New Mexico Territory During the Civil War: Wallen and Evans Inspection Reports, 1862-1863

New Mexico Territory During the Civil War

This page intentionally left blank

New Mexico Territory During the Civil War Wallen and Evans Inspection Reports, 1862–1863

••••••• Edited and with an Introduction by Jerry D. Thompson

University of New Mexico Press  ••  Albuquerque

© 2008 by the University of New Mexico Press All rights reserved. Published 2008 Printed in the United States of America 13 12 11 10 09 08    1 2 3 4 5 6 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Wallen, Henry Davies, 1819–1886. New Mexico Territory during the Civil War : Wallen and Evans inspection reports, 1862–1863 / edited and with an introduction by Jerry D. Thompson. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 978-0-8263-4479-3 (cloth : alk. paper) 1. New Mexico—History—Civil War, 1861–1865. 2. New Mexico—History, Military—19th century. 3. Fortification—Inspection—New Mexico—History—19th century. 4. New Mexico—History—Civil War, 1861–1865—Social aspects. 5. United States. Army—Military life—History—19th century. 6. United States. Army—Operational readiness—History—19th century. 7. Soldiers—Alcohol use—New Mexico—History—19th century. 8. New Mexico—Social conditions—19th century. 9. Wallen, Henry Davies, 1819–1886. 10. Evans, Andrew Wallace. I. Evans, Andrew Wallace. II. Thompson, Jerry D. III. Title. E470.9.W35 2008 978.9'04—dc22 2008013681

• Book and cover design and type composition by Kathleen Sparkes. This book was composed using Minion ot pro 10.5/14, 26p. Display type is Brioso ot pro.

Contents •• List of Illustrations  vii Introduction  1

•• Part I Maj. Henry Davies Wallen’s Inspection of the Department of New Mexico, 1862–1863 Chapter one

Fort Garland, Colorado  39 Chapter two

Fort Marcy, New Mexico  51 Chapter three

Fort Union, New Mexico  63 Chapter four

Post at Mesilla, New Mexico  83 Chapter five

Post at Franklin, Texas  93 Chapter six

Fort Craig, New Mexico  97 Chapter seven

Post at Los Pinos, New Mexico  111

Chapter eight

Post at Albuquerque, New Mexico  117 Chapter nine

Fort Sumner and Fort Union, New Mexico  123

•• Part II Capt. Andrew Wallace Evans’s Inspection of the Department of New Mexico, 1863 Chapter ten

Fort McRae, Ojo del Muerto  135 Chapter eleven

Post at Franklin, Texas  143 Chapter twelve

Fort West, New Mexico  151 Chapter thirteen

Fort Stanton, New Mexico  165

•• Epilogue  181 Notes  187 Bibliography  269 Index  292 •  vi  •

List of Illustrations •• New Mexico Territory during the Confederate Invasion, 1861–1862  7 Henry Davies Wallen, ca. 1870  15 Andrew Wallace Evans in 1873  16 Wallen and Evans Inspections, 1862–1863  36 Fort Garland  43 Fort Marcy  54 Fort Craig  107 Fort Craig Magazine  108 Defenses at Fort Craig  109 Inscription by Richard H. Orton at El Morro  157

•  vii  •

This page intentionally left blank

Introduction •••

On the windswept west bank of the Rio Grande, three miles upriver from the crumbling adobe ruins of Fort Thorn, New Mexico Territory, two hours before sunset on July 4, 1862, a long line of fatigued and weary men in blue wool uniforms came riding and stumbling out of the desert from the west. The 140 soldiers were tough and determined men from Sacramento, California, the advance guard of the Column from California, men destined to carve their names into the long and bloody history of the territory. They were, one soldier wrote, “made of stern stuff . . . men mured to mountain life . . . pioneers and miners; men self reliant and enduring; men equal to any emergency.”1 Despite having marched more than 900 sun-baked and fatiguing miles, all the way from the Pacific Coast, they were spoiling for a fight. “My men are the finest material I have ever seen, and anxious to strike a blow for the cause, ” the head of the California Column, Gen. James Henry Carleton, told the commander of the Union forces in New Mexico, Gen. Edward Richard Sprigg Canby.2 Reaching the Rio Grande on that sun-splashed afternoon in July, the men watered their thirsty and jaded horses in the flooded waters, rested for a few minutes, and began making camp for the evening. They also unfurled and raised a banner of thirty-four stars “amid the loud and continued cheers of the assembled command.” The momentous occasion was, Lt. Col. Edward E. Eyre of the First California Cavalry wrote, “the first time the Stars and Stripes floated on the Rio Grande below Fort Craig since the occupation of the country by the Confederate troops.” The day being “the anniversary of our National Independence,” Eyre continued, did “not •  1  •

2  •

introduction

dampen the ardor of the command.”³ The next day, the Californians moved downriver to occupy Fort Thorn, where they again raised their red, white, and blue flag. Two thousand miles to the east in Washington, D.C., the mood was somber and gloomy that summer of 1862. The badly bloodied and battered Union Army of the Potomac, the largest army ever assembled in the Western Hemisphere, had retreated from their defenses in front of Richmond, Virginia, to take refuge at Harrison’s Landing on the James River before retreating to Washington. Across the Blue Ridge Mountains to the west, Confederate cavalry was on the offensive, preparing to raid deep into Kentucky. On the Mississippi River, the seemingly impenetrable Rebel bastion of Vicksburg stood proud and defiant. Far to the west, in distant New Mexico Territory, however, the mood was different. What remained of the once proud Confederate Army of New Mexico was disorganized, defeated, hungry, and in retreat. But such had not been the case one year earlier. The Civil War came to New Mexico Territory and the vast expanses of the desert Southwest in the summer of 1861 with the occupation of the Mesilla Valley by the Indian-hating, fire-eating Southern zealot Lt. Col. John Robert Baylor and his Second Texas Mounted Rifles, many of them but mere boys in their teens. Following Texas’s secession in February 1861, Baylor occupied the chain of military posts that stretched 666 miles along the Lower Military Road from San Antonio to Franklin (El Paso). A man of considerable vigor and daring, Baylor had moved north up the Rio Grande from Fort Bliss and with barely 300 men occupied Mesilla.⁴ With a population of 2,240, Mesilla was the largest community between San Antonio and San Diego and a prize for the Texans. Greeted by exuberant Secessionists, he established his headquarters in the town, set out to win the Hispanic population to his cause, proclaimed a Confederate Territory of Arizona, and egotistically announced himself military governor. No sooner had the Confederates occupied Mesilla than the commander of nearby Fort Fillmore, the inept and aging Maj. Issac Lynde, moved to drive the Rebels out. On July 25, 1861, after leaving one company of his Seventh Infantry and the regimental band at the post, Lynde crossed the river with six companies of 380 men. When Colonel Baylor refused an “unconditional and immediate surrender” and replied that he would “fight first, and surrender afterwards,” Lynde advanced on the town. When he unleashed his artillery and sent his infantry on a halfhearted attack through a cornfield, they were fired on by the concealed Rebels and repulsed with ten casualties. With a final

introduction

•  3

artillery salvo and darkness approaching, the badly led Federals retreated back to Fort Fillmore. When Lynde heard rumors that the Confederates were bringing artillery forward, he ordered the post evacuated. Although he had no knowledge of the rocky road that led east through the barren Organ Mountains, Lynde was determined to reach the safety of Fort Stanton, 140 miles to the northeast. In the early morning darkness of July 27, 1861, Lynde set out with his Seventh Infantry and Mounted Rifles, hoping to reach the water at San Agustín Springs by evening, some twenty miles from the Rio Grande, just east of the 5,719-foot San Agustín Pass at the northern end of the picturesque Organ Mountains. Just after daylight, Baylor spotted a cloud of dust on the Fort Stanton Road, raised his telescope to see the Union column in full retreat, and galloped off in pursuit. By the time the Confederates caught up with the rear guard of the retreating Federals, the men of the Seventh Infantry had begun to falter as they approached the steep ascent to San Agustín Pass. Many of the men had made the mistake of filling their canteens with whiskey and were badly dehydrated. All along the road, the Confederates found abandoned supplies and equipment and “fainting, famished soldiers, who threw down their arms . . . and begged for water.” After riding through what is today Baylor Canyon, south of the main pass, Baylor reached the springs, where twenty-four sleeping Federals were quickly captured. Gaining the summit of the pass, the main Rebel column captured the Federal baggage train and artillery. Despite vehement and angry protests from many of his officers, Lynde agreed to surrender his 492-man force of eight companies of infantry and three companies of Mounted Rifles to 190 Confederates.5 In the weeks and months that followed, the disgraceful and highly publicized capitulation, one of the war’s early Confederate victories, reverberated from the Mesilla Valley all the way to Washington and back again.6 In the Union ranks in New Mexico and throughout the North, Lynde was vilified and proclaimed a traitor.7 Not long after the surrender at San Agustín Springs, news arrived at Mesilla that Forts Buchanan and Breckenridge in what is today the state of Arizona had been abandoned by the Federals and that two companies of dragoons and two companies of infantry were on their way to the Rio Grande. Receiving word of Lynde’s humiliating surrender, the Federals burned most of their supplies and spiked their cannon near Cooke’s Springs, west of Mesilla, and slipped through the mountains and across the desert to the safety of the Union bastion of Fort Craig.8

4  •

introduction

Matters were equally desperate for the Federals at Fort Stanton. When the Confederates occupied the Mesilla Valley, the post commander, Maj. Benjamin S. Roberts, worked to strengthen the fort’s defenses, but knew the post’s location made it impossible to defend against artillery. When a number of officers resigned and rode off to join the Confederates, Roberts asked his men to swear allegiance to the Union and reported a “universal cheerfulness and contentment.”9 Despite a “few Secessionists and bad men” who were living in the nearby village of La Placita (Lincoln) on the Rio Bonito below the fort, Roberts was determined to defend Fort Stanton, and scouts were kept out on the Pecos River and the road that led through the desert to Mesilla. At the same time, Roberts “destroyed several whiskey establishments” near the post.10 But on August 1, 1861, a fatigued corporal in the Mounted Rifles who had escaped the surrender at San Agustín Springs galloped into the post with the shocking news of Lynde’s surrender. Roberts, certain that Fort Stanton would be attacked, gave orders for his two companies of infantry and two companies of Mounted Rifles to march for Albuquerque. All public stores that could not be carried away were destroyed, and the post set on fire. A battery of artillery, spiked and dismounted, was also abandoned.11 No sooner were the Federals out of sight than a heavy rainstorm smothered the fire, and citizens from La Placita scurried to salvage what they could from the stores and equipment. Only days after the Federal evacuation, Capt. James Walker of Baylor’s Second Texas Mounted Rifles rode into Fort Stanton and secured the supplies that had not been burned or carried off. Leaving Lt. John R. Pulliam in command, Captain Walker rode back to the Rio Grande. During the brief Confederate occupation of the area, the Confederates were said to have plundered homes at La Placita and committed a number of outrages and rapes.12 On August 29, when three young Confederates were killed by Mescaleros in the Gallinas Mountains, what remained of the Texans on the Rio Bonito retreated to the Rio Grande, and Fort Stanton lay abandoned.13 As Baylor and his Second Texas headed west in the early summer of 1861, a Louisiana-born, forty-five-year-old major in the United States Army by the name of Henry Hopkins Sibley resigned his commission and made his way to Richmond. In the Confederate capital, Sibley persuaded President Jefferson Davis, long a proponent of Manifest Destiny, of a grandiose and far-reaching scheme to seize New Mexico, Colorado, and the valuable ports and gold fields of California.14 “On to San Francisco!” would be the battle cry. With a brigadier general’s commission in his pocket, Sibley rushed to

introduction

•  5

San Antonio, where he organized three regiments, the Fourth, Fifth, and Seventh Texas Mounted Volunteers, mostly Texas farmboys, into the Sibley Brigade. Moving west through the parched deserts and twisting canyons of the Trans-Pecos to Fort Bliss, Sibley pushed north up the Rio Grande into the Mesilla Valley, where he incorporated Baylor’s Second Texas into his Army of New Mexico.15 From Mesilla, Sibley sent Capt. Sherod Hunter and a company of “Arizona Rangers” west to Tucson to open communications with Sonora, Mexico, and to scout along the Gila River to the west to detect any movement of Union forces from Fort Yuma. With an army of 2,590 men, fifteen pieces of artillery, and an extensive supply train, Sibley cautiously moved north out of the Mesilla Valley in the frigid late winter of 1862. To meet the Confederate advance, Colonel Canby concentrated 3,800 men, the largest army the territory had ever seen, in and around Fort Craig. The Union army consisted of 1,200 Regulars and 2,600 hastily organized New Mexico and Colorado Volunteers, along with several companies of poorly equipped New Mexico Militia. Finding Fort Craig too strong to be taken by assault, Sibley moved his army to the east bank of the river in hopes of bypassing the Union bastion. Along the east bank of the Rio Grande, on February 21, 1862, five miles upriver from Fort Craig, Canby moved to stop the Confederate advance. The turning point in the bloody Battle of Valverde came late in the afternoon when the shotgun- and Bowie knife–wielding Texans launched a furious charge against a battery of artillery in the Union center commanded by a gallant and unwavering North Carolinian, Capt. Alexander McRae. Although McRae’s battery poured a devastating “fire of round shot, grape, and shell” into the charging Texans, the Rebels fell on the Union battery with a hand-to-hand savagery rarely seen in the annals of American military history.16 Although Canby tried to rally his troops to regain the Federal guns, the Rebel Texans won the day. The captured guns, dubbed the “Valverde Battery,” would remain the pride of the Sibley Brigade for the remainder of the war. In the Battle of Valverde, the largest Civil War battle in the Southwest, Union casualties numbered 100 killed and 160 wounded; 72 Texans lay dead, and 157 wounded.17 Still reluctant to assault Fort Craig, Sibley moved his army up the Rio Grande, seizing Socorro, Albuquerque, Santa Fe, and although slowed by snowstorms, sickness, and lack of supplies, he advanced on Fort Union, the Federal supply depot for the Southwest and the key to Raton Pass and the Colorado placer mines. On March 12, at the southern end of the towering and snow-crowned Sangre de Cristo Mountains, at a point

6  •

introduction

where the Santa Fe Trail wound through the rugged confines of Apache Canyon, the advance guard of the Rebel army, 400 men under Maj. Charles L. Pyron, ran head on into 420 men of the First Colorado Volunteers led by Maj. John M. Chivington, hardy men from the gold-mining camps around Denver.18 Although the “Pikes Peakers,” as the Texans called them, repulsed the Confederates, the Rebels under Col. William Read “Dirty Shirt” Scurry regrouped and advanced through the piñon and pine hillsides of Glorieta Pass. Just east of the wooded pass, on March 28, 1862, near an adobe way station on the Santa Fe Trail called Pigeon’s Ranch, not far from the crumbling ancient ruins of Pecos Pueblo, the Texans ran into Col. John Potts Slough and 850 Colorado miners. Although the Texans again won the field, a daring flanking movement by Major Chivington managed to destroy the entire Confederate supply train at Johnson’s Ranch in Apache Canyon in the Confederate rear. With the billowing smoke from the depths of the canyon and the angry cries of brave men fighting and dying went any dream of conquering New Mexico and the Far West. With his supply lines blocked, Sibley and his army of 1,800 hungry, demoralized, and homesick men gave up Santa Fe and began evacuating the territory. After skirmishes at Albuquerque and Peralta, the increasingly desperate Rebels abandoned the river for a little-known route by way of the Magdalena and San Mateo mountains. For six weary days, the hungry Texans, dragging their captured “Valverde Battery” with them, stumbled south through barren wastes to reach the Rio Grande below Fort Craig and eventually the safety of the Mesilla Valley. After leaving Col. William Steele’s Seventh Texas behind at Mesilla, Sibley’s defeated army hastened east, back to where they had come from, in the hot summer of 1862. Short of supplies and with a sizeable army approaching from California, Steele, too, soon headed east.19 Sibley’s New Mexico campaign was a disaster unparalleled in the history of the Southwest. As many as 500 Texans in homespun and butternut lay dead from battle and disease. Just as many Confederates were prisoners of war. In all, one-third of the once proud Army of New Mexico had been lost, and the hopes for a Confederate empire in the Southwest vanished in the clear desert air. Too much had been expected of so few. The Californians who came to the Rio Grande to drive Sibley’s Confederates from New Mexico that summer of 1862 were the vanguard of some 1,400 men who would eventually occupy the territory and far west Texas. They were part of the 2,350-man Column from California, fifteen infantry companies, five companies of cavalry, and an artillery battery.

introduction

•  7

New Mexico Territory during the Confederate Invasion, 1861–1862.

Through scorching 120-degree heat and the worst drought in thirty years, the men established depots and supply lines that stretched hundreds of miles across the Colorado Desert and east along the Gila Trail from Fort Yuma to the Pima Villages, Tucson, and the heart of Apachería. They crossed the Sonoran Desert, or what was called the “Great Desert” at the

8  •

introduction

time, one of the most inhospitable places in North America, and they were determined to etch their name in Civil War history. The commander of the Column from California, cold-eyed Gen. James Henry Carleton, was a ruthless, hardheaded, twenty-three-year veteran of the First United States Dragoons.20 Like most Americans at the time, he saw Hispanics and Native Americans as depraved and ignorant and as an impediment to the advance of civilization and the American empire. He would try to exterminate many of the latter by using the former to assist him. From Fort Yuma and Tucson on his way to New Mexico, Carleton tried repeatedly to communicate with General Canby by way of the Gila and Salt rivers, saying he was on his way with a battery of artillery and fifteen companies of infantry and five companies of cavalry. He had established martial law in the soon-to-be created Territory of Arizona and was under orders “to recapture all the works in New Mexico which had been surrendered to rebels.” Due to floodwaters, however, the courier had turned back, and Carleton had been forced to hire several Mexican expressmen to carry the message across Sonora and Chihuahua to El Paso del Norte and then up the Rio Grande.21 The Mexicans, too, ran into uncounted dangers and were forced to turn back. Desperate to communicate with Canby, Carleton next sent three men directly east along the overland trail, but two of the men were killed by Indians at Apache Pass. After “a miraculous escape and a perilous ride” of 160 miles, a third man, John W. Jones, arrived on the Rio Grande at Picacho, above Mesilla, only to collapse from exhaustion in a “half-delirious” state; he was captured, and his dispatches seized.22 Only two days after arriving on the Rio Grande, Lieutenant Colonel Eyre received an express from Chivington, now a colonel in command of the Southern Military District at Fort Craig, directing him to arrange an exchange of prisoners with Colonel Steele. Chivington and Carleton were hoping that Capt. William McCleave and nine of his men who had been taken by Capt. Sherod Hunter’s Confederates near the Pima Villages in March 1862 could be exchanged for two Texan lieutenants held at Fort Craig. As Eyre prepared to send an express to Mesilla under a white flag, a party of men came riding upriver led by Captain McCleave. Colonel Steele had released McCleave and his men in exchange for Capt. James W. Gardner, who had been badly wounded at Valverde and taken captive while in the hospital at Socorro. The only problem was that Gardner had died a week earlier at Fort Craig. In response, Eyre sent Capt. Emil Fritz to Mesilla hoping to obtain the release of John Jones, the fearless expressman

introduction

•  9

and scout, along with an outspoken Mesilla Unionist, John Lemon, who had been mistreated and almost hanged by the Rebels. Within days, Fritz returned, saying he had arranged to have two Rebel lieutenants exchanged for McCleave.23 On July 8, the Californians were joined by Capt. George Washington Howland and 100 men of the Third United States Cavalry from Fort Craig. Eyre then pushed downriver to the San Diego Crossing, where he began ferrying his men to the east bank of the river in a small boat the Confederates had failed to destroy and on a small raft constructed by the Californians and floated downriver from Fort Thorn. No sooner was Eyre across the river than he received orders telling him not to do so until Colonel Chivington could join him from Fort Craig with 700 infantry, 200 cavalry, and a battery of artillery.24 Surmising that Chivington wanted the glory of raising the Stars and Stripes over Mesilla, Eyre continued downriver anyway.25 Finding no forage at Doña Ana, he pressed on to Las Cruces, where he expected to find the rear guard of the Texans. Disillusioned and plagued by desertions, the Confederates, he learned, were already at Franklin.26 Eyre was sure he could capture the increasingly desperate and destitute Texans, but any attempt to do so would be a blatant violation of orders he had already disregarded.27 On August 7, 1862, as Eyre’s small army settled into camp in the Mesilla Valley, Carleton and two companies of cavalry arrived on the Rio Grande. Departing Tucson only days apart, other units of the California Column quickly followed. Carleton was proud and excited. California “has reason to be proud of the sons she has sent across the continent to assist in the great struggle in which our country is now engaged,” he wrote.28 On the way east, the forty-eight-year-old Carleton had already encountered problems that would come to consume him and his command. Two miles east of a craggy Apache Pass, at the south end of the Dos Cabezas Mountains, Carleton had come across the remains of nine miners killed and tortured by the Apaches.29 When fighting later erupted with the Chiricahuas, he was forced to establish a post at Apache Pass called Fort Bowie. While on the march, Carleton also learned that the entire population of the small mining settlement of Pinos Altos, men, women, and children, were in a “destitute and starving condition.” In response, he sent Capt. Edmond D. Shirland and a small detachment of men with five beeves, 600 pounds of pemmican, 3,000 pounds of flour, and 1,500 pounds of sugar to the “starving people.”30 Shirland arrived at the mines on August 7 to find

10  •

introduction

the population “extremely poor and destitute,” and “living on purslane and roots, and several . . . insane from hunger.”31 Crossing the flooded Rio Grande at the San Diego Crossing, Carleton reached Las Cruces on August 10 to find Eyre anxiously awaiting his arrival. Proclaiming an end to the “era of anarchy and misrule,” Carleton announced martial law and began confiscating the property of Confederate sympathizers. All communities were to establish sanitary regulations, clean the streets, and establish marketplaces. Carleton said he had spent five years in the territory, and he promised to respect the “character and wants of the people.”32 Like Eyre, Carleton was disappointed that the Federals had not been able to capture the rear guard of the Rebel army. Burning wagons and destroying what remained of their ammunition, the defeated and demoralized Confederates had fled downriver into Texas. Before leaving the Mesilla Valley, however, Colonel Steele had given orders to seize all the animals and fodder in the valley. At bayonet point, the local population had been forced to accept worthless Confederate script. Near Mesilla, Steele sent Capt. William Clever to seize horses and mules, as well as “all the beef cattle and work oxen” and “to take from the Mexicans any rifle, musket, or other guns suitable for military purposes.”33 The situation was so bad at Mesilla that the Rebels had gone into the fields “to take the Mexicans’ work oxen and mules in order to get transportation for Texas,” a Union soldier recorded. The remnants of the Rebel army “have robbed the country of everything in it,” he continued.34 Although Colonel Steele had made peace with the Spanish-speaking population of the valley, many in that population now saw their livelihoods endangered and their families threatened, so they began to resist violently, attacking the Texans in a bloody battle near Mesilla on July 2 in which the Rebels lost seven men, including Captain Clever. As many as forty of the Hispanos were said to have died in the vicious fighting, much of it hand to hand.35 At the same time, the increasingly desperate Confederates were also raiding the small villages below El Paso, “robbing and plundering everything they could get their hands on,” a Union soldier noted.36 When a detail of fifteen Confederates went to the adobe village of Socorro, fifty angry villagers attacked them, killed one of their men, and took several others prisoner. On the morning of June 15, to teach the Hispanos a lesson and obtain the release of the prisoners, Capt. William L. Kirksey took Company E of the Seventh Texas, along with two six-pounder cannon from Maj. Trevanion T. Teel’s artillery battery, and proceeded to Socorro. A vicious fight erupted

introduction

•  11

with 250 villagers in which several citizens were killed. Homes in the community were badly damaged by artillery fire, as was the village church, Nuestra Señora de la Concepción.37 Although the Texan prisoners were rescued, the villagers killed several Rebel stragglers. As the beleaguered and defeated men in gray, many of them hungry, demoralized, and fatigued, struck east through the arid expanses and cactusstudded canyons of the Trans-Pecos for San Antonio, Carleton arrived at Mesilla to find the entire valley flooded. The rampaging Rio Grande had “broken across the country,” he wrote, and left Mesilla on an island in the midst of a vast lake.38 Not long after arriving at Mesilla, he set out for Franklin with three companies of cavalry, still disappointed that the Rebels had not stood and fought. At Franklin, all that remained of the Confederate army were twenty-five sick and disabled men in a makeshift hospital.39 After raising the Stars and Stripes over Fort Bliss, Carleton headed downriver, hoping to restore “the confidence of the people.” The “abhorrence they expressed for the Confederate troops and of the rebellion,” he concluded, was evidence of their loyalty to the United States.40 Carleton somehow confused the Hispanos’ disdain of the Rebels with patriotism toward the United States. Nevertheless, events were accelerating fast. On August 22, Capt. John C. Cremony’s company of the Second California Cavalry hoisted the flag over Fort Quitman while Captain Shirland and his company set out for Fort Davis, some 140 miles to the east.41 Leaving the Rio Grande on the afternoon of August 23, Shirland rode through a forest of ocotillos and the rocky confines of Quitman Canyon to find Eagle Springs filled with rubbish and rotting sheep carcasses, a parting gift from the Mescalero Apaches to the retreating Texans and a warning to the men from California. Here, on the northern flank of the picturesque Eagle Mountains, more Confederate equipment was found destroyed. Continuing east the next day, Shirland found Van Horn Wells filled with more carrion. After cleaning the springs, he could not find enough water to sustain his company, so he took twenty men and continued southeast along the San Antonio–El Paso Road, the bulk of his company returning to Eagle Springs to wait for him eight days before returning to the river. Escaping the scorching daytime heat, the men rode through the night to Dead Man’s Hole on the southwestern flank of the Davis Mountains, where Shirland found enough water for his men and horses. After a few hours’ rest, he continued on to Barrel Springs. The next afternoon, he sent two men forward with a Mexican guide to “find out the condition of affairs at Fort Davis.”42

12  •

introduction

When the fort was reported abandoned, Shirland rode into the post on August 29. After symbolically raising the Stars and Stripes over the commanding officers’ quarters, he hurriedly made a survey of the buildings at the post, even the small wooden outhouses. Some of the structures had been burned, and others were missing doors and windows thanks to Edward Hall, a ruffian from Presidio del Norte, and other scavengers. In the office of the Overland Mail Company, the badly decomposed remains of a man, apparently killed by Indians, were found lying on the floor with several bullet and arrow wounds.43 Shirland ordered that the ghastly remains of the man be removed and buried. Only one day after arriving at Fort Davis, Captain Shirland returned west only to encounter a large and hostile party of Mescaleros blocking the road. In a desperate “running fight” over several miles, four of the Indians were killed, and two of Shirland’s troopers were wounded, one man seriously. By September 2, Shirland’s fatigued horsemen were back on the Rio Grande.44 Carleton was proud of Shirland and his men, who had hoisted the colors “240 miles into the State of Texas” and “whipped the Indians” at the same time.45 With news that the California Column had arrived in far west Texas, Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, who was preparing to occupy the lower Rio Grande valley with 7,000 bluecoats, wrote Carleton, proposing that the two forces link up to seal the entire 804-mile Texas-Mexico border. By so doing, they could cut the flow of cotton into Mexico and strangle Texas economically. Perhaps the two armies could even meet in San Antonio. The presence of Union forces in Texas, President Abraham Lincoln thought, would provide a haven for beleaguered and brutalized Union refugees who were fleeing the state in ever-increasing numbers. Most were crossing the Rio Grande into Mexico, but a few were heading west into the vast expanses of the Trans-Pecos. A Federal force on the Rio Grande could also wave the Stars and Stripes at the French Imperialistas and perhaps intimidate them into leaving Mexico. Communications for the two Union armies proved difficult. No sooner had the ambitious Banks and his army in blue waded ashore on Brazos Island in November 1863 than he dispatched a courier with a message for Carleton. The horseman, however, was overtaken and attacked forty-five miles north of Eagle Pass near San Felipe Springs, where he was badly wounded by four Mexicans hired by the “Christ killing Jew[ish] cotton speculators,” a Union guerrilla asserted.46 A second letter did get through

introduction

•  13

by way of Monterrey, Parras, and Chihuahua, and in early December 1863 was finally carried north across the desert to Franklin and then Mesilla.47 With the encouragement of Myndert M. Kimmey, the American vice consul at Monterrey, Carleton thought seriously of sending a small force to destroy the cotton being crossed at Eagle Pass. Here, he thought, 250 desperate Texas Unionists who had congregated in Monterrey could join him. Commanding from Hart’s Mill at Franklin, Col. Joseph Rodman West promised to enlist the men and pay the usual bounty, but they would need to travel by way of Chihuahua and cross the border at El Paso del Norte.48 On December 27, 1862, a Texas-German Unionist named Fritz Tegener arrived at Mesilla, saying he had escaped an attack on seventy Texas Unionists on August 10, 1862, on the West Fork of the Nueces River, in which nineteen men had been killed and nine executed. Tegener said there were large numbers of Unionists in the Texas Hill Country who were “cruelly oppressed and who would cooperate with any U.S. troops sent to their rescue.”49 By April 1864, Chief of Staff Henry W. Halleck realized the Union army would not be able to advance far into the vast Trans-Pecos. He urged Carleton, nevertheless, to launch a “demonstration . . . on the upper Rio Grande which would at least embarrass the rebels in that quarter.”50 Carleton knew that to push any sizeable force across the vast expanses of the Trans-Pecos would be a logistical nightmare similar to what he had experienced in crossing the Sonoran Desert from California. By this time, Carleton had come to fear a sizeable Confederate advance from Texas, and he was in more of a defensive mode anyway. Problems with the Navajos and Apaches, who were fighting to maintain control of their lands and their way of life, were also consuming more and more of his time and troop commitments. A small reconnaissance of General Banks’s army did advance upriver from Brownsville in March 1864, only to be turned back in a spirited defense by a small band of Confederates at Laredo. Union authorities managed to stir up considerable excitement in the area around Eagle Pass, but any full-scale invasion of the interior of Texas never materialized from either Carleton or Banks.51 Carleton was at Franklin on the morning of September 2 when he received an urgent express from Santa Fe ordering him to turn over command of the District of Arizona to Colonel West and to proceed to Santa Fe to assume command of the Department of New Mexico.52 Before leaving Franklin, he made arrangements to have the Confederate sick and wounded paroled and sent east toward San Antonio. Escorted by Lt. Nathaniel J.

14  •

introduction

Pishon, the Rebels were given forty days’ rations, medicines, and wagons for those who could not walk.53 Leaving Franklin one day later, Carleton stopped at Las Cruces to transfer command of the District of Arizona to Colonel West before continuing north. Carleton was crossing the dreaded Jornada del Muerto with a small escort on September 8 when he met ninety-three ragged Confederate convalescents headed south, men left behind in New Mexico who had been paroled and were bound for San Antonio. “Keep them moving. Have no delays at Fillmore. . . . Do not let them delay at all at Franklin,” Carleton told West. The Texans should not “know the full extent of our force now en route from California.”54 At Fort Craig on September 9, he paused briefly to inspect the post and the garrison before continuing north to Santa Fe.55 After Carleton arrived in the capital on September 16, the always judicious General Canby transferred command to the brash old frontier dragoon and departed for Washington. Only two days later, Carleton issued orders naming the men who would help him command the military in the territory. Many were individuals he had known and trusted in the “Old Army,” and others were men from California who had proved themselves on the long and arduous trek from California. Appointed as acting inspector general was Maj. Henry Davies Wallen of the Seventh United States Infantry, an attentive, articulate, and portly West Point graduate who was commanding Fort Union at the time.56 Born in Savannah, Georgia, on April 19, 1819, Wallen was appointed to West Point from Florida and graduated thirty-fourth in the class of 1840 that included William Tecumseh Sherman, George Henry Thomas, Richard Stoddert Ewell, and William Steele. Breveted a second lieutenant in the Third Infantry, he transferred to the Fourth Infantry, served in Florida, and was wounded in the opening battle of the Mexican War at Palo Alto. Wallen had been with Gen. Zachary Taylor in northeastern Mexico, was promoted to regimental quartermaster, and then to adjutant in February 1849. Advanced to captain in 1850, he was sent to the Northwest, was in the Yakima Expedition of 1855, and took part in a large expedition that laid out a 630-mile wagon trail from Fort Dalles, Oregon Territory, to the Valley of Great Salt Lake in 1859.57 One of several Southerners in the territory remaining loyal to the Union, Wallen transferred to the Seventh Infantry in November 1861 and was promoted to major. Wallen had left many “kindren and friends to remain true to my flag.”58 Another loyal Southerner, Capt. Andrew Wallace Evans of the Sixth

introduction

•  15

Henry Davies Wallen, ca. 1870. Courtesy National Archives.

16  •

introduction

Andrew Wallace Evans in 1873. Courtesy National Archives.

introduction

•  17

United States Cavalry was named acting assistant inspector general and commissary of musters. After attending Harvard College briefly, Evans was appointed to West Point from Maryland, where he graduated twenty-sixth in the class of 1852 and was breveted a second lieutenant in the Seventh Infantry. He was promoted to second lieutenant in 1855 and first lieutenant the following year. Made a captain in the Third Cavalry in May 1861, Evans transferred to the Sixth Cavalry three months later.59 At the time of the Confederate invasion of New Mexico, he was commanding the Western District of New Mexico from Cubero, an isolated rock-and-adobe village fifty-two miles west of Albuquerque at the base of the 11,301-foot summit of Mt. Taylor. At the Battle of Valverde, a bloody confrontation in February 1862 that Alexander Evans, the captain’s brother and a former Whig congressman from Maryland, called “a sharp piece of work,” Captain Evans served ably and honorably on Canby’s staff.60 Carleton badly needed capable officers, and both Wallen and Evans were deemed worthy. Although able, both men were serving in New Mexico reluctantly. Largely through the inf luences of his more famous brother, Evans had repeatedly asked to join the Army of the Potomac. Long after the Confederate reversal at the Battle of Glorieta, the governor of Maryland, Augustus Williamson Bradford, asked that Evans be ordered east to command the First Maryland Volunteer Cavalry with “as little delay as possible.” The general in chief at the time, Henry Wager Halleck, flatly refused, writing that under no circumstances could Evans “be withdrawn from New Mexico.”61 For Wallen, the war began on November 25, 1861, when he arrived in Washington, D.C., from Fort Cascades, Washington Territory, only to learn that a large part of his Seventh United States Infantry had been taken prisoner at San Agustín Pass, in far-off New Mexico Territory. Like Evans, he wanted to fight in the East, where he knew the war would be decided and where he thought his children could take pride in his “faithful adherence to the government in this time of trouble.” He went to see President Abraham Lincoln, Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, and army commander Gen. Winfield Scott. Months later he wrote Gen. George McClellan, saying that he wanted to be made a brigadier general of volunteers, that his heart was with “the cause of my country; and I desire, in this her hour of trial, not only to express my loyalty in words, but to prove it by taking any command you may do me the honor to confer upon me.”62 If he could not fight in the East, he would go anywhere, even to Kentucky or Missouri.

18  •

introduction

On January 8, 1862, Wallen was ordered to New Mexico, and he immediately asked to be relieved of the orders, but was told that he must go to New Mexico and that it was vitally important that he take charge of funds to pay the army in the territory. Arriving at St. Louis with orders to escort a large payroll to Santa Fe, he telegraphed General Thomas, still pleading to join the Union army in Missouri, at the time commanded by General Halleck. In response, General Thomas told him to go to New Mexico. Arriving at Fort Riley and finding the Santa Fe Trail “occupied by guerillas,” Wallen telegraphed Secretary of War Stanton, asking for a change of orders. Stanton flatly refused, telling him he must proceed to Santa Fe and report to General Canby.63 Wallen next tried to persuade Gen. John C. Fremont, who was commanding the Mountain Department at Wheeling, Virginia, to request his services. Adjutant General Lorenzo Thomas refused the request, however, and when Wallen finally arrived in New Mexico in June 1862, Canby placed him in command of Fort Union.64 In the months that followed their appointments, Wallen and Evans spent a considerable amount of time dealing with the aftermath of the Confederate invasion. No sooner had they assumed their new duties than they were selected to serve on a highly charged court of inquiry that investigated the conduct of Capt. Richard S. C. Lord at the Battle of Valverde. A veteran of the First United States Cavalry, the Ohio-born Lord requested the investigation after reports by Maj. James Lowry Donaldson and Lt. Charles Meinhold appeared in the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette saying he had “fled ingloriously from the battlefield.” 65 In the heat of battle, Lord allegedly refused orders from Donaldson to advance with his company to the defense of Capt. Alexander McRae’s artillery battery. Later at Los Lunas in March 1862, it was also asserted that Lord had proposed surrendering his small force. Evidence in the case had been heard at Peralta in May 1862, but the court had dissolved because of the “absence of important witnesses.”66 The new court assembled at Santa Fe on October 3, with Wallen as president and Evans as judge advocate. Doctors Elisha Ingram Baily, medical director of the department, and James M. McNulty, surgeon in the First California Infantry, also served on the court. After waiting several days for Captain Lord to arrive, the court finally began deliberations in Santa Fe on the morning of October 7. With Capt. Henry Raymond Selden of the Fifth Infantry acting as Lord’s counsel, defense witnesses included lieutenants Charles Meinhold, William T. Pennock, and Reuben F. Bernard; First Sergeant John Walker of Lord’s Company D of the First Cavalry; and, of

introduction

•  19

course, Lord himself. Although Major Donaldson stated in a sworn affidavit that he had repeatedly ordered Lord to advance to McRae’s defense, he was not sure, in the confusion of battle, if he had given the order personally. Moreover, Donaldson said, he had intended neither to imply that Lord was a coward nor to question Lord’s courage or his dedication to the Union. After four days of grueling testimony, the court concluded that what had been said in the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette was largely false. Lord had not fled from the field and had made every effort to recapture the Federal guns. Besides, Donaldson was not in uniform at Valverde, and the soldiers in Lord’s command were therefore not “bound to recognize his orders.” Furthermore, Donaldson had not given orders in person, and his account of Lord’s actions was incorrect. At Los Lunas, Lord was without guides and had no provisions, his horses were jaded, and he was between “two superior forces of the enemy.” Considering the “true light” of the situation, the court exonerated him and recommended “no further action should be taken in the case.” Still embittered, Lord rode east, where he distinguished himself at Gettysburg and Petersburg.67 Wallen also served as president and Evans as judge advocate in a twelveman military commission that tried José María Rivas as a Confederate spy. A citizen of Chihuahua and a musician by profession, Rivas had crossed the Rio Grande to provide forage for the Rebels at Fort Davis, Van Horn Wells, and Eagle Springs. He later drifted west and then north into the Mesilla Valley to carry dispatches to Pinos Altos and scout for Capt. Bethel Coopwood at Cañada Alamosa. Nine days before the Battle of Valverde, Rivas had been captured near Bosque Bonito, below Fort Craig, by Capt. James “Paddy” Graydon’s company of the New Mexico Volunteers, imprisoned at Fort Craig, and taken to Santa Fe in chains. Unable to defend himself and with Captain Graydon providing incriminating evidence that he had acted as a spy for both Baylor and Sibley, Rivas was found guilty, and the commission sentenced him to “be shot to death by a detachment of New Mexican Volunteers.”68 Although General Canby approved the findings, he suspended the sentence and sent Rivas to Fort Union. Three months later President Lincoln concluded Rivas had been convicted largely on hearsay. Although he had been captured within Union lines, he never admitted to being a “spy” and probably had not understood the “technical meaning of the term.” As far as Lincoln was concerned, Rivas was a Rebel scout and a prisoner of war not subject to execution. Other soldiers were not as fortunate as Rivas. A general court-martial

20  •

introduction

at Fort Garland in May 1863 found Pvt. Humberto Carbajal of the First New Mexico Infantry guilty of murder and ordered him executed. Carbajal was accused of shooting Pvt. Francisco Lujan in the back of his head while the latter slept in the company quarters at the post. Testimony indicated that Carbajal had been drunk and had cursed Lujan the night before the shooting. Carbajal, saying he was tempted by the devil, offered to serve five additional years in the army and give all his pay to the widow of the deceased. Unmoved, the court sentenced him “to be hung by the neck until . . . dead, dead, dead.” With both Col. John M. Chivington, commanding the District of Colorado, and Gen. John McAllister Schofield, administering the Department of Missouri, approving the sentence, Carbajal was hanged at Denver City on November 27, 1863.69 Other soldiers in the Department of New Mexico were executed, including Joseph Coffield, a private in the First New Mexico Cavalry who was found guilty of murder and shot by firing squad in December 1863, and Juan Madrid, a private in the First New Mexico Cavalry, who was found guilty of murder in September 1865 and hanged the following year.70 After being appointed inspector general, Wallen served on a board of officers with orders to select a new military post in the Navajo country to be named in honor of the departed General Canby.71 Wallen also spent endless hours planning for a second Confederate invasion. Although the approach of the California Column hastened the departure of the Rebel army from the Mesilla Valley, Carleton concluded that a second Confederate invasion was inevitable. Rumors crept down the Santa Fe Trail from Fort Leavenworth that a Rebel force was preparing to move north out of Texas, seize Fort Larned and Fort Lyon, and cut New Mexico’s vital link to Missouri. If fact, a “considerable force” of Rebels was within days of the Arkansas River.72 At Grey’s Ranch on the Rio Las Animas in southwestern Colorado, it was said that 100 men of “known secession proclivities” were preparing to join the Confederate army.73 As early as September 1862, Rafael Luna, Indian agent from Los Lunas, had met a party of friendly Comanches between the Arkansas and Cimarron rivers who said that a force of Texans was camped on the Llano Estacado about 350 miles east of the Pecos River. When asked how many Texans the Comanches had seen, the Indians responded, “mucho.”74 In response, Acting Governor William Frederick Milton Arny emphatically told Secretary of State William H. Seward that a large number of Confederates was preparing to invade the territory to use New Mexico as a springboard to Colorado

introduction

•  21

and Utah to “establish a number of slave states.”75 In May 1863, Comanches under Chief Re-sheh-keepah appeared at Anton Chico and Chaperito, on the western fringes of the Llano Estacado, to report a large party of Confederates with many tents and five pieces of artillery north of the overland mail route, between the Pecos and Canadian rivers, “marching to New Mexico.” The Comanches said they had taken a “great many horses from the Texans.”76 Should the Confederates indeed continue west, the Indians promised to send an express into Camp Easton, a recently established Federal outpost on the Canadian River southwest of Fort Union.77 Many in the army did not believe the Comanches, thinking they were concocting stories of invading Texans to ingratiate themselves with the Federals in hopes of receiving rations. Carleton and Wallen were not so sure. Well into 1863, Carleton remained convinced that a Confederate advance was certain, and he worked hard to obtain any information that would give him advance warning. He also asked Wallen to study the various routes the Rebels might use in invading the territory. Wallen was initially reluctant to undertake such an inquiry because he had “been but a short time in the country.”78 Nevertheless, he gathered every map he could find at department headquarters and studied the geography of West Texas and New Mexico. Any movement would probably come by way of the San Antonio–El Paso Road, he concluded, as had been the case in 1861–62. Moreover, if Col. John Robert Baylor was to lead the invasion, as it was widely speculated, Wallen was certain the invasion would come by way of Franklin because Baylor knew “the country well” and “was liked while there.” Besides, the road from San Antonio to Franklin could be “traveled at all seasons of the year.”79 At the same time, Wallen did not rule out a Rebel advance up the Pecos River or across the vast expanses of the Llano Estacado by way of the Canadian River. Any invasion by way of the Canadian was certain to strike for the Pecos River at Anton Chico before moving against Fort Union, he concluded. This route was impractical in winter due to the lack of fuel, however. The Texans might well use the route taken by the ill-fated 1842 Santa Fe Expedition and turn west along the Butterfield Stage route to Franklin. Wallen also thought there was a remote possibility the Rebels might advance on New Mexico by way of Chihuahua, although such an expedition was certain to raise the ire of the Mexicans and make a “great stir.” If the Mexicans denied use of their territory, the audacious Confederates, he speculated, might well try to “force [their] way through the country.”80

22  •

introduction

Many of the people in the Mesilla Valley and in the small villages below El Paso were “much alarmed” with rumors of the approach of the Confederates. At Franklin, Lt. Col. William McMullen was sure the Rebels would move by way of the Pecos before striking against Fort Stanton and then across San Agustín Pass into the Mesilla Valley, where the Texans would be cheered by what remained of the Secessionists. In the process, the Confederates could “cut off” McMullen at Franklin.81 Colonel West felt that the Confederates would probably place “a small force . . . on the Rio Grande” below Mesilla, where they could obtain supplies from Chihuahua and “induce me to stay and watch them while the main body moved up the Pecos.”82 So that Carleton would have at least thirty days’ warning and a rough idea of the size of the invading force, Wallen recommended stationing small parties of “well mounted and rationed . . . mountain men” on the Llano Estacado, at a point where the 35th Parallel crossed the Red River and at points east of the Pecos River on both overland trails. If the Confederates invaded by way of the Pecos, forces from Forts Marcy, Garland, Stanton, Wingate, Sumner and from the posts at Los Pinos and Albuquerque could be concentrated to defend Fort Union. These forces could easily hold out until reinforcements from Colorado and posts in the southern part of the territory could arrive.83 If the invasion came by way of Franklin, troops from the District of Arizona could be concentrated at Fort Craig or give battle on a plateau overlooking the river near Doña Ana. Wallen also stood by as Carleton worked to patch up a jurisdictional quarrel with the governor of Colorado that had erupted in the closing months of Canby’s administration. Gov. John Evans had complained that recruiters were enlisting men for the New Mexico Volunteers in the southern part of Colorado Territory, despite Canby having issued a desist order. Although Capt. Charles Deus complied with the order, Maj. Adolph H. Mayer continued to enlist men in the San Luis Valley.84 Carleton was hoping he could count on men from Colorado to assist in defending New Mexico, as had been the case in 1862, and he did not want to alienate Evans. He was greatly relieved when Evans assured him he could count on the Colorado Volunteers.85 Carleton also asked General Schofield at St. Louis for help if necessary. In turn, Schofield told Colonel Chivington and his Colorado Volunteers to be prepared to move south at a moment’s notice.86 In preparing for a second invasion, Carleton ordered Colonel West to compile a census of every “able bodied man” on the Rio Grande from

introduction

•  23

Doña Ana to San Elizario. The names of 1,253 Hispanos would eventually be collected. Of them, Colonel West was certain he could rely on 500 men to take the field. Well aware of the violent uprising of the locals against the Texans, the most “expedient way of employing” the Hispanos, he concluded, was to “turn them loose with privilege to pillage from the enemy and keep whatever they took in the way of animals and arms.”87 Certain the local population would “rally to repel the invader,” West asked for 500 rifles and 50,000 rounds of ammunition from the Fort Union depot.88 Considerable commotion was created in early December 1862 when West issued orders to confiscate grain from the Hispanic population in the Mesilla Valley and the valley below Franklin. Anyone found with more than two months’ subsistence would be considered an enemy of the United States and “treated accordingly.”89 When Hispanos by the hundreds fled into Mexico, taking animals and foodstuffs with them, West issued farreaching orders that any tillable land left fallow would to be turned over to others for cultivation, thus coercing the farmers to return. Such intimidation did cause a few Hispanos to return, yet hundreds remained south of the border until the conclusion of the war.90 Visiting Mesilla, Franklin, and San Elizario in early January 1863, Carleton hoped to calm fears among the local population. In the process, he became convinced that a Confederate invasion was unlikely, so he sent home the few Colorado troops in the territory. Yet Carleton was sure the Rebels would eventually move to secure the Mesilla Valley before pushing into Arizona and southern California, where Southern sentiments were known to be strong.91 By early February 1863, Wallen had joined a board of officers at Mesilla “to select a site for a defensive work . . . capable of holding one thousand men with three months supplies . . . somewhere . . . between Hart’s Mill in Texas and Doña Ana in New Mexico.”92 Other members of the board included West, who had recently been promoted to brigadier general, and First Lt. Allen L. Anderson, engineering officer for the department. The board first rode along the west bank of the Rio Grande near Mesilla and then along the east bank between Las Cruces and Doña Ana. With a small escort, Wallen next explored the west bank of the river between Hart’s Mill and Mesilla, while West and Anderson examined the area between Mesilla and Picacho. West also combed the sandy west bank of the river from Picacho to a point one mile above Doña Ana. Wallen and Anderson then rode along the east bank from Hart’s Mill to Las Cruces and then from

24  •

introduction

Doña Ana to Robledo. In the entire Mesilla Valley, the board could find no suitable location for an earthworks similar to that at Fort Union. All they could find was a site on the west bank of the river, about 2,000 yards southwest of Mesilla, where a redoubt for 500 men could be built.93 While Wallen was in the Mesilla Valley, General West dispatched Bradford Daily, a well-known El Paso frontiersman, and Washington L. Parvin, a former army captain, along with a small escort, on a secret mission to Horsehead Crossing on the Pecos River to watch for any approach of the enemy. At the crossing, Daily found the two-week-old tracks of about fifty “whites” and the ruts of a wagon leading in the direction of Fort Stockton. After going into camp a mile below the crossing, Daily watched as a party of twenty-five men approached the river, discovered his trail, and began trailing him. Retreating to the Rio Grande, Daily had no doubt the men were a scouting party of Texans likely led by his friend and drinking partner from before the war, the legendary frontiersman-turned-Confederate scout and spy Henry Skillman.94 At Mesilla district headquarters, it was concluded that the men were the advance of a much larger Confederate force. Consequently, West sent “a trusty Mexican” to Presidio del Norte to determine what supplies the Texans were receiving from Chihuahua. Besides keeping a small force at Fort Quitman, Capt. Nathaniel J. Pishon was sent with a company of the First California Cavalry and another of the First California Infantry, along with twenty Hispanos from San Elizario led by Gregorio Garcia. After establishing a depot east of the Hueco Tanks, they were to watch for any Confederate advance and proceed to the Guadalupe Mountains to teach the Mescalero Apaches “a lesson that will be long remembered.95 At the same time, Carleton sent orders from Santa Fe for West to destroy anything that might be of value to the invaders on the Rio Grande below Franklin as well as in the Mesilla Valley before falling back on Fort Craig. “Hover by night around his camps . . . set fire to the grass and all kinds of fodder which his animals might otherwise get . . . shoot down his men by night and then before day scatter in all directions,” Carleton told West. “Baylor and his people will have reason to remember the handful of Californians he may find below the Jornada.”96 If Capt. Edward B. Willis was forced to evacuate Hart’s Mill, West told him to destroy any building that could be of any use to the Rebels at San Elizario, Isleta, Socorro, Concordia Ranch, and Fort Bliss. Captain Willis was even to remove the buhrstones and running gear from Hart’s Mill and destroy any means by which the Confederates could make flour. Nothing was to be left that could

introduction

•  25

be used by the enemy.97 Disregarding the needs of local Hispanics, Carleton ordered that even the grain was to be removed. In contrast to Carleton, West wanted to defend the Mesilla Valley vigorously. To abandon the area, he argued, would give the “Confederacy communication with the Pacific.” Moreover, the Federals’ conceding of the Mesilla Valley would only embolden the Rebels and prepare them to move against Fort Craig. With 2,000 men and a battery of artillery, he was sure he could defeat a force twice his size. “It is in no spirit of bravado that I offer to stake my life upon the result,” he told Carleton.98 General West ordered Col. Kit Carson at Fort Stanton to kill or capture the Confederates whom Brad Daily had seen at Horsehead Crossing. Should any sizeable force of Texans be detected, Carson was to send expresses to Santa Fe, Mesilla, and Fort Union. By the time Carson received West’s directive, he had already sent Capt. Francisco Abreu, with part of his New Mexico Volunteers, down the Pecos as far as Delaware Creek.99 In the months to come, other scouts from Fort Stanton pushed as far downriver as Horsehead Crossing. From Fort Stanton, Carson reported that Cadetta, a leading Mescalero chief, had asked that his warriors be allowed to “steal what they can in the way of stock from the Texans.” Considering the rules of war and acting on the recommendations of Capt. James Graydon, Carson was convinced the Mescaleros could be “valuable auxiliaries[,] . . . cripple the enemy,” and put “them on foot.”100 Carson suspended all repairs to Fort Stanton until he could learn “something definite in regard to the threatened invasion.”101 Yet for months in early 1863 no sign of the Texans could be found on the Pecos. Nevertheless still expecting a Rebel advance up the river and wanting ample warning, Carleton established a Fort Stanton–Santa Fe weekly express. Well into 1863, frenzied rumors persisted of Confederates advancing on New Mexico. When unverified information reached Franklin that 1,000 Confederates were already at Horsehead Crossing, Maj. William McMullen reported a near panic at Isleta, Socorro, and San Elizario, from which a large part of the population began moving their families and property across the river to Mexico.102 People at Franklin were also fearful of an attack from sixty noisy Confederate sympathizers who had gathered across the river at El Paso del Norte. Much of what the Federals were hearing emanated from a single individual, the crafty and daring Henry Skillman. Scouting for the Confederates into the Trans-Pecos, Skillman was acting not only as a spy, but as a courier

26  •

introduction

for the Confederate refugees in El Paso. As early as November 1862, he was seen in El Paso and a few days later was reported to be below San Elizario with as many as forty men and then at Presidio del Norte.103 To prevent Skillman, a “noted desperado,” from using Mexican soil to communicate with Confederate sympathizers in El Paso and to deter him from spying on Union forces, General West sent Maj. David Fergusson to Ciudad Chihuahua to confer with Gov. Luis Terrazas. Fergusson was in particular to “obtain intelligence of military movements of Texans towards New Mexico and Arizona.”104 Moreover, West asserted, El Paso had become “the rendezvous of a gang of outlaws claiming to be of the party now in rebellion against our government.” According to West, Skillman had “sent secret agents within our lines to watch the movement of our troops and has communicated through Mexican territory, the intelligence so obtained to the enemy.” West was also concerned that the French Imperialistas and the Texas Rebels would form a union on the border and impede Union progress.105 Leaving Mesilla on January 5, 1863, Fergusson paused at El Paso to obtain letters of introduction from David R. Diffenderfer, the American consul, and to inquire into the “status and political sentiments of Ameri­ cans residing in Chihuahua.” After twelve dusty days on the road, he arrived in Chihuahua to find a “neat, clean city of about 13,000 inhabitants.” While waiting to see Governor Terrazas, he met with a handful of loyal Americans. The most important of these was Reuben W. Creel, a Kentucky-born Chihuahua trader who had lived in the city for sixteen years. Fergusson found Creel “a sound, enthusiastic, loyal citizen, unwavering in his devotion to the Union.” German-born merchants Charles Moys and Henry Muller also professed their loyalty to the Union, but such individuals were few.106 Fergusson was so impressed with Creel that he appointed him confidential agent to the U.S. military in New Mexico. Although the Kentuckian had been unfortunate in business and had a large family to support, his services, Creel insisted, would be gratis. Creel immediately addressed letters to the American consuls in Monterrey and Matamoros asking for information on the movement of Confederate forces in Texas. Large numbers of Unionists and army deserters from Texas were said to be arriving daily in both cities.107 In conversation with individuals from Presidio del Norte, Fergusson ascertained that there was no Confederate force of any size west of the Pecos River. Santiago Ramírez, a resident of Presidio del Norte, offered to provide information on the movements of any Confederate force in the

introduction

•  27

area and even to guide Union forces should they move into the Trans-Pecos. Baylor was said to be in San Antonio with 6,000 men, but orders to invade New Mexico had been countermanded, and he had been sent to defend the Texas coast instead. While in Chihuahua, Fergusson also learned that small groups of Southern sympathizers from southern California were passing through the city on their way to Texas. In fact, the notorious Dan Showalter had ridden through Chihuahua only months earlier. While Fergusson was in Chihuahua, a Texas deserter named James Hoffman arrived from Eagle Pass with valuable information about the Confederate garrisons in the interior of the state, as well as about those on the Texas frontier and along the Rio Grande. Hoffman was carrying an express from San Antonio to the border at Fort Duncan when he fled into Mexico. In Chihuahua, Fergusson also met a Texas slave who had escaped from his master, Dr. Charles Ganahl, the post surgeon at Fort Brown. Desertions in the Confederate army in the lower Rio Grande valley were pandemic, the “negro” said, and there was considerable fear of a Federal invasion. It was agreed that both Hoffman and the “contraband” should accompany the Union major back to Mesilla.108 Fergusson also took stock of supplies that might be available in Chihuahua and Durango should the Federals be given permission to move against Texas from the Pacific Coast through Mexico. But neither state had the resources to sustain such a movement, he reluctantly concluded. After four days in Chihuahua, Fergusson was able to see Governor Terrazas. A seasoned diplomat, the governor already knew from authorities at El Paso and Presidio del Norte that Confederates were using Mexican soil to spy on Union forces in West Texas and New Mexico, and he had given orders to prevent any future violation of Mexican sovereignty. Terrazas even provided Fergusson with copies of orders he had sent to prefects on the border. The prefects had allowed the “American Esquilman” to use Mexican soil because they thought he and his men were “common sojourners” who “were going to California” and who needed arms “solely for self protection against Indians,” Terrazas said.109 The governor promised, Fergusson wrote, to do everything in his power to prevent “passage thru Chihuahua [of] any armed organization having hostile designs against our government.” Terrazas said he looked upon the “cause of the Union as the cause of human progress,” and he was interested in preserving the “friendly relations existing between the two nations.” Moreover, Union forces were more than welcome to purchase supplies in Chihuahua. At the same time,

28  •

introduction

the governor expressed interest in suppressing a “gang of Mexican and American desperadoes” led by Edward Hall that was operating out of Fort Leaton on the Texas bank of the Rio Grande near Presidio del Norte and had looted Fort Davis after the Confederate evacuation. Pleased with his visit, Fergusson paused in Ciudad Chihuahua for several days to await the latest news from Texas, finally departing on February 2 and returning north by way of Guadalupe and San Elizario. Ten days after leaving Chihuahua, he was back at Mesilla.110 Despite continued reports of Rebels in the Trans-Pecos, a patrol out of Franklin in May 1863 rode as far east as Fort Stockton, but found no evidence of any Confederates and saw that the San Antonio–El Paso Road was “overgrown with weeds.” At long last, Union authorities were beginning to conclude that Skillman was little more than “a crafty disseminator of reports to perplex us.”111 Yet well into 1864 Union authorities remained concerned the Texans would invade the territory. Conversely, the Confederates were expecting Carleton to strike east across the Trans-Pecos. In San Antonio, plans were under way to resist any such advance at Dead Man’s Pass, just east of the Devil’s River.112 Besides a possible Confederate invasion, a major problem in New Mexico was the army’s inability to pay the Volunteers regularly. Months after the Confederate evacuation, the Volunteers and the New Mexico Militia had not been paid or given a clothing allowance. From Los Pinos in late August 1862, Colonel Carson complained bitterly that although the Regulars had received their pay, many of his men had “not received one single cent,” yet many had “families whom they have to support.” There “[is] much dissatisfaction which may result in injury to the service,” the colonel warned.113 From Lemitar in March 1863, seventy-four men who had served in Graydon’s Spies and Guides appealed to General Carleton for their pay. The money was badly needed, the men wrote, for the “most urgent wants of our families.”114 Another serious problem was a lack of competent physicians. From the time of the Confederate invasion, the army employed itinerant frontier doctors, but the medical director of the department, Dr. Elisha I. Baily, complained that it was “impossible to obtain competent contract physicians to perform the medical duties.”115 The entire army in the territory was “badly off for the want of medical officers,” and the soldiers were not getting the medical attention they deserved, Baily continued. “Those employed are not fit to have charge of sick and wounded, and it is only from the utmost

introduction

•  29

necessity that they are employed.”116 The few capable physicians in the territory had left, and the situation, in Baily’s eyes, was critical. “Should the territory be again invaded and the troops take the field, serious consequences would happen to the wounded,” he warned.117 Yet another problem at the isolated military posts in New Mexico, one that both Wallen and Evans had been acutely aware of since they first arrived on the frontier, was the chronic drunkenness of many of the officers and enlisted men. The consumption of intoxicants had always been an issue in the military, but nowhere was alcohol consumed more readily than at isolated frontier outposts. In New Mexico, temperance influences were weak or nonexistent, and it was common for soldiers to supplement their rations with spirits purchased from the post sutler or whiskey peddler. Officers and enlisted men consumed whiskey to cope with the hostile environment and to relieve the sense of isolation and loneliness. For officers on the frontier, drinking whiskey was an expected part of all social intercourse and refusing a drink was a personal insult.118 At several posts, Wallen found officers so addicted to alcohol they were dysfunctional. An officer at Albuquerque was not only addicted to alcohol, but spent all his time at gambling and in the dance halls. One officer at Fort Craig was so drunk he could not drill his men. While Wallen was on inspection of Fort Wingate on July 11, 1863, a Capt. Eben Everett turned up so drunk that Wallen had him arrested. The inspector agreed not to pursue court-martial charges and recommended clemency when Everett pledged “that for one year from this date I will not drink one single drop of any intoxicating liquid, in any manner or shape whatever.” Carleton agreed to accept Wallen’s recommendations, but nevertheless warned, “The service must not be embarrassed by drunken officers.”119 Drunkenness at military posts in the territory became such a problem that the territorial legislature passed a law making it illegal to sell or give spirituous liquors to noncommissioned officers or soldiers. The situation appeared to be particularly bad in the District of Fort Craig. General Carleton specifically told Wallen that when inspecting Fort Craig, he should make every effort to halt the sale of all intoxicating liquors, including beer, at the sutler’s store and several establishments near the post. Carleton promised to “summarily deal” with any violators. Wallen, however, told the commanding officer at Fort Craig, Col. Edwin Rigg, that he had no objections if the alcohol restrictions imposed by Carleton were removed for officers.120

30  •

introduction

Before Wallen’s inspection, in November 1862, Capt. Samuel Archer of the Fifth United States Infantry at Fort Craig complained that “liquor sellers” were “gradually establishing themselves within convenient distances of this post for the traf[f]ic of their article.” According to Archer, soldiers were obtaining liquor at either Stapleton’s Ranch, seven miles upriver, or at the village of Paraje de Fray Cristobal, six miles downriver. Learning that a former employee of the quartermaster department, John Doyle, was “engaged in the business” at Stapleton’s Ranch, Archer sent a cavalry force to destroy the liquor. When an army employee was shot in a drunken dispute at Paraje, Archer had much of the whiskey in the community seized.121 So serious was the problem at Paraje that a provost guard had to be stationed in the community. Passes were required for any visit to the small village. Approaching Paraje for an inspection in April 1863, Lt. A. I. Russell, provost marshal at Fort Craig, found a private passed out, “laying [sic] across the road drunk.” Revived, the drunken soldier said he had started out from the small community that morning, but because of the wind he had become disoriented “two or three times, and after walking all the morning,” he had arrived at “where he had started.” Being very tired and sick, he “laid down and went to sleep.”122 Inspecting Paraje, Lieutenant Russell “found whiskey in several Mexican houses.” At the residence of Martin Rogers, the lieutenant found a barrel of alcohol “imbedded in the ground.” This was the “favorite mode of hiding whiskey,” Russell concluded. In another house under a bed, he discovered a plank in the dirt floor under which the “faucet of a barrel peep[ed] out and the barrel [was] barely discernable.” Yet at another house where alcohol was known to be dispensed, he found no inebriants, but recovered several army pistols, evidently exchanged for alcohol. A minimusket, navy revolver, and a cavalry carbine were found in other houses. In fact, army weapons were seized from citizens in the community, including the alcalde (mayor).123 Russell was sure a thorough search of Paraje would turn up even more government property. Many of the Americans in Paraje, Russell concluded, were not only selling whiskey, but “had no legitimate business aside from gambling.” After arresting three American gamblers, one of whom referred to Col. Edwin Rigg as “a d—— old tyrant,” along with several “Mexican vagrants” who had no visible means of support, Russell returned to Fort Craig, certain that “everything is quiet in the town.” Because a “bout with the Texans” was expected, Russell was sure that the gamblers, whiskey peddlers, and

introduction

•  31

vagrants could better help the government by working on the defenses at Fort Craig even if they had to be fed. But the citizens of Paraje, feeling they were being harassed, sent a petition to Carleton complaining of Rigg’s heavy-handedness. But Rigg paid them little heed and said they were “much like the Dutchman’s wife, ‘a hell of a set.’”124 Chronic inebriation was also a problem at Fort Union, where Loma Parda on the Mora River, six miles over the hill to the south, lured many a wayward soldier. Here a dance hall, bar, and several small rock buildings constructed of sandstone composed a small village where soldiers went to gamble, dance, drink “Loma Lightning,” and carouse. Prostitution was common, and several bordellos thrived. Men not reporting for duty at the fort were often found here in an alcohol-induced stupor. Many were sentenced to three months of hard labor, and a four-foot chain, at the end of which was a twelve-pound iron ball, was attached to their right ankles. As was the case at Paraje, officers worked constantly to keep the soldiers away from Loma Parda, but with little success.125 The many charges of “drunkenness on duty” resulted in countless courts-martial, which consumed much time and effort for those adjudicating the cases.126 Alcohol undoubtedly helped to cause a nasty incident at Fort Marcy in August 1862, when charges were preferred against Capt. Rafael Chacón for striking a drunken private of the Tenth Infantry.127 Many of the saloons in Santa Fe doubled not only as houses of prostitution, but as gambling dens. So acute was the problem in the capital that the provost marshal, Joseph Cummings, issued orders in August 1863 declaring the well-known Santa Fe Exchange a “notorious gambling establishment” and ordered it closed. “Any money exposed on a gambling table in that establishment will be liable to seizure by the Provost Marshal or his assistants,” Cummings proclaimed.128 Another persistent problem in the territory was the deep-rooted and biting racism of many army officers and the Anglo-American economic elite toward the Hispanics. Tensions between the Nuevo Mexicanos and the Anglo-Americans in towns such as Santa Fe, Taos, Albuquerque, Socorro, and Mesilla often bubbled to the surface in riots and violence. The racism fostered mistrust that was acerbated by many officers and regular army men’s inability to speak Spanish and by the Hispanics’ knowing little English. When Carleton first arrived in the territory in December 1853, he wrote that he found little more than “dirty little villages” and “indolence, squalid poverty, filth, and utter ignorance of everything beyond

32  •

introduction

their corn fields and acequias” as well as a “universal proclivity for rags, dirt and filthiness in all things. Sheer laziness and listlessness mark their every movement.”129 Although Carleton moderated his views over time, by 1862 he still saw the Hispanos as largely debased. Another dragoon in the territory, James A. Bennett, saw the citizens of Las Vegas as “dirty and filthy . . . men, women, children of all ages, sizes, and color; all ragged, squalid, poverty-stricken, undressed or half-dressed, bare-booted, and bare-headed.” To Bennett, the people of Taos were “indolent, dirty, [and] immoral.” In Santa Fe, he saw only “ragged men, women, and children, all asking in the most pitiful tones for alms.” Most of the men in the capital were “too lazy to work.”130 Although many of the Hispanos in the New Mexico Volunteers fought bravely at Valverde and continued to serve honorably in the army, they were largely discredited for their efforts and were seen as a scapegoat for the Union defeat. When the Volunteers were reorganized following the Confederate invasion, several competent Nuevo Mexicanos were pushed aside, Canby and Carleton preferring men from the “states” who had been in the antebellum army. Typical of the ethnocentrism in the Department of New Mexico was the situation at Fort Garland, where Capt. Ethan W. Eaton commanded a company of New Mexico Volunteers. Although Eaton thought the Hispanos “behind us in civilization” and “an inferior race,” he complained of the “distrust towards my company on account of their being Mexicans.” Such feelings, he wrote, were “entirely unjust.” His men had not been paid, and they had consistently been given the worst duty and sent to the most isolated military posts, such as Cubero and Fort Garland. “I believe,” he continued, “they are as true to the government as any soldiers in the territory.” Moreover, “the policy generally used towards the Mexican people by Americans [was] wrong and not for the best interest of the county.” The Americans did “nothing but keep them back . . . continually st[i]rring up a feeling of jealousy & animosity between the two people.” Eaton wanted his men “treated properly.” They have “feelings as well as ourselves,” he concluded.131 Major Wallen also became involved in a feud with Padre Damaso Taladrin, chaplain of the First New Mexico Cavalry. Taladrin had accompanied Bishop Jean Baptiste Lamy from Rome to New Mexico in 1854, and the two had become close friends.132 At the beginning of the war, Taladrin was recommended as chaplain of the First New Mexico Cavalry by Lamy, Ceran de St. Vrain, and Carson, and he was appointed by Governor Henry

introduction

•  33

Connelly in August 1861.133 Carson was favorably inclined toward the Spanish-born Taladrin, saying he was certain to “exert a great influence for the good discipline and instruction of the regiment.”134 Taladrin served honorably at Valverde, and in late 1862 he was sent to Fort Stanton at the beginning of the Mescalero Campaign. A month later the priest wrote gleefully that Colonel Carson had expelled all the prostitutes from the post. However, Lt. Lawrence G. Murphy, whom Taladrin argued was morally corrupt, had presided over a civil ceremony in which Charles Jackson (a quartermaster at the post) was wed to Lucia Padilla (one of the rameras, or prostitutes), whom the priest argued was already married to José Castillo of Valencia County. When Taladrin strongly objected to the marriage, Murphy angrily asserted that he had the authority to perform the ceremony, regardless of what Taladrin thought.135 Other problems for the padre developed when Maj. Joseph Smith, commanding at Fort Stanton, filed charges in May 1863, alleging that Taladrin was not only drinking with the men, but playing monte with them.136 Accusations continued unabated until Bishop Lamy interceded, and the priest pledged to “modify” his behavior. Later in Santa Fe, however, Wallen sought out the priest and asked him to sign a “formal pledge” not to “drink any spirituous liquors or play at cards.” Thinking the matter had been settled, Taladrin was offended and “greatly surprised,” and he flatly refused to sign any such pledge. Admitting he was known to “indulge” in a game of monte, the defiant padre challenged anyone to prove he had ever been “under the influence of liquor.” Professing patriotism, he said he was serving as chaplain only to help the “brave and patriotic defenders of the Union” and the “sacred cause of the Union and the liberty of man oppressed by selfish Sectionists [sic].” Should the territory be invaded again, as was expected, he was ready to “physically and morally assist in the triumph of that idea, which is the emblem of liberty and union, because it [was] the triumph of the right of man over despotism, of civilization over barbarism.”137 But he would not sign any temperance pledge. The historical record does not indicate that Wallen and Carleton pursued the matter, and the confrontation appears to have faded into memory. As acting assistant inspector general, Evans devoted considerable time and effort to investigating the labor and expenses incurred in organizing the New Mexico Militia.138 He was hoping for “the complete military history of every officer and man during his entire term of service.”139 He asked

34  •

introduction

that every record in the adjutant general’s office in Santa Fe and district headquarters at Fort Union, Fort Craig, and Albuquerque be searched for every “scrap of paper.” But there were few records, and no one seemed to know how many men had served in the militia, for how long, or whether the men had served honorably, deserted, or died. Canby, Evans learned, had asked for about 200 men in the fall of 1861, but the exact number of men in the initial call for recruits was never ascertained. Governor Connelly had then called for 1,200 men, but Evans could not even determine if the men had been in the cavalry or infantry units. Only one complete record of a field officer, that of Gen. Diego Archuleta, could be found. Using militia laws dating from July 1851 and traditions stretching back into the Mexican era, C. P. Clever, adjutant general for the territory, told Evans that the call for militia had “met with every kind of obstacle, such as the interference of evil disposed persons inciting the citizens to resistance.” It became “absolutely necessary to draft and collect by force the men, together, in small numbers from the respective counties in which they had been ordered to be raised, through the assistance and aid of the civil authorities,” Clever asserted. The militia had been kept in “quarters from the time of their first rendezvousing, until they were mustered into the service.”140 In Bernalillo County, Gen. Francisco Perea, who had lost all of his records during the Confederate invasion, reported that he had used the “same system under which they [soldiers] were raised during the administration of the Mexican Government, that is to say they were raised by force and through the alcaldes and constables.”141 General Archuleta said he had supervised the recruitment of two companies of men in Rio Arriba County and two companies in Taos, as well as one company each in Mora and San Miguel.142 Maj. Gen. José Pablo Gallegos was asked to raise 350 men in the counties of Rio Arriba and Mora. Gallegos said he had personally toured the counties for twenty days to consult with the county captains, to recruit, and to “force” men into service.143 Evans would also devote considerable effort in examining the records of the Volunteers in an attempt to determine which companies had been mustered in and mustered out, that all papers were in proper order, how much pay was due the men, and if they were indebted to the government.144 Evans also reviewed the numerous court-martial records that accumulated at department headquarters, finding serious problems in two instances, one in which the witnesses had never been sworn and the other in which a private had been found guilty although he had not been on duty at the time of his alleged drunkenness.145

introduction

•  35

In late 1862 and early 1863, both Wallen and Evans traveled many a dusty mile in southern Colorado, western Texas, and New Mexico inspecting the various posts that dotted the vast landscape. Although some inspectors general in the Union army at the time were barely competent, Carleton was fortunate to have two men who were diligent and dedicated. Wallen and Evans started out, however, with only the vaguest idea of what to do and only a theoretical notion of the duties of an inspector general. In Washington, with the coming of war, the Office of Inspector General virtually ceased to exist, and all that remained to guide the newly appointed inspectors was a set of general regulations issued in 1855 and reissued, essentially unchanged, in 1857.146 The two men were to provide a head count of men present, absent on leave or detached duty, in the guardhouse, or under arrest. At the various posts, the discipline and instruction of the command was to be noted, as was the condition of the arms and equipment. In the case of the Fort Union depot, the inspectors would even provide a detailed inventory. The condition of all buildings was to be noted, as were the medical services available. Both the officers’ abilities or inabilities and the amount of funds for subsistence and quartermaster operations were to be included in the reports. Horses and mules were to be inspected, and any found unfit or neglected were to be so noted. Sutlers had been given a list of items that were to be available for men in the volunteer service, and Wallen and Evans were to indicate if these articles were available at the various posts. The illegal sale of any intoxicants was also to be reported.147 Although Carleton could be uncompromising and fierce in his dealings with fellow officers, he was pleased with the work of both Wallen and Evans. On March 1, 1863, for example, while forwarding several inspection reports to Washington, Carleton went out of his way to praise Wallen. His “patriotism is unsullied,” the general wrote. “He has no thought as a soldier except for the Union. He has made no complaints, but goes on and does his whole duty manfully and without a murmur.”148 While forwarding Wallen’s inspection of Fort Craig, Carleton told Gen. Lorenzo Thomas that Wallen did “his duty in a . . . thorough and satisfactory manner,” that there was “no more ardent patriot than Major Wallen . . . one who has been under the flag and faithful to it for a lifetime.”149 All of Wallen and Evans’s inspection reports were sent to Capt. Benjamin C. Cutler, assistant adjutant general, at department headquarters in Santa Fe. Once the reports arrived in Santa Fe and were reviewed,

36  •

introduction

Wallen and Evans Inspections, 1862–1863.

General Carleton forwarded them to the adjutant general in Washington, D.C.150 These invaluable reports survive in the National Archives and are reprinted here for the first time. They provide a rare and historically significant glimpse into a neglected army in a violent land far from the nation’s capital in one of the most pivotal eras in the nation’s young history.

••• Part I

Maj. Henry Davies Wallen’s Inspection of the Department of New Mexico, 1862–1863

•••

This page intentionally left blank

Chapter one

Fort Garland, Colorado •••

Eighty-five miles north of Taos and twenty miles east of the Rio Grande, at the base of 14,345-foot Blanca Peak in the towering Sangre de Cristo Mountains, Fort Massachusetts was established by men of the First United States Dragoons in June 1852. The first military post in Colorado, it guarded the small settlements on the Culebra River to the south, the Conejos Valley to the west, and the western approaches to La Veta Pass to the northeast. At an elevation of almost 8,000 feet, the San Luis Valley endured short summers and intensely cold winters, and the post was one of the least desirable in the entire Southwest.1 For defensive purposes, the post was too close to the mountains and in a swampy, unhealthy area. For these reasons, it was relocated in June 1858 to a site near the Trinchera River, six miles to the south, and renamed for Col. John Garland of the Eighth Infantry, commander of the Department of New Mexico at the time. The new post was built of adobe around a parade ground on land that was part of the Sangre de Cristo Grant and leased by the government. Although the post was transferred from the Department of New Mexico to the Department of Kansas in September 1862, General Carleton sent Major Wallen north to inspect it. Leaving Santa Fe with a small escort and several days’ rations, Wallen headed north up the Rio Grande and then over the rough, twisting mountainous road to Taos, where he continued north along the Rio Grande into the broad and largely barren San Luis Valley. At Fort •  39  •

40  •

chapter one

Garland, Wallen found two companies of the First New Mexico Volunteers and a company of the Second Colorado Volunteers. Here on the eastern fringes of the valley, Wallen reported the soldiers comfortably clad and adequately provided for, but cleanliness at the post was lacking. The post was still not defensible, and the soldiers were poor marksmen. Five months after Wallen left Fort Garland, the New Mexico Volunteers at the post were ordered south and replaced by a company of the First Colorado Cavalry.2 With the removal of the Tabegauche and White River Utes to the Unitah Reservation in Utah in 1881, the number of troops at Fort Garland was reduced, and the post was abandoned in 1883.

••••••••••• Head Quarters, Santa Fe, N.M.

October 30th 1862 Captain: I have the honor to make the following report of my inspection of the garrison at Fort Garland agreeably with written instructions and Special Order[s] No. 180 from Head Quarters, Department of New Mexico.3 Fort Garland is a little east of north from Santa Fe and distant one hundred and sixty nine miles. The post is commanded by Major A[dolph] H. Mayer, 1st Regt., N. M. Vols. and garrisoned by Captain [Ethan W.] Eaton’s Company, 1st N. M. Vols., three officers and ninety two enlisted men, Captain [Charles] Deus’ Company, 1st N. M. Vols., three officers and forty nine enlisted men and Captain [Joseph C. W.] Hall’s Company, 2nd Colorado Vols., three officers and fifty eight enlisted men.4 Total, ten officers and one hundred and ninety nine men. Major [Edward Wanshear] Wynkoop with a battalion of the 1st Colorado Volunteers, Companies H and K, were temporarily at the post in route for Denver City.5 At 10 o’clock on the morning of the 19th the command was paraded, reviewed, and carefully inspected. I found their arms in good serviceable order and their accouterments, with few exceptions, in the same condition. Where deficiencies existed I caused requisitions to be made and forwarded to the General Commanding for approval. Captain Eaton’s Company is composed almost entirely of New Mexicans—presents quite a military appearance, is neatly and comfortably clad in uniforms and I am favorably impressed with its discipline.6 I had the company drilled by the Captain in the company and skirmish drills,

Fort Garland, Colorado

•  41

found it tolerably proficient in the forms but very deficient in the latter. At the target practice, I found the company sadly deficient. Thirteen shots were placed in the largest at one hundred yards, none at two hundred and only one at three hundred yards. The want of skill is attributable in a measure to there being no books on target practice at the post and the lack of ammunition. There being no blank cartridges on hand, I had no opportunity of testing the company at the different firings. The fund account of this company up to the date amounts to $398.24 accounts rendered our balance on hand. The proper clothing book for the company has just been received and the accounts are being transcribed from the old book where the clothing issued seems all to have been charged. This is the first payment the company has received and the first time the men’s clothing accounts have been settled. I can discover no inaccuracies in the settlement of their accounts. The returns of ordnance and of clothing and camp and garrison equipage have been rendered up to the end of September, present year. 2nd Lieut. Nicolas Hodt of this company was absent on detached service at Santa Fe with public horses.7 The recruits recently enlisted by Captain Deus constituting a part of Company M, 1st N. M. Vols., are a large fine looking body of men and have advanced to the company drill. Arms are about to be issued to them and in a short time this company will compare favorably with any in the regiment. I respectfully recommend that Captain Deus be permitted to return to the mountains to continue recruiting until his company is filled to the maximum. There is no fund or books in this company as the recruits have just arrived at the post. I have directed the captain to make his requisitions for the necessary books and to commence accumulating a company fund. These men are newly and comfortably clad, appear happy and contented, and seem to be well cared for by their officers—1st Lieut. [Benjamin] Stevens of this company has never joined it since his appointment.8 Company H, 2nd Colorado Volunteers, was temporarily under the command of 2d Lieut. James Parsons.9 Captain Hall being on the recruiting service at Central City, C. T., & the 1st Lieut., G[uy] C. Manville, on detached service at Santa Fe with public horses.10 This company is comfortably clad in uniforms and are [sic] active and healthy in appearance. It was drilled by Lieut. Parson at company and skirmish drills, but was very deficient in both. At target practice sixteen shots were put in the target (regulations size 21 inches) at one hundred yards but only two on increasing the distance to three hundred. I was unable to test

42  •

chapter one

the company in the different firings for the want of blank cartridges. This company is deficient an order book and the books are not brought up to date, the company fund accounts have been rendered to date and the balance on hand up to August 31st is $20. Amount accumulated since, $30. All instructions have been given in regard to the company books, fund account, etc., etc. The principal cause for the want of proficiency of drill & target practice is the lack of blanks, the infrequency of drills, and the utter want of knowledge on all these subjects by the commander of the post volunteers. Officers will not as a general rule take an interest in the military instruction and discipline of their companies if the commander is indifferent or possesses no tactical knowledge. A letter of instruction to the commander of Fort Garland is appended to this report which I hope will meet with the approval of the Commanding General. The records of the Commanding Officer’s office, with the exception of the guard reports, are correctly kept by the Post Adjutant, 1st Lieut. John Lewis, an old soldier who has served several enlistments in the 5th Infantry.11 This officer superintends the company drills and exercises the command at the drill of the battalion. The commanding officer, Major Mayer, having been but a few months in service, has not yet acquired a knowledge of the drills. I have directed the major to apply himself closely to the tactics and to get Lieut. Lewis to explain all the different parts and to go to the drill ground and see how the different movements are executed, and to commence himself with the battalion as soon as possible. I saw nothing objectionable in the habits of any of the officers. They all appeared sober but wanting in energy & industry. The battalion under Major Wynkoop, 1st Colorado Volunteers, was in fair marching order, but as they were about to leave the department, I did not deem it necessary to give them more than a casual inspection. Like the balance of the regiment, these companies are indifferent to the personal appearance of the soldiers, the laxity of discipline arises from the familiarity existing between the officers and enlisted men. In this regiment there never can be a change for the better so long as there is this utter absence of all respect from the men to their officers and from the little proficiency the officers have made in acquiring a knowledge of their duties. The quarters at the post are substantially built of adobes, with good roofs, doors, window sash and blinds and according to the diagram on the following pages.

Fort Garland, Colorado

Fort Garland. Courtesy National Archives.

•  43

44  •

chapter one

There are four sets of officers quarters, three completed and one in process of completion, comfortably arranged with four rooms each. The Commanding Officers’ quarters are to the right of the center as you face the parade and all the rooms of the officers quarters are of the regulation size. The men’s quarters are on the east and west sides of the parade, are sufficiently capacious for two full companies, but badly arranged by being cut up into five small rooms, the fifth being used as an orderly & company store room. These rooms all have dirt floors and are badly ventilated. I have requested the Commanding Officer to make slight alterations in the quarters (not involving expense) to have the walls repaired, cleansed & whitened and to have the necessary bunks, benches & tables made to accommodate the companies & make them comfortable. The company mess rooms are badly arranged at present, but on the departure of the Colorado companies, the permanent garrison will be amply accommodated. The guard house is sufficiently commodious for the post but requires some little repair, all of which have been suggested. There are but few prisoners in confinement at the post and upon strict inquiry, I cannot find that arbitrary punishments are inflicted in violation of existing regulations. I find the hospital in as good condition as its present poor location and limited space will allow. It is situated on the right of the sally port as you enter the garrison, almost contiguous to the men’s quarters, entirely inadequate to the wants of the post without conveniences. One small room is at present used as a dispensary, one as a ward & one for a kitchen and mess room, all with dirt floors and badly ventilated. I have directed one more room to be given to the asst. surgeon as an additional ward, the rooms to be floored & ventilators cut in the ceilings. This will add greatly to the comfort of the sick but in contagious diseases such as exist at the post at present, the hospital is badly located. I therefore recommend that an inexpensive building be sanctioned by the Commanding General as a hospital & that the Commanding Officer be authorized to erect it on the site selected by the Medical Inspector, the Asst. Surgeon of the post, and myself. The Acting Asst. Surgeon, Dr. B. McLain is competent and attentive to his duties and has rendered all the required reports and returns up to date.12 I am informed there are sixty thousand adobes within half a mile of the post belonging to the former sutler and that they can be purchased for $5.00 per thousand. A suitable building can be easily erected while the Mexican company is stationed at the post at very little cost to the government. A circular

Fort Garland, Colorado

•  45

saw mill belonging to [the] government & capable of turning out between two and three thousand feet of lumber per day is at the post and the saw logs are not far distant. The store houses are amply capacious, strong but badly ventilated and there are stores of all kinds with few additions to last until the 31st of next May. There are 144,000 pounds of flour at the post, being a large surplus over the amount required to correspond with the balance of the subsistence on hand. The bake house has been just established but is in good order with two ovens and the bread produced is light and sweet. As the post bakery here has just been established there is as yet no fund on hand. The Commanding Officer has been instructed hereafter to attend particularly to this and his attention called to the regulations as to the management and application of the post fund. The stables, grain rooms & corrals are in good order and amply sufficient for the use of the post. I regret to say the post is kept in very bad police, sinks improperly located and no attention paid to their cleanliness.13 As the prevailing winds are from the west and the sinks being on that side of the garrison, they sometimes become offensive. I have requested their removal to the opposite side & so constructed as to be kept clean. A new set of laundress quarters are in process of erection at the post. They are being erected at but little cost, as the adobes and lumber are made at the post and the labor performed by men on daily duty. I respectfully recommend the approval of the work, as most of the company laundresses are living in tents and the weather is becoming very cold at Garland. In the Commissary and Quartermaster’s Departments I find five citizens, one as commissary clerk at $50 per month, one as superintendent of saw mill at $75 per month, one as chief herder at $30, and two herders at $25 each. My impression is that the services of all these persons can be dispensed with and the duties performed by extra duty men from the command. The returns in the Q. M. Dept. have been rendered for the 3rd quarter, present year, and the commissary papers are nearly completed & will be forwarded by the next mail. A balance on hand in Q. M. Dept., September 30th 1862, $583.38, and in the Commissary Dept. per last term & statement, $533.17. This, with the amount received this month, $400.00, making the total amount in this department $933.17. Amounts on hand in both departments are correct.

46  •

chapter one

Means of Transportation

There are at the post nineteen mules, five pony horses, twenty two oxen, three six-mule wagons, eighteen sets of wheel and forty two sets of bad harness, two wheel and two bad ambulance harness, one riding saddle, three wagon saddles, two riding bridles and twenty saddle blankets, all in good order except four oxen broken down and no longer serviceable. Wood has heretofore been supplied by contract but is now procured by the labor of the post. The contract price was six dollars per cord, but the contract expired a year ago. As the post procure their own wood, and have all the saw logs for the mill, I recommend that an additional wagon be sent to Garland to assist in performing this labor. The hay contract was made with [Ceran] St. Vrain of Taos.14 After proper advertisements and given to him as the lowest bidder at $19.00 per ton, contracts at the post are made in accordance with existing laws & regulations. That for charcoal was give to S[tephen] E. Stenett for eight hundred and sixteen bushels at twenty cents for every bushel, delivered and received at the post.15 Good sureties are given in each case for the faithful performance of the contract and the supplies of hay, corn, & charcoal are ample for the post and are all kept in good order. The hay is stacked in a corral between two and three hundred yards from the post and apparently secure from fire. There are no hay scales at the post. Hay is received by the A. A. Qr. M. [Acting Assistant Quartermaster] by measurement, computing the quantity. The contract for fresh beef was made by Captain Garrison, Chief Commissary, with H. E. Easterday of Culebra, C. T., at 8-½ cents per pound.16 The beef delivered up to date is of good quality and every way acceptable to the officers and men. The requirements of General Orders No. 62, Hd. Qrs., Dept. of N. Mexico, are faithfully observed, Subsistence is issued at the post in strict accordance with General Orders No. 74 from Hd. Qrs., Dept. of N. Mexico. There are no anti-scorbutics at the post.17 Potatoes can be purchased at four cents and onions at eight cents per pound—and pickles can be supplied at one dollar and seventy five cents per gallon. I respectfully recommend that the A. A. C. [Acting Assistant Commissary] be permitted to purchase these articles there save the transportation, and meet the requirements of the 13th Sec., Act of Congress, approved August 30, 1861. The sour kraut and hard bread at the post are bad & unfit for issue—so reported to Capt. [Amos F.] Garrison, Chief Commissary, per letter April 30th 1862 but up to date nothing has been sent to the post to supply the kraut.18

Fort Garland, Colorado

•  47

The sutler, T. W[illiam] Posthoff was duly elected on the 1st September by a council of administration properly convened, and the proceedings submitted to Washington.19 I find the store invariably supplied with all the articles mentioned in Special Orders No. 27 from the War Department, except oranges, figs and lemons. The sales are made at an advance of fifty per cent on first cost, transportation included, and no man at the post is permitted to trade for more than one sixth of his monthly pay. The store is kept orderly and clean and the men are not allowed to get liquor directly or indirectly. Postage stamps are not sold for more than their value. This is one of the most reputable sutlery establishments I have seen in the department and the sutler is a good business man and gentleman. In conclusion, I would respectfully state to the Commanding General that I conceive Fort Garland as it now stands, scarcely defensible from the long line of walls requiring flanking arrangements. I would therefore, as a military precaution, recommend the construction of two block houses twenty four feet wide. This will allow eighteen feet for the service of the gun and six feet for the defense of musketry on the opposite side, one of them to be placed at the northwest angle of the fort sweeping the north and west sides of the works, and the other at the south east angle for the protection of the east and south sides. Each of the block houses to be supplied with a small howitzer and two hundred rounds of ammunition.20 The fort is commanded from the surrounding hills not more than a thousand or twelve hundred yards distant. My recommendation for the block houses has reference to defending the post with a small force against any combination brought by the numerous Indians in that vicinity. The logs for the block houses can be cut & prepared in the neighborhood of the post and the houses can be constructed without cost to [the] department. There is no magazine at the post but a strong room with thick adobe walls, ten or twelve feet square, can be easily constructed. I recommend that Major Mayer be instructed to erect a small building, 10 x 12, walls one adobe & a half or two adobes thick, twelve feet high, with a strong dirt roof with a ventilator in [the] center, made by running a flue, 16 x 16 inches, through it and projected five feet above & covering the opening with a cap raised a few inches above the flue & projecting a foot on every side. The sites for the block houses, magazine and hospital have all been carefully considered and agreed upon with the Commanding Officer, but the sanction of the Commanding General is required to commence the labor.

48  •

chapter one

All of which I have the honor respectfully to submit. I am, Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant, H. D. Wallen, Major, 7th Infantry A. I. General

Fort Garland, C. T.

Letter of instruction to Maj. Mayer, Commanding Officer, Fort Garland, Colorado Territory October 20, 1862 Major: It will be necessary for you to turn over from the store-rooms now used by the Acting Asst. Qr. Master an additional room to the Asst. Surgeon, to increase the accommodations for the sick at the hospital. You will please have floors placed in the wards and mess room & have the walls of all the rooms cleansed and whitened, and have ventilators placed in the ceilings of all the rooms at the post used for barracks, hospital and store-rooms. The police of your post requires your particular attention. The sinks on the west side of the garrison should be removed to the east side and so constructed as to be kept in a cleanly condition. They should be frequently inspected by the officer of the day, as those at the post are in a very filthy state. All the dirt accumulated in policing should be carried at least a quarter of a mile beyond and deposited on the east side of the garrison, the prevailing wind being from the west and southwest. The company messing arrangements at the post are very imperfect. Great care and attention must be given by company commanders to the messing of the companies. Each man should be provided with a plate, knife, fork, cup, and a spoon, and mess tables and benches should be made by the Acting Asst. Qr. Master, marked Q. M. D., and turned over to the company commanders. At breakfast and dinner the companies should be paraded, rolls called and the men marched in an orderly manner to the mess rooms where each man should have his seat at the table. Comfortable messing constitutes one of the chief sources of contentment in a command. The mess-rooms should be visited at least once in twenty four hours by the officer of the day and company commanders and frequently during the month by the commanding officer of the post.

Fort Garland, Colorado

•  49

These inspections should be thorough and directed principally to the quantity and quality of the meals prepared to the cleanliness of the kitchen and mess room table furniture, etc., etc. There is no more legitimate expenditure of the company fund than in the purchase of mess furniture, vegetables, brooms and luxuries for the tables. The fund is accumulated from the savings of the men’s rations. It belongs to them and it is the duty of the commanding officer to see it strictly appropriated to their benefit. Company D, 1st N. M. Vols, will require an additional room as quarters. To effect this it will be necessary for you to have the flour removed from the corner room belonging to their set of quarters and it turned over to them. This room added to those now used by the company will make their quarters amply sufficient—twenty five men being too many to crowd into one of these small rooms. The companies under your command are very deficient in their drills and target practice. To perfect them you must institute recitations in tactics at least three times a week, [for] officers and four times a week for the non-commissioned officers. I have already directed you to apply to Department Head Quarters for the books on target practice. On their arrival it will be necessary for you to order a thorough course of instruction under the supervision of Lieut. Davis, Post Adjutant. I have observed that the guard duty at your post is very negligently attended to. The reports are made on separate sheets of paper, many of them not signed and but few inspections & that the guard was visited by the officer of the day according to regulations. The guard reports are important records at your post, they should be neatly made out in a book & it carried every morning after guard mounting by the officer of the day to your office and there critically examined by you. The officers at your post do not attend the stated roll calls, reveille and retreat, and tattoo. On one occasion I noticed but eight men at reveille from one company and part of these without hats or coats. An order should be published immediately requiring one officer from each company to be present at these roll calls, and the company not permitted to leave the parade ground until the officer is present to superintend the calling of the rolls. If the Commanding Officer does not personally superintend this, the Adjutant should be required to be present & report all delinquent officers. If the Commanding General sanctions the construction of the two block houses and the magazine you will please place them at the points I

50  •

chapter one

have indicated to you. If the hospital building is also permitted, you will please have it erected on the site selected by the Medical Inspector, the Assistant Surgeon of the post and myself. I am, Major Very respectfully, Your ob’t servant, H. D. Wallen, Major, 7th Infantry A. Insp. General

Chapter two

Fort Marcy, New Mexico •••

Fort Marcy and Santa Fe had long been the headquarters and fulcrum of military operations in the territory. Established by Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny at the time of the American occupation in August 1846, Fort Marcy was located on a small, flat-topped hill that overlooked the dusty streets of the territorial capital, some 650 yards northeast of the plaza, and was named for William L. Marcy, U.S. secretary of war at the time. Until more adequate quarters could be constructed, no permanent quarters were built, and the men lived in the old Spanish military barracks adjacent to the historic Palace of the Governors.1 In 1851, when Secretary of War Charles M. Conrad directed Lt. Col. Edwin Sumner to “revise the whole system of defence” in the territory and get “the troops out of the towns . . . and station them more towards the frontier and nearer to the Indians,” Sumner broke up the post at Santa Fe, “that sink of vice and extravagance,” and removed the troops and department headquarters to Fort Union.2 When Sumner left the department, however, army headquarters were moved back to Santa Fe, where they remained until the post was evacuated with the approach of the Rebel Texans in March 1862. Not long after returning to Santa Fe, following his inspection of Fort Garland in October 1862, Major Wallen turned his attentions to Fort Marcy, where two companies of the Second Colorado Volunteers and a •  51  •

52  •

chapter two

detachment of the Second California Cavalry were stationed. Reoccupied after the Battle of Glorieta and the Texans’ evacuation of Santa Fe, the post was a beehive of gold and silver shoulder bars. By the time of Wallen’s inspection, the purveyor, medical director, commissary chief, head of the Quartermaster Department, and paymaster all kept their headquarters at the post or in the town. The post, Wallen already knew, was in decay and badly in need of repairs.

••••••••••• Head Quarters, Santa Fe, N. M.

November 25, 1862 Captain: I have the honor to report to the Commanding General the results of my inspection of the garrison at Fort Marcy and the Staff Department of New Mexico. Fort Marcy is garrisoned by Companies A and B, 2nd Regiment, Colo­ rado Volunteers, and a detachment of Company B, 2nd Cavalry, California Volunteers.3 At 10 o’clock on the morning of the 31st October the command was paraded, reviewed, mustered, and carefully inspected when I found the arms and accouterments of Company A, (Captain [Alexander W.] Robb’s) in fine order.4 This company, three officers and seventy rank and file, were all on parade except two men on the sick report and excused, one in confinement, two on detached service and four absent sick. All the absentees from this company were provided with their descriptive lists. Company B, 2nd Colorado Volunteers, Captain J[oseph] C. W. Hall commanding, is on detached service to Los Valles, protecting the parties cutting hay for public animals—this company has but two officers, a captain and 2nd lieutenant and seventy five rank and file.5 A detachment of thirty one men from this company was left at Fort Marcy and attached to Company A, but Captain Hall failed to have descriptive lists with them. Twenty eight men of the detachment were on parade, two were mustered in the hospital and one was sick and excused. Their arms are in firing order but no labor had been bestowed on them beyond this. They are generally deficient in screw drivers and wipers and their accouterments were not in good order. The companies are with out knapsacks, haversacks or canteens, but I have directed the necessary requisitions to be made for these articles. The California detachment, nineteen strong, were on parade, their arms

Fort Marcy, New Mexico

•  53

and accouterments in very fine order, and the whole battalion comfortably clad in uniforms. Company A and the detachment were exercised under Captain Robb, in the manual of arms and in the several wheelings, evidencing but slight acquaintance with the company drill. The review was also conducted by the captain, but not in accordance with the book. There are twenty men from Captain Robb’s Company on extra and daily duty and a proportionate number from the detachment—this is the reason assigned for the drills having been discontinued. There being no blank cartridges on hand, I was unable to observe the practice of the company at different firings. The companies have never gone through a course of target instruction. I have directed that requisitions be made for books and the companies instructed as soon as they are obtained. The fund account of Captain Robb’s company was made out for the first time by my direction, and a copy forwarded to Department Head Quarters. Balance due the company up to October 31st 1862, one hundred and twenty dollars and forty seven cents—account correct and the money in the hands of company commander. A new Clothing Book has just been received and I have directed the Captain to transcribe the men’s clothing accounts into the new book, and to make a requisition for an order and descriptive book. This company has been in the service more than a year but has received little military instruction and the books and papers have been very badly kept. Captain Robb[,] who has a clear head for figures and accounts, has taken hold of the work, and will doubtless in a short time bring them all up correctly. I find no post fund on hand or any record of a Council of Administrators having been held at the post. There is a bake house with ovens sufficiently commodious to prepare the bread rations for four companies, but no steps have been taken to accommodate a fund either by taxing the sutler or establishing a post bakery. Being temporarily in command of the post, I have ordered a council convened to bring up the wish to establish a bakery and transact the usual business. The quarters at the post are arranged after the following diagram: There are four sets of officers’ quarters, two completed and two about half finished. The yards require to be fenced in and the kitchens and out buildings are still unfinished. The soldiers quarters, with a few slight alterations, are well adapted for the accommodation of two companies. The mess rooms are deficient in tables and benches, the quarters are not floored and

chapter two

Fort Marcy. Courtesy National Archives.

54  •

Fort Marcy, New Mexico

•  55

bunks of uniform pattern are required. There are no sinks at the officers or men’s quarters but I have directed the post quartermaster to have them supplied, and to make benches and mess tables. I have also consulted with the Chief Quartermaster about flooring the company quarters, having bunks made and fencing put round the back part of the quarters to shut off the view of the privies and give the premises a more reputable appearance. The walls of the barracks rooms, kitchens, and mess rooms require repairing and whitening and ten feet of the mess room marked “A” in the diagram, will have to be taken for an orderly room for one of the companies. Three or four Mexican laborers, accustomed to laying adobes, whitening and plastering walls, employed for a few days, would put the quarters in comfortable order. As the whole will not involve much expense, I respectfully ask that my suggestions meet with approval. Estimates have been handed to the Chief Quartermaster for lumber, etc., to cover the repairs and improvements, but they will require the sanction of the Department Commander. The hospital under the management of Surgeon [Elisha Ingram] Baily, U.S. Army, is ample for the accommodations of the post.6 There are four wards, surgery and store room, kitchen and quarters for the steward and matron and all in good order. The steward is highly spoken of by Dr. Baily as an attentive, competent man. Some fencing is required about the enclosure, but it will receive the necessary attention from the post quartermaster. There are no contagious diseases at the post and but few men on the sick report or sick in the hospital. Surgeon Baily has rendered all his returns and reports up to date. The guard house is not sufficiently commodious for the wants of the post[;] an additional prison room with three or four cells are [sic] required, and the whole want cleansing, repairing and white washing—a sink is also required for the use of the guard—this with the white washings, will meet with attention from the post quartermaster; but the additions to the guard house will require the sanctions of the Department Commander. The store house is entirely to[o] small for the wants of the post commissary and quartermaster stores and ordnance supplies are promiscuously piled in this building without regard to order or convenience. This is not the fault of the staff officer but results from want of space and the quality of stores of each kind necessarily on hand. By building two small rooms on the present storehouses for the offices necessary to the post, and throwing those now used as offices into another store room, the wants of the post will be supplied. I therefore recommend that the addition be made

56  •

chapter two

and also a small building, 15 x 15 feet, erected as a magazine, there being none at the post. I have critically examined the returns and accounts of the post commissary and quartermaster, and find them correct. The staff officer, Captain Alex W. Robb, 2nd Col. Volunteers, served as a clerk in this department for a long time and is familiar with the duties and papers in each; he is a fine accountant and his books and papers are kept in a neat business, like manner. The returns and papers in the Commissary Department have been rendered up to September 30th; those for October have been examined, found correct and subsequent to Captain Robb’s return from Fort Union to send them forward. The monthly summary statement for September shows a balance due the United States of $2,136.17¼—monies received in October amount to $398.95; amount disbursed same month $1,844.37½, leaving a balance due the United States on 31st October, 1862 of $1,450.84¾—amount correct and balance with the Acting Commissary. Issues in this department are made strictly in accordance with General Orders No. 74 from Head Quarters, Dept. of New Mexico. Except in one instance, there have been no contracts made by acting commissary—they are all made by the Chief of the Department, Captain A. F. Garrison. That for fresh beef was given to Charles Behler and at nine cents per pound— but the contractor has not given satisfaction to either the officers or soldiers from the bad quality of the beef supplied.7 The matter is under investigation and the proceedings will be laid before the Commanding General at the earliest moment. The contracts [sic] ref[f]ered to above, was a small one, lasting for twenty five days and made with R[euben] F[rank] Green for supplying kraut and pickles; price to be regulated by the contract of this years.8 The contract was approved by the Chief Commissary, the articles have been received and are of good quality. In the Quartermaster Department all Captain Robb’s accounts have been rendered to the end of September— those for October and last of November are ready and await his return to be forwarded to the Chief Quartermaster. Captain Robb relieved 1st Lieut. C[orydon] E. Cooley, 1st N. Mex. Volunteers, in the duties of post commissary and quartermaster and received from him a list of outstanding debts amounting to a considerable sum—these debts are still unpaid for want of funds.9 The contract for wood was made by Lieut. Colonel [James Lowry] Donaldson, late Chief Quartermaster, and with Jesus Ma. Baca de Salazar, given to him as the lowest bidder after the proper advertisements at $12.75 per cord.10 Pinon is the kind of wood supplied and the contractor delivers

Fort Marcy, New Mexico

•  57

two cords of pinon for one merchantable of oak. The post quartermaster has no forage or means of transportation at his command—the supply of forage and the transportation being held by the depot quartermaster. For the convenience of the post it would be better to have a limited supply of each turned over to the Acting Quartermaster for current use. The supplies in the Commissary and Quartermaster’s Departments are drawn from the general depot at Fort Union at such times and in such quantities as the wants of the service demand. Those of the Commissary Department are good in quality and are securely protected and kept dry—those of the Quartermaster Department are deficient in many articles, such as paints, oil and glass, and as the officers’ quarters are in progress of completion and the mens’ quarters deficient in window sash, it is important these articles be sent forward from the general depot without delay. There are no citizen employees in either [of] the departments, the clerks and laborers are all taken from the enlisted men of the command. Joseph Hersch, merchant of Santa Fe, is the sutler of the post.11 He keeps an excellent assortment of goods and complies with General Order[s] N[o]. 27 from the War Department.

Staff Departments: Medical Department

Surgeon E. I. Baily is the Medical Director and Purveyor General for the Department of New Mexico. There are four citizen physicians serving in the Department at one hundred and twenty (120) dollars each per month, viz. Drs. [D. A.] Holden, [B.] McLain and [Sylvester] Rankin, all of them except Dr. McLain at Fort Garland and of whom the Medical Director speaks favourably, are disqualified for their duties.12 The surgeon of the 1st New Mexican Volunteers is also reported by the Medical Director as being exceedingly negligent and inattentive in rendering his monthly reports; so much so as to keep back the consolidated returns to the Surgeon General’s Office (his attention has subsequently [been] called to this hindsight with a communication from the Surgeon General’s Office) and from the Medical Director but without avail. Those from Dr. Baily addressed to Dr. [Allen F.] Peck calling his attention to certain paragraphs in the Medical Regulations of the Army have been shown to me, but response has [not] been received to them from Surgeon Peck.13 Colonel [Christopher] Carson, 1st N. Mex. Volunteers, made a verbal complaint to the Medical

58  •

chapter two

Director, of the want of confidence generally felt by his command in the professional capacity of Dr. Peck. It would seem as if there should be some remedy for all this and that the service should be relieved of this negligent and unprofessional person. The many papers of the Medical Director have all been rendered to the end of the third quarter ’62 at which time there was on hand $1,567.7/100 of which amount $1,181.57 is on deposit with the U.S. Depository and the balance, $385.58, in the hands of the Medical Director for contingent expenses of the quarter. The supplies on hand in this Department are abundant for the fiscal year and of an excellent quality. Purveying Department

The supplies are still coming forward; those on hand and those arriving are generally of good quality. All the posts and camps in the department have been fully supplied for the next nine months. I have carefully inspected the storage in this department and find that the Purveyor has used every precaution for keeping the supplies in the best possible condition. A suitable building has been provided, the different articles are carefully and neatly arranged, and every thing about the premises is dry and in good order. There are two civilians employed by the Purveyor—one as clerk at $100 per month, and one as messenger and laborer at $25.00 per month—both are usefully employed and necessary to the business of the office. Recruiting Department

Captain W[illiam] H[enry] Rossell, 10th Infantry, is the superintendent of the recruiting service and disbursing officer of the funds for paying the expenses incurred in collecting, organizing and drilling recruits.14 The following officers have reported themselves to the superintendent as being on the recruiting services: 1. Captain [Charles] Deus, 1st N.M. Vols. 2. Captain [Albert Hinrich] Pfeiffer, 1st N.M. Vols.15 3. 1[st.] Lieut. [John] Lewis, 1st N.M. Vols. 4. 1[st.] Lieut. [Francis] McCabe, 1st N.M. Vols.16 5. 2nd Lieut. [James] Robinson, 1st N.M. Vols.17 The latter officer is usefully employed in drilling recruits at the depot Fort Union. Captain Deus has enlisted fifty nine men, Captain Pfeiffer nine—Lieut. Lewis on regimental service and Lieut. McCabe is recruiting

Fort Marcy, New Mexico

•  59

and acting Provost Marshal at Santa Fe. Captain Deus and Lieut. McCabe are the only officers who have rendered their reports to the superintendent; the others have failed to make any reports or returns. Captain Rossell has forwarded all his reports and money papers to the proper offices to the 30th September, those for November are ready for the examination of the Commanding General. Account current for September shows a balance on hand and due the U.S. of $217.40. In October, amount received from Captain Garrison, $2,876.92 and from himself as recruiting 10th Infantry, $150.00. Total $3,244.32, expended $899.12, balance due the United States, October 31st, $2,345.20 for which the superintendent has a certificate of deposit from the U.S. Depository at Santa Fe. As recruiting officer, 10th Infantry, Captain Rossell’s account current for October is as follows: Cash received from Treasury, U.S., $1,500.00 (out of this its captain has a fund of $150) to the fund for organizing and drilling recruits; amount borrowed on the 30th September to pay bounties to regular enlistments. This leaves a balance due the 10th Infantry recruiting fund of $1,350.00 for which sum the Captain holds in certificate of deposit from the U.S. Depository, Santa Fe. The recruiting in the department progresses satisfactorily up to the date of withdrawing recruiting officers from Colorado Territory. At present but few enlistments are made during October, nine men were enlisted by Lieut. McCabe, none others have been reported to the Superintendent from the officers serving in his department. Commissary Department

This department is under the management of Captain A. F. Garrison, volunteer commissary of subsistence. There are twelve acting commissaries in the department—five are of the regular army and the balance belong to the volunteer service. At the regular posts the officers have all been prompt in sending forward their returns and monthly papers—the only officer of whom the captain has to complain is Lieut. [Bonifacio] Machowitz, 1st N. M. Vols. who has not as yet sent in his final papers for the post at Polvadera, due now about six months.18 The Chief Commissary speaks in high terms of the officers on duty in his department at Forts Union and Craig, the rest of the officers serving under him are progressing in efficiency and will in a few months learn their duties. All contracts are made in this department in strict conformity with existing laws and regulations—and no contract is awarded to any person not of the “strictest integrity loyal and Union loving.”

60  •

chapter two

There are supplies of all kinds in abundance at the general depot [at] Fort Union for the present year—more than will be required for the number of troops now in the department. All the funds are supplied with rations for the next five months, except the vegetable portion of the ration which is supplied from time to time as required. The largest proportion of the flour used in the department is ground in the territory—next year New Mexico will supply all that may be required by the government. Beef is now delivered at the different posts by the contractors on the block—by this means a better quality of beef is obtained than formerly and at an average cost of ten cents per pound. The Chief Commissary reports the stores in depot of good quality—some few have been damaged in transportation but they have always been examined by boards of survey and the amount of damage charged to the freight contractors. The Chief Commissary complains of an existing evil, one that he is trying to remedy. Contractors sometimes permit stores to be taken out of their trains while en route between Kansas and New Mexico. These stores are paid for by the freight contractors, but this does not always repair the damage to [the] government. All the returns and reports of the Chief Commissary are made up to the 31st October 1862 and ready to send forward. The account current for October shows a balance due the United States of $56,078.17½ of this sum, Captain Garrison holds Lieut. Colonel Donaldson’s official receipts for $50,000, money loaned [sic] from the subsistence to the quartermaster department—the balance $6078.17½ is on deposit with the assistance treasurer, New York, and the U.S. Depository at Santa Fe. Sufficient notice has been received from the Commissary General’s Office stating that the Treasurer of the United States has been requested to place $300,000 in the city of New York to Captain Garrison’s credit—the captain expects to be able to draw on this sum. There are left two citizen employees in this department, one a clerk at $100 per month; the other [a] messenger and interpreter at $20. The records of the office are brought up to date and the books and papers are kept neatly and in a business like manner. Quartermaster Department

Captain John C[ourts] McFerran has just entered on his duties as Chief Quartermaster of the department.19 There is no money on hand and the business of the department under his administration has but just

Fort Marcy, New Mexico

•  61

commenced. His predecessor Lieut. Colonel J. L. Donaldson left out standing debts to the amount of $169,392.31 and official receipts and accounts have been presented but not yet filed and still in the hands of creditors for $100,000 and other indebtedness of the government for which no receipts have been given, $150,000, making the total indebtedness about $538,504. This exhibits the actual and estimated indebtedness of the Quartermaster Department up to date. The department was over three hundred thousand dollars in debt when Captain McFerran took charge, and not a cent has been sent to meet these debts or the current expenses. It is now the season when the Quartermaster Department requires money more than any other, to purchase forage and feed. These purchases have to be made on credit, and at a heavy increase in price equivalent to at least ten percent a month on what the government would have to pay were these funds on hand. Owing to the invasion of the territory last spring and the unusual drought—planting was delayed and the crops of grain and hay are unusually small, particularly so at points south of Santa Fe. It is questionable if the supply will equal the demands until the next crops come in, but by good management the public animals may be carried through the winter and early spring. There has been unusual delay this year in receiving quartermaster’s supplies from the East—none have [sic] yet arrived—information has been received that they are en route from Leavenworth. All the supplies for New Mexico are furnished from the East and annual requisitions, and these requisitions are limited to the absolute wants of the department with but a small margin for contingencies, and if the stores estimated for do not arrive[,] actual suffering to the troops may be the consequences. The Commanding Officer and the A. A. Quarter Master at Fort Lyon, C. T., have frequently violated the rules of service by interrupting trains and seizing supplies destined for this Department—supplies too for which the troops stand most in need. It is important that the interest of the government should in this particular, be protected and the officers designated above, be admonished from Washington to discontinue a practice so much at variance with the rules of etiquette and propriety.20 This department is under able management of Captain J. C. McFerran, A. Q. M., who is noted alike for industry and good judgement. Pay Department

Two new paymasters have just arrived in the department—these with Major [Joshua Howe] Watts and the chief, Major John A. Whitall, are abundant

62  •

chapter two

for the wants of New Mexico.21 After a careful inspection of Major Whitall’s accounts I find a balance due the United States up to November 23 of $282,608.93. This amount is on deposit with the Assistant Treasurer, New York, and the U.S. Depository, Santa Fe $250,550.00 and the balance with the Assistant Treasurer, New York. All individual payments are made by checks on the depository at Santa Fe, company payments are made as heretofore. It is with great difficulty that charge for payments can be obtained but an estimate for $200,000 [i]n small notes has been made and [with] its arrival, this difficulty will be obviated. There are $24,000 in demand notes, and between six and seven thousand dollars in specie on hand in the department. The demand notes are paid in the preparation of ten per cent on the payments but the specie is obliged to be held to make change in the payments to officers and men. Major Whitall has made but one payment since his return from the East and sufficient time has not elapsed for the rendition of these accounts. I find the books, accounts and records of the office neatly kept and the Chief Paymaster an amiable gentleman. All of which is respectfully submitted. H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Infantry and A. Inspector General

Chapter three

Fort Union, New Mexico •••

Twenty-four miles northeast of the small village of Las Vegas, at the convergence of the Cimarron and Mountain branches of the Santa Fe Trail, where the Great Plains met the Rocky Mountains, Fort Union had become the most important post in New Mexico and a major depot for the army in the Southwest. Located at the foot of a small mesa on a minor tributary of the Mora River, the original post was thought to be indefensible, and as early as 1853 its relocation was recommended.1 Established in July 1851, the post was designed not only to protect travelers on the Santa Fe Trail from raiding Comanches, Utes, and Jicarilla Apaches, but also to serve as a depot for the massive amounts of supplies that came across the plains from Fort Leavenworth and St. Louis. Until the Civil War, however, the post consisted of little more than a collection of shabby log buildings scattered in every direction. During the war, the Federal army quickly realized that if the Confederates were able to place artillery on the edge of the mesa to the west, they could reek untold damage on the post, so the army relocated Fort Union to a site about a mile to the east, as previously recommended, across Wolf Creek, on the windswept open prairie in a sea of grama grass. By the time Major Wallen arrived in December 1862, Fort Union was a swarm of activity as workers scurried to complete fieldworks that it was hoped would withstand a Confederate siege. Here, the garrison and supply •  63  •

64  •

chapter three

depot would be less vulnerable to enemy artillery. As many as 600 men, most of them New Mexico Volunteers and civilians, worked feverishly twenty-four hours a day, in four-hour shifts, to complete the new earthen works. With damp subterranean quarters and earthen-floor storerooms, the new fort, as Wallen discovered, was little better than the first. Moreover, some of the structures across the valley to the west were still in use, and many soldiers were camped in Sibley tents outside the fieldworks. Thought was already being given to a third fort nearby.

••••••••••• Actg. Insp. Gen’s. Office

Santa Fe, N. Mex. Dec. 21st 1862 Captain: I have the honor to report to the General Commanding the result of my inspections of the garrison at Fort Union, and the quartermaster, commissary and ordnance depots at that station.2 In addition to my duties as inspecting officer, I was also required to seize all the property belonging to a party of rebels recently captured by Lieut. [George] Shoup, 2nd Colorado Volunteers, and have it sent forward to Santa Fe—to have Captain Deus’ company, 1st N. Mexican Volunteers, armed, equipped, mounted and sent to Fort Sumner at the Bosque Redondo, and to have Captain [William H.] Backus’ Company, 2nd Colorado Volunteers, properly rationed, armed and equipped for important service in the field— all of which have been accomplished in accordance with my instructions, and the following were my written directions to the several officers interested in reference to the above.3 Fort Union, N. Mex.

Dec. 4th 1862 Captain: By direction of the Commanding General you will this day turn over to the commanding officer at Fort Union all the property belonging to Green Russell and party.4 The commanding officer of Fort Union will on receiving this property turn it all over to the Depot Qr. Master, taking quadruplicate transportation receipts

Fort Union, New Mexico

•  65

for the same—two for the parties owning the property—one for Dept. Head Quarters, and one for the U.S. Marshal of the Territory. The arms and ammunition will be carefully described and turned in to the Ordnance Depot for transportation to Santa Fe. I am Captain, Respectfully yr. Obt. Svt., H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Infty. A. I. Gen’l. To: W. H. Backus 2nd Col. Volunteers Fort Union, N. M. These instructions were complied with and the property, with a proper escort, sent to Santa Fe. There being a number of cases of small pox with the Green Russell party, particularly among the children, I gave the following directions to the officer commanding Fort Union. Fort Union, N. Mex.

Dec. 3rd 1862 Captain: By direction of the General Commanding, you will endeavor to procure a female nurse for the children of the Green Russell party now at the post with small pox. By sending to some of the neighboring villages[,] a Mexican woman who has had the disease may be obtained; the asst. surgeon in attendance deems the services of such a person absolutely necessary. I am Captain, Very respectfully, H. D. Wallen, Maj., 7th Infty. A. I. Gen’l. To: Capt. P. W. L. Plympton 7th Infantry Commanding Fort Union N. Mex.

66  •

chapter three

And in reference to mounting and equipping Captain Deus’ Company, 1st N. Mexican Volunteers, the following: Fort Union, N. Mexico

Dec. 2nd 1862 Captain: The General Commanding directs that you mount Captain Deus’ company, 1st N. Mexican Volunteers—have the horses shod, furnish the company with wagon transportation to Fort Sumner, and with such camp and garrison equipage (Sibley tents), as may be necessary to equip them for efficient service in the field. I am further instructed to request you to send to Fort Sumner by Captain Deus’ company, the twenty horses turned in by Captain Backus as being unserviceable to be wintered at that post. I am Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Infty. A. I. Gen’l. To: Captain Wm Craig A. Q. Master Depot, Fort Union N. Mex. And in reference to arming and furnishing ammunition, the following: Fort Union, N. Mex.

Dec. 2nd 1862 Captain: I am instructed by the Commanding Gen’l. to direct you to arm and equip Captain Deus’ Company, 1st N. Mexican Volunteers, with Mississippi rifles, revolvers and one hundred rounds of ammunition for each man. The horse equipment to be furnished this company will be of the pattern you can best spare from the depot—having reference to their fitness for service and their likelihood, with proper care, not to injure the backs of the animals. Captain Backus, 2nd Colorado Volunteers, is also to be furnished

Fort Union, New Mexico

•  67

with sufficient ammunition to make his complement the same as that of the company named above. I am Captain, Very respectfully, Your Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Infty. A. I. Gen’l. To: Capt. W[illiam] R[awle] Shoemaker5 Mil. Store Keeper & Chief of Ordnance Fort Union, N. M. My instructions to Captains Backus and Deus were as follows: Fort Union, N. Mex.

Dec. 5th 1862 Captain: I am instructed to direct you to proceed with as little delay as possible to Camp Easton on the Canadian River.6 You will take with you sixty days rations, twenty head of beef cattle and ammunition sufficient to make your complement one hundred rounds for each man. On reaching Camp Easton, you will turn in the cattle to be cared for by the company left in charge of the camp, and start off on the plains lightly equipped, with part rations, but plenty of ammunition. The object of your expedition is to watch the enemy, hover around and annoy him as much as possible, and, if not in too great numbers, capture the force. In the event of a large body of the enemy approaching, you are particularly directed to give Captain [Joseph] Updegraff commanding at Fort Sumner, timely notice of their approach and to effect this: You will instruct the officer in charge of Camp Easton to have the route between his camp and Fort Sumner explored during your absence, noting particularly the grass and water.7 You will also direct that officer to forward all dispatches from you to the Commanding General. Even should the enemy appear in force you may do him much injury by hovering upon his flanks or rear, stampeding animals,

68  •

chapter three

burning the grass to the windward of his camps and operating against the advance and rear guards. On leaving Camp Easton you will be permitted to take the Doctor with you, unless some epidemic should prevail or there should be a case of sickness requiring his especial care and attention. I am Captain, Very respectfully Yr. Obt. Servant Maj., 7th Infy. A. I. Gen’l. To: Capt. W. H. Backus 2nd Col. Volunteers Comd’g. Comp’y. en route to Camp Easton Fort Union, N. Mex.

Dec. 6th 1862 Captain: Your company being now fully mounted, armed and equipped, you will start as soon as transportation can be furnished for Fort Sumner, Bosque Redondo, reporting on your arrival to the commanding officer of that post. March your men in an orderly manner, with a small advance and rear guard, and not over distances of twenty miles per day unless for the urgent necessity of want of water. During the march you will be particular to require your men to ride two hours and then dismount and walk on foot one hour— dismounting at all halts and dismounting and walking up and down all hills[;] once or twice during the day’s march have the horses unsaddled, have their backs carefully examined and the saddle blankets carefully folded and re-adjusted. Take one hundred rounds of ammunition for each man, and do not ever lose sight of your wagons on the march. On arriving at camp, park your wagon train in the best manner to assist in its defense—have your arms convenient and ready for immediate service, and by no means allow your men to wandere [sic] away from camp. After your horses are sufficiently cool have them carefully watered and make the men graze them until nearly dark,

Fort Union, New Mexico

•  69

when they should be brought in and attached to the picket rope and fed with grain—one or two sentinels being placed over the animals to prevent accident. In case of alarm, instruct your men to seize their arms, fall in the ranks without noise or confusion and there await your orders. Ascertain carefully the nature of the alarm and if not groundless leave a sufficient guard with the wagons and horses and deploy your men for action. By observing these simple precautions all will be well with you and you will conduct your command in a soldier-like manner and your horses in good order to your point of destination. By order of the Gen’l. Comd’g., H. D. Wallen Maj., 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l To: Capt. Deus, or Officer, Commanding Co. at Fort Sumner At 10 o’clock am on the 4th instant, the battalion commanded by Captain P[eter] W[illiam] L[ivingston] Plympton, 7th Infantry, consisting of three companies of the 7th Infantry and part of D Company, 1st Cavalry, and constituting part of the garrison of Fort Union, was carefully inspected and exercised in the company drills.8 Companies A and B, 2nd Colorado Volunteers, and making up the balance of the garrison at Fort Union, had been so recently inspected at Fort Marcy, that I did not deem it necessary to have them on parade. I found the arms and accouterments of the several companies inspected in good condition—those of Company F (Captain Plympton’s) were in most beautiful order, and the men in uniform and their clothing fitting nicely. Altogether this company presented a military appearance. The other companies of the 7th, C and H, and the cavalry Company D, were deficient in military stocks and many of the men were without gun slings, screw drivers and wipers. The drilling of the companies was creditable—the firings were dispensed with at the request of the commanding officer on his representing the urgent necessity of having every available man at labor on the field works. Company D, 1st Cavalry, had but one officer and twenty one rank & file on parade—the balance of the company being on detached service. The

70  •

chapter three

twenty one horses present with the company were found in good serviceable condition. The troops are all quartered in the field works and are as comfortable as the nature of the quarters will admit. The quarters[,] from being almost entirely covered with earth[,] are badly ventilated and camp in wet & snowy weather, but the officer in command has done everything in his power to remedy these defects. I have, therefore, no suggestions to offer. The field work is undergoing extensive repairs and improvements, calculated to make it much more formidable in the event of its being attacked by an invading force. In my judgement, neither the present site nor the one on the hill, near the field work, is the proper position for building new Fort Union. The absence of water being an insufferable objection to the further expenditures of public money at either of the points named. I would respectfully suggest the appointing of a board of officers to select the proper site for the fort and depot—that the plans and specifications, with estimates, be made by the engineer officer of the department and the whole submitted to the Commanding General for his approval, that the appropriations may be asked for and the work brought to a speedy termination. I therefore recommend that the least possible amount of labor and money, consistent with the defence of the depots, be expended on the present position of Fort Union with the view of its removal to some more eligible situation at the earliest day practicable. The books and papers of the companies are brought up to date, and the fund accounts of the several companies are as follows: Company C, 7th Infantry, 1st Lieut. C[harles] C[otesworth] Rawn commanding, bal. on hand Oct. 31st ’62, $68.759 Company “F,” 7th Infantry, Capt. P. M. S. Plympton commanding, bal. on hand Oct. 31st ’62, $1,019.54 Company “H,” 7th Infantry, 2nd Lieut. E[dward] R[aymond] Ames commanding, bal. on hand Oct. 31st ’62, $54.8910 Company “D,” 1st Cavalry, 2nd Lieut. R[euben] F[rank] Bernard commanding, bal. on hand Oct. 31st ’62, $73.0011 Company “B,” 2nd Colorado Vols., Capt. J. C. W. Hall commanding, bal. on hand Oct. 31st ’62, $209.65 These accounts have all been rendered and the balances are in the hands of the company commanders. The men of the command appear healthy and contented, have plenty to eat, vegetables being purchased by company

Fort Union, New Mexico

•  71

commanders, there being no company gardens at the post—vegetables cannot be raised for the want of water. The system of arbitrary punishment is not countenanced by the commanding officer, but as Fort Union seems to be the receptacle for all capital and state prisoners in the department, the number averaging twenty eight constantly on hand, an addition of one room, 16 x 25, should be added to the guard house as a prison room. This can be done after the defenses of the field works are completed, by the labor at the post and without expense to [the] government. At the date of my inspection the duties of post quartermaster were performed by 1st Lieut. C. C. Rawn, 7th Infantry, whose returns and papers have all been rendered to the 31st October 1862, of $122.88. The books and papers of the office appear to be neatly kept and Lieut. Rawn, although young & inexperienced in the service, seems desirous of acquiring a knowledge of his duties. Messrs. [William H.] Moore & Co. are the post sutlers and have a very large stock of goods on hand.12 Their prices seem exorbitant to me, but they have been fixed by a council of administration. Their credits to the soldiers are kept within the limits of Gen’l. Order[s] No. 27 from the War Dpt., and with few exceptions, they have all the articles enumerated in that order on hand. Postage stamps are not sold at the sutler’s store but purchased directly from the post master at Union.

Hospital

The hospital at the post is built of logs, chinked with mud and one story in height. It has three rooms used as wards, one as surgery, one as store room, one as steward’s room and one as kitchen. There are twenty eight beds in the several wards, about fifty percent in excess of the number for which they have proper space. The danger from over crowding is, however, obviated by the numerous chinks and holes in the walls by which good ventilation is secured. Situated from this hospital and about three quarters of a mile distant from it is another building in which, as being more convenient, sick call is held for the troops at the post. It is of the same construction as the former and if floored and otherwise conveniently arranged, could be made available as a branch hospital capable of accommodating twelve patients. This building is about three hundred yards beyond the entrenchments and would be of no service in case of an attack upon the works. There were no contagious diseases at the post until the 1st of the present

72  •

chapter three

month, when Green Russell and party arrived with nine cases of small pox. These patients are located in a building formerly used as quarters for volunteers and distant about half a mile from old Fort Union and the field works. This building contains three rooms, two of them occupied by the sick and the other is used as a sleeping room for the attendants and as a kitchen. One room is 12 x 18, containing a family of one young woman and five children. In the adjoining room, 12 x 12, are three men who were of the same party with the children and three enlisted men of the company who brought them to the post; making in all twelve cases—six adults and six children. There are no floors in any of the rooms and no out houses or sinks. Should the disease spread to any extent among the enlisted men or the Qr. Masters’ employees, it will be necessary to make an addition to the house above described. The cases of small pox existing at Fort Union are not of the most severe type and I am pleased to say doing well. In this connection I beg leave to represent to the Commanding General that these poor suffering orphan children have been treated with the greatest possible kindness and care both by Dr. [John C. Clark] Downing, the asst. surgeon in attendance, and his most estimable wife.13 She, in the kindness of her heart and before nurses could be provided, washing, dressing, and caring for these poor little sufferers. The quantity of medicines on hand, estimating for a command of five hundred, is ample with two or three exceptions, and for these special requirements have been made upon the medical purveyor. There are, in addition to the above, medicines and supplies which the attending surgeon is instructed by [the] medical director only to use by his special order. The medicines and stores on hand are all good except blankets—they are not of the standard quality. The health of the troops is good, the prevailing complaint being catarrh of a mild character caused by recent fall of snow, etc.

Depot Commissary

Captain A[sa] B[acon] Carey, 13th Infantry, performs the duties of both depot and post commissary.14 His accounts have all been rendered to 31st Oct. ’62, and on the 30th Nov., the balance due the United States was $1,646.86¾[,] since which date the contingent expenses have been $42.00, leaving an amount in the captain’s hands of $1,606.86¾. There are fourteen employees in this department of whom three are enlisted men (on extra duty), and the remaining eleven citizens, and are paid as follows:

Fort Union, New Mexico

•  73

One clerk at . . . . . . . . $75.00 per mo. One store-keeper . . . . . $35.00 per mo. Two laborers . . . . . . . $35.00 per mo. Seven laborers . . . . . . $25.00 per mo. The depot commissary by a recent order is only allowed to employ one clerk and three laborers, but as it is important just now to have all the enlisted men at work repairing the field works and as stores are constantly arriving and departing in large quantities, and as the store houses are partly under ground, badly ventilated and without floors[,] necessarily requiring the stores to be frequently overhauled to prevent deterioration from dampness, I respectfully recommend that the depot commissary be permitted to keep all his men until the present emergency is over, and then keep permanently one clerk, one store-keeper and four laborers.15 The following subsistence stores are still to arrive: 429,236 pounds of bacon 4,004 pounds of ham 560 bushels of beans 4,280 pounds of rice 100 pounds of hominy 121,800 pounds of coffee 1,700 pounds of tea 71,300 pounds cl. sugar 1,080 pounds of chd. Sugar 9,660 pounds of candles 51,030 pounds of soap 1410/32 bus. of salt 265 gal. mal. & syrup 142 pounds des. veg. 9,500 pounds of potatoes 1,061 gal. cap. dis. whiskey 581 gal. Bour. whiskey All the stores thus far received from the states are in good condition and of a good quality, except the hams and hominy. Beef is delivered at the post by contract on the block at ten cents per pound and is of good quality. The issues made by Captain Carey, as post commissary, are strictly in accordance with Department General Orders No. 74 of August 25th 1862.

74  •

chapter three

All the stores in [the] depot and in the issuing department are in the store houses of the field works and one or two of the log buildings at old Fort Union. The houses are of the following capacity: Four storehouses 97½ feet long, 24¼ feet side & 9 feet high One storehouse 125 feet long by 14 feet wide One 60 feet long by 21 feet wide The officers named below have taken the following stores from tra[i]ns en route to this department: Lieut. R[eese] E[ugene] Fleeson, 10th Inf., Fort Lyon, C. T., 100 lbs. des. potatoes16 Capt. [Austin G.] Rowell, 2nd Kansas Vols, on road, 42 gallons Bourbon whiskey17 Lieut. W[illiam] West, 2nd Inf., Fort Larned, 1,300 lbs sugar, 42 gals, B. whiskey & 41 gals, c. dis. whiskey18 Capt. Issac Gray, A. A. C. S., Fort Lyon, 10,440 lbs bacon.19 These stores have all been receipted for, but their conduct is an improper interference with the supplies intended for use in this department & might cause serious inconvenience to the government. Every care is taken by Captain Carey of the property intrusted to his charge, and I commend him to the General Commanding as an efficient officer.

Quarter Master Department:

The Quarter Master’ Depot at Fort Union is under the management of Captain Wm. Craig, A. Q. M., who has the following employees in service:20 One Clerk . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $100 per. mo. Two Clerks . . . . . . . . . . . . at $85 per. mo. [each] One A. For. Master . . . . . . . . . . . at $75 per mo. One Sup’dt. Mechanics . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. One Yard Master . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $40 per mo. Four B. Smiths . . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. each Two Masons . . . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. each Eight Carpenters . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. each One Wheelwright . . . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. One Millwright . . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo.

Fort Union, New Mexico

•  75

One Asst. Millwright . . . . . . . . . . at $35 per mo. One Saddler . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. One Chief Wagon Master . . . . . . . at $60 per mo. Five Wagon Masters . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. each Six Asst. Wagon Masters . . . . . at $35 per mo. each One Messenger . . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. Four Hastlers . . . . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. each One Express Messenger . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. Two Herders . . . . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. each Three Cooks . . . . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. each Fifteen Laborers . . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. each Seventy five Teamsters . . . . . . at $25 per mo. each Making the monthly compensation for hired citizen labor in this department at the depot $3,755.00 per month.21 The captain has also under his direction, with 1st Lieut. C[harles] P. Marion, 1st N. Mex. Vols., at Maxwell’s Ranch in charge of public horses:22 One Assistant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $50 per mo. Eight Herders . . . . . . . . . . . . . . at $25 per mo. If the building of the new depot on the hill, near the field works, is not resumed, a number of these employees can be dispensed with. The figures in red ink will show to what extent, in my judgement, the number can be reduced. One of the Q. Masters’ Stores invoiced to the depot have arrived except: 24,257 Pounds of Iron 240 Pounds of Steel 108 Wagon Pipe Boxes 4 B. S. Bellows 4,000 Pounds H. Shoe Nails 21,000 Pounds Cut Nails Six trains chiefly loaded with q. master stores are yet to arrive—the last one left Fort Leavenworth on the 16th October. The stores on hand are of good quality and the depot is entirely deficient in horse shoes and none are invoiced to arrive—the service has suffered much in the past six months for these indispensable articles.

76  •

chapter three

Means of Transportation:

There are eleven ten[-]mule teams; nineteen eight[-]mule and fifty three six[-]mule teams, all fully equipped. Belonging to the depot and almost constantly employed on the road in hauling supplies to the different points and camps in the department. In addition to his duties as depot q. master, Capt. Craig has recently been assigned those of post q. master of Fort Union, and has five six[-]mule teams constantly employed in hauling water and supplies at the post. All the wagons are in good order, and the animals when last in at depot were in good condition. There are fifty two unassigned horses at the depot in good order and seventeen that are unserviceable—besides these Lieut. Marion has seventy five serviceable horses in good condition at Maxwell’s Ranch. Between Fort Union and Santa Fe three mules are kept for express purposes & two are kept always at the post for the same duty. The corrals, stables, workshops, mess rooms and kitchens at the depot are kept in good order. There is located near the post one portable sawmill (twelve mule power) and of capacity sufficient to turn out one thousand feet of lumber per day. Amount of Clothing at Depot: 1,543 Great Coats Cavalry 2,023 Great Coats Infantry 2,263 Trousers Infantry 3,628 Trousers Cavalry 5,668 Flannel Sack Coats 3,225 M. Coats Infantry 2,062 Stable Frocks 2,001 Hats Infantry 2,047 Hats Cavalry 49 Hats Citizen 3,082 Jackets Cavalry 9,260 Flannel Shirts 75 Cotton Shirts 832 Jackets Rifle 357 Jackets Dragoon 1 Jackets Fatigue 20 Jackets Rifle Musician 208 Coats Infantry 44 Jackets Cavalry 1,216 Forage Caps

Fort Union, New Mexico 131 49 Coats 4,021 Boots 7,288 Bootees 6,328 2,761 4,479 500 Mosquito 21 37 Overalls 5,921 Leather 5,284 Cap 55 Coats 25 Hats 10 Hat Bands & Tassels 325 Hat Bands & Tassels 2,060 Hat 875 Yards 4,488 Yards

•  77

Sashes Ordnance Cavalry Infantry Drawers Knapsacks Haversacks Bars Blankets Fatigue Stocks Covers Citizen Ordnance Ordnance Cavalry Feathers Lace Cord

This list does not include the camp and garrison equipage and of which there is a moderate supply on hand. All the clothing and camp and garrison equipage, with few exceptions, are kept in good order, dry & in a good state of preservation. I have already reported the many stoppages of trains and removing of qr. master’s stores and the several instances of seizing and diverting transportation from its original destination. I will merely reiterate to the Commanding General that the practice, so destructive to the interests of this department and the public service, is still continued by the a. a. qr. m. at Fort Lyon and countenanced by the commanding officer of that post. I am favorably impressed with Captain Craig’s management of the depot at Fort Union and all his reports and returns have been sent forward to the 1st November—the Nov. papers will be ready by the 15th December. There is no money in this department nor have I any means of even approximating the amount of Capt. Craig’s indebtedness. Since he took charge of the depot, he has endeavored with the amount advanced by Capt. McFerran and the official receipts drawn on him, to keep clean of debts, but the captain has not been advised to what extent his official receipts have been honored.

78  •

chapter three

The ordnance depot at Fort Union is commanded by Military Store­ keeper Wm. R. Shoemaker, an able and efficient officer who has served the government long and faithfully. The building[s] now occupied for the depot as store houses, quarters and barracks are chiefly all wooden houses but for the most valuable supplies, such as artillery and ammunition, two good adobe buildings almost fireproof, and one gun shed have been erected. The depot buildings having been recently repaired by plastering, etc., will subserve their present purposes very well for a year or two longer, or until a suitable site for the permanent arsenal for the department is selected. Having the proposed new arsenal always in view, the commander of the depot has carefully avoided all unnecessary expenditures on the present site—doing nothing more, from time to time, than to add such cheap temporary houses as mere indispensably necessary for the safe keeping of the large amount of ordnance stores always on hand. The military storekeeper has under his command a detachment of Ordnance men consisting of: 3 Corporals, pay per month $20.00 14 Privates, 1st Class, per month $17.00 Hired Civilians 1 Clerk at pay per day $3.00 1 Clerk at pay per day $2.00 1 Armorer at pay per day $3.20 2 Blacksmiths at pay per day $2.00 1 Watchman at pay per day $2.00 3 Laborers at pay per day $1.00 The following work has been done at the depot during the six months commencing 1st June and ending 30th November 1862. Repaired 78 Per Rifles, Cal. .58 175 Per Rifles, Cal. .54 50 Musketoons, Cavalry 78 Sharps Carbines 110 Army Revolvers 92 Navy Revolvers 68 Colt’s Rifles 3 Mountain Howt’z. Carriages 160 Curb Bridles

Fort Union, New Mexico 180 Carbine Pistols 10 12 Pd. Heavy Gun Carriages 2 32 Howt’z. Gun Carriages 7 12 Pd. Caissons 4 32 Pd. Caissons 2 6 Pd. Gun Carriages 2 6 Pd. Caissons 1 Traveling Forage Fabricated 241 Mountain Howt’z. Canister Fixed 143 Field Howt’z. Sp’cl. Case Fixed 68 Field Howt’z. Shells Fixed 254 Mountain Howt’z. Shells Fixed 98 Field Howt’z. Canister Fixed 79 Strapped Shot Fixed 132 Holsters for Colt’s Pistols Buildings, etc. 1 Gun Shed, 120 x 21½ feet and 1 Black Smith Shop, 20 x 18 feet

•  79

12 Pd. 12 Pd. 12.Pd. 12 Pd. 12 Pd. 12 Pd.

The general repairs have been completed within the past six months, rendering the old storehouses as secure and the other tight as possible. 1 Additional storehouse, formerly known as the old hospital, has been attached to depot and thoroughly repaired. The wagons and twelve mules constitute the means of transportation at the depot and are constantly used in hauling of wood and other supplies. The ordnance supplies for the department for the ensuing year have all been received and are securely stored. The posts in the department are supplied with ordnance and ordnance stores, as their approved requisitions reach the depot. At the date of inspection, the following ordnance and ordnance stores were in [the] depot, viz. 2 32 Pd. Fl. Howitzers 6 12 Pd. Guns 4 6 Pd. 3 in. Rifled Guns 9 12 Pd. Mountain Howitzers

80  •

chapter three

2 6 4 1 252 726 700 213 241 170 132 432 114 184 20 52 1,100 400 400 500 42 80 128 1,100 72 100 200 800 1,900 393 442 256 24 76 1,500 84 1,300 60

32 Pd. Caissons 12 Pd. Caissons 6 Pd. 3 in. Caissons Battery Wagon 6 Pd. Strapped Shot fixed 6 Pd. Spcl. Case fixed 6 Pd. Canister fixed 12 Pd. M.H. Canister fixed 12 Pd. M H. Shells fixed 12 Pd. F. H. Canister fixed 12 Pd. F. H. Spcl. Case fixed 12 Pd. F. H. Shells fixed 24 Pd. F. H. Spcl. Case fixed 24 Pd. F. H. Shells fixed 32 Pd. F. H. Canister fixed 32 Pd. F. H. Canister fixed 6 Pd. 3 in. Gun Shot 6 Pd. 3 in. Gun Per Shells 6 Pd. 3 in. Canister 6 Pd. 3 in. Time Shells Harness Whelp (set of) Harness Lead (set of) Per Muskets with Mayd. Attachment Per Muskets Mand. in. 1842 Rifled Muskets per Cal. .69 Rifled Muskets Spring Cal. .58 Rifled Muskets Cal. .58 Rifles per Cal. .54 Rifled Muskets Cal. .70 Musketoons Cavalry Perc. B. M. Pistols Carbines Army Revolvers Navy Revolvers Army Revolvers Revolving Pistols Cavalry Sabres Horse Artillery Sabres

Fort Union, New Mexico 6,000 3,200 2,700 2,620 2,280 2,000 120 60,000 47,500 387,000 250,000 28,000 160,000 1,200,000 19,000 110,000 575,000 3,000 2,000,000 2,000,000 7,000 22,000

•  81

Complete Sets of Accouterments for Infantry Carbine Slings Sabre Belts and Plates Complete Sets Horse Equipment, Pat. 59 Musket Powder (pounds of) Mortar Powder (pounds of) Cannon Powder (pounds of) Musket Round Ball Cartridges Musket Buck Shot Cartridges Rifle Musket Elong Ball Cartridges Cal. .69 Rifle Musket Ball Cartridges Cal. .54 Colt’s rifle Ball Cartridges Sharps Carbine Cartridges Ball Carts. Rifle or Musket Cal. .58 Maynard’s Ball Cartridges Army Pistol Ball Cartridges Navy Pistol Ball Cartridges Lefancheaux Pistol Ball Carts. Percus. Caps. Large Per. Caps. Small Primers Friction Tubes

The returns and papers in this department have all been rendered to date. The funds in the hands of the military storekeep[er] are on deposit with the Asst. Treasurer in New York, and to Dec. 5th [’]62 were as follows: Ordnance Service $3,715.00 Ordnance and Ordnance Stores $505.74 Arsenals $775.80 Total $4,996.54 All of which is respectfully submitted. I am Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen, Maj., 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l.

This page intentionally left blank

Chapter four

Post at Mesilla, New Mexico •••

In January 1863, Major Wallen rode south from Santa Fe along the old Camino Real, Royal Road, to Mesilla, headquarters for General Joseph West’s sprawling District of Arizona. Ever since Fort Fillmore had been established six miles south of the town in 1851, the army had maintained a presence in the valley. At the beginning of the war, the area had been a hotbed of Secessionist activities, but when Colonel Steele and his disheartened Rebels left in the summer of 1862, most Secessionists fled to Mexico or east to San Antonio, leaving their property to be confiscated by General West and Union authorities. At Mesilla, the largest settlement between San Antonio and San Diego, Wallen found a community abuzz with activity. With Fort Fillmore abandoned, five companies of the First California Infantry and a company of the Fifth California had taken quarters in the town. Fearing a second Confederate invasion, and with the army at war with the Apaches, the garrison had become as important as any in the territory. Despite its pleasant climate, Mesilla was not one of the favorite posts in the territory. In the spring and often in late summer, the Rio Grande flooded the area and left stagnant pools of water near the community, breeding disease and proving unhealthy. At the time, Surgeon O. M. Bryan reported that Mesilla had numerous “grog shops,” where the “retail of whiskey” went •  83  •

84  •

chapter four

uninterrupted. Many of the women in the community had no means of support other than “the retail of venereal disease in its various forms.”1 Perhaps nowhere in New Mexico was the military as oppressive and as big a burden on the local population as in the Mesilla Valley. Conversely, nowhere was the local population as sullen and uncooperative. Starvation lurked on the doorstep of the many homes flooded by the Rio Grande and deprived of food by the retreating Texans. Although food shortages were not as acute as was the case upriver in Socorro County, the situation was critical. When Hispanos in the valley refused to sell what little corn and wheat they possessed, the military seized it. Some families tried to hide their grain, but under martial law General West made such practices a crime.2 Throughout the war, the bulk of the valley’s population remained hungry and desperate. As late as May 1865, representatives from Doña Ana, Mesilla, and Las Cruces were appealing to General Carleton for assistance: “O Sir! Gloomy, very gloomy is the epoc[h] in which we find ourselves, passing the natural days with our families around us, presenting a piteous picture and exposed to a thousand dangers, even to death.” Claiming there was not a loaf of bread to be consumed, the men appealed for “seeds and other provisions,” even in the form of loans. “We will sacrifice our personal labor to obtain money and the means to enable us to secure the means of living until our first planting yields fruit,” the men wrote.3 Hungry and oppressed, hundreds left for Chihuahua, many never to return. Although Wallen made no mention of it in his report, the initial excitement over the prospect of fighting the Confederates had been largely lost, and the military at Mesilla was badly demoralized. Instead of fighting the Texans and disunion, the men found themselves on dreary and seemingly endless marches in pursuit of Indians, knowing only dust, fatigue, and little glory. Some soldiers were bored by the routine garrison duty typical of the military on the frontier. Others perceived General West as oppressive and tyrannical. In one instance, West placed the entire guard of one company in irons for allowing a Confederate sympathizer to escape from the Mesilla guardhouse. While on five o’clock morning drill in the plaza, Corp. Charles Smith stepped forward, saluted, and declared to Capt. George Henry Pettis that he would perform no more duty until one of the sergeants was released. When Pettis asked if other soldiers in the company felt likewise, all but three of the company stepped forward. Pettis responded by ordering the men to drop their arms and return to quarters. When General West heard what had happened, he assembled the entire

Post at Mesilla, New Mexico

•  85

garrison on the plaza, ordered Corporal Smith to advance ten paces, and asked him if he was prepared to do his duty. Smith replied he would, but only after the sergeant had been released. West angrily ordered Smith’s company to wheel to the right, directed another company forward, and gave them the order to fire at Smith. When the men fired over Smith’s head, the young corporal defiantly waved his cap in the air. Sword in hand, West ordered the company to fire again, but the soldiers deliberately missed again, some of the balls slamming into the adobe wall near the church. Furious, West swore he would personally shoot any man who did not aim at Smith’s heart, and a third volley wounded the young corporal, who fell bleeding on the barren earth. West then rode up to Company K and asked each soldier if he would do his duty, pointing his sword at each man as he did so. “Men, I intend to see you well treated and cared for, but the moment a man raises a finger to disobey an order of mine, that moment his death warrant is sealed.” Smith died that night and was buried without ceremony the next day.4 Many in the California Column, especially Company K, would never forgive West for his cruelty. Unpopular with civilians and soldiers alike, and consistently quarreling with General Carleton, West went east in the spring of 1864 to fight the Civil War elsewhere.5

••••••••••• Mesilla, Dis. of Arizona

Jan’y 23rd 1863 Captain: I have the honor to report to the General Commanding the Department that I have carefully reviewed, and inspected the troops at this post commanded by Major William McMullen, 1st Infantry, Cal. Vols., and find their condition to be as follows:6 There were five companies of infantry on parade: B, C, G, and K of the 1st Infantry with G of the 5th, every man except the sick and the guard, being under arms.7 The review was conducted in accordance with the regulations, and the companies marched well, quite as much so, as regular troops. Upon inspecting the arms, I found them all in good firing order, and the accouterments in serviceable condition. The arms of Companies B and G, 1st Infantry, were the best; Captain [Henry A.] Green[e]’s Company G being in the finest order. The company of the 5th Infantry, Captain H[ough] L. Hinds commanding,

86  •

chapter four

was not by any means in as good order as the balance of the command; this in a measure, was attributable to its having returned but a short time since from detached service.8 The battalion was comfortably clad, but some companies looked much neater than others, those mentioned above, B and G were in uniform, and their clothing fitted them better than the others in the battalion. Some of the companies are deficient in ordnance stores, but I have directed the commanding officer to forward requisitions through the Chief of Ordnance, for approval at department head quarters. I had the names called on parade from the last muster roll, and with a written list of absentees, was able to have every man in the battalion properly accounted for. Where men were permanently absent from companies and not furnished with descriptive lists and clothing accounts, I caused them to be made out and forwarded to department head quarters for distribution. After inspection, each company was drilled by the commander at such movements as I chose to designate, both at the quick and double quick, in the company drill, and as skirmishers; also at the bayonet exercise. The companies evidenced proficiency at all these drills. The least proficient was Company G of the 5th Infantry, California Volunteers.9 Major McMullen had never practiced his command at the battalion drill, but at my suggestion, proposes to give the subject his immediate attention. The review, inspection, and drilling, were creditable to the command and it affords me pleasure to represent their fine military bearing and appearance to the Commanding General. After the review and inspection of the infantry battalion, I inspected Captain C[hauncey] R. Wellman’s Company E, 1st California Cavalry, but found him with only a small squad of men; fifty four of them being on detached service in different directions.10 It is discouraging to a company commander to have so many of his men almost constantly separated from him, but in this instance, it seems unavoidable, as it is the only cavalry company stationed at this post, and from it all escorts so necessary in this Indian country, have to be taken. Of the horses paraded for inspection, but few of them were in good serviceable condition, several were entirely broken down and worthless. I respectfully recommend that a few, good, serviceable horses be sent to this company from the depot [at] Fort Union, or purchased in the country, to replace those entirely used up. I find that the commanding officer has rendered all his returns and

Post at Mesilla, New Mexico

•  87

reports up to date, and the records of his office are kept neatly, and everything in and about the office is in good order. The books of the several companies except those of K Company, are brought up to date. The clothing book of this company is not settled up to the 31st December 1862, nor have Lieut. [George Henry] Pettis’ returns for ordnance and clothing, etc., been rendered to the end of the past year.11 I called his attention to these neglects, and he assured me the clothing book would receive his immediate attention, and that the returns [would be] forwarded without further delay. The company fund accounts except that of G, 5th Infantry, have all been rendered to the 31st December 1862. I furnished Captain Hinds with a form as that seems to be the difficulty with him, and he will doubtless forward his account without further delay. The fund account of Company B, 1st Inf., shows a balance due the company, and in hands of the commander, Dec. 31st 1862, $60.16. The fund account of Company C, 1st Infantry, shows a balance due the company, & in the hands of the commander, Dec. 31st 1862, $50.38. The fund account of Company K, 1st Infantry, shows a balance due the company, Dec. 31st, 00.22. The fund account of Company G, 5th Infantry, not rendered, but balance due the company and in the hands of commander, Dec. 31st 1862, $118.00 and of Company E, 1st California Cavalry, balance due company & in hands of commander, Dec. 31st, $26.80. The companies bake their own bread, and very good it is too, and as there is no sutler at the post there is no post fund. The companies are as comfortably quartered as the nature of the buildings in the town of Mesilla will admit. They are wholly deficient in bunks and bed sacks, have never had them, but I have directed the post q. master to make the proper requisitions for having the bed sacks supplied. There are no mess rooms to any of the company quarters, lumber being so difficult to obtain and at such high rates, that mess tables and benches cannot readily be obtained. At present, each man gets his meal at the company kitchen, and leaves to eat it where he pleases. I am much averse to this uncomfortable and unsatisfactory manner of messing the soldier, and therefore recommend that the post q. ma[s]ter be permitted to purchase sufficient lumber to make tables and benches for each company mess room. The companies appear to have enough to eat, at least no complaints are made. There are no vegetables in the country, and the companies are confined to the desiccated vegetables from the commissary. The quarters occupied by the infantry companies are

88  •

chapter four

in better condition than those of the cavalry. This is accounted for by the amount of detached service performed by the cavalry, their frequent absences make them careless and indifferent, about their messing and quarters. The guard house and prison rooms are ample for the accommodation of the post and upon careful inquiry, I find that arbitrary punishments are not permitted by the commanding officer[.] The hospital is under the management of Surgeon O[rlando] M. Bryan, Volunteers, recently arrived, and is cleanly and neatly kept.12 It consists of three rooms, 30 x 12 feet as wards, one 12 x 18 as dispensary, one 12 x 18 as mess room, and one 12 x 16 as kitchen. The rooms are not well ventilated & there are no board floors in any of them. The hospital is not as comfortable as it can be made if the post at Mesilla is to be permanently occupied. The three wards will accommodate fifty patients but at present there are but sixteen in the hospital under treatment. On the day of my inspection, there were forty two men on the sick report, the prevailing diseases being influenza, rheumatismus, and venereal complaints.13 The hospital fund to Dec. 31st was $26.00 but as bake ovens are being erected the fund will soon be largely increased. The medical supplies and medicines on hand are of good quality, and with few exceptions in sufficient quantities for the use of the post and district—requisitions have been directed for supplying the deficiencies. If Mesilla is to be permanently occupied, I would recommend that floors be placed in at least two of the wards and in the dispensary, that proper light and ventilation be given to all the rooms, and a safe & suitable sink be erected for the use of the sick. There are two drills and one bayonet practice daily at the post, guard mounting attended by the adjutant and officer of the day, evening dress parade, Sunday morning and monthly inspections, and the stated roll calls are attended by the company officer. The commissary and quarter master departments of the post are under 2nd Lieutenant J[eremiah] Phelan, regimental quarter master, 1st Infantry, an attentive and industrious young officer.14 His official returns and reports have all been rendered to date and are made out in the neatest manner & the store-houses are ample and kept in admirable order. Flour has heretofore been purchased in open market at nine cents per pound, but this has recently been stopped and this supply is hereafter to be drawn from the depot at Fort Craig. Beef has been contracted for at nine cents per pound and where beef

Post at Mesilla, New Mexico

•  89

cannot be obtained, mutton at the same price is furnished the troops. Up to date this contract has been complied with but there is some probability of a failure on the part of the contractor to continue the supply. Should this happen beef and mutton will have to be purchased on open market. The great annoyance to the quarter master’s dept. in Mesilla is the want of grain for the public animals. The resources of the district are completely exhausted and the further supply will have to be procured from El Paso, Mexico. I am officially informed that two or three individuals[,] and among the number is Dr. [David R.] Deiffendorfen [Diffenderfer], the American Consul at El Paso, have purchased large quantities of grain and hold it at high rates, hoping the government will be compelled to purchase at almost any price.15 I am also informed that by sending a trusty government agent to Mexico, within a hundred or hundred and fifty miles of El Paso, several thousand fanegas of corn can be purchased at a low figure, to be delivered at El Paso or Franklin, & from thence distributed by government wagons to points where it may be most needed. In this connection, I beg leave to suggest that a quantity of Missouri corn (yellow flint) be sent to the District of Arizona and distributed to the native population for seed. By this means, the next crop will be materially improved both in quality and quantity and the interests of the government subserved. The corn raised in this district is of a peculiar character, the cob never becoming hard and the corn in consequence molds very quickly near its junction with the cob, and is not fit to be given as food to animals. Twenty or thirty bushels of seed corn sent from Fort Union to the chief quarter master of this district and by him exchanged with the natives, will be an act of charity to the people, and from it the government will reap an abundant supply from the ensuing crop. I find that all contracts entered into by the past commissary and quarter master have been made in strict accordance with existing laws and regulations, and no contract has been given to any one, not professing loyal sentiments to the government. Lieut. Phelan’s account current for December 1862, in commissary departments, exhibits a balance due the United States of $122.14, amount on hand and shown to the inspecting officer. The outstanding debts in this department amount to $3,202.80. This was for the purchase of flour and up to the 23rd January 1863. The rations on hand are all of good quality and the issues are made agreeably to General Orders No. 74, from Hd. Quarters, Department of N. Mexico.

90  •

chapter four

In the Quarter Master’s Department, the summary statement for January 23rd shows a balance due the U. States & in the hands of Lt. Phelan, of $6.58, while the outstanding debts to that date amount to $14,505.69. More than twelve thousand of this has [to] be paid out for the purchase of hay and grain, and the balance for the hire of quarters, pay of extra duty men, teamsters and express riders. There are no civilians employed as clerks in either of the departments. The clothing, except bed sacks & blankets, and the Quarter Master’s stores with Lieut. Phelan, are ample for the current supply of the district. Captain Nicholas S. Davis, 1st Infantry, California Volunteers, is acting Chief Commissary and Quarter Master of the District of Arizona.16 His papers in both departments have been rendered to the 31st December 1862. The account current in the Subsistence Department to December 31st 1862, shows a balance due the United States & in his possession of $18,455.81. In the Quarter Master’s Department there are no funds on hand, but the outstanding indebtedness to the 31st December 1862, amounted to $19,989.30. Means of Transportation 661 Mules 56 unserviceable 98 Wagons 1 unserviceable 4 Ambulances 254 Wheel Harness single set of 8 Wheel Harness single set of unserviceable 514 Lead Harness single set of 24 Lead Harness single set of unserviceable 121 Wagon Saddles 7 unserviceable 18 Riding Saddles 1 unserviceable Captain Davis has but one clerk in the Subsistence Department, and one in the Quarter Master’s Department, civilians, with the usual number of wagon masters and teamsters. The records of these departments are not as neatly kept as they might be, owing to the inexperience of Captain Davis and his clerks.

District of Arizona

Hd. Quarters at the town of Mesilla is commanded by Brigadier Gen’l. James R[odman] West of the volunteer services, an energetic soldier and a gentleman. Having just had an assistant adjutant general assigned to duty with him,

Post at Mesilla, New Mexico

•  91

the gen’l. has scarcely had time to neatly arrange the books and papers of his head quarters, but they are being rapidly brought into proper shape. I am Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant, H. D. Wallen, Major, 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l.

This page intentionally left blank

Chapter five

Post at Franklin, Texas •••

From the end of the Mexican War until the outbreak of the Civil War, the military occupied several sites at the fabled Pass of the North. The first post was established in September 1848, when Maj. Jefferson Van Horne led 257 men of the Third Infantry west from San Antonio to occupy Ponce’s Ranch at what became Franklin. The military encampment was called the “Post Opposite El Paso del Norte” due to its close proximity to the Mexican community across the river. At the time, the army also occupied the old Spanish presidio of San Elizario, twenty miles downriver.1 The garrisons at Ponce’s Ranch and San Elizario served to protect the border as well as gold seekers on their way to California. San Elizario was the largest town and county seat of El Paso County. On March 8, 1854, a second post was established by four companies of the Eighth Infantry at Magoffinsville, three miles east of Franklin, and designated Fort Bliss in honor of Capt. William Wallace Smith Bliss, Gen. Zachary Taylor’s adjutant general during the Mexican War and his son-in-law. The post was abandoned, with only a small guard to protect the public property, and the garrison transferred to Fort Fillmore. After Fort Bliss was regarrisoned, a bespectacled Lt. Col. Isaac Van Duzer Reeve turned the post and public property over to Samuel Magoffin, a local Secessionist and agent for the State of Texas, and marched east in late March 1861. On July 1, men of the Second Texas Mounted Rifles •  93  •

94  •

chapter five

occupied Fort Bliss, to be followed a few days later by their commander, Lt. Col. John Robert Baylor, before striking north into the Mesilla Valley. When Confederate colonel William Steele abandoned the area in July 1862, the post was partly destroyed. This was one reason why the Federals took station at Hart’s Mill, at a bend of the Rio Grande, just upriver from Franklin.2 When Major Wallen arrived at Franklin on his inspection tour in January 1863, he found two companies of the First California Infantry. A strong guard had also been posted at Hart’s Mill and Fort Bliss. Because an attack from Secessionists in El Paso del Norte across the Rio Grande was feared, a guard was also kept at the crossing of the river.

••••••••••• Franklin, El Paso County

Near Hart’s Mill, Texas Jany. 29th 1863 Captain: I have the honor to report to the Commanding General, that I have this day reviewed and inspected the troops at this place, and find them in fine condition. The review was creditable, the arms and accouterments were in fine order, and the drilling and firings, particularly as light infantry, admirable. The post is occupied by Captain E[dward] B[aker] Willis’ Company A and Captain LaFayette Hammond’s Company H of the 1st Infantry, California Volunteers, and a finer body of men I have seldom, if ever, before seen.3 The companies are quartered in the town of Franklin, about a mile below Hart’s Mill on the Rio Grande. At the mills there is a small detachment of a non-commissioned officer and six men kept, with another guard at Fort Bliss about a mile below the town of Franklin, and still another at the crossing of the Rio Grande at El Paso. The buildings occupied by the officers and soldiers with one exception are confiscated to the government and are the most comfortable in the department, except the regular garrisons. The men are happy and contented, as an evidence of this but few men are ever in confinement, and not a desertion has occurred at the post since its occupation. The sale of liquor is prohibited unless the vendor pays a license of one hundred dollars per month, and this amounts to almost an entire prohibition.

Post at Franklin, Texas

•  95

There is no sutler at the post and the companies bake their own bread, consequently there is no post fund. The books and papers of the commanding officers’ reports and returns have been rendered to the 31st December 1862. I think that Captain Willis’ Company was in rather the finest order, and the light infantry drilling was certainly the best. This company had a bugler, and drilled very handsomely by the bugle calls. The company quarters of both companies were in very neat order, but the men have never had bed sacks, and are badly off for blankets. I pointed out to each of the captains how both these articles could be obtained and the proper requisitions will be sent forward immediately to supply the deficiencies. I observed there was no officer of the day at guard mounting and upon inquiring of the commanding officer the reason for this omission, he informed me that he had dispensed with this duty, as there are but two officers besides himself at the post. The books and papers of Captain Willis’ Company are all brought up to date and are neatly kept. Clothing accounts of the men are all settled to the end of the year and his returns for ordnance and camp and garrison equipage and clothing are rendered to the same date. The fund account of this company on the 31st December ’62 was as follows: Balance due company and in the hands of Captain, $123.37. The books and papers of Captain Hammond’s Company are handsomely kept. Clothing accounts are settled to the end of the year and returns of ordnance and clothing, etc., rendered to same date. The company fund account of this company is as follows: Balance due company, December 31st ’62, and in hands of company commander, $40.77. Captain LaFayette Hammond, 1st Infantry California Volunteers, is the Acting Commissary and Acting Asst. Q. Master of the post. As he relieved 2nd Lieutenant [Lusander E.] Hanson (since resigned) in these duties on the 1st of January, the captain has not had [time] to render any papers up to date.4 The cash received from 2nd Lieut. Hanson on the 1st January 1863, in Commissary Department, amounted to $895.00; expended since, $895; balance due U.S. & in hands of captain, $500.50. The commissary stores are received from the depot at Mesilla and in quantities of thirty day supplies, the post is now rationed to include the 15th day of February proximo.

96  •

chapter five

The store houses are ample, dry, and the stores are kept in good order, and are of good quality. The issues of provisions are made in accordance with General orders No. 74, from Head Quarters, Department of New Mexico. Lieutenant Hanson on leaving the post gave Captain Hammond no list of outstanding debts in the Quarter Master’s Department. The captain is under the impression that they amount to about two thousand dollars. Since he [has] had charge they amount to $495.86. There are no funds on hand belonging to the Quarter Master’s Department at the post. Forage is purchased at El Paso, Mexico, at five dollars per fanega, and grama grass at the best quality in the neighborhood of Franklin, at thirty dollars per ton.5 Neither clothing nor camp equipage are kept on hand at the post. These supplies are drawn directly from the depot at Mesilla by company commanders. There are sufficient Quarter Master’s stores on hand for the current uses of the post. No contracts have been made by Captain Hammond in either department since he has been in charge, nor is there any confiscated property other than buildings in the hands of the Acting Asst. Qr. Master of the post. Asst. Surgeon W[illiam] H. McKee, 5th Infantry, California Volunteers, is the attending surgeon at Franklin.6 The hospital is a handsome commodious building formerly used by the officers of the Overland Mail Company as quarters and is kept in neat order. The supply of hospital stores and medicines at my inspection were inadequate to the wants of the post, but I required the surgeon to make the proper requisitions and on my return to Mesilla, called on the District Commander and Medical Director, and had the requisition filled & shipped to Franklin. There are but few sick at the post; diseases of a light character yielding readily to medical treatment. This post is very prettily situated opposite El Paso, Mexico, and I am better pleased with its military appearance, than any place I have as yet inspected, and Captain Willis has reason to be proud of his command. I am Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen, Major, 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l.

Chapter six

Fort Craig, New Mexico •••

From Franklin, Texas, in the frigid winter winds of January 1863, Major Wallen rode upriver to Mesilla. With a ten-man escort of the First California Cavalry and two wagons, the major then headed north to Doña Ana and across the barren, brown wastes of the Jornada del Muerto, past Fort McRae, to the rock and adobe bastion of Fort Craig. With the exception of Fort Union, Fort Craig was the most important post in the territory, and it housed the second-largest garrison in the Department of New Mexico.1 In fact, this fort, one of the largest ever constructed in the Southwest, stretched 1,050 feet east to west and 600 feet north to south, and it consisted of twenty-two buildings constructed around a large parade ground. Officers’ quarters, enlisted men’s barracks, warehouses, ordnance sheds, stables, a guardhouse, and a hospital were surrounded by an adobe wall with a sally port providing entrance from the west. After Fort Conrad, nine miles upriver, was abandoned in March 1854, Fort Craig was established on April 1 by two companies of the Third Infantry, just above El Paraje de Fray Cristobal in a sea of creosote and mesquite. Strategically located near the north end of the inhospitable Jornada del Muerto, the fort was named for Capt. Louis T. Craig, who had been killed by deserters in the California desert west of Fort Yuma. The new post provided protection from raiding Apaches and guarded the old Camino Real.2 •  97  •

98  •

chapter six

Like Fort Union, the post was also a beehive of activity in the winter of 1862–63. Fearing a second Confederate attack and mindful of the blood that had been shed at Valverde, the army was working feverishly to strengthen the post. Construction efforts were concentrated on fortifying the defenses of the post, which included building a huge earthen trench on the south side, a feature somewhat unique for a southwestern military post. Throughout the late fall and into the winter, the back-breaking work continued. The soldiers were so preoccupied with endless raids by the Mescaleros, Mimbreño Apaches, and Navajos into the central Rio Grande valley that work progressed slowly, so in January 1863 General Carleton issued orders to conscript workers in Socorro County for twenty days. Even the territorial legislature passed a resolution calling on men in the small villages in the county to report for work at the post. “All patriotic citizens” were asked to come at once to “lend their cheerful aid,” Colonel Edwin A. Rigg, commander at Fort Craig at the time, reported.3 Abused by two years of war that had stripped the valley of animals and provisions, most of the 630 men in the county were more concerned with the pressing needs of their starving families. In fact, not only the war, but floods, Indian raids, and the heavy-handedness of the army had caused considerable flight from the county. Yet in March 1863 Rigg reported that the people in the valley were “dilatory in reporting to work on the fortification,” and he set out to visit the villages in person to impress on the people the importance of the work. “Nothing but the strong arm of the military will compel these people to do their duty to the government,” he concluded. Rigg was able to increase the size of the civilian work force from 100 to 222. All “worked cheerfully . . . every stroke of work was gotten out of them,” and they “left well satisfied,” he reported.4 Completing the fortifications would be left to the soldiers, however, and the garrison was soon overworked. Consequently, morale and discipline declined. After his initial inspection, Wallen returned to the post in early May, where he gave a short speech, saying he would listen to any grievance the men might have. Unknowingly, he unleashed a torrent of charges and criticisms, especially against Capt. Hough L. Hinds. For example, one of the more literate soldiers at the post, Pvt. Jerry K. Green of Hind’s Company G of the Fifth California Infantry, wrote Wallen a seven-page letter saying that when the company was recruited at Placerville, California, Hinds had promised each of the recruits $36, but they had never received the money. Moreover, Hinds had consistently misappropriated company funds for his personal use.5 A second soldier, James H. Daugherty, said Hinds had

Fort Craig, New Mexico

•  99

borrowed $71 from him, but the captain had flatly refused to pay the debt.6 Not knowing what to believe, but realizing the situation was serious, Wallen referred the complaints to Colonel Rigg, who asked Hinds for a written explanation. The captain adamantly denied all the allegations. He did, however, admit circulating handbills at Placerville promising recruits $36, but he said the bonus had been disallowed.7 Investigating the charges against the captain, Wallen concluded that Green was a “mutinous bad man” and that the complaints were maliciously inspired. He believed that there was no truth in Daugherty’s accusations, either.8 Although army officers, like officers everywhere, quarreled and competed for rank and privilege, they remained a self-preserving elitist fraternity, and nowhere was this more evident than at Fort Craig and in the Department of New Mexico. After Wallen returned to department headquarters, General Carleton continued to receive complaints from angry men at the post, who appeared to be on the verge of mutiny. In a lengthy protest, the men denounced “the tyranny and despotic power [of] Colonel Rigg and a few other officers at the post.” The men were being drilled and worked seven days a week, they said, and they wanted to rest on Sunday. For minor infractions, their rations were cut, and they were fined $10 and sentenced to thirty days of hard labor. In addition, they were denied access to company funds, money that they had contributed and that they believed the officers were misappropriating for themselves. Their treatment was as bad as the “bloody inquisition.” Moreover, because of the “sins of the officers,” the “very atmosphere [had become] poisoned with prostitutes in [the officers’] quarters.”9 Several officers were guilty, but Capt. Joseph Smith was the worst in that he was housing three “defiled creatures.” Fort Craig had become “a government whor[e] dom,” the disgruntled Californians asserted. Several of the prostitutes were not only living in the officers’ quarters, but were drawing food and medicine, even while the enlisted men went without. One soldier was in the guardhouse for refusing to cook for this “class of harlots.” Several officers frequently got drunk at the sutler’s store and were seen to gamble and “act disgracefully,” but when the enlisted men became inebriated, they were seriously punished.10 In April 1863, as many as fifty-seven men were in the guardhouse, one-fifth of the entire Fort Craig garrison. There was “disaf[f]ection growing . . . daily” at Fort Craig, and no telling what would happen, the men warned. The soldiers were preparing a “publication” for Gov. Leland Stanford and all the newspapers in California. “For humanity[’s] sake,” the men pleaded with Carleton, “do something

100  •

chapter six

for the men.”11 A disciplinarian of the first order, Carleton paid the men little heed, and the officers’ physical abuse, characteristic of the antebellum army, continued unabated. As a consequence of the numerous complaints from Fort Craig, Carleton did order that work on the earthen battlements should be halted temporarily and the men drilled daily. Only the prisoners at the post would continue work on the fortification. Following reveille at first light and breakfast at 5:00 am, the men went through a rigorous daily routine of morning and afternoon drill before tattoo and taps at 8:30 pm.12 In the months following Wallen’s inspection, Rigg remained furious at the inspector general, believing he had gone too far in initially placing credence in the complaints of Rigg’s men before a thorough investigation could be launched. Rigg told Carleton he had been “accused and found guilty on the say so of rumors . . . as malicious as they were false.”13 At department headquarters in Santa Fe, Wallen’s inspection of Fort Craig also touched off a firestorm in the office of the chief commissary, Amos F. Garrison, whom Wallen accused of failing to keep sufficient rations at the post. “This is a grave charge to be made officially against an officer of [the] U.S. Army, and if true, he would be unworthy to hold a commission under the flag of his country,” Captain Garrison asserted. “I respectfully and solemnly protest against the injustice of this official condemnation in your report,” he told Wallen.14 But Wallen refused to back down or alter his report, claiming that Garrison had more than ample time to fulfill requisitions, but had not done so and was, indeed, negligent. Wallen found the lack of rations particularly disturbing because the “department may be threatened with the enemy.”15 Garrison nevertheless remained adamant, feeling his honor was at stake. One day later he provided Carleton with a detailed report, saying that the inspector general was being “unjust to a brother officer” by presenting inaccurate information based on erroneous conclusions and that Wallen had “failed to substantiate the charges and allegations in his report.”16 Nevertheless, Wallen refused to retract anything he had written, arguing that the facts were “precisely as they were represented.” When he presented a detailed chart of all foodstuffs at Fort Craig, and General Carleton refused to take sides, the battle of egos faded into history.17 Despite the vast quantities of supplies stockpiled at Fort Union, as indicated by Wallen’s inspection, many of the men in the Department of New Mexico, including the Fort Craig garrison, were indeed lacking in the basic necessities. When Col. Marshall Saxe Howe, aging colonel of the Third Cavalry, inspected the garrison at Fort Craig in the summer of 1862, he found

Fort Craig, New Mexico

•  101

the men of the First Colorado Infantry “a fine body of men,” but “most miserably clad” and some even barefooted. Two men appeared for inspection “garbed in shirt and drawers only.” Some were ashamed to appear on parade, and they remained in their tents because they were almost naked.18

••••••••••• Office, A. I. General

Santa Fe, N. Mex. Feb. 25th 1863 Captain: I have the honor to report to Department Head Quarters the result of my inspection of the troops and post of Fort Craig, N. Mexico. The garrison of Fort Craig, on the day of my inspection consisted of Companies E and F of the 1st Infantry and Companies B and G of the 5th Infantry, all of the California Volunteers. With Lieut. Colonel Edwin A[ugustus] Rigg, Infantry, California Volunteers, commanding post and regiment.19 At 10 o’clock on the morning of the 7th instant, the companies named above were paraded for review and inspected. When Lieut. Colonel Rigg with his accustomed courtesy waived rank and presented the battalion to me for review, the battalion marched, passed in column of companies at quick and at double quick going by the inspecting officer each time with great precision. After presenting the battalion a second time the companies were wheeled into column for inspection and after a minute examination of the arms and accouterments, which I pronounced in fine order, the arms were stacked and each company in turn was called out and drilled by its captain or commander in company, skirmish drill and bayonet exercise. I had so recently inspected company G, 5th Infantry at Mesilla that after the review I requested the commanding officer to excuse it from further attendance. Company E, 1st Infantry and B, 5th Infantry, were in fine order, and drilled very well. B excelling at the skirmish drill and performed some of the movements at the company drill, particularly wheeling by company with more precision than its rival E of the 1st Infantry. Company E, 1st Infantry, went through the bayonet exercise in fine style, while Captain [Charles A.] Smith requested his company (B, 5th Infantry) to be excused as they had

102  •

chapter six

had but little opportunity for practicing the exercise, most of their time having been occupied at artillery drill.20 There were but few men of Company F, 1st Infantry, on parade, twenty six of them being on detached service and nine on the sick report and the detachment without an officer belonging to the company. 2nd Lieutenant [Frederick A.] Deane having been excused as the drilling commenced on the plea of indisposition, this company had but a poor opportunity for display.21 The arms[,] accouterments and clothing of this company did not compare favorably with either of the other mentioned above and in their exercises they were far below the standard. I felt sorry for the men as they appeared to be good material but wanting in proper instruction management and an attentive officer. Lieutenant Deane has the appearance of an intelligent man, but one very much addicted to his cup, not a person who disgraces himself by open acts of inebriation, but one who keeps full of liquor all the time just to that point where his services are not much benefit to the government. This gentleman is the only officer on my tour of inspection and particularly among the Californians whose habits I deem it my duty to bring to the notice of the Commanding General. In my judgement his example and influence among his men are bad, and as a drill and duty officer, I consider his services worthless. The firings with blank cartridges by the different companies were well executed and the whole affair, review, inspection and drills creditable to the companies, and [to] the commanding officer. After inspection I visited the company quarters and found them in neat order but like the rest of the companies of the regiment without the conveniences of messing. These companies have bed sacks and abundance of blankets and seem to be well cared for in the kitchen, plenty to eat, no complaints from any of them. I then visited the hospital [and] found the wards comfortable but capable of accommodating but ten patients. This was entirely inadequate to the wants of the post. Upon consultation with the commanding officer and attending surgeon, J[ohn] H. Prentiss, 1st Cavalry, Cal. Vols., it was decided to convert two or more rooms in the yard of the hospital and now occupied by hospital matrons and laundresses into other wards, store rooms, etc., and to improve the sink thereby giving ample room and increasing the comforts of the hospital.22 This improvement was immediately carried out and the hospital will subserve the wants of the post very well until such time as another and more suitable building outside of the work can be constructed.

Fort Craig, New Mexico

•  103

The hospital stores and medicines, with few exceptions, are ample for the ensuing quarters for the deficient articles. Special requisitions were directed and have gone forward to the purveyor of the department. Everything about the hospital looks neat & clean—dispensary and books in good order and all required reports and returns have been rendered up to date. There are quite a number of medical supplies boxed up & in store rooms, but ordered not to be opened until permission is given by the Medical Director. The guard house and prison rooms are ample for the uses of the post, and the commanding officer informs me that he does not permit arbitrary punishments, all offences of any magnitude are tried by courts martial. At 3 o’clock p. m., Captain Smith’s Company was drilled at artillery drill, when the manual of the piece and the different firings were neatly executed. I think if the interests of the service permit that this will make a fine light company. Captain Smith is an accomplished officer, has his men under fine discipline and instruction [and] seems to have a pride and taste for the service, and if horses can be sent to the battery, will doubtless give a good account of himself, if the services of his company be needed in the field. I do not think a light battery could be intrusted to better hands. The books and papers of the commanding officers’ [sic] office are neatly kept and his returns and reports have all been made to date. The records of the 1st Infantry are particularly to be admired, they are brought up to date and exhibit great skill and taste in the chirographic art. The books and papers of Company E, 1st Infantry, are neatly kept and are brought up to date. Clothing accounts settled to the end of the year and returns of ordnance and clothing rendered to same date. The company fund account is as follows: Balance due company, Dec. 31st ’62, and in the hands of company commander, $51.63. The books and papers of Company F, 1st Infantry, are well kept and are brought up to date. Clothing accounts settled to the end of the year and returns of ordnance and clothing rendered to the same date. The company fund account is as follows: Balance due company, Dec. 31st ’62, and in the hands of company commander, $238.16. The books and papers of Company B, 5th Infantry, are neatly kept, clothing accounts all settled to the end of the past year and returns of ordnance and clothing rendered to same date. The company fund account shows a balance due the company, Dec. 31st ’62, and in hands of captain of $116.18.

104  •

chapter six

I[gnacy] Sumosski, the sutler of the post, has the reputation of being an honest, good man. His stock was extremely limited at the date of my inspection, but supplies of all kinds were en route to his establishment. His credits to the men correspond with existing orders and he does not sell liquor to the soldiers or permit them to have it on any pretense whatsoever.

Commissary and Quarter Master’s Dept.

2nd Lieut. W[illiam] L[ogan] Rynerson, 1st Infantry, California Vols., is the acting commissary of the post.23 He relieved Captain [Samuel] Archer, 5th Infantry, U.S.A., in this duty on the 1st January, and his returns and papers have all been rendered to the 3rd, same month.24 Amount received from Capt. Archer, $3,349.89 Amount received from sales to officers, $239.97 Amount disbursed in January, $2,993.18 Balance due U. States & in safe, $2,993.18 There was an inaccuracy of $100 in the account current from January (in the figuring) but the money was corrected. Employe[e]s 1 Clerk at (pr. month) $75.00 4 Herders, Mexicans $20.00 1 Commissary Sergt. (soldier) 40 cts. per day 2 Butchers (soldiers) at 25 cts. per day 1 Issuing Clerk (soldier) at 25 cts. per day The following commissary stores are below the 200,000 rations required by department orders to keep on hand at Fort Craig: Bacon 130,000 rations, below the standard Vinegar 150,000 rations, below the standard Soap 180,000 rations, below the standard Tea 115,000 rations, below the standard Des. Potatoes 170,000 rations, below the standard Onions None on hand S. Kraut 32.3 gallons on hand, but very poor article Pickles 397 gallons on hand Potatoes None on hand Corn Meal 1,702 lbs. on hand Whiskey None on hand

Fort Craig, New Mexico

•  105

This, at this particular time, when the department may be threatened by the enemy, shows neglect on the part of the Chief Commissary. As I am officially informed that more than ample time has elapsed since the requisitions were sent in to have had all the supplies safely stored at the post. The books and papers in this office are neatly kept and the issues are made in compliance with General Orders No. 74 from Department head Quarters. On complaint being made to me that 2nd Lieut. J. Phelan, Depot Com­ missary at Mesilla, had failed to make his list of provisions on hand in rations since 15th December, I addressed him the following note: Fort Craig, N. Mex.

Feb. 7th 1863 Lieutenant: The depot commissary informs me that you have rendered no list of provisions on hand in rations since the 15th Dec. 1862. Your attention is called to the absence of this paper in the Depot Commissary’s Office at this post and you will please furnish it from this time forward. I am, Lieutenant, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l. To: 2nd Lieut. J. Phelan 1st Infantry, C. Vols. A. C. S., Mesilla The store houses are large and sufficiently capacious for the maximum number of rations required to keep at the post. Two have recently been erected, one is completed and the other nearly so. They are cheap substantial buildings put up partly by hired labor, and [partly by] the soldier labor at the post. 2nd Lieut. W. L. Rynerson, 1st Inf, C. V., is also the Acting Asst. Q. Master of the post. He assumed the duties Jan. 1st and on that day received from Captain Archer, 5th Inf., U.S.A., a list of outstanding debts due amounting to $225.00. Since then Capt. [Herbert Merton] Enos, A. Q. M., had transferred

106  •

chapter six

to him outstanding debts amounting to $1,629.09 and the debts incurred by himself amount to $2,751.70.25 Making the total indebtedness of the department up to date, $4,805.84.26 Lieut. Rynerson’s part has arisen from the hire [of] citizen employe[e]s and the pay of extra duty men. Balance due U.S., Jan. 31st, ’63 & in iron safe, $6,447.39. List of Citizen Employe[e]s 1 Clerk at (per month) $75.00 1 A. Forage Master $35.00 1 Store Keeper (in charge of clothing) $35.00 1 Interpreter $35.00 2 Saddlers $50.00 2 Carpenters $50.00 2 Wheelwrights $50.00 3 Masons $50.00 1 Blacksmith $50.00 1 Asst. Blacksmith $30.00 1 Cooper $35.00 3 Guides $60.00 7 Laborers (on corrals) $25.00 1 Chief Herder $35.00 2 Herders $25.00 3 Cooks $25.00 5 Wagon Masters $50.00 1 Asst. Wagon Master $40.00 7 Teamsters $25.00 7 Packers $25.00 The monthly compensation for citizen employe[e]s at Fort Craig amounts to the sum of: $3,525.00. I have marked in red ink where I think deductions can be made and refer the matter to the consideration of the General Commanding. Means of Transportation 427 Mules generally in good order 20 Mules not fit for the road at present 84 Wagons, 52 in complete order 22 incomplete 10 unserviceable 2 Spring Wagons

Fort Craig, New Mexico

•  107

Fort Craig. Courtesy National Archives.

3 10 18 359

Ambulances Ambulances, Harness Wheel Ambulances, Harness Lead Sets Mule Harness

A sufficient number of chains, etc., on hand but saddle blankets are much wanted. Wagon saddles and wagon covers [are] worn out.

108  •

chapter six

Fort Craig Magazine. Courtesy National Archives.

Defences of Fort Craig

The defences of Fort Craig as they existed before the projected additions suggested by Captain [Allen Latham] Anderson, Engineer Officer of the Department, are shown in the accompanying sketches by the black lines.27 The red lines show the improvements that have been adopted and in process of construction. The north and east walls were quite effective obstacles to open assault, the rest and south walls and the bastions none whatever. The large bastions at the north east corner of the fort is to be formed of a loophole & block house like the one around the magazine. The bastion in the center of the north front is to have the following profiles: Command 8 feet– thickness of the parapet of the west flank, 9 feet–thickness of the remaining flank and faces but 6 feet. These latter not being exposed to artillery fire. One or more wells are to be dug inside of the work to be used in case of siege. The commander of the fort is using all his energies to bring these improvements to a speedy termination. About one hundred and twenty of the native population are daily employed with the pick and shovel and

Fort Craig, New Mexico

•  109

Defenses at Fort Craig. Courtesy National Archives.

with the addition of the garrison will complete these extensive additions in about two months. Without them Fort Craig might [receive] unjust criticisms [and] be regarded as an immense over grown indefensible position[,] and with an active enemy opposed to it, [could] be made untenable in a very short time. My impressions are that the additions now being made to Fort Craig will add greatly to its strength, and make it a hazardous and dangerous undertaking for any enemy in pretty large numbers to attempt to carry the work defended as it will be by a resolute garrison. I have received a note from Captain Anderson, Engineer Officer of the Department, in reference to additional ordinance for the defence of the Department of N. Mexico, and as I think his suggestions very proper, I incorporate them in my report, viz.: 20 Coehorn Mortars28 2,000 24 pdr. Shells 2 Mortar Wagons & implements complete

110  •

chapter six Weight:

20 20

Mortars, each 164 lbs., 3,280 lbs. Mortar Blocks, each 132 lbs., 2,640 lbs. Total of Mortars and Blks., 5,920 lbs.

2,000 shells for transportation will require sixteen wagons, but the mortars and blocks weighing but 5,920 lbs. can be transported to this department in the two mortar wagons. I am, Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen, Major, 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l.

Chapter seven

Post at Los Pinos, New Mexico •••

Riding upriver from Fort Craig through Socorro County, past impoverished villages clinging to the ribbon of tillable land that was the Rio Grande valley, Major Wallen next inspected the post of Los Pinos in early February 1863. Established in May 1862, near the antebellum post of Los Lunas, Los Pinos was really a subpost that replaced the depot at Albuquerque, which had largely been destroyed during the Confederate invasion. Buildings at the post had been leased from Gov. Henry Connelly and his stepsons, José Francisco and José Bonifacio Chávez, for $5,500 annually for five years, an exorbitant amount of money at the time. The property consisted of more than 7,000 acres and was bounded on the north by Isleta Pueblo, on the south by the village of Peralta, on the west by the Rio Grande, and on the east by a low line of treeless hills. Residents of Albuquerque, who resisted the removal of the depot from their community, thought the decision was an attempt by General Canby to repay Governor Connelly, who had sustained huge financial losses as a result of the Rebel invasion. When General Carleton assumed command of the Department of New Mexico on September 18, 1862, he halted all construction at the depot because it was located on private property.1 •  111  •

112  •

chapter seven

As Wallen learned, the men at Los Pinos were plagued by many of the same problems as soldiers at the other posts in the territory. For example, Capt. Eben Everett reported from Los Pinos in October 1862 that his entire Company B of the First New Mexico Cavalry was “utterly destitute of clothing, camp and garrison equipage.”2

••••••••••• Los Pinos, N. Mexico3

Feb. 11th 1863 Captain: I have the honor to make the following report, in reference to my inspection of the troops at this post. At 9 o’clock this morning the two companies of the 5th U.S. Infantry, E and I, were paraded for inspection. 1st Lieut. Martin Mullins temporarily commanding.4 Captain Samuel Archer, the permanent commander of the post, was absent on detached service, and 1st Lieut. Charles Speed and 2nd Lieut. Nelson Thomasson were absent from parade sick.5 The arms[,] accouterments and knapsacks of the companies were in beautiful order, very little if any difference between the companies. After inspection, the company commanders were directed to drill their companies at the infantry and light infantry drills. The manual of arms was cleverly executed by the companies, but the officers and companies were sadly deficient in the infantry drill and the light infantry was not attempted. The officers gave as a reason for the imperfect manner in which the companies drilled that working of the kind had [not] been attended to at the post for more than three months. At the conclusion of the inspection and drills, I addressed the following note to the absent commander at the post:

Los Pinos, N. Mex.

Feb. 11th 1863 Captain: On inspecting your company this morning, I find it deficient in screw drivers, wipers, and non-comd. officers’ swords. You will please make a requisition for these articles without delay. I also wish you to have a mess room fitted up for your company and to publish an order

Post at Los Pinos, New Mexico

•  113

requiring the companies to be drilled twice a day until they are well acquainted with the different drills. I am, Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant, H. D. Wallen To: Capt. Saml. Archer 5th Infantry Commanding The company quarters and kitchens are in neat order, but the quarters are cut up into little rooms, holding but six or eight men each. By simply cutting an opening in the odd walls between two rooms [and] mess rooms, capacious can be made [sic]. I gave instructions to have this slight change made, and as there are tables and benches on hand, the companies can then be seated at their meals and thereby made vastly more comfortable than at present. The guard house is ample for the post but few prisoners are in confinement and arbitrary punishments are not permitted by the commanding officer. The hospital is a cool commodious building, neatly kept and under the management of Assistant Surgeon E[dward] J. Whitney, U.S. Volunteers, who seems to be an intelligent and efficient young officer.6 There is one large ward, well ventilated, and lighted, and containing eleven beds: one room for dispensing medicines, one as kitchens, one as mess room, and one as stewards’ room and store room. There is also a large room connected with the ward, one side of which is formed of canvas not now used but admirably adapted for use in hot weather. I consider the hospital accommodations fully adequate for the wants of the post. The diseases most prevalent are gonorrhea, and syphilis. There are no epidemic diseases at the post. The supply of medical stores on hand is very limited, and although the proper requisitions (I am so informed by Dr. Whitney) have been sent forward, no reply as yet has been received. The Asst. Surgeon was obliged to borrow medicines from Dr. Baily at Albuquerque and is now absolutely in want of many articles. The hospital fund on hand amounts to $85.96 and the patients seem to be well cared for. The books of Captain Archer’s Company are neatly kept and are brought up to date. Clothing accounts all settled to the 31st December 1862.

114  •

chapter seven

The returns of this company have been rendered to the end of the 4th quarter of last year, and the company fund account shows a balance due the company and in the hands of commander of $264.06. Company I, 1st Lieut. Charles Speed commanding, has a complete set of books and they are kept in neat order [and] are all brought up to date and clothing accounts settled to the end of the year. Returns of ordnance and clothing have been rendered to the end of 4th quarter 1862. The company fund account of this company shows no balance on hand, 31st Dec. The books and papers at the post are neatly kept. Reports and returns of the commanding officer have been rendered to the close of the past year. The office is deficient in blanks, particularly post returns. The last ones had to be ruled out although repeated applications have been made for them. I send forward a requisition for additional books for this office: guard book, etc., and hope they will be immediately supplied. The companies bake their own bread and as the sutler, [Lehman] Spiegelberg has just been appointed and not yet taxed, there is no post fund on hand.7 The sutler has a good assortment of goods on hand, and trusts the soldiers only to the amount of the regulation allowance. Commissary & Quarter Master’s Departments, 2nd Lieut. Nelson Thomasson, 5th Infantry, is the acting commissary of the post. His summary statement shows a balance due the United States on 31st January, and in iron safe of $401.73. Nine thousand rations are kept constantly on hand and the issues of rations at the post are made strictly in accordance with General Orders No. 74 from Department Head Quarters. Stores are generally in good order. Some flour [from the] states [and] delivered by Messrs. Mo[o]re & Co. was in very bad sacks—upon a critical examination some twenty or thirty sacks were found in such bad condition as to prevent them being transported from the post. The store houses are ample, dry, and kept in tolerably neat order. As acting asst. qr. master, Lieut. Thomasson’s account current for Jan. 31st shows a balance due the United States and in iron safe of $390.50. There is but one citizen employe[e] at the post, a Mr. J. M Leary, at $60.00 per month.8 He is acting as special agent for the q. master’s department to search all the Mexican towns on the river for stolen property. By a lucky accident recently, quite an amount of [the] q. master’s stores, [and] clothing & camp equipage have been recovered to the government.

Post at Los Pinos, New Mexico

•  115

The articles were feloniously deposited by a Mexican wagon master at a pueblo ranch about four miles from the post of Los Pinos. Among the articles recovered were: 1,562 Infantry Uniform Coats 478 Infantry Great Coats 356 Flannel Drawers 132 Flannel Shirts 600 Metallic Scales 40,920 lbs. Corn, and 392 Grain Sacks It appears that these articles reached Los Pinos in the latter part of July ’62 and that the wagon master wanted to deliver them to the asst. q. master, Captain Enos, but he would not receive them, as they were invoiced to the A. A. Q. M. at Fort Craig.9 It is supposed the wagon master then returned four miles on the road and deposited the contents of his train at the Indian Pueblo, where they were found six months afterwards. A number of the boxes and packages have been broken open and many articles abstracted therefrom. The rent of the buildings occupied by the troops at Los Pinos amounts to the annual sum of $5,500. This contract was made by Captain Enos, A. Q. M., as no contracts have been made by Lieut. Thomasson since he has been the staff officer of the post. On these hired premises I was surprised to see nearly completed a very large and expensive building erected as a storehouse for the depot. The depot has been removed to Fort Craig, and this building[,] which could not have cost less than six or eight thousand dollars, is of no value to the government. If the post at Los Pinos is to be continued, the completion of this building would give fine commodious quarters to two additional companies. All the clerical force and teamsters, mechanics, etc., are taken from the enlisted men of the garrison. The quarter master’s supplies & such as iron horse shoes & nails, etc., etc., are sufficient for the uses of the post for the next three months. The price of forage was established some time since by Captain Enos, A. Q. M., and is as follows: $3.00 per costal (75 lbs. shelled corn)10 $25.00 to $45.00 per ton for hay & fodder is purchased at one cent per pound

116  •

chapter seven

Sixty five tons of hay on hand and about sixty costals of corn—an additional supply can be had. I am happy to say to the Gen’l. commanding that I saw nothing objectionable with any of the officers at the post. I am, Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant, H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Inf. A. I. Gen’l.

Chapter eight

Post at Albuquerque, New Mexico •••

From Los Pinos, Wallen rode upriver to Albuquerque to inspect three companies of the Fifth United States Infantry and a company of artillery, 220 men in all, who were stationed at the post. First established during the war with Mexico on November 17, 1846, the garrison was withdrawn in 1851. Regarrisoned on August 31, 1852, the post temporarily became the headquarters for the Department of New Mexico. For the remainder of the decade, the depot at Albuquerque remained one of the largest in the territory, serving to supply posts to the west at Cubero, Fort Wingate, and Fort Canby and for the punitive expeditions against the Navajos. Many men in the frontier Civil War army thought Albuquerque one of the worst communities in the territory. In August 1852, Col. Edwin Vose Sumner, who was commanding the Ninth Military Department at the time, moved the department headquarters from Fort Union to Albuquerque. His successor, Gen. John Garland, however, referred to the small community as the “dirtiest hole in New Mexico,” although he enlarged the depot there.1 In August 1859, Joseph E. Johnston thought the garrison at Albuquerque unnecessary, and he recommended the men be stationed closer to the frontier.2 In May 1862, one Union officer wanted “out of Albuquerque as there [were] too much cards & whiskey and it don[’]t suit the men.”3 Following the Battle of Valverde, Capt. Herbert M. Enos, assistant quartermaster, learned that 200 Rebels were at Belen, thirty-five miles •  117  •

118  •

chapter eight

down the Rio Grande, and that another 50 Texans had reached Los Lunas; he loaded as many wagons as possible with supplies, set the depot on fire in the night, and struck out for Santa Fe. The destruction would have been complete, Enos reported, had not a large part of the community put out the fire in an effort to salvage the supplies. On the afternoon of March 2, the advance guard of Sibley’s Army of New Mexico reached Albuquerque only to find a small quantity of molasses, vinegar, and soap; some candles; a few saddles; carpenters’ tools; and office equipment.4 Reestablished following the Confederate evacuation, the Albuquerque post, like most of those in the territory, was never adequately supplied. For example, only two months after Wallen departed for Santa Fe, Capt. Santiago Hubbell, commanding Company B of the Fifth New Mexico Infantry at the post, said his men were unable to appear on parade or to perform any kind of duty because they had no clothing. Six men who had recently joined the company were entirely “destitute of blankets and [had] scarcely any clothing.”5

••••••••••• Office, A. I. General

Santa Fe, N. M. March 12th 1863 Captain: I have the honor to report to the Commanding General that on the morning of the 12th ultimo., I inspected the troops and post of Albuquerque, N. M., commanded by Captain W[illiam] H[enry] Lewis, 5th U.S. Infantry.6 Companies B, G, and K, 5th U.S. Infantry with A Company, 3rd Artillery, constitute the garrison of the post, aggregate two hundred and twenty three rank and file present for duty. The infantry battalion was first formed for review and inspection. The review was conducted properly, the companies marched well and at the inspection, I found the arms[,] accouterments and knapsacks in fine order. The battery was next presented for inspection. The pieces, caissons, implements, and harness of the battery looked well, but the horses were in bad order. They were thin in flesh, not in condition for active service and several more are required to complete the complement for the battery. The infantry companies G and K drilled very well. Captain Lewis drilled his company, but K Company was drilled by its 1st lieutenant, Captain [David Hammett] Brotherton, 5th U.S. Infantry being on detached service.7

Post at Albuquerque, New Mexico

•  119

Company B, 5th U.S. Infantry, 2nd Lieut. Howard commanding, is serving with the battery but [even] with this addition to the artillery company, there are not men and officers enough for maneuvering the pieces & caissons.8 For this reason and because the drivers were not sufficiently practiced, the lieutenant commanding did not drill his battery. To make this battery efficient for field service, I respectfully recommend that recruits be sent from the East to fill the company to its maximum strength, and that as many horses as may be needed (about 10) be sent to the battery, some to supply vacancies and others to replace several that are broken down, and that the commandant be required to drill his battery at least four or five times a week. The company quarters of the command at Albuquerque are in good order, but in the messing department the soldiers complain that they do not get enough to eat, that the ration of mutton is not equivalent to that of beef, even with the small additions now given to it and it is the opinion of the officers that their men should receive one third more in weight when mutton is used in lieu of fresh beef. I examined the mutton & found it very poor; it did not compare favorably with the mutton issued at other parts in the department and seemed to warrant the complaints made by the officers and men. The books and papers of Company G, 5th U.S. Infantry, are neatly kept and the clothing accounts are all settled to the end of the past year. The returns for ordnance and clothing have been rendered to same date. The company fund account shows a balance due the company, Dec. 31st 1862, and in the hands of company commander, $376.88. Company B, 5th U.S. Infantry, has a complete set of books, neatly kept, and the clothing accounts are settled to the end of December last. The returns for ordnance and clothing of this company have been rendered to the end of the past year. The company fund account shows a balance due the company, Dec. 31st ’62, and in the hands of commander, $19.57. The books and papers of Company K, 5th U.S. Infantry, are in good order, clothing accounts settled to the end of the past year and the returns for ordnance and clothing have been rendered to the same time. The company fund account shows a balance due the company, Dec. 31st 1862, and in hands of commander, $255.00. The artillery company (A) has a complete set of books and they are well kept. The clothing accounts are settled to the end of 1862 and the company fund account shows a balance due the company and in hands of commander, $319.90. The returns of this company for ordnance and clothing

120  •

chapter eight

and the return of q. r. master’s property have not been rendered to the end of the past year. These papers are all under way, but are not completed. 1st Lieut. John B[rognard] Shinn, 3rd Artillery, gave as a reason for the non-rendition of these papers to date, that he has no company clerk and is obliged himself to do all the writing.9 I have no doubt but the returns have all been forwarded to Washington before this time. The buildings provided as hospital quarters are of sufficient capacity for all requirements of the post and there are sufficient medicines and medical stores except wines and liquors, for the ensuing four months. There are but five men sick in hospital and sixteen sick in quarters. The general character of the diseases are bronchial and syphilitic. The hospital fund has all been expended for the benefit of the sick, but the Asst. Surgeon reports that he wants more bed sacks, pillow cases, and blankets, not having enough on hand for the requisite changes.

Commissary and Q. Master’s Departments

2nd Lieut Charles Newbold 5th U.S. Infantry, is the A. C. S. of the post.10 His summary statements for January 1863 shows a balance due the U.S. and in iron safe of $630.84. The outstanding debts of this department for feeding cattle, etc., amounts to $1,378.35. No subsistence funds have been received by the asst. commissary of subsistence at Albuquerque since 31st December 1862. The papers in this department have all been rendered to the 31st January ’63. I find there are no beef cattle fit for issue at the post. Some twenty odd head are on hand but they are diseased and have been condemned by a board of survey, and are recommended to be killed. These cattle are the remnant of a lot belonging to the government. There are sufficient rations on hand to last to the 28th February 1863. The supplies are all good and kept dry and the store houses are sufficiently capacious for the use of the post. All the flour on hand is from the states. The issues of commissary stores are made in conformity with General Orders No. 74 from Head Quarters, Department of N. Mexico. There are two citizen[s] employed as herders in this department, herding sheep, each at twenty dollars per month. 2nd Lieut. Charles Newbold is also the A. A. Q. M. of the post. His account current up to January 31st shows a balance due the U.S. and in iron safe of $33.08. The only outstanding debt in this department is for the rent of a house, one month, $35.00. The monthly rent of the post of Albuquerque

Post at Albuquerque, New Mexico

•  121

amounts to $360.00. Forage is difficult to obtain. It is gotten in small quantities, corn & wheat at seven dollars per fanega. Fodder is eighteen dollars per ton. Lieutenant Newbold has made no contract since he has been the staff officer of the post. They were all made by Captain Enos, A. Q. M., and none of them have [sic] as yet expired. Means of Transportation 11 Six Mule Teams, all in good order 1 Water Wagon, eight mules The troops cut and haul their own wood and the teams are otherwise employed in hauling lumber and forage. I do not think there are more teams on hand than are required for the current business of the post. There are but few building materials on hand and the post is deficient in iron, horse and mule shoes and nails, and there are no saddle tools on hand. There is but a small supply of clothing on hand. No stockings, infantry pants or forage caps. The requisitions for clothing were sent forward in November last but as yet they have not been entirely filled. The guard house is sufficiently large for the post but few prisoners in confinement and arbitrary punishments are not permitted by the commanding officer. W[illiam] T. Stracham is the sutler of the post.11 He has a very fair assortment of goods on hand and by permission of the commanding officer trusts the men to the amount of half their monthly pay and sells them liquor in moderate quantities. I regret to be obliged to report to the Commanding General that the habits and conduct of 2nd Lieutenant George M[illard] Fillmore, 3rd Artillery, are very much to be deprecated.12 The lieutenant is addicted to the use of intoxicating drinks and while under their influence attends public gambling tables and balls in the town of Albuquerque and as a duty officer, his services are of but little value to the government. The other officers of the post are high-toned gentleman and their duties are performed in an agreeable and soldierly manner. I am, Captain, Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant, H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Infantry A. I. General

This page intentionally left blank

Chapter nine

Fort Sumner and Fort Union, New Mexico •••

With the Mescalero Campaign intensifying in November 1862, General Carleton asked a board of officers to locate a site for a post on the Pecos River where the Apaches could be relocated and carefully watched. The post was to be named for Gen. Edwin Vose Sumner, who was commander of the Ninth Military Department (New Mexico) from 1851 to 1853 and corps commander in the Army of the Potomac. The officers instead recommended a site on the west bank of the Pecos River near where Agua Negra Creek entered the larger river, some thirty-five miles upriver from the Bosque Redondo, close to Puerta de Luna. A post here could be easily supplied from Fort Union and was near a freshwater spring. Having visited the Bosque Redondo before the war and certain it was far more suitable for agriculture, Carleton vetoed the idea. Capt. Joseph Updegraff consequently found a place Carleton would approve, near an old Indian trading post at the southern end of the Bosque, about 500 feet from the river, where there was abundant wood and plenty of arable land. With Mescalero captives arriving in the winter of 1862–63, Fort Sumner became a sea of tattered and condemned Sibley tents. In time, the tents gave way to crude jacales that amounted to little more than improvised wind breaks with little warmth.1 •  123  •

124  •

chapter nine

In November 1863, eight months after Wallen’s inspection of the post, Carleton grew impatient with the progress being made at Fort Sumner, so he removed Captain Updegraff and sent the assistant inspector general himself to command the post.2 In time, Fort Sumner took on a more permanent look with the construction of several adobe buildings, including a commissary, bakery, company and officers’ quarters, and an agency for the million-acre Indian reservation. Farms were laid out, and irrigation canals dug, yet the water from the Pecos River was salty and unpalatable.3 With the Mescalero Apaches defeated and confined to the Bosque, Carleton turned his attention to subduing the Navajos, by far the largest Indian tribe in the Southwest. Coinciding with Wallen’s arrival was that of the first of what would amount to more than 9,000 Navajos, all victims of Carleton’s vicious war and a scorched-earth policy that seemed to know no bounds. Their hogans demolished, their animal herds seized or shot, and their crops and orchards destroyed, they had been starved into submission and forcibly removed. Moreover, many of the Navajos who arrived at the Bosque were naked and exhausted from their “Long Walk.” Some had trekked more than 450 frigid and arduous miles for two months. To the natives, the Bosque Redondo would become Hwééldi, a place of great suffering and pain. Wallen agreed with Carleton that the Mescalero Apaches and Navajos must give up their centuries-old lifestyle as raiders and hunters and become peaceful, civilized, and self-sufficient farmers. They could build homes like the less warlike Pueblo Indians, become good Christians, and consequently learn right from wrong. The Bosque would be a model of how to control hostile and uncivilized natives and turn them into civilized and productive citizens. In February 1864, Wallen told Carleton that the Navajo at the Bosque were anxious to begin cultivating the soil and building “a pueblo.”4 Such a village of one-story rock-and-adobe dwellings would be far more civilized than the Navajo’s traditional hogans. Almost from the time of his arrival at Fort Sumner, Wallen faced a series of seemingly endless and insurmountable problems. In mid-November 1863, a hostile band of Navajos drove off most of the sheep belonging to their peaceful kinsman at the Bosque and took twelve Mexican captives. Wallen sent Capt. John C. Cremony, his California cavalry, and forty Mescalero warriors in pursuit, but they were unable to overtake the raiders. In December, 150 Navajo raiders attacked a supply train near Chilili, thirty miles southeast of Albuquerque, and then struck the Mescalero Agency at

Fort Sumner and Fort Union, New Mexico

•  125

the Bosque in the night, stealing blankets and provisions and driving off 5,200 sheep as well as a few burros and horses. Wallen immediately sent two infantry companies, a cavalry detachment, and thirty Mescaleros in pursuit. The infantry soon gave up the chase, but the Mescaleros and the cavalry caught the Navajos thirty miles northwest of the fort, killed twelve, and forced the others to abandon their captured animals.5 In the bitter cold in January 1864, Navajo raiders again struck the Bosque and drove off sixty Mescalero horses. Wallen again rushed infantry and cavalry into the field. The Indians were overtaken twelve miles south of Fort Sumner, and in a running fight for ten miles along the Pecos River in a howling snowstorm at least forty Navajos were killed. Several soldiers and Indians had their hands frostbitten.6 At the same time, following weeks of exhausting travel in the bitterly cold winter, more and more poorly clad and starving Navajos arrived at the Bosque. Suffering from exposure and dysentery, one group of 2,400 captives escorted by New Mexico Volunteers was caught in heavy snows, and 197 of them perished before even reaching the Pecos. By May 1864, there were 4,414 Navajos living in crowded squalor on the Bosque. The brush huts and battered tents of the half-naked and starving captives stretched along the river for twenty miles. It was the largest concentration of Native Americans in the history of the Southwest.7 Food was scarce throughout the territory, and the army was unable to supply the Bosque properly, so Wallen was forced to place the Indians on half-rations. Disease became rampant; the winter on the windswept plains remained unbearably cold; and the Indian cemetery expanded daily. Indian Agent Lorenzo Labadie complained that the meager rations were not sufficient to sustain life. “The suffering, even to actual starvation, was terrible,” Wallen was forced to admit.8 On his own, Wallen ordered additional rations, but they did little to alleviate the suffering. With the situation growing critical, he then ordered the army to issue full rations. During his seven months on the Pecos, Wallen made some progress in feeding the Indians, yet the hunger and suffering remained intense. At the same time, Wallen told Carleton that should the Indians decide to bolt from the reservation, he did not have the troops to stop them. In spring 1864, despite the Indians’ excruciating suffering, work progressed on irrigation canals and planting. Wallen also worked to stop the tiswig drinking on the Bosque, and two whiskey peddlers, Ramón López and Mateo Sena, were arrested and put to work under guard on the Indians’ farms,

126  •

chapter nine

planting and digging. Wallen made a serious mistake, however, when he ordered the Apaches to halt their planting to work on a new irrigation ditch for the Navajos. The Mescaleros were traditional enemies of the Navajos and said they would rather live with the Kiowas and Comanches. In April that year, they began fleeing the reservation, driving off livestock as they hurried back to their traditional homelands in the rugged Sacramento and Guadalupe mountains.9 By the early summer of 1864, many of the buildings at Fort Sumner had been completed, and on May 25 the Stars and Stripes was raised with as much pomp and pageantry as Wallen could muster. He addressed those gathered, saying they had “embarked on an historic and great humanitarian task.” Shortly thereafter, he was replaced. In time, the Bosque Redondo would be seen as a miserable failure.10 Four years later, in June 1868, the Navajos agreed to a peace treaty and joyously began returning home. It was said that when they came in sight of Tsoodzil (Mt. Taylor), the easternmost of their four sacred mountains, they began to weep. During their four-year incarceration at the Bosque Redondo, as many as one-third of the Navajo people had died. With the Navajos gone, Fort Sumner was put up for auction.

••••••••••• Office, A. I. General

Department of N. Mex. Santa Fe, N. M. April 9th 1863 Captain: I have the honor to report to the Commanding General of the department that on the 27th ultimo., I inspected the battalion stationed at Fort Sumner, N. M., commanded by Captain J[oseph] Updegraff of the 5th Infantry, U.S. The troops paraded for review and inspection, consisted of A Company, 5th U.S. Infantry, B, 2nd Cavalry, California Volunteers, and K and M Companies of the 1st Regt, N. M. Volunteers.11 Total strength present for duty, six commissioned officers and ninety six enlisted men. There were four officers and sixty three enlisted men absent on detached service, five sick, and six in confinement. The review and inspection, was [sic] conducted by Captain Updegraff in accordance with the regulations and upon a critical examination of the

Fort Sumner and Fort Union, New Mexico

•  127

companies, I found them all in very fair order. Captain Updegraff’s company of the 5th U.S. Infantry was well clad and their arms, accouterments, and knapsacks were in good order. Captain [John D.] Thompson’s Company K, 1st Regt., N. M. Volunteers, came next in point of neatness, in clothing, arms, accouterments, and knapsacks.12 Captain [Charles] Deus’s Company M, 1st N. M. Volunteers, next and Captain [John C.] Cremony’s Company B, 2nd Cavalry, California Volunteers, last.13 The arms and accouterments of this company were in passable condition, but they were deficient in clothing. It is not an infrequent occurrence for the captain of this company to borrow clothing from the other company commanders to enable his men to perform their military duties. The companies are comfortably quartered in sod houses, built after the adobe style, and plastered with clay & straw inside & out, with sufficient room for their accommodations. The officers are living in the same kind of buildings all erected by the soldier labor of the command. As the troops have been constantly employed on fatigue duty since the occupation of the Bosque Redondo as a military site, with no opportunity to drill the companies, at the suggestion of the commanding officer, [they] were excused at the inspection from drill. After the labor of building Fort Sumner is over, the troops can resume their military duties proper, and if I should visit them again on a tour of inspection, I can then report to the Commanding General their proficiency in their military exercises. Fort Sumner being an important military position in the department, controlling as it does several hundred Indians, who have hitherto cost the government much treasure and many valuable lives. [sic] I would respectfully recommend that at least one full company of infantry be added to the garrison[,] making the strength two companies [of] infantry and two of cavalry. This addition will enable the commanding officer to push forward the improvements necessary at the post to a speedy termination besides keeping these wild, Apache Indians in entire subjection. The clothing accounts of Company A, 5th U.S. Infantry are all settled to the 31st of December 1862. The company is provided with a complete set of books and they are neatly kept. The Descriptive Book is brought up to date. Blanks are much needed in the company, such as clothing receipts, rolls, final statements, and quarterly returns of clothing, etc. The fund account of this company has been rendered to the 31st of December 1862, and exhibits a balance due the company and in the hands

128  •

chapter nine

of commander of $70.04½. The returns of ordnance and clothing and camp equipage, have all been rendered to the end of the last quarter. Company B, 2nd Cavalry, California Volunteers, has no regulation books, except a descriptive book[,] and no returns for ordnance, clothing, camp and garrison equipage, have been made since the organization of the company. There is no company fund on hand, nor have any returns been made accounting for the fund since the company has been organized. The clothing accounts of this company have not been settled since the 31st of August 1862, but the Descriptive Book is brought up to date. The company make no complaints about their messing, although they have had but one issue of vegetables, since their arrival at Fort Sumner. I warned Captain Cremony of the danger arising from the non-rendition of accounts, and he assured me he would send in all the back returns, and bring all his company books and papers up to date, without delay. Three horses in this company were pronounced unserviceable and unfit for further use. The balance were in fair condition, but almost all the horse equipment are entirely worn out and worthless. Captain Thompson’s Company K, 1st N. M. Volunteers, were under orders for Fort Union, and in Sibley tents, preparatory to a move. The arms and accouterments of this company looked remarkable well, but two or three of the rifles requiring repairs and they can be easily put in order, at the depot, Fort Union. The company was comfortably clad. The clothing accounts of this company are settled only to the 31st of July 1862, but the returns of ordnance and camp equipage and clothing have been rendered to the 31st of December 1862. There is no company fund, nor had Captain Thompson even made a return of the fund since the company has been organized. The regulation books are all on hand but the company is deficient in blanks. The Descriptive Book has been brought up to date. The company seem to have plenty to eat[;] at least no complaints were made to me in reference to the messing arrangements. The horses in this company are generally thin, eight of them are entirely broken down and unserviceable, horse equipments are poor and about half of them are worn out & unfit for further use. Company M, 1st N. M. Volunteers, mustered in to the service at Fort Garland, on the 6th October 1862, look very well considering the fact that Captain Deus has had very little experience in the management of a company, and that 2nd Lieutenant [Jacob] Stenger was entirely unworthy [of]

Fort Sumner and Fort Union, New Mexico

•  129

his position.14 The company has a complete set of books, but neither the descriptive, nor [the] clothing book have been filled out to date. The captain has been instructed to give these books his personal attention immediately. There is no company fund on hand nor has the captain ever [compiled] a return of it since the organization of the company. The horses and horse equipment of this company look well, much better than that of K Company, same regiment. Nine [horses] were found entirely broken down & unfit for further service. The arms, accouterments, and clothing of this company were found in good order. The hospital is under the management of Act. Asst. Surgeon George Gwythere, a very worthy man and who served under my command in Washington Territory as hospital steward.15 The hospital accommodations at the post are very neat and comfortable, considering that the post is being built and the troops are in huts. They consist of a dispensary, 16 x 16 feet and 7 feet high, in which the steward sleeps. It has the requisite counter and shelves for the medicines, is an adobe building with log roof, and [has] a good stone chimney. Two hospital tents neatly pitched together capable of holding ten bunks, constitute the ward for the sick. These tents are covered with flies and there is a stone chimney at one end. The floor is of soil, but being sand no dampness is experienced.16 The kitchen thirty feet in rear of the dispensary, 12 x 12 feet, is a log room, with a large stone fireplace and all the necessary conveniences. The sink is comfortably arranged for the sick and is kept in good police. The employe[e]s of the hospital are one acting steward, one nurse, and one cook. There is very little disease of any kind at the post, slight derangements of the digestive and respiratory organs, constitute the principal ailments, yielding, however, readily to simple treatment. The doctor pronounces Fort Sumner “emphatically a healthy post.” The medical supplies were received in November last, sufficient for three companies and as the consumption has been small, there is an abundance on hand. The hospital returns & reports have all been rendered to date and the books in the dispensary are complete and handsomely kept.

Commissary and Q. Master’s Depts.

2nd Lieutenants [sic] S[amuel] L. Barr, 5th U.S. Infantry, is the A. C. S. at the post and his returns and accounts have all been rendered to 28th Feb. last.17 His account current for February shows a balance due the United States and in his trunk of $666.40. The books and papers in this department are neatly

130  •

chapter nine

written up and the stores kept in good order in a room built of pickets, and the issues are made strictly in accordance with General Orders No. 74 from department head quarters. 2nd Lieutenant Barr is also the A. A. Q. M. of the post. All his papers and returns in this department have been rendered to the end of February. There are no q. master funds on hand nor have any been sent since the post was established. There are nine citizen employe[e]s in this department: Seven Herders at $25.00 One Guide at per day $3.00 One Interpreter $50.00 Outstanding debts to Citizen Employe[e]s $1,307.44 Outstanding debts to Extra Duty Men $141.30 Total $1,450.7418 Regulations have been sent forward for building materials and q. master stores and the invoices have been received at the stores and the materials for building the post are being sent forward by the depot q. master at Fort Union. The stores on hand are in good order and are kept in a large room made of paulins.19 The work shops are in good order and well supplied with all necessary tools. I would respectfully suggest that the A. C. S. and A. A. Q. M. be supplied with an iron safe for the protection of his funds. There were but few men in confinement at Fort Sumner and arbitrary punishments are not permitted at the post. From Fort Sumner I went over to Fort Union and on the 2nd instant, inspected two companies, F and L of the 1st N. M. Volunteers, and examined the depot commissary store houses and the hospital at the post. F Company, 1st N. M. Volunteers, three officers and seventy two rank & file, was in temporary command of the 2nd lieutenant. Captain [Edward H.] Bergmann, the 1st lieutenant and five enlisted men being on detached service.20 This company, composed entirely of N. Mexicans, is armed with the old smooth-bored musket, and I would not recommend a change, as I do not know that a better weapon can be supplied them. The arms, accouterments, clothing, & knapsacks of this company, were found in fair order and they were drilled by 2nd Lieut. D[onaciano] Montoya in Scott’s tactics, in a creditable manner.21 This was the first drill the company had had since leaving Fort Stanton, March 4th. The company has a complete set of books,

Fort Sumner and Fort Union, New Mexico

•  131

neatly kept, but the Clothing Book is only settled to the 30th November last. Descriptive and order books, completed to date. There is no company fund on hand nor any book keeping a record of it. The company has no tents. The other camp and garrison equipage is in good order. The men of this company are well behaved, as an evidence there has been but one confinement since its arrival at Fort Union on the 24th March. They appear contented and no complaints were made to me about the rations or mode of serving them. Company L, 1st N. M. Volunteers, Captain [Francis] McCabe commanding: Present for duty: Two officers & fifty nine men 61 Absent on detached service at Rayado, one 1st lieutenant and twenty six rank & file22 27 Total 88 This company was organized in January 1863, has its full complement of arms, accouterments, and camp and garrison equipment, all in good order. They are armed with the Harpers Ferry Rifle, cal. .58 and .59, the same ammunition answering for both. There is one screw driver for each man & one wiper for every ten men, forty rounds of ammunition is [sic] kept on hand by the company commander for each man. The detachment at Rayado is armed with pistols. There are [sic] none other in the company. There are a few sabres for practicing the swords exercise. The company was drilled by its captain in a very correct manner and they are drilled every morning from 9 to 10½, the balance of the day they are at work in the trenches. The company fire at the target every Sunday morning and the old guards are practiced in this exercise, as they discharge their pieces daily. The books of the company have been properly opened. All the issues of clothing are charged and the returns and reports for the 1st quarter, present year, have all been rendered. The company fund account exhibits a balance due the company of $40.00. The men are generally subordinate and obedient, some of them will absent themselves at times and get drunk, enticed away by the allurements held out at that pest to Fort Union, Loma Pardo [sic]. There are twenty two Americans in this company and the captain has lost eight men from desertion since their arrival at Fort Union. Captain McCabe is an attentive industrious officer and deserves credit for the able manner in which he has

132  •

chapter nine

brought his company forward in their drills and military instruction. The company quarters and mess room were in good order and the men have plenty to eat and appear happy and contented. If an additional company of the 1st N. M. Volunteers is to be mounted, I respectfully recommend that Captain McCabe’s Company be the one selected. The depot store houses, with the large supply of commissary stores, under Captain A. B. Carey, 13th Infantry, were found in as good order as the nature of the buildings will admit. The hospital was inspected and found in good order. I respectfully recommend that the hospital building at Fort Sumner be the first erected and that a translation of the Articles of War into Spanish be sent to the companies of the 1st N. Mexican Volunteers. All of which is respectfully submitted. I am, Captain Very respectfully, Yr. Obt. Servant H. D. Wallen Major, 7th Infantry A. I. General

••• Part II

Capt. Andrew Wallace Evans’s Inspection of the Department of New Mexico, 1863

•••

This page intentionally left blank

Chapter ten

Fort McRae, Ojo del Muerto •••

Fort McRae was established near the Ojo del Muerto, on the south side of what became McRae Canyon, on April 3, 1863, by Capt. Henry A. Greene of the First California Cavalry. At the time, Maj. Arthur Morrison reported three springs at the site, one of which contained “sweetwater,” but two others were brackish.1 Located about five miles west of the Jornada del Muerto and two miles east of the Rio Grande, the post amounted to no more than an encampment of tents when Major Wallen arrived three weeks later. The small post was named for Capt. Alexander McRae, the gallant North Carolinian who died while defending his battery at the Battle of Valverde. It was hoped Fort McRae would not only protect travelers and supplies on the dreaded Jornada del Muerto, but curtail Apache raids along the Rio Grande. The post would eventually grow to include officers’ quarters, barracks for enlisted men, a guardhouse, a hospital, a blacksmith shop, stables, and a small cemetery. On June 16, 1863, a little more than two months after the post was established, a nasty incident south of the fort quickened and exacerbated the already raging war with the Mimbres Apaches. After testifying before a court-martial at Franklin, Lt. Ludam A. Bargie was on his way to Fort Craig with twelve men and two prisoners when he was killed not far from the •  135  •

136  •

chapter ten

Perillo paraje (resting place) on the Jornada del Muerto, north of the San Diego Crossing of the Rio Grande. The lieutenant, who was serving as post adjutant at Fort McRae, was riding with two sergeants, Peña and Ulibarri, several miles behind the main party when the attack came. According to Sergeant Peña, Bargie was gravely wounded in the initial attack. Just as one of the Apaches rushed forward to grab him by the hair, Bargie shot the Indian in the stomach, and the lieutenant fell on top of his dead attacker, his entire body pierced with arrows. “Sergeant, do your best for our men and save the government property. I am going,” were Bargie’s last words. Although the two sergeants escaped to Doña Ana and then to Las Cruces, Bargie’s body was later found decapitated, his “breast cut open . . . his heart taken out,” and his head carried off as a trophy. His loss was said to have been a “heavy and severe shock” to the entire army in the territory. It has been speculated that Bargie’s decapitation was in retaliation for the vile murder of Mangas Coloradas by men of the California Column a few months earlier at Fort McLane south of Pinos Altos.2 The main Apache attack was on the party of ten men and two prisoners. The Apaches, it was reported, managed to conceal themselves behind several small hills and in the brush near the road. In the fighting, the two prisoners, who were chained together with leg irons, fought gallantly, one loading a rifle while the other fired, until Sergeant Jesús Arias cut their chains with an axe. The soldiers and prisoners then managed to erect a barricade of water barrels and clothing boxes and successfully to repel several attacks for more than three hours in a “most determined and desperate fight.” In the frenzied fighting, Pvt. Juan Lueras and the wagon driver were killed; three of the soldiers were wounded, but recovered from their wounds at Las Cruces.3 At the same time, the Apaches killed the mail rider on his way from Paraje to Las Cruces, tore up his letters, and scattered them along the banks of the Rio Grande. An army patrol sent in pursuit of the raiders found that the Indians had divided into small parties and crossed the Rio Grande in several places. As a result of the renewed fighting, West demanded that the Mimbres “be exterminated to a man.”4 McRae was abandoned on October 30, 1876, and the military reservation was transferred to the Interior Department eight years later. In 1917, the crumbling ruins were inundated by the waters of Elephant Butte Reservoir, but eighty-five years later, in July 2002, the water receded, and outlines of adobe and rock foundations emerged.

Fort McRae, Ojo del Muerto

•  137

••••••••••• Franklin, Texas

May 8, 1863 Captain: I have the honour to submit the following report of an inspection made by me, on the 1st inst., of the Post of Fort McRae N.M., the drawing up of which has been unavoidably delayed to the present moment by the pressure of other duties and by traveling, and is now undesirably hurried for the mail. Fort McRae is at present but an encampment of one company, rather irregularly laid out, but perhaps as well as the nature of the ground would admit. The garrison consists of Co. H of the First (mounted) Regiment of New Mex. Vols., under Capt. A. H. Pfeiffer, with 1st Lieut. L[udam] A. Bargie & 2nd Lt. C[harles] M. Hubbell, and is under the command of Maj. A[rthur] Morrison.5 There is a hospital steward of the California Volunteers, acting as medical officer, and casually at the post were 17 men of Co. D, 1st Cav. Cal. Vol., in charge of some condemned horses. Co. H is 100 men strong, all Mexicans, having received, at or near Las Cruces, 23 recruits, of whom 22 were mustered in by me, one being absent on D. S. In this connection it would be well to remark that I was informed that this company on its march through Las Cruces, was overwhelmed with applications for enlistments, and as I understand, some 200 men are still needed to fill up the 1st N. M. Vols., no better place could be selected than Cruces or Mesilla for recruiting. Of the 23 men raised there, I selected from a crowd of applicants, but three were natives of New Mexico, the greater part being from Chihuahua, and some from Durango and Texas. The water at Fort McRae is abundant, but tainted with sulphur. It is perfectly healthy. The camp is commanded by mesas and rough hills near by. It is two miles to the Rio Grande, toward which the water runs, and which can be distinctly seen from neighbouring elevations, & six miles to the village of Cañon de Alamosa. For the protection of the position, beside the police guard of the camps, a picket of ten men is posted upon a hill six miles to the S. E., having with them two horses, and provided with a field-glass with which they can overlook the surrounding country. They are relieved every 24 hours. Seven men, being one half of the police guard, are sent with the horses, about a mile and a half from the camp. The beef cattle are herded, at a distance of from 3 to 5 miles, by a permanent party

138  •

chapter ten

of three men. The grass near the post is very poor and scarce, and wood is not abundant, though sufficient can be procured. There is not a particle of forage at the post, and all the animals are very poor in flesh. The horses of the company were carefully examined. There were but 44 in all at the post, all in very indifferent condition. Of these I counted 17 with very sore backs, which I consider nearly, if not incurable. 22 horses are reported by Capt. Pfeiffer as unserviceable. I obtained, upon leaving the place, an escort of seven of the best mounted men as far as the Point of Rocks, and should judge that their horses, though naturally good, are incapable at present of any efficient service.6 The sore backs are caused by the carelessness of the men, though punished for it by the officers, by their peculiarity of riding, and by the very indifferent saddles. These are of a new and cheap pattern brought from the States last year, and are by no means to be recommended. They are thickly padded and much too warm for the horse’s backs, and are apt to flatten down and chafe. The officers were loud in their condemnation of them. There were 43 of these saddles on hand, and 41 saddle-bags, with double pouches. The horses are grazed all day, and fed with the dry gramma grass, cut every day for the purpose, and which affords but little nourishment. I did not think it advisable, for the sake of the few horses, to review the company mounted, and they were accordingly inspected under arms on foot. The men are armed with rifle-muskets of Cal. .54 & .58 and in one or two cases with altered flint-lock muskets. The arms are only in tolerable order. Of Cal. .54 there are in the company 82 pieces, and of Cal. .58, 23 pieces. There are also in the hands of the men 39 pistols, of Colt’s new army pattern, which are kept in better condition. Of the rifles, 4 of Cal. .54 and 22 of Cal. .58, were condemned arms from Fort Craig. The implements are few, insufficient and in indifferent condition. Cartridge-boxes without plates and in bad order, waist-belts, and cap-pouches are worn, the latter deficient in number. The men wore blouses. The outer clothing is ragged, bad, and deficient. I counted 17 men in citizen pants. Of under-clothing the supply is better. This company, as well as the other mounted companies of Colonel Carson’s regiment, is properly one of Mounted Riflemen.7 They are drilled in the Light-Inf. Manual of Arms, and Cavalry movements. No sabres are used. I think the organization a good one for service in this country, but recommend that [Dabney Herndon] Maury’s tactics be used instead of [Philip St. George] Cooke’s, whose book is professedly used, although in scarcely a single instance were the correct words of command from that

Fort McRae, Ojo del Muerto

•  139

work given.8 The men need much instruction. They march well, but lack individual setting up, and the drill & manual were indifferent. They were exercised before me in a few simple movement[s], by English words of command, and seemed to understand what was expected of them. Explanations should, however, be made in Spanish, and no good purpose is served by railing at the men in English, as was, in one instance done. The company possesses excellent material, and only needs proper instruction. This company was turned over to Capt. Pfeiffer, upon the death of Capt. [James “Paddy”] Graydon, in November last, by a Council of Administration, and the active duties upon which it has been employed have, in a measure, prevented proper drilling.9 The books of the company, presented for examination, were a MorningReport Book, commencing with January, ’63, in tolerable order, an old-book of 1862 of Captain Graydon, torn & worn, a Company Descriptive Book, in tolerable order, but lacking descriptions of some of Graydon’s men, and even found incorrect in the dates given to the latest recruits, an Order & Letter Book in one, in tolerable order, a clothing book, kept correctly, but lacking in several instances the signatures of the men, and a Company Fund-Book, only dating since December 1862, and having a debit & credit account upon one page only. No company councils appear to have been held. The amount of fund on hand was $10.31. The charges upon the Clothing Book were made up to date and closed to Dec. 31 ’62, and entered upon the muster-rolls. Estimates for clothing for 75 men were made by Capt. Pfeiffer upon March 5 ’63, but had not been filled, and he informed me that his requisitions for ordnance had been returned from Fort Union, because not made in duplicate. Of the absentees on d. 1., I ascertained that one sergeant on recruiting service in Santa Fe had not been provided with his descriptive list, which I caused to be made out and forwarded to that place. There was no company desk. Of blanks, I found 6 muster & pay rolls, certificates of discharge for disability, requisitions for stationary, and blank enlistments, the existence of which was unknown to the officers, who made no use of them. There were eleven blank monthly returns, but neither discharges nor final statements. Capt. Pfeiffer’s returns of property appeared to be correctly kept, but papers generally were not very neatly cared for, perhaps attributable to the camp life. The muster rolls required slight correction, and seemed to be much left to the care of clerks. The company is encamped in Sibley tents, old & worn. The only mess utensils on hand were 3 campkettles, 2 bake-ovens, & 4 mess-pans.

140  •

chapter ten

The quantity of ammunition called for by the return for the 1st quarter of ’63 was 200 cartridges Cal. .54 & 4,000 pistol cartridges. Received since, from the post commander, 1,000 rounds Cal. .54, 1,000 Cal. .58, and 100 blank cartridges with balls to match. The quantity actually on hand and shown to me was as follows: one box, containing 1,000 rounds Cal. .58, 1,440 blank cartridges with balls to match, one box Cal. .58 from which 3 packages had been taken, one box (1,000) Cal. .54, two-thirds full, & 1,000 bullets. In hands of the men about 500 rounds. Of pistol cartridges on hand & in hands of the men, 2,748 rounds, of which 300 were Navy-size. Of pistol implements there were 22 screw-drivers, and 36 extra-ones. The first-sergeant, a Mexican who spoke English well, seemed to be a capable man, and I was informed that he had served an enlistment in the Regular Army. Of Capt. Pfeiffer, as regards his personal qualifications, I feel it my duty, though reluctantly, to speak. He is an old soldier who served well & faithfully, and is [a] very honest, honourable & upright man, anxious to do his duty. He is afflicted with a painful and annoying disease upon the face, which I have no doubt in a great measure prevents his giving proper attention to his company. I advised him to have medical treatment and told him that, if he wished it, I would endeavour to procure him permission to go to the Hot Springs, which are reputed to be efficacious in diseases of the skin.10 He declined, upon the pleas that he was anxious to go with his regiment upon the Navajoe [sic] Campaign, or to meet the Texans should they again invade the country, and seemed to think that the present was no time for him to leave his company. I am, nevertheless, of opinion that he should be allowed an opportunity to restore his health, and respectfully recommend it. His case presents some features of hardship. He has served, almost continuously, since July 1861, having resigned for the purpose, the Abiquiu Indian Agency, and has received pay only since last November. For fourteen months service he has received nothing whatever. Maj. Morrison stated privately that he considered Capt. Pfeiffer physically incapacitated for the service. An inspector, unacquainted with him, might very naturally come to this conclusion, from his personal condition & the state of his company, that he was both morally and physically incapacitated. I trust the department commander will take the most favourable view possible of his case, in representing which as it appeared to me, I may very possibly have done Capt. Pfeiffer injustice. The lieutenants of the company, as well as Maj. Morrison, seem to posses[s] the elements of very good officers.

Fort McRae, Ojo del Muerto

•  141

I would call attention to the case of a man of Co. H, named Ygnacio de Guevera, employed as a farrier, and who was formerly 1st Sgt. in the company of [Saturnino] Barrientos, enlisted Oct. 19, 1861.11 He is too old for service, and represented himself to me as being 59 years and 9 mos. of age. There is also in this company a man, enlisted by the regimental adjutant at Fort Stanton, who is a deserter, I think also from the company of Barrientos. The post adjutant is Lieut. Bargie. He seems to understand his duties. There are no books at all for conducting the business of the office, nor any desk but a few rude pigeon-holes. There were on hand 3 blank post returns, 3 tri-monthly returns, upon which the field returns are made, a file of Dept., Gen., & Special orders, the former deficient, but written for, and a file of post orders. The post ordnance on hand consisted of 970 rounds rifle-cartridges, Cal. .54, 2,000 rounds Cal. .58, 1,500 blank, & 2,400 percussion caps. Lt. Hubbell is quartermaster & commissary of the post. He entered upon his duties on April 3rd, and at the time of the inspection was making his first papers, of which only the estimates for commissary property & subsistence stored to June 30, and the officers’ bills were completed. No semi-monthly statement of rations on hand had been made, nor was the necessity of it known until I intimated it. The only anti-scorbutics on hand were 30 gals. of pickled onions. Rations of the following articles, in proportion, to last till June 30 were on hand—viz: bacon, flour, rice, beans, desiccated vegetables, coffee, sugar, candles, salt, tea, molasses, & corn meal. The following articles were needed, and not on hand, viz: soap, vinegar, pickles, desiccated potatoes, kraut, chili, and fresh beef. There is a herd of about a dozen head of beef cattle, entirely too poor to kill. All bacon is issued. The stores are kept in Sibley tents, and appeared in good condition. Implements for issuing were on hand. All the clothing in the hands of the quartermaster, except 4 blouses, had been turned over to Co. H. There belonged to the post 6 wagons, in good condition & 36 mules, poor, harness indifferent, and six Sibley tents, in good order, but lacking caps and guy-ropes. The hospital, in Sibley tents, under charge of a steward, was supplied with everything needed except stationary. There was a new mess-chest, the medicines were neatly arranged, and everything seemed in good order. There were 7 men on the sick report. But two prisoners were in charge of the guard. The command is in a good state of discipline. There is no sutler at the post.12 No contracts have

142  •

chapter ten

been made with anyone. The only citizens employed at the post were officers’ servants, whom I caused to be supplied with certificates. No hay is on hand. Attention is called to the necessity of a proper supply of subsistence stores and of forage for this post. Very respectfully Your ob’t servant A. W. Evans Capt., 6th Cav.

Chapter eleven

Post at Franklin, Texas •••

Franklin was the only post in the Department of New Mexico that was inspected by both Wallen and Evans. Beautifully located at the Pass of the North, many in the army thought Franklin to be one of the healthiest places in the Southwest. Even Surgeon Orlando M. Bryan observed that the small mud community was healthier than Mesilla because it was “destitute of whiskey and prostitutes.”1 For several months each year, soldiers enjoyed fresh fruit and vegetables, as well as sumptuous grapes from vineyards along the Rio Grande. Arriving in April 1863, Sgt. George O. Hand of Company G of the First California Infantry remarked in his diary that Franklin was “much more pleasant than any place occupied by us in a long time. . . . The soil is good, eggs plenty, the meat is fatter.”2 Another Californian, Capt. George H. Pettis, however, found Franklin a “cold and cheerless” place.3 Always more complimentary than the veteran Wallen, Evans had never seen a finer body of men than those commanded by Lt. Col. William McMullen at Franklin. Little had changed, however, in the three and a half months since Wallen was at Franklin and Hart’s Mill. The military at the Pass of the North, with the help of the federal district court at Mesilla, was busy confiscating and selling the property of prominent local Secessionists, especially that of the two wealthiest men in the area, James Wiley Magoffin •  143  •

144  •

chapter eleven

and Simeon Hart. Both men, staunch and vocal supporters of secession, had fled east with the retreating Confederates. By the summer of 1863, fears of a Confederate invasion had subsided somewhat, yet Union authorities at Franklin remained obsessed with Henry Skillman and the possibility of a Rebel advance. Consequently, three companies of California bluecoats remained in the small village. There were also concerns regarding the small contingency of Confederates residing across the river in El Paso del Norte. “Plenty of secesh here but they keep still,” Sergeant Hand remarked while visiting El Paso del Norte.4 Across the river at Franklin, a few Southern sympathizers remained, but they generally kept their own counsel.

••••••••••• Las Cruces, N.M.

May 16th 1863 Captain: I have the honour to submit the following report of our inspection made by me, on the 11th, 12th, and 13th week, of the Post of Franklin, Texas. The garrison consisted of Cos. G, H, and C of the 1st Regiment of Inf., Cal. Vols., under the command of Lt. Col. Wm McMullen of that Regiment.5 There was also temporarily at the post Company G (Mounted), 1st New Mex. Vols., of whom a special inspection was made at the request of General West, with a view to their going immediately upon outpost duty, and the report sent to Hd Qrs., District of Arizona. A copy of this report shall be sent to head quarters of the department. The strength of the garrison was as follows: Co. G, Capt. [Henry A.] Greene and Lieut. [Whitman B.] Smith, and 77 enlisted men; Co. H, Capt. [Lafayette] Hammond, Lieut. [Erastus W.] Wood, and 81 enlisted men; Co. C, Capt. [Joseph Priestly] Hargrave, Lieut. [Daniel B.] Haskell, and 69 enlisted men.6 Changes in the rank & position of some of these officers were made by musters-in, and two other officers, newly appointed, joined the post & were mustered-in subsequently to the Inspection. The number of enlisted men given above represents the total strength present and absent. Of the few men absent on detached service, none that were permanently so, were unprovided with descriptive lists. The Hospital was under change of Dr. [Orlando M.] Bryan, U.S. Vols., who was relieved by Dr. [William H.] McKee, 5th Cal. Vols., mustered by me, into the position of surgeon.7 Capt. Hammond was performing the duties of

Post at Franklin, Texas

•  145

quartermaster and commissary of subsistence at the post and Lieut. Haskell those of adjutant. The troops were inspected under arms, and carefully examined in the details of company and skirmish drill, and the bayonet exercise. No instruction in battalion drill had been given at the Post, except in the firings which were very well executed. The appearance of the men under arms was good, except as to the clothing (undress) which was defective and old, particularly the pants. Arms were in excellent order and accouterments good and complete, except shoulder-belts, of which there was [sic] not quite sufficient for all. The manual of arms was well executed. A slight change in the manner of fixing and unfixing bayonets has been introduced in this regiment, which is not laid down in the tactics. Company drill was well done and tolerably thorough. The instruction in bayonet exercise has been but recently begun in Co. C. In the other companies it has been carried as far as can be done in the general details, but there are no appliances such as platoon [drill] and for effecting the practical application of these details. Instruction was in every case given by sergeants under the superintendency of the officers. Generally speaking, I heard but few explanations given in the different drills, beyond the mere words of command. No punishments are inflicted but by sentence of garrison courts martial, except temporary confinement for drunkenness. This offence might have been particularly expected while I was at the post, as the men were then paid off, but I noticed extremely little disorder. Eight men were confined in one night, preceding the inspection of the guard-house, which contained 24 prisoners in all, four of whom were citizens. The officers seemed prompt and energetic in enforcing the discipline of the post. The appearance of the men of the garrison, when off duty, was generally very neat and orderly. Drills were held before and after guard-mounting, and a dress-parade every evening. The officer-of-the-day and the staff-officers are not required to attend; nor the old and new guards at the second daily drill. Lt. Col. McMullen gives his personal superintendence to the drills, and frequently takes the companies in hand himself. Skirmishing is conducted by the sound of the bugle and the calls seemed to be, generally, well understood. The three companies of the garrison are quartered in two large buildings which appear suitable and commodious. Being in a town they are, of course, more scattered than is desirable, or than would be the case in a regular post. Companies C and G occupy the building formerly used by the Overland Mail Company. It is very well suited for the purpose, except that

146  •

chapter eleven

it is not provided with proper mess-rooms. The cooking of one company was done out of doors. Arrangements were being made for fitting up the old stables into kitchens and mess-rooms. Each company was baking its own bread. There is no post baking. There are sufficient of such articles as campkettles, mess-pans, and bake-ovens, though all are old and worn. The men eat in their quarters and the mess-furniture, plates, knives, and forks, etc., were generally private. This arrangement is not so productive of neatness as where mess-rooms, with tables, are provided. The equipment is that of the field. The cooking is good and I heard no complaints of it. Quarters were [in] intolerable order. Racks for arms are not, in all cases, put up. There are no bed-sacks at the post. Rude wooden bunks, generally single, are in most cases provided and the blankets were spread upon these. Cleaning materials were frequently in sight. General appearance of the quarters neat. The books and papers of each company were examined in detail. Orderly rooms were in all cases separate and rather neatly kept. In Company G (Capt. Greene), the books were Descriptive Book, correctly kept; Letter Book, not entered; Roster Book and Sick Report Book, correct; Morning Report Book, well kept; Order Book, in which the orders were partly copied, and partly the original pasted in; Clothing Book, old form, correctly kept; and an account of company funds; amount on hand April 1, 1863, $56.43. The expenditure seemed to be proper. The company monthly returns, muster rolls, and qr. return of deceased soldiers were properly brought up, but the muster-rolls of this, as well as [of] the other companies, were not properly filled up as to the musters and payment of the officers. Capt. Greene’s returns of clothing, camp and garrison equipage and of ordinance [sic], 1st quarter, 1863, appeared correct. The return of ordinance stores called for 5,933 rifle-musket cartridges, Cal .58. The expenditure, per report for April, was 333 cartridges. Capt. Greene reported actually on hand 5,707 rounds. Each man of this company carried 40 rounds in his cartridge-box. By an order of the post commander the surplus ammunition of the companies is stored with the quartermaster. Capt. Greene has in store 4 boxes (1,000 rounds each), Cal .58, less the issue lately made. In Company C (Capt. Hargrave) the books were Order Book, 2 vols.; Descriptive Book, Morning-Report Book, and Clothing Book, old form, correctly kept: Company Fund Book, with correct form for council showing a balance on hand, April 30, $43.67, and $96 have been received since, the expenditures proper. The company monthly returns and muster rolls were properly brought up, except as to officers upon the latter. The only stationary

Post at Franklin, Texas

•  147

on hand was that purchased by the captain himself. Capt. Hargrave’s returns of clothing, camp and garrison equipage, and of ordinance, for 1st quarter of 1863, appeared correctly brought up. There was on hand a box of blouses, of shirts and drawers, of shoes, and a few hats, and a surplus of shoulder and waist belts. The return of ordinance stores called for 5,750 rounds, Cal. .58, the expenditure for April (per report) was 219 rounds. There was a box, one-half full, in the orderly room, 40 rounds in the cartridge box of each man, and 3 boxes (1,000 rounds each) stored with the quartermaster. In Company H (Capt. Hammond) the books were Order Book, carried out; Letter Book, Descriptive Book, and Clothing Account Book, old form, all correctly kept, and Company Council Book, showing a balance on hand April 30, 1863 of $41.55, expenditures proper. Muster rolls and monthly returns correctly brought up to date, a good company desk in use. Capt. Hammond’s returns of clothing, camp and garrison equipage, and of ordinance, for 1st quarter 1863, were examined and appeared correct. The ammunition called for by the return on March 31 was 7,000 rounds, expended in April (per report) 386 rounds, on hand in the orderly room 80 rounds, in the cartridge-boxes of the men, 20 rounds each, and 5 boxes (1,000 rounds each) stored with the quartermaster. Of clothing there are blouses on hand, but pants are much needed. In all the companies the clothing accounts of the men have been settled to Dec. 31, 1862, and charged upon the muster rolls, upon which both officers and men were paid. The books and papers of the adjutant’s office were quite neatly and correctly kept by Lieut. Haskell. The books were Consolidated Morning Report Book, correctly kept; Post Letter Book, well kept, but not signed to date; Post Order Book, correct; Roster Book and records of passes given, well kept, and a Post Council Book. By the last, it would appear that a council was held on April 1, 1863, and a tax of 10¢ per man levied upon the sutler, but not yet collected. A tariff of prices was also fixed upon the sutler’s goods. The post monthly returns and field returns were brought up to date, the latter to May 10, ’63. The files of District, Department, and War Department orders were neatly kept. No books of letters received or endorsements were shown. There was upon hand a sufficiency of blanks and stationary, the usual office furniture, a fine garrison flag, and packing box. The semi-monthly express to California starts from this office. The guardhouse of the post was in quite good order, the guard report correctly kept. The strength of the guard is 19 men.

148  •

chapter eleven

Capt. Hammond is in charge of the duties of commissary and quartermaster of the post, having entered upon them during the present year. He appeared to be a little behind in his papers. Those for March were complete. The only quartermaster paper for April completed was the account-current of monies, showing a balance on hand of $48.70. No citizens are employed by him. The only book shown was the Letter Book which appeared correctly kept. The quarter master has but one contract out, which is a verbal one entered into on April 10th with Miguel Suarez of El Paso, for 30 tons of gramma grass, which is about expiring. The hay is kept in rear of the store houses, not very carefully heaped, but safe. The amount on hand was between two and three tons. It is said to be very difficult to make written contracts. The amount of corn on hand was about 45,000 lbs., not carefully boxed up, but much of it scattered on the floor. There are four post teams, and 3 extra mules, in good order. Green fodder is bought daily in small quantities. The companies at the post cut their own wood, which is not taken up by the quarter master, who, however, buys mesquite roots as fuel for officers. There is a blacksmith and a carpenter shop in operation. Corrals and store houses only in tolerable order. Foods were represented as being insufficient in number and kind. The post ammunition, as well as that of the companies, was stored with the quarter master. It amounted to 100 lbs. of cannon powder, one box, one-half full, of Colt’s Navy pistol cartridges; one box containing 550 rounds of rifle-musket cartridge, Cal. 58; one box containing 70 rounds Sharp’s carbine cartridges; and 250 rifle-bullets. Of the commissary papers the accounts current for March and April were shown; showing a balance on hand of $982.55. Other papers were in course of preparation. The supplies of subsistence stores on hand are to May 31, 1863. Flour of a fine quality is obtained from Hart’s Mill under a contract made by Capt. [Herbert Merton] Enos. The account of hospital fund for April shows a balance due the commissary of $13.62. This arose from large purchases for the sale upon orders signed by Dr. Bryan. As there was but one soldier sick in hospital, it seems difficult to understand how so much could be made from the savings of his rations, or what became of the luxuries. The error was detected and corrected previous to the inspection. The subsistence stores on hand seemed to be well cared for. The hospital is in a large, convenient, airy, and well ventilated building, extremely well suited to the purpose. There was [sic] one soldier and two citizens in the wards and eight men sick in quarters. On duty were 1 corporal acting as hospital steward, 1 private as ward master, 1 as cook, 2 as nurses, and

Post at Franklin, Texas

•  149

1 as matron. The wards and kitchen did not appear to me so neat as might be expected. The dispensary was in good order. The books were Prescription Book, and Day Book, Register, Requisition Book; Return Book, entered semiannually, and Quarterly Report Book of sick and wounded, in one, all in good order, and I should judge, correctly kept. There was no stationary on hand. The sutler’s store at the post was examined in regard to the requirements of the law regulating those establishments. The sutlers are Messrs. [William H.] Moore and [Nathan] Webb, of whom the latter attended personally to the business in Franklin.8 All of the articles required by law and [the] War Department orders, are not on hand at present, but I was assured that arrangements had been made to have them procured at an early date. If the law is to be considered as strictly requiring that the articles mentioned in it, and none others are to be kept for sale, then it is certainly not observed, and I do not believe that parties could be found in New Mexico or Texas to settle upon any such terms. The store kept in Franklin is such as may be found at any post garrisoned by regular troops. The tariff of prices was not displayed in the store, but was in the adjutant’s office. No charges in excess of the law were made upon the muster rolls but the sutler appeared, in some cases, to have trusted men at his own risk, to greater amounts. I understood that there was no difficulty in collecting these sums and I do not think that it would be practicable to regulate the matter in any better way. No liquors are sold to soldiers at this store. There is in the town a licensed drinking saloon, where soldiers seemed to be able to get as much liquor as they pleased.9 The clothing accounts of all the companies at the post were closed to Dec. 31, 1862, and charged upon the muster rolls, in compliance with the law and the regulations of the Pay Department. Having mustered into new grades, officers of this post, who thereby became upon detached service from their companies, I called special attention to the necessity of their reporting their address. There is no provost marshal here, and I observed that the printed forms of passes in use contained no allusion to the oath of allegiance. My impression of the troops generally was very favorable. They are in good field order, lacking principally articles of outer clothing and perhaps blankets. The knapsacks and haversack are also old and worn and sometimes much torn. An error was noticed in the hospital muster rolls in carrying on the names of extra-duty men, because not paid, long after their discharge from that service, instead of transferring their accounts to the company rolls. The men of the garrison were permitted to visit the town of El Paso upon written passes, a guard being stationed at the ferry to check them.

150  •

chapter eleven

Although not strictly included in my instructions, I inspected the books and papers of the chief quartermaster and commissary of the district, Capt. H. M. Enos, U.S.A. In the former department, all the necessary books, papers and accounts appeared to be very well kept, and brought up to the end of April, and the Letter Book (press copied) showed by letters of advice that all proper papers had been forwarded. Files of orders, papers, etc, were well kept. The money accounts current to April 30 showed a balance on hand of $58,866.50, which was securely kept in [a] safe. Forage is procured, by verbal arrangements in El Paso at from $3.50 to $3.75 the fanega of corn or wheat, in specie, and at $5.75 in treasury notes. There are no written contracts. Eight pounds of corn is [sic] fed to the mules, and as much hay, dry gramma grass, as they will eat. The animals all appeared in very good condition; but the corral was not in the best order. There were 53 citizens employees borne on the return of persons, many of whom had not been seen by Capt. Enos, being teamsters en-route to or from Tucson. I called special attention to the orders requiring all of these men to be provided with certificates. Returns were made under the Internal Revenue Act. The commissary books and papers were correct and in good order. The papers for April had not yet been forwarded. No property of subsistence stores were [sic] on hand, everything being at once turned over to the different assistants in the district. Beef has been difficult to procure and has usually been obtained upon verbal contracts, at about 13¢ per lb., but it was thought that it might be had, or mutton, at 7⅓¢ or 8⅓¢ per lb. There is no doubt that sugar, coffee, or flour, could be exchanged with the Mexicans for beef or mutton at very reasonable rates for the supply of the post, if such an arrangement could be sanctioned. A written contract for beef and mutton with Messrs. [Pinckney Randolph] Tully and [Estevan] Ochoa expired on April 12th.10 A contract for flour, ground at Hart’s Mill, at 11¢ per lb. has been entered into with Messrs. [Henry Joseph] Cuniffe and [Juan N.] Zubiran.11 This contract will probably be reduced to a lower rate to correspond more nearly with the mixed quality of the flour. The amount of the subsistence funds on hand May 1st was $12,778.30. Capt. Enos was not present at the inspection, being absent on duty. Very respectfully Your ob’t servant A. W. Evans Capt., 6th Cav A.A.I.G.

Chapter twelve

Fort West, New Mexico •••

In February 1863, by General Orders No. 1, General Carleton established a post near the headwaters of the Gila River, about a mile upriver from where the army had maintained a depot in 1857. After thoroughly scouting the area along the river, a board of officers had settled on a site on a hill along the east bank of the river, about twenty-five miles west–northwest of Pinos Altos, and two miles south of present-day Cliff.1 Not far from Santa Lucia Spring at the old Apache reserve proposed by Michael Steck, the post was named for Gen. Joseph Rodman West and was designed to protect the Pinos Altos miners from the Mimbreño Apaches. With the help of Fort Thorn on the Rio Grande and of Fort McLane near the lower Mimbres River, the new post would allow Carleton to fight the Apaches in their homeland. Men from the post could also help curtail raids by the Mimbreño and Chiricahua Apaches on the Tucson–Mesilla overland trail. Led by “guides of great experience”—Juan Arroyo, Felipe Gonzales, and Merejildo Grijalva—a small party of Californians rode north out of Fort McLane on February 16, 1863, to establish the small post. Maj. William McCleave, Capt. Edmond D. Shirland, and officers from Company A of the First California Cavalry and Company D of the First California Infantry arrived on the Gila River eight days later. Two other companies would follow. A survey was immediately undertaken to determine the limits of the old Indian reservation.2 •  151  •

152  •

chapter twelve

Construction at Fort West, however, was postponed when Colonel West asked for a plat, plans, and construction estimates. Moreover, construction of permanent structures was not to be undertaken until the Apaches were defeated. “On foot or mounted your troops are to make war against the Indians,” West told Major McCleave. “Indian women and children are to be taken captive, when possible . . . but against the men you are to make war, and war means killing,” West went on to say.3 No sooner had the men set up their tents overlooking the valley of the Gila than McCleave sent them into the field in an eighteen-day scout for the Apaches whom Carleton and West hoped to annihilate. The patrol returned excitedly to say they had found no Indians but had located a “rich gold region” in the foothills of the Mogollon Mountains to the north.4 General Carleton would come to conclude that the area was “one of the richest gold countries in the world.” In fact, Carleton was so excited that he asked the adjutant general in Washington for a month’s furlough for a Fort West company to allow them to work the newly discovered veins. The area could become developed, Carleton argued, and the troops would be content and less likely to desert.5 Among the early visitors at Fort West were the acting governor of New Mexico Territory, W. F. M. Arny, and Indian Agent Lucien B. Maxwell. In April 1863, General West arrived by way of Pinos Altos to inspect the new location of the post briefly before returning to Hart’s Mill, where he had his headquarters at the time. In the latter part of April, Capt. Allen Latham Anderson, chief engineering officer for the department, arrived at the post from Fort Craig with a board of officers, after struggling unsuccessfully to find a wagon road that would connect the post to the Rio Grande by way of the Gila country and the Tularosa River.6 Capt. Charles A. Smith later tried to locate a wagon road connecting the post with the Rio Grande by leading Company B of the Fifth California Infantry into the rugged and unmapped headwaters of the Gila River, through what the captain called the “most beautiful” scenery, “wild and spectacular.” Smith concluded that such a road would be difficult but feasible. One hundred men could build a mile of road a day, Smith speculated, with no blasting necessary.7 On May 8, a party of miners from Pinos Altos arrived and made camp along the river in the rich bottomlands, about two miles from the post, where they “established ranches” and put in a “crop of corn.” Two weeks later a large party of seventy miners passed by the post on their way to the San Francisco River with “intention of opening the gold mines said to exist in that part of the country.”8

Fort West, New Mexico

•  153

On May 26, 1863, Captain Evans arrived at the post on his inspection tour with Major D. Colden Ruggles, paymaster for the department. The two companies and headquarters of the First California Cavalry were still being housed in tents.9 Remaining at Fort West for five days, Evans inspected the camp and the troops, quizzed a number of the officers, and drafted a layout of the post before returning to the Rio Grande and then Franklin. In the days following Evans’s inspection, Carleton and West’s ruthless campaign against the Apaches intensified. At the same time, the Indians found a new source to secure badly needed horses and cattle. On March 7, Apaches courageously ran off a small herd of cattle that was grazing less than a mile from the post. A detachment of bluecoats followed the trail of the raiders, but without success. Two weeks later, when Mimbreños ran off sixtyfive horses from the post’s herd, Captain McCleave and eighty men set off in nightly pursuit. One soldier recorded how McCleave rode down the Gila River with about 100 men and attacked a ranchería of twenty-five to forty Apaches and “killed every one of them, men, women, and children.”10 On Christmas Day 1863, only seven months after Evans inspected the post, General West gave orders for Fort West to be abandoned. The men marched away: a company of the Fifth California Infantry was sent to Camp Mimbres, and the First California Cavalry was ordered to Franklin.11

••••••••••• Franklin, Texas

June 7th 1863 Captain: I have the honour to submit the following report of an inspection of Fort West, N. M., made by me on May 29th & 30th. The garrison, under the command of Major W[illiam] McCleave, 1st Cav. Cal. Vols, consisted of Co D., 1st Inf. Cal. Vols., Capt. [Francis S.] Mitchell, 47 men present, & 2 officers & 12 men absent; Co B, 1st Inf. Cal. Vols, Capt. [Valentine] Drescher, Lieut. [Elisha E.] Latimer & 54 men present, and 1 officer & 13 men absent.12 The head quarters of the 1st Cav. Cal. Vols. were at the post, with Lieut. [Harrison M.] James, adjutant, Lieut. [James H.] Coleman, regimental quartermaster, and the non-commissioned staff.13 The surgeon of the post was Dr. [David B.] Sturgeon, U.S. Vols.14 The post is situated upon a commanding hill, the site of an old Indian pueblo, on the left bank of the River Gila, and overlooking, to the north, a beautiful

154  •

chapter twelve

stretch of arable bottom land. The situation is an excellent one for military work, possessing area sufficient for a small fort, and capable of an easy defence. Water, which is now hauled, should be forced up this hill by a ram. The encampment is arranged in a parallelogram, giving a good parade ground, and was occupied only by the two infantry cos., the cavalry bivouacking about three miles distant at a grazing camp, which was shifted from the Gila to Turkey Creek during my stay, as the grass became used up.15 The troops on the hill were in Libby & Wall tents; but they had in many instances, constructed for themselves wicker or basket houses, or rather low huts, of the willow which grows abundantly in the bottom, displaying much ingenuity in the work, and rendering themselves much more comfortable. The hill is, of course, without trees, and exposed to the hot sun and the wind. The latter, while I was at the post, blew a moderate breeze from the S. W. in the afternoon. The weather was very hot; the thermometer reaching 100º in the shade, and falling 30º or 40º in the night; which, [I] should judge, would render the place liable to the fever & ague that prevails in other parts of Arizona. The hill is higher & overlooks the neighboring mesa, with which it is connected by a ridge that, at one point, is only wide enough for the wagon road. This is upon the east side, up which, at the entrance of the post, are the guard tent & the commissary & quartermaster store-tents. Next, on either side, are the officers’ tents, and the remaining parts of the parallelogram are completed by the quarters of the men. The hill, upon all other sides, falls quite precipitously, the river running close around the northern end. The corral is upon the side slope of the S. E., and is simply a wooden enclosure. The post is kept in a good state of police. The officers appeared to be attentive to their duties, and sober & regular in their habits. The two infantry cos. were inspected by me under arms, the roll having been called by myself, from the special muster roll last made at the post. The arms (riflemuskets, Cal. 58) are kept in fair order, those of Co. D being the best. The men appeared in blouses, which only are worn, the clothing in tolerable order. Some men of Co. B appearing ragged & patched, which I was given to understand, was because the new pants, lately issued, were yet in the hands of the tailor. Co. D wore the shoulder as well as waist belt, and uniform hats, with letters, some of which were lacking. Their arms were in good order, implements nearly complete, and their general appearance rather better than that of Co. B. The latter wore only the waist belt, and caps. Their implements were not complete and some bayonet scabbards were lacking. Both

Fort West, New Mexico

•  155

companies are composed of a fine class of men, as good material, perhaps, as is to be found in our country. The drill shown me was company, skirmish, and the bayonet exercise. The first was tolerably well done as to the ordinary maneuvers, marching, and the manual of arms. More attention should be given to the preliminary squad-drills, which, I think, should be repeated with all troops every season, as though they were recruits and the set-up of the men exacted with more rigor. The theoretical instruction of officers and non-commissioned officers should be repeated more frequently and, in fact, it should be a permanent thing among these volunteers. These remarks are equally applicable to the troops at Las Cruces and Franklin and the school is particularly needed now that so many appointments of second lieutenants have been made. To drill men by merely giving the words for command is easy, but to instruct them requires a constant reference to the book, the exact words of which cannot be too fresh in the mind. Drilling their men before the inspector, the officers, of course, are simply desirous to show what their men can do, but having made a point to be present, as much as possible, during an inspection. At the regular drills of the post, it has struck me that there is too much of simple words of command and less than is needed of detailed instruction. For the skirmish drill at Fort West, the two inf. cos. were united, and drilled by the two captains in turn. A reserve was formed and the calls sounded by the bugle. The men were tolerably familiar with them, but need more practice. They were exercised in firing, advancing, retreating & by the flank, in rallying by fours, by sections, by platoons & on the reserve, in forming column, and in the various deployments, in quick & double quick time. The result was satisfactory. In bayonet exercise the instruction is elementary and there are no facilities for carrying out the course completely. This was the regular drill of these companies at the time of my visit. The men are apt, but full precision in the movements is not yet attained. The quarters of the infantry, Sibley tents raised upon stone or wooden walls, were in neat condition. The larger number were living in the wicker work huts constructed by themselves, which were not arranged in any regular order, but were kept neat & clean. The kitchens were in open huts of this character. The two cos. had bake-ovens in common. The kitchens were clean, the cooking good, utensils plenty, & table furniture provided by the men themselves. There are no mess tables. The men have in most instances constructed wooden bunks for themselves, upon which the blankets were generally spread at length. All are provided with knapsacks, haversacks, [and] canteens, and [their] clothing, which was abundant, was neatly folded.

156  •

chapter twelve

The books & papers of the companies were examined in detail. In Co B, 1st Inf., the books shown were: Moving Report Book, Descriptive Book, Clothing Book, old form, Order-Book, Letter Book, Entry Book of clothing, & Co. Council Book, all correctly kept. The clothing was closed to the end of 4th qr., 1862, and charged upon the muster rolls. The last co. council was held on April 30th; the balance on hand then being $52.32½. The muster rolls and co. monthly returns were made up to date. Capt. Drescher’s quarterly returns of property for 1st qr., 1863, appeared correctly made. His returns of clothing C & G equipage were in manuscript form, no printed blanks being on hand. Nothing of clothing was borne but a few shoes. The clothing receipt rolls were correctly made. The return of ordinance for 1st qr. ’63, called for 4,000 rounds rifle musket cartridges, Cal. 58. The expenditure in April, of which no copy of the report was kept, was 370 rounds. The amount in the boxes of the men was 20 rounds each, on hand 4 boxes (1,000 [rounds]) Cal. .58, & 1 box nearly full. In this co. an annual return of casualties was made, and files of orders were kept. The retained copy of quarterly return of deceased soldiers for 4th qr., ’62, was shown. No book of target practice is kept. All men permanently absent from this co. have been provided with descriptive lists. Capt. Drencher’s returns of provisions, etc., when A. C. L. en route, were shown, & appeared correct. The books of Co. D, 1st Inf., were, Morning Report Book, Descriptive Book, Clothing Book, old form, Order Book, Roster Book, Clothing Memorandum or Entry Book, and Co. Council Book. The clothing had been closed to June 30, ’62, but, while I was at the post, was brought up & closed to Dec. 31, ’62, and charged upon the muster rolls. These latter papers, with the monthly returns, were made correctly up to date. The last company council was held April 30th; the amount then on hand being $5.63. Files of orders, letter, etc., were kept. Capt. Mitchell’s returns of company property for 1st qr., ’63 were examined and appeared correctly kept. The clothing on hand consisted of a few shirts and hats. One ordnance (ammunition) called for the return for 1st qr., ’63 was 7,300 rounds of rifle musket cartridges, Cal. .58. There was issued, during that quarter, 2,300 rounds, and the expenditure in April, per report, was 263 rounds. Capt. Mitchell was also, it appeared, responsible for the post ordinance [sic], consisting of two mt. howitzers, carriages and equipments, with 40 rounds each of shell and canister, and 3,000 rifle musket, Cal. .58. This ordinance was all kept in a small tent near the guard house, and an examination showed on hand 5 boxes (1,000 rounds each), cartridges Cal. .58, and 1 box of 440 rounds; 2 boxes mt. howitzer, cartridges, bags

Fort West, New Mexico

•  157

Inscription by Richard H. Orton at El Morro National Monument. Men in the California Column profoundly influenced the history of New Mexico Territory in the years after the Civil War. Courtesy María Elena Estrada.

of powder, saddles, haversacks, livestock, port-fire cases, and other implements. The howitzers were posted in front of the guard tent, with several rounds of ammunition in the limber boxes, and implements ready to serve them. Capt. Mitchell had also on hand extra muskets and small parts, with belts, cartridge boxes, etc. The ammunition in the boxes of the men was 40 rounds each. The public property seemed to be well cared for. One absent man of this company was found without his descriptive list, which I caused to be made out and forwarded. No book of target practice was kept. The two cavalry companies were inspected at their camp on Turkey Creek, between two and three miles distant from the post. The camp is

158  •

chapter twelve

properly a bivouac under some scrub-live-oak trees on the hill side of the mesa, where a fine spring of water gushes out, which is used by the troops. Turkey Creek itself is a sluggish, running stream, having but few cottonwoods, in fact but one, a large one near the camp. The water and grass near the creek are good, and the animals seemed to be very fond of the latter, upon which they were repeatedly improving. The post herd is also kept here, the cattle poor, but picking up fast. The troops were inspected and drilled mounted. The horses are in some instances sore-backed, those of Capt. [Emil] Fritz’s company in the best condition.16 All were picking up fast. The men are armed with Sharp’s carbines, Navy revolvers, and sabres, with the usual slings, belts and equipments. Though not presenting that clean and brilliant appearance displayed by the infantry, the arms, etc., were in good serviceable condition. The saddles and bridles were of the kind made for these troops in California and have seen much service. After the inspection the two were moved by file in circle, and the sabre exercise gone through with, under the direction of Capt. Fritz. This was creditably done and with tolerable precision. Each company was then practiced in the various movements of the squadron drill, in which a fair precision was shown. The words of command were from the old tactics, Cooke’s new book not being in use. These troops have seen some hand service and are capable of doing much more. What is required of them in this country is, however, much more of the character of mounted infantry or riflemen, than of cavalry proper; in which latter duties they have handy an opportunity of becoming thoroughly proficient. The formation, mounted, was in single rank. The books, papers and extra stores of the cavalry companies were kept at the post on the hill. In Co. B, 1st Cav., were shown Morning Report Book, Description Book, Clothing Book, old form, Company Fund Book, Property Book, Order Book & Letter Book; all correctly kept. The clothing was entered to date, closed to Dec. 31, ’62, and charged upon the muster rolls. A company council was held on April 30th, & the expenditures seemed proper. The balance of fund on hand at the inspection was $89.15. The muster rolls & monthly returns were made to date & correctly & proper files of the papers were kept. Captain Fritz’s returns of clothing, C & G equipage, of quartermaster’s property & of ordnance were examined, and the required papers appeared to have been forwarded in all the departments. The returns of quarter master property were made quarterly. The ammunition called for by the return for 1st qr., 1863, was 2,500 rounds Sharp’s carbine cartridges & 1,000 pistol cartridges, the expenditure during the quarter having

Fort West, New Mexico

•  159

been 2,000 of the former & 1,000 of the latter. The expenditure in April was 566 carbine & 230 pistol cartridges, no copy of the report being kept. There was found on hand 3 boxes (1,000) carbine cartridges, 2 boxes, do.,17 at camp, nearly full, 2 boxes pistol cartridges (1,000), 2 boxes, do., one half full, & 1 do., in camp nearly full. Extra arms were on hand, as well as saddles, leather, thread, bees wax, currycombs, brushes, etc. One man absent sick from this company was found to be without his descriptive list, which I directed to be made out. The books of Company A, 1st Cav., were Morning Report Book, Descriptive Book, Clothing Book, old form, Order Book & Letter Book, all correctly kept. The clothing was entered to date, closed to Dec 31, ’62, and charged on the muster rolls. The Letter Book was a small volume, not of uniform kind. This company was recently, in April, turned over to Capt. [Albert H.] French by Maj. McCleave, and no returns of property had been made by the former.18 The invoices of property turned over were shown. In ordnance there were 68 carbines, 74 pistols, & 76 sabres, 8,825 Sharp’s carbine cartridges, & 10,640 Colt’s pistol cartridges. No company council was held, at the turning over of the property, but the amount of fund on hand then was $24.08, which has since been increased to $146.93. 28 horses were turned over & 48 are now on hand, the balance having been received principally from Capt. [Edmond D.] Shirland, and these are the poorest in the company.19 The expenditure of ammunition in April was 455 carbine cartridges & 120 pistol cartridges, per report. The clothing on hand consisted of drawers, shirts, pants & blouses. The pants are of dark blue, inf. pattern. The ammunition found on hand was 1 box of 360 rounds, carbine, 5 boxes (1,000 each) carbine, 1 box, 670 pistol, & 8 boxes (1000) pistol, 40 rounds carbine & 20 pistol cartridges, each, were in the boxes of the men. Extra sabres & carbines were on hand. The muster rolls and company monthly returns were brought up to date. No monthly return of qr. master property has yet been made. There was on hand a surplus of implements, saddles, blankets, nose bags, etc. One man of this company, absent confined, was found with out his descriptive list, and steps were taken to have it made out & forwarded. In all the companies of California Vols. that I have inspected, it was remarked that in no instance were the muster rolls filled up properly opposite the names of the officers. Those lines being generally entirely blank. Few, if any, of the companies have been furnished with the proper forms of volunteer muster rolls. Those for regular troops having been generally used.

160  •

chapter twelve

Now that vol. officers are required to be paid upon the same rolls with their men, it is essential that the rolls should show when & by whom each officer was mustered-into service, and when he was last paid. The volunteer rolls contain the proper columns and should alone be used by such companies. The adjutant’s office, kept in a single wall-tent, contained two desks; that of the Hd. Qrs., 1st Cav., and that of the Hd. Qrs. of the post. The duties of both appeared to be conducted in a proper & efficient manner by Lieut. James. The records of the 1st Cal. comprised the following: Descriptive Book of all officers, non-commissioned officers and privates of the regiments, arranged by companies; and showing opposite the names of enlisted men, the names of the representatives or nearest friends of each; a Tri-Monthly Report Book, consolidated for each month, for the adjutant general of the state; a Letter Book, showing, by copies of letters of advice that the proper returns of deceased soldiers, for 1st qr., 1863, had been forwarded to the adjutant general & to the 2nd auditor, Treas. Dept.; and that the regimental return for March, & the tri-monthly return for the state bureau had been properly forwarded, the latter for April; an Order Book of general & regimental orders, correctly kept & signed, a book of retained copies of regimental monthly returns, which were correctly made, and the adjutant’s Letter Book. There was an index of letters on file, and the letters received were neatly filed, but no book of these was kept, nor of endorsements. The post office is kept by the adjutant, with a good letter box, and the waybills appeared properly attended to. There is also a good chest for the storage of papers. Of returns of camp & garrison equipment & quarter master property, pertaining to head quarters of the regiment, the proper copies appeared to have been forwarded to the quartermaster general & to department head quarters for the 1st quarter of ’63, & for April 1863. There is no regimental Council Book, nor any regimental fund proper, but a sort of post fund amounting to $81.63. A good Journal Book of travel was also shown. Of the post records there were shown, the consolidated Morning Report Book, showing the aggregate, present & absent of the garrison up to May 29th, to be 292, with 116 horses, there being absent 4 officers & 46 enlisted men: Order Book, Letter Book, Report Book of Scouts, and Roster Book, all correctly kept. Files of orders of the regiment, War Department, Dept. of Pacific & of New Mexico, were on hand, the files being incomplete, but the missing number written for. The post returns were correctly made to April ’63, also the tri-monthly field returns to latest date, which the Letter Book showed to have been properly transmitted through the head quarters of the district.

Fort West, New Mexico

•  161

No reports of damaged arms have been transmitted, as required by paragraph 1395, General Regulations. No courts martial are held at the post, and it was stated that no offences requiring their cognizance are committed. The state of discipline at the post certainly seemed very good. Lieut. James’ returns of property pertaining to the non-commissioned staff were examined and appeared correctly made, being of ordnance & camp & garrison equipment quarterly & of quarter master property monthly. The clothing accounts of the non-commissioned staff were kept in a small book, entered to date, closed to Dec. 31, ’62, and charged upon the muster rolls, which latter papers appeared properly made out. Blanks & stationary were on hand. The records of the 1st Cav., Cal. Vols., do not show that that regiment consists of any more than five companies, the head quarters being in charge of the major, although Lt. Col. [David] Fergusson was on duty within the limits of the district.20 The post office way-bills at Fort West are signed by the commanding officer, but it was stated to me that this is not done at Las Cruces, the other end of the line, where the bills are signed by the sergeant major, and are frequently in error. The guard house consists of a tent and open shed. The strength of the infantry guard was 2 non-commissioned officers & 6 men. Two sentinels were posted at night at the guard tent & one at the other end of the compound. The Guard Report Book was properly kept. There were two infantry prisoners borne on it, and four cavalry men, who were kept at the cavalry camp. The howitzers are in charge of the guard. The officer of the day visits the kitchens as well as the guard, daily. The hospital of the post, under charge of Surgeon Sturgeon, was very neatly kept in tents, on the northwest side of the post. The supply of medicines was stated to be sufficient. There were 8 men sick in the hospital & 15 in quarters. The scurvy at the post was on the decrease. The books of the hospital shown were, Morning Report Book of sick & wounded, Daily Prescriptions Book, & register of sick & wounded, Order & Letter Book, Meteorological Register, Case Book, & Registration or Return Book; all appearing correctly kept. The employees of the hospital were 1 steward, 1 cook, 2 nurses, & 1 matron, which is the proper number for [a] post of 4 companies. The instruments of the case shown were represented as inferior. The kitchen was quite small, but in good order, having a good mess chest, but no mess table. The wards appeared in good order, clean & neat. There were 4 sick men attached to the hospital, belonging to other posts, of whom 2 of Capt. [Nathaniel J.] Pishon’s Co, were left under circumstances preventing their descriptions

162  •

chapter twelve

being left with them.21 Monthly reports are made to the medical director & to the surgeon general. All parties at the post concurred in speaking in the highest terms of the case, attention & kindness to his patients exhibited by Dr. Sturgeon. Lieut. Coleman, regimental quarter master, 1st Cav., was in the discharge of the duties of quarter master & commissary of subsistence at Fort West. The stores are kept in two large (doubled) hospital tents, which were partly palisaded in the inside, and rendered perhaps as secure as circumstances would admit. Clothing of all kinds in abundance was in store, having been lately received from Tucson. Deficiencies were found in the lots sent, but no boards of survey appeared to have been held on them, the articles being simply counted by the receiving officer. These deficiencies were found in every train that had lately arrived, and no invoices came with the last. My attention was particularly called to this point, and to the custom of wagon masters taking out articles from trains[,] being apparently satisfied with being charged with them. There were good, sewed boots & shoes on hand, but also three boxes of such, two from Tucson & one from Las Cruces, of a very inferior quality of pegged, the shoes being filled in with wood under the soles. These shoes were found to stand but a very short wear. A supply of tools, iron, nails, horse-medicines, etc. were on hand, but neither rope nor leather. There was a good carpenter’s shop, under an open shed, and a forge at the cavalry camp. The means of transportation at the post were in fair condition including however, a large number of condemned mules. The corn on hand was a few sacks & about 2,000 lbs. loose. There was no hay. The spies & scouts lately employed had been required to grub grama grass, of which about 50 tons had been thus collected, without expense to government, and issued to the animals as fast as brought in. Half rations of corn were being issued. Lt. Coleman’s papers for February and March had been completed, but not those for April. For March were shown the monthly return of quarter master property, account current, roll of extra-duty men, & of persons & articles, abstracts D, E, G, I, L, M & N, with vouchers, monthly return of C & G equipage, & monthly return of ordinance, now made quarterly. There were a few rifles on hand. The April papers completed were the account current, showing on hand $1.90 ($1,000 having since been received), roll of extra-duty men, & of persons & articles. Three citizens, spies, are now employed.22 They are not furnished with certificates. The April papers were not completed or forwarded for lack of vouchers. The Letter Book showed that the proper papers for March had

Fort West, New Mexico

•  163

been forwarded, through the district quarter master, to the head quarters of department, to the quarter master, & to the 3rd auditors, & the ordinance papers to Capt. Shoemaker, to the chief of ordinance & to the 2nd auditor. The February papers were also forwarded. The book was correctly kept, but letters not always signed. Files of letters were kept, the desk being of ordinary description. The subsistence stores on hand consisted of flour, beans, rice, hominy, coffee, sugar, vinegar, candles, soap, salt, mixed-vegetables, molasses, & tea. The sugar was a common brown article, the worst I have seen issued to troops. There was no white sugar. As an anti-scorbutic the only thing was dried peaches. There were no onions, pickles, kraut, desiccated, or hams. There were about 1,500 rations of flour, of different qualities, the California the best, 700 of soap, 6,000 of coffee, inferior & mixed, 17,000 [of] brown sugar, a very little tea, molasses for one month, and rice, hominy & beans in excess of other articles. There was not a pound of bacon or pork on hand. The cattle, poor but improving, numbered 25 head.23 Fresh beef alone was issued. Returning from Fort West, I met a flock of sheep going up. The stores seemed to be well cared for. There were no implements for issuing, such as scales, etc., except those borrowed from the quarter master & no stationary. An attempt is being made to raise a few vegetable in a garden, which I visited, about a mile above the post. It cannot supply fully the wants of the troops. Papers seemed to be well kept. Abstracts of issues for March, & returns of subsistence stores, in Commissary’s Book for Fort Barrett, Fort McLane & Fort West seemed correct.24 The hospital abstract showed a balance due of $54.44. The account current for April showed a balance of $262.57½, the money being on hand, semi-monthly statements of subsistence stores were made out. The Letter Book showed that the proper papers for April had been forwarded to the district commissary, the commissary general, & to 3rd auditor. The returns of commissary property, & book of sales to officers were correct. It struck me, the remark being applicable to other posts as well as to Fort West, that too much is entrusted solely to the sergeants & clerks, who seemed to be in possession of the staff-business, the officers not making themselves sufficiently masters of the details. Issues were made every tenth day, and seemed to be in the proper proportions, as far as the articles were on hand. There was no post bakery. Fort West was also without a sutler & without any supply of sutler’s goods.25 There was no whiskey at the post, outside of the hospital. Extra-duty men are still in the receipt of extra-duty pay. No contracts, verbal or written, have been entered-into by Lieut. Coleman.

164  •

chapter twelve

I would call attention to the case of Private [Amos] Taylor, of Company A, 1st Cav., C. V., who was tried by a general court-martial in Mesilla, last autumn or winter; and who is yet in the guard house at Fort West, awaiting sentence, which has never been published.26 Officers on detached service do not, generally, report their address, and complaint was made that descriptive lists, sent with absent soldiers[,] are not returned when they rejoin their companies, leaving the captains completely in the dark as to the intermediate official history of such men. The completion of this report has been delayed until June 17th, by pressure of other duties. Very Respectfully, Your ob’t Servant, A.W. Evans Capt., 6th U.S. Cav. A.A.I.G.

Chapter thirteen

Fort Stanton, New Mexico •••

Accompanied by Maj. Henry Lewis Bevans, paymaster for the department, Wallen returned to Fort Stanton in late October 1863, but by this time Major Evans had commenced to inspect the posts in the southern part of the territory, and he paused only briefly before riding on to Fort Union by way of the Gallinas Springs.1 With an escort and a detachment of California infantry led by Lt. William H. Higdon, Evans rode south from Santa Fe in June 1863, past Galisteo, and then by Punta del Agua and the Gallinas Mountains to Fort Stanton. During his entire career, Evans had rarely seen a setting as picturesque. Here, just south of the fir-shrouded summit of Capitan Mountain and the eastern slopes of 12,003-foot Sierra Blanca, the highest mountain in the southern part of the territory, he found ninety-five men of the Fifth California Volunteers and Company A of the First New Mexico Cavalry. Still anticipating a Confederate invasion, the company of New Mexicans under Capt. Francisco Abreu was on a lengthy scout to Horsehead Crossing on the Pecos River. Eight years earlier, during another campaign against the Mescaleros, the army had established a camp on the Rio Bonito, but moved it two miles to the south on May 4, 1855, and named it for Capt. Henry W. Stanton of the First United States Dragoons, who had died in a fight with Mescalero Apaches near the Peñasco River. One of the men stationed at the post at the time was Capt. James H. Carleton. •  165  •

166  •

chapter thirteen

In 1862, when General Carleton decreed war against the Mescaleros, Capt. Arthur Morrison arrived in October to find the fort in complete ruin: “The post is very much demolished, not a house fit to be used as quarters as there is . . . nothing left but the bar[e] walls, no doors nor windows . . . or window frames.”2 Joseph L. Berney, who arrived as commissary officer, said Fort Stanton was little more than “a mass of ruins.”3 When Col. Kit Carson arrived shortly thereafter, he reported “the roofs, floors, doors, and windows burnt, even the walls much damaged,” and he saw no “hope to see my command under better shelter this winter than the Sibley tent affords.”4 Although settlers had returned to the Rio Bonito, many were destitute. The new post commander, Maj. Joseph Smith, reported there were no stores in the area from which the settlers could buy flour, and a majority of the settlers were in “a starving condition.” Smith had been forced to distribute small quantities of flour to the hungry, but he was reluctant to distribute more without permission from Carleton. But it was hard, Smith wrote, to “see people suffer when [the] government has plenty & enough to spare.”5 Smith was hoping the harvest of the small wheat fields in the valley would alleviate the hunger and suffering. By the early summer of 1863, however, even his men were low on supplies. The post was without salt, sugar, and coffee, and “half of the troops [were] nearly naked,” Smith reported.6 By the time Major Evans arrived at Fort Stanton, conditions had improved somewhat, but most of the post remained a mere shell of what it had been before the war. The acting assistant inspector general was back at department headquarters in Santa Fe in July 1863.7 His inspection of the posts in the Department of New Mexico was near complete.

••••••••••• Santa Fe, N.M.

July 13th 1863 Captain: I have the honour to submit the following report of an inspection of Fort Stanton, N. M., made by me on June 24th and 25th 1863, the drawing up of which had been delayed until the present time by traveling from that place to this, and hence to Peralta and back, and by the presence of other duties. The original condition of Fort Stanton is well known to the general commanding. It was probably the best built post in New Mexico, and in a position unsurpassed for the beauty of its surrounding scenery, and affording

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  167

every requisite for a military site. The hills of the Sierra Blanca once covered for many leagues with a heavy growth of pine, spruce, cedar, oak, and juniper, but contain many open valleys of the finest grazing, and several streams of good water, running toward the Pecos, and generally uniting with the Rio Bonito, upon the right bank of which the post was built. It was established to protect the settlers upon the lower part of this stream, and to hold in check the Mescalero Apaches. Upon the advance of the Texan forces upon New Mexico in the Summer of 1861, an attempt was made to fortify Stanton, then held by a few regular troops, by placing a simple ditch and parapet in all the open spaces between the buildings which formed the quadrangle, but upon receipt of intelligence of the surrender of Major [Issac] Lynde, and the consequent abandonment of the rebels of the entire Mesilla Valley, thus putting Fort Stanton in a still more exposed position, the post was almost entirely destroyed by fire, and the troops withdrawn to the Rio Grande. The place was not again occupied until the Autumn of 1862, when the head quarters and some companies of the 1st New Mexico Volunteers encamped at it, and slight repairs of the ruined buildings were attempted. Upon my visit, the total number of houses that had been put in a condition to be occupied was eight, not including a detached house used by laundresses, and the small rooms at the corral. In one case, at least, a roof over a company kitchen was found entire, and this room, the best covered in the garrison, was used by the commanding officer, but all that had been repaired were leaky, and afforded, in fact, hardly any shelter at all from the heavy rains that fall during the summer season. All the stone walls were more or less blackened by smoke, and everywhere were masses of earth and rubbish, which no attempt had been made to clear away. The general effect of this gave the idea of a badly policed post, to be extenuated by the consideration of the weakness of the present garrison, and the onerous and more pressing duties required of it. The chief improvement which had been lately introduced was a small acequia of clear water, which, starting from the Rio Bonito a mile above, passed over the plains of the post, was led around the four sides of the quadrangle, ran thence to the corral which it entirely supplied, and was then allowed to expend itself in a small marshy spot just below the corral wall. Small cottonwood trees had been set out around the quadrangle, and were nourished by this acequia. The old flag staff, which was found upon the ground, had been shortened, and reerected just in front of the old commanding officers’ quarters, which later were being partly repaired for occupation.

168  •

chapter thirteen

At the time of my visit the garrison consisted of Company A, 5th Inf., Cal. Vols., commanded by 2nd Lieut. [William H.] Higdon, (the new Captain, [Edwin B.] Frink, who came up with me, and was mustered-in, taking command shortly after), and of Company A, 1st New Mexican Vols., Captain [Francisco P.] Abreu (mounted).8 The greater part of the latter was absent, with the captain, upon a scout after Indians, or at the Horse-head Crossing of the Pecos, with Lieut. [Juan] Mar[q]u[e]s being a permanent picket.9 There were present of the co. one officer, Lieut. [Thomas] Henderson, and 22 unlisted men.10 Of Co. A, 5th Inf., C. V., were present, two officers, Capt. Frink & Lieut. Higdon, and 56 unlisted men. Captain [Thomas P.] Chapman, 5th Inf., C. V., whose company is at Las Cruces, was quartermaster and commissary of subsistence of the post, which is commanded by Major Joseph Smith, 5th Inf., C. V.11 The Morning Report, of June 24th, showed present 3 officers and 95 men, casually present 2 officers and 16 men, and absent 3 officers and 70 men. The permanent picket at the Horse-head Crossing of the Pecos, consisted of one officer and 15 men, and one corporal and 12 men constituted a permanent guard to the herd at the grazing camp ten miles up the Rio Bonito, above the post. As many men of each company as could be assembled without detriment to important duties of the post, were inspected under arms, and exercised at company and skirmish drill, and the infantry at the bayonet exercise. I was advised that no drills had for some time been held at the post. Company A, 5th Inf., C.V., presented at inspection, 37 men. They were armed with two patterns of the rifle-musket, Cal. .58, which were in tolerable order, and some of good appearance. The dress was the blouse, generally dark-blue pants, and both hats & caps. Waist-belts were worn & in some cases, shoulder belts, the majority not having them. A few letters were displayed upon the hats, but no numbers, and such articles as cartridge-box plates, screwdrivers, wipers, [and] gun-slings were, in several cases, lacking. Clothing was only in tolerable order, and sometimes dirty, and the belts did not generally appear to have been blackened. Allowance should certainly be made for the infrequency of drills & inspections necessitated by the large details for extra labor and detached service. The manual of arms, marching and movements of company drill, were done with fair precision, considering these disadvantages, as well as the skirmishing by the bugle calls. In the bayonet exercise the men were somewhat rusty, but upon the whole, under the circumstances, the exhibition was tolerably satisfactory. This company was quartered in one of the old stone buildings roofed over, and made as tight as practicable. The kitchen was in good order, utensils plenty, including

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  169

a mess-chest, coffee mill, and the cooking apparently good. Table furniture there was none except that found by the men themselves, and the eating was done in the quarters. The squad rooms were kept perhaps as neatly as possible, double bunks of a rough kind, made in the company, were in use upon which the blankets were spread. The bed sacks had all been left at Fort Yuma. A scarcity of lumber was assigned as the reason for the absence of gun-racks. The clothing, of which there was a sufficient supply, was exhibited neatly folded in the knapsacks, which, with canteens and haversacks, were on hand. The books and papers of this company were examined and of the former were shown the Morning Report Book, Letter Book, Order Book, Descriptive Book, Roster Book, Sick Report Book, and Clothing Book (old form), all correctly kept. The clothing was posted to March 31, ’63, closed to December 31, ’62, and charged properly upon the muster rolls. The latter papers, as well as company monthly returns were correctly made in the ordinary manner. This company was turned over by the late Captain (now Major) Smith to Captain Chapman on March 3rd, and by him to Lieut. Higdon on April 22, ’63. The Letter Book, which was somewhat imperfect, showed by letters of transmittal, that the following papers had been forwarded, viz., inspection report of ammunition expended, Lieut. Higdon’s monthly return of quarter master property for May, to the Quarter Master General, the 3rd Auditor, and the Chief Quarter Master of Department; the monthly returns of company to the Regimental Adjutant, and the roll of the company to Department Headquarters. The quarterly papers of Capt. Chapman for 1st qr., 1863, as well as those of Lieut. Higdon of later date, were shown. The papers were not kept very neatly arranged, those of different qrs. being mixed together, but appeared correctly made. Capt. Chapman’s return of cloth., C & G equip. for 1st qr. 1863, called for clothing on hand, much of which was reported as at Fort Yuma. That in possession (surplus) consisted of blouses, caps, shirts, and shoes. The ordinance return, 1st qr., ’63, showed an expenditure in the quarter of 3,640 rounds, and 620 rounds on hand, which were turned over to Lieut. Higdon. There were received since 2,000 rounds (Cal. .58). On hand, was found by me, besides the 10 rounds each in the cartridge boxes of the men, 1 box (full) of 1,000 rounds, Cal. .58, and 1 box of about 950 rounds. The expenditure in April and May was represented at 500 rounds, but no copy of the report was kept or shown. Ordinance estimated for, and supposed to be in route from Fort Union, had not been received. An incomplete file of orders was kept and a

170  •

chapter thirteen

small company desk. The Company Council Book showed, by the proceedings of the council held April 22nd, turned over to Lieut. Higdon, $50.63; on hand, by the council of April 30th, $48.68, and the balance at close of May was $72.26; the funds being shown. All men permanently absent from this company have been provided with descriptive lists. My attention was, however, specially called to the following point: Col. [George Washington] Bowie has several men from each company of his regiment upon daily duty at this headquarters as a band.12 They were originally borne as musicians upon the roll of the field and staff, but upon the breaking up of regimental bands, they were assigned to companies other than those to which they at first belonged, and again reassigned to their original companies, but without official notice of this latter transfer, or proper papers being forwarded. Thus it happened that four men, known to belong to Co. A, and now on daily duty in the band, are actually, as far as could be ascertained, not borne on any rolls whatever. The case was thus represented to me by the company commander at Fort Stanton. Of Co. A, 1st New Mexico Vols., the strength was 75 men; and 50 horse; the best of which were absent with the Captain (Abreu) in pursuit of Indians, and had not returned while I was at the post. Of the 22 men present, 19 appeared under arms and on foot, at inspection, under the 2nd Lieutenant (Henderson). The men (all Mexican) wore the blouse, and dress-hat, with feathers & eagles, which were in good order, but the pants, in some instances, ragged. The accouterments were cartridge-boxes & waist-belts, with but a few cap-pouches. The arms were a new rifle, Cal. .58, & some of an improved pattern with extra sights, and were in good order. The men were exercised on foot, in the manual of arms, which was nearly that of the infantry, and more properly that of the old Mounted Rifle Regiment, and in various cavalry movements, including skirmishing by the bugle call. The manual of arms was done with only tolerable precision. The cavalry movements, marching by fours & platoon forming on right & left & front into line, were very fairly done. The skirmishing, rallying, etc., were also executed with tolerable accuracy. Of course, this could not be considered as any test of the company, the greater part of which was absent, but simply as the performance of a squad; which, however, made by no means a bad appearance. The quarters of this company were in tolerable order, the blankets spread on crude, wooden bunks, with our bedsacks. The company kitchen was in a Sibley tent, and had no mess table, but the non-commissioned officers were provided with a separate kitchen, mess

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  171

room & table, with sufficient cooking utensils, but table furniture rather scarce. Steps had been taken by Captain Abreu to provide his company with a good equipment from the company fund. The orderly room was in tolerable order, most of the books and papers had been kept by the captain in his own quarters. The arms of the company had been recently changed, and a lot of the old, Cal. .69 was standing in the orderly room, and appeared not very well cared for. The building occupied by the company was one of the old stone houses roofed over, and, as in nearly all the quarters, had not proved a shelter from the recent heavy rains. The arms had suffered from water. But two horses of this company were at the post, and 13 at the grazing camp. The saddles, saddle-bags, etc., were kept at the corral. The books and papers of the company, except the Morning Report Book, were exhibited in Captain Abreu’s quarters by Lieut. Henderson. The Company Clothing Book (new form) was entered and closed to June 30, 1863, preparatory to being charged upon the muster rolls, and was correctly kept. The company had been last paid to Feb. 28th, when the rolls contained the semi-annual charges for clothing of Dec. 31 ’62. The officers were paid upon the rolls. The Descriptive Book was a new one, and properly entered. A Sick Report Book was shown; but neither Letter nor Order Book. No Company Council Book was kept, but a retained copy of the last company fund account was presented, a council having been held on April 30, and was in the proper form. The balance of fund then on hand was $88.12, and the receipts since, $17.06, of which $75 had been sent to Santa Fe for the purchase of articles for the company. The money was not shown, being in the keeping of the captain. The company monthly returns and muster rolls were correctly made, except that the lat[t]er were upon forms intended for regular troops, while volunteer forms were on hand. An extra muster & roll was made on May 12th, in compliance with orders. Three men of this company were found absent without their descriptive lists, which I caused to be made out & forwarded on June 26th. The file of department orders was incomplete, and stationary scarce. A good company desk was in use. Captain Abreu’s returns of public property were examined, and appeared correctly made, those of quarter master property being quarterly, as well as the C & G equipage. The ordinance return for 1st qr. called for 8,000 rounds musket cartridge Cal. .69 and 1,400 Army pistol cartridges. The expenditure in April was 2,000 rounds Cal. .69 and 500 pistols; in May 1,000, Cal. .69 pistol, approximately, no copy of the report of expenditures being kept or shown. Upon the change of the arms of the company, 10,000 rounds,

172  •

chapter thirteen

rifle-musket cartridges, Cal. .58 were received, of which 2,000 were turned over to Company A, 5th Inf., C.V., and the expenditure in June was estimated at 2,000 rounds. The following ammunition was found actually on hand: 5 boxes (1,000 each) Cal. .69; 1 box, do.; two thirds full; 1 box, do., 440 rounds; 6 boxes (1,000 each) rifle-musket cartridge, Cal. .58. The men absent with Captain Abreu (27 in number) had 40 rounds, each, in their boxes; and the same with the pricket upon the Pecos. A requisition had been made for Army revolver cartridges, for June; of which about 500 were on hand. The pistols were kept in the possession of the captain, and only issued to the men when going upon scouts. Those shown, on hand, had become wet by the recent heavy rains, which nearly every where entered through the roofs of the houses. The horse equipment of the company, not in actual use, were shown at the corral, where the company quarter master sergeant and saddler have their quarters. My attention was particularly called to the saddles, a new pattern brought from the States last year. They are certainly of a very inferior description. The filling was of brown paper, with pieces of an article much resembling mosquito bar. The saddles are padded too thickly, and are too warm for the horse’s back, and almost invariably flatten out. The saddle bags were of patent leather. The bridles, single rein, were good. The extra clothing, on hand in the company, consisted of overcoats, jackets, blouses, & a few drawers. The clothing receipt rolls for 2nd qr. 1863, were correctly made out. A small, jackal [jacale] building outside & west of the quadrangle, was used as a bakery for both companies. It had two ovens attached, one of which was in good condition and in use. The bakery was in proper order, and good bread was made. The adjutant’s office of the post was in a room adjoining the guard house, being an old adobe building reframed and re-roofed. Lieut. Henderson, N. M. Vols., was adjutant and post treasurer. There was a good desk and a table in the office, and the room was kept in neat order. The Consolidated Morning Report Book was correctly entered, but was of too small a form. The tri-monthly field returns to June 20, ’63, were correctly made, and forwarded. A Letter Book of old letters, and an Order Book, entered to date, but not signed, were shown. A new Letter Book, in which both official and private letters were recorded, was in the possession of the commanding officer. Monthly returns were also made. A roster of commissioned and noncommissioned officers was kept, upon sheets of paper tied together. There was a lack of blank books, some of those in use being private property, but it was stated that books had been promised, upon application to the assistant

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  173

adjutant general, but not yet received. The files of orders, of War Department and Department of New Mexico, were incomplete, and the general & special orders were not kept separately. There was on hand a sufficiency of blank forms. A Post Council Book was shown. A council held on Feb. 28th, at which time a number of companies of New Mexico Vols. were garrisoned here, elected Lucien B[onaparte] Maxwell, post sutler, and fixed a tariff of prices upon his goods, which was still in force.13 The funds in the hands of the post treasurer for January and February 1863, were divided among five companies, the total [a]mount distributed being $279.58, of which Co A, 1st N. M. Vols. received $63.20. The council held on April 30, ’63 taxed the sutler 10 cents per man of the garrison, which was also divided among the companies at the post. At the time of the inspection there was no post fund. Orders received at the post appeared to be acknowledged, but absent officer, on detached service, do not report their address. No courts martial have been held at the post, since under its present command, nor are any punishments resorted to, except, perhaps, an occasional confinement. It was represented to me that no occasions ever arose for severe punishments. The Guard Book was of the printed form, and correctly kept. The strength of the post guard at the time of the inspection was: 1 sergeant, 1 corporal, & 7 privates. But one sentinel was posted during the day at the guard house. At night half the guard proceeded to the corral, where one sentinel was then posted. There were four prisoners. The guard room & prison room were only in tolerable order, and the non-commissioned officers not in attendance. The officer of the day visited the guard at night. Muskets were discharged every morning at a target, which was the only practice done at the post. Four men belonging to companies of other posts were sick or confined at Fort Stanton, and without their descriptive lists, which had been specially written for, but not yet received. No detachment muster rolls appeared to have been made. These men belonged to Companies F and K, 1st N. M. Vols. Besides these, my attention was called to the case of Pvt. Robert Babbitt, described as of Co C, 4th N. M. Vols, which was formerly the designation of the company now commanded, with an increase of force & change of name by Capt. John Thompson, 1st N. M. V.14 Babbitt has been in confinement since October 27th 1863, and the remark upon the Guard Book opposite his name is “to be shot.” The animals of the post herd were grazed within two miles, and driven to the corral at night. The guard was simply of two men, which I did not think sufficient. The state of police of the post, outside of the buildings, and particularly in rear of the store houses, was bad. The garrison

174  •

chapter thirteen

is, perhaps, too small to attend properly to this with its other duties, and much rubbish is the accumulation of the ruins. There is a fine post garden, under the hill, divided among the companies and the hospital, which was in good condition, and gave promise of a supply of vegetables. About a mile below is a field of corn, also under cultivation for the use of the post. Both appeared carefully attended to by gardeners living upon the spot. The hospital was under change of Hospital Steward J[ames] Willie Cadagan, U.S.A.15 The building used was one of the old edifices, just east of a detached from the quadrangle, of stone & adobe, reframed and reroofed. The force of the hospital, beside the steward, consisted of one cook, one attendant, and one matron. The dispensary, a small room, was in neat order; containing a bar, and medicines neatly arranged upon shelves. The supply of medicines was represented as getting short in some articles. There were no amputating instruments, but of other kinds sufficient. The books shown were: Morning Report Book of Sick and Wounded, showing upon the day of the inspection, 4 sick in hospital, and 6 in quarters, 2 or 3 cases being of scurvy. Monthly reports of sick and wounded, correctly kept; a Prescription Book, do., a Return Book of property, printed form, the property having been turned over by Dr. [Allen F.] Peck, 1st N. M. Vols., to the steward on May 12, ’63, and a Letter Book, purchased from the hospital fund, showing Dr. Peck’s letters transmitting his semi-annual return of property, and monthly report of sick and wounded. There was but one ward, which was in common with the kitchen, an arrangement not very advantageous to the sick. There were no mattresses, bed-sacks being used instead, a full supply of sheets, but only eight blankets. The kitchen furniture was represented as scanty, there was one bake oven, one copper boiler, stew & frying pans, and a few plates, but neither mess chest nor camp kettles. The dispensing was the only store room, the building generally was in tolerably neat condition. Capt. Chapman, 5th Inf., Cal. Vols, relieved Lieut. [Joseph C.] Berney, 1st N. M. Vols, in the discharge of the duties of post quartermaster, and commissary of subsistence on May 11th.16 The papers to be shown were, consequently, only those of May. One of the old stone buildings, upon the west side of the quadrangle, had been repaired and re-roofed as well as possible, and used for store rooms and offices. The stores of both departments were kept in the same building, and appeared to be well cared for, and the office was in neat order. Capt. Chapman’s paper, pertaining to the quarter master department for May had been completed and forwarded. A Morning Report Book

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  175

of animals showed, upon June 24th, 41 horses & 98 mules, of which 38 horses & 49 mules were at the grazing camp, the most of the latter being broken down or condemned. The Roster Book of extra duty men for June showed that no citizens were employed, but that 23 enlisted men were upon extra duty, of whom two were absent with Lieut. Berney; and all were still receiving the per diem extra pay. A Letter Book, correctly kept and signed, showed accounts of funds and stores received and receipted for, of estimates made for ordinance for forage for 3rd qr. ’63, and of funds for August. No copies of letters of transmittal with papers were kept. The retained papers for May were exhibited. The account current showed balance at end of May, $509.60, received June 8th, $182.00, total $692.20. The monthly return of quartermaster property showed no forage on hand, all having been consumed, as per abstract G. There were, however, piled in the store room, 40 or more sacks of wheat, for which the quarter master did not appear responsible, and which he did not take up on his papers. This was fed principally to the express animals. No return of persons and articles was made. The roll of extra duty men was shown, 19 of whom had been transferred by Lieut. Berney. The other papers shown were the account current, and abstracts B, L, G, and I, with its vouchers. There was no file of orders kept, and it was stated that orders were seldom received, except circulars. The articles of quarter master property stored consisted principally of shelves of tools, old saddles, old grain sacks (of which a large quantity), harness, etc., but no tents. A carpenter’s shop, well supplied with tools, was on the other side of the quadrangle, and four men were at work, making desks, wagon tongues, etc. A good blacksmith’s shop, well supplied with tools, was in the corral. This is the original old stone enclosure, below and east of the post, divided into five yards, one used by Captain Abreu’s Co., another set apart for Capt. Fritz’s Co. shortly expected at the post, another used for the cattle, and the largest and most easterly by the quarter master. These corrals had each originally a small stone building and sometimes two, which were covered, and a few in use. The old stalls had been burned down and a temporary, open shed was improvised for present use. The new acequia is in front of the corral and affords a supply of water. The yards were not in the best of order. A lot [of] old wagons [were] on hand, which were being repaired, as far as the scanty supply of limber, for which larger estimates had been made[,] would admit. The men employed about the corral lived in the old houses there. The animals employed in the daily labor of the post were in tolerable condition, depending chiefly upon grazing. The wagons, harness, etc., in use, were in fair conditions. There was an entire

176  •

chapter thirteen

lack of good saddles. There was no hay on hand. The old hay-scales were still standing, but out of order and not used. Five boxes of ammunition (1,000 rounds each,) Rifle, Cal. .54, were in store, invoiced to Capt. Pfeiffer. There was no post ordnance. A small supply of clothing was on hand, consisting chiefly of infantry overcoats, shirts, and a few shoes. There were no contracts let by Capt. Chapman, but one for 40,000 feet of lumber, not yet completed, was in course of negotiation. The subsistence stores on hand consisted of beef, bacon, hams, flour, sugar, soap, candles, vinegar, salt, dessicated-potatoes [sic], dessicated-vegetables, molasses, whiskey, and chili. The hams were, however, condemned for causes arising on the road, the bacon had become wet, though, of course, not damaged from the heavy rains leaking through the building, the brown-sugar was caked, and the dessicated-potatoes arrived at the post much damaged, were condemned, and the best parts were picked out for use. There was both American and Mexican flour on hand, the latter for six months past, and the former was alone issued. The report of the Board of Survey upon stores received from Fort Union showed a deficiency in many of the articles, which was attributed to natural wastage. Kraut & hams were reported entirely spoiled, and the former was entirely rejected and placed out of doors. The issue of meat to the troops was at the rate of 2/7 bacon and 5/7 fresh beef; but hominy, molasses, dessicated-vegetables and chili were all issued together. The abstract of purchases showed that rice, soap, vinegar, salt, and dessicatedpotatoes had been bought from S[olomon] Beuthner, and from the savings of the companies.17 The cattle, some 200 head, including mules and horses, were kept at the permanent grazing camp. The stores seemed as well cared for as, perhaps, possible. The whiskey was very properly kept by Capt. Chapman under lock in his own quarters, experience having probably proved to him the advantage of this arrangement. Scales and boxes for issue were on hand. The Post Commissary Book appeared correctly kept. The number of beef cattle on hand was reported at 55, of which 10 were kept constantly at the post, the same number being killed monthly. The supply of subsistence stores, at the end of May, was calculated to be sufficient till the 1st of August. Estimates for the 3rd qr. of 1863 had been forwarded. The Letter Book was correctly kept, and showed that the proper papers for May had been forwarded to the 3rd auditor, to the chief of subsistence at Washington, and to the chief of subsistence at department head quarters. A Cash Book was kept, and the accountcurrent for May showed on hand, at end of that month, $203.01⅜. Both the quartermaster & subsistence funds were kept by Capt. Chapman in the safe of

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  177

the sutler and were exhibited. The hospital abstract showed a balance for May of $4.17⅝ with no purchases, and in June, $5.14½. The abstracts of the provisions and of extra-issues for May appeared correctly made and the returns for the companies were consolidated for the post. No semi-monthly statement of provisions on hand had been made. A desk, represented as confiscated, and tables were in use in the office. A return of commissary property for June was shown. Lucien B. Maxwell is the post sutler and has a store, in charge of an agent, just east of the quadrangle & between the officers’ quarters & the hospital. A new room for a store was being fitted up in one of the old company quarters. The tariff of prices established by the Council of Administration of the 1st N. M. Vols, was hung up in the store, only those articles, however, being priced which were considered as for soldiers’ use. It cannot be pretended that the establishment is in strict conformity with the law, as articles are kept which are not therein mentioned, and some that are excluded. It is rather a store for the sale of merchandise in general, depending, in part, upon the trade of neighbouring settlements, and precisely like all other sutlers’ establishments in this department. The books of credit to soldiers showed, upon examination, that the men were trusted for more than onethird of their pay, which was stated to be by permission of the captains. No difficulty was found in collecting. My attention was called to the failure to arrive at articles (ordnance in particular) estimated for the use of the post; and it was stated that a train, the last received, left Santa Fe upon April 29th, & arrived at Fort Stanton on June1st, and that many articles in it were found to be spoiled. A complaint was made to me by Serg’t George W. Anderson, and Pvts David [C.] Reeder and Charles C. Grasser, of Co K, 1st N. M. Vols., that they had reason to believe that their captain (Thompson) has drawn their pay at Fort Union, at the payment of the company, to April 30th, made by Paymaster [Henry Lewis] Bevans.18 One of them stated that he had a letter from the company to this effect and their sutler’s bill at this post was paid by the captain. They declared that they had not authorized him to draw their pay, and had never signed the rolls, and that they were at Fort Stanton at the time. I presume, if this be true, that the only object of the captain was to secure the men their pay. Sgt. Anderson had no descriptive list with him, and had been in [the] hospital since Jan. 16, ’63. Pvt. Reeder has been in [the] hospital since Dec. 29, ’62, and sick in quarters since Nov. 1, ’62. Both had rheumatism, acute or syphilitic.

178  •

chapter thirteen

The garrison of Fort Stanton did not seem to me to be equal, in point of strength, to the importance of the position, and to the onerous duties required of it. It would seem to me not too large at four companies, two of them mounted. A number of condemned animals were sent here to be guarded at a camp necessarily placed, to secure good grazing, at ten miles distance. A picket of fifteen men was 100 miles off on the Pecos, and if, as was stated to me, the officer in charge had orders to divide his party in two, at points not within supporting distance of each other, it could hardly been [sic] considered safe. A day or two before my arrival a band of Indians attacked the two expressmen, returning from Santa Fe with the mail, and took it, with their animals, the men escaping to the post on foot. The express men going up to Santa Fe, two in number & accompanied by a man of Capt. Abreu’s Co., were, as was subsequently ascertained, killed by the same party in the Gallina[s] Mountains.19 Capt. Abreu, with 27 of his best mounted men, was immediately sent in pursuit, starting the night before my arrival; and necessarily going to the point of attack to strike the trail, which was about 45 miles up the northern road. On Friday, June 26th, while I was at the post, a party of Indians, afterwards estimated at about 70 in number, attacked the herd at the grazing-camp, ten miles upon the Rio Bonito, and succeeded in getting off 60 head of horses & mules, with which they struck up into the Sierra Blanca. Capt. Frink, with all the available men of his company (infantry) was sent in pursuit and shortly after Maj. Smith, with the few mounted men of Capt. Fritz’s Co. who had escorted me to the post, took the same direction. But few men were left in the garrison beside the guard, and not enough to relieve it. A messenger came in from Capt. Abreu, in the afternoon, who had then been out three days, stating that he was on the trail and that it led toward the grazing camp, showing that the two attacks were by the same party. That same afternoon four or five Indians attempted to stampede the animals of the post herd, grazing about a mile & a half off, and were only prevented by the vigilance of the two Mexican herders. Maj. Smith returned in the afternoon, and Capt. Frink, with his men, in the night, the latter having communicated with Capt. Abreu, who continued the pursuit, and was still out, upon my departure from the post on Saturday, though with but little hope of success with animals that had been ridden hard for three days, after Indians thus freshly mounted. I do not think that a particle of blame can be attached to the officers of the post for these accidents, and certainly every effort was made to chastise the desperadoes, but these attacks may be expected at any time, and I think, in

Fort Stanton, New Mexico

•  179

particular, that the mail cannot be safely carried to & from Santa Fe by less than a dozen men. The beef cattle were not touched by the Indians. Upon my return to Santa Fe, with an escort, we found & buried two of the bodies of the express mentioned above. No idea was entertained at Fort Stanton that Capt. Abreu’s Company was to be ordered away from that post. Capt. Fritz, with his company, had not arrived upon my departure. Very Respectfully, Your ob’t servant, A. W. Evans Capt., 6th U.S. Cav. A. A. I. G.

This page intentionally left blank

Epilogue •••

After relinquishing command of the Union army in New Mexico on September 16, 1862, the Kentucky-born Gen. Edward Richard Sprigg Canby reported to army headquarters in Washington, D.C., where he was widely praised for driving the Texans out of New Mexico. After helping to restore order in New York City following the horrid draft riots of July 1863, he was made a major general of volunteers and sent to command the Military Division of West Mississippi, a vast area that ranged from Missouri to the Gulf Coast and Florida to Texas. From army headquarters in New Orleans, he worked to pick up the pieces of the Federal army following Gen. Nathaniel Bank’s unsuccessful Red River Campaign.¹ In the final weeks of the war, Canby arrested the governors of Alabama and Mississippi and accepted the surrender of Confederate forces in Louisiana and Texas, ironically signing the parole papers of a disgraced Confederate general named Henry Hopkins Sibley. Promoted to brigadier general in the regular army, Canby played a leading role in Reconstruction, first in Louisiana, then in North and South Carolina, and finally in Texas and Virginia.² In 1870, Canby was sent to Portland, Oregon, to command the Depart­ ment of the Columbia. Three years later, on April 11, 1873, while in command of the Division of the Pacific, he was killed in the Lava Beds of northern California by Modoc Indians led by Captain Jack. In a century of seemingly endless warfare with Native Americans, he was the only general killed by Indians.3 Canby’s body was carried to Yreka and then by stage and train to Portland and down the coast to San Francisco, where his flag-draped casket was placed in a special railroad car and carried east across the Sierra Nevada and the Great Plains to Indianapolis, Indiana, where he was buried in Crown Hill Cemetery.4 •  181  •

182  •

epilogue

After concluding his ruthless campaign against the Apaches and the Navajos, the controversial and merciless Gen. James Henry Carleton remained in command of the Department of New Mexico, despite the fact that the California legislature, leading citizens in New Mexico, and the Santa Fe New Mexican demanded his removal.5 Finally relieved of command on September 19, 1866, and with his first furlough in eleven years, he returned home to the coast of Maine. Ordered west again, he died of pneumonia at San Antonio, Texas, on January 7, 1873, at age fifty-eight. His son, Henry Guy Carleton, a distinguished New York playwright, took his father’s remains to Cambridge, Massachusetts, and buried them next to Carleton’s first wife. In Santa Fe, leading citizens drafted a resolution in his honor.6 Today, his long shadow still haunts the Southwest and its Native Americans. Andrew Wallace Evans eventually got his wish and was assigned to the Army of the Potomac in 1864. Using the influence of his brother, Alexander, who had been a Whig congressman in the 1850s, as well as of General Canby, the only person in Washington with whom he could “claim any kind of acquaintance,” he hoped again to become inspector general. Instead, he was made colonel of the First Maryland Cavalry. Evans fought bravely in Virginia at Deep Run, Darbeytown Road, New Market Heights, Dinwiddie Court House, Five Forks, and the bloodletting around Petersburg. He was still in the saddle on April 9, 1865, at Appomattox Court House when Gen. Robert E. Lee capitulated.7 After serving briefly in Texas during the difficult early months of Recon­struction, Evans returned home to Elkton, Maryland, where he was commissioned a major in the Third Cavalry.8 But by 1868 he was back in New Mexico and assigned to Fort Bascom. Here, he became an integral part of Gen. Philip H. Sheridan’s campaign to crush the Kiowas and Comanches. With Col. George A. Custer leading a column of the Seventh Cavalry south from Fort Dodge, Kansas, Major Evans struck east along the South Canadian River with his Third Cavalry. On a frigid Christmas Day in 1868, about 300 miles out of Fort Bascom in the Indian Territory he overran a Kiowa and Comanche village at Soldier Spring on the North Fork of Red River. Although it was Custer who would gain the headlines for his victory over Black Kettle and the Cheyenne at the Washita River, Evans was breveted a colonel for gallantry and meritorious service.9 While serving at Fort Wingate in 1869, Evans was accused by Capt. Samuel B. Lauffer, the assistant quartermaster at the post, of bringing “in his private ambulance . . . from Cubero . . . a notorious Mexican prostitute”

epilogue

•  183

and taking “her to his own private quarters,” where he “kept her there as his mistress [while] the wives of officers were living at the post.” A few months later, when Gen. George Washington Getty toured the post, Evans had the woman secluded in the quarters of one of his sergeants, and when the general left the post, the “notorious” woman returned to Evans’s quarters. Later ordered to San Mateo on court-martial duty, he took “this common woman with him in his ambulance.” There is no evidence that the quiet-spoken Evans or his superiors paid any attention to these complaints.10 Evans went on to serve with distinction in Arizona Territory, after which he was ordered to the Department of the Platte at Omaha, Nebraska. He hoped, once again, to become inspector general, but Gen. William T. Sherman vetoed the idea, saying the army had too many inspectors.11 By the summer of 1882, Evans was back in Arizona, this time at Fort Apache in the White Mountains, and he was singled out for bravery in a fight with Apaches at Big Dry Wash on July 17. Gen. John M. Schofield recommended him for a brevet as brigadier general, but after thirty years in the army Evans wanted to retire.12 He was at Ford Meade, South Dakota, when he received word that Gen. Philip Sheridan and Secretary of War Robert Todd Lincoln agreed that Evans had “seen long and hard service” and that, no longer physically fit, he should retire.13 Evans returned home to Elkton, Maryland, where after several years of poor health he died from Bright’s disease at age seventy-seven on April 24, 1906, and was buried in the Elkton Presbyterian Cemetery.14 During the time Henry Davies Wallen served as assistant inspector general and commander at Fort Sumner, he exerted considerable effort in obtaining a promotion and transfer to the Army of the Potomac. Unsuccessful, however, he would remain convinced for the remainder of his life that he was intentionally overlooked because he was a Southerner by birth. Although Wallen was badly needed in New Mexico, Carleton was supportive: “I have known him ever since he graduated and I know that he would do honor to any of the higher grades of the service.”15 There was “no officer in the army who is a purer patriot” than Wallen, Carleton told Gen. Ulysses S. Grant in 1864. Besides, Carleton bluntly wrote, “We were second lieutenants together three years, even before you left the academy.”16 Wallen also solicited the support of leading New Mexico citizens, including Miguel E. Pino, Felipe Delgado, Henry Connelly, W. F. M. Arny, John Greiner, John A. Clark, and even the territorial librarian, Theodore Greiner. In early 1865, during the siege of Petersburg, General Grant took time to

184  •

epilogue

examine the letters Wallen had written Washington, D.C., in 1861 and became convinced that Wallen had been “pushed off to New Mexico where but a handful of his regiment was serving” at the time and that he “had been harshly dealt with.”17 Grant even spoke to President Lincoln on Wallen’s behalf. But the war ended, Lincoln was assassinated, and Wallen was sent off to Florida, after which, in his words, he never “again took the field.” Although promoted to lieutenant colonel in the Fourteenth Infantry, Wallen remained hurt and bitter that he had not been given a field command during the war. While at St. Augustine, Florida, in September 1865, he went as far as to compile and set in print a pamphlet he entitled “Answer to the Question: ‘Where Were You during the Rebellion?’” Consisting mostly of letters he had written to Washington in 1861–62, pleading to be assigned to a more active theater of war, the pamphlet was never published, and the only known copy is in Wallen’s service record at the National Archives.18 By late 1866, Wallen was stationed at Presidio Barracks, California, where he received a long-coveted brevet to brigadier general for his faithful and meritorious service in New Mexico during the war. For a short time in late 1866, he commanded the Sub-District of the Gila, but at Tucson he fell seriously ill. A year later he was recommended for a brevet as major general, but General Grant vetoed the idea.19 Wallen commanded the Eighteenth Infantry at McPherson Barracks, Atlanta, Georgia, for a brief time during Reconstruction. In 1873, he transferred to the Eighth Infantry and then to the Second Infantry, where he was promoted to colonel and sent to Omaha Barracks, Nebraska.20 By this time, however, it was obvious to everyone who knew him that his career was over. Seriously ill with a urinary problem that caused constant inflammation of the bladder and kidneys, he was unable to mount a horse, exercise, or even ride in a carriage for any distance. One surgeon said that Wallen was “entirely unfit for any duty” and would never again be “able to perform active service.”21 Wallen admitted he had suffered from gonorrhea three decades earlier, but his present condition, he said, dated to his service in Arizona in 1866. Believing the United States and Spain were on the verge of war, he was reluctant to retire, but gave in to the thought when his health continued to deteriorate. He did take great pride the following year in watching his son, Henry Davies Wallen Jr., graduate from West Point. The son, like the father, stood thirty-fourth in his class.22 In February 1874, Wallen was ordered before a retirement board in New York City that was composed of West Point classmates and old friends from

epilogue

•  185

the western frontier. When two army physicians testified that he was suffering from chronic cystitis of the urinary bladder, Wallen was ordered retired. He took up residence with his wife, Laura, at 23 West 53rd Street in New York City. When his health permitted, the couple enjoyed the New York social scene and watched as their two eldest daughters, Marie and Jessie, married into the New York social elite.23 Seeking political office in New York City in 1884, Wallen remarked that in his forty-three years in the United States Army he had never been “censured, reprimanded or court martialed.” At the age of sixty-eight, Henry Davies Wallen died on December 2, 1886, of heart disease after a long illness and was buried at West Point.24 Perhaps Wallen’s most lasting legacy is the record he and a fellow Southern loyalist Andrew Wallace Evans left us of scattered and lonely military outposts in a deeply troubled land of dazzling summer sunshine and deep blue mountains far from Washington in a turbulent era.

This page intentionally left blank

Notes •••

Introduction 1. James M. McNulty to W. A. Hammond, October [n.d.], 1863, War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1883–89), series 1, vol. 9, 594. These voluminous records will hereafter be referred to as OR, with series, volume, and page number (e.g., 1, 9:594) or series, volume, part, and page number (e.g., 1, 50, 2:65). 2. James H. Carleton to E. S. Canby, June 15, 1862, Letters Received (LR), Department of New Mexico (DNM), Record Group (RG) 393, Adjutant General’s Office (AGO), National Archives (NA), Washington, D.C. (abbreviations used hereafter in all chapters). Carleton, a Maine-born, twenty-three-year veteran of the First United States Dragoons, served with Gen. John Wool in Mexico and was breveted for gallantry. He helped explore the southern Rocky Mountains and investigated the massacre of Arkansas emigrants at a place in Utah called Mountain Meadows, where his men gathered hundreds of granite stones to erect a large monument that Brigham Young ordered destroyed two years later. Having corresponded with Charles Dickens as a young man, and having literary aspirations of his own, Carleton wrote books on the military. His Battle of Buena Vista (1856) resulted in Secretary of War Jefferson Davis’s assigning him to study European cavalry tactics, although Carleton never traveled overseas. He spent five years in New Mexico Territory prior to the Civil War, surveying a possible railroad route through Abo Pass, examining the ruins of Grand Quivira, Quarai, and Abo, and fighting Jicarilla Apaches. From his headquarters in Santa Fe, he reestablished •  187  •

188  •

notes to page 2

martial law and confiscated the property of Confederate sympathizers. Carleton spent much time preparing for a second Confederate invasion of New Mexico and Arizona. Excessive zeal and an inclination toward dictatorial decrees seriously clouded his leadership and caused a number of prominent civilians in both California and New Mexico to demand his removal. Graduating next to last at West Point in 1839, Canby served honorably under Gen. Winfield Scott during the Mexican War and went on to become one of the most respected officers in the frontier army. In cooperation with Gov. Henry Connelly, Canby assisted in the recruitment of several thousand New Mexico Volunteers and Territorial Militia. When the Federals were driven from the field at Valverde on February 21, 1862, Canby used the Hispanos as a convenient scapegoat for the Union defeat. The belief that Canby and the Confederate Sibley were brothers-in-law, widely held in both the Federal and Confederate armies in New Mexico Territory during the war and repeated afterward, is false. Nevertheless, many in the Federal army in New Mexico believed the rumors and accused Canby of failing to pursue Sibley aggressively during the Confederate retreat. 3. E. E. Eyre to Benj. C. Cutler, July 6, 1862, OR, 1, 9:588–89. The event is also recalled in a letter from Fort Thorn dated July 6, 1862, and published in the Sacramento Daily Union, August 8, 1862. For the march of the California Column to New Mexico, see John P. Wilson, “Across Arizona and New Mexico with the California Column,” New Mexico Historical Review 76 (July 2001): 255–83. 4. Born at Paris, Bourbon County, Kentucky, July 27, 1822, Baylor moved with his family to Fort Gibson, Indian Territory, where his father was an assistant surgeon in the Seventh Infantry. At an early age, he was sent to Cincinnati for an education, but after the death of his father he went to live with an uncle at Rocky Creek, Fayette County, Texas, south of La Grange. By 1851, he had taken up farming and ranching at Ross Prairie in Fayette County, from which he was elected to the state legislature. Evolving into a notorious Indian hater, he was largely responsible for the expulsion of Native Americans from Texas in 1859. As a result of a controversial order from Baylor to Capt. Thomas Helm at Pinos Altos calling for the extermination of a band of Apaches in the area, President Jefferson Davis, declaring the order an “infamous crime,” revoked Baylor’s commission in the Confederate army and removed him as governor of Arizona. After the New Mexico Campaign, Baylor fought as a private at the Battle of Galveston and was elected to the Second Confederate Congress. He died at Montell on the Nueces River on February 6, 1894, and is buried in the Ascension Episcopal

notes to pages 3–4

•  189

Cemetery. Jno. R. Baylor to [Thomas] Helm, March 20, 1862, OR, 1, 50:942; Baylor to John Magruder, December 29, 1862, OR, 1, 15:914–18; George W. Baylor, John Robert Baylor, Confederate Governor of Arizona, edited by Odie B. Faulk (Tucson: Arizona Pioneers’ Historical Society, 1966); L Boyd [sic] Finch, “Arizona’s Governors Without Portfolio: A Wonderfully Diverse Lot,” Journal of Arizona History 26 (spring 1985): 81–87; Martin H. Hall, “Planter vs. Frontiersman: Conflict in Confederate Indian Policy,” in Essays on the American Civil War, edited by William F. Holmes and Harold M. Hollingsworth (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1968), 45–71. 5. John P. Wilson, “Whiskey at Fort Fillmore: A Story of the Civil War,” New Mexico Historical Review 68 (April 1993): 109–32; George Wythe Baylor, Into the Far Wild Country: True Stories of the Southwest, edited by Jerry Thompson (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1996), 188–89. 6. Preoccupied with hostile Apaches, Baylor sent a letter ordering the extermination of the hostile Mimbreños at Pinos Altos. When word of this controversial order reached Richmond, President Jefferson Davis removed him from command. Jno. R. Baylor to [Thomas] Helm, March 20, 1862, OR, 1, 50:942: Hall, “Planter vs. Frontiersman,” 942. 7. Wilson, “Whiskey at Fort Fillmore,” 100–132; James Cooper McKee, Narrative of the Surrender of a Command of U.S. Forces at Fort Fillmore, New Mexico, July A.D. 1861 (Houston: Stagecoach Press, 1961), 6–39; W. W. Mills, Forty Years at El Paso, 1858–1898, edited by Rex Strickland (El Paso, Tex.: Carl Hertzog, 1962), 37–57; John R. Baylor to T. A. Washington, September 21, 1861, OR, 1, 4:17–20; I. Lynde to AAAG, July 26, 1861, OR, 1, 4:4–5; Lynde to AAAGeneral, August 7, 1861, OR, 1, 4:5–6; Statements of Alfred Gibbs, J. Cooper McKee, and C. H. McNally, n.d., OR, 1, 4:9–14; Terms of Surrender of U.S. Troops to C.S. Troops, July 27, 1861, San Augustine Springs, N.Mex., OR, 1, 4:7. 8. John P. Wilson, “Retreat to the Rio Grande: The Report of Captain Isaiah N. Moore,” Rio Grande History 2, nos. 3–4 (1975): 4–8. 9. B. S. Roberts to Canby, July 7, 1861, Unregistered Letters Received (ULR), DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 10. Ibid. 11. Roberts to Canby, August 2, 1861, OR, 1, 4:22; Baylor to Earl Van Dorn, August 14, 1861, OR, 1, 4:24. 12. John P. Wilson, When the Texans Came (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001), 156–76. 13. Joseph Emmanacker, James V. Mosse, and Thomas G. Pemberton were killed. Martin H. Hall, Confederate Army of New Mexico (Austin: Presidial Press, 1978), 322–24, see n. 348.

190  •

notes to pages 4–5

14. Born at Natchitoches, Louisiana, on May 25, 1816, Sibley attended the Grammar School of Miami University at Oxford, Ohio. Largely through the influence of his grandfather, Dr. John Sibley, he was able to secure an appointment to West Point. Following his graduation in 1836, he was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Second Dragoons and saw action in Florida against the Seminoles and in Mexico with Gen. Winfield Scott. He spent five years on the Texas frontier, was in Bleeding, Kansas, and served in the 1857–58 expedition against the Mormons. Sent to New Mexico, Sibley served under Canby during the 1860 Navajo Campaign. After his disastrous New Mexico Campaign, he was court-martialed in 1863 following the Battle of Bisland. After the war, he served in the Egyptian army as a general of artillery, but was expelled in 1873, largely because of his heavy drinking. Back in the United States, he wrote articles for Frank Leslie, tutored students in French, and continued work on several military inventions. Although well known during the Civil War for the Sibley tent and stove, he died largely forgotten at Fredericksburg, Virginia, on August 23, 1866. Jerry Thompson, Confederate General of the West: Henry Hopkins Sibley (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1996). 15. Scholarly studies of the Confederate invasion of New Mexico include: Ray C. Colton, The Civil War in the Western Territories (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959); Donald Frazier, Blood and Treasure: Confederate Empire in the Southwest (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995); Martin H. Hall, Sibley’s New Mexico Campaign (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1960); and Robert Lee Kerby, The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico and Arizona, 1861–1862 (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1958). For firsthand accounts of the campaign, see Oliver J. Hollister, Boldly They Rode (Lakewood: Golden Press, 1949); Confederate Victories in the Southwest: Prelude to Defeat (Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1961); Union Army Operations in the Southwest: Final Victory (Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1961); Alonzo F. Ickis, Bloody Trails along the Rio Grande: A Day by Day Diary of Alonzo Ferdinand Ickis, edited by Nolie Mumey (Denver: Old West, 1958); Theophilus Noel, A Campaign from Santa Fe to the Mississippi, Being a History of the Old Sibley Brigade, edited by Martin H. Hall and Edwin Adams Davis (Houston: Stagecoach Press, 1961); Enrique B. D’Hamel, The Adventures of a Tenderfoot (Waco, Tex.: W. M. Morrison Books, n.d.); A. B. Peticolas, Rebels on the Rio Grande: The Civil War Journal of A. B. Peticolas, edited by Don E. Alberts (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984); Rafael Chacón, Legacy of Honor: The Life of Rafael Chacón, a Nineteenth Century New Mexican, edited by Jacqueline Dorgan Meketa (Albuquerque: University of New

notes to pages 5–6

•  191

Mexico Press, 1986); Jerry Thompson, ed., Westward the Texans: The Civil War Journal of Private William Randolph Howell (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1990); Morgan Wolfe Merrick, From Desert to Bayou: The Civil War Journal and Sketches of Morgan Wolfe Merrick, edited by Jerry Thompson (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1991); Jerry Thompson, Civil War in the Southwest: Recollections of the Sibley Brigade (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2001); Wilson, When the Texans Came; Henry Hopkins Sibley, The Civil War in West Texas and New Mexico: The Lost Letterbook of Brigadier General Henry Hopkins Sibley, edited by John P. Wilson and Jerry Thompson (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 2001). At least thirteen other shorter but nevertheless important diaries and memoirs have been published in various historical journals. 16. Thomas Green to A. M. Jackson, February 22, 1862, OR, 1, 9:519; Benjamin S. Roberts to William J. L. Nicodemus, February 23, 1862, OR, 1, 9:492. 17. John Taylor, Bloody Valverde: A Civil War Battle on the Rio Grande, February 21, 1862 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995), 124, 136. 18. Don E. Alberts, The Battle of Glorieta: Union Victory in the West (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998), 51–66; Thomas S. Edrington and John Taylor, The Battle of Glorieta Pass: A Gettysburg in the West, March 26–28, 1862 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998), 41–55. In 1862, Chivington became a hero in New Mexico for his destruction of the Confederate supply train at Johnson’s Ranch in Apache Canyon during the Battle of Glorieta. He ably commanded Fort Craig in 1863 and was responsible for the slaughter of Cheyenne Indians at Sand Creek, Colorado, in November 1864. After the war, he settled briefly in Nebraska, California, and then Ohio, where he became a newspaper editor and politician. Chivington returned to Denver in 1883, where he became a deputy sheriff. He died there of cancer in October 1894 at the age of seventy-three. Today he is largely reviled as the “Butcher of Sand Creek.” See Reginald S. Craig, The Fighting Parson: Biography of Col. John M. Chivington (Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1959). 19. Steele commanded the Seventh Regiment Texas Mounted Volunteers of the Sibley Brigade. The New York–born Steele was an 1840 graduate of the United States Military Academy and a veteran of the Second United States Dragoons, as was General Sibley. During the Mexican War, Steele fought with Gen. Zachary Taylor at Palo Alto, Resaca de la Palma, and Monterrey, and with Gen. Winfield Scott at Veracruz, Cerro Gordo,

192  •

notes to pages 8–9

and Churubusco. In the early 1850s, Steele was at various outposts on the Texas frontier and in New Mexico Territory at Fort Conrad and then at Fort Craig, where he fought Apaches. Steele also served in the 1855 Sioux Expedition and the 1859 Kiowa and Comanche Expedition. At Fort Scott, Kansas, in 1861, he resigned his commission, probably as a result of the influence of his wife, the daughter of a former governor of Florida. During the Confederate invasion of New Mexico, Steele remained in command of the Texan forces in the Mesilla Valley and at El Paso. When Colonel Baylor departed in a huff, Sibley made Steele the military governor of Arizona. Following his evacuation of the area in the late summer of 1862, Steele was promoted to brigadier general and was placed in command of the defenses of Galveston and in 1864 was in the bloody Red River Campaign. He opened a mercantile business in San Antonio after the war and became the Texas adjutant general in the 1870s. He died in San Antonio on January 12, 1885. 20. Aurora Hunt, Major General James Henry Carleton, 1814–1873: Western Frontier Dragoon (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1958), 130–56; James H. Carleton, Diary of an Excursion to the Ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira in New Mexico in 1853 under the Command of Major James Henry Carleton (Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1965); 33rd Congressional Report, 2d sess., House Miscellaneous Document 37, 296–316; Sacramento Daily Union, June 9, 12, 1862. 21. Carleton to Canby, May 3, 1862, OR, 1, 9:560; Carleton to Canby, June 11, 1862, OR, 1, 9:561–62. While in Tucson, Carleton obtained a 632-pound meteorite that had been discovered in the Santa Rita Mountains southeast of Tucson. He had the meteorite carried west and presented to the City of San Francisco, where it remained until it was transferred to the Smithsonian Institution in 1941. Hunt, James Henry Carleton, 329–30. 22. Carleton to Canby, August 2, 1862, OR, 1, 9:557–58. 23. E. E. Eyre to Benj. C. Cutler, July 8, 1862, OR, 1, 9:591–92; Eyre to J. M. Chivington, July 10, 1862, and M. S. Howe to G. Chapin, July 11, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. For Jones and his previous dealings with Capt. Sherod Hunter, see L Boyd [sic] Finch, Confederate Pathway to the Pacific: Major Sherod Hunter and Arizona Territory, C.S.A. (Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1996), 128–29, 146–48. 24. M. S. Howe to G. Chapin, July 15, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 25. According to Col. Marshall Saxe Howe, commanding Fort Craig at the time, Colonel Chivington was “resolved either to resign or have his regiment out of the territory; he does not think that he can control

notes to pages 9–10

•  193

his men after being paid, if there is not some enemy to contend with.” Howe to Chapin, July 11, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 26. The men took up quarters in a building owned by the disloyal Rafael Armijo, a wealthy Albuquerque merchant who had fled south with the Texans. 27. Eyre to Cutler, July 8, 1862, OR, 1, 9:591–92; Eyre to F. Van Vliet, July 23, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 28. Carleton to Richard C. Drum, September 20, 1862, OR, 1, 9:570. 29. Carleton, General Orders No. 11, July 27, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Carleton to Drum, September 20, 1862, OR, 1, 9:565–66; Douglas C. McChristian, Fort Bowie, Arizona: Combat Post of the Southwest, 1858–1894 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2005), 48–86. 30. Carleton to Drum, September 20, 1862, OR, 1, 9:566. In June 1862, when the miners at Pinos Altos appealed to Col. William Steele for assistance, he responded that he did not have provisions even for his own men. “I cannot therefore,” Steele wrote, “make a peace with the Indians on the basis of furnishing them with rations. Neither am I in a condition to attempt to chastise them, or even to give you the protection of a portion of the forces under my command.” Steele to Wm Marks, et al., June 24, 1862, William Steele, Letter book, Trans-Mississippi Department, RG 109, Records of the Confederate AGO, NA. 31. E. D. Shirland to Joseph R. West, August 10, 1862, OR, 1, 9:571. 32. Cutler, General Orders No. 15, August 14, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:65. 33. Wm. Steele to Wm. H. Clever, June 27, 1862, and Steele to S. Cooper, July 12, 1862, in Steele, Letter book, RG 109, Confederate AGO, NA; see also Wilson, When the Texans Came, 310. Many of the natives in the valley were able to drive their animals down the river and into Mexico. M. S. Howe to G. Chapin, August 5, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 34. Sacramento Daily Union, August 8, 1862. 35. Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, August 18, 1862; Howe to Chapin, July 15, 1862, and E. E. Eyre to J. M. Chivington, July 10, 1862, both in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Frank Jenkins, “Foraging in the Mesilla Valley: The Last Confederate Fight in New Mexico,” Password 46 (winter 2001): 159–73; Arthur R. Carmody Jr. to editor, March 18, 1992, editor’s files. The Alabama-born, twenty-six-year-old Clever commanded Company D of Steele’s Seventh Texas, which had been recruited in Angelina County. Mamie Yeary, Reminiscences of the Boys in Gray, 1861–1865 (Dayton, Ohio: Morningside, 1986), 502; Hall, The Confederate Army of New Mexico, 343–47. In his ruthless policy toward the Indians of the Trans-Pecos and New Mexico,

194  •

notes to pages 10–12

including the attempted extermination of the Mimbres Apaches at Pinos Altos, Col. John Robert Baylor had developed amicable relations with the Hispanics in the valley, even recruiting a company from the local population to assist in fighting the Indians. The editor is sincerely appreciative of the untiring efforts of noted New Mexico Civil War historian John P. Wilson, who searched the church records at Mesilla, Doña Ana, and Las Cruces in an attempt to learn the names of the Hispanos who died in the fighting. John P. Wilson to Jerry Thompson, February 20, March 2, 5, 9, 2007, editor’s files. 36. Sacramento Daily Union, August 8, 1862. 37. Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph, August 18, 1862; San Antonio SemiWeekly News, July 21, 1862; Hall, Confederate Army of New Mexico, 250–52; Wilson, When the Texans Came, 311–12. 38. Carleton to Drum, September 20, 1862, OR, 1, 9:572. A second flood in 1865 destroyed the small village of Santo Tomás, rechanneled the Rio Grande, and placed Mesilla on the east bank of the river. 39. Besides the news of fighting between the Rebels and Hispanics, a rumor reached the Federals at Cañada Alamosa that the Texans “had taken Sibley from his carriage and hung him.” M. S. Howe to W. J. S. Nicodemus, July 26, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 40. OR, 1, 9:567. 41. Cutler, General Orders No. 16, August 22, 1862, OR, 1, 9:577. 42. Shirland to Cutler, September 2, 1862, OR, 1, 9:577–78. 43. When Col. William Steele passed through Fort Davis in late July 1862, he left Capt. Angel Navarro in command of the post with orders not to abandon the fort until “transportation could be procured to remove the sick and such stores, ammunition, etc., as may be of value.” When Navarro departed for San Antonio, Belgian-born Dietrick Dutchover and several civilians tried to hold on to the fort, but when the Mescaleros rushed in and began looting the post, Dutchover and his companions hid on the roof of one of the buildings for two days and nights, and then fled to Presidio del Norte, leaving one of their sick comrades behind. It was the remains of this unfortunate individual that Shirland found. Robert Wooster, Frontier Crossroads: Fort Davis and the West (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2006), 65; Steele to Angel Navarro, July 25, 1862, Steele, Letter book, RG 109, Confederate AGO, NA. 44. Shirland to Cutler, September 2, 1863, OR, 1, 9:579.

notes to pages 12–13

•  195

45. Carleton to Drum, September 20, 1862, OR, 1, 9:567. 46. Jerry Thompson and Lawrence T. Jones III, Civil War and Revolution on the Rio Grande Frontier: A Narrative and Photographic History (Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 2004), 70; Stephen A. Townsend, The Yankee Invasion of Texas (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2006), 143–44; T. P. McManus to N. J. T. Dana, February 13, 1864, OR, 1, 34, 2:316–20. 47. N. P. Banks to Carleton, November 5, 1863, and R. W. Creel to J. R. West, December 7, 1863, both in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 48. M. M. Kimmey to West, October 14, 1863, OR, 1, 26, 1:916–17; West to Kimmey, September 7, 1863, OR, 1, 50, 2:607. West was born in New Orleans, Louisiana, on September 19, 1822, but moved with his parents to Philadelphia, where he was educated in private schools. He attended the University of Pennsylvania in 1836–37 and commanded a company of Maryland and District of Columbia volunteers during the Mexican War. After the war, he moved to California, where he became proprietor of the San Francisco Price Current and was known as the “Bald Eagle” because of his distinctively bald head. In June 1862, West succeeded Carleton as colonel of the First California Infantry and was promoted to brigadier general on December 16, 1862. Commanding the District of Arizona from Franklin and Mesilla, West exerted considerable effort in preparing for a second Confederate invasion. Even more ruthless than Carleton, he helped launch a vicious campaign against the Apaches and was responsible for the murder of Mangas Coloradas. Although West was close to General Carleton, the two grew competitive and became adversarial. In fact, some of West’s letters written to Carleton from Franklin and Mesilla are blunt and exceedingly defiant. West consistently complained that Carleton sent orders to officers in his district without consulting him first. Outraged, he asserted that Carleton did not have confidence in him and had even sent a “secret spy” to watch him. Consequently, in the spring of 1864, West was ordered east to command the Department of Arkansas, where he ably led a division during Gen. Nathaniel Bank’s unsuccessful Red River Campaign. By the end of the war, he commanded all the cavalry in the Department of the Gulf. On the same day that he was mustered out of volunteer service at San Antonio, Texas, on January 4, 1866, he was breveted a brigadier general. During the early days of Reconstruction, West was elected to the U.S. Senate as a Republican from Louisiana. He died on October 31, 1898, in Washington, D.C., and was buried in Arlington National Cemetery.

196  •

notes to pages 13–17

49. West to Cutler, December 28, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. See also Glen Sample Ely, “Gone from Texas and Trading with the Enemy: New Perspectives on Civil War West Texas,” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 110 (April 2007), 453–54. 50. H. W. Halleck to Carleton, April 11, 1864, OR, 1, 34:135–36. 51. West to Cutler, September 5, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. As West was soon to realize, any Union movement into the TransPecos was certain to have been detected by Henry Skillman and his Confederate scouts, and warnings would have been sounded in San Antonio and on the Rio Grande. 52. Carleton to Canby, September 9, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 53. Cutler, General Orders No. 17, August 27, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:89; Carleton to Commander of Confederate Troops, San Antonio, September 1, 1862, OR, 1, 9:580–81; E. F. Gray to Carleton, October 6, 1862, and N. J. Pishon to Cutler, September 18, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Gray assured Carleton that Lieutenant French “could return in safety to the Federal lines.” 54. Carleton to West, September 8, 1862, OR, 1, 9:583. 55. Carleton, General Orders No. 20, September 5, 1861, OR, 1, 9:581. See also Ruth Waldrop Hord, ed., “The Diary of Lieutenant E. L. Robb, C.S.A., from Santa Fe to Fort Lancaster, 1862,” Permian Historical Annual 18 (December 1978), 69. 56. Carleton, General Orders No. 84, September 18, 1862, OR, 1, 9:582–83. 57. Francis B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, from its Organization, September 29, 1789, to March 2, 1903, 2 vols. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1965), 1:999. Wallen had married Laura Louise DeCamp at Jefferson Barracks, Missouri, on April 25, 1844. 58. Wallen to F. W. Kellogg, December 22, 1861, Henry Davies Wallen, Compiled Service Record (CSR), RG 94, AGO, NA. 59. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:409. Evans was born at Elkton, Maryland, on July 6, 1829, the son of Dr. Amos A. Evans, a distinguished naval surgeon who served on the U.S.S. Constitution during the War of 1812. Cecil Democrat, April 28, 1906; Cecil Whig, April 28, 1906. 60. Alexander Evans to [John G. Parke], May 1, 1866, Andrew Wallace Evans, CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 61. Henry W. Halleck endorsement of D. W. Bradford to L. Thomas, August 19, 1862, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 17–20

•  197

62. Henry D. Wallen to George B. McClellan, January 20, 1862, in “Answer to the Question: ‘Where Were You during the Rebellion?’ Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 63. L. Thomas, Special Orders No. 6, December 21, 1861; Thomas to Wallen, February 5, 1862; Wallen to Thomas, March 1, 1862; J. C. Fremont to Wallen, April 20, 1862; Thomas to Wallen, April 10, 1862; all in Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 64. Wallen to W. P. Kellogg, December 22, 1861; L. Thomas, Special Orders No. 6, January 8, 1862; L. Thomas to Wallen, March 1, 1862; Thomas to John C. Fremont, April 10, 1862; all in Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 65. Proceedings of a Court of Inquiry which convened at Santa Fe, N. M., by virtue of Special Orders No. 171, October 2, 1862, Proceedings of United States Army Courts-Martial, RG 153, Judge Advocate General’s Office (JAGO), NA. A copy of the proceedings is in the Martin H. Hall Papers at the Texas State Archives, Austin. The reports appeared in the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette on March 1, 1862. 66. Proceedings of a Court of Inquiry Convened at Peralta, N. M., by virtue of Special Orders No. 76, May 22, 1862, Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA. See also J. Taylor, Bloody Valverde, 71–77, 90–96, 127–28. 67. Proceedings of a Court of Inquiry, October 2, 1862, Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA. After approving the decision of the court, Carleton had the findings published as General Orders No. 92. Cutler, “Findings of Court of Inquiry on Conduct of Capt. R. S. C. Lord, First U.S. Cavalry,” October 13, 1862, OR, 1, 9:504–5. 68. Proceedings of a Military Commission which convened at Santa Fe, N. M., by virtue of Special Orders No. 119, July 8, 1862, Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA. See also Jerry Thompson, Desert Tiger: Captain Paddy Graydon and the Civil War in the Far Southwest (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1992), 34, 48. 69. Homobono Carabajal [sic], Court-Martial Case File NN 382, Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA. See also List of U.S. Soldiers Executed by United States Military Authorities during the Late War, n.d., Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA. 70. General Orders No. 33, DNM, December 31, 1863; General Orders No. 23, DNM, September 2, 1865, in List of Soldiers Executed, Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA. Also, Juan Madrid, Court-Martial Case File MM 2928, Proceedings of Courts-Martial, RG 153, JAGO, NA.

198  •

notes to pages 20–23

71. Ben C. Cutler, General Orders No. 15, June 15, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, Lawrence C. Kelly, ed., Navajo Roundup: Selected Correspondence of Kit Carson’s Expedition Against the Navajo, 1863–1865 (Boulder, Colo.: Pruett, 1970), 20–24. 72. Jas. G. Blunt to Canby, June 26, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 73. H. H. Hine to W. A. Van Vliet, October 22, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 74. James Graydon to AAAG, October 9, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 75. W. F. M. Arny to W. H. Seward, December 13, 1862, OR, 1, 15:641–42. 76. R. F. Bernard to J. L. Collins, May 10, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 77. David Perry to Cutler, May 9, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 78. Wallen to Cutler, November 30, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 79. Wallen to Carleton, November 21, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 80. Ibid. 81. Rigg to Carleton, April 28, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 82. West to Cutler, November 27, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:233–34; West to Cutler, November 30, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 83. Wallen to Carleton, November 30, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 84. W. H. Rossell to Cutler, August 25, 1863, copying Evans letter of June 5, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, NA. 85. Jno. Evans to Carleton, December 16, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 86. J. M. Schofield to Chivington, June 8, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 87. West to Cutler, November 19, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 88. West, Special Orders No. 74, November 10, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 89. West, General Orders No. 24, December 2, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:239. 90. Jose Ma. Gonzales to Carleton, November 19, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 91. Carleton to John Evans, January 28, 1863, OR, 1, 15:666. 92. A. L. Anderson, Proceedings of a Board of Officers convened at Mesilla, Arizona, at 10 o’clock am on the 2nd of February 1863, and Carleton, General Orders No. 4, January 16, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 24–26

•  199

93. Anderson, Proceedings of a Board of Officers, n.d., LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 94. West to Ed. B. Willis, November 29, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:235; West to Cutler, December 28, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; West to Carson, January 6, 1863, LR, Fort Stanton, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Although a Southerner by birth, Daily became as daring a Union scout as Skillman was a Confederate spy. Daily was said to have been on the box of the first eastbound Butterfield stage that reached Franklin just after noon on September 27, 1858. Three days later, Skillman was at the reins of the first westbound stage to reach the community. Mills, Fort Years at El Paso, 1858–1898, 20, 71–72, 177. 95. West to N. J. Pishon, November 9, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:214–15. 96. Carleton to West, November 18, 1862, OR, 1, 15:599. 97. West to Willis, September 9, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:106–7; West to Willis, February 2, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. In late November 1862, similar orders were sent to Maj. William McMullen. West to McMullen, November 27, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:232. 98. West to John C. McFerran, May 8, 1863, OR, 1, 15:722. 99. Carson to Carleton, December 14, 1862, and Carson to Cutler, January 17, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Francisco Abreu to Lawrence Murphy, December 2, 1862, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. For scouts down the Pecos River, see J. Thompson to Murphy, February 3, 1863, and Journal of a return-march of a Detachment of the 1st Regt., N. M. Vols. commanded by 1st Lt. Brady, from the lower Pecos to Fort Stanton, N. M., pursuant to Special Orders No. 5, bearing date “Headquarters, Fort Stanton, January 15, 1863,” both in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 100. Carson to Carleton, December 14, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 101. Carson to Carleton, December 18, 1862, and Jos. Smith to Cutler, May 11, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 102. William McMullen to West, December 1, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 103. H. J. Caniffe [sic] to P. R. Tully, November 26, 1862, and Willis to W. L. Rynerson, November 26, 1862, OR, 1, 15:606–7. 104. West to Fergusson, January 3, 1863, OR, 1, 15:635–36; Fergusson to West, February 13, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. From the time the California Column entered Arizona, Carleton also worked to maintain friendly relations with Gov. Ignacio Pesquería of Sonora. In March 1864, Carleton sent Capt. William Ffrench of the Fifth California

200  •

notes to pages 26–27

Infantry to Hermosillo, Sonora, to consult with Pesquería and obtain permission to transport supplies from the ports of Guaymas, Libertad, and Lobos to Tucson. Carleton was also interested in an agreement that would allow either the Mexican army or the United States Army to cross the border in pursuit of hostile Indians. Pesquería was more than willing to cooperate with the Federals, but asked that arms be lent or sold to him so he might better fight the Apaches as well as the invading French. Pesquería also granted Carleton the privilege of receiving supplies at the port of Guaymas for transportation into Arizona. Theo. A. Coult to William Ffrench, March 6, 1864; Coult to Cutler, March 18, 1864; Coult to Edmund E. Conner, March 6, 1864; Coult to Ignacio Pesquería, March 5, 1864; Coult to Carleton, June 5, 1864; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 105. West to David Fergusson, January 3, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; West to Fergusson, January 6, 1863, OR, 1, 9:638–39. 106. Fergusson to West, February 13, 1863, OR, 1, 15:674–75; Carleton to Pesquíra [sic], April 20, 1864, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Creelsboro, Russell County, Kentucky, was named for Elijah and Eliza Creel, the parents of Reuben Creel. Creel’s son, Enrique C. Creel, became a powerful political boss in Chihuahua, governor of the state from 1903 to 1906, and Mexican ambassador to the United States from 1906 to 1909. During the latter Porforiato, Reuben Creel also headed one of the largest business empires in Mexico. Mark Wasserman, “Enrique C. Creel: Business and Politics in Mexico, 1880–1930,” Business History Review 59 (winter 1985): 645–62. 107. Fergusson to West, February 13, 1863, OR, 1, 15:682–86. Named U.S. consul at Chihuahua in October 1863, Creel worked tirelessly, often through the American consulates in Matamoros and Monterrey, to maintain friendly relations with Governor Terrazas and to provide the army in New Mexico with information on Skillman and events in Texas. George L. Macmanus, an ebullient Southern sympathizer, had resigned as consul in March 1861, telling Secretary of State William Seward that the U.S. government no longer existed. Fergusson to United States Consul, Matamoros, Mexico, January 27, 1863, OR, 1, 15:686; Creel to West, November 9, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Creel to West, February 23, 1863, and William Seward to Carleton, March 16, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 108. Fergusson to West, February 13, 1863, OR, 1, 15:681–82. 109. Fergusson to West, February 13, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Terrazas to Carleton, April 11, 1863, OR, 1, 15:701. Acting governor of New Mexico W. F. M. Arny, who succeeded Connelly, had tried to

notes to pages 28–30

•  201

arrange a meeting with Terrazas on April 5, 1863, but the Chihuahua governor was unable to attend because the state legislature was to meet at that time. Terrazas to Arny, March 24, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 110. Fergusson to West, February 13, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Carleton wrote Governor Terrazas later in February, inviting him to cross the border, if necessary, to seize the “villain . . . Edward Hall” and the “band of outlaws and desperadoes” residing at Leaton’s Fort. Carleton to Luis Terrazas, February 20, 1863, OR, 1, 15:687. 111. West to Creel, May 26, 1863, OR, 1, 50, 2:458. 112. John S. Ford to E. P. Turner, February 8, 1864, OR, 1, 53:967–68; Ford to James Duff, February 9, 1864, John S. Ford Papers, Haley Memorial Library and History Center, Midland, Texas. Copy of the latter courtesy of Glen Ely. 113. Carson to Chapin, August 19, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Carson also complained that his men were “almost entirely destitute of ammunition.” Carson to Chapin, August 9, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 114. Miguel Gabaldon, et al., to the General Commanding the Department of New Mexico, March 29, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 115. E. I. Baily to Chapin, July 15, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. At the same time, Baily recommended that Drs. Whitlock, Gray, and Rankin be discharged. 116. Baily to Carleton, October 5, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 117. Baily to Carleton, October 5, 1862 (second letter), LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 118. James A. Bennett, Forts and Forays: A Dragoon in New Mexico, 1850–1856, edited by Clinton E. Brooks and Frank D. Reeves (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), x. 119. Everett, Compiled Service Records of Union Soldiers (CSR), RG 94, AGO, NA. Also, Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 72. In October 1863, Everett appeared for court-martial duty at Fort Canby “so drunk as to be wholly unable to perform any duty properly.” 120. Wallen to Rigg, May 11, 1863, and Rigg, General Orders No. 5, May 5, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 121. Samuel Archer to Cutler, November 30, 1869, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 122. A. I. Russell to Rigg, LR, Fort Craig (FC), DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 123. Russell to Rigg, October 1, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

202  •

notes to pages 31–34

124. Rigg to Carleton, September 7, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 125. Leo E. Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army in the Southwest (Santa Fe: National Park Service, 1993), 261, 441, 470–82. 126. For example, see the case of Robert Caesar as outlined in Evans to AAAG, October 15, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 127. Joseph Cummings to Chapin, August 6, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 128. Cummings to Chapin, August 13, 1862, Letters and Routine Reports Received, 1863–1866, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 129. Carleton, An Excursion to the Ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira, 16–17. Carleton’s biographer attempts to justify the remarks by citing the 1850 census, which indicated that the territory had 25,085 illiterate adults with only 466 children attending schools and that there were no schools in either Rio Arriba or San Miguel counties. Only eight teachers and nine physicians were enumerated, although there were numerous beggars and gamblers. Hunt, Major General James H. Carleton, 146–47. 130. Bennett, Forts and Forays, xxxi–xxxii, 14, 19–20. 131. E. W. Eaton to Chapin, August 18, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 132. Paul Horgan, Lamy of Santa Fe: A Biography (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975), 203–5, 230–33, 240–45. Taladrin had previously served as a missionary in Africa. Lamy had touched off a religious firestorm in the territory when he sent Taladrin to replace the controversial but popular Padre Antonio José Martínez at Taos. 133. Carson to Chapin, September 2, 1862, and John B. Lamy to Carleton, February 21, 1863, Taladrin CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 134. Carson to Chapin, September 10, 1862, Taladrin CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 135. Damaso Taladrin to Señor General, January 17, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 29–30, and Rio Abajo Weekly Press (Albuquerque), July 14, 1863. 136. Jos. Smith to Cutler, May 5, 1863, Taladrin CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 137. Taladrin to Cutler, June 12, 1863, Taladrin CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 138. As late as 1869, individuals were still filing claims hoping to receive compensation for animals, foodstuffs, and equipment supplied to the militia in 1861 and 1862. Militia Claims, AGO, New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. 139. Evans, “New Mexico Militia,” n.d., ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 140. C. P. Clever to Evans, July 7, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 34–36

•  203

141. Francisco Perea to Evans, July 12, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Capt. Francisco Aragon had recruited men from Los Corrales, Bernalillo, and La Alameda, and Capt. Nestor Jaramillo raised men in Los Ranchos, Candelaria, and Los Griegos. Capt. Francisco Montoya recruited men in Santa Ana County, and Capt. John Hubbell enlisted men in Valencia County. Capt. Juan de Dios Baca raised militia in Valencia County, especially at Belen. Although Perea could speak only for Bernalillo County, he was sure the same system was used in Valencia and Santa Ana counties. At the time, Santa Ana County included the area to the west of Santa Fe County, or a large part of what is today Sandoval and McKinley counties. 142. Diego Archuleta to Evans, July 16, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Capt. Luis Laroux raised a company in Mora County, and Manuel Jimenez recruited a company in San Miguel County. 143. José Pablo Gallegos to Evans, July 5, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Captains included Juan de Jesús Martínez and José de la Luz Gallegos of Rio Arriba County, Gabriel Vigil and Aniseto Valdez of Taos County, and Martínez of Mora County. 144. Evans to AAAG, November 14, 1862; Evans to AAAG, September 12, 1862, enclosed with a List of Companies of New Mexico Volunteers which have been discharged the service; both in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 145. Evans to Cutler, September 12, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 146. David A. Clary and Joseph W. A. Whitehorne, The Inspectors General of the United States Army, 1777–1903 (Washington, D.C.: Office of the Inspector General and Center of Military History, 1987), 201. In the armies, corps, divisions, and, in the case of the Department of New Mexico, geographical areas, the commander tended to appoint his own inspectors general. 147. Ibid., 191–92. 148. Carleton to Thomas, March 1, 1863, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 149. Carleton to Thomas, May 27, 1863, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 150. Although Wallen inspected Fort Wingate on July 11, 1863, there is no inspection report for that post. The report either was never written or was lost or misfiled in Santa Fe or perhaps in the office of the adjutant general in Washington, D.C. Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 72.

204  •

notes to pages 39–40

Chapter One 1. Jerry Thompson, ed., Texas and New Mexico on the Eve of the Civil War: The Mansfield and Johnston Inspections, 1859–1861 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001), 12, 41–44. 2. S. Soule to F. G. McFerran, March 30, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 3. L. Thomas, General Orders No. 14, February 14, 1862, OR, 1, 9:631. 4. Shortly after Wallen’s inspection of Fort Garland, Mayer was sent to Denver on recruiting duty. When Mayer’s regiment of the Colorado Volunteers was disbanded a few months later, he was appointed a major in the New Mexico Volunteers. Mayer commanded Fort Garland in the latter part of 1862. He denied using “political influence” to obtain a leave of absence, even saying he was a “bitter political enemy of Judge Kirby Benedict,” although the judge had been his personal lawyer for years. After serving on temporary duty in 1863 with the assistant provost marshal of Pennsylvania, Mayer was ordered to rejoin his regiment in New Mexico, but promptly obtained a medical certificate stating that he had bronchitis and several other ailments and was unfit for duty, a traditional military ploy to obtain additional leave. He resigned in December 1863. Mayer to Cutler, June 30, 1862; Mayer to Cutler, November 23, 1862; E. D. Townsend, Special Orders No. 475, October 23, 1863; Townsend, Special Orders No. 566, December 18, 1863; all in Mayer CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. The New York–born Eaton, age thirty-two and a “saw miller” by trade, had real estate worth $5,000. He is listed on the 1860 census at Santa Fe, along with his twenty-nine-year-old wife, Marcelina, his four children, and a servant. Eaton entered the service at Albuquerque on July 29, 1861, when he received a commission in the Second New Mexico Infantry. He was with Col. Miguel Pino in command of Company E of the regiment at Valverde and was later in the skirmish at Albuquerque, when General Canby, in Eaton’s words, “threw a few shells” into the village and received “a few shots in return.” He was also in the fighting at Peralta and transferred to the First New Mexico Cavalry when the volunteers were reorganized. After Eaton took command of Fort Garland, Maj. Archibald H. Gillespie wrote department headquarters in February 1863, complaining that Eaton was not fit to command the post because of his heavy drinking. Although Eaton claimed he rarely tasted liquor, rumors were rampant that he was frequently drunk. He denounced those spreading such hearsay as “cowards” and “scoundrels,” but orders arrived directing him to relinquish command of the post. General Carleton became particularly critical of Eaton

note to page 40

•  205

when Lt. Nicholas Hodt arrested three murderers in the Conejos Valley and Eaton somehow allowed the men to escape. As a result, Carleton ordered Eaton into the field to bring the murderers back “dead or alive.” After Eaton turned over command of the post to Lt. John Lewis on February 16, 1863, and was selecting thirty horses and eight mules, and loading a wagon with supplies for the excursion, Lieutenant Lewis decided that Eaton had one too many horses and ordered the party back to the post. Lewis was in the process of personally unsaddling one of the horses when Eaton violently grabbed the lieutenant by the neck and collar, slugged him in the ear, and announced that he was resuming command. Lewis did not respond, but immediately wrote Santa Fe, complaining of Eaton’s “cowardly act.” In April 1863, Eaton was found guilty of neglect of duty, disregard and contempt of army regulations, and conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman, and he was dishonorably dismissed. Claiming that his “honor was at stake” and with a letter from Judge John S. Watts attesting to his good character, Eaton rushed to Washington to present his case personally to Secretary of War Edwin Stanton, asking that the dismissal orders be revoked. Although Washington refused to revoke the order, Eaton did receive a new commission, and on November 23, 1863, he was made a major in the Volunteers and sent to command Fort Wingate. A year and a half later, on April 10, 1865, saying that he wanted to return to private life and that his family had suffered as a result of his service in the military, he resigned. “The war that has cost the nation so much blood,” he wrote, “is near its close and our union is preserved.” Eaton later settled at Galisteo with his wife and six children, where he is enumerated on the 1870 census as a farmer with real estate valued at $4,000 and personal property of $1,000. Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Ninth Census (1870), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Arch. H. Gillespie to Cutler, February 7, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, Special Orders No. 163, April 9, 1863; Eaton to AAAG, April 19, 1863; Eaton to Carleton, September 29, 1863; Eaton to L. G. Murphy, March 9, 1865; and Eaton to Cutler, April 3, 1865; all in Eaton CSR, AGO, RG 94, NA. In 1860, the German-born Deus (1822–91), age forty-three and a merchant, was living at Culebra, just south of Fort Garland, where he had real estate of $1,900 and personal property worth $3,000. In 1855, Deus had raised a company in Santa Fe County for campaigns against the Utes and Jicarilla Apache. At the beginning of the war, he sold his wagons, cattle, and even some personal belongings to purchase $3,500 worth of horses for men he recruited into the New Mexico Volunteers. Deus hoped to recover the money from either the men he

206  •

note to page 40

enlisted or the government. Thirty-three of the horses were rejected by the army, however, and were sent to a grazing camp at San Antonio, south of Socorro, where they disappeared during the Confederate invasion. At Valverde, Deus ably commanded Company I of the First New Mexico Volunteers. With the reorganization of the Volunteers in May 1862, he received permission to enlist what became Company M of the Volunteers at Buckeye Joe and Laurett (Montgomery) in the “Southern Mines” of Colorado Territory, near the headwaters of the South Platte River in Park County. Samuel H. Elbert, acting governor of Colorado Territory, strongly objected to men from Colorado being recruited into the New Mexico Volunteers, however. At the time of Wallen’s inspection, Deus was in the process of purchasing eighty fanegas (see chap. 5, note 5) of potatoes to feed his men. In May 1863, he became involved in a lengthy investigation when the former quartermaster in the department, James L. Donaldson, wrote General Carleton complaining that Deus had undertaken a “swindle” and demanded that he be “brought to justice.” Deus played an active role in the Navajo Campaign and was stationed at Fort Wingate from November 1863 to March 1864. When Deus was later stationed at Fort Bascom, Maj. Edward H. Bergmann preferred charges against him, alleging that during the Navajo Campaign, Company M had seized 5 horses and 800 sheep and that the men of the company were entitled to $20 for each horse and $1 for every sheep. Deus had either kept the horses or sold them, but never distributed the money. Major Bergmann also claimed that while at Fort Bascom, Deus disposed of four boxes of supplies, later claiming they had been stolen. Bergmann supported the charges with sworn statements from men in the company, and on August 8, 1865, Deus was charged with perjuring himself, enticing men in his company to commit perjury, defrauding the government, unlawfully disposing of government property, and signing a false certificate. Deus left the service on November 10, 1865, but five years later he was granted an honorable discharge. He spent the latter part of his life at Malachite, Huerfano County, Colorado, where he died on July 16, 1897. A brief autobiography of him can be found at the Colorado Historical Society, Denver, a transcript of which is in the Rio Grande Historical Collections at New Mexico State University, Las Cruces. For a photograph of his home at Malachite, see http://photoswest.org:8080/ cgi/cw_cgi. Eighth Census (1860), Taos County, New Mexico Territory, NA. Charles Deus to Cutler, October 14, 1862; Deus to Wallen, June 23, 1863; Donaldson to Carleton, May 28, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, Carson to Canby, June 16, 1862; A. H. Mayer to Deus, July 26, 1862; Bergmann to Cutler, August 2, September 29, 1865;

notes to page 40

•  207

Statements of Orlando Foster, Peter Engel, and John Bird, August 1, 1865; all in Deus CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. Hall enlisted as a second lieutenant in Capt. Theodore H. Dodd’s Company A of the Second Colorado Volunteers on December 27, 1861. Recruited in the area around Canon City, the company was in the forefront of the fighting at Valverde, where they received and bloodily repulsed the heroic yet suicidal charge of Sibley’s lancers, killing or wounding twenty of the Texans without suffering a single casualty. Taylor, Bloody Valverde, 68–71, 134; Dennis L. Potter, “Desperate Courage: An Account of the Texas Lancer Charge at the Battle of Valverde, New Mexico,” Military History of the West 36 (2006): 1–33. 5. In 1860, Philadelphia-born Edward “Ned” Wynkoop was living in Denver, where he listed personal property of $3,000, but no real estate. Standing six foot three with a penchant for wearing buckskins and carrying a Bowie knife strapped to his belt, Wynkoop was elected the first sheriff of Arapahoe County. He was in “Bloody Kansas” prior to the war and came to command Company A of the First Colorado Volunteers. The colorful Wynkoop was singled out for helping to destroy the Confederate wagon train at Johnson’s Ranch during the Battle of Glorieta. He also led an attack on General Sibley’s Texans at Peralta. Arriving back in Colorado, he was placed in command of Fort Lyon, where he tried, fruitlessly as it turned out, to make peace with the Cheyenne. As an outspoken critic of the 1864 massacre at Sand Creek, he was vilified by the Denver press, but in 1865 became Indian agent to the Arapahoe and Cheyenne. Wynkoop died in Santa Fe on September 11, 1891, and is buried in the National Cemetery in the city. Thomas D. Isern, “The Controversial Career of Edward W. Wynkoop,” Colorado Magazine 56 (winter 1979): 1–18; Flint Whitlock, Distant Bugles, Distant Drums: The Union Response to the Confederate Invasion of New Mexico (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 2006), 65, 177–78, 233, 255; Report of John M. Chivington, March 28, 1862, OR, 1, 9:538–39; Eighth Census (1860), Arapahoe County, Colorado Territory, NA. 6. Following the Confederate evacuation of the northern part of the territory, Company D of the First New Mexico Cavalry was briefly stationed at Albuquerque, Cubero, Santa Fe, and then sent north to Fort Garland. With thirty men from the company and another thirty men from Company H of the Colorado Volunteers, Captain Eaton spent much of September and October 1862 scouting the area along Apishapa Creek and the Spanish Peaks, southeast of Fort Garland, in search of a “party of armed men.” In November and December, after Company D had been remounted, Lt. Nicolas Hodt and twenty-five men rode west into the Conejos Valley to arrest “some disaffected persons.” Four times

208  •

notes to page 41

in January and February 1863, patrols returned to the Los Conejos area to maintain order. Ordered south for the Navajo Campaign, Company D left Fort Garland on June 11, 1864, and arrived at Los Pinos on June 28, after a march of 275 miles. Company and Regimental Muster Rolls, May 1862–June 1863, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 7. In 1860, the Hanover-born Hodt, thirty-two, was a “watchman” at Fort Marcy working for the Quartermaster Department. Hodt, who had spent five years in the infantry prior to the war, enlisted as a sergeant in Capt. Manuel Baca y Delgado’s Company I of the First New Mexico Cavalry and was promoted to second lieutenant on March 3, 1862, shortly after the Battle of Valverde, and eventually to captain in Company B. Despite his inability to make out his own company records, Hodt became one of the more popular officers in New Mexico. In a whiskey-induced row at Fort Defiance in August 1863, however, he was arrested and charged with conduct unbecoming an officer and drunkenness while on duty. Hodt was heard to say: “God dam[n] Major [Thomas L.] Blakeney. God dam[n] all those California officers. I will show you what I will do with them [one] of these nights.” Later admitting that he had taken “too many toddies,” he signed a pledge to abstain from liquor for a year and was restored to duty. On May 16, 1866, he was in camp east of Cubero at El Rito, one mile southeast of present-day Mesita, with eight men of Company G of the First California Cavalry and nine men from his Company B of the First New Mexico Cavalry, escorting seventeen Indian captives, when he died from the “accidental discharge of his pistol.” At a public meeting at Fort Wingate shortly thereafter, a resolution was drafted in tribute to Hodt. He was, all agreed, a “zealous and capable officer.” He was “brave almost to a fault and full of an energy that never flagged,” the resolution concluded. Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Post Returns (PR), Fort Wingate, May 1866, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, General Orders No. 38, March 3, 1862; Statement by Joseph C. Shaw, July 25, 1865; and Edmund Butler to C. H. De Forrest, May 1866; all in Hodt CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 8. A Kentuckian by birth and thirty-seven when the war began, Stevens served as quartermaster for the First New Mexico Cavalry during the Navajo Campaign and briefly as Provost Marshal at Fort Wingate, although he admitted being ignorant of what was required of the position. Stevens became involved in a feud with Capt. A. F. Garrison at Los Pinos in May 1863 after a fellow officer spoke disrespectfully of the “Regulars.” On June 19, 1864, Stevens resigned, claiming men with less seniority than he were being promoted over him. Providing testimony in a court-martial at Albuquerque, he also asserted that his “veracity”

notes to pages 41–42

•  209

had “been doubted.” Benjamin Stevens to Cutler, June 8, 1864; Stevens to Provost Marshal General, November 30, 1863; Stevens to J. G. McFerran, May 6, 1863; Stevens to Cutler, August 11, 1863; all in Stevens CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 9. James Parsons, Company H of the Second Colorado Volunteers, does not appear on either the 1860 or the 1870 census. 10. The twenty-two-year-old, Illinois-born Manville, a carpenter by trade, later returned to Colorado, where he settled in Larimer County, near Big Thompson. Ninth Census (1870), Larimer County, Colorado Territory, NA. 11. In 1860, the Irish-born Lewis (Louis), age twenty-seven, is listed on the census at Albuquerque as a member of Company I of the Fifth Infantry. A veteran of the antebellum army, Lewis was commissioned a lieutenant in Company C of the First New Mexico Volunteers. During the Confederate invasion, Maj. James L. Donaldson singled him out for his “great service” in the evacuation of Santa Fe on March 4, 1862. Promoted to first lieutenant, Lewis later commanded a company of the Second New Mexico Infantry at Cubero, where he reported that the Navajos and Lagunas in the vicinity of the post were peaceful but near starvation. The Lagunas, he wrote, were “faithful to the government.” At the same time, Lewis reported that many of the Acomas, near Cubero, thought the Texans were still in control of the territory. The lieutenant was concerned, however, that a band of twenty-five Hispano deserters from Capt. Gregorio Otero’s company of the Second New Mexico Infantry had assembled at Seboyeta, stealing Navajo children, selling them as slaves, and causing considerable turmoil. Lewis nevertheless promised to introduce himself to the outlaws, “Yankee fashion.” Transferring to Company D, Lewis was promoted to first lieutenant, but was arrested at Peralta in June 1862 on unspecified charges. After being arrested again at Fort Garland in May 1863 and subjected to a general court-martial, he resigned “unconditionally” on August 20—the resignation, by special order, to take effect on June 13. Then, after somehow being able to reenlist in the First New Mexico Infantry, Lewis was again brought before a court-martial, this time at Fort Union in April 1865, and charged with embezzlement and falsification of records. Specifically, he was accused of selling commissary stores to officers and citizens, but not remitting the funds to the government. Eighth Census (1860), Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory, NA; John Lewis to Eben Everett, May 20, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Donaldson to G. R. Paul, March 10, 1862, OR, 1, 9:527; Lewis to Cutler, August 20, 1863, and Charges and Specifications against 1st Lieut. John Lewis, 1st Inf. N. M. Vols., Lewis CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA.

210  •

notes to pages 44–46

12. Dr. B. McLain cannot be identified with any certainty. 13. Wallen is using “police” in reference to the troops’ inability to maintain proper sanitary conditions. 14. Born in St. Louis, Missouri, of French aristocrats who fled to the United States during the French Revolution, and a beaver trapper and frontiersman by trade, Ceran de Hault de Lassus de St. Vrain arrived in Taos about 1825, where he established a home. Forming a partnership with William Bent, he operated stores in Santa Fe and Taos. With the help of 300 U.S. troops and a few New Mexicans such as Manuel Chaves, he helped crush the Taos insurrection during the Mexican War and became a lieutenant colonel in the territorial militia in 1855. Around 1850, St. Vrain built the first modern gristmill in New Mexico, at Talpa, a few miles south of Taos, in the heart of the major grain center of New Mexico. Prior to the war, he also constructed a second mill at Mora, where he moved with his family in 1855, and held a number of army contracts for cornmeal and flour at Fort Union, Fort Craig, and Fort Garland. At the beginning of the Civil War, he briefly commanded the First New Mexico Volunteers but resigned. By 1862, he had the contract to supply Fort Garland with 250 tons of hay at $19 per ton. When St. Vrain died on October 28, 1870, he was buried with full military honors at Mora. The services were attended by as many as two thousand people, including the entire Fort Union garrison. Darlis Miller, Soldiers and Settlers: Military Supply in the Southwest, 1861–1885 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989), 17, 19, 33, 131; David Lavender, Bent’s Fort (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972). Biographical literature on St. Vrain is abundant. 15. Age twenty-eight in 1870, Stenett was a North Carolina–born farmer living near Fort Garland with his New Mexico–born wife and four children. He had real estate of $2,000 and personal property of $12,700. Ninth Census (1870), Costilla County, Colorado Territory, NA. 16. On the eve of the war, Easterday, a forty-two-year-old merchant, was living at Culebra along with his Kentucky-born wife and six children. He is listed on the 1870 census as a millwright, residing near Fort Garland with real estate amounting to $15,000 and personal property worth $800. At the time, he was serving as assistant marshal and census enumerator for Costilla County. By 1880, Easterday had moved to Alamosa, where he continued working as a millwright. Eighth Census (1860), Taos County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Ninth Census (1870), Costilla County, Colorado Territory, NA; Tenth Census (1880), Conejos County, Colorado Territory, NA.

notes to pages 46–47

•  211

Sixteen miles south of Fort Garland, Plaza de San Luis de la Culebra was a small settlement on the north bank of the Culebra River at the southern end of the San Luis Valley, beneath 14,047-foot Culebra Peak. 17. By this time, ascorbic acid, or vitamin C, was widely used by the frontier military to treat or prevent scurvy. 18. New Jersey–born Amos F. Garrison, age fifty-four in 1862, had served as commissary captain in a regiment of Missouri volunteers during the Mexican War. Discharged on November 30, 1848, he settled on the Missouri River, near Fort Osage, some fourteen miles northeast of Independence, Missouri. Garrison enlisted in the army again on August 7, 1861, and served until January 10, 1866, when he was mustered out. He was breveted major for his faithful and meritorious service in the subsistence department during the war and died on August 5, 1877. Eighth Census (1860), Jackson County, Missouri, NA; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:448. 19. The German-born Posthoff, twenty-nine, and his wife, Josefa Salazar, twenty-seven, along with their two children, are enumerated on the 1860 census at Costilla. A merchant by trade, Posthoff claimed real estate of $6,000 and personal property of $8,000. He caused a disturbance at Fort Garland at midnight on December 31, 1862, when he raced his two-horse buggy into the post. As the “merry makers” circled the parade ground, with “people singing” and “sleigh bells ringing,” Lt. Nicholas Hodt, the post adjutant, ran out of his quarters and fired his pistol into the air, the post bugler sounded an alarm, and the men on guard discharged a volley into the cold night air. Capt. Ethan W. Eaton, who was in bed at the time and not as festive, was fearful that news of the New Year’s “frolic” would reach department headquarters and reflect on his command, so he tried to cover up the incident. Eighth Census (1860), Taos County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Arch. H. Gillespie to Cutler, January 19, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Rick Manzanares, director, Fort Garland State Historic Site, interview by the editor, August 23, 2006. 20. By December 21, 1862, work on the blockhouses at Fort Garland had commenced. Logs were dragged and hauled from the slopes of Blanca Peak, but the work went slowly due to a lack of transportation and the fact that soldiers had to abandon construction to restore law and order in the Conejos Valley. The army had commenced a census of men capable of bearing arms by visiting every house in the twenty-one plazas in the valley. Fearing involuntary conscription, as many as fifty men fled across La Veta Pass to the headwaters of the Huerfano River.

212  •

notes to pages 51–52

A “spirit of lawless recklessness, which requires the strong arm of military power to punish and destroy without delay,” existed in the area, Maj. Archibald H. Gillespie wrote, convinced that the majority of men in the area were disloyal. Eaton to Cutler, December 21, 1862, and December 28, 1862; Gillespie to Cutler, October 29, November 8, 1862, and January 19, 20, 31, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

Chapter Two 1. Joseph K. Mansfield, Mansfield on the Condition of the Western Ports, 1853–54, edited by Robert W. Frazer (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963), 20; Marc Simmons, “Memories of Old Fort Marcy,” at http://www.sfol.com/history/fortmarcy.html. For Lt. Col. Joseph E. Johnston’s inspection on July 16, 1859, see Thompson, Texas and New Mexico on the Eve of the Civil War, 38–41. In 1887, when rumors circulated in the capital that a trove of silver Spanish coins was buried at the post, a frenzied crowd destroyed much of what remained of the adobe walls. Today, the remnants of the post, owned and protected by the City of Santa Fe, lie beneath grassy mounds of earth. 2. Charles Conrad to Edwin Sumner, April 1, 1851, in Annie Heloise Abel, ed., The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun While Indian Agent at Santa Fe and Superintendent of Indian Affairs in New Mexico (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1915), 383–84; Mansfield, Mansfield, xvi; Robert W. Frazer, Forts and Supplies: The Role of the Army in the Economy of the Southwest, 1846–1861 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983), 62. 3. Company B of the First California Infantry reached the Rio Grande on August 14, 1862. After being stationed at Mesilla from December 1862 to February 1863, the company was sent to protect the miners at Pinos Altos and was later stationed at a newly established Fort West, where the men remained from April until August 1863. When the post was abandoned, the company was briefly posted at Fort McLane and then at Fort Cummings from November 1863 to June 1864. It was thereafter transferred to Fort Craig, where the men served from July until they were mustered out on August 31, 1864. Richard H. Orton, comp., Records of California Men in the War of the Rebellion (Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1890), 328–29. 4. Gov. William Gilpin appointed Robb as first lieutenant in Capt. James Hobart Ford’s Company B of the Second Colorado Infantry. Setting out from Cañon City for Fort Garland on December 12, 1861, the men

note to page 52

•  213

arrived in the San Luis Valley nine days later and in Santa Fe just in time to evacuate the capital with other Federal forces. William Clarke Whitford, Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War: The New Mexico Campaign in 1862 (Denver: State Historical and Natural History Society, 1906), 43–44; Whitlock, Distant Bugles, Distant Drums, 92, 248; Edrington and Taylor, Battle of Glorieta Pass, 28, 30. 5. Los Valles de la Sierra de San Ildefonso, or Valle Grande, is a 176-square-mile caldera southwest of present-day Los Alamos. Following the Confederate evacuation, the Union army established a camp here at the headwaters of the east fork of the Jemez River to protect men who were cutting hay for the army from the large meadows, or vegas. In August and September 1862, Capt. Rafael Chacón, who was sent to guard the hay cutters with Company E of the First New Mexico Volunteers, reported daily contact with hostile Navajos. In August 1863, Lt. Erastus W. Wood arrived at Los Valles with a detachment of Company A of the First California Infantry after a difficult trip from the Rio Grande over rough mountain roads where wagons had to be repeatedly double-teamed. In the valley, Lieutenant Wood supervised the construction of cabins because the weather, even in early fall, he observed, was “very cold.” By September 1863, Lt. A. I. Russell, of the First California Infantry, reported that a storehouse capable of holding three or four months’ worth of provisions had been completed at Los Valles, and that the huts constructed by Wood and his men had been plastered and fireplaces completed. Hoping to punish the Navajo, who were raiding in the area, Lieutenant Russell rode out of the post in late August 1863 with fiftyone men of the First California Infantry, to be joined by sixty warriors from Santa Clara and San Ildefonso pueblos and by a band of Utes from Abiquiu. The punitive expedition proceeded to the village of Jemez, where, according to what Pueblo Indians had told Lieutenant Russell, several Navajos were being harbored. The village was surrounded, five Navajos were killed and scalped, and ten women and children were taken prisoner. In uneasy negotiations, the governor of Jemez, after first refusing, allowed Russell and the Pueblo Indians into the village, where more Navajos were dragged out and brutally killed and more women and children carried off as prisoners. “The fifteen prisoners taken by the Indian party [were] divided among themselves, as is their custom,” Russell reported. After a report by Captain Chacón concluded that the people of Jemez were furnishing the Navajos with ammunition, Carleton proposed to take several Jemez chiefs as hostages. Michael Steck,

214  •

note to page 55

superintendent of Indian affairs in the territory, warned that to do so would have “evil consequences.” The Jemez Indians were “an agricultural, peaceable, law abiding peoples, honorable in their treaty stipulations, and trustworthy in their private relations,” Steck argued. Steck sent John Ward to Jemez to investigate. Ward concluded that the Jemez Indians were at war with the Navajo and that fifty scalps had recently been taken. Moreover, the Navajos who had taken refuge in Jemez were servile, worked to carry wood, and toiled in the fields, for which they received provisions. On October 30, 1863, as many as 200 Navajos ran off a herd of cattle at Valle Grande and threatened to attack the small outpost. Commanding the camp at the time, Lt. Charles A. Curtis of the Fifth United States Infantry described Valle Grande as a “miserable trap.” The cabins at the outpost, Curtis reported, were “comfortless,” with no windows or ventilation. Robert Julyan, The Place Names of New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996), 369; Chacón, Legacy of Honor, 205–6, 387; Rafael Chacón to J. F. Chaves, n.d., OR, 1, 26, 1:257–59. Erastus W. Wood to Cutler, August 24, 1863; A. I. Russell to Cutler, September 12, 1863; Charles A. Curtis to Cutler, October 30, November 4, 1863; M. Steck to Carleton, September 19, 25, 1863; Steck to John Ward, September 19, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Company E Muster Rolls, August–September 1862, DNM, RG 94, AGO, NA. 6. An 1844 graduate of Jefferson Medical College in Philadelphia, Baily was appointed an assistant surgeon during the Mexican War and a surgeon on May 15, 1861, while stationed at Fort Union. Baily’s wife, Helen, age thirty-six and born in Bucks County, Pennsylvania, and their two children, ages eleven and six, are listed on the 1860 census at Fort Union, along with a sixteen-year-old black female servant. Appointed medical director by Canby, Baily continued in this capacity under Carleton. By December 1862, however, he was said to be suffering from an “obstinate and painful disease of the rectum,” and it was recommended he seek surgical treatment in the East. After serving in New Mexico during the war, however, Baily was ordered before a courtmartial in 1870 for conduct unbecoming an officer. The trial revolved around Baily’s mistreatment of his wife, from whom he had obtained a divorce under somewhat dubious circumstances. Acquitted, Baily became medical director of the Department of Arizona and served there until December 1873, when he was transferred to the Department of Columbia and eventually to the Department of the Pacific and the Department of Alaska. Bailey retired in 1888 as a brigadier general, remarried, and died of arteriosclerosis in San

notes to page 56

•  215

Francisco on March 23, 1908. Elisha Baily should not be confused with his brother, Joseph C. Baily, who was also a surgeon in the army in New Mexico at the time. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:182; Eighth Census (1860), Mora County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Carleton, General Orders No. 84, September 18, 1862, OR, 1, 9:582; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 681; E. I. Baily to Chapin, May 9, July 13, 1862, and James M. McNulty, et al., to [Carleton], December 20, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Constance Wynn Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue: Army Officers in Arizona Between 1851 and 1886 (Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1991), 17. 7. Charles Behler cannot be identified on the census or in army records with any certainty. 8. Green, age thirty-five in 1860, was involved in various enterprises in Santa Fe, including holding the mail contract between the territorial capital and Missouri. Living in Santa Fe since at least 1850, he was one of the original proprietors of the Exchange Hotel and part owner of the rival El Dorado. His real estate in 1860 was estimated at $9,000. John Watts, Adios Nuevo Mexico: The Santa Fe Journal of John Watts in 1859, edited by David Remley (Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 1999), 35, 46, 64; Frazer, Forts and Supplies, 199; Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA. 9. At the beginning of the war, Cooley served as regimental quartermaster in Col. Miguel E. Pino’s Second New Mexico Volunteers. Pino is not to be confused with his brother, Col. Nicolás Pino, who led 590 men of the Second New Mexico Militia in surrendering Socorro to the Texans on February 25, 1862, following the Battle of Valverde. The Pinos had initially resisted Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny’s occupation of the territory in 1846, but by the time of the Texan invasion sixteen years later they had become loyal citizens of the United States. Col. Miguel Pino’s men, who were responsible for a near riot at Belen in July 1861, skirmished with the Texans opposite Fort Craig on February 20 and escorted the ammunition train from the fort to Valverde on the afternoon of the battle. Although one company and part of another did cross the Rio Grande, Pino’s regiment was widely criticized, especially by Colonel Canby, for failing to reinforce the Regulars on the east bank and save Capt. Alexander McRae’s artillery battery. Although many of the men returned to the regiment after the battle, 129 were declared deserters. Nicolás Pino, forty, along with his thirty-two-year-old wife, Juana, is listed as a farmer on the 1860 census at La Cienega in Santa Fe County, where he had an estate of $2,500 and personal possessions of $1,500. Miguel Pino is also enumerated on the 1860 Santa Fe County

216  •

note to page 56

census as a farmer, age thirty-nine, single, with real estate of $15,000 and personal possessions of $5,000. Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Ninth Census (1870), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Report of Charles E. Wesche, May 5, 1862, OR, 1, 9:605; Taylor, Bloody Valverde, 116, 144; Jerry Thompson, ed., “The Civil War Diary of Major Charles Emil Wesche,” Password 39 (spring 1994), 39–41; Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, June 27, 1867. 10. The Maryland-born Donaldson is listed on the 1860 census as quartermaster at Fort Marcy, along with his Maine-born wife, Harriet, age thirty-seven, who listed her personal property at $55,000. Graduating fifteenth in the West Point class of 1836, Donaldson served first in the Third United States Artillery and then in the First Artillery. He was made quartermaster during the war with Mexico and was breveted captain for gallantry at Monterrey and major for bravery at Buena Vista. Prior to the Civil War, he was quartermaster at Fort Union and in command of the Military District of Santa Fe at the time of the Rebel invasion. He worked closely with Governor Connelly, who promised he could raise as many as 1,200 volunteers and militia. Beginning in late December 1861, Donaldson was in almost daily contact with Colonel Canby, promising he would advance and meet the enemy in the field if necessary. Anticipating that the Confederates would move by way of the Pecos River, Donaldson sent Capt. Joseph C. Shaw, with ten of his men and five Pueblo Indians, to scout down the river as far as the Bosque Redondo. Donaldson also wanted Giddings Ranch at Agua Negra, forty miles below Anton Chico, destroyed should the Texans advance by way of the Pecos. At the same time, he called for an “exterminating war” against the Navajos. “The idea is repugnant,” Donaldson wrote Canby, “but so are all wars.” Finally learning from Canby, at Fort Craig, that the Texans were moving out of the Mesilla Valley, Donaldson rode south to Fort Craig with Governor Connelly and Indian Agent James Collins, where he served on Colonel Canby’s staff at the Battle of Valverde. On the night following the battle, he volunteered to accompany Col. Nicolás Pino and 280 militiamen up the Rio Grande with orders to remove or destroy any public property that might fall into the hands of the invading Texans. In the process, Donaldson carried Canby’s report of the Battle of Valverde to Santa Fe, where it was sent to St. Louis. With 120 wagons containing stores valued at more than $250,000, he successfully evacuated Santa Fe on March 4, 1862. Donaldson was ordered east in late 1862 and spent time at Pittsburgh and Baltimore. He was later breveted a brigadier general for distinguished service during the Atlanta Campaign and a major general for faithful and meritorious service during the war. Donaldson

notes to page 57

•  217

retired on March 14, 1869, and died on November 4, 1885. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:378; Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Carson to Donaldson, January 4, 1862, and Donaldson to Canby, December 30, 1861, and January 2, 5, 6, 7, 8, 10, 12, 14, 19, 20, 21 (quote), 27, 1862, all in LR, DNM, AGO, RG 393, NA; Taylor, Bloody Valverde, 95–100; Canby to Adjutant General, February 23, 1862, OR, 1, 9:633–34; Donaldson to H. W. Halleck, March 1, 1862, OR, 1, 9:637; Wilson, When the Texans Came, 135. Capt. Rafael Chacón called Baca y Salazar “a very brave man.” Chacón, Legacy of Honor, 170. 11. The Polish-born Hersch immigrated to the United States in 1837 and lived in New York for a decade before making his way across the plains to Santa Fe, where he built a gristmill in the early 1850s. By 1852, he had contracted to provide the army with 50,000 pounds of flour annually. By 1858, he was using a steam-powered mill and had contracted with the army to furnish 266,500 pounds of flour. The following year he contracted to provide 320,000 pounds, but the flour was declared “indifferent—or bad,” and he received no additional contracts. At one time, Hersch also held a corn contract for the army in New Mexico and was said to be the wealthiest man in the territory. He was certainly the largest flour provider. In 1860, Hirsch possessed real estate estimated at $40,000. Frazer, Forts and Supplies, 81, 102–6, 213; Watts, Adios Nuevo Mexico, 217; Henry J. Tobias, Jews in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992), 34, 37, 39; Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA: Joseph Hersch to AAAG, June 13, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 12. The New York–born Holden, age forty in 1860, was living in Denver when the war commenced and is listed as a physician with no real estate or personal property. In December 1861, he was assigned to the New Mexico Volunteers guarding Abo Pass, but was reported to have arrived in camp with no medicines, although the commander, Maj. Luis María Vaca of the Third New Mexico Infantry, reported “quite a large list of sick patients who require careful attention.” Eighth Census (1860), Arapahoe County, Colorado Territory, NA; L. M. Vaca to Carson, December 25, 1861, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Rankin had earlier been assigned to Company F of the Second New Mexico Infantry. 13. Peck enrolled as a surgeon in the Third New Mexico Volunteers, a six-months n regiment, at the age of thirty-one in November 1861 and served at Hatch’s Ranch before joining the First New Mexico Cavalry as regimental surgeon in November 1862. Several officers in the regiment, including Kit Carson, Francisco P. Abreu, and Albert H. Pfeiffer, thought Peck incompetent. The entire regiment was dissatisfied with

218  •

notes to page 58

his services, and many of the officers who were sick had “declined his attendance even when other medical attendance was not available.” Besides, the officers asserted, Peck had a bad standing in the regiment, “socially and professionally.” At the beginning of the Navajo Campaign in July 1863, Capt. A. B. Carey accused Peck of neglect of duty in failing to bring any medical supplies to Fort Defiance. At Fort Canby, Peck came down with chronic dysentery, and when he diagnosed himself to be “totally unfit to do any duty,” he was given leave to regain his health in Santa Fe. After being absent without leave for several months, Peck resigned on July 13, 1864. A. W. Evans to AAAG, September 23, 1862, and A. B. Carey to J. C. McFerran, July 29, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Peck to Cutler, September 23, 1862; Peck Testimony, June 1, 1863; Peck to O. M. Bryan, July 18, 1864; Peck to Bryan, May 15, 1864; Cyrus H. De Forrest, Special Orders No. 19, June 9, 1864; Carson, et al., Statement, n.d.; all in Peck CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 14. From New Jersey, Rossell was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Tenth Infantry on March 3, 1855, and is listed on the 1860 census at Albuquerque as age forty-two. Taken prisoner at Valverde, but exchanged, he was breveted a major for gallantry and meritorious service and was appointed superintendent of recruiting services in New Mexico with the task of “collecting, drilling, and organizing volunteers.” In August 1863, however, he was ordered either to join his regiment in the East or to report to the Retiring Board in Washington, D.C. Rossell retired on November 28, 1863, and died on July 20, 1885. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:847; Eighth Census (1860), Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Sibley to S. Cooper, February 22, 1862, OR, 1, 9:506; Carleton, General Orders No. 83, September 18, 1862, OR, 1, 9:582; E. D. Townsend, Special Orders No. 359, August 13, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 15. Born in Germany in 1822, Pfeiffer immigrated to the United States in 1844 and made his way down the Santa Fe Trail to Santa Fe. He eventually settled in Taos, where he became a close friend of Kit Carson and worked as a trapper, guide, and Indian agent to the Southern Utes at Abiquiu. Pfeiffer married into a prominent Taoseño family and was living at Los Luceros in Rio Arriba County in 1860. When the Civil War erupted, he raised what became Company E of the First New Mexico Volunteers, largely at his own expense, and mustered them at Fort Union. Pfeiffer and his recruits were at the Battle of Valverde, and when he was dropped from the Volunteers in May 1862, Carson used his influence to have him reinstated, calling Pfeiffer “an old soldier” with “a large number of friends among the volunteers.” Pfeiffer, Carson said, was loyal, had a “praiseworthy disposition,” and was one of

notes to page 58

•  219

the best soldiers in the Volunteers. In 1863, after taking command of Capt. James Graydon’s company of the First New Mexico Volunteers at Fort Stanton, Pfeiffer was posted at Fort McRae. The thirty-eightyear-old captain, his pregnant wife, Antonia, an Indian servant named María, and a laundress, along with a friend and a detachment of six soldiers from Company H of the Volunteers, were at the mineral waters at Ojo Caliente on the Rio Grande (modern-day Truth or Consequences), where Pfeiffer was hoping to relieve his painful rheumatism and the unsightly rash on his face, when the party was attacked by Apaches. Two soldiers were killed in the “sad calamity,” and Pfeiffer fought until his ammunition was exhausted. Wounded in the left side with an arrow and naked, he fled across the Rio Grande. The three women were carried off as captives, but were later found by Maj. Arthur Morrison, gravely wounded and badly bruised. Carried back to the fort, Antonia Pfeiffer and her servant girl died of their wounds. A reporter for the Santa Fe Daily New Mexican noted in January 1877 that “a plain board slab erected over the grave of Mrs. Pfeiffer” was still standing in the post cemetery. Although Pfeiffer recovered and resumed his command, he was badly wounded again by Apaches on June 2, 1864, while on a scout in the Mogollon Mountains. He was active in the Navajo Campaign and eventually rose to the rank of colonel in the Volunteers and served until October 31, 1867. The colorful Pfeiffer died at his ranch and farm near Del Norte, Colorado, on April 6, 1881. Ann Oldham, Albert H. Pfeiffer: Indian Agent, Soldier, and Mountain Man (N.p.: Instantpublishing.com, 2003), 84–90, 250–58; [Edward Baker] Willis, “Heroism of a Dutch Officer,” Field and Stream (September 29, 1894); Eighth Census (1860), Rio Arriba County, New Mexico Territory, NA; A. Morrison to AAG, June 23, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Carson to Canby, May 27, 1862; Pfeiffer to Cutler, October 11, 1862; Charles M. Hubbell to E. A. Rigg, June 21, 1863; Pfeiffer to Cutler, November 14, 1863; S. Rankin, Statement, June 26, [1864]; all in Pfeiffer CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. A copy of the June 21 letter from Hubbell to Rigg is in LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. See also Robert J. Tórrez, ed., New Mexico in 1876–1877, A Newspaperman’s View: The Travels and Reports of William D. Dawson (Ranchos del Albuquerque, N.Mex.: Rio Grande Books, 2007), 33. For an interesting biographical sketch and photographs of Pfeiffer, see http://www.nmnh.si.edu/naa/taylor. 16. From the “Old Army,” McCabe was one of the most respected officers in the New Mexico Volunteers. On April 15, 1847, at the age of eighteen, he enlisted in the Fourth Indiana Volunteers to fight in Mexico and, when discharged at the end of the war, enlisted in the Second United States

220  •

notes to pages 58–59

Dragoons, where he served a five-year enlistment before joining the Mounted Rifles and rising to the rank of sergeant major. Shortly before the Battle of Valverde, he was made a second lieutenant in the Fourth New Mexico Volunteers, but was attached to the Third United States Cavalry. After the Confederate retreat, he transferred to Company L of the First New Mexico Cavalry and in 1862–63 spent considerable time on recruiting duty at Santa Fe and Albuquerque. As “far as the discipline, instruction, and management of a cavalry company is [sic] concerned, I will yield to no other lieutenant in the regiment,” McCabe bragged. Promoted to captain and major, he played a prominent role in the 1862–63 Mescalero Campaign, was active in the Navajo Campaign, and was seriously injured with pain in the sternum and his left testicle when he fell from his horse during that campaign. Later at Bosque Redondo, McCabe took a valuable census of the Navajo captives. On the evening of March 7, 1866, while in command of the post at Albuquerque, McCabe wrote several letters and read for some time before retiring for the night. Shortly after midnight, he was suddenly seized with what appears to have been a heart attack and died without speaking. William A. Keleher, Turmoil in New Mexico, 1846–1868 (Santa Fe: Rydal Press, 1952), 380; Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 29; Chacón, Legacy of Honor, 285–93, 397. Statement of Geo. Gwythere, April 4, 1864; McCabe to Carleton, June 15, 1865; McCabe to Cutler, July 24, 1865; Special Orders No. 129, December 6, 1864; Hugh Johnson to Cyrus De Forrest, March 8, 1866; Johnson to Rigg, March 8, 1866; all in McCabe CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 17. Having served in the Seventh Infantry before the war, Robinson was commissioned a second lieutenant in Company M of the First New Mexico Volunteers at Fort Union in August 1862. While he was stationed at Rayado in February 1863, charges were preferred against him for drunkenness, the use of disrespectful language toward a superior officer, and conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman. It was said Robinson solicited “citizens and private soldiers to go and drink intoxicating liquors with him.” Consequently, Robinson resigned on March 20, 1862. Robinson to Chapin, August 12, 1862; Carleton to De Forrest, April 1, 1862; Charges and Specifications Preferred Against 2nd Lieut. James Robinson, n.d.; Wallen to Adjutant, October 8, 1862; all in Robinson CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 18. Born in Warsaw, Poland, Machowitz served in the Prussian army before immigrating to the United States in 1850 and enlisting in the United States Army. He was with Carleton in the First Dragoons on the frontier for six years and was promoted to sergeant. After being discharged in 1856, Machowitz remained in New Mexico and became

note to page 60

•  221

friends with a large number of prominent individuals, especially in Santa Fe. Recruited into the First New Mexico Cavalry by Capt. Louis Felsenthal, Machowitz transferred to First Lt. Jesús María Sena y Baca’s Company B, after the Battle of Valverde. Capt. A. F. Garrison wrote to department headquarters in February 1863 complaining that Machowitz owed the government $1,196 and that his “papers are entirely unsatisfactory and incorrect.” Hoping to ingratiate himself with Carleton, Machowitz reminded the general of his service in the dragoons before the war. “I, as a citizen now of the United States, consider it my duty to fight for and suffer in the cause of the Union as long as I am able to draw a sword or pull a trigger,” Machowitz wrote. Although he hired several clerks to assist with the paperwork and spent more than $500 of his own money, he continued to be criticized for his poor bookkeeping and was discharged. He reenlisted, however, and returned to the ranks as a sergeant major. Jacqueline Meketa, Louis Felsenthal: Citizen-Soldier of Territorial New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 135; Garrison to McFerran, February 15, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, Luis Felsenthal to Wm. McMullen, April 20, 1864, and B. Machowitz to Commanding General, November 29, 1862, Machowitz CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 19. A career officer in the “Old Army,” the Kentucky-born McFerran graduated from West Point in 1842 and served in the Third United States Infantry before transferring to the Seventh Infantry. Returning to the Third Infantry as regimental quartermaster at the beginning of the Mexican War, he was promoted to captain in 1855. Serving as assistant quartermaster in the Department of New Mexico during the Confederate invasion and although lacking sufficient wagons and draft animals, McFerran diligently worked to stockpile supplies at Albuquerque, Fort Union, Fort Craig, and smaller depots in the territory. With the Texan victory at Valverde, he ordered the supplies at Polvadera, Belen, Albuquerque, and Santa Fe destroyed. Following the Confederate reversal at Glorieta, with little food in the territory, McFerran labored to supply the soldiers at the isolated posts in New Mexico, even borrowing money from some of the wealthier Hispanos living near Albuquerque. Appointed chief quartermaster of the department on September 18, 1862, he struggled for the remainder of the war to improve the roads in the territory and to supply the troops during campaigns against the Mescaleros, Mimbreños, and Navajos. A close confidant of General Carleton, McFerran was promoted to major in 1863 and to colonel in 1864, and after the war was breveted a brigadier general for faithful and meritorious service. He was appointed chief quartermaster of the Department of the South during the early days

222  •

notes to pages 61–64

of Reconstruction. No one appears to have been more respected in the frontier army in New Mexico than McFerran. He died on April 25, 1872, from “rheumatic infection of the brain.” Miller, Soldiers and Settlers, 10–11, 18–19; Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 88; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:665; Carleton, General Orders No. 84, September 18, 1862, OR, 1, 9:582. 20. Built in 1860 and originally called Fort Wise, Fort Lyon was located on the north bank of the Arkansas River, a mile west of William Bent’s New Fort, near what is today Amity, Prowers County, Colorado. Fort Lyon was named after Gen. Nathaniel Lyon, who was killed at the Battle of Wilson’s Creek in Missouri. In 1865, the post was abandoned, and the troops were transferred to a new site near Las Animas in Bent County. 21. From Indiana, Watts was made paymaster to the Volunteers in June 1862. After the war, he was breveted a lieutenant colonel for his faithful service in the territory. He was mustered out on June 1, 1869. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:1010. From the District of Columbia, Whitall was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Fifth United States Infantry in August 1838, promoted to first lieutenant in June 1845, and promoted to captain in September 1847. Breveted for gallantry at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma, he was made a major and paymaster in August 1861. For meritorious service during the Civil War, he was breveted again, this time a lieutenant colonel. Whitall died on March 31, 1866. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:1026–27.

Chapter Three 1. Mansfield, Mansfield, 15. 2. For the impact of Fort Union on the economy of the area, see Richard Flint and Shirley Cushing Flint, “Fort Union and the Economy of Northern New Mexico,” New Mexico Historical Review 77 (winter 2002): 27–55; Frazer, Forts and Supplies, 7–8, 221–23. 3. With forty-five men, Shoup pursued a band of Comanches 250 miles onto the Llano Estacado, for which Chivington referred to him as a “gallant young officer.” While stationed at Camp Easton, Shoup was also responsible for overtaking and arresting the Green Russell party of Confederate sympathizers. See note 4 in this chapter. Before the war, the New York–born William H. Backus, age fiftytwo, was living with his wife and three children near Omaha, Douglas County, Nebraska Territory, where he listed real estate of $8,000

note to page 64

•  223

and personal property of $2,000. At the beginning of the war, he commanded Company G of the Second Colorado Volunteers. Moving south from Camp Weld, in April 1862, Backus had arrived at Fort Union with two companies of the Second Colorado, although only about half the men had horses. Eighth Census (1860), Douglas County, Nebraska Territory, NA; Ovando J. Hollister, Colorado Volunteers in New Mexico (Chicago: R. R. Donnelley and Sons, 1962), 47–198; Wm H. Backus to Commanding Officer at Fort Union, April 16, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 4. At Camp Easton on October 26, 1862, Captain Backus determined that a party of Colorado Secessionists, with two wagons, was proceeding down the Canadian River on its way to Fort Smith, Arkansas. With orders to arrest any unauthorized “whitemen” in the area, he sent Lt. George L. Shoup with nineteen men of the Second Colorado Volunteers in pursuit. Using Comanches as guides, Shoup followed the party 250 miles down the Canadian River into the heart of the Llano Estacado before surprising and capturing it. Several of his soldiers identified the leader of the party as Green Russell, a Confederate sympathizer and one of the men who had discovered gold on Cherry Creek, in the vicinity of Denver, in 1858. Besides Green Russell, the party consisted of his brothers, Oliver and Levi J.; a cousin, James Pierce; a friend named Samuel Bates; as well as thirteen other individuals, including J. P. Potts and his six children. Although the men denied any attempt to join the Confederate army, they admitted being Southern sympathizers. Besides personal possessions amounting to $28,000, a considerable amount of gold dust was seized from the party, and its members were taken under guard to Fort Union. Two of them, however, were so ill with smallpox that they were left behind with two soldiers as guards. News of the “sick and orphaned” children, some of whom also had smallpox, aroused considerable sympathy at Fort Union and throughout the territory. By February 1863, $384 had been raised for the children’s benefit, including $100 from soldiers in the California Column. Released in February 1863, most of the party returned to Colorado, where Oliver and Green Russell made their way to Georgia, and the latter raised a company for the Confederacy. In New Mexico, controversy erupted between Abraham Cutler, federal marshal for the territory, and General Carleton, over control of the gold dust confiscated from the party. Elma Dill Russell Spiencer, “Famous Fugitives at Fort Union,” New Mexico Historical Review 32 (January 1957): 1–9; Chris Emmett, Fort Union and the Winning of the Southwest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965), 279–80; Hollister, Colorado Volunteers in New Mexico, 238; G. L. Shoup to

224  •

notes to page 67

William H. Backus, December 1, 1862, OR, 1, 15:154–58; Backus to AAG, December 1, 1862, OR, 1, 15:153–54; PR, Fort Union, December 1862, RG 393, AGO, NA. Cutler, General Orders No. 103, December 15, 1862; Backus to Carleton, November 7, 1862; De Forrest to P. W. L. Plympton, February 21, 1863; Cutler to John Grenier, December 16, 1862; Cutler to Carleton, December 13, 15, 1862; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 5. A close friend of General Carleton, Shoemaker was military storekeeper at the Fort Union arsenal before, during, and after the Civil War. His wife, Julia Shoemaker, age forty-nine, and three children, Elizabeth, Edward, and Julia, were enumerated in the 1860 census at the post. In 1861, upon learning Confederates had invaded the territory, Shoemaker contemplated arming part of the New Mexico Volunteers with lances, similar to what General Sibley did with three companies of his Confederate Army of New Mexico. Age sixty-one in 1870, the Pennsylvania-born Shoemaker is listed on the census at Fort Union, along with his freighter son, Samuel, age twenty-five. Shoemaker retired in June 1882 at the age of seventy-three. For his lengthy dedication to the army, he and his wife were given permission to retain their quarters at the post. Shoemaker’s private letter book, with letters from the 1870s and 1880s, and dealing with his ranch in Cherry Valley, is at Fort Union National Historical Site. Emmett, Fort Union, 101, 227, 395; Wilson, When the Texans Came, 217; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 61–69, 500–528, 575–602; Eighth Census (1860), Mora County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Ninth Census (1870), Mora County, New Mexico Territory, NA. 6. On October 26, 1862, with Company G of the Second Colorado Volunteers, Captain Backus established Camp Easton at the confluence of the Canadian River and Utah Creek. Stationed at a camp that had been named after Maj. Langdon C. Easton of the Quartermaster Department, the soldiers were to “watch the road and the country toward Fort Smith and toward Texas, to give timely notice of any force of rebels.” Backus was also to establish a “good understanding” with the Comanches and “obtain as much information as possible.” If he came in contact with any Mescaleros or Navajos, however, he was to attack them immediately. Fort Bascom was later established in August 1863, fifteen miles west of the mouth of Ute Creek, on the south side of the Canadian River, on a site selected by Capt. Edward H. Bergmann, eleven miles north of present-day Tucumcari. The new post was named after the dashing Capt. George N. Bascom, who died heroically at the Battle of Valverde. Problems developed when the contractors for Fort Bascom were unable to make adobes from the sandy and unfirm soil

notes to pages 67–70

•  225

on the site. Capt. P. W. L. Plympton wrote to Santa Fe that the post would have to be constructed of logs instead. Fort Bascom served as the launching ground for Carson’s near disastrous 1864 Comanche and Kiowa Campaign. The post was abandoned in December 1870, and the troops and stores transferred to Fort Union. Virtually no trace of the post remains today. Emmett, Fort Union, 277; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 8, 297, 301; Dale F. Giese, Forts of New Mexico (N.p.: n.p., n.d.), 10–11; Robert W. Frazer, Forts of the West (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965), 95; Plympton to AAG, August 30, October 10, 20, 1863, and Carleton to Plympton, July 30, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 7. A Virginia-born soldier of the “Old Army,” Updegraff had risen in rank from private in the Third Artillery to sergeant in the Fifth Infantry by the time of the Mexican War. Breveted a second lieutenant in 1848, he transferred to the Ninth Infantry and rose to the rank of captain. By December 1863, he had been promoted to major. Updegraff was stationed at various posts in the territory and was responsible for establishing Fort Sumner at the Bosque Redondo on the Pecos River on November 30, 1862. He died on June 19, 1866. Updegraff is listed on the 1860 census as a lieutenant at Albuquerque, age forty-two. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:978; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 298; Eighth Census (1860), Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory, NA. 8. Born in Missouri and obtaining an at-large appointment to West Point, Plympton graduated in 1847 and was breveted a second lieutenant in the Seventh United States Infantry. He was promoted to first lieutenant in March 1855 and to captain in February 1861. At Valverde, he commanded a battalion of infantry consisting of two companies of the Seventh Infantry and two companies of the Tenth Infantry that was in the forefront of the fighting. Plympton was breveted a major for gallantry and meritorious service at Valverde and a lieutenant colonel for bravery at Peralta. He died on August 11, 1866. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:795; Taylor, Bloody Valverde, 26, 56, 157. 9. In August 1861, Rawn enlisted as a private in the Twenty-fifth Pennsylvania Infantry and shortly thereafter was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Seventh United States Infantry. He was promoted to first lieutenant in July 1862 and to captain in November 1863. After the war, he became a major in the black Twenty-fourth Infantry and died on October 6, 1887. A Charles C. Rawn Jr., Pennsylvania born and nineteen, is listed on the 1860 census at Princeton in Mercer County, New Jersey. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:817; Eighth Census (1860), Mercer County, New Jersey, NA.

226  •

notes to pages 70–71

10. From Indiana, Ames first enlisted as a corporal in the Eleventh Indiana Infantry in April 1861, but received a commission in the Seventh United States Infantry as a second lieutenant. During the war, he was promoted to first lieutenant and captain, and remained in the army after the conflict. Ames resigned in October 1876, but reenlisted in March 1877, resigned again in April 1877, and died on September 24, 1882. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:162. 11. Born in 1834 in Hawkins County, Tennessee, Bernard enlisted in 1855 as a private in the First Dragoons at Knoxville, Tennessee. By 1860, he had been promoted to sergeant and was stationed at Fort Craig and then at Fort Buchanan. Only weeks prior to the Battle of Valverde, he was commissioned a second lieutenant and then a first lieutenant in June 1863. Bernard later joined the Army of the Potomac and fought at Yellow Tavern, Cold Harbor, and Winchester, and was breveted a lieutenant colonel and then a colonel. Returning to the West, he was again breveted, this time as a brigadier general for gallantry against Apaches in Arizona. A major in the black Eighth United States Cavalry, Bernard helped suppress the bloody 1886 Laredo Election Riot on the Rio Grande. He retired in 1896 and was appointed deputy governor for the Soldiers’ Home in Washington, D.C. Bernard died in Washington on November 16, 1903. He was described in the latter part of his life as looking “like a great Norseman . . . big and strong, with a long gray beard, and a head full of snowy white hair.” Ellen McGowan Biddle, Reminiscences of a Soldier’s Wife (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1907), 223 (quote); Jerry Thompson, Warm Weather and Bad Whiskey: The 1886 Laredo Election Riot (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1991), 83, 85–86; Don Russell, One Hundred and Three Fights and Scrimmages: The Story of Reuben F. Bernard (Washington, D.C.: United States Cavalry Association, 1936); Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 31–32; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:214. 12. The New York–born Moore, age forty-three at the beginning of the war, owned a store at Tecolote, south of Las Vegas, New Mexico Territory, where he had real estate of $15,000 and personal property of $15,000. Moore held the beef contract for Fort Union from 1854 to 1858 and was the sutler at Fort Union from March 1859 to December 1866. In 1863, he held the flour contract for Albuquerque (200,000 pounds), Los Pinos (50,000 pounds), and Fort Sumner (50,000 pounds). The flour at Fort Sumner was said to be of such poor quality, however, that soldiers as well as Navajo and Mescalero captives became ill from it. By 1870, he had remarried and moved his mercantile business to La Junta in Mora County. Eighth Census (1860), San Miguel County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Ninth Census (1870), Mora County, New Mexico

notes to pages 72–74

•  227

Territory, NA; Contract, W. H. Moore, May 1, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Frazier, Forts and Supplies, 247; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 110, 231, 538, 685. 13. Originally from Pennsylvania, Downing was appointed surgeon in August 1861. Charges were later brought against him for failing to attend to the sick at Fort Union for three consecutive days, and he resigned on March 17, 1865. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:382; Emmett, Fort Union, 288; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 318. 14. From Connecticut, Carey graduated twentieth in the West Point class of 1858. After serving in the Seventh United States Infantry for three years, he transferred to the Thirteenth Infantry and was promoted to first lieutenant and then captain. He was breveted major for gallantry in fighting against the Texans at Apache Canyon and a lieutenant colonel for his services in the Navajo Campaign. After the war, he became a paymaster and was promoted to brigadier general before retiring in July 1899. Report of John M. Chivington, March 28, 1862, OR, 1, 9:538–39; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:282. 15. Several months prior to Wallen’s inspection, Captain Carey wrote department headquarters asking that “the store rooms furnished by the Depot Qr. Mr. for the storage of subsistence stores at this depot may be floored.” Carey to Garrison, June 8, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 16. Fleeson was cashiered from the army in March 1863. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:424. 17. The New York–born Rowell, age thirty-eight, is listed on the 1860 Kansas census at St. George in Pottawantomie County. Eighth Census (1860), Pottawantomie County, Kansas Territory, NA. See also http://www.itd.nps.gov/swss/soldiers.cfm. 18. Born in Indiana, West rose in rank from private in the Third United States Infantry to sergeant. He was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Second Infantry in October 1861 and was made a captain in February 1865. Although breveted a captain for gallantry at Spotsylvania Court House, Virginia, and at the siege of Petersburg, he was cashiered on August 15, 1867. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:1020. 19. Gray commanded Company B of the First Colorado Volunteers at the time. While at Fort Union, only days prior to the Battle of Glorieta, Gray attempted to arrest Sgt. Darias Philbrook for drunkenness. In the confrontation, Philbrook shot Gray in the face while several officers emptied their revolvers at the sergeant. Although Philbrook escaped, he was later arrested, tried by court-martial, and executed at Fort Union in April 1862. Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 280; Hollister, Colorado Volunteers in New Mexico, 85–86, 89, 138.

228  •

notes to pages 74–75

20. From the West Point class of 1853, Craig was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Third United States Infantry before transferring to the Eighth Infantry in 1855. Promoted to first lieutenant in October 1858, he was made captain and assistant quartermaster in May 1861. Fearing a second Confederate invasion of the territory, he was authorized by General Carleton to strengthen the new depot. The quartermaster was to hire thirty citizen laborers to complete a magazine inside the large new earthen fieldworks. Hundreds of laborers, including 100 men Ceran St. Vrain brought from Taos, worked feverishly on the new bastion. Craig resigned on April 5, 1864, and died on May 27, 1886. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:334; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 298–99. 21. Assuming no additional citizen laborers were present, the monthly total should be $4,365. 22. Marion, age thirty at the beginning of the war, arrived at Rayado on December 1, 1862, to take charge of the ninety-three horses, ninety-six mules, and twenty-two oxen at the post, but found no hay or fodder, stables, sheds, or materials to build any enclosures. When a severe snowstorm struck, the horses were unable to graze, and five of the oxen and thirteen of the mules died, so Marion was forced to feed the horses on corn obtained from Lucien B. Maxwell. Moreover, Marion reported, Apaches, Utes, and Comanches had “been lurking around this place for what purpose I do not know, nor can I find out.” The Indians were “well armed and mounted and comport themselves in a way to excite suspicion,” he continued. In March, Marion confiscated a barrel and a half of whiskey and two gallons of gin from a small merchant in the hamlet, whom he accused of selling liquor to the soldiers. Marion then sold the liquor back to the individual for $70 provided he “take it away.” When Marion reported what he had done, Captain Craig ordered him to refund the money to the whiskey peddler. By this time, however, an unnamed individual had made off with the gin from the storeroom where it was being kept. In March, when Lt. Charles Hubbell’s Company L of the Volunteers arrived at Rayado to escort the small command back to Fort Union, Marion refused to evacuate the post until someone was sent to relieve them. Although Marion outranked him, Hubbell refused to take orders, saying that Plympton, at Fort Union, had told him not to do so. If such was the case, Marion asked “to be relieved from duty.” More controversy came when Lt. William H. Higdon charged Marion with embezzling government property and lying with intent to defraud the government. Following an “Indian scout,” and while on a march from Fort Stanton to Los Pinos in January 1864, Marion had allegedly sold an army mule to a citizen, Charles Beach. In a lengthy seven-page defense, Marion argued that the mule had been abandoned, and, after obtaining

notes to pages 84–85

•  229

several affidavits supporting his version of the story, he was exonerated. In the latter part of February 1865, after serving at Fort Bascom and going into camp with Company C of the First New Mexico Cavalry at the village of Chaparito on the Gallinas River, twenty miles southeast of Las Vegas, a merchant, Felix Ulibarri, reported that Marion’s entire company became drunk at a baile, dance, and abused several citizens in the community. The men allegedly entered several homes in the small community, demanding whiskey and even cursing Ulibarri’s twentyfour-year-old wife, Felipa, with “words too profane to repeat.” When Marion, who was playing the violin for his men at the local dance hall, was summoned, he was unable to control the drunken soldiers, who were discharging their firearms in the streets. The rowdy men even pushed, threatened, and beat Marion, according to Ulibarri. At Fort Union on March 31, 1865, Marion resigned. Charles P. Marion to Wm. Craig, February 17, 1863, and March 21, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Marion to Carleton, May 10, 1863. Charges and Specifications preferred against Capt. Charles P. Marion, 1st Cav., N. M. Vols., n.d.; Felis Ulibary [sic] to E. H. Bergmann, March 6, 1865; Marion to F. P. Abreu, March 17, 1865; all in Marion CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. Eighth Census (1860), San Miguel County, New Mexico Territory.

Chapter Four 1. O. M. Bryan to West, February 26, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 2. Mary Daniels Taylor, A Place as Wild as the West Ever Was: Mesilla, New Mexico, 1848–1872 (Las Cruces: New Mexico State University Museum, 2004), 90–91. 3. M. Nevares, D. Nevares, and Epifarin [sic] Aguirre to Carleton, May 25, 1865, Letters and Routine Reports Received, 1863, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 4. Pettis omitted West in most of his published writings. See note 11 in this chapter. Katherine D. Stoes, “Mutiny in Old Mesilla,” New Mexico Magazine (February 1950): 16, 41–42; Taylor, A Place as Wild as the West, 92–93; Proceedings of United States Army Courts-Martial, Court-Martial Case File MM 154, JAGO, RG 153, NA; Pettis to Dear Wife, December 1, 1862, George Henry Pettis Papers, Beinecke Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Two other men from the California Column, Peter Kleinkoff and Robert Kerr, were also executed during the war, for murder and for desertion and attempted murder, respectively. 5. See note 48 in the introduction.

230  •

notes to page 85

6. McMullen enrolled in Company C of the First California Infantry at Amador County, California, in August 1861. Succeeding Captain Rigg as captain, he became known as “Nine Times” and “Dirty Mc” for the rigor with which he followed regulations. One soldier, George Hand, said McMullen was “a smart and very intelligent man,” although the same soldier wrote later that “every man was disgusted” with McMullen. When McMullen felt he was being scorned or reprimanded by General West, he frequently complained to his friend Carleton. “West is a good friend of yours and would always stand by you . . . to the death,” Carleton wrote to him in a private letter. Promoted to major in June 1863, McMullen ably commanded the garrison at Franklin and was discharged with the rest of his company at Fort Union on August 31, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 66, 346, 335; George Hand, The Civil War in Apacheland: Sergeant George Hand’s Diary, California, Arizona, West Texas, New Mexico, 1861–1864, edited by Neil B. Carmony (Silver City, N.Mex.: High Lonesome Books, 1996), 78, 106; Andrew E. Masich, Civil War in Arizona: The Story of the California Volunteers, 1861–1865 (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006), 243; Carleton to McMullen, n.d., ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 7. Company B of the First California Infantry arrived on the Rio Grande in December 1862 and was stationed at Mesilla until February 1863, when the men were sent to Pinos Altos. After serving at Fort West from April to August 1863, at Fort McLane in September 1863, at Fort Cummings from November 1863 to June 1864, and at Fort Craig from July 1864 to August 1864, the company was mustered out on August 31, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 80. In August 1861, Company G of the First California Infantry was enrolled at Nevada City in what was California at the time. After marching 630 miles from Camp Wright, California, the company reached the Rio Grande on December 2, 1862. Stationed at Mesilla until April 1863, the company was sent downriver to El Paso and then north to Fort McRae, where it remained from August 1863 until June 1864. The company was mustered out at Fort Craig in August 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 332, 362. Company K of the Fifth California Infantry was enrolled at Santa Cruz by Capt. Thomas T. Tidball. Arriving in Arizona, the company was stationed at Tucson and then at Casa Blanca, at the adobe trading post of Ammi White, south of the Gila River, between the Pima Villages and Maricopa Wells, before being sent to Camp Bowie and then to Las Cruces, where it was mustered out on November 27, 1864. Casa Blanca on the Gila River should not be confused with Casa Blanca near Patagonia. Orton, Records of California Men, 675; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 64, 186.

notes to pages 86–87

•  231

8. Born in Madison, Indiana, on March 25, 1828, Hinds raised Company G of the Fifth California Infantry at Placerville and was made captain in November 1861. His April 1863 census of the villages in Socorro County provides remarkable insight into the extent of the hunger and deprivation on the Rio Grande in 1862–63. The controversial Hinds resigned his commission on September 20, 1863, and settled in Arizona, where he became sutler at Fort Goodwin and later, along with a partner, Henry C. Hooker, obtained army contracts to supply several Arizona posts with beef. In October 1890, Hinds was living at South Bend, Indiana. H. S. Hinds, Census Report for Fort Craig District, N. M., April 1863, and Hinds to Rigg, April 20, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Jerry Thompson, “‘Gloom over Our Fair Land’: Socorro County during the Civil War,” New Mexico Historical Review 73 (April 1998): 99–119; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 168. 9. Stationed at Fort Bowie from August 1862 to January 1863, the men in Company G helped garrison Fort Craig until June 1863, when they were sent downriver to Franklin and then to Las Cruces, where the company was mustered out on November 27, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 674, 703–8. 10. Company E of the First California Cavalry was enrolled at San Francisco. Arriving in New Mexico in September 1863, the company was stationed at Las Cruces before taking camp on the Rio Mimbres from October 1863 until February 1864. Before being mustered out, the company was at Franklin briefly from March to June 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 82, 122. 11. A printer by trade, Pettis was born at Pawtucket, Rhode Island, on March 17, 1834. Failing to find riches in the California gold fields in 1854, he again turned to printing, working for the San Francisco Alta California and the San Francisco Morning Call. Pettis enlisted in San Francisco as a second lieutenant in Company B of the First California Infantry and then transferred to Company K, where he became a first lieutenant. Sent to Camp Latham near Los Angeles, Pettis led his men on the 800-mile trek to the Rio Grande. He was stationed at Mesilla, San Elizario, Mesilla again, then Fort Craig, Los Pinos, Fort Sumner, and Fort Union. Mustered out on February 15, 1865, he promptly enlisted as a first lieutenant in Company F of the First New Mexico Infantry. Pettis commanded the artillery in the Battle of Adobe Walls in November 1864 and was in numerous skirmishes with both the Navajos and Apaches. Mustered out in September 1866, he moved to Algodones, New Mexico, where he became postmaster. His son, Francisco Abreu, was named after Pettis’s commanding officer

232  •

notes to pages 88–89

in the New Mexico Volunteers, Lt. Col. Francisco P. Abreu. When the post office at Algodones closed in 1868, Pettis moved to Providence, Rhode Island, and in 1876 was elected to the Rhode Island House of Representatives. He wrote four short histories on the war in New Mexico: “The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico and Arizona,” in Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel (South Brunswick, N.J.: Thomas Yoseloff, 1956), 2:103–11; Personal Narratives of Events in the War of the Rebellion, or a History of Company K, First Infantry, California Volunteers (Providence: Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Historical Society of Rhode Island, 1885); Kit Carson’s Fight with the Comanche and Kiowa Indians (Santa Fe: New Mexico Printing, 1908); and The California Column: Its Campaigns and Services in New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas, during the Civil War, with Sketches of Brigadier General James H. Carleton, Its Commander, and Other Officers and Soldiers (Santa Fe: New Mexican Printing, 1908). Fifty-three of Pettis’s letters to his wife, Annie, are at the Beinecke Library at Yale University. All are rich with details of life in the California Column and at Mesilla, Franklin, San Elizario, Fort Craig, Fort Union, Santa Fe, Albuquerque, and Los Pinos. Pettis died at Providence on January 28, 1909. Geo. H. Pettis to Thos. A. Young, December 9, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Pettis, California Column, 31–33; Darlis Miller, “Historian for the California Column: George H. Pettis of New Mexico and Rhode Island,” Red River Valley Historical Review 5 (winter 1990): 74–92. 12. Bryan was on the board that designed the hospital at Fort Union, which was said to be the finest medical facility between Kansas and California. Originally from New York, he enlisted as a surgeon in Illinois in September 1861. Breveted a lieutenant colonel for faithful service during the war, he was mustered out on October 7, 1865, and died on February 24, 1892. Heitman, Historical Register, 257; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 318. 13. At the time, rheumatismus, or rheumatism, was a common complaint of soldiers in the frontier army. 14. A second lieutenant in Company K of the First California Cavalry, Phelan transferred to Company B, where he was promoted to first lieutenant and regimental quartermaster. Orton, Records of California Men, 335. 15. Born in Lancaster County, Pennsylvania, on January 18, 1822, Diffenderfer was appointed U.S. consul at El Paso del Norte (Ciudad Juárez) by President Millard Fillmore in 1852. At the time, he was involved in the general mercantile business with two brothers,

notes to pages 90–94

•  233

Frank and William. Although Diffenderfer relocated to Pennsylvania in late 1863, he returned to El Paso in 1866 before moving back to Lancaster to open a banking house with his brothers. Ruined in the Panic of 1873, he went west again to engage in railroad construction before settling at Lebanon, Laclede County, Missouri, where he organized the Bank of Lebanon in 1887. Diffenderfer died on May 19, 1900. Mills, Forty Years at El Paso, 13, 178. 16. The Pennsylvania-born “Nick” Davis is listed as a civil engineer on the 1860 census at Campo Seco, Calaveras County, California. Age thirtytwo at the time, he claimed real estate of $10,000 and personal property of $2,000. Many of Davis’s neighbors in the mining camp were Chinese immigrants. Davis enlisted in Company A of the First California Infantry in Calaveras County on August 15, 1861. Popular with his men, he was promoted to first lieutenant on September 5, 1861, and to captain on January 11, 1862. Davis was mustered out at Santa Fe on October 29, 1864. Eighth Census (1860), Calaveras County, California, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 336; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 244.

Chapter Five 1. Rick Hendricks and W. H. Timmons, San Elizario: Spanish Presidio to Texas County Seat (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1998), 70–71; PR, Post Opposite El Paso del Norte, 1848, RG 94, AGO, NA. 2. Leon C. Metz, Desert Army: Fort Bliss on the Texas Border (El Paso: Mangan Books, 1988), 38–43. 3. In 1860, the thirty-two-year-old, New York–born Willis was living in Butte County, California, where he listed his occupation as “bar keeper.” He enlisted in Company A of the First California Infantry at Oroville on September 5, 1861, and was promoted to major on May 5, 1863. The company under Capt. Edwin A. Rigg rendezvoused at San Francisco in August 1861 and then marched south to San Diego, where Willis led the company across the desert to Fort Yuma. After pushing east along the Gila Trail to Tucson, a detachment of the company seized Sylvester Mowry’s Patagonia Silver Mine in June 1862. Part of the company was attacked by Apaches at Apache Pass on July 15, 1862. Continuing east, the company arrived at Fort Fillmore on August 14 and at Hart’s Mill a week later, 1,440 miles from the California coast. After garrisoning Hart’s Mill until April 1862, the company was sent to Las Cruces. Said to have been an excellent officer and one of General Carleton’s favorites, Willis rapidly rose from first lieutenant to captain and was

234  •

notes to pages 95–96

promoted to major on May 6, 1863. With Companies C, F, and G of the First California Infantry and Company D of the First California Cavalry, he established Fort Whipple in the Chino Valley at Del Rio Spring, Arizona, on December 21, 1863. The post was named for Gen. Amiel Weeks Whipple, who had surveyed a route across Arizona in 1853 and died at the Battle of Chancellorsville. The next spring Willis escorted Governor John N. Goodwin in the location of a new Fort Whipple on the left bank of Granite Creek, one mile northeast of the newly established territorial capital, Prescott. He was mustered out on August 31, 1864, but enlisted in the First New Mexico Infantry the next day. Willis died of “paralysis” at Fontenelle, Iowa, on December 7, 1879. Eighth Census (1860), Butte County, California, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 327–28, 336; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 173, 261; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 372. Born in Milton, Pennsylvania, on August 12, 1829, Hammond, twenty-nine, was working as a cashier at the U.S. Mint in San Francisco in 1860 and claimed a personal estate of $3,000. His father, Robert H. Hammond, was a regular army officer and veteran of the War of 1812, a congressman, and a paymaster during the Mexican War, who died at sea in June 1847. An older brother, Thomas, a lieutenant in the First Dragoons, was killed at San Pasqual near San Diego, California, in December 1846. Hammond enlisted as a first lieutenant in Company H of the First California Infantry at San Francisco on August 15, 1861. Another of General Carleton’s favorites, he was promoted to captain and regimental quartermaster. Hammond resigned on August 5, 1863, and became a major in the Second Ohio Heavy Artillery. Mustered out in August 1865, he was appointed a first lieutenant in the Twentythird United States Infantry and served in the Department of the Columbia. Hammond returned to Arizona in 1872 and was stationed at Camp Verde. He was en route to a recruiting assignment when he died unexpectedly at Fort Yuma on September 6, 1873. Eighth Census (1860), San Francisco County, California, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 67, 335, 367; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 153; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:495–96. 4. Like other members of Company C of the First California Infantry, the Massachusetts-born Hanson, age twenty-six in 1860 and giving his occupation as “miner” in the census that year, enlisted in Amador County, California, in February 1862. He resigned for unknown reasons in December 1862. Eighth Census (1860), Los Angeles County, California, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 346. 5. Measured by using wooden boxes, a fanega was equal to two and onehalf bushels, although in early territorial New Mexico the amount

notes to pages 96–99

•  235

could vary greatly depending on what crop was being weighed. For example, a fanega of potatoes weighed about 180 pounds, whereas a fanega of wheat weighed around 140 pounds. Arch. H. Gillespie to Cutler, November 8, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 6. Before the war, the Irish-born McKee, age forty-one—along with his wife, California-born Concepción, thirty-six, four children (Robert, Eliza, Frederico, and Gustavus), and two servants—was living at Monterey, California. Diarist George Hand was critical of McKee for not attending sick call at Fort Craig in June 1863. McKee was mustered out of the service at El Paso on December 14, 1864. Eighth Census (1860), Monterey County, California, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 676; Hand, The Civil War in Apacheland, 116.

Chapter Six 1. West to Edwin A. Rigg, February 2, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. By May 10, 1863, a total of 518 men were stationed at Fort Craig, 461 at Fort Union, 346 at Fort Wingate, and 243 at Hart’s Mill. In all, Carleton had command of 3,297 men at fifteen forts and camps. Carleton, Abstract from Tri-Monthly Returns of the Department of New Mexico, May 10, 1863, OR, 1, 15:725. 2. Frazer, Forts of the West, 98; Marion C. Grinstead, Life and Death of a Frontier Fort: Fort Craig, New Mexico, 1854–1885 (Socorro, N.Mex.: Socorro County Historical Society, 1973); Durwood Ball, “Fort Craig, New Mexico, and the Southwest Indian Wars,” New Mexico Historical Review 73 (April 1998): 153–73. For a somewhat unreliable book-length study, see F. Stanley, Fort Craig (Pampa, Tex.: Pampa Print Shop, 1963). 3. Rigg to Cutler, January 28, 1863, and Rigg Special Orders No. 3, January 24, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Alcaldes in Valverde, San Antonio, San Antonito, Luis Lopes, San Pedro, El Tajo, Bosquecito, Socorro, Parida, El Sabino, La Joyeta, La Escondida, Lemitar, La Polvadera, Alamacitos, Bosque Bonito, El Paraje de Fray Cristobal, and Cañada Alamosa were contacted. 4. Rigg to Carleton, March 7, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 5. Jerry K. Green to Inspector General, May 8, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 6. James H. Daughterty to H. D. Wallen, May 7, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 7. H. L. Hinds to Wallen, May 9, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

236  •

notes to pages 99–102

8. Wallen endorsement on Green to Inspector General, May 8, 1863, and Hinds to Wallen, May 9, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 9. California Volunteers to Carleton, March 6, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 10. Ibid. 11. Ibid. 12. Rigg, Special Orders No. 22, June 21, 1863, and Rigg to Cutler, June 3, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 13. Rigg to Carleton, April 13, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 14. A. F. Garrison to Wallen, March 7, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 15. Wallen to Garrison, March 8, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 16. Garrison to C. H. De Forrest, March 9, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 17. Wallen endorsement in W. L. Rynerson, “Estimate of Subsistance [sic] Stores Required at Fort Craig, N. M. to Complete the Standard Amount of 200,000 Rations, Showing what is on hand and what is Required to be furnished,” March 9, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 18. M. S. Howe to G. Chapin, July 15, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 19. Born in Philadelphia on January 15, 1822, Rigg went west to California during the gold rush and came to command the San Francisco Marion Rifles, one of the oldest American militia units in California. Called “Blue Wing” by his men, Rigg was commissioned a major in September 1861. He rose rapidly to become lieutenant colonel in April 1862 and colonel in December 1863. With troops from Fort Craig, Rigg established Fort Goodwin on the Gila River on June 11, 1864. A week later, Rigg moved the post to a permanent location in the Tularosa Valley, south of the Gila River. After the war, he became a first lieutenant in the Thirtyeighth United States Infantry and served in the Twenty-fifth Infantry. In 1870, he is listed along with his New York–born wife, Emma, twentyseven, and his daughter, Sarah, six, on the census at Fort Duncan at Eagle Pass, Texas. Resigning on January 1, 1871, he spent several years as sutler and postmaster at Fort Craig. Rigg died of pneumonia on January 27, 1882, at Contention, Arizona, near Tombstone. Ninth Census (1870), Maverick County, Texas, NA; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 280. See also the information given at http:www.militarymuseum .org/MarionRifles.htm. 20. Smith became captain of Company B of the Fifth California Infantry at Marysville on October 18, 1861. The company reached the Rio Grande in August 1862 and helped garrisoned Mesilla before being sent to assist

notes to pages 102–4

•  237

the starving and besieged miners at Pinos Altos, where it remained until March 1863. It was later transferred to Fort Stanton and then sent to Fort Goodwin, Arizona, before mustering out at El Paso on December 12, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 673, 681; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 244. 21. Deane was relieved of command on February 21, 1863, only days after Wallen’s inspection, and was forced to resign on June 27. Orton, Records of California Men, 359; PR, Fort Craig, February 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 22. Prentiss enrolled as regimental surgeon at San Francisco on August 16, 1861. He succeeded Surgeon James M. McNulty as medical director of the Department of Arizona in September 1862. Prentiss arrived at Fort Craig on February 9, 1863, and was mustered out when his term of enlistment expired on December 1, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 87; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 244; Aurora Hunt, Army of the Pacific (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1951), 273; PR, Fort Craig, February 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 23. On the eve of the Civil War, Rynerson, age thirty-two, is listed on the 1860 census as a deputy county clerk at Jackson, east of Sacramento, in the gold fields on the western slopes of the Sierra Nevada, Amador County, California. He was born in Hardin County, Kentucky, only a few miles from where Abraham Lincoln was born. Migrating to California in the late 1850s, Rynerson was unable to make a living as a miner and came to operate a butcher shop and to study law. He enlisted at San Francisco as a sergeant in Company C of the First California Infantry, but was eventually promoted to captain in Company B and to assistant quartermaster at Las Cruces on August 9, 1864, before becoming regimental adjutant. After the war, he settled in Las Cruces, where he practiced law. On December 17, 1867, Rynerson shot and killed John C. Slough, Union hero of the Battle of Glorieta, and chief justice of the New Mexico Supreme Court. Exonerated, he went on to become one of the more prominent political figures in the territory, serving as district attorney and member of the New Mexico House of Representatives. He also played a partisan role in the Lincoln County War and campaigned on behalf of New Mexico statehood and for the establishment of an agricultural land grant college at Las Cruces. In 1870, Rynerson was the sutler at Fort Bayard in Grant County, where he claimed real estate of $5,000 and a personal estate worth $15,000. An astute businessman and active member of the Republican Party, he died in Las Cruces on September 26, 1893. Orton, Records of California Men, 335; Pettis, The California Column, 27–30; Gary L. Roberts, Death

238  •

notes to pages 104–8

Comes for the Chief Justice: The Slough-Rynerson Quarrel and Political Violence in New Mexico (Niwot: University of Colorado Press, 1990), 67–72; Eighth Census (1860), Amador County, California, NA; Ninth Census (1870), Grant County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Darlis A. Miller, “William Logan Rynerson in New Mexico, 1862–1893,” New Mexico Historical Review 48 (April 1973): 101–31; Bob Alexander, SixGuns and Single-Jacks: A History of Silver City and Southwestern New Mexico (Silver City, N.Mex.: Gila Books, 2005), 31–36. 24. Archer, thirty-five, was stationed at Albuquerque in 1860, where he is listed on the census as a “soldier.” He was in command of Camp Connelly, at Polvadera, at the time of the Confederate invasion and quartermaster at Fort Craig during the Battle of Valverde. From January to October 1863, Archer commanded the post of Los Pinos. Eighth Census (1860), Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Sam’l Archer to [William J. L.] Nicodemus, January 12, 1862, LR, DNM, AGO, RG 393, NA. 25. Born in New York on March 10, 1833, and a West Point graduate of the class of 1852, Enos served with the Mounted Rifles in the “Old Army” in New Mexico. Promoted to second lieutenant in January 1857, he transferred to the Third United States Cavalry, where he became a first lieutenant in May 1861. In August 1861, he transferred again, this time to the Sixth Cavalry, and was promoted to captain and assistant quartermaster. Active in New Mexico during the war, Enos became a major in August 1864 and a colonel and chief quartermaster in June 1865. He was breveted a major, a lieutenant colonel, and then a colonel for meritorious service during the war. Later stationed at Philadelphia and Chicago, he was retired for disability in May 1876 and died at Waukesha, Wisconsin, on August 9, 1912. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:407; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 121–22. 26. The correct amount of indebtedness should be $4,380.79. 27. The Ohio-born Anderson graduated from West Point in 1859 and was breveted a second lieutenant in the Fifth United States Infantry. Promoted to first lieutenant on May 14, 1851, he was made regimental adjutant and then captain and colonel after transferring to the Eighth Infantry. He was breveted a major for gallantry at the Battle of Valverde. Anderson frequently communicated in code with Carleton and was responsible for designing the earthen works at Fort Craig. Anderson’s code is easily decipherable, however, and reflects little information not available in the general military correspondence of the time. On April 8, 1863, he was sent with two companies to open a wagon road from the

note to page 109

•  239

mouth of the Rio Puerco through the rugged, mountainous terrain of western New Mexico to Fort West and to the Mesilla–Tucson overland trail. At the same time, Capt. Edmond D. Shirland would move north from Fort West “to find a route for travel between Tucson, Arizona, and the Rio Grande [at] Socorro or north of that point.” Anderson’s men were equipped with two pairs of shoes, three pairs of stockings, and thirty days’ rations. Crossing the plains of St. Augustine, Anderson followed Tularosa Creek to the San Francisco River, then through craggy mountains to the Gila, but was forced to admit that the route was not suitable for wagons and that he had “utterly failed.” In 1864, Anderson, who compiled sketches of many of the posts in the territory, spent considerable effort drafting a map of New Mexico and Arizona that was the most comprehensive and accurate to that point in the history of the territory. Anderson’s projected wagon road through western New Mexico and then south along the New Mexico–Arizona border, through some of the roughest terrain in the Southwest, was even more impractical than the route he had previously scouted. This map has been commercially reproduced and is available at most national parks, monuments, and historic sites in the region. Anderson died unexpectedly on January 7, 1867. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:163; PR, Fort West, April 1863, RG 393, NA; PR, Fort Craig, April 1863, RG 393, NA. Anderson to Carleton, March 5, 1862; Allen Anderson, Reconnaissance from the Mouth of the Rio Puerco to Intersect the Mesilla to Tucson Road, n.d.; Anderson to Carleton, May 5, 1863; Anderson to AAG, May 11, 18, 1863; Rigg to Cutler, September 26, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Wm. M. McCleave to Shirland, March 3, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Ernest Marchand, the introduction in Andrew Ryan, News from Fort Craig, New Mexico, 1863: Civil War Letters of Andrew Ryan with the California Column, edited by Ernest Marchand (Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1966), 38, 40. For the Anderson-Carleton code, see letters of January 4, 1863 (problems with the defenses of Fort Craig) and February 9, 1863 (observations on the geography and defense of the upper Mesilla Valley), LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 28. These mortars were the bronze 1841 model that bore the Anglicized name of its Dutch inventor, Baron van Menno Coehorn. The tube weighed about 164 pounds and was mounted on its wooden mortar bed with an overall weight of 296 pounds. Using a half-pound of powder, the piece fired a standard 24-pounder shell 1,200 yards. Warren Ripley, Artillery and Ammunition of the Civil War (New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1970), 59–60, 261, 368.

240  •

notes to pages 111–12

Chapter Seven 1. Darlis A. Miller, “Los Pinos, New Mexico: Civil War Post on the Rio Grande,” New Mexico Historical Review 62 (January 1987): 1–11. Henry Connelly was born in Virginia but raised in Kentucky. He succeeded Abraham Rencher as territorial governor in June 1861 on the eve of the Confederate invasion. A physician by profession, Connelly first arrived in Santa Fe in 1824 and by 1830 had opened a mercantile house in Chihuahua. In 1839–40, he also blazed a trail from Chihuahua across West Texas to Fort Towson in the Indian Territory. Long involved in the Santa Fe and Chihuahua trade, he settled at the village of Peralta, south of Albuquerque, and in 1846, along with James Magoffin, served as intermediary between Gov. Manual Armijo and Gen. Stephen Watts Kearny in arranging the occupation of New Mexico by the United States Army. Following the Federal defeat at Valverde, which Connelly witnessed, the Rebels sacked his home and store at Peralta. With the Federal evacuation of Santa Fe, Connelly established the governor’s office in Las Vegas but returned to the capital after the Battle of Glorieta. Several territorial officials questioned his close relationship with General Carleton. Connelly also faced endless problems in dealing with a recalcitrant territorial secretary, W. F. M. Arny. He was succeeded by Robert B. Mitchell as territorial governor on July 16, 1866, and died a month later. Calvin Horn, New Mexico’s Troubled Years: The Story of the Early Territorial Governors (Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1963), 93–111; Keleher, Turmoil in New Mexico, 29–33, 113–16, 122–23; J. Evetts Haley, Fort Concho and the Texas Frontier (Midland: West Texas Legacy Press, 2006), 15–17, 286. 2. Eben Everett to J. F. Chavis, October 8, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 3. The post was formally abandoned when the lease expired in 1867. Miller, “Los Pinos.” 4. Born at Clare, Ireland, the gray-eyed, black-haired Mullins, twentytwo at the time, enrolled in Company K of the Fifth Infantry at Boston, Massachusetts, on August 25, 1861, listing his occupation as clerk. Promoted to sergeant, Mullins reenlisted at Ringgold Barracks, Texas, on July 3, 1856. He commanded Los Pinos for brief periods of time from November 1862 to March 1864 while Capt. Samuel Archer was absent on detached service. Commissioned a second lieutenant at the beginning of the war, Mullins was promoted to first lieutenant and then to captain on July 14, 1864, before being cashiered for unknown reasons on May 15, 1869. Register of Enlistments in the United States Army, vol. 49 (1850–54), RG 94, AGO, NA; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:735; PR, Los Pinos, February 1863, RG 94, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 112–14

•  241

5. The English-born Speed enlisted as a private in the Third United States Infantry and was a first sergeant by the time of the war. He was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Fifth Infantry and promoted to first lieutenant on June 1, 1862, but was dismissed on January 29, 1867. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:910. The Kentucky-born Thomasson enlisted in an Illinois regiment early in the war, but was made a second lieutenant in the Fifth United States Infantry in October 1861, where he became a first lieutenant and regimental quartermaster. Promoted to captain in January 1867, he was honorably discharged at his own request in December 1870. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:955. 6. Born in New York, Whitney was made an assistant surgeon of volunteers on November 7, 1862, and became surgeon in April 1863. Breveted a lieutenant colonel for meritorious service during the war, he was mustered out in November 1865 and died on August 7, 1895. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:1031. 7. The Prussian-born Spiegelberg brothers were among the wealthiest and most influential of the Jewish merchants in the territory. Solomon Jacob Spiegelberg, who arrived in Santa Fe shortly before the Mexican War, was followed by Elias, Emanuel, Lehman, and Willi. Elias died when a roof collapsed on him while he slept, but the other brothers became extensively involved in the Santa Fe trade. The brothers lost a considerable amount of goods to the invading and hungry Texans, especially in Albuquerque, during the 1862 Confederate invasion. Nevertheless, the four brothers prospered when they obtained government contracts, went into the insurance and mining businesses, and ran a “banking and exchange” house in Santa Fe. By 1872, the Spiegelbergs were major stockholders in the Second National Bank of New Mexico. John M. Kingsbury, Trading in Santa Fe: John M. Kingsbury’s Correspondence with Josiah Webb, 1853–1861, edited by Jane Lenz Elder and David J. Weber (Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1996), 57; Watts, Adios Nuevo Mexico, 91–92; Darlis A. Miller, The California Column in New Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 156, 163; Marc Simmons, Albuquerque: A Narrative History (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982), 183; Tobias, Jews in New Mexico, 25–29, 37–39, 64–72. 8. Leary, a former employee in the Quartermaster Department, was praised by Lt. Martin Mullins for his assistance in recovering and transporting to Los Pinos twenty wagonloads of goods that had earlier been mishandled and stored at Isleta Pueblo. Mullins to Cutler, January 12, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

242  •

notes to pages 115–18

9. The supplies had been discovered by accident at Isleta Pueblo by a former army storekeeper named Hoberg, who had moved with his family to the pueblo. Two Indians, in whose house Hoberg found the supplies, were arrested, but there was never any evidence that the two men had intended to sell the supplies or defraud the government. The valuable supplies had simply been stored at Isleta by a Hispano freighter, as Major Wallen observed, when Enos refused the goods at Los Pinos. Although several of the boxes had been opened, and coats, flannel shirts, and other items of clothing removed, most of the goods were recovered by Lieutenant Mullins and taken to Los Pinos. Miller, “Los Pinos,” 7–8; Mullins to Cutler, January 12, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 10. A costal is equivalent to 1.25 bushels.

Chapter Eight 1. Quoted in Frazer, Forts and Supplies, 89. 2. Thompson, Texas and New Mexico on the Eve of the Civil War, 50–51. 3. Jas. Graydon to Sir, May 23, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 4. Donaldson to G. R. Paul, March 10, 1862, OR, 1, 9:525–27; Herbert M. Enos to Donaldson, March 11, 1862, OR, 1, 9:527–28. 5. Santiago L. Hubbell to Canby and Carson, May 13, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Later at Fort Union, Hubbell complained that his men had not been given the blankets they were promised and that the horse equipage, including saddles, were of “inferior quality,” making the men look like “a motley gathering of old farmers at a camp meeting.” Hubbell to Cutler, October 20, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 6. Born in Alabama but appointed to West Point from New York, Lewis graduated fifteenth in the class of 1849. By May 1861, he had become a captain in the Fifth United States Infantry. At Fort Craig in April 1862, Lewis was given the task of overtaking the retreating Confederates, allegedly to arrange for an exchange of prisoners. Hoping to catch the Texans in the vicinity of Fort Thorn, but finding no one in sight, Lewis continued on to the San Diego Crossing and found that the Texans had crossed to the east bank. With the Rio Grande at flood stage, though, he retreated upriver. In October 1863, Carleton named Lewis as the commissary of musters for the Department of New Mexico. Lewis was later breveted a major for gallantry at Apache Canyon and a lieutenant colonel for bravery at Peralta. By 1873, he had become a lieutenant colonel in the Nineteenth Infantry. He died of wounds received in a

notes to pages 118–21

•  243

fight with some Cheyenne on September 27, 1878, at Punished Woman’s Fork, Kansas. Capt. William Henry Lewis should not be confused with Lt. John Lewis, who served in the Fifth Infantry and enlisted in the New Mexico Volunteers. W. H. Lewis to AG, May 7, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Cutler, General Orders No. 27, October 23, 1863, OR, 1, 50, 2:654; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:631. 7. An 1854 West Point graduate from Pennsylvania, Brotherton was a captain in the Fifth United States Infantry by the time of the Civil War. He was breveted a major for gallantry at Valverde and became a major after the war when he transferred to the Seventh United States Infantry. He then transferred to the Twenty-fifth Infantry, where he was promoted to lieutenant colonel. He died on September 17, 1889. Brotherton, age twenty-six, is enumerated on the 1860 New Mexico census at Albuquerque. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:250; Eighth Census (1860), Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory, NA. 8. Howard does not appear in Heitman, Historical Register, or in records of the Department of New Mexico. 9. Born in New Jersey but appointed to West Point from Ohio, Shinn graduated eighteenth in the class of 1856. He was commissioned a second lieutenant in the Third United States Artillery and was promoted to first lieutenant in May 1860 and to captain on January 20, 1864. He commanded Battery B of the Third Artillery, the only regular army unit to accompany the Column from California. He was breveted a major for “arduous and meritorious service in successfully bringing his battery across the Yuma and Gila deserts and for faithful service in New Mexico.” Shinn was honorably discharged on December 27, 1870, at his own request. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:883; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 157. 10. From Pennsylvania, Newbold was made a second lieutenant in the Third United States Cavalry at the beginning of the war, but transferred to the Fifth United States Infantry in August 1862. He was promoted to first lieutenant in August 1863 and transferred to the Nineteenth Infantry, where he became a captain. Newbold was breveted a captain for gallantry during the Navajo Campaign. Although he resigned in November 1867, he rejoined the military to become a paymaster of volunteers in 1899, before retiring in June 1903. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:744. 11. Stracham ran a mercantile business in Albuquerque along with a partner, William Pool. Elected alderman in 1863, he became a leading developer and entrepreneur. Simmons, Albuquerque, 195, 239.

244  •

notes to pages 121–26

12. Born in New York, Fillmore enlisted in the Second Minnesota Infantry at the beginning of the war, but was made a second lieutenant in the Third United States Artillery in November 1861 and a first lieutenant in February 1862. Although previously ordered to join his regiment at Port Royal, South Carolina, he was forced to resign on April 17, 1863—only days after Wallen inspected the post at Albuquerque—for “intemperate habits” and inefficiency. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:419; L. Thomas, Special Orders No. 119, March 13, 1863, and E. D. Townsend, Special Orders No. 176, n.d., LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

Chapter Nine 1. Gerald Thompson, The Army and the Navajo: The Bosque Redondo Reservation Experiment, 1863–1868 (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976), 16–17. 2. Captain Evans and Major Wallen had first arrived at the post on March 27, 1863, in a party that included General Carleton, Indian agents James L. Collins and Michael Steck, and Bishop Jean B. Lamy. 3. Thompson, The Army and the Navajo, 16–17. 4. Wallen to Cutler, February 12, 1864, in Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 107–9. See also Thompson, The Army and the Navajo, 29. 5. Thompson, The Army and the Navajo, 25–26. Wallen was certain to have been somewhat miffed when Carleton appointed Capt. Henry B. Bristol of the Fifth Infantry as military superintendent of the Navajo and instructed him to report not to Wallen, but to department headquarters in Santa Fe. 6. Ibid., 26–27. 7. Ibid., 38. 8. Quoted in ibid., 36. 9. Ibid.; Wallen to Cutler, January 9, 1864, OR, 1, 34:69–70; PR, Fort Sumner, November 1863–April 1864, RG 94, AGO, NA. 10. Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, June 11, 1864; Thompson, The Army and the Navajo, 40. 11. Following the Confederate evacuation of the territory, Company K of the First New Mexico Cavalry was stationed at Fort Marcy, Fort Union, and, for a few weeks, Fort Garland before being in the forefront of Carleton’s campaign against the Mescaleros. Arriving at Fort Stanton on October 20, the men of the company scouted the Sacramento

notes to page 127

•  245

Mountains and throughout the area, and they remained at the post during the winter of 1862–63, until sent back to Fort Union in April 1863. The company was later ordered south to Fort McRae and then in July 1863 to Fort Wingate and Fort Canby during the Navajo Campaign. Regimental Returns, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Company M of the First New Mexico Cavalry was stationed at Fort Garland before being sent to Fort Sumner. While on the march from Fort Union to Fort Sumner, the company, under the command of Lt. Jacob Stenger, captured the “notorious Texan spy” Walker (first name unknown) at Rock Spring. With most other units in the regiment, the company was sent to Fort Defiance for the Navajo Campaign in the summer of 1863. Regimental and Company Muster Rolls, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 12. Twenty-six at the beginning of the war, Thompson enlisted as a first lieutenant in the First New Mexico Volunteers at Fort Union on October 3, 1861. He was in the Battle of Valverde and following the reorganization of the volunteers was made captain of Company C of the Fourth New Mexico before transferring to Company K. Active in the 1863 Navajo Campaign, he helped escort 2,400 Navajos to the Bosque Redondo. Thompson commanded Fort Whipple from February to July 1865 and was promoted to major. He also commanded Fort Union from April to August 1866 and then joined a newly organized battalion of New Mexico Volunteers that was assigned to Fort Garland. Thompson was finally mustered out on October 7, 1866. Captain John D. Thompson should not be confused with First Lt. W. A. Thompson of the First California Infantry. Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 331. An Irish-born John Thompson, age twentyeight, is listed as a private in the army on the 1860 census at Los Lunas. Eighth Census (1860), Valencia County, New Mexico Territory, NA; J. Thompson to L. G. Murphy, February 3, 1863, and Thompson to Sir, November 1, 1865, Thompson CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 13. Few individuals in the Southwest compiled as colorful a military record as John Cremony. Said to have been born in Portland, Maine, of Cuban parentage and to have run away to sea as a boy, Cremony told of piracy and the slave trade and even claimed he was once held captive by the Patagonian Indians of South America. Serving with a Massachusetts volunteer regiment in the Mexican War and as a Spanish interpreter for the U.S. Boundary Commission after the war, he settled in California, where at age thirty in 1860 he was living in San Francisco and working as an editor for a newspaper. Cremony became captain in Company B of the Second California Cavalry (the only company of this regiment) and was used by Carleton for courier

246  •

note to page 129

service. Complaints later surfaced that while Company B was in Tucson, he secured chewing tobacco on credit, charged his men for the tobacco, and then never paid the debt. He commanded the howitzers at Apache Pass, Arizona, on July 15, 1862, in fighting with Cochise and Mangas Coloradas. Stationed at Fort Sumner, he was active against the Mescaleros and Navajos. General Carleton was critical of Cremony for not following the trail of the Navajos like a “blood hound” during one lengthy scout west of the post in November 1863 and for allowing his horses to become too jaded to continue the pursuit. At Fort Sumner, Cremony compiled a vocabulary of the Mescalero language that he forwarded to department headquarters, although Carleton complained that the document was never received. Promoted to major in March 1865, Cremony commanded the California Native Cavalry Battalion on the Arizona-Sonora border in 1865. A founder of the Bohemian Club in San Francisco, he died of consumption on August 24, 1879. Constance Wynn Altshuler called Cremony “a compulsory yarnspinner, a fact well known to his contemporaries.” Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 85; Frank Lockwood, “John C. Cremony, Soldier of Fortune,” Westways 41 (March 1946), 18–19; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 68; John C. Cremony, Life among the Apaches (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983); Dan L. Thrapp, Encyclopedia of Frontier Biography, 3 vols. (Spokane, Wash.: Arthur H. Clark, 1990), 1:342–43. Tennis Van Vechten to Cutler, April 8, 1863; Cremony to Cutler, June 4, June 26, 1863; Cremony to Charles Newbold, November 18, 1863; Wallen to Carleton, December 10, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 14. Thirty-six years old at the beginning of the war, Stenger briefly served as second lieutenant in Company C of the First New Mexico Cavalry. In February 1863, he leveled serious charges against his company commander, Charles Deus, who, he said, “don’t know anything about the service,” was “no military man,” and never drilled his company. Moreover, Stenger went on to say, Deus had consistently harassed him in an attempt to force his resignation and promote a friend. At Fort Sumner, for example, Deus had ordered Stenger to take down his tent in a rainstorm and then put it back up on the same ground. Deus had even confiscated Stenger’s stove in the middle of the winter. Stenger related how several noncommissioned officers of the regiment at this fort, for unknown reasons, had dragged one of the privates, Juan Baca, out of his tent, took him about a mile to the Pecos River, tied him to a tree, and lashed him twenty-five times, telling Baca that if he complained, they would kill him. When both Baca and Stenger reported the incident, Deus turned a deaf ear. “The Mexican part of the company

notes to pages 129–30

•  247

was afraid,” Stenger reported, “asking one another: ‘¿A quien tocará esta noche?’” (Who will be taken tonight?). Stenger was later found guilty in a general court-martial and dismissed on April 28, 1863. Stenger to Carleton, February 15, 1863, in Stenger CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 15. Gwythere was commissioned an assistant surgeon on May 8, 1863, and, when Allen F. Peck resigned on December 10, 1864, was promoted to surgeon and placed in charge of the “Indian hospital” at Fort Sumner. Although he asked to remain in the military, he was mustered out at Santa Fe on October 4, 1866. Gwythere to Regimental Adjutant, February 18, March 3, April 5, June 2, 1866, in Gwythere CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 16. Flies were outer fabrics used to cover tents. They were often waterproof and used during inclement or cold weather. 17. Appointed to West Point from Delaware, Barr never graduated, but was made a lieutenant in the Fifth United States Infantry in October 1861. He was promoted to first lieutenant on April 30, 1863, and to captain on October 31, 1866. Mustered out of the service on January 1, 1877, Barr died on October 10, 1892. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:194. 18. The correct total should be $1,526.74. 19. Tarpaulins or simply “tarps.” 20. At age twenty-nine, Bergmann was commissioned a first lieutenant in Company C of the First New Mexico Cavalry at Santa Fe on July 3, 1861, and fought at Valverde. When the regiment was reorganized, he was promoted to captain and transferred to Company I. Following the resignation of Rafael Chacón, Bergmann was promoted to major on September 3, 1864. He helped establish Fort Bascom and was in the 1864 campaign against the Comanches and Kiowas. Bergmann was breveted a lieutenant colonel for faithful and meritorious service in New Mexico during the war. He remained in the military after the war, was briefly posted at Tierra Amarilla, and in February 1867 scouted the Rio San Juan and Rio Las Animas. After a distinguished career in the New Mexico Volunteers, he resigned on April 18, 1867, and became superintendent of the New Mexico State Penitentiary. Meketa, Louis Felsenthal, 103–5; Chacón, Legacy of Honor, 160, 193; General Orders No. 65, June 22, 1867, Bergmann CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 21. Montoya had “a tolerable common school education in the Spanish language and understands enough of the English language to speak it plainly,” Capt. Julius C. Shaw wrote in 1865. Lacking in English proficiency, as was the case with many of the Hispanos, Montoya was dependent on others to complete the paperwork required of a company

248  •

notes to pages 131–36

commander. He was nevertheless “one of the best Mexican officers in the regiment” and rapidly becoming a “very efficient officer,” although “rather negligent and careless” at times, Shaw wrote. Active in the Navajo Campaign, “Montolla,” as he signed his name, was only twentythree when he was promoted to first lieutenant, transferred to Company F of the First New Mexico Cavalry, and then promoted to captain. D. Montoya to Sir, December 20, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Statement by Julius C. Shaw, July 25, 1865; Lawrence G. Murphy, Special Orders No. 33, July 31, 1863; D. Montoya, General Orders No. 21, December 30, 1865; Montolla [sic] to Post Adjutant [Fort Wingate], August 16, 1864; all in Montoya CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 22. From May 1850 to August 1851 and in the summer of 1854, the army maintained a small garrison at the village of Rayado, headquarters for the Maxwell Land Grant, some twelve miles south of what is today the village of Cimarron. Lured by lush green grasses, meadows, and the clear-flowing waters of the Rayado River, Lucien Bonaparte Maxwell built a small settlement here in 1848, not far from the eastern fringes of the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, and began selling grain and meat to travelers along the Mountain Branch of the Santa Fe Trail. Maxwell constructed a large adobe building, a two-story log house, and a barn in 1848, and was soon joined by Hispanos from Taos and mountain men such as the legendary Christopher “Kit” Carson. In the heart of territory claimed by the Jicarilla Apache, the small settlement was frequently attacked by hostile Indians. Lawrence R. Murphy, Lucien Bonaparte Maxwell: Napoleon of the Southwest (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983), 75–76, 81–82, 87; María E. Montoya, Translating Property: The Maxwell Land Grant and the Conflict over Land in the American West, 1840–1900 (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002), 36–40; PR, Rayado, July 1850, RG 393, AGO, NA.

Chapter Ten 1. Morrison to AAAG, April 17, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 2. Hearing the news about Mangas Coloradas from Fort McLane, Carleton was elated that the “worst Indian within our boundaries,” who had caused “more murders and [was guilty] of more torturing and of burning at the stake in this country than all others together,” was at last dead. Carleton to Lorenzo Thomas, February 1, 1863, OR, 1, 15:669–70. Edward B. Willis to Joseph F. Bennett, June 19, 1863; Emil Fritz to Willis,

notes to pages 136–37

•  249

June 19, 1863; West to Cutler, June 20, 1863; all in Bargie CSR, RG 393, AGO, NA. Bargie to Commanding Officer [Las Cruces], May 23, 1863, in Abram Lucero CSR, RG 393, AGO, NA; and Arthur Morrison to AAG, June 23, 24, 26, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Also, Ryan, News from Fort Craig, 53–54; Edwin R. Sweeney, Merejildo Grijalva: Apache Captive, Army Scout (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1992), 18; Edwin R. Sweeney, Mangas Coloradas: Chief of the Chiricahua Apaches (Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998), 463; Brodie Crouch, Jornada del Muerto: A Pageant in the Desert (Spokane, Wash.: Arthur H. Clark, 1989), 86. A month after Mangas Coloradas was killed, the Apaches ambushed a party of soldiers four miles south of Paraje, killing Assistant Surgeon E. S. Watson and Pvt. R. S. Johnson, both of the First California Infantry. Rigg to Cutler, July 20, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 3. Extract of a letter from Wm. Hofedann, n.d., LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 4. West to Bennett, June 21, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. For sketches of the post after the war, see Herbert M. Hart, Pioneer Forts of the West (Seattle: Superior, 1967), 7, 183. In 1876, the post looked like “a well built inland village” to William D. Dawson, a correspondent for the Santa Fe New Mexican. In a small cemetery were the graves of twenty-six individuals. A brown stone marked the final resting place of William J. Runlett, R. S. Johnson, George S. Dickey, and Charles M. O’Brien, all of the California Column. A wooden marker indicated the grave of Antonia Pfeiffer. Ten years after the post was abandoned, the cemetery remains were removed to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas. See http://www.usbr.gov/uc/albuq/news/stories/FtMcrae.html. See also Tórrez, New Mexico in 1876–1877, 32–33. 5. Bargie was earlier charged with instigating “mutiny and sedition among the U.S. troops” at Fort Union, but was acquitted in a lengthy court-martial in Santa Fe in July 1862. He was made first lieutenant on November 15, 1862, and served on recruiting duty in Colorado before being assigned to Company H of the First New Mexico Cavalry. L. A. Bargie to Post Adjutant (Fort Craig), April 21, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; PR, Fort McRae, June 1863, RG 393, NA. From a distinguished New Mexico family, Charles M. Hubbell, only twenty-one in 1863, had enlisted in Capt. Santiago Hubbell’s company of the Fourth Regiment of New Mexico Volunteers at Albuquerque in late November 1861, before commanding his own company in the First New Mexico Cavalry. Unlike other members of the family, such as First Lt. John R. Hubbell and Capt. James Lawrence “Santiago” Hubbell, both of whom resigned early in the war, Charles stayed on and was

250  •

note to page 137

eventually promoted to captain on May 9, 1865. G. W. Bascom to W. J. L. Nicodemus, November 25, 1861, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; A. Morrison to AAG, June 12, 1863, in Charles M. Hubbell CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA; Harold B. Hubbell and Donald Sidney Hubbell, History and Genealogy of the Hubbell Family (N.p.: Privately published, 1980), 343; Santiago Hubbell Papers, Southwestern Collection, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque; Elizabeth Hubbell to Jerry Thompson, August 14, 1975, editor’s files. Morrison was born in 1821, near Frankfurt, Germany. Changing his name from “Marko,” he accompanied a wagon train down the Santa Fe Trail to New Mexico in 1849. A multilingual German Jew, Morrison converted to Catholicism when he married a Hispanic woman in Las Vegas. He set up a sutler’s store in Las Vegas and was active in the mercantile and stock business for ten years before joining the New Mexico Volunteers. During the war, Morrison, who was never popular with his men or fellow officers, commanded the District of La Joya before serving in the 1862–63 Mescalero Campaign. After serving at Fort McRae, he spent two months at Fort Stanton. Several officers in the regiment, including Maj. Edward Willis, Surgeon John H. Prentiss, Capt. Albert H. Pfeiffer, First Lt. John Murphy, First Lt. Charles Hubbell, and even Pvt. Frederick Berger, filed charges against Morrison for drunkenness and conduct unbecoming an officer and a gentleman. At Los Lunas on July 18, 1863, while commanding Companies G and H of the regiment, Morrison was said to have been so drunk he was “totally unfit to perform duty properly, or even stand erect.” Morrison allegedly told Willis and Prentiss that he would “procure for them prostitute women” and used “low and vulgar language in a loud tone of voice in making said offer.” Morrison retaliated by charging one of his accusers, Lt. David McAllister, with “falsely and maliciously” preferring the original charges. Morrison resigned on September 2, 1863, and returned to California, where he worked as an upholsterer in San Francisco. Howard Bryan, Wildest of the Wild West: True Tales of a Frontier Town on the Santa Fe Trail (Santa Fe: Clear Light, 1988), 50–52, 63; Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 34, 36; Thompson, Desert Tiger, 53–57; Meketa, Louis Felsenthal, 116, 133; Charges and Specifications against Maj. Arthur Morrison, n.d., in Morrison CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA; Charges and Specifications against Lt. David McAllister, October 3, 1863, in McAllister CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. For Morrison at Ojo del Muerto, see West to Rigg, March 17, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; and Morrison to AAAG, April 17, 1863 (including sketch), LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 138–39

•  251

Capt. James “Paddy” Graydon’s Company H of the First New Mexico Cavalry was stationed at Fort Stanton and then at Fort McRae before being sent to Fort Fauntleroy for the Navajo Campaign. Regimental Muster Rolls, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 6. In 1860, the village of Paraje, located on the east bank of the Rio Grande, six miles below Fort Craig, had a population of 196. After the Confederate retreat into the Mesilla Valley in April and May 1862, Capt. Thomas Orville Moody of the Confederate army realized that the annual spring flood made contact between Fort Craig and the outpost impractical, and he launched a horse-stealing raid across the dreaded Jornada del Muerto against the village. When Captain Moody became violently ill, Lt. Isaac G. Bowman pushed ahead to demand the immediate and unconditional surrender of Paraje. When Capt. Joseph G. Tilford, the Federal commander, refused, a brief fight ensued, the last skirmish between Confederates and Federals in New Mexico Territory. Douglas K. Boyd, Interim Report on Archaeological Investigations at Paraje (Amarillo, Tex.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Reclamation, 1984), 15–16; Thompson, Westward the Texans, 35–36. 7. Col. Christopher “Kit” Carson, legendary explorer, frontiersman, and Indian agent, with deep roots in New Mexico, ably commanded the First New Mexico Volunteers. Carson is best remembered, however, for the war he helped launch against the Navajos, Mescaleros, Comanches, and Kiowas. No individual in either army was as widely respected as was Carson. Influential with both Canby and Carleton, he had much to do with the public policy in the territory during the war. In 1863, he attempted to resign his commission, but Carleton refused. Breveted to brigadier general, Carson served at Fort Garland and Fort Union, and later as Indian superintendent. He died at Fort Lyon, Colorado, of an aortic aneurysm at the age of fifty-nine on May 23, 1868. Biographies and scholarly studies of the famous frontiersman abound. 8. In the 1850s, Dabney Herndon Maury’s Tactics for Mounted Rifles was the standard textbook for mounted cavalry. When the war began, he was serving as assistant adjutant general for the Territory of New Mexico in Santa Fe. Receiving news of the fall of Fort Sumter, he was said to have run into the street, shouting with joy. Maury became a brigadier general in the Confederate army and later wrote a second treatise in 1886, Skirmish Drill for Mounted Troops. Maury is considered the father of the Southern Historical Society. In 1858, Philip St. George Cooke authored a two-volume revisionist manual on cavalry tactics, Cavalry Tactics, or, Regulations for the

252  •

notes to pages 139–41

Instruction, Formation, and Movements of Cavalry of the Army and Volunteers of the United States. Espousing the value of mounted troops in attacks, the treatise was not published until 1862. Although a Virginian like Maury, Cooke remained loyal to the Union and served with distinction in the Army of the Potomac, even while his son, John Rogers Cooke, served in Gen. Robert E. Lee’s Army of Northern Virginia. William B. Skelton, An American Profession of Arms: The Army Officer Corps, 1784–1861 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992), 255, 357–59. 9. An Irish immigrant who enlisted in the First Dragoons at Baltimore in 1853, Graydon compiled an incredible yet controversial military record in the Southwest. After serving under Capt. Richard Stoddert Ewell in the 1855 Mescalero Campaign, he was stationed at Fort Buchanan, where he was discharged in 1858 and opened the United States Boundary Hotel, four miles south of the post. After serving as a guide for the army in Arizona, Graydon went east to join the New Mexico Volunteers. Commissioned a captain in the Independent Spy Company, the contentious Irishman recruited most of his men at Lemitar, Socorro County. Before and after the Battle of Valverde, Graydon and his men rendered valuable service as the eyes and ears of the Union army in the territory. After massacring a band of Mescaleros in the Gallinas Mountains, Graydon became involved in a gun battle at Fort Stanton with Dr. John Marmaduke Whitlock and was mortally wounded on November 4, 1862. His remains were later transferred to the National Cemetery at Santa Fe. Thompson, Desert Tiger, 5–63. 10. Hoping to find relief in the mineral waters of the hot springs on the Rio Grande below the post, Captain Pfeiffer was attacked, and his wife was carried off and died from her mistreatment. See chap. 2, note 15. 11. Before and after the Battle of Valverde, Barrientos played a leading role in spying on the Texans. Capt. Rafael Chacón wrote that Barrientos enlisted many of the men in his company by force at the village of Manzano. In a later court-martial, Barrientos was found guilty of deserting and of persuading his men to desert. His men, however, were exonerated because they had followed his orders, the court concluded. Wilson, When the Texans Came, 13, 137, 162; Chacón, Legacy of Honor, 135, 374; Saturnino Barrientos CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 12. Only weeks after Evans left Fort West, William H. Moore and Nathan Webb opened a sutler’s store at the post. PR, Fort West, June 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 143–44

•  253

Chapter Eleven 1. Bryan to West, February 26, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 2. Hand, The Civil War in Apacheland, 110–11. 3. Pettis to My Own Dear Wife, December 24, 1862, Pettis Papers, Beinecke Library, Yale University. 4. Hand, The Civil War in Apacheland, 113. 5. Company C of the First California Infantry arrived at Mesilla on August 13, 1862. Not long thereafter, the company was ordered into the field against the Mescaleros and was in the fighting at Dog Canyon before returning to Mesilla, where they served from December 1862 to February 1863. After transferring to Franklin for two months, the company was in the Navajo Campaign. Company C was mustered out in two detachments, one at Fort Whipple, Arizona, on August 26, 1864, and the other at Los Pinos on August 31, 1864. A few of the men in the company whose terms had not expired transferred to the First Veteran Regiment of California Volunteers. Company G of the First California Infantry was also at Mesilla from December 1862 to February 1863, then at Las Cruces, Franklin, and finally Fort McRae for eleven months from late July 1863 to late June 1864. The company was mustered out at Fort Craig on August 31, 1864. Company H of the regiment arrived at Mesilla on August 15, 1862, and was stationed at Hart’s Mill and at Franklin from December 1862 to May 1863. The company was at Fort Wingate, Los Pinos, and Fort Craig, where it served from January to April 1864. After being sent to the upper Gila, the company returned to Las Cruces, where the men were mustered out on August 31, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 332–33. Much of the data from Orton can be seen at http://www.calarchives4u.com/ccwr/1streginfintro.htm. 6. Greene first enlisted in Company G of the First California Infantry at Nevada City on August 10, 1861. He replaced Maj. Arthur Morrison in command of Fort McRae on July 4, 1863. Three weeks later he was sent on detached service, and First Lt. J. B. Whitemore assumed command. Greene was mustered out with his company at Fort Craig on August 31, 1864. Smith also enlisted at Nevada City in August 1861. He was promoted to first lieutenant on April 19, 1863, commanded Fort McRae during the summer of 1863, and was involved in several forays and skirmishes with hostile Apaches.

254  •

notes to pages 144–49

Hammond was promoted from regimental quartermaster to captain before resigning on August 5, 1863. Hargrave was promoted from first lieutenant in Company F on June 23, 1862, and was mustered out at Los Pinos on August 31, 1864. Haskell enrolled in Amador County, California, in August 1861 and was promoted to captain of Company H on January 1, 1864. Little information is available on Wood except that he enlisted and was mustered at San Francisco on August 16, 1861, and was mustered out at Las Cruces on August 31, 1864. H. A. Greene to Rigg, August 25, 29, November 17, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Greene to Rigg, August 29, 1863, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 346, 367; PR, Fort McRae, July 1863, RG 393, NA. 7. The New York–born Bryan enlisted in September 1861 and succeeded Elisha Ingram Baily as medical director of the Department of New Mexico in 1864. Bryan was breveted lieutenant colonel for faithful service during the war and mustered out on October 7, 1865. He died on February 24, 1892. McKee had been promoted to surgeon on February 26, 1863. Bryan to Wm. P. McDermott, May 27, 1864, and Bryan to Clarence E. Bennett, August 12, 1864, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 376; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:257. 8. Sutlers Moore and Webb had their headquarters at Fort Union. The Boston-born Webb is listed on the 1860 census at Fort Union, age thirty-two, with personal property valued at $10,000. Two servants, James and Mary Watrous, along with their two children, are listed in the household at the time. By June 1863, Moore and Webb were also operating the sutler’s store at Fort West. Webb lived in El Paso for only a few years before he died there on October 16, 1866. He should not be confused with the well-known Santa Fe trader James Josiah Webb. Eighth Census (1860), Mora County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Mills, Forty Years at El Paso, 192; PR, Fort West, June, 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 9. This was probably the saloon of the notorious Ben Dowell. After being taken prisoner during the Mexican War, the Kentucky-born Dowell settled at Franklin, where he worked the vineyards and married Juana Márquez, a full-blooded Tigua. By 1857, he opened a grocery store, saloon, and billiard parlor at Smith’s Rancho and established a post office. By 1861, he was also operating a hotel and a stage station and became the first El Pasoan to fly the Confederate flag. Following the Confederate evacuation, he briefly joined a group of Rebel guerillas in the Trans-Pecos and Mexico led by Henry Skillman. After the war,

notes to page 150

•  255

he returned to El Paso and became the city’s first mayor following incorporation in 1873. The colorful Dowell died at his home in El Paso in 1880. Rex W. Strickland, Six Who Came to El Paso, Pioneers of the 1840’s (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1963), 12–19; C. L. Sonnichsen, Pass of the North: Four Centuries on the Rio Grande, 2 vols. (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1968), 1:106; Nancy Hamilton, Ben Dowell: El Paso’s First Mayor (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1976), 5–59. 10. From 1863 to 1880, the firm of Tully, Ochoa and Company, with contracts for such items as beans, grain, hay, and beef, was never without a government contract in New Mexico and Arizona. Based in Tucson and Mesilla, and with hundreds of employees, the firm had by 1864 become the largest army contractor in the Southwest. Born at Fort Gibson, Mississippi, on March 25, 1824, Tully traveled down the Santa Fe Trail at the beginning of the war with Mexico and made his way to California during the gold rush. After the Civil War, he became treasurer for Arizona Territory and mayor of Tucson. He moved to California late in life and died near Healdsburg on November 10, 1903. Born in Chihuahua in 1831, Ochoa mastered the freighting business on the Santa Fe and Chihuahua trails and learned English in Missouri. Said to have been a person of impeccable character, Ochoa died in Las Cruces on October 27, 1888. His remains were later removed to Tucson. Thrapp, Encyclopedia of Frontier Biography, 2:1072, 3:1445; Miller, Soldiers and Settlers, 26, 77, 83, 147, 297–98, 345. 11. In 1860, the Irish-born Cuniffe, thirty-two and a merchant with real estate valued at $6,000 and personal property worth $20,000, lived at El Paso with his wife, Francisca Lujan, twenty-one, and their son, fiveyear-old Robert. Cuniff first opened a store in Las Cruces in 1850, but on the eve of the Civil War moved to Franklin. A Unionist, Cuniffe took refuge in Ciudad Chihuahua during the Confederate occupation of New Mexico, but in 1862, with the arrival of the California Column, he returned to Las Cruces, where he was elected Doña Ana County sheriff. Evelyn R. Rosen, “Henry J. Cuniffe: The Man and His Times,” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at El Paso, 1961; Eighth Census (1860), El Paso County, Texas, NA; Frazer, Forts and Supplies, 199; Paxton P. Price, Pioneers of the Mesilla Valley (Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 1995), 94–96. For a photograph of Cuniffe, see http:// digitalcommons.utep.edu/photo_db. Zubirán was a wealthy and prominent merchant in El Paso del Norte who served as Mexican consul in Franklin in the early 1850s and as customs collector during the Civil War. A strong supporter of Benito Juárez and the Mexican republic, Zubirán also owned a large ranch southwest of El Paso del Norte. After the Confederate evacuation,

256  •

notes to pages 151–52

Zubirán assisted in improving relations between Union forces and Gov. Luis Terrazas of Chihuahua, especially as they related to Indian affairs. In December 1863, he testified against Ernest Angustein, who had a monopoly on the corn contract for the army in the southern part of the territory. Zubirán argued that Angustein was conspiring to exclude farmers in Chihuahua from supplying the army. Angustein was a known Secessionist who owned a mercantile store in Mesilla and who refused to take the oath of allegiance to the United States. Sonnichsen, Pass of the North, 161, 164–65; W. H. Timmons, El Paso: A Borderlands History (El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1990), 115; Mills, Forty Years at El Paso, 192; Juan Zubirán to Carleton, April 6, 1862, and Zubirán Testimony in Investigation of Angustein Corn Contract, December 21, 1863, contained with Carleton to Nelson H. Davis, December 11, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

Chapter Twelve 1. West to Cutler, January 28, 1863, and West to Cutler, February 19, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Paul Arnold Lester, “Michael Steck and New Mexico Indian Affairs, 1852–1865,” Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1986, 52–56; Lee Myers, “Military Establishments in Southwestern New Mexico: Stepping Stones to Settlement,” New Mexico Historical Review 43 (January 1968), 9–10. 2. PR, Fort West, February 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 3. West to McCleave, March 5, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 4. PR, Fort West, March 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 5. Carleton to H. W. Halleck, May 10, 1863, OR, 1, 15:723; Carleton to Lorenzo Thomas, February 1, 1863, OR, 1, 15:670; West to McFerran, May 2, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. After visiting Pinos Altos in January 1863, General West concluded that the mines, both hard rock and placer and being worked by Mexicans, were disappointing. Yet, he wrote, “rich gold fields are known to exist among the head waters of the Gila River.” West to Cutler, January 27, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; endorsement in ibid. After reading West’s report, Carleton asked that West’s letter be published in the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette and Santa Fe New Mexican. In February, West told Carleton in an addendum to his report that no person was “making a cent” at Pinos Altos and that none of the mines was “paying expenses.” West to Cutler, February 10, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. After a scout went to the headwaters of the Gila in February 1863, First Lt. Albert H. French

notes to pages 152–53

•  257

reported that “gold exists through almost every formation.” French also concluded that a wagon road from Tucson to Fort Craig could easily be constructed. A. H. French to Cutler, February 12, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 6. PR, Fort West, April 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. Carleton estimated that such a wagon road would cost $100,000, but would open the area to miners and would help “exterminate the Indians.” Carleton to Halleck, May 10, 1863, OR, 1, 15:723. 7. Charles A. Smith to Carleton, October 23, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 8. PR, Fort West, May 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 9. PR, Fort West, February 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA. 10. Ryan, News from Fort Craig, 40. 11. Joseph F. Bennett, Special Orders No. 55, December 25, 1863, in PR, Fort West, RG 393, AGO, NA. 12. McCleave first enlisted in Carleton’s Company K of the First Dragoons at New York City on October 7, 1850. Born in Tyrone, Ireland, and a farmer by occupation, the blue-eyed McCleave was twenty-seven years old and five feet eight in height at the time of his enlistment. Promoted to sergeant, he reenlisted at Albuquerque on October 1, 1855. One of Carleton’s most trusted officers, he was commissioned captain of Company A of the First California Cavalry, but was taken prisoner by Capt. Sherod Hunter’s Confederates at White’s Mill on March 18, 1862. McCleave was exchanged four months later, but upon returning to duty, he refused his back pay of $582.50, saying, “I am not here for pecuniary purposes, and respectfully ask that the amount revert to the Federal Government, whose servant I am.” To Carleton, McCleave was a “noble Irishman” who possessed “all the elements of which heroes and patriots are made.” A private from California, Andrew Ryan, called McCleave “a very brave and fiery man.” McCleave was promoted to major and breveted a lieutenant colonel before he was mustered out at Fort Union on October 18, 1866. He returned to the regular army and retired as a captain in March 1879. Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 298; Francis Anne Mullen Boyd, Cavalry Life in Tent and Field (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982), 298; Finch, Confederate Pathway to the Pacific, 118, 126–30, 167; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:655; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 165; Ryan, News from Fort Craig, 40; Carleton to Halleck, November 14, 1862, OR, 1, 50, 2:223; Carleton to Halleck, May 10, 1863, OR, 1, 15:724; and Register of Enlistments in the United States Army, vol. 49 (1850–54), RG 94, AGO, NA.

258  •

notes to pages 153–58

After serving as first lieutenant in Company B of the First California Infantry and as captain in Company D of the same regiment, Mitchell deserted at Fort West, was apprehended and court-martialed, and then was cashiered on October 26, 1863. Commanding Company B of the First California Infantry, Drescher assumed command of the post when Major McCleave, led by scouts Juan Arroyo and Merejildo Grijalva, took the field against Apaches on June 27, 1863. Later at Fort Cummings, Drescher was involved in a number of forays and skirmishes with hostile Apaches. Latimer was sent to Fort Stanton on June 11, 1863. Valentine Drescher to J. F. Bennett, January 24, 1864, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; West to Henry Greene, December 31, 1863, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Orton, Records of California Men, 324, 341, 350; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 202, 307; PR, Fort West, June 1863, RG 393, NA. Little information is available on Latimer. 13. James had served as post adjutant at Fort West since June 27, 1863. Enlisting in the First California Cavalry at San Francisco on August 15, 1861, Coleman arrived at the post on June 27, 1863. PR, Fort West, June 1863, RG 393, NA. 14. Born in Pennsylvania, Sturgeon enlisted as an assistant surgeon on September 11, 1862, and was promoted to surgeon on May 27, 1863. While at Fort West, he discovered a rich vein of silver in the Mogollon Mountains, the location of which he kept secret. He was responsible for severing the head of the great Chiricahua chief Mangas Coloradas at Fort McRae in January 1863. On December 19, 1863, he was transferred to Fort Craig, where he was praised for his dedication in attending to the wounded following a fight with Mescaleros in the San Andres Mountains in January 1864. Sturgeon resigned on May 27, 1864, taking the skull of Mangas Coloradas to Toledo, Ohio, where he opened a medical practice. He died on December 26, 1899. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:934; Sweeney, Mangas Coloradas, 457, 460, 534; PR, Fort West, December 1862, RG 393, NA; Anderson to Carleton, May 5, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; [Thomas A. Young] to Rigg, January 30, 1864, LR, FC, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 15. With headwaters beneath 8,731-foot Granite Peak in the Gila Wilderness, what is today Turkey Creek enters the Gila River some ten miles upriver from the site of Fort West. 16. Fritz was born at Wuremburg, Germany, about 1831 and immigrated to the United States, where he enlisted in the First Dragoons in New York City in 1851. Said to have had experience in the Prussian army, he served two terms in the regiment and succeeded William McCleave as sergeant

notes to page 159

•  259

of Carleton’s Company K in October 1860. He was discharged at Fort Tejón, California, on January 1, 1861, and helped recruit Company B of the First California Cavalry in September 1861. Fritz led his California cavalrymen into Tucson on May 20, 1862, only to learn that the Confederates under Capt. Sherod Hunter had retreated to the Rio Grande. Mustered out in 1866, Fritz and a friend, Lawrence G. Murphy, established a sutler’s store, saloon, and brewery near Fort Stanton, where they became contractors for both Fort Stanton and the Mescalero Indian Agency. After numerous complaints of drunkenness at the post, Fritz and Murphy were ordered to leave Fort Stanton in 1873. The two men moved their business to nearby Lincoln and rode into history in the Lincoln County War. Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 16–18, 218; Miller, California Column in New Mexico, 146–47, 180, 218; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 136; John P. Wilson, Merchants, Guns, and Money: The Story of the Lincoln County Wars (Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1987), 23–41. 17. The abbreviation do. means “ditto” or “same as previous.” 18. In 1860, the Massachusetts-born French, age twenty-four, lived at Marysville, California, north of Sacramento, where he listed his occupation as “gymnast.” French was active in scouting the headwaters of the Gila River in February 1863 and in helping to locate Fort West. While at the post, he was wounded in the leg by Apaches in a fight near the Black River in Arizona. French is perhaps best remembered for commanding the small expedition of twenty-five men, two scouts, and an interpreter that killed the notorious frontiersman and Confederate scout and courier Henry Skillman near Presidio del Norte on April 8, 1864. French had hoped to return to California after the war to marry a sweetheart, but settled at El Paso, where he wed Benancia “Nancy” Stephenson, daughter of Hugh Stephenson. French obtained contracts to supply corn and beef to the army garrisons at Forts Bayard, Selden, and Sumner. With three partners, he located three copper mines near Santa Rita, staked out several gold claims, and helped to organize the Bay State Mining Company at Pinos Altos. He was also a shareholder in the Carrasco Mining Company with claims in the Organ Mountains. At an El Paso public auction, he purchased James Magoffin’s property at old Fort Bliss and through his father-in-law obtained one-sixth of the Concordia Ranch. French became a staunch Republican in the rough and tumble world of El Paso County politics, a business associate of W. W. Mills, and a member of the state police. On December 8, 1870, he killed B. F. Williams after the drunken Williams had seriously wounded Albert Fountain. French died on January 11, 1877, at the state hospital in Austin—a hospital for the mentally ill. He was only forty-one. Jerry

260  •

notes to pages 159–62

Thompson, “Drama in the Desert: The Hunt for Henry Skillman in the Trans-Pecos, 1862–1864,” Password 38 (fall 1992): 107–26; Roy L. Swift, Three Roads to Chihuahua: The Great Wagon Roads That Opened the Southwest (Austin: Eakin Press, 1988), 96–99; Mills, Forty Years at El Paso, 85–86. A. H. French to Cutler, February 12, 1863; McCleave to Bennett, April 8, 1863; French to Chas. A. Smith, April 24, 1864; French to Carleton, May 5, 1864; Special Orders No. 48, August 18, 1865; all in LR, DNM, AGO, RG 393, NA. Santa Fe New Mexican, May 7, 1864. 19. Commissioned a captain in Company C of the First California Cavalry in August 1861, Shirland had the distinction of raising the Stars and Stripes over Fort Davis on August 28, 1862. He is perhaps best remembered for taking credit for the capture of Mangas Coloradas near Pinos Altos and the war chief’s execution at Fort McLane on January 19, 1863. By May 2, 1863, the garrison was so short of horses that West ordered Shirland’s company dismounted. Orton, Records of California Men, 108; Sweeney, Mangas Coloradas, 450–60; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 90, 175; General Cutler, Orders No. 3, February 24, 1864, OR, 1, 9:228. Shirland to West, September 2, 1862; West to Cutler, January 18, 1863; Shirland to McCleave, January 22, 1863; West to McFerran, May 2, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 20. Commissioned a major in the First California Infantry, Fergusson served as chief commissary for the California Column. He also mapped and explored a route from Tucson to the Mexican port of Libertad on Lobos Bay in hopes of supplying Arizona by way of the Gulf of California. Fergusson is also remembered for his successful diplomatic mission to Chihuahua in January and February 1863. Promoted to colonel of the regiment in February 1864, he was dismissed from the service for deserting his post to tend to personal matters in California. Fergusson to I. Pesquería, August 22, 1862, OR, 1, 50:86; Pesquería to George Wright, OR, 1, 50:93; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 180, 253, 254. 21. Born at Dover, New Hampshire, about 1823, Pishon enlisted in the First United States Dragoons at Boston in June 1842. He spent nineteen years in the regiment, including duty at Rayado, Fort Craig, and Fort Buchanan. Discharged at Fort Tejón, California, in 1861, he became a captain in Company D of the First California Cavalry. Like many of the soldiers in the army in the territory, Pishon was in the forefront of the 1862–63 Mescalero Campaign, leading scouts through the Guadalupe and Sacramento mountains. In July 9, 1863, Pishon left Fort Craig with twenty-seven men of the company and two wagons to escort Surveyor General John A. Clark to the “gold fields” in central Arizona by way of Fort Wingate and Bealle’s Wagon Road. Arriving in central Arizona,

notes to pages 162–63

•  261

south of the San Francisco Peaks, some of Pishon’s men thought the mines recently discovered by Joseph Walker were richer than anything they had seen in California. By September 18, 1863, Pishon was back on the Rio Grande. He served honorably until mustered out at Fort Whipple, Arizona, on November 23, 1864. Returning to California, he farmed near San Bernardino. Orton, Records of California Men, 72–73; Altshuler, Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue, 263; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 167; West to Cutler, December 26, 1862, and Pishon to Cutler, September 24, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. For Captain Pishon’s 714.5-mile scout in search of Mescalero Apaches in November and December 1862, see Pishon, Journal of the march of Companies “E and H” 1st Infantry and Company “D” 1st Cavalry, California Volunteers, commanded by Capt. Nathaniel J. Pishon, 1st Cavalry, Cal. Vols., from Franklin, Texas, to the Guadalupe Mountains and Pecos River, January 4, 1864, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 22. Juan Arroyo, Felipe Gonzales, and Merejildo Grijalva are listed as “Mexican,” having arrived at the post on June 27. Arroyo and Gonzales were paid $75 a month, and the younger Grijalva was compensated $35. Both Arroyo, thirty-nine, and Gonzales, thirty-six, had been officers in Captain Graydon’s company of Spies and Guides in the New Mexico Volunteers before they were discharged and joined the California Column as scouts. During the Confederate invasion, Arroyo provided Colonel Canby with valuable information by spying on the Texans in the Mesilla Valley. Grijalva went on to become the more famous of the three. PR, Fort West, June 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA; Thompson, Desert Tiger, 27, 29; Sweeney, Merejildo Grijalva, 21–60. 23. General West complained in May 1863 that the beef received at the post was of such “inferior quality . . . as to create sickness,” and he was attempting to procure sheep. West to McFerran, May 2, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 24. The subpost Camp Barrett—an earthen fortification around Ammi White’s flour mill at the Pima Villages on the south side of the Gila River between Fort Yuma and Tucson—was established on April 19, 1862, and named after Second Lt. James Barrett, who was killed at Picacho Peak on April 15, 1862. Frazer, Forts of the West, 3; Records of Events at Fort Barrett, Arizona Ty, for the months of May 1862 [to] June 9, 1862, ULR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 39–40, 189. First called Fort Floyd, Fort McLane was established by Maj. Isaac Lynde and men of the Seventh United States Infantry on September 16, 1860, about fifteen miles south of the Santa Rita copper mines near the

262  •

notes to pages 163–68

lower Mimbres River. The post was named for Capt. George McLane of the Mounted Rifles, who died in the 1860–61 Navajo Campaign. The post was abandoned on July 3, 1861, and reoccupied by the troops of the California Column. Frazer, Forts of the West, 100. 25. Nathan Webb and William H. Moore were sutlers for Fort West. See note 12 in chap. 10 and note 8 in chap. 11. 26. Taylor enrolled in Company A of the First California Cavalry at San Francisco on August 12, 1861, and was mustered out at Las Cruces on August 31, 1864. Orton, Records of California Men, 96.

Chapter Thirteen 1. Smith to Cutler, October 27, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 2. Arthur Morrison to Cutler, October 24, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 3. Joseph L. Berney to A. F. Garrison, October 31, 1862, Letters Sent by Assistant Commissary of Subsistence Berney, RG 393, AGO, NA. 4. Carson to Cutler, October 30, 1862, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 5. Smith to Cutler, July 30, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 6. Smith to Cutler, May 29, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 7. Smith to Cutler, June 27, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 8. Higdon enrolled at Yreka, California, on December 1, 1861, and was promoted to first lieutenant on February 17, 1863. Frink was mustered out at Mesilla on November 30, 1864, upon the expiration of his term of service. Orton, Records of California Men, 677. Prior to the Confederate invasion of the territory, Abreu commanded Company A of the First New Mexico Cavalry at Los Lunas. He is listed on the 1860 census as single and twenty-eight, a merchant at Santa Fe with real estate of $400 and personal property worth $1,000. Colonel Carson referred to Abreu as “an energetic and vigilant officer.” During the Navajo Campaign, Abreu was promoted to major on September 14, 1863, and placed in command of Fort Canby. Highly respected, he was promoted to lieutenant colonel on January 11, 1864. By October 1865, he was in command of Fort Craig, but resigned shortly thereafter. Eighth Census (1860), Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory, NA; Carson to Carleton, December 14, 1862, and Abreu to Joseph Smith, September 6, 1864, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; Abreu CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. Abreu’s Company A scouted through the Sacramento Mountains

notes to pages 168–70

•  263

for Mescaleros and down the Pecos as far as Horsehead Crossing to detect any Confederate advance. The company remained at the post for a year while other companies were sent into the Navajo country. Muster Rolls, Company A, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 9. Five feet nine and twenty years old, Márquez enlisted at Santa Fe on July 3, 1861, as a sergeant in Captain Abreu’s Company A of the First New Mexico Cavalry. He was promoted to first sergeant on Christmas Day 1862. While on picket duty on the Rio Hondo in July 1863, Márquez and his men were attacked by a band of Mescaleros; one of his men, José Chávez, was killed, and four others were wounded. Examining the site of the attack, Captain Abreu buried Chávez and reported seeing pieces of clothing saturated with blood. Promoted to second lieutenant on May 21, 1863, Márquez served honorably until he resigned on March 23, 1864. Abreu to Anderson, July 23, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA; De Forrest, S.O. No. 8, March 14, 1864, in Márquez CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 10. The thirty-three-year-old Henderson had previously served as a sergeant in the First United States Cavalry before receiving a commission as second lieutenant in the First New Mexico Cavalry on October 16, 1862. Carleton wrote Carson asking that Henderson be assigned to “Abreu’s company and not to Graydon’s, because Henderson is an old cavalry sergeant and can drill and instruct Abreu’s company, while Graydon, being an old cavalry man, can drill and instruct his own company.” Transferring from Company A to Company I, Henderson was promoted to first lieutenant on October 18, 1863, and to captain in Company C when Capt. Charles P. Marion resigned. After serving at Fort Bascom, being on recruiting duty in Santa Fe, and guarding supply trains on the Santa Fe Trail for several months, Henderson was mustered out on October 2, 1866. Carleton to Carson, October 12, 1863, in Henderson CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 11. Chapman was promoted to first lieutenant and mustered out at Mesilla on November 30, 1864, when his term of enlistment expired. Smith had enrolled as captain of Company A of the Fifth California Infantry on October 30, 1861. He was promoted to major at Fort Stanton on October 31, 1862, and was mustered out at Franklin, Texas, with his company on April 8, 1865. Orton, Records of California Men, 385, 676–77; Masich, The Civil War in Arizona, 185. 12. Bowie commanded the Fifth California Infantry. A veteran of the Mexican War, he was breveted for gallantry at Contreras and Churubusco. A favorite with his men, he was remembered as “a gentleman, a lawyer, but no soldier.” When Carleton arrived at Franklin

264  •

notes to pages 173–74

in late January 1864, he was greeted by several prominent residents of El Paso del Norte and invited to a grand baile at the home of Dr. Mariano G. Samaniego Delgado, where Colonel Bowie’s brass band from Franklin performed. “It was one of the most brilliant and recherché displays of the kind ever seen upon these frontiers,” a correspondent for the Santa Fe Weekly Gazette recalled. The “spacious hall . . . was filled with handsome and graceful ladies, richly and gracefully dressed.” Bowie was mustered out at Franklin on December 14, 1864. Fort Bowie, guarding the eastern entrance to Apache Pass, was named in his honor in July 1862. A recruit in the California Column referred to the brass band as “Bowie’s menagerie.” Orton, Records of California Men, 676; Heitman, Historical Register, 1:234; Hand, The Civil War in Apacheland, 78, 118; Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, February 27, 1864. 13. Born in Kaskaskia, Illinois, in 1818, Maxwell came west to learn the fur trade after his father died in 1834. He made friends with Kit Carson and accompanied John C. Fremont on his three exploring expeditions. Settling in Taos, Maxwell married Luz Beaubien, the daughter of Charles Beaubien, a prominent citizen of the community and a large land owner. Maxwell established two ranches on the Rayado and Cimarron rivers, purchased two million acres of the vast Beaubien and Miranda Grant, and became one of the richest men in the West. Indian fighter, farmer, and stockman, Maxwell could be stubborn, arrogant, and often cruel. Not long after he bought the post and remodeled the buildings at Fort Sumner, he died there of uremic poisoning at the age of fifty-six in July 1875. Murphy, Lucien Bonaparte Maxwell, 205. 14. Commanding Fort Stanton in June 1863, Maj. Joseph Smith, too, reported that next to Babbitt’s name in the Guard Report Book was the notation “To be shot.” As it turned out, Babbitt had been convicted of desertion at Santa Fe in July 1862. Smith, however, could find no record of the case, and he asked Carleton for permission to release Babbitt, believing the young private had “fully atoned for his crime, if ever guilty of one.” Following Carleton’s orders, Smith released Babbitt from confinement on August 5, 1863. Smith to Cutler, June 11, 1863, and Smith to Cutler, August 5, 1863, LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. 15. At Fort Stanton on November 1, 1863, Cadagan was in such a “state of intoxication,” a “condition not an infrequent like case with him,” that he shot at his wife in their quarters and would have killed her had not the couple’s young daughter intervened. Cadagan was placed in the guardhouse and charged with drunkenness and “making use of [a] deadly weapon with intent to kill.” L. W. Hayes to O. M. Bryan, November 4, 1863, and Charges and Specifications prefer[r]ed against James W. Cadagan, n.d., both in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA.

notes to pages 174–77

•  265

16. Berney (Birney) enlisted as a first lieutenant in the Fifth New Mexico Volunteers in May 1862 and went on to command Company D of the First New Mexico Cavalry. Promoted to captain, he served as regimental quartermaster and assistant commissary of subsistence at Fort Craig and Fort Stanton, and then at Fort Wingate and Fort Canby during the Navajo Campaign. Carson reported Berney a dedicated officer with “zeal and attention” to his duties, and someone whose conduct “gives me entire satisfaction.” Berney was sent to Fort Bascom with his company in January 1865, but soon fell ill and returned to Fort Union to recuperate. After recovering, he was sent back to Fort Bascom in the late summer of 1865, but then was transferred to Fort Sumner, where he fell ill again. Berney died there on October 7, 1865, at the age of twenty-six from the effects of consumption that may have been complicated by “a very bad case of syphilis.” Realizing he was likely to die, he had made out his last will and testament the day before his death, giving all his possessions to his friend Capt. Lawrence G. Murphy. Born at Wexford, Ireland, in 1834, the red-headed, blue-eyed Murphy had enlisted in Company F of the Fifth Infantry at Buffalo, New York, on July 26, 1852, and reenlisted as a sergeant at Fort McIntosh, Texas, on May 31, 1856. Berney’s Letters Sent Book survives in the National Archives. Register of Enlistments in the United States Army, vol. 49 (1850–54), RG 94, AGO, NA; Letters Sent by Assistant Commissary of Subsistence Berney, 1st New Mexico Volunteers, Ft. Stanton, New Mexico, October 1862–May 1863, RG 393, AGO, NA, microfilm in editor’s collection. Kelly, Navajo Roundup, 39, 36; John P. Ryan, Fort Stanton and Its Community, 1855–1896 (Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 1998); Carson to Cutler, August 19, 1863, OR, 26, 1:236–38; Carson to Carleton, January 4, 1863, and Joseph C. Berney, Last Will and Testament, October 6, 1865, in Berney CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 17. The German-Jewish Beuthner brothers, Solomon, Sampson, and Joseph, had their mercantile headquarters at Taos. Sampson was said to have lost $1,000 playing billiards at Taos in a single night before Gov. David Meriwether outlawed gambling in the territory. By 1862, Solomon had become sutler for the First New Mexico Volunteers. Tobias, Jews in New Mexico, 29, 39, 45, 48; Watts, Adios Nuevo Mexico, 91; Oliva, Fort Union and the Frontier Army, 116–17; Elder and Weber, Trading in Santa Fe, 3, 86. 18. From Maryland, Anderson, age thirty, was previously stationed at Albuquerque, where he was a private in a company commanded by Capt. Caleb Chase Sibley. Eighth Census (1860), Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory, NA.

266  •

note to page 178

From Cincinnati, Ohio, Reeder is listed as a “saddler” in Company A of the First New Mexico Cavalry. At age forty-two, and listing his occupation as a “labourer,” he later reenlisted at Fort Union, where he received a bonus of $300. Reeder CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. Grasser, a German-born private, thirty-two years old, five feet six, listed his occupation as butcher when he first enlisted in the New Mexico Volunteers. He had been promoted to sergeant, but was tried by general court-martial at Fort Stanton on unspecified charges and sentenced to two months’ confinement. After serving in the Navajo Campaign, Grasser reenlisted for one year in January 1865 and again became a sergeant. He was discharged on January 4, 1866. Grasser CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. Born in Ohio, but enlisting in the army in Minnesota, Bevans was made paymaster for the New Mexico Volunteers on July 17, 1862. He resigned on January 20, 1864. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:216. 19. Justus B. Wagner and John Hinkley, both privates in Company A of the Fifth California Infantry, were killed at Gallinas Springs on June 21, 1863. Scouting through the area in August 1863, Lt. William B. Manderville of the First California Cavalry reported finding and burying the bones of Private Wagner. Manderville did not specify how he determined that the remains were those of Wagner. Gallinas Springs was the site of several ambushes during the war. For example, when the Confederates occupied Fort Stanton in September 1861, First Lt. John R. Pulliam sent a four-man patrol to the Gallinas Mountains to watch for any Federal advance from the north. The men reached the springs and went into camp in a grove of pine trees when they were attacked by a band of Mescaleros. Three privates, T. G. Pemberton, Joseph V. Mosse, and Joseph Emmanacker died in the attack, but Floyd A. Sanders escaped. It was also at the Gallinas Springs that Capt. James Graydon and his New Mexico Volunteers killed Manuelito and at least eleven other Mescaleros in October 1862. In the summer of 1863, the springs ran dry. Fearing an ambush at the springs in September 1863, Capt. George Shepherd Hollister of the Seventh Infantry stationed a strong picket on the top of the 8,637-foot Gallinas Mountain to the east and in August and September 1863 built log cabins on a hill 500 yards south of the springs. Maj. Joseph Smith, who arrived at the springs a month after Captain Hollister and speculated that there was gold in the Gallinas Mountains, dug a tank at the springs, but reported a “stronger spring” four miles distant on the east side of the mountain. What was then called Gallinas Springs is today Cement Spring on the west side of the mountains and not the Gallinas Springs that is at a much higher elevation, one-half mile southeast of Gallinas Peak. A human skull with

notes to pages 181–83

•  267

what appeared to be a bullet hole in the frontal cranium was discovered at Cement Spring in the late 1950s. Bobby Meadows, Mountainair, New Mexico, interview by the editor, December 29, 1989; Orton, Records of California Men, 679, 681, 883; Santa Fe Weekly Gazette, November 8, 1862; Jno. R. Pulliam to Baylor, August [September] 25, 1861, OR, 1, 4:24–25. Graydon to [Carleton], October 23, 1862; Morrison to Cutler, October 24, 1862; G. S. Hollister to W. H. Higdon, September 27, 29, 1863; Smith to Cutler, September 23, October 1, 4, 1863; William B. Manderville to Cutler, September 7, 1863; all in LR, DNM, RG 393, AGO, NA. Thompson, Desert Tiger, 52–55, 80–81.

Epilogue 1. Max L. Heyman, Prudent Soldier: A Biography of Major-General E. R. S. Canby (Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1959), 273. In California, Captain Jack and his three Modoc accomplices were apprehended and hanged. 2. Ibid., 307–32. 3. New York Times, April 14, 1873. 4. Heyman, Prudent Soldier, 380–87. 5. Hunt, Major General James H. Carleton, 300–301. 6. Ibid., 348. 7. Alexander Evans to [John G. Parke], May 1, 1866, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 8. Evans to AG, December 3, 1867, and Oath as Major in United States Army, December 2, 1867, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 9. Wayne R. Austerman, “Soldier Spring: Christmas Clash with Comanches and Kiowas,” Wild West 19 (December 2006): 48–53; Evans to AG, July 14, 1869, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 10. Samuel B. Lauffer to E. D. Townsend, December 19, 1870, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. A few months after filing his complaint, Captain Lauffer resigned from the army. 11. W. T. Sherman endorsement in George Cooke to AG, December 6, 1875, and Robert Williams, General Orders No. 16, April 1876, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 12. Miscellaneous Notes, n.d., and Evans to AG, July 29, 1882, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA.

268  •

notes to pages 183–85

13. P. H. Sheridan to [Robert] Lincoln, September 11, 1883, Evans CSR, RG 94, NA. 14. Cecil County News, April 25, 1906; Cecil Democrat, April 28, 1906; Cecil Whig, April 28, 1906; Elkton Appeal, April 28, 1906. Also, P. H. Ellis to War Department, April 24, 1906, and J. D. C. Hoskins to War Department (telegram), April 25, 1906, Evans CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 15. Carleton to Thomas, March 1, 1863, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 16. Carleton to Grant, May 30, 1864, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 17. Grant to Stanton, February 20, 1865, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 18. Wallen, ed., “Answer to the Question, ‘Where Were You during the Rebellion?’” Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 19. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:999. 20. Townsend to Wallen, February 20, 1873, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 21. Jos. Bill to [Rufus Ingalls], March 16, 1873, and Medical Certificate, January 12, 1874, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA. 22. Heitman, Historical Register, 1:999. Assigned to the Third Artillery, Henry Davies Wallen Jr. was honorably discharged three years later at his own request. He died on December 23, 1889. 23. New York Times, October 20, 1881, and April 12, 1882. Six children were born to the Wallens. 24. New York Times, December 3, 1886; Army and Navy Journal, December 11, 1886; Jos. R. Smith to Sir, December 4, 1886, Wallen CSR, RG 94, AGO, NA.

Bibliography •••

Primary Sources Manuscripts and Archival Collections

“Bugler,” Co. B, Fifth New Mexico Volunteers. “Reminiscences of the Later War in New Mexico.” Arrott Collection, New Mexico Highlands University Library, Las Vegas, New Mexico. Carleton, James H. Orders and Proclamations, Adjutant General Records. New Mexico Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. Case Files of Applicants from Former Confederates for Presidential Pardons, New Mexico and Texas. Record Group 94. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Clever, C. P. Record Book, Adjutant General Records. New Mexico Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. Compiled Service Records of Union Soldiers Who Served in Organizations from the Territory of New Mexico. Record Group 94, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Eighth Census (1860). National Archives, Washington, D.C. Amador County, California Arapahoe County, Colorado Territory Arizona County, New Mexico Territory Bernalillo County, New Mexico Territory Butte County, California Calaveras County, California Conejos County, Colorado Territory Costilla County, Colorado Territory Douglas County, Nebraska Territory •  269  •

270  •

bibliography

El Paso County, Texas Jackson County, Missouri Larimer County, Colorado Territory Los Angeles County, California Mercer County, New Jersey Monterey County, California Mora County, New Mexico Territory Pottawatomie County, Kansas Rio Arriba County, New Mexico Territory San Francisco County, California San Miguel County, New Mexico Territory Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory Taos County, New Mexico Territory Valencia County, New Mexico Territory Evans, Andrew Wallace. Compiled Service Record, Record Group 94, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Ford, John S. Papers. Haley Memorial Library and History Center, Midland, Texas. Hubbell, Santiago. Papers. Southwestern Collection, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico, Albuquerque. Internal Revenue Assessment Lists for the Territory of New Mexico, 1862–1869. Record Group 58. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Central District of New Mexico. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Department of New Mexico. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office, National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Department of State, Territorial Papers, New Mexico, Record Group 59. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Department of Texas and the District of Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona, Record Group 365. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. District of Fort Craig. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. District of Santa Fe. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Record Group 75, Office of Indian Affairs (New Mexico Superintendency). National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Record Group 94, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C.

bibliography

•  271

Letters Received. Record Group 109, Confederate Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Southern District of New Mexico. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Received. Trans-Mississippi Department. Record Group 109, Records of the Confederate War Department. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Sent by Assistant Commissary of Subsistence Berney, 1st New Mexico Volunteers, Ft. Stanton, New Mexico, 1862–1863. Department of New Mexico, Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Sent. Department of New Mexico. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Sent. Records of the Office of Inspector General, 1863–1889. Record Group 159, Inspector General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Letters Sent. Records of the Provost Marshal, 1862–1864, Arrivals and Departures from Santa Fe. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. MacRae, John. Letters. Southern Historical Collection Archives, University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N.C. Militia Claims (Civil War). Adjutant General’s Records. New Mexico State Records Center and Archives, Santa Fe. Muster Rolls (New Mexico Militia and Volunteers). Adjutant General’s Records. New Mexico State Record Center and Archives, Santa Fe. Ninth Census (1870). National Archives, Washington, D.C. Costilla County, Colorado Territory Grant County, New Mexico Territory Larimer County, Colorado Territory Maverick County, Texas Mora County, New Mexico Territory Santa Fe County, New Mexico Territory Pettis, George H. Manuscripts. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. Pettis, George Henry. Papers. Beinecke Library, Yale University, New Haven, Conn. Post Returns. Record Groups 94 and 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Albuquerque Fort Bliss

272  •

bibliography

Fort Craig Fort Fillmore Fort Garland Fort Marcy Fort McRae Fort Stanton Fort Sumner Fort Union Fort West Fort Wingate Hart’s Mill Los Pinos Post at Albuquerque Post at Los Lunas Post Opposite El Paso del Norte Rayado Proceedings of United States Army Courts-Martial, 1861–1866. Record Group 153, Judge Advocate General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Regimental Returns. Record Group 94, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. First California Infantry First New Mexico Cavalry Second New Mexico Infantry Register of Enlistments in the United States Army, vols. 49–55 (1850–1863). Record Group 94, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Ritch, William Gillet. Papers. Huntington Library, San Marino, Calif. Shoemaker, William Rawle. Letter book. Fort Union National Monument, Fort Union, N.Mex. Steele, William. Letter book. Trans-Mississippi Department. Record Group 109, Records of the Confederate Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Tenth Census (1880). National Archives, Washington, D.C. Conejos County, Colorado Territory Unregistered Letters Received. Department of New Mexico. Record Group 393, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives, Washington, D.C. Wallen, Henry Davies. Compiled Service Record. Record Group 94, Adjutant General’s Office. National Archives.

bibliography

•  273

Books Abel, Annie Heloise, ed. The Official Correspondence of James S. Calhoun While Indian Agent at Santa Fe and Superintendent of Indian Affairs in New Mexico. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1915. Averell, William Woods. Ten Years in the Saddle: The Memoirs of William Woods Averell, 1851–1862. Edited by Edward K. Eckert and Nicholas J. Amato. San Rafael, Calif.: Presidio Press, 1978. Baylor, George W. Into the Far, Wild Country: True Tales of the Old Southwest. Edited by Jerry Thompson. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1996. ———. John Robert Baylor, Confederate Governor of Arizona. Edited by Odie B. Faulk. Tucson: Arizona Pioneers’ Historical Society, 1966. Bennett, James A. Forts and Forays: A Dragoon in New Mexico, 1850–1856. Edited by Clinton E. Brooks and Frank D. Reeves. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996. Biddle, Ellen McGowan. Reminiscences of a Soldier’s Wife. Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1907. Carleton, James H. Diary of an Excursion to the Ruins of Abo, Quarra, and Gran Quivira in New Mexico in 1853 under the Command of Major James Henry Carleton. Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1965. Chacón, Rafael. Legacy of Honor: The Life of Rafael Chacón, a NineteenthCentury New Mexican. Edited by Jacqueline Dorgan Meketa. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1986. Clarke, Charles Francis. Above a Common Soldier: Frank and Mary Clarke in the American West and Civil War, 1847–1872, from Their Letters. Edited by Darlis Miller. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1977. Confederate Victories in the Southwest: Prelude to Defeat. Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1961. Cremony, John C. Life among the Apaches. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1983. D’Hamel, Enrique B. The Adventures of a Tenderfoot. Waco, Tex.: W. M. Morrison Books, n.d. Emory, William H. Report on the United States and Mexican Boundary Survey, Made under the Direction of the Secretary of the Interior. Washington, D.C.: Cornelius Wendell, 1857. Farmer, James E. My Life with the Army in the West: Memoirs of J. E. Farmer. Edited by Dale Giese. Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1967.

274  •

bibliography

Gerow, Peggy A. Guardian of the Trail: Archeological and Historical Investigations at Fort Craig. Santa Fe: Bureau of Land Management, 2004. Hand, George. The Civil War in Apacheland: Sergeant George Hand’s Diary, California, Arizona, West Texas, New Mexico, 1861–1864. Edited by Neil B. Carmony. Silver City, N.Mex.: High Lonesome Books, 1996. Hart, Herbert M. Old Forts of the Southwest. New York: Bonanza Books, 1964. ———. Pioneer Forts of the West. Seattle: Superior, 1967. Hollister, Ovando J. Boldly They Rode. Lakewood, Colo.: Golden Press, 1949. Ickis, Alonzo F. Bloody Trails along the Rio Grande: A Day-by-Day Diary of Alonzo Ferdinand Ickis. Edited by Nolie Mumey. Denver: Fred A. Rosenstock, 1958. Johnson, Robert Underwood, and Clarence Clough Buel, eds. Battles and Leaders of the Civil War. 3 vols. South Brunswick, N.J.: T. Yoseloff, 1956. Kelly, Lawrence C., ed. Navajo Roundup: Selected Correspondence of Kit Carson’s Expedition Against the Navajo, 1863–1865. Boulder, Colo.: Pruett, 1970. Kingsbury, John M. Trading in Santa Fe: John M. Kingsbury’s Correspondence with Josiah Webb, 1853–1861. Edited by Jane Lenz Elder and David J. Weber. Dallas: Southern Methodist University Press, 1996. Lee, Arthur T. Fort Davis and the Texas Frontier: Paintings by Captain Arthur T. Lee, Eighth U.S. Infantry. Text by W. Stephen Thomas. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1976. Mansfield, Joseph K. Mansfield on the Condition of the Western Forts, 1853–54. Edited by Robert W. Frazer. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1963. McKee, James Cooper. Narrative of the Surrender of U.S. Forces at Fort Fillmore, New Mexico in July A.D. 1861. Houston: Stagecoach Press, 1961. Merrick, Morgan Wolfe. From Desert to Bayou: The Civil War Journal and Sketches of Morgan Wolfe Merrick. Edited by Jerry Thompson. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1991. Mills, W. W. Forty Years at El Paso, 1858–1898. Edited by Rex Strickland. El Paso, Tex.: Carl Hertzog, 1962. Noel, Theophilus. Autobiography. Chicago: Theophilus Noel, 1904. ———. A Campaign from Santa Fe to the Mississippi, Being a History of the Old Sibley Brigade. Edited by Martin H. Hall and Edwin A. Davis. Houston: Stagecoach Press, 1961. O’Neil, James B. They Die but Once: The Story of a Tejano. New York: Knight, 1936.

bibliography

•  275

Orton, Richard H., comp. Records of California Men in the War of the Rebellion, 1861–1867. Sacramento, Calif.: State Printing Office, 1890. Peticolas, A. B. Rebels on the Rio Grande: The Civil War Journal of A. B. Peticolas. Edited by Don E. Alberts. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1984. Pettis, George H. The California Column: Its Campaigns and Services in New Mexico, Arizona, and Texas, during the Civil War, with Sketches of Brigadier General James H. Carleton, Its Commander, and Other Officers and Soldiers. Santa Fe: New Mexican Printing, 1908. ———. Kit Carson’s Fight with the Comanche and Kiowa Indians. Santa Fe: New Mexico Printing, 1908. ———. Personal Narratives of Events in the War of the Rebellion, or a History of Company K, First Infantry, California Volunteers. Providence: Soldiers’ and Sailors’ Historical Society of Rhode Island, 1885. Porter, Charles. Charles Porter’s Account of the Confederate Attempt to Seize Arizona and New Mexico. Edited by Alwyn Barr. Austin: Pemberton Press, 1964. Rodenbough, Theodore F. From Everglade to Canon with the Second Dragoons. New York: D. Van Nostrand, 1875. Ryan, Andrew. News from Fort Craig, New Mexico, 1863: Civil War Letters of Andrew Ryan with the California Column. Edited by Ernest Marchand. Santa Fe: Stagecoach Press, 1966. Sibley, Henry Hopkins. The Civil War in West Texas and New Mexico: The Lost Letterbook of Brigadier General Henry Hopkins Sibley. Edited by John P. Wilson and Jerry Thompson. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 2001. Simmons, Marc, ed. The Battle at Valley’s Ranch. Santa Fe: San Pedro Press, 1987. Strickland, Rex W., ed. El Sabio Sembrado: El Paso in 1854. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1969. Tevis, James Henry. Arizona in the ’50s. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1954. Thompson, Jerry, ed. Civil War in the Southwest: Recollections of the Sibley Brigade. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2001. ———, ed. Texas and New Mexico on the Eve of the Civil War: The Mansfield and Johnston Inspections, 1859–1861. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001. ———, ed. Westward the Texans: The Civil War Journal of Private William Randolph Howell. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1990.

276  •

bibliography

Tórrez, Robert J., ed. New Mexico in 1876–1877, a Newspaperman’s View: The Travels and Reports of William D. Dawson. Los Ranchos de Albuquerque, N.Mex.: Rio Grande Books, 2007. Union Army Operations in the Southwest: Final Victory. Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1961. War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies. 128 vols. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1880–1901. Watts, John. Adios Nuevo Mexico: The Santa Fe Journal of John Watts in 1859. Edited by David Remley. Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 1999. Whitford, William Clarke. Colorado Volunteers in the Civil War: The New Mexico Campaign in 1862. Denver: State Historical and Natural History Society, 1906. Williams, R. H. With the Border Ruffians: Memories of the Far West, 1852–1868. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982. Wright, Marcus J., comp. Texas in the War, 1861–1865. Edited by Harold B. Simpson. Hillsboro, Tex.: Hill College Press, 1965. Yeary, Mamie. Reminiscences of the Boys in Gray, 1861–1865. Dayton, Ohio: Morningside, 1986.

Articles and Book Chapters Anderson, Hattie M., ed. “With the Confederates in New Mexico during the Civil War: Memoirs of Hank Smith.” Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 2 (1929). Anderson, Latham. “Canby’s Service in the New Mexico Campaign.” In Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol. 2, edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel. South Brunswick, N.J.: T. Yoseloff, 1956. Ball, Durwood. “Fort Craig, New Mexico, and the Southwest Indian Wars.” New Mexico Historical Review 73 (April 1998). Bell, J. M. “The Campaign of New Mexico, 1862.” In War Papers Read before the Commandry of the State of Wisconsin, Military Order of the Loyal Legion of the United States, vol. 1. Milwaukee: Burdick, Armitage and Allen, 1891. Bloom, Lansing B., ed. “Confederate Reminiscences of 1862.” New Mexico Historical Review 5 (July 1930).

bibliography

•  277

Chivington, John M. “The First Colorado Regiment.” Bancroft Library, University of California, Berkeley. Collins, Thomas Benton. “A Texan’s Account of the Battle of Val Verde.” Panhandle Plains Historical Review 37 (1964). Cook, George. “Letter from the Front.” New Mexico Magazine (September 1965). Crimmins, M. L. “The Battle of Val Verde.” New Mexico Historical Review 7 (October 1932). Faulkner, Walter A., ed. “With Sibley in New Mexico: The Journal of William Henry Smith.” West Texas Historical Association Year Book 27 (October 1951). Gracy, David B., II, ed. “New Mexico Campaign Letters of Frank Starr, 1861–1862.” Texas Military History 4 (1964). Haas, Oscar, trans. “The Diary of Julius Giesecke, 1861–1862.” Military History of Texas 3 (winter 1963). Hall, Martin Hardwick, ed. “An Appraisal of the 1862 New Mexico Campaign: A Confederate Officer’s Letter to Nacogdoches.” New Mexico Historical Review 51 (October 1976). ———, ed. “The Journal of Ebenezer Hanna.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 3 (January 1958). ———, ed. “The Taylor Letters: Correspondence from Fort Bliss, 1861.” Military History of Texas and the Southwest 15, no. 2 (n.d.). Hord, Ruth Waldrop, ed. “The Diary of Lieutenant E. J. Robb, C.S.A., from Santa Fe to Fort Lancaster, 1862.” Permian Historical Annual 18 (December 1978). Hunter, J. T. “When Texas Seceded.” Confederate Veteran 14 (August 1917). Merchant, S. W. “Fighting with Sibley in New Mexico.” Hunter’s Magazine 1 (November 1910). O’Donnel, Connie Sue Ragan, comp. “The Diary of Robert Thomas Williams: Marches, Skirmishes, and Battles of the Fourth Regiment, Texas Militia Volunteers: October 1861 to November 1865.” Texas Heritage Museum, Hill College, Hillsboro, Tex. Pettis, George H. “The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico and Arizona.” In Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol. 2, edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel. South Brunswick, N.J.: T. Yoseloff, 1956. Seynn, J. Robert, ed. “A Soldier in New Mexico, 1860–1885.” El Palacio 65 (August 1958).

278  •

bibliography

Stein, Bill, ed. “Reminiscences of the Old Brigade, on the March, in the Tent, in the Field, as Witnessed by the Writers during the Rebellion.” Nesbitt Memorial Library Journal: A Journal of Colorado County History 9 (May 1999). Tate, Michael L. “A Johnny Reb in Sibley’s New Mexico Campaign: Reminiscence of Pvt. Henry C. Wright, 1861–1862.” East Texas Historical Journal 25 and 26 (1988–89). Teel, T. T. “Sibley’s New Mexican Campaign: Its Objects and the Causes of Its Failure.” In Battles and Leaders of the Civil War, vol. 2, edited by Robert Underwood Johnson and Clarence Clough Buel. South Brunswick, N.J.: T. Yoseloff, 1956. Thompson, Jerry, ed. “Advance and Retreat: Lt. Franklin Cook Recalls the Battle of Valverde.” New Mexico Historical Review (fall 2006). ———, ed. “The Civil War Diary of Major Charles Emil Wesche.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 39 (spring 1994). ———, ed. “An Indian Agent at the Battle of Valverde: The Civil War Letters of James L. Collins.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 103 (October 1999). ———, ed. “‘Is This to Be the Glory of Our Brave Men?’ The New Mexico Civil War Journal and Letters of Dr. Henry Jacob ‘Hal’ Hunter.” New Mexico Historical Review (spring 2001). Wade, F. S. “Battle of Val Verde.” Confederate Veteran 29 (April 1921). ———. “Recollections.” Elgin Courier (December 1924–January 1925). Willis, [Edward Baker]. “Heroism of a Dutch Officer.” Field and Stream (September 29, 1894). Wilson, John P. “Retreat to the Rio Grande: The Report of Captain Isaiah N. Moore.” Rio Grande History 2 (1975).

Newspapers Army and Navy Journal Cecil County News Cecil Democrat Cecil Whig Clarksville Northern Standard Corpus Christi Ranchero

bibliography

•  279

Elkton Appeal Galveston News Houston Tri-Weekly Telegraph Las Vegas Gazette (New Mexico) Mesilla Times New Orleans Daily Picayune New York Times Rio Abajo Weekly Press (Albuquerque) Sacramento Daily Union San Antonio Daily Ledger and Texan San Antonio Semi-Weekly News San Antonio Weekly Herald San Francisco Alta California Santa Fe Daily New Mexican Santa Fe Weekly Gazette Texas State Gazette (Austin)

Secondary Sources Books

Acuña, Rodolfo F. Sonoran Strongman: Ignacio Pesquería and His Times. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1974. Alberts, Don E. The Battle of Glorieta: Union Victory in the West. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1998. Alexander, Bob. Six-Guns and Single-Jacks: A History of Silver City and Southwestern New Mexico. Silver City, N.Mex.: Gila Books, 2005. Altshuler, Constance Wynn. Cavalry Yellow and Infantry Blue: Army Officers in Arizona Between 1851 and 1886. Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1991. ———. Chains of Command: Arizona and the Army, 1856–1875. Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1981. ———. Starting with Defiance: Nineteenth Century Arizona Military Posts. Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1983. Anderson, Charles G. Confederate General: William R. “Dirty Neck Bill” Scurry, 1821–1864. Tallahassee, Fla.: Rose Printing, 1999.

280  •

bibliography

Austerman, Wayne R. Sharps Rifles and Spanish Mules: The San Antonio–El Paso Mail, 1851–1861. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1985. Biographical Directory of the American Congress, 1774–1949. Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1950. Bowden, J. J. The Exodus of Federal Forces from Texas. Austin: Eakin Press, 1986. Boyd, Douglas K. Interim Report on Archaeological Investigations at Paraje. Amarillo, Tex.: U.S. Department of the Interior, Bureau of Reclamation, 1984. Boyd, Francis Anne Mullen. Cavalry Life in Tent and Field. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1982. Bryan, Howard. Wildest of the Wild West: True Tales of a Frontier Town on the Santa Fe Trail. Santa Fe: Clear Light, 1988. Bryson, Conrey. Down Went McGinty: El Paso in the Wonderful Nineties. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1977. Clary, David A., and Joseph W. A. Whitehorne. The Inspectors General of the United States, 1777–1903. Washington, D.C.: Office of the Inspector General and Center for Military History, 1987. Colton, Ray C. The Civil War in the Western Territories. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1959. Conkling, Roscoe P., and Margaret B. Conkling. The Butterfield Overland Mail, 1857–1869. Vols. 2 and 3. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1947. Craig, Reginald S. The Fighting Parson: Biography of Colonel John M. Chivington. Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1959. Crouch, Brodie. Jornada del Muerto: A Pageant in the Desert. Spokane, Wash.: Arthur H. Clark, 1989. Dornbusch, C. E. Military Bibliography of the Civil War. Vol. 2. New York: New York Public Library, 1967. Edrington, Thomas S., and John Taylor. The Battle of Glorieta Pass: A Gettysburg in the West, March 26–28, 1862. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1998. Emmett, Chris. Fort Union and the Winning of the Southwest. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965. Finch, L Boyd [sic]. Confederate Pathway to the Pacific: Major Sherod Hunter and Arizona Territory, C.S.A. Tucson: Arizona Historical Society, 1996. Fitzpatrick, Charles, and Conrad Crane. The Prudent Soldier, the Rash Old Fighter, and the Walking Whiskey Keg: The Battle of Val Verde, New Mexico, 13–21 February 1862. Fort Bliss, Texas: Air Defense Artillery School, 1984.

bibliography

•  281

Frazer, Robert W. Forts and Supplies: The Role of the Army in the Economy of the Southwest, 1846–1861. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1983. ———. Forts of the West. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1965. Frazier, Donald S. Blood and Treasure: Confederate Empire in the Southwest. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1995. Gallaway, B. P., ed. The Dark Corner of the Confederacy. Dubuque, Iowa: Kendall-Hunt, 1972. Ganaway, Loomis M. New Mexico and the Sectional Controversy, 1846–1861. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1944. Giese, Dale F. Forts of New Mexico. N.p.: n.p., n.d. Giese, William Royston. The Confederate Military Forces in the TransMississippi West, 1861–1865: A Study in Command. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1974. Grinstead, Marion C. Destiny at Valverde: The Life and Death of Alexander McRae. Socorro, N.Mex.: Socorro County Historical Society, 1993. ———. Life and Death of a Frontier Fort: Fort Craig, New Mexico, 1854–1885. Socorro, N.Mex.: Socorro County Historical Society, 1973. Haley, J. Evetts. Fort Concho and the Texas Frontier. Midland: West Texas Legacy Press, 2006. Hall, Martin H. The Confederate Army of New Mexico. Austin: Presidial Press, 1978. ———. Sibley’s New Mexico Campaign. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1960. Hamilton, Nancy. Ben Dowell: El Paso’s First Mayor. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1976. Harris, Gertrude. A Tale of Men Who Knew Not Fear. San Antonio: Alamo Printing, 1935. Harrison, Laura Soullieré, and James E. Ivey. Of a Temporary Character: A Historic Structure Report of First Fort, Second Fort, and the Arsenal and Historic Base Map, Fort Union National Monument, Fort Union, New Mexico. Santa Fe: Southwest Cultural Resources Center, 1993. Heitman, Francis B. Historical Register and Dictionary of the United States Army, from Its Organization, September 29, 1789, to March 2, 1903. 2 vols. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1965. Hendricks, Rick, and W. H. Timmons. San Elizario: Spanish Presidio to Texas County Seat. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1998.

282  •

bibliography

Heyman, Max L. Prudent Soldier: A Biography of Major-General E. R. S. Canby. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1959. Hollister, Ovando H. Colorado Volunteers in New Mexico. Chicago: R. R. Donnelley and Sons, 1962. Horgan, Paul. Lamy of Santa Fe: A Biography. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1975. Horn, Calvin. New Mexico’s Troubled Years: The Story of the Early Territorial Governors. Albuquerque: Horn and Wallace, 1963. Hubbell, Harold B., and Donald Sidney Hubbell. History and Genealogy of the Hubbell Family. N.p: Privately published, 1980. Hunt, Aurora. The Army of the Pacific. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1951. ———. Major General James H. Carleton, 1814–1873: Western Frontier Dragoon. Glendale, Calif.: Arthur H. Clark, 1958. Josephy, Alvin M., Jr. The Civil War in the American West. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1991. Julyan, Robert. The Place Names of New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1996. Keleher, William A. Turmoil in New Mexico, 1846–1868. Santa Fe: Rydal Press, 1952. Kerby, Robert Lee. The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico and Arizona, 1861–1862. Los Angeles: Westernlore Press, 1958. ———. Kirby Smith’s Confederacy: The Trans-Mississippi South, 1863–1865. New York: Columbia University Press, 1972. Lavender, David. Bent’s Fort. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1972. Lewis, Oscar. The War in the Far West, 1861–1862. Garden City, N.Y.: Doubleday, 1961. Masich, Andrew E. The Civil War in Arizona: The Story of the California Volunteers, 1861–1865. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006. McChristian, Douglas C. Fort Bowie, Arizona: Combat Post of the Southwest, 1858–1894. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2005. Meketa, Charles, and Jacqueline Meketa. One Blanket and Ten Days Rations. Globe, Ariz.: Southwest Parks and Monuments Association, 1980. Meketa, Jacqueline. Louis Felsenthal: Citizen-Soldier of Territorial New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982. Metz, Leon C. Desert Army: Fort Bliss on the Texas Border. El Paso: Mangan Books, 1988.

bibliography

•  283

———. Fort Bliss, An Illustrated History. El Paso: Mangan Books, 1981. Miller, Darlis A. The California Column in New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982. ———. Soldiers and Settlers: Military Supply in the Southwest, 1861–1885. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1989. Montoya, María E. Transplanting Property: The Maxwell Land Grant and the Conflict over Land in the American West, 1840–1900. Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 2002. Murphy, Lawrence R. Lucien Bonaparte Maxwell: Napoleon of the Southwest. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1983. Oldham, Ann. Albert H. Pfeiffer: Indian Agent, Soldier, and Mountain Man. N.p.: Instantpublishing.com, 2003. Oliva, Leo E. Fort Union and the Frontier Army in the Southwest. Santa Fe: National Park Service, 1993. Pearce, T. M., ed. New Mexico Place Names: A Geographical Dictionary. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1965. Porter, Eugene O. San Elizario, A History. Austin: Pemberton Press, 1973. Price, Paxton P. Pioneers of the Mesilla Valley. Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 1995. Raht, Carlysle Graham. Romance of the Davis Mountains and Big Bend Country. El Paso: Rahtbooks, 1918. Richards, Leonard L. California Gold Rush and the Coming of the Civil War. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 2007. Ripley, Warren. Artillery and Ammunition of the Civil War. New York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1970. Roberts, Gary L. Death Comes for the Chief Justice: The Slough-Rynerson Quarrel and Political Violence in New Mexico. Niwot: University of Colorado Press, 1990. Russell, Don. One Hundred and Three Fights and Scrimmages: The Story of Reuben F. Bernard. Washington, D.C.: United States Cavalry Association, 1936. Ryan, John P. Fort Stanton and Its Community, 1855–1896. Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 1998. Simmons, Marc. Albuquerque: A Narrative History. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1982. ———. The Little Lion of the Southwest. Chicago: Swallow Press, 1973. Skelton, William B. An American Profession of Arms: The Army Officer Corps, 1784–1841. Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1992.

284  •

bibliography

Smith, Cornelius C., Jr. William Sanders Oury: History-Maker of the Southwest. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1967. Sonnichsen, C. L. Pass of the North: Four Centuries on the Rio Grande. 2 vols. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1968. Stanley, Francis Louis Crochiola. The Civil War in the New Mexico Territory. Denver: World Press, 1960. ———. Fort Craig, New Mexico. Pampa, Tex.: Pampa Print Shop, 1963. ———. Fort Fillmore, New Mexico, Story. Pampa, Tex.: Pampa Print Shop, 1961. ———. Fort Union, New Mexico. Denver: World Press, 1953. Strickland, Rex W. Six Who Came to El Paso, Pioneers of the 1840’s. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1963. Sweeney, Edwin R. Cochise: Chiricahua Apache Chief. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1991. ———. Mangas Coloradas: Chief of the Chiricahua Apaches. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 1998. ———. Merejildo Grijalva: Apache Captive, Army Scout. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1992. Swift, Roy L. Three Roads to Chihuahua: The Great Wagon Roads That Opened the Southwest. Austin: Eakin Press, 1988. Taylor, John M. Bloody Valverde: A Civil War Battle on the Rio Grande, February 21, 1862. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995. Taylor, Mary Daniels. A Place as Wild as the West Ever Was: Mesilla, New Mexico, 1848–1872. Las Cruces: New Mexico State University Museum, 2004. Thompson, Gerald. The Army and the Navajo: The Bosque Redondo Reservation Experiment, 1863–1868. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1976. Thompson, Jerry. Confederate General of the West: Henry Hopkins Sibley. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1996. ———. Desert Tiger: Captain Paddy Graydon and the Civil War in the Far Southwest. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1992. ———. Warm Weather and Bad Whiskey: The 1886 Laredo Election Riot. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1991. Thompson, Jerry, and Lawrence T. Jones III. Civil War and Revolution on the Rio Grande Frontier: A Narrative and Photographic History. Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 2004.

bibliography

•  285

Thrapp, Dan L. Encyclopedia of Frontier Biography. 3 vols. Spokane, Wash.: Arthur H. Clark, 1990. Timmons, W. H. El Paso: A Borderlands History. El Paso: Texas Western Press, 1990. Tobias, Henry J. A History of the Jews in New Mexico. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1992. Townsend, Stephen A. The Yankee Invasion of Texas. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2006. Twitchell, R. E. Leading Facts of New Mexican History. Vol. 2. Cedar Rapids, Iowa: Torch Press, 1911. Tyler, Ron, ed. The New Handbook of Texas. 6 vols. Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1996. Utley, Robert M. Frontiersmen in Blue: The United States Army and the Indian, 1848–1865. New York: Macmillan, 1967. Wadsworth, Richard. Forgotten Fortress: Fort Millard Fillmore and Antebellum New Mexico, 1851–1862. Las Cruces, N.Mex.: Yucca Tree Press, 2002. Whitlock, Flint. Distant Bugles, Distant Drums: The Union Response to the Confederate Invasion of New Mexico. Boulder: University Press of Colorado, 2006. Williams, Clayton W. Texas’ Last Frontier: Fort Stockton and the TransPecos, 1861–1895. Edited by Ernest Wallace. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1982. Wilson, John P. Islands in the Desert: A History of the Uplands of Southeastern Arizona. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1995. ———. Merchants, Guns, and Money: The Story of the Lincoln County Wars. Santa Fe: Museum of New Mexico Press, 1987. ———. When the Texans Came. Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2001. Wooster, Robert. Fort Davis: Outpost on the Texas Frontier. Austin: Texas State Historical Association, 1994. ———. Frontier Crossroads: Fort Davis and the West. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2006. ———. Soldiers, Sutlers, and Settlers: Garrison Life on the Texas Frontier. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1987.

286  •

bibliography

Articles and Book Chapters

Ackerly, Neal W. “A Navajo Diaspora: The Long Walk to Hwéeldi.” Available at http://members.tripod.com/~bloodhound/longwalk.htm. Alberts, Don E. “The Battle of Peralta.” New Mexico Historical Review 58 (October 1983). Archambeau, Ernest R., Jr. “The New Mexico Campaign of 1861–1862.” Panhandle-Plains Historical Review 37 (1964). Armstrong, A. F. H. “The Case of Major Isaac Lynde.” New Mexico Historical Review 36 (January 1961). Austerman, Wayne. “Ancient Weapons in a Modern War: The South’s Legion of Lancers.” Civil War Times Illustrated 24 (March 1985). ———. “Old Nighthawk and the Pass of the North.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 27 (fall 1982). ———. “Soldier Spring: Christmas Clash with Comanches and Kiowas.” Wild West 19 (December 2006). Bailey, Lance. “Sibley’s Texas Confederate Brigade.” Texas Historian 43 (May 1983). Barbaras, Richard, and Cassandra Barbaras. “Sibley’s Retreat.” Rio Grande History 11 (1980). Barr, Alwyn. “Tom Green: The Forest of the Trans-Mississippi.” Lincoln Herald 88, no. 2 (n.d.). Basquin, Susan. “Glorieta’s Civil War Legacy.” Santa Fe Reporter 30 (August 1987). Bellah, James Warner. “The Desert Campaign.” Civil War Times Illustrated (April 1961). Boyd, Le Roy. “Thunder on the Rio Grande, the Great Adventure of Sibley’s Confederates for the Conquest of New Mexico and Colorado.” Colorado Magazine 24 (July 1947). Brooksher, William R. “Desert Passage Contested.” America’s Civil War 1 (May 1988). Brophy, A. Blake. “Fort Fillmore, N.M., 1861: Public Disgrace and Private Disaster.” Journal of Arizona History 9 (1968). Clendenen, Clarence C. “The Column from California.” Civil War Times Illustrated 9 (January 1971). ———. “Dan Showalter—California Secessionist.” California Historical Quarterly 40 (December 1961). ———. “General James Henry Carleton.” New Mexico Historical Review 30 (January 1955).

bibliography

•  287

Crimmins, M. L. “Fort Fillmore.” New Mexico Historical Review 6 (October 1931). Donnell, F. S. “The Confederate Territory of Arizona from Official Sources.” New Mexico Historical Review 17 (April 1942). ———. “When Las Vegas Was the Capital of New Mexico.” New Mexico Historical Review 8 (October 1933). Edrington, Thomas S. “The Confederate Victory at Pigeon’s Ranch.” Privately published (March 1987). Ely, Glen Sample. “Gone from Texas and Trading with the Enemy: New Perspectives on Civil War West Texas.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 110 (April 2007). Faulk, Odie B. “Confederate Hero at Val Verde.” New Mexico Historical Review 38 (1963). Finch, L Boyd [sic]. “Arizona in Exile: Confederate Schemes to Recapture the Far Southwest.” Journal of Arizona History 33 (spring 1992). ———. “Arizona’s Governors Without Portfolio: A Wonderfully Diverse Lot.” Journal of Arizona History 26 (spring 1985). ———. “The Civil War in Arizona: The Confederates Occupy Tucson.” Arizona Highways 65 (January 1989). ———. “Sanctified by Myth: The Battle of Picacho Pass.” Journal of Arizona History 36 (fall 1995). ———. “Sherod Hunter and the Confederates in Arizona.” Journal of Arizona History 10 (fall 1982). ———. “Sherod Hunter—Confederate Frontiersman.” Corral Dust 7 (February 1963). Flint, Richard, and Shirley Cushing Flint. “Fort Union and the Economy of Northern New Mexico.” New Mexico Historical Review 77 (winter 2002). Gaither, Donald. “Pet Lambs at Glorieta Pass.” Civil War Times Illustrated 15 (November 1996). Graham, Stanley S. “Campaign for New Mexico.” Military History of Texas and the Southwest 10 (1972). Hall, Martin Hardwick. “Captain Thomas J. Mastin’s Arizona Guards, C.S.A.” New Mexico Historical Review 49 (April 1974). ———. “Colonel James Reily’s Diplomatic Missions to Chihuahua and Sonora.” New Mexico Historical Review 31 (July 1956). ———. “Colorado Volunteers Save New Mexico for the Union.” Mid-America 38 (October 1956).

288  •

bibliography

———. “The Mesilla Times: A Journal of Confederate Arizona.” Arizona and the West 5 (winter 1963). ———. “Native Mexican Relations in Confederate Arizona, 1861–1862.” Journal of Arizona History 8 (autumn 1967). ———. “Planter vs. Frontiersman: Conflict in Confederate Indian Policy.” In Essays on the American Civil War, edited by William F. Holmes and Harold M. Hollingsworth. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1968. ———. “The Skirmish at Mesilla.” Arizona and the West 1 (winter 1958). Hayes, Augustus A. “The New Mexico Campaign of 1862.” Magazine of American History 15 (February 1886). Hunsaker, William J. “Lansford W. Hastings’ Project for the Invasion and Conquest of Arizona and New Mexico for the Southern Confederacy.” Arizona Historical Review 4 (1931–32). Isern, Thomas D. “The Controversial Career of Edward W. Wynkoop.” Colorado Magazine 56 (winter 1979). Jenkins, Frank. “Foraging in the Mesilla Valley: The Last Confederate Fight in New Mexico.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 46 (winter 2001). Johnson, Norman K. “Satanic-Looking Colonel John R. Baylor Fought Yankees, Indians, and One Unfortunate Newspaper Editor.” America’s Civil War 3 (January 1991). Kajecki, Francis C. “The Battle of Glorieta: Was the Guide Ortiz or Grzelachowski?” New Mexico Historical Review 62 (January 1987). Lockwood, Frank. “John C. Cremony, Soldier of Fortune.” Westways 41 (March 1946). Longan, Mrs. M. M. “Arizona in the Confederacy.” Confederate Veteran 30 (April 1922). ———. “The Battle of Glorieta Pass.” United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine 15 (February 1952). Mayer, Kay. “The Blue and Gray at Picacho Pass.” Arizona Highways 65 (March 1989). McCoy, Raymond. “The Battle of Glorieta Pass.” United Daughters of the Confederacy Magazine 15 (February 1952). McMaster, Richard K., and George Ruhlen. “The Guns of Val Verde.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 5 (January 1980).

bibliography

•  289

Meketa, Charles, and Jacqueline Meketa. “Heroes or Cowards? A New Look at the Role of Native New Mexicans at the Battle of Valverde.” New Mexico Historical Review 62 (1987). Miller, Darlis A. “Carleton’s California Column: A Chapter in New Mexico’s Mining History.” New Mexico Historical Review 53 (1978). ———. “Hispanos and the Civil War in New Mexico: A Reconsideration.” New Mexico Historical Review 54 (April 1979). ———. “Historian for the California Column: George H. Pettis of New Mexico and Rhode Island.” Red River Valley Historical Review 5 (winter 1980). ———. “Los Pinos, New Mexico: Civil War Post on the Rio Grande.” New Mexico Historical Review 62 (January 1987). ———. “Military Supply in Civil War New Mexico.” Military History of Texas and the Southwest 16 (1983). ———. “The Role of the Army Inspector in the Southwest: Nelson H. Davis in New Mexico and Arizona, 1863–1873.” New Mexico Historical Review 59 (April 1984). ———. “William Logan Rynerson in New Mexico, 1862–1893.” New Mexico Historical Review 48 (April 1973). Molen, Dayle H. “Decision at La Glorieta Pass.” Montana, the Magazine of Western History 13 (1962). Morgan, James F. “The Lost Opportunity: The Confederate Invasion of New Mexico.” Confederate Veteran 35 (May–June 1987). Mozer, Corrine C. “A Brief History of Fort Fillmore.” El Palacio (summer 1968). Myers, Lee. “Military Establishments in Southwestern New Mexico.” New Mexico Historical Review 43 (January 1968). Neeley, James Lee. “The Desert Dream of the South: An Introductory Discussion of the Civil War Campaign in New Mexico and Arizona.” Smoke Signal 4 (fall 1961). Oder, Broech N. “The New Mexico Campaign, 1862.” Civil War Times Illustrated 17 (August 1978). Perrine, David P. “The Battle of Valverde, New Mexico Territory, February 21, 1861.” In Civil War Battles in the West, edited by LeRoy H. Fischer. Manhattan: Sunflower Press, 1981. Potter, Dennis L. “Desperate Courage: An Account of the Texas Lancer Charge at the Battle of Valverde, New Mexico.” Military History of the West 36 (2006).

290  •

bibliography

Prezelski, Tom. “Lives of the Californio Lancers: The First Battalion of Native California Cavalry, 1863–1868.” Journal of Arizona History 40 (spring 1999). Rodgers, Robert L. “The Confederate States Organize Arizona in 1862.” Southern Historical Papers 28 (1900). Santee, J. F. “The Battle of La Glorieta Pass.” New Mexico Historical Review 6 (January 1931). Simmons, Marc. “New Light on Johnson’s Ranch.” Trail Dust (October 1992). Smith, Duane Allen. “The Confederate Cause in the Colorado Territory, 1861–1865.” Civil War History 7 (1961). Spiencer, Elma Dill Russell. “Famous Fugitives at Fort Union.” New Mexico Historical Review 32 (January 1957). Steere, Edward. “Rio Grande Campaign Logistics.” Military Review (November 1953). Stoes, Katherine D. “Mutiny in Old Mesilla.” New Mexico Magazine (February 1950). Thompson, Jerry. “Drama in the Desert: The Hunt for Henry Skillman in the Trans-Pecos, 1862–1864.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 38 (fall 1992). ———. “The Gallinas Massacre and the Death of James Graydon.” Password: The Quarterly Journal of the El Paso County Historical Society 34 (spring 1991). ———. “‘Gloom over Our Fair Land’: Socorro County during the Civil War.” New Mexico Historical Review 73 (April 1998). ———. “Mexican-Americans in the Civil War: The Battle of Valverde.” Texana 10 (1972). ———. “The Vulture over the Carrion: Captain James ‘Paddy’ Graydon and the Civil War in the Territory of New Mexico.” Journal of Arizona History 24 (winter 1983). Timmons, W. H. “American El Paso: The Formative Years, 1848–1854.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 87 (July 1983). Tittmann, Edward. “Confederate Courts in New Mexico.” New Mexico Historical Review 3 (October 1928). Waldrip, William. “New Mexico during the Civil War.” New Mexico Historical Review 28 (July 1953). Walker, Charles S., Jr. “Causes of the Confederate Invasion of New Mexico.” New Mexico Historical Review 8 (April 1933).

bibliography

•  291

———. “Confederate Government in Doña Ana County.” New Mexico Historical Review 6 (July 1931). Waller, John L. “The Civil War in the El Paso Area.” West Texas Historical Association Year Book 22 (October 1946). Wasserman, Mark. “Enrique C. Creel: Business and Politics in Mexico, 1880–1930.” Business History Review 59 (winter 1985). Watford, W. H. “Confederate Western Ambitions.” Southwestern Historical Quarterly 44 (October 1940). ———. “The Far Western Wing of the Rebellion.” California Historical Society Quarterly 34 (June 1955). Westphall, David. “The Battle of Glorieta Pass: Its Importance in the Civil War.” New Mexico Historical Review 44 (February 1969). Wilson, John P. “Across Arizona and New Mexico with the California Column.” New Mexico Historical Review 76 (July 2001). ———. “Retreat to the Rio Grande: The Report of Captain Isaiah N. Moore.” Rio Grande History 2, nos. 3–4 (n.d.). ———. “Whiskey at Fort Fillmore: A Story of the Civil War.” New Mexico Historical Review 68 (1993). Wright, Arthur A. “Colonel John P. Slough and the New Mexico Campaign, 1862.” Colorado Magazine 39 (April 1962). Wyllys, Rufus K. “Arizona and the Civil War.” Arizona Highways 27 (1951). Young, Bennett H. “Texas Cavalry Expedition in 1861–62: Perilous and Exhaustive Expedition into New Mexico.” Confederate Veteran 11 (March 1913).

Theses and Dissertations

Hastings, Virginia M. “A History of Arizona during the Civil War, 1861–1865.” Master’s thesis, University of Arizona, 1943. Lester, Paul Arnold. “Michael Steck and New Mexico Indian Affairs, 1852–1865.” Ph.D. diss., University of Oklahoma, 1986. Rogan, Francis Edward. “Military History of New Mexico Territory during the Civil War.” Ph.D. diss., University of Utah, 1961. Rosen, Evelyn R. “Henry J. Cuniffe: The Man and His Times.” Ph.D. diss., University of Texas at El Paso, 1961.

Index ••• Abiquiu Ute Agency (N.Mex.), 140, 213n5, 218n15 Abreu, Francisco, 165, 168, 170–72, 175, 178–79, 217n13, 231n11, 232n11, 262n8, 263n10, 263n11 Abo Pass (N.Mex.), 187n2 Adobe Walls, Battle of (Tex.), 231n11 Agua Negra Creek (N.Mex.), 123, 216n10 Alamacitos (N.Mex.), 235 Albuquerque (N.Mex.), 4–6, 22, 29, 31, 34, 119–20, 124, 207n6, 218n14, 220n16, 221n19; Wallen inspection of post at, 117–21 Algodones (N.Mex.), 231n11 Ames, Edward Raymond, 70 Amity (Colo.), 222n20 Anderson, Allen L., 23, 108–9, 152, 265n18 Anderson, George W., 177 Anton Chico (N.Mex.), 21 Apache Canyon (N.Mex.): battle at, 6, 242n6 Apache Pass (Ariz.), 9, 246n13; battle at, 8, 191n18, 227n14 Aragon, Francisco, 203n141 Arapahoe County (Colo.), 207n5 Archer, Samuel, 30, 104, 113

Archuleta, Diego, 34 Arias, Jesús, 136 Arizona Rangers, 5 Armijo, Manuel, 240n1 Armijo, Rafael, 193n25 Arny, W. F. M., 152, 183, 240n1 Arroyo, Juan, 151, 258n12, 261n22 Babbitt, Robert, 173, 264n14 Baca, Juan de Dios, 203n141, 246n14 Baca de Salazar, Jesus María, 56 Baca y Delgado, Manuel, 208n7 Backus, William H., 64–67, 222n3, 223n4 Baily, Elisha Ingram, 18, 28, 55, 57, 215n6, 254n7 Baily, Joseph C., 215n6 Banks, Nathaniel P., 12, 181 Bargie, Ludam A., 135–37, 141, 249n5 Barr, Samuel L., 129–30 Barrel Springs (Tex.), 11 Barrett, James, 261n24 Barrientos, Saturnino, 141, 252n11 Bascom, George N., 224n6 Bates, Samuel, 223n4 Battle of Adobe Walls. See Adobe Walls, Battle of

•  292  •

index Battle of Glorieta. See Glorieta, Battle of Battle of Valverde. See Valverde, Battle of Baylor, John Robert, 2, 19, 21, 24, 94, 188n4, 189n6, 196n35 Beach, Charles, 228n22 Beaubien, Charles, 264n13 Beaubien, Joseph, 265n17 Beaubien, Sampson, 265n17 Behler, Charles, 56, 221n19 Belen (N.Mex.), 117 Benedict, Kirby, 204n6 Bennett, James A., 32 Bent, William, 210n14, 222n20 Berger, Frederick, 250n2 Bergmann, Edward H., 130, 206n6 Bernalillo County (N.Mex.), 34, 203n141 Bernard, Reuben Frank, 18, 70, 226n1 Berney (Birney), Joseph L., 166, 174–75, 265n16 Beuthner, Joseph, 265n17 Beuthner, Sampson, 265n17 Beuthner, Solomon, 176, 265n17 Bevans, Henry Lewis, 165, 177, 266n18 Bliss, William Wallace Smith, 93 Bosque Bonito (N.Mex.), 235n3 Bosquecito (N.Mex.), 235n3 Bosque Redondo (N.Mex.), 18, 64, 68, 123–24, 126–27, 216n10, 220n16, 225n7, 245n12 Bowie, George Washington, 170, 264n12 Bowman, Isaac G., 251n6 Bristol, Henry B., 244n5 Brotherton, David Hammett, 118, 243n7

•  293

Bryan, Orlando M., 83, 88, 143–44, 148, 254n7 Cadagan, James Willie, 174, 264n15 Cadetta (Mescalero chief), 25 Camino Real, 83, 97 Camp Connelly (N.Mex.), 238n24 Camp Easton (N.Mex.), 21, 67–68, 222n3, 223n4, 224n6 Camp Latham (Calif.), 231n11 Camp Mimbres (N.Mex.), 153 Camp Verde (Ariz.), 234n3 Camp Weld (Colo.), 223n3 Cañada Alamosa (N.Mex.), 19, 137, 194n39, 235n3 Canby, Edward Richard Sprigg, 1, 34, 188n2, 216n10; relinquishes command of Department of New Mexico, 14; post–Civil War career of, 181; commands Division of West Mississippi, 181; commands Department of the Pacific, 181; commands Department of the Columbia, 181; death of, 181 Cañon City (Colo.), 207n6 Carey, Asa Bacon, 72–73, 218n13, 227n14, 227n15, 227n19 Carleton, Henry Guy, 182 Carleton, James Henry, 1, 8, 10, 13–14, 20, 22–23, 25, 28, 35–36, 39, 85, 98–100, 124, 165–66, 182, 187n2, 196n53, 220n18, 223n4, 224n5, 228n20, 246n13, 256n5, 263n10; leads California Column, 1; assessment of, 8; assumes command of Department of New Mexico; appoints Wallen and Evans, 14, 17; prepares for second Confederate invasion, 21–22; orders Fergusson to Chihuahua, 26; combats

294  •

index

drunkenness among soldiers, 30–31; previous command in New Mexico, 31; death of, 182 Carson, Christopher “Kit,” 25, 32, 33, 57, 201n113, 217n13, 218n15, 248n22, 251n7, 262n8, 263n10, 264n13 Castillo, José, 33 Central City (Colo.), 41 Ceran St. Vrain. See St. Vrain, Ceran de Hault de Lassus de Chacón, Rafael, 31, 213n5, 247n20, 252n11 Chaperito (N.Mex.), 21 Chapman, Thomas P., 169, 174, 176 Chaves, Manuel, 210n14 Chavez, José, 263n9 Chavez, José Bonifacio, 111 Chavez, José Francisco, 111 Cheyenne Indians, 207n5 Chihuahua (Chihuahua, Mex.), 13, 19, 26–28, 240n1, 255n11 Chihuahua: state of, 22, 84, 137 Chilili (N.Mex.), 124 Chiricahua Apaches, 151 Chivington, John M., 6, 8, 191n18, 192n25, 222n3 Clark, John A., 260n21 Clever, C. P., 10, 34 Clever, William, 193n35 Coleman, James H., 153, 162–63, 258n13 Collins, James, 216n10 Comanche Indians, 63, 222n3, 225n6, 228n22, 251n7 Conejos Valley (Colo.), 205n4, 207n6 Confederate Army: Second Texas Mounted Rifles, 2–3, 93; Seventh Texas Mounted Rifles, 6, 10

Connelly, Henry, 33, 111, 183, 188n2, 216n10 Conrad, Charles M., 51 Cooke, John Rogers, 252n8 Cooke, Philip St. George, 138, 158, 231n8 Cooke’s Springs (N.Mex.), 3 Cooley, Corydon E., 56 Coopwood, Bethel, 18 Costilla County (Colo.), 210n16 Corrales (N.Mex.), 203n141 Craig, Louis T., 97, 228n20, 228n22 Craig, William, 66, 76–77 Creel, Enrique, 200n106 Creel, Reuben W., 26, 200n106 Cremony, John C., 11, 124, 127–28, 245n13 Cubero (N.Mex.), 17, 32, 117, 182, 207n6 Culebra, Plaza de San Luis de la, 46, 205n6, 211n16 Cummings, Joseph, 31 Cuniffe, Henry Joseph, 150, 255n11 Curtis, Charles A., 214n5 Cutler, Benjamin C., 223n4 Daily, Bradford, 24–25 Daugherty, James H., 98–99 Davis, Nicholas S., 49, 90, 233n16 Davis, Jefferson, 4, 188n4, 189n6 Davis Mountains (Tex.), 11 Dawson, William D., 249n4 Dead Man’s Hole (Tex.), 11, 28 Deane, Frederick A., 102 Delgado, Felipe, 183 Del Rio Spring (Ariz.), 234n3 Denver City (Colo.), 20, 40, 206n4, 223n4 Department of Alaska, 214n6

index Department of Arizona, 214n6, 237n22 Department of Arkansas, 195n48 Department of Columbia, 181, 214n6 Department of the Gulf, 195n68 Department of Kansas, 39 Department of Missouri, 20 Department of New Mexico, 39, 96, 123, 254n7 Department of the Pacific, 160, 214n6 Department of the Platte, 183 Department of the South, 221n19 Department of West Mississippi, 181 Deus, Charles, 22, 40–41, 58–59, 64, 66–67, 69, 127–28, 205n6, 246n14 Dickey, George S., 249n4 Diffenderfer, David R., 26, 89, 232n15 District of Arizona, 13–14, 22, 83, 89–90, 144 District of Colorado, 20 District of Columbia, 195n48 District of Fort Craig, 29 District of La Joya, 250 Dog Canyon (N.Mex.), 253n5 Doña Ana (N.Mex.), 9, 22–24, 84, 136, 196n35 Donaldson, James Lowry, 18–19, 56, 60–61, 206n4, 209n11, 216n10 Dos Cabezas Mountains (Ariz.), 9 Dowell, Ben, 254n9 Downing, John C. Clark, 72, 227n13 Drescher, Valentine, 153, 156, 258n12 Dutchover, Dietrick, 194n43 Eagle Mountains (Tex.), 11 Eagle Pass (Tex.), 12–13, 27 Eagle Springs (Tex.), 11, 19 Easterday, H. E., 46, 210n16

•  295

Easton, Langdon, 224n6 Eaton, Ethan W., 32, 40, 204n4, 211n19 Elbert, Samuel H., 208n6 El Paso County (Tex.), 93, 259n18 El Paso del Norte (Chihuahua, Mex.), 8, 25–26, 89, 94, 96, 144, 149, 150 El Tajo (N.Mex.), 235n3 Emmacker, Joseph, 189n13, 266n19 Enos, Herbert Merton, 105, 115, 117–18, 121, 148, 150 Escondida (N.Mex.), 235n3 Evans, Alexander, 17 Evans, Amos, 196n59 Evans, Andrew Wallace, 18, 33, 35, 165; inspection of Fort McRae, 137–42; inspection of post at Franklin, 144–50; inspection of Fort West, 152–64; inspection of Fort Stanton, 166–79; commands First Maryland Cavalry, 182; in Grant’s 1864 Virginia Campaign, 182; in siege of Petersburg, 182; in Third U.S. Cavalry, 182; at Fort Bascom, 182; at Battle of Soldier Spring, 182; at Fort Wingate, 182; at Battle of Big Dry Wash, 183; death of, 183 Evans, John, 14, 22, 29 Everett, Eben, 29, 112 Ewell, Richard Stoddert, 14, 252n9 Eyre, Edward E., 1, 8, 10 Fergusson, David, 26–27, 161, 260n20 Ffrench, William, 199n104 Fillmore, George Millard, 93, 121, 232n15, 244n12 Fleeson, Reese Eugene, 74

296  •

index

Fort Apache (Ariz.), 183 Fort Barrett (Ariz.), 163, 261n24 Fort Bascom (N.Mex.), 182, 206n4, 224n6, 225n6, 229n22, 247n20, 263n10, 265n16 Fort Bayard (N.Mex.), 237n23, 259n18 Fort Bliss (Tex.), 2, 5, 11, 94 Fort Bowie (Ariz.), 9, 264n12 Fort Breckenridge (Ariz.), 3 Fort Buchanan (Ariz.), 3, 260n21 Fort Canby. See Fort Defiance Fort Cascades (Wash.), 17 Fort Conrad (N.Mex.), 97 Fort Craig (N.Mex.), 3, 5, 6, 14, 18, 22, 24–25, 29–31, 34–35, 59, 88, 115, 152, 192n25, 221n19, 231n11, 242n6, 251n5, 257n5, 260n21, 265n16; Wallen inspection of, 97–110; maps of, 107–8 Fort Cummings (N.Mex.), 212n3, 230n7 Fort Dalles (Ore.), 14 Fort Davis (Tex.), 11, 12, 18, 28, 196n43 Fort Defiance (Ariz.), 117, 208n7, 218n13, 245n11, 265n16 Fort Duncan (Tex.), 27 Fort Fauntleroy (N.Mex.), 251n5 Fort Fillmore (N.Mex.), 3, 14 Fort Garland (Colo.), 20, 22, 32, 39–50, 128, 204n4, 245n12, 251n7 Fort Gibson (Indian Territory), 188n4 Fort Goodwin (Ariz.), 236n19, 237n20 Fort Leaton (Tex.), 28, 201n110 Fort Leavenworth (Kans.), 63, 75 Fort Lyon (Colo.), 61, 74, 77, 207n5, 251b7 Fort Marcy (N.Mex.), 22, 31; Wallen inspection of, 51–62, 69, 216n10

Fort Massachusetts. See Fort Garland Fort McLane (N.Mex.), 136, 151, 163, 212n3, 230n7, 248n2 Fort McRae (N.Mex.), 97, 219n15, 230n7, 251n5, 253n6; Evans inspection of, 137–42 Fort Quitman (Tex.), 11, 24 Fort Selden (N.Mex.), 259n18 Fort Smith (Ark.), 223n4 Fort Stanton (N.Mex.), 3–4, 22, 25, 33, 244n11, 250n5, 251n5, 263n11, 264n14, 265n16; Evans inspection of, 166–79 Fort Stockton (Tex.), 28 Fort Sumner (N.Mex.), 22, 64, 68–69, 183, 225n7, 246n14, 259n18, 264n13; Wallen inspection of, 126–43 Fort Tejón (Calif.), 259n16, 260n21 Fort Thorn (N.Mex.), 1, 2, 9, 242n6 Fort Towson (Indian Territory), 240n1 Fort Union (N.Mex.), 25, 31, 34, 59, 76, 97, 117, 126–43, 209n11, 221n19, 222n1, 226n12, 227n13, 232n12, 244n11; Wallen inspections of, 63–81, 130–132 Fort West (N.Mex.), 212n3, 239n27, 252n12, 254n8, 258n14, 258n15; Evans inspection of, 153–64 Fort Whipple (Ariz.), 233m3, 253m5, 260n21 Fort Wingate (N.Mex.), 22, 29, 117, 182, 203n50, 253n5, 265n16 Fort Wise (Colo.), 222n20 Fort Yuma (Ariz.), 7–8, 97, 169 Franklin (Tex.), 2, 11, 13–14, 21–25, 155, 195n48, 231n9, 263n10; Wallen inspection of post at, 93–97; Evans inspection of post at, 144–50

index

•  297

Fremont, John C., 264n13 French, Albert H., 159, 259n18 Frink, Edwin B., 168, 178 Fritz, Emil, 9, 158, 175, 178–79, 258n16, 259n16

Guadalupe (Chihuahua, Mex.), 28 Guadalupe Mountains (Tex. and N.Mex.), 24, 126 Guevara, Ygnacio de, 141 Gwythere, George, 129, 247n15

Gallegos, José Pablo, 34 Gallegos, Juan de la Luz, 203n143 Gallinas Mountains (N.Mex.), 4, 165, 178, 252n9 Gallinas Springs (N.Mex.), 165, 266n19 Ganahl, Charles, 27 García, Gregorio, 24 Gardner, James W., 8 Garland, John, 39, 117 Garrison, Amos F., 46, 56, 59–60, 100, 208n8 Getty, George Washington, 183 Gila Trail, 7 Gillespie, Archibald H., 204n6 Gilpin, William, 212n4 Glorieta, Battle of, 17, 191n18, 207n6 Gonzales, Felipe, 151, 261n22 Goodwin, John, 234n3 Grand Quivira (N.Mex.), 187n2 Grasser, Charles C., 177, 266n18 Gray, Issac, 74, 201n115, 227n19 Graydon, James “Paddy,” 19, 25, 28, 139, 219n15, 251n5, 252n9, 266n19 Graydon’s Spies and Guides, 28, 261n22, 263n10 Green, Jerry K., 98, 99 Greene, Henry A., 85, 135, 144, 146, 253n6 Greiner, John, 183 Greiner, Theodore, 183 Grijalva, Merejildo, 151, 258n12, 260n22

Hall, Edward, 12, 28, 201n109 Hall, Joseph C. W., 40, 52, 70 Halleck, Henry W., 13 Hammond, LaFayette, 94–95, 144, 147–48, 234n3, 254n6 Hand, George O., 143–44, 230n6, 235n6 Hanson, Lusander E., 95, 234n4 Hargrave, Joseph Priestly, 144, 146–47, 243n6, 254n6 Hart’s Mill (Tex.), 13, 23–24, 94, 143, 148, 233n3, 235n1, 253n5 Haskell, Daniel B., 144, 147, 254n6, 254n6 Helm, Thomas, 188n4 Henderson, Thomas, 168, 170–72, 263n10 Henry, William, 243n6 Hersch, Joseph, 228n22 Higdon, William H., 165, 168–70, 262n8 Hinds, Hough L., 85, 87, 98, 99, 231n8 Hinkley, John, 266n19 Hodt, Nicholas, 41, 205n4 Hoffman, James, 27 Holden, D. A., 57, 217n12 Hollister, George Shepherd, 266n19 Hooker, Henry C., 231n8 Horsehead Crossing (Tex.), 24–25, 165, 168, 263n8 Howe, Marshall Saxe, 100, 192n25 Howland, George Washington, 9 Hubbell, Charles M., 137, 141, 228n22, 249n5, 250n1

298  •

index

Hubbell, James Lawrence (Santiago), 118, 249n5 Hubbell, John R., 203n141, 249n5 Hueco Tanks (Tex.), 24 Hunter, Sherod, 8, 257n12, 259n16 Hwééldi. See Bosque Redondo Isleta (Tex.), 24–25 Isleta Pueblo (N.Mex.), 111, 241n8, 241n9 Jackson, Charles, 33 James, Harrison M., 153, 161 Jaramillo, Nestor, 208n141 Jemez Pueblo (N.Mex.), 216n5 Jicarilla Apaches, 63, 248n22 Jimenez, Manuel, 203n142 Johnson, R. S., 249n2, 249n4 Johnson’s Ranch (N.Mex.), 191n18 Jones, John W., 8 Jornada del Muerto (N.Mex.), 14, 24, 97, 135–36 Kearny, Stephen Watts, 51, 215n9, 240n1 Kerr, Richard, 229n4 Kimmey, Myndert M., 13 Kiowa and Comanche Expedition, 192n19, 225n6 Kiowas, 251n7 Kirksey, William L., 10 Kleinkoff, Peter, 229n4 Labadie, Lorenzo, 125 Laguna Indians, 209n11 La Joyeta (N.Mex.), 235n3 Lamy, Jean Baptiste, 32–33 La Placita (Lincoln, N.Mex.), 4 Laredo (Tex.), 13

Laroux, Luis, 203n142 Las Animas (Colo.), 222n20 Las Cruces (N.Mex.), 10, 23, 84, 136–37, 155, 162, 168, 194n35, 231n9, 237n23, 253n5, 255n11 Las Vegas (N.Mex.), 32, 63, 226n12, 229n22, 240n1, 250n5 Latimer, Elisha E., 153 Lauffer, Samuel B., 182 La Veta Pass (Colo.), 39 Leary, J. M., 114 Lemitar (N.Mex.), 28, 235n3 Lewis (Louis), John, 58, 205n4 Lewis, William Henry, 118 Lincoln County War, 259n16 Llano Estacado (Tex. and N.Mex.), 21–22, 223n4 Loma Parda (N.Mex.), 31, 131 Long Walk, 124 Lord, Richard S. C., 18 Los Griegos (N.Mex.), 203n141 Los Lunas (N.Mex.), 19, 111, 118, 250n5, 262n8 Los Pinos (N.Mex.), 22, 28, 231n11, 241n8, 242n9, 253n5; Wallen inspection of, 111–15 Lower Military Road. See San Antonio–El Paso Road Lueras, Juan, 136 Luis Lopes (Lopez, N.Mex.), 235n3 Lujan, Francisca, 255n11 Lujan, Francisco, 20 Lynde, Issac, 2–3, 167, 261n24 Machowitz, Bonifacio, 220n18 Macmanus, George L., 100 Madrid, Juan, 20 Magoffin, James Wiley, 143, 259n18 Manderville, William B., 266n19

index Mangas Coloradas, 136, 195n48, 246n13, 248n2, 249n2, 258n14, 260n19 Manville, Guy C., 41, 209n10 Marcy, William L., 51 Maricopa Wells (Ariz.), 230n7 Marion, Charles P., 75–76, 228n22, 263n10 Márquez, Juan, 168, 263n9 Márquez, Juana, 254n9 Matamoros (Tamaulipas, Mex.), 26 Martinez, Antonio José, 202n132 Martinez, Juan de Jesus, 203n143 Maury, Dabney Herndon, 138, 251n8 Maxwell, Lucien Bonaparte, 152, 173, 177, 228n22, 248n22, 264n13 Maxwell Land Grant, 75–76, 248n22 Mayer, Adolph H., 22, 40, 42 McCabe, Francis, 58–59, 131–32, 219n16, 220n16 McCleave, William, 8–9, 151–53, 159, 257n12, 258n16 McClellan, George, 17, 230n6 McFerran, John Courts, 60–61, 77, 221n19, 222n19 McKee, William H., 96, 144, 235n6, 254n7 McLain, B., 44, 57 McLane, George, 262n24 McMullen, William, 22, 25, 85–86, 143, 230n6 McNulty, James M., 18, 237n22 McRae, Alexander, 5, 18–19, 135, 215n9 Meinhold, Charles, 18 Meriwether, David, 265n17 Mescalero Apaches, 4, 11, 24, 124–25, 165–67, 221n19, 224n6, 226n12, 246n13, 251n7, 253n5, 263n8 Mescalero Agency (N.Mex.), 124–25

•  299

Mescalero Campaign, 33, 126, 165–66, 220n16, 252n9, 260n21 Mesilla (N.Mex.), 10–11, 13, 23, 27–28, 31, 83, 101, 105, 143, 195n48, 196n35, 230n6, 231n11, 236n20, 239n27, 253n5, 263n11; Wallen inspection of post at, 85–91 Mesilla Valley (N.Mex.), 2–3, 5–6, 8, 10, 20, 22–25, 84, 251n6 Mimbres Apaches, 98, 135, 151, 154, 189n6, 221n19 Mitchell, Francis S., 153, 156–57, 258n12 Mitchell, Robert B., 240n1 Mogollon Mountains (N.Mex.), 152, 258n14 Monterrey (Nuevo Leon, Mex.), 13, 26, 191n19, 200n107 Montoya, Donaciano, 130, 247n21 Montoya, Francisco, 203n141 Moody, Thomas Orville, 251n6 Moore, William H., 71, 114, 149, 226n12, 252n12, 254n8, 262n25 Mora County (N.Mex.), 34, 203n142, 226n12 Mora River (N.Mex.), 31, 63 Morrison, Arthur, 135, 137, 140, 166, 219n15, 250n5, 253n6 Mosse, Joseph V., 266n19 Mountain Meadows Massacre (Utah), 187n2 Moys, Charles, 26 Muller, Henry, 26 Mullins, Martin, 241n8 Murphy, John, 250n5 Murphy, Lawrence G., 33 Navajo Campaign, 140, 206n6, 219n15, 220n16, 243n10, 245n12, 248n21, 262n8, 262n24, 265n16

300  •

index

Navajo Indians, 98, 221n19, 224n6, 226n12, 246n13, 251n7 Newbold, Charles, 10, 120–21, 243 New Mexico Militia, 28, 33–34 Ninth Military Department. See Department of New Mexico O’Brien, Charles M., 149n4 Ochoa, Estevan, 150, 255n10 Ojo del Muerto (N.Mex.), 135 Organ Mountains, 3 Otero, Gregorio, 209n11 Overland Mail Company, 12, 96, 145 Padilla, Lucia, 33 Palo Alto, Battle of (Tex.), 14, 191n19, 222n21 Paraje (N.Mex.), 30, 97, 235n3, 251n6 Parida (N.Mex.), 235n3 Parras (Coahuila, Mex.), 13 Parsons, James, 41, 209n9 Parvin, Washington L., 24 Peck, Allen F., 57, 174, 217n12, 218n13, 247n15 Pemberton, T. G., 266n19 Pennock, William T., 18 Peralta (N.Mex.), 111, 197n66, 240n1 Peralta, Battle of (N.Mex.), 6, 18, 204n4, 242n6 Perea, Francisco, 34 Pesquería, Ignacio, 199n104 Pettis, George Henry, 84, 87, 143, 229n4, 231n11, 232n15 Pfeiffer, Albert Hinrich, 58, 137–40, 176, 217n13, 218n15, 249n4, 250n5, 252n10 Pfeiffer, Antonia, 219n15 Phelan, Jeremiah, 88, 90, 105, 232n14 Philbrook, Darias, 227n19

Picacho (N.Mex.), 8 Pierce, James, 223n4 Pigeon’s Ranch (N.Mex.), 6 Pikes Peakers. See United States Army Pima Villages (Ariz.), 7, 230n7, 261n24 Pino, Miguel Estanislado, 183, 204n4, 215n9 Pino, Nicolás de Jesus, 215n9 Pinos Altos (N.Mex.), 9, 136, 153, 188n4, 189n5, 193n30, 230n6, 237n20, 256n5, 259n18, 260n19 Pishon, Nathaniel J., 13–14, 24, 161, 261n21 Placerville (Calif.), 98–99, 231n8 Plympton, Peter William Livingston, 65, 69–70, 225n6, 225n8, 228n22 Polvadera (N.Mex.), 235n3, 238n24 Pool, William, 243n11 Posthoff, T. William, 47, 211n19 Post Opposite El Paso del Norte (Tex.), 9 Potts, J. P., 223n4 Prentiss, John H., 102, 250n5 Presidio del Norte (Chihuahua, Mex.), 12, 24, 26–27, 194n43 Pueblo Indians, 124 Puerta de Luna (N.Mex.), 123 Pulliam, John R., 4, 266n19 Punta del Agua (N.Mex.), 165 Pyron, Charles L., 6 Quitman Canyon (Tex.), 11 Ramirez, Santiago, 26 Rankin, Sylvester, 57 Raton Pass (N.Mex.), 5 Rawn, Charles Cotesworth, 70–71, 225n9

index Rayado (N.Mex.), 220n17, 228n22, 260n21, 264n13 Reeder, David C., 177 Reeve, Isaac Van Duzer, 93 Rencher, Abraham, 240n1 Re-sheh-keepah (Comanche chief), 21 Rigg, Edwin Augustus, 29–31, 98–100, 230n6, 233n3, 236n19 Ringgold Barracks (Tex.), 240n4, 248n4 Rio Arriba County (N.Mex.), 34, 202n129, 203n141 Rivas, José María, 18 Robb, Alexander W., 52, 56, 212n4 Roberts, Benjamin S., 4 Robinson, James, 58 Robledo (N.Mex.), 24 Rogers, Martin, 30 Rossell, William Henry, 58–59, 218n14 Rowell, Austin G., 74, 227n17 Ruggles, D. Colden, 153 Runlett, William J., 249n4 Russell, A. I., 30, 213n5 Russell, Green, 64–65, 72, 223n4 Ryan, Andrew, 257n12 Rynerson, William Logan, 104–6, 237n23 Sacramento Mountains (N.Mex.), 126 Salazar, Josefa, 211n19 Samaniego Delgado, Mariano G., 264n12 San Agustín Pass (N.Mex.), 3, 17, 22 San Agustín Springs (N.Mex.), 3–4 San Antonio (N.Mex.), 235n3 San Antonio (Tex.), 2, 5, 13–14, 83, 182, 195n48

•  301

San Antonio–El Paso Road (Tex.), 2, 11, 21 San Antonito (N.Mex.), 235n3 Sanders, Floyd A., 266n19 San Diego (Calif.), 2, 83 San Diego Crossing (N.Mex.), 9–10, 136, 242n6 San Elizario (Tex.), 22–26, 28, 93, 231n11 San Felipe Springs (Tex.), 12 San Luis Valley (Colo.), 22, 39, 211n16 San Mateo (N.Mex.), 183 San Miguel County (N.Mex.), 202n129, 203n162 San Pedro (N.Mex.), 235n3 Santa Ana County (N.Mex.), 203n141 Santa Fe (N.Mex.), 5, 6, 13, 25, 31, 35, 51, 59, 61, 65, 76, 100, 139, 177–78, 187n2, 203n141 Santa Fe Expedition (1842), 21 Santa Rita (N.Mex.), 259n18, 261n24 Santo Tomás (N.Mex.), 194n38 Schofield, John McAllister, 20, 22, 183 Scott, Winfield, 17, 188n2, 190n14 Seboyeta (N.Mex.), 209n11 Selden, Henry Raymond, 18 Sena, Mateo, 125 Shaw, Joseph C., 247n21 Sheridan, Philip H., 182–83 Sherman, William Tecumseh, 183 Shinn, John Brognard, 120, 243n9 Shirland, Edmond D., 9–12, 151, 159, 239n27 Shoemaker, William Rawle, 67, 78, 163, 229n5 Shoup, George L., 64, 222n3, 223n4 Sibley, Caleb Chase, 265n18 Sibley, Henry Hopkins, 4, 19, 118, 181, 224n5

302  •

index

Skillman, Henry, 25–28, 144, 196n51, 254n9, 259n18 Slough, John Potts, 6, 237n23 Smith, Charles A., 84–85, 101, 153 Smith, Joseph, 33, 99, 103, 166, 168, 178, 264n14 Smith, Whitman B., 144 Smith’s Rancho (Tex.), 254n9 Socorro (N.Mex.), 5, 31, 235n3 Socorro (Tex.), 10, 24–25 Socorro County (N.Mex.), 84, 98, 111 Southern Utes, 218n15 Speed, Charles, 112, 114 Spiegelberg, Lehman, 114, 241n7 Stanford, Leland, 99 Stanton, Edwin, 17, 205n4 Stanton, Henry W., 165 Stapleton’s Ranch (N.Mex.), 30 Steele, William, 6, 10, 14, 83, 193n30, 194n43 Stenett, Stephen E., 210n15 Stenger, Jacob, 128, 245n11, 246n14 Stephenson, Benacia, 259n18 Stephenson, Hugh, 259n18 Stevens, Benjamin, 41, 208n8 Stracham, William T., 121, 243n11 Sturgeon, David B., 153, 161–62, 258n14 St. Vrain, Ceran de Hault de Lassus de, 32, 46, 210n14, 228n20 Suarez, Miguel, 148 Sub-District of the Gila, 184 Sumosski, Ignacy, 104 Sumner, Edwin Vose, 51, 117, 123 Tabegauche Utes, 40 Taladrin, Damaso, 32–33, 202n132 Taos (N.Mex.), 32, 39, 46, 203n143 Taylor, Amos, 174, 262n26

Taylor, Zachary, 14, 93, 191n19 Tecolote (N.Mex.), 226n12 Teel, Trevanion T., 10 Tegener, Fritz, 13 Terrazas, Luis, 26–27, 200n107, 255n11, 256n11 Thomas, George Henry, 14 Thomas, Lorenzo, 18, 35 Thomasson, Nelson, 112, 114–15 Thompson, John D., 127–28, 173 Thompson, W. A., 245n12 Tidball, Thomas T., 230n7 Tierra Amarilla (N.Mex.), 247n20 Tilford, Joseph G., 251n6 Tucson (Ariz.), 150, 162, 257n5 Tularosa River (N.Mex.), 152 Tully, Pinckney Randolph, 150, 255n10 Turkey Creek (N.Mex.), 154, 157–58, 258n14 Ulibarri, Felipa, 229n22 Ulibarri, Felix, 229n22 Unitah Reservation (Utah), 40 United States Army: First California Cavalry, 1, 24, 85–87, 90, 135, 137, 151, 153, 165, 257n13, 259n16, 260n21, 261n26, 266n19; First California Infantry, 94–95, 98, 102–5, 143–44, 151, 195n48, 230n6, 237n23, 249n2, 253n5, 253n6, 260n20; First Colorado Volunteers, 40, 42, 227n19; First Maryland Volunteers, 17, 182; First New Mexico Cavalry, 32, 40, 49, 64, 66, 112, 127, 130, 137, 165, 168, 170, 207n5, 217n13, 244n11, 245n11, 247n20, 250n5, 262n8, 265n16; First U.S. Dragoons, 8, 220n18, 226n11, 234n3, 252n9, 257n12; Second

index California Cavalry, 52, 126; Second Colorado Volunteers, 40, 51–52, 64–66, 69, 224n6; Second Kansas Volunteers, 74; Second U.S. Dragoons, 219n16; Third U.S. Artillery, 118, 120, 216n10, 217n12, 225n7, 243n9, 244n12; Third U.S. Cavalry, 17, 100, 243n10; Third U.S. Infantry, 97; Fifth California Infantry, 83, 86, 96, 103, 168, 174, 199n104–5, 231n8, 236n20, 263n11, 263n12; Fifth U.S. Infantry, 30, 87, 112, 117–20, 127, 129, 225n7, 242n7, 242n10, 244n5, 247n17, 265n16; Sixth U.S. Cavalry, 17; Seventh U.S. Infantry, 2–3, 17, 69, 70, 187n4, 261n24; Tenth U.S. Infantry, 59 United States Boundary Commission, 243n13 Updegraff, Joseph, 67, 123, 126–27, 225n7 Vaca, Luis María, 217n12 Valdez, Aniseto, 203n143 Valencia County (N.Mex.), 33, 203n141 Valle Grande (N.Mex.), 213n5 Valverde, Battle of (N.Mex.), 5, 17–19, 32–33, 98, 117, 135, 206n4, 216n10, 218n14, 220n16, 221n18, 221n19, 224n6, 225n8, 226n11, 235n3, 238n24, 245n12, 247n20, 252n9, 252n11 Valverde Battery, 5–6 Van Horne, Jefferson, 93 Van Horn Wells (Tex.), 18 Vigil, Gabriel, 203n143 Wagner, Joseph, 261n21 Wagner, Justus B., 266n19

•  303

Walker, James, 4 Walker, John, 18 Wallen, Henry Davies, 14, 18, 20, 29, 32–33, 35; inspection of Fort Garland, 39–50; inspection of Fort Marcy, 51–62; inspection of Fort Union, 63–81; inspection of post at Mesilla, 83–91; inspection of post at Franklin, 93–96; inspection of Fort Craig, 97; commands Fort Sumner, 183; in Fourteenth U.S. Infantry, 184; at St. Augustine, Fla., 184; at Presidio Barracks, Calif., 184; commands Sub-District of the Gila, 184; in Eighteenth U.S. Infantry, 184; at Omaha Barracks, Neb., 184; retirement of, 184–85; death of, 185 Wallen, Jessie, 185 Wallen, Laura, 185 Wallen, Marie, 185 Ward, John, 216n5 Watts, John, 205n4 Watts, Joshua Howe, 61, 222n21 Webb, James Josiah, 254n8 Webb, Nathan, 149, 252n12, 254n8, 262n25 Wellman, Chauncey R., 86 West, Joseph Rodman, 13–14, 22–25, 83–84, 90, 151, 152, 195n48, 229n4, 256n5, 261n23 West, William, 74 Western District of New Mexico, 17 Whitall, John A., 61–62, 221n21 White, Ammi, 230n7, 261n24 White River Utes, 40 White’s Mill (Ariz.), 257n12 Whitlock, John Marmaduke, 201n115, 252n9

304  •

index

Whitney, Edward J., 113, 241n6 Willis, Edward Baker, 94–95, 233n3, 241n7, 250n5 Wood, Erastus W., 144, 213n5, 254n6 Wool, John, 187n2 Wynkoop, Edward Wanshear, 40, 42, 207n5 Yakima Expedition, 14 Yreka (Calif.), 262n8 Zubirán, Juan N., 150, 255n11