and Roman History of the Flavian Era. Henry Leeming, B.A. in Classics (Manchester, 1949) and Russian (London, 1952), Ph.D. in Slavonic Studies (London, 1960), Reader Emeritusof London University, CorrespondingMemberof Slovene (SAZU) and Polish (PAU) Academies, has published extensively on comparativeSlavonic lexicology and early translationtechnique. Kate Leeming, D.Phil. (Oxford, 1997), studied Classics at Oxford University. She specialised in Medieval EasternChristianityand wrote a doctoral thesis on the translationof Byzantine hagiographiesinto Arabic. Lyubov V. Osinkina holds a Doctor's degree (1983) of St. PetersburgUniversity, and was a studentof N.A. Megderskij.In 1995 she became an Associate Member of Staff of the Departmentof Slavonic Languagesand Literaturesat the University of Glasgow. Currentlyshe studies at Wolfson College, Oxford University, for the degree of D.Phil. in the history of Medieval Slavonic texts. In print 2003 ISBN 90 04 11438 6 Hardback (xxii, 696 pp.) List price EUR 219.- / US$ 274.Arbeiten zur Geschichte des Antiken Judentums und des Urchristentums, 46
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Dead
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Discoveries
X
NOTES FOR CONTRIBUTORS Submission of Articles Contributions to the journal should be sent in the first instance to Prof. John J. Collins, Dead Sea Discoveries, Yale Divinity School, 409 Prospect St., New Haven, CT 06511, USA. Only one copy of the article need be sent. Preferably it should be written in English; articles in French or German will also be accepted. The text must be grammatically correct and in good literary style, using inclusive language. Articles must be typewritten, or in the form of a clear printout from a word-processor, on A4 or American-standard white paper, double-spaced (including notes, which must appear at the end of the article), and on one side of the paper only. Printouts should, if possible, be accompanied by a disk. Word Perfect, Microsoft Word as well as ASCII are accepted formats. Articles must follow Dead Sea Discoveries style, for which see DSD 5 (1998) 25660. Articles in French and German must follow the journal's style as far as possible. Articles must be complete, including all necessary notes, bibliographical references, tables, etc. Articles must be original work and should normally not have been published previously. Simultaneous submission of identical work to other journals is not acceptable. Articles will normally be put through a system of blind refereeing; authors who wish to avoid referees' knowing their identity should not give themselves away, for example, by referring to their own works in footnotes with first person possessive pronouns. Authors of accepted articles will be asked to complete a form concerning the content and the copyright of their articles. Authors will receive galley proofs for proofreading. These must be returned promptly within the period requested, and the publishers reserves the right to charge authors for changes to proofs other than corrections of compositor's errors. The page proofs are read by the editors. Authors receive twenty-five complimentary offprints of their published article and a copy of the issue in which their article appears. Reviewers receive eight free offprints of their published review. Book reviews Books for review should be sent to Prof. Armin Lange, The Department of Religious Studies, The University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill, CB#3225, 106 Saunders Hall, Chapel Hill, NC 27599-3225, USA.
CONTENTS C. BOUZARD, JR., The Date of the Psalms Scroll from the Cave of Letters (5/6HevPs) Reconsidered ......... ............... 319 GREGORY L. DOUDNA, 4Q Pesher Hoseab: Reconstruction of Fragments 4, 5, 18, and 24 .................... ................................ 338
WALTER
ESTHER
Mastema's
ESHEL,
KISTER,
A Qumranic
The
RAVID,
Reexamination RICK VAN
Moses'
.........................
Masada
........... to IThess
II 21
and
.........................
its
The Punishment
of Judas
359
Reading
4:4?
.............
Jubilees
in the
Life
365
Calendar-A 371
........................................................................
DE WATER,
the Death
of
Book
on
Parallel 2
of 4Q416
and Interpretation LIORA
from
Text
"Pseudo-Jubilees" MENAHEM
Attempt
of the Wicked
Priest
and 395
....................................................................
BOOK REVIEWS
Hasmonean and Herodian Palaces at Jericho: Final Reports of the 1973-1987 Excavations, Volume III: The Pottery, by RACHEL BAR-NATHAN
420
................................
....................
(JODI MAGNESS)
Salvation for the Righteous Revealed: Jesus amid Covenantal and Messianic Expectations in Second Temple Judaism, by AGJU
ED CONDRA.
by
Pseudepigrapha,
.........
51 (SIMON GATHERCOLE)
.................
428
The Old Testament
A Scripture Index to Charlesworth's
430
(GEORGE J. BROOKE)
STEVE DELAMARTER
All the Glory of Adam: Liturgical Anthropology in the Dead Sea Scrolls, by NEWSOM)
H.T.
CRISPIN
42
STDJ
FLETCHER-LOUIS.
(CAROL
A.
431
..................................
......................................
Reading for History in the Damascus Document: A Methodological Study, by
MAXINE
L. GROSSMAN.
STDJ
45
(JAMES
R.
DAVILA)
436
Qumran Cave 4. XXVI: Cryptic Texts and Miscellanea, Part 1, by
STEPHEN J. PFANN,
OTHERS. DJD
36
PHILIP ALEXANDER,
A. KNIBB)
(MICHAEL
MAGEN
BROSHI,
Les manuscrits de la Mer Morte et le Judaisme, by H.
SCHIFFMAN; trans.
by
JEAN DUHAIME (DEVORAH
Qumran Cave 4.XVI: Calendrical TALMON, JONATHAN BEN-DOV,
C. VANDERKAM)
Texts, by
DIMANT)
....
by
JAMES
C. VANDERKAM. (GEORGE W.E.
446
SHEMARYAHU
AND UWE GLESSMER. DJD
and Pseudepigrapha
440
LAWRENCE
21
(JAMES
448
........................................................................
The Book of Jubilees, Apocrypha
AND
.........................
.............
Guides
to
NICKELSBURG)
453
