Medieval Monastic Education

Medieval Monastic Education

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Medieval Monastic Education

Edited by George Ferzoco and Carolyn Muessig

Leicester University Press London and New York

Leicester University Press A Continuum imprint The Tower Building, 11 York Road, London SE1 7NX 370 Lexington Avenue, New York, NY 10017-6503 First published 2000 © George Ferzoco, Carolyn Muessig and contributors 2000 All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording or any information storage retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. ISBN 0-7185-0246-9 Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Medieval monastic education/edited by George Ferzoco and Carolyn Muessig. p. cm. Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 0-7185-0246-9 1. Monastic and religious life-History-Middle Ages, 600-1500. 2. Religious education—History. I. Ferzoco, George. II. Muessig, Carolyn. BX2462 .M43 2000 268'.82'0902-dc21

00-055654

Typeset by BookEns Ltd, Royston, Herts. Printed and bound in Great Britain by TJ International, Padstow, Cornwall

Contents

Illustrations Contributors Preface Acknowledgements 1

vii ix xiii xiv

The changing face of tradition: monastic education in the Middle Ages George Ferzoco

1

2

Training for the liturgy as a form of monastic education Susan Boynton

1

3

Besides the book: using the body to mould the mind — Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries Isabelle Cochelin

21

A medieval novice's formation: reflection on a fifteenth-century manuscript at Downside Abbey Aidan Bellenger

35

The scope of learning within the cloisters of the English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages Joan Greatrex

41

6

University monks in late medieval England James G. Clark

56

7

Hildegard of Bingen's teaching in her Expositiones evangeliorum and Ordo virtutum Beverly Mayne Kienzle

72

Learning and mentoring in the twelfth century: Hildegard of Bingen and Herrad of Landsberg Carolyn Muessig

87

4

5

8

9

Educating Heloise W. G. East

105

vi

Contents

10 The role of images in monastic education: the evidence from wall painting in late medieval England Miriam Gill

117

11 Ghostly mentor, teacher of mysteries: Bartholomew, Guthlac and the Apostle's cult in early medieval England Graham Jones

136

12 'Life, learning and wisdom': the forms and functions of beguine education Penelope Galloway

153

13 Franciscan educational perspectives: reworking monastic traditions Bert Roest

168

14 Monastic educational culture revisited: the witness of Zwiefalten and the Hirsau reform Constant J. Mews

182

Abbreviations Bibliography Index

198 199 231

Illustrations

10.1 10.2 10.3 10.4 10.5 10.6 10.7 11.1 11.2 12.1

Crucifixion and Arma Christi from Carthusian miscellany (c.1460–70) Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Speculum virginum (c.1140) Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Hoxne, Suffolk (c.1390–1410) Moralized cherub. Chapter House, Westminster Abbey (1380s) Lower portion of Crucifixion. Former refectory, Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411–17) Lower portion, St Anne teaching the Virgin to read. Former refectory, Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411-17) Christ appearing to Doubting Thomas. Former Chapel of the Holy Cross, north transept, St Albans Cathedral (c.1428) Map of St Bartholomew church dedications Map of distribution of churches in honour of St Bartholomew and Guthlac Table of accounts from the beguinage of St Elizabeth in Lille

121 123 124 126 128 130 132 143 145 163

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Contributors

Dom Aidan Bellenger is a monk of Downside Abbey, where he was Head Master for five years. He teaches medieval history at Bath Spa College. He studied at the University of Cambridge, where he received his PhD in 1978, and at the Angelicum University, Rome. He has written five books and numerous articles mainly on the history of religious orders and Anglo-French relations. He is a Fellow of the Royal Historical Society. Susan Boynton is Assistant Professor of Historical Musicology at Columbia University. Her research interests include liturgical poetry, liturgical drama, monastic customaries, monastic education and women in medieval music. Recent publications include an article on the Orpheus myth in Carolingian music theory: The Sources and Significance of the Orpheus Myth in "Musica Enchiriadis" and Regino of Prum's "Epistola de harmonica institutione"', Early Music History 18 (1999), 47-74; and articles on liturgical drama, including Terformative Exegesis in the Fleury "Interfectio Puerorum"', Viator 29 (1998), 1-25, and The Liturgical Role of Children in Monastic Customaries from the Central Middle Ages', Studia Liturgica 28 (1998), 194-209. James G. Clark is British Academy Postdoctoral Fellow and Junior Research Fellow in History at Brasenose College, Oxford. His research interests are focused on later medieval monastic learning. He has published several articles on this theme and is currently completing a study of Thomas Walsingham and St Albans Abbey for Oxford University Press. Isabella Cochelin is Assistant Professor in History and at the Centre for Medieval Studies, University of Toronto. Her research interests include monastic history and social history, more specifically Cluny, monastic customaries and the life cycle, and among her recent publications are two articles in Revue Mabillon on novitiate and hierarchy (1998 and 2000). W. G. East holds degrees from Oxford and Yale, and has taught in Cork, Sunderland and York universities. A Catholic priest, he continues to teach and publish on various medieval topics. Recent

x Contributors publications include 'Abelard's Allusive Style', in Mittellateinisches Jahrbuch (1999) and This Body of Death: Abelard, Heloise and the Religious Life', in Medieval Theology and the Natural Body (York: Boydell and Brewer, 1997). George Ferzoco is Lecturer in Italian Studies, University of Leicester. His research interests include sermons, hagiography and religious literature in Italy, and recent publications include an English translation of Peter of the Morrone's 'Autobiography' in T. Head (ed.) Medieval Hagiography (New York: Garland, 2000) and 'An Italian Archbishop's Sermon to the Pope', Medieval Sermon Studies 43 (1999), 67-74. Penelope Galloway is Lecturer in Medieval History, University of Bristol. Her research interests include beguine communities, medieval women's work and urban history. Recent publications include 'Neither Miraculous nor Astonishing: The Devotional Practice of Beguine Communities in French Flanders', in J. Dor, L. Johnson and J. WoganBrowne (eds) New Trends in Feminine Spirituality: The Holy Women of Liege and Their Impact (Turnhout: Brepols, 1999), 107-27. Miriam Gill is a PhD candidate at the Courtauld Institute. Her thesis discusses late medieval wall painting in England. She has recently undertaken a database project on catechismical murals for the University of Leicester. She is interested in the relationship between visual, oral and written culture, with particular regard to didactic wall paintings, the articulation of sacred space and local saints. Joan Greatrex was Associate Professor of Medieval History, Carleton University, Ottawa, until her retirement, and was recently Bye Fellow at Robinson College, Cambridge. Her research interests include English monastic history with special reference to the cathedral priories and their Benedictine chapters, and also to the monks' intellectual pursuits. She is the author of Biographical Register of the English Cathedral Priories of the Province of Canterbury, c.1066–1540 (Oxford: Clarendon, 1997). Graham Jones is an Honorary Fellow at the University of Leicester's Department of English Local History and Stott Fellow in the University of Wales, Centre for Advanced Welsh and Celtic Studies. He was awarded a Leverhulme Fellowship at Leicester, 1997-99, to begin work on a Trans-national Database and Atlas of Saints' Cults. Beverly Mayne Kienzle is Professor of the Practice in Latin and Romance Languages at Harvard Divinity School and is the current President of the International Medieval Sermon Studies Society. Recent publications include Cistercians, Heresy and Crusade (11451229): Preaching in the Lord's Vineyard (York: Boydell and Brewer, 2000) and The Sermon: Typologie des sources du moyen age occidental, fasc. 81-83 (Turnhout: Brepols, 2000).

Contributors

xi

Constant J. Mews is Senior Lecturer in the School of Historical Studies and Director of the Centre for Studies in Religion and Theology, Monash University, and specializes in the thought and religious culture of the twelfth century. He is the author of The Lost Love Letters of Heloise and Abelard: Perceptions of Dialogue in TwelfthCentury France (New York: St Martin's, 1999), as well as many papers relating to Hildegard of Bingen. Carolyn Muessig is Lecturer in Medieval Theology, University of Bristol. Her research interests include the sermons of Jacques de Vitry and James of Voragine, monastic history and medieval women's education. Recent publications include The Faces of Women in the Sermons of Jacques de Vitry (Toronto: Peregrina, 1999) and Medieval Monastic Preaching (Leiden: Brill, 1998). She is co-editor of the journal Medieval Sermon Studies. Bert Roest is Fellow of The Netherlands Royal Academy assigned to Groningen University. His research focuses on medieval intellectual history and (Franciscan) religious thought. His writings include Reading the Book of History: Intellectual Contexts and Educational Functions of Franciscan Historiography (1226-ca. 1350) (Groningen: Regenboog Press, 1996) and A History of Franciscan Education (c. 1217-1500) (Leiden: Brill, 2000).

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Preface

The contents of this book are based on the international conference, 'Medieval Monastic Education and Formation', held at Downside Abbey from 22 to 25 June 1999. This was the second conference hosted by the Congregation of St Gregory the Great, Downside Abbey, which addressed monastic life in the Middle Ages. The conference was attended by scholars from Australia, Canada, Finland, Germany, Italy, The Netherlands, the United Kingdom and the United States. Over the four-day conference, fourteen speakers and three respondents investigated education and formation in male and female religious houses from the eighth to the sixteenth centuries. The geographical areas under examination included England, France, Germany and the Low Countries. Of the fourteen papers delivered at the conference, this volume contains twelve with the addition of an article on twelfth-century female education and a discussion of the main themes raised in the papers. The proceedings offer further insight into both male and female monastic approaches to learning. Moreover, aspects of medieval monastic education which have not been explored in great detail up until now, such as the use of music and liturgy in education, are addressed. Two papers dealing with beguinal and Franciscan education respectively are also included as they at once share in the tradition of monastic learning and shed light on monastic approaches to education. George Ferzoco, University of Leicester Carolyn Muessig, University of Bristol 17 April 2000

Acknowledgements

The editors would like to record their gratitude to the Downside Trust, a charitable organization dedicated to the promotion of scholarship in the field of religious history and thought, which sponsored the Medieval Monastic Education conference, Downside Abbey, 22-25 June 1999. In addition to the help and support of the Downside Trust, many thanks are owed to Downside Abbey, the University of Bristol Research Fund, and the Department of Theology and Religious Studies, University of Bristol - all assisted in the sponsorship and support of this conference. We would like to give warm thanks in particular to Fr Richard Yeo, Abbot of Downside, Fr Aidan Bellenger, Fr Charles Fitzgerald-Lombard, Fr James Hood, Fr Dunstan O'Keeffe and Fr Daniel Rees. The dedicated participation of all the contributors to this volume is warmly acknowledged.

The editors wish to dedicate this book to Jacques Menard and to all who teach by word and example

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1 The changing face of tradition: monastic education in the Middle Ages George Ferzoco

The Rule of Benedict begins with the call: 'Listen carefully, my son, to the master's instructions, and attend to them with the ear of your heart' (RB: Prologue). How one should listen and how one should instruct are, however, never clearly laid out in the Rule] and the methods that were developed and employed to fill this lacuna have been the subject of several landmark books addressing education in the Middle Ages. Presently, a handful of these books will be addressed to outline the main trends in this area of study.

Formative studies of medieval education One of the most influential books in the study of monastic culture and education is Jean Leclercq's The Love of Learning and the Desire for God (1974). Analysing monastic education from Benedict of Nursia (|c.540) to Bernard of Clairvaux (11153), the book underlines that monastic houses were places where monks developed their theological sensibilities in order to find God. Leclercq's study is a thematic tour de force, addressing aspects of monastic pedagogy such as poetry, liturgy, classical studies, methods of reading, biblical imagination, humanism, scholasticism, hagiography and liturgy, to name only a few. While Leclercq's book offers depth and breadth to the understanding of monastic culture which all students should examine, he tends to synthesize various monastic approaches to education into a monolithic characterization of the learned monk: To combine a patiently acquired culture with a simplicity won through the power of fervent love, to keep simplicity of soul in the midst of the diverse attractions of the intellectual life and, in order to accomplish this, to place oneself and remain firmly on the place of the conscience, to raise knowledge to its level and never let it fall below: that is what the cultivated monk succeeds in doing. He is a scholar, he is versed in letters but he is not

2

George Ferzoco merely a man of science nor a man of letters nor an intellectual, he is a spiritual man. (Leclercq, 1974: 317)

Leclercq's study offers insight into early monasticism by dedicating chapters to Benedict of Nursia and Gregory the Great (f604). Nevertheless, the central points of his book are related to the twelfth century, and in particular to the thought of Bernard of Clairvaux. One book which focuses entirely on the early period of monastic education in the West is Pierre Riche's Education and Culture in the Barbarian West (1976). This work provides a detailed study of monastic trends of learning from the sixth to the eighth centuries. Riche traces how the ancient education of Rome slowly yielded to the developing centres of monastic education throughout Western Europe (Riche, 1976: 365). In addition to looking at the thematic evidence of pedagogical tendencies, Riche studies the changing social context in which learning developed. He examines aspects of education that until the publication of his book had received little attention, such as: monastic attitudes toward the education of children; the role of women as educators in double monasteries; the self-perceptions of monastic educators qua educators; and the use of song in education. Many of these subjects raised in Education and Culture in the Barbarian West have inspired further research among younger scholars. What is also significant about Riche's study is the vast geographical range he covers. By looking at Africa, Ireland, England, France, Germany, Italy and Spain, as well as a variety of monastic rules, numerous approaches to learning and teaching are highlighted. Unlike the apparent uniformity which looms large in Leclercq's study, a seeming cacophony of teaching voices are heard: Bede wrote, 'While observing the discipline of the rule and the daily chanting of the offices in the church, my chief pleasure has been to learn, to teach, and to write' (Riche, 1976: 380-1); Columban believed that study allowed students of monasticism to overcome carnal desires (Riche, 1976: 325); and Isidore of Seville believed that The monk should refrain from reading the books of pagans and heretics' (Riche, 1976: 294). Recently a number of books have been published in France that deal with medieval education (e.g. Laurioux and Moulinier, 1998; Verger, 1999).1 Both studies offer an excellent introduction to educational trends in the central and later Middle Ages. However, in these studies an analysis of attitudes towards learning and teaching found in the cathedral schools and universities receives greater attention than that of monastic experiences. The perception of pedagogy is at the heart of Caroline Walker Bynum's Docere Verbo et Exemplo (1979), which often dwells on how canons and monks saw themselves as teachers. In this study Bynum seeks to investigate if and how canons regular and monks distinguished their approaches to edification. Using treatises of spiritual advice that monks and canons wrote for their brethren, she studied these two groups' views of speech and conduct. Written fifteen years after Bynum's book, Stephen Jaeger's The Envy of Angels (1994) presents a variety of learning attitudes found in

The changing face of tradition

3

cathedral schools. Sections of the book study the subject of the teacher and identify a progression of attitudes toward learning and teaching in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Although Jaeger focuses more on cathedral schools, he does address monastic learning in his chapter on Bernard of Clairvaux.2 He sees a continuity between different centres of learning: 'Monasticism gave Europe new ways of studying; humanism gave it new ways of behaving; scholasticism gave it new ways of thinking' (Jaeger, 1994: 325-6). This is a move away from the common tendency to separate learning techniques sharply among monastic and scholastic thinkers.3 Jaeger's development of a scholarly terminology regarding pedagogy and attitudes toward teaching and learning is a welcome tool in the study of medieval monastic education. Behind the activity of learning in monastic milieus are a variety of factors that do not technically fall under the category of learning, but are integral to an understanding of monastic education. Brian Patrick McGuire's book Friendship and Community: The Monastic Experience 350-1250 (1988) demonstrates how bonds of community were intimately connected to bonds of learning. McGuire defined medieval monastic friendship as a relationship where one monk was a custos animi, guardian of the soul, for his fellow monk (McGuire, 1988: xv). Such nuances of monastic culture must be closely studied in order to grasp the various levels of learning and formation which existed in the cloister.

The themes of medieval monastic education Several of the subjects raised in these books are further developed in the chapters of this collection. Other issues are introduced and examined and, in the process, invitations to further research are numerous indeed. Susan Boynton and Isabelle Cochelin have contributed studies dealing with fundamental yet hitherto neglected aspects of the pedagogy practised in the greatest Benedictine congregation of the central Middle Ages, Cluny. Boynton shows that through liturgical education children at Cluny learned far more than the liturgy: through the time spent in liturgical training, youths became acquainted with the hierarchy, discipline and ritual patterns of the monastery. Boynton accomplishes this by moving away from the traditional focus on music theory treatises as pedagogical sources towards customaries from the tenth to the twelfth centuries. Cochelin makes similar use of customaries, noting their interest not simply for their explicit instructions and descriptions but also for their implicit agendas. In using these sources as well as hagiographical texts dealing with Cluniac saints, Cochelin not only shows the importance of physical and verbal imitation in education across the spectrum of medieval society, but she also adduces convincing evidence to argue that physical discipline was an essential parallel to the intellectual instruction afforded by monastic teachers.

4

George Ferzoco

Aidan Bellenger's analysis of a medieval manuscript is neatly apt for this collection. Not only is this medulla (or essential grammar book) conserved in the Library of Downside Abbey (site of the conference that gave rise to much of the material in this book), but Bellenger also provides us with a direct and detailed study of the contents and context of this manuscript. The author treats it as a part of the intellectual education of medieval English monks in the later Middle Ages. The same period and geographical area provide the material for broader studies by Joan Greatrex and James Clark. Greatrex examines the education provided within English monastic cathedral priories. She brings together information from disparate sources in order to provide a first look at the pre-priesthood education of monks who were not selected to study at Oxford or Cambridge. Moreover, Greatrex notes that much further work can be accomplished with the publication of editions of medieval library catalogues (especially those of cathedral priories). Clark continues the 'narrative' provided by these three chapters dealing with the late medieval English context of monastic education, in his turn examining the education of monks at Oxford. Stressing how previous studies have centred exclusively upon exceptional scholars, Clark goes on to show that, at Oxford at least, the norm - as revealed by examining the registers of Congregation could present an educational context that was in several ways not only different but even pioneering. A comprehensive history of women's monastic education comparable to the detailed study of Riche has yet to be written. An innovative personage among medieval educators of women was surely Hildegard of Bingen, and the chapters by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and Carolyn Muessig provide new insights to this figure and her cultural world; and William East looks at another great twelfth-century educator, Abelard. Kienzle, in examining Hildegard's Expositiones evangeliorum in the light of the theatrical Ordo virtutum, emphasizes how the teaching and exegesis of the abbess occurred within a homiletic context. With her focus on the struggle of the soul, the teaching and approach of Hildegard is argued as being unique. This point is convincingly argued, but it is interesting to see in Muessig's contribution that while Hildegard's lessons are tied to her personality and actions, her approach to selecting the women who would be her students and fellow nuns is typical of Benedictine spirituality to that time. Herrad of Landsberg, a fellow abbess and contemporary of the more celebrated Hildegard, is a compiler and mediator of textual tradition. In contrasting the two educators, Muessig shows the vital diversity of pedagogical and spiritual approaches to be found in twelfth-century German convents. The French convent of the Paraclete had as its abbess another extraordinary figure, Heloise, and East presents her as the pupil of an extraordinary teacher, Abelard. In concentrating on the final letters from Abelard to his beloved, East eloquently demonstrates the necessity of ignoring previous judgements of these letters as being unworthy of study. Through these letters and the hymns written by

The changing face of tradition

5

Abelard for Heloise's nuns, one sees how the world of the cloisters was not an isolated one, but rather one in which real and instructive dialogue could take place through teaching and learning. One could teach and learn in the monastic milieu through a variety of source materials, and the chapters of Graham Jones and Miriam Gill concentrate largely on this matter. Jones presents a case study of Guthlac and his cult, and how one can only come to understand the ties drawn between the English hermit and the figure of the apostle Bartholomew by entering into very close readings of hagiographical texts. Jones shows how the lives of saints were not simply spiritually uplifting, but also served to inform the mission of a monastery and to reinforce the sense of identity and community that needed to be instilled in all members. Gill's contribution provides a careful overview of how the visual arts were used in monastic education. Focusing on wall paintings, Gill not only shows how they were used to educate monks, but she also demonstrates the role played by monastic art in teaching lay visitors to the monastery. The influences that traditional monastic pedagogy had on lay people, as well as on other related religious communities, provide a focus for the final three chapters. Penelope Galloway, in looking at the beguine communities of Douai and Lille, shows not only how they would provide an education for themselves, but also how they would teach local children as well; this education would be at once practical and intellectual. Bert Roest examines the debt owed by Franciscan pedagogy to its monastic antecedents, and shows that this debt was especially profound, owing much to Cistercian and Victorine approaches to education. Constant Mews, finally, reveals the hitherto ignored educational agenda favoured by the Hirsau reform movement. In presenting and analysing the contents and products of the Zwiefalten library and scriptorium, Mews shows (as does Roest with the Franciscans) that there could and did exist a remarkable harmony between monastic and scholastic educational concerns. In accomplishing this, Mews calls for a revision of Leclercq's rather monolithic separation of these two broad Christian communities in the Middle Ages. Given the riches contained in these chapters, I think it would be folly to attempt a comprehensive list of their inspirations for future research. Although such a list would likely be as long as this present book, I believe it to be worthwhile to point out just a handful of the more obvious paths opened to us. One has to do with geography. Although these essays are very illuminating with regard to England and the northern part of Europe, very little is stated explicitly with regard to the Mediterranean basin. A second would deal with how other sources may be used to provide even more detailed and accurate information on the themes discussed. For example: if Franciscan pedagogical links can be made to monasticism through scholastics like Bonaventure, then what will we find upon analysing Franciscan writings for novices, for Poor Clares, for tertiaries, for lay people

6

George Ferzoco

generally? Indeed, how will such approaches compare with works produced by other mendicant orders? Regarding points raised in the essays on English monastic education: do the contents of medullae, like the one in the Downside Library, vary? Did monks studying at Cambridge have similar approaches and study patterns to those of their brethren at Oxford? And concerning women: did abbesses in centuries other than the twelfth have such a pivotal role in education in their convents? The chapters in this book furnish us with a greater insight into the diversity of monastic education. Moreover, they point to pathways for further research in many fields and directions. Listening to them not only with the engaged intellect but also with the heart will move scholars toward ever richer areas of study.

Notes 1. 2. 3.

Both these books are general introductions to the history of medieval education and are aimed at students who are preparing for the 2000 and 2001 French agregation examinations in history. Because of the cross-pollination between cathedral and monastic centres of learning in the eleventh century, it is nearly impossible to present them as separate entities of learning. See Constant Mews, Chapter 14, for a detailed discussion of this matter and its relationship to the influence of Leclercq's view of medieval monasticism versus scholasticism. An example of Leclercq's influence in this regard may be observed in Elder, 1986.

2 Training for the liturgy as a form of monastic education Susan Boynton

In the early eleventh century, Guido of Arezzo fumed that 'cantors are foolish above all men' because their lifelong study of singing left no time for other learning. He deplored the fact that singers could not learn even the shortest antiphon by themselves without the help of a teacher, and consequently spent all their time learning chant. Worse, both secular clergy and monks neglected the Psalms, readings and pious works essential to salvation to devote themselves exclusively to the art of singing 'with assiduous and most foolish labor'.1 Guido's invective echoes Agobard of Lyon's complaint two hundred years earlier that singers spent their entire lives, from childhood to old age, learning and practising the chant repertory instead of pursuing useful and spiritual studies.2 Learning melodies by rote imitation and repetition, singers were utterly reliant on their teachers; as Regino of Priim remarked around 900, most musicians knew nothing about their art, but simply performed as they had learned from their teachers.3 Indeed, although the science of music theory had achieved major advances between the Carolingian period and the early eleventh century, chant pedagogy did not match this progress before Guido, whose innovative systems of notation and sight-singing enabled singers to learn melodies more quickly.4 What do the sources tell us about the lengthy process of training young singers to take part in the monastic liturgy during the central Middle Ages? Musical education was part of a broader liturgical formation in which reading, singing and writing were fully integrated. Since music theory treatises rarely make explicit reference to the environment in which liturgical instruction went on, studies of early music education based entirely on them tend to be schematic and abstract (Smits van Waesberghe, 1969; Walter, 1996). The treatises do not provide information on the social context, roles and responsibilities of teachers, or on the times and places of instruction. To understand these aspects of elementary liturgical education we need texts not only about music but also about musicians, and particularly about boys, since in this period child oblates constituted the primary group undergoing elementary liturgical training. The richest sources for studying the process of monastic liturgical training are customaries

8

Susan Boynton

from the tenth to the twelfth centuries, which form the principal basis of this study.5 Monastic customaries indicate that oblates were responsible for a great variety of liturgical tasks, including intoning Psalms and hymns, reciting litanies, reading lessons, and singing both simple and complex chants. Boys were assigned an ever greater number of chants and readings over the course of the tenth and eleventh centuries (Boynton, 1998). Their responsibilities seem to have peaked in the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries, as reflected in the Cluniac customaries of Bernard and Ulrich, from the 1080s, and the Fruttuaria customary of around 1100. The lengthy account of boys' liturgical duties in Bernard's customary concludes with an imposing list of tasks: [They] pronounce the versicles of each psalm at all the canonical hours, intone the antiphons on ferial days, and intone whatever is sung at the morning mass, unless it is a major feast day; at Lauds and Vespers, they sing a responsory and say the versicles; in the summer at Matins they say the single short lesson; they always read in chapter, never in the refectory.6 Learning these chants and readings, as well as many others, seems to have occupied every free moment of the day. The training process necessarily constituted a monk's entire education, at least until he mastered the most essential liturgical material. The first chants to be learned were the Psalms, canticles and hymns. The Murbach Statutes of 816 mention these chants first in a programme of elementary learning,7 and the same items, in the same order, were apparently assigned to beginners in the twelfth century by the Augustinian canons of St Victor of Paris, whose customary states that 'when a novice sits in the cloister, he should learn his psalter, and repeat it literally by heart, and afterwards the hymnary'.8 Prescriptions in the customaries assigning liturgical items to the pueri or infantes enable us to deduce exactly which chants and readings were studied after this elementary programme. The customaries also provide ample information on the places and times of liturgical instruction. While the pueri practised reading in the cloister, most singing instruction seems to have taken place in the chapter house, perhaps because it provided convenient acoustic isolation.9 Study went on under the supervision of teachers during intervals between services, usually early in the morning. The early Cluniac customaries and the Decretal of Lanfranc prescribe that the children go to the chapter house to sing with their teachers in the interval between Matins and Lauds during the winter months. After Prime, they return to the chapter house to sing until the sun comes up, then go into the cloister to read aloud.10 In the autumn, however, they stay in the cloister with the other brothers after Prime, first reading and then singing (Dinter, 1980: 177; Hallinger, 1983: 10). While reading and singing are usually the only activities mentioned, the Fruttuaria customary states that children practise writing in the

Training for the liturgy

9

interval after Matins as well (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: I, 20). Other texts mention further times of instruction. The Wiirzburg redaction of the early Cluniac customs prescribes that between None and Vespers, while the monks sit reading in the cloister, the boys can practise their chants in a low voice and receive instruction from the cantor if he is present.11 In the Liber tramitis the pueri read in the interval after Vespers (Dinter, 1980: 47). A twelfth-century Cluniac customary from Melk prescribes that the boys read aloud after Prime, Mass and Sext.12 The various kinds of learning taking place at these times ranged on a continuum from individual practice to group practice with teachers, culminating in a formal lesson or rehearsal with a teacher. The customaries provide a shifting picture of the officials responsible for liturgical training. In the central Middle Ages, a single person taught both reading and singing, and often was the librarian as well, with duties including the correction and annotation of the monastery's liturgical books. Before the eleventh century, however, the organization of these activities was somewhat different. Ninth- and tenth-century customaries describe the cantor and librarian as different officials, or distinguish the cantor from the master of the children's choir. A ninth-century customary from Corbie and a tenthcentury one from Einsiedeln have separate headings for cantor and librarian, and the tenth-century Regularis concordia distinguishes between the cantor and the director of the children's choir without mentioning a librarian (Fassler, 1985: 37-40). The Fleury customary from around the year 1000 mentions the 'armarius qui et scolae praeceptor vel librarius'', a librarian who is also the teacher (Davril and Donnat, 1984: 16-17). But it was the succentor, mentioned as an assistant in the description of the precentor's duties, who taught chant: For assistance [the precentor] is given a brother of demonstrable talent who is called the succentor. For the master of the school is the receiver of the children. In all study of chants and with daily attention, he carefully orders the cadences of the modes and the divisions of the Psalms, and is accustomed to drive to the chapter those who treat the Divine Office negligently.13 Several customaries of the eleventh and early twelfth centuries, a period of increasing reliance on liturgical books, combine the offices of armarius and cantor.14 In the Liber tramitis, which reflects Cluniac customs between about 1027 and 1048, the role of the armarius has been expanded to absorb functions previously attributed to the cantor; he is called 'armarius uel cantor' (as distinguished from the weekly cantor). This official is in charge of the library, liturgy and the education of the oblates (Dinter, 1980: 238-9; Fassler, 1985: 44-6). The later Cluniac customaries of Bernard and Ulrich, both written around 1080, indicate that the armarius has taken over the office of the cantor. Presumably because of his full schedule, the instruction of the children in reading and singing was entrusted to an assistant, and

10 Susan Boynton the armarius just listened to a final 'dress rehearsal' after his assistant had prepared the children's chants and readings (Cochelin, 1996: 253-4). According to the customaries of Bernard and Ulrich, early each day the armarius went to hear the boys try out their readings and chants; if they read or sang negligently or did not learn the chant well, he would mete out appropriate punishment.15 The Fruttuaria customary from around 1100 offers the most detailed account of the teachers' duties. As in the Cluniac customaries, the cantor bears responsibilities previously divided between the librarian and the cantor. He is required to supervise the final 'dress rehearsal' but also to teach a long list of skills: reading, singing, writing, notating, preparing parchment and binding books, and writing the brevis (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 138). The cantor goes into the boys' scola every morning to hear the boy who will read in chapter, to correct the brevis if necessary, and to listen to the chants of the mass and the epistle. The cantor also goes to the scola every day after None (or before None during Lent) to listen to whatever chants or readings the boys will perform the next day at the Office, Mass, at the collation or in the refectory. On feast days, the boys have to sing all their Matins Psalms and antiphons for the cantor, as well as the responsories and verses they have to intone. However, as in the late Cluniac customaries, the cantor hears the boys only once a day, after his assistant has already trained them. This assistant cantor, who always sings with the boys and teaches them their chants and readings, functions as the boys' own cantor (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 150). He is distinct from the magister puerorum, the teacher who is in charge of their behaviour but not their liturgical training. The boys' cantor and the magister puerorum are also present at the daily 'dress rehearsal' with the cantor. Another important duty of teachers was punishing the boys for unsatisfactory liturgical performance, an integral part of the liturgical training as reflected in the customaries. The Cluniac customary of Bernard prescribes immediate physical punishment for boys who 'make any mistake in the psalmody of Matins or at the other hours, or in any chant, or by falling asleep, or by committing anything in any way'; they are immediately stripped of their tunic and cowl, and wearing only their shirts, are beaten with light wicker rods by the prior or the magister puerorum.16 A subsequent passage from the same customary prescribes that if a boy is too sleepy to sing well at Matins, the teacher should give him a large book to hold.17 The second, gentler provision is probably derived from a comparable one in the earlier Liber tramitis.18 In the Fruttuaria customary, the punishment for mistakes in reading or singing takes place during the cantor's daily session with the boys, rather than in church immediately after the service. If a boy has not sung his responsory or read his lessons well at Matins, and was unable to correct the mistake immediately, the cantor requires him to take off his cowl and recite a reading. Only the cantor has the authority to discipline the boys for poor liturgical performance;

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neither the boys' teacher nor their cantor can discipline the boys, and the symbolic removal of the cowl is the cantor's prerogative: 'if the cantor arrives when a boy has already been stripped [of his cowl], [the boy] immediately puts it on with the permission of the person who made him take it off.'19 Although the Cluniac and the Fruttuaria customaries share the element of humiliation through removal of the cowl, the differences between their prescriptions are significant. The purely punitive corporal punishment described by Bernard contrasts with the pedagogical character of the forced recitation in the Fruttuaria text, which takes the form of the liturgical training carried out in the context of the daily lesson with the cantor. How exactly did children learn to read and sing? In the central Middle Ages, they learned chant by listening and then repeating after the teacher, the traditional method of instruction specifically mentioned in the Cluniac customary of Ulrich: 'the boys sit in the chapter house, and learn the chant from someone singing it before them'.20 Reading seems to have been practised in a variety of different ways, including repetition, reading aloud and silent reading. The Liber tramitis explicitly describes children practising reading silently from books.21 Moreover, several customaries indicate that children could practise reading during the celebration of Mass, which implies that the other times for daily study were not sufficient. Bernard's customary states that boys are allowed to read silently during Mass if they are preparing a reading for Matins or for the collation, and novices are allowed to memorize their Psalms at the same time.22 Similarly, in the Fruttuaria customary, a boy is allowed to read during Mass if he is preparing a reading for the refectory or learning the Psalms or hymns for the first time; he is excused from singing with the other boys (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: I, 21). This prescription is a significant indication of the increased use of books for learning the elementary chant repertory of Psalms and hymns. The Fruttuaria customary also refers to the use of books during the boys' lesson with their own cantor: 'no one looks at the book there, except a boy who is so old that he cannot learn otherwise; and if there are two of them, they take a board, put it between them, and place the book on top of it'.23 Apparently younger children were expected to learn liturgical texts aurally, while older ones needed the visual prompt of a book.24 More reliance on books is also reflected in the Fruttuaria customary's prescriptions for the education of novices. If they were literate, they were given a Psalter and a hymnary which they could keep for up to a year and use in church during Mass to practise their lessons silently. Novices were required to recite one or two Psalms for their teacher every day, but otherwise seem to have studied independently.25 This difference between the training of boys and adult novices with regard to books is striking: according to the Fruttuaria customary, teachers avoided using books as a primary support for children, but depended on them for the education of novices.

12

Susan Boynton

Although the greater use of books for novices could be interpreted simply as a pragmatic measure, it can be seen as the sign of a different philosophy of teaching from the one applied to oblates. The Fruttuaria customary's explicit emphasis on the oral teaching of children with minimal use of books suggests that the traditional method was used consciously with the younger students, perhaps to reinforce their dependence on their teacher. Other customaries, such as the Augustinian one from St Victor in Paris, show that adult novices were not always left to learn on their own just because they were literate. In this text, the distribution of books does not replace close individual supervision, but rather fits into a programme involving both private practice and individual teaching. In the St Victor customary, teaching by the armarius is supplemented by personal study with chant books. The armarius distributed Psalters and hymnaries to those still learning the Psalms and hymns, as well as to brothers studying other chants. A common stock of chant books was also available for others to prepare for upcoming services.26 The novice had to practise all his chants and readings in private before trying them out for his teacher.27 After a month's probation, he continued to study chants and readings under supervision, either with the same teacher as before or with a new one assigned to him.28 If the novice made satisfactory progress, the abbot, on the recommendation of the armarius, allowed him to participate in the conventual offices, with liturgical responsibilities assigned according to his capabilities.29 Even after the novice was fully admitted to the community, his teacher continued to follow his progress closely.30 Close supervision by a teacher was not limited to novices: the armarius also had to prepare the brothers thoroughly for difficult offices that were rarely performed, and he or someone else appointed by the abbot corrected brothers learning ordinary chants and readings.31 Prescriptions for the use of books constitute one major area of evidence for the acquisition of literacy as part of liturgical training; the other is the participation of boys in the preparation of the brevis, an outline of the liturgical assignments for the following day. Prescriptions vary for the oblates' role in the production of the brevis. According to the Fleury customary from around the year 1000, a boy reads the brevis in chapter.32 The Liber tramitis indicates that the group compiling the brevis included a child writing the incipits of the responsories.33 The Fruttuaria customary states that the boy who reads in chapter must write in the brevis the names of the monks who will perform responsories or antiphons. The cantor checks and corrects the boy's work (and sometimes writes the brevis himself, if necessary), but the boy carries the primary responsibility for writing the brevis: At all times, the boy who reads in chapter writes the entire brevis up to the lesson, if he can, the day before it will be read aloud ... For feasts of three lessons he writes the names of the brothers

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one day before and the responsories on the next day. On Saturday the boy who is responsible for that week writes half of the brevis, whether there are twelve lessons or three; the person who will read the next day writes the other half. If the boy who reads in chapter does not know how to write the brevis, his teacher does it for him ... The boy writes the whole brevis on Sunday and on feasts of twelve lessons, except for the weekly server at mass, and the reader at table and in the kitchen. The cantor writes those three, but the boy writes all the others in order.34 These three accounts of the brevis may indicate a progression over time, reflecting an increase in the use of writing in liturgical training during the eleventh century. While a boy reads the brevis written by others in the earliest of the three texts, he helps others write it in the Cluniac customary from about 1040, and in the Fruttuaria customary he often writes the entire brevis himself. The picture of liturgical training in the customaries can be completed by didactic texts pertinent to singing and reading. 35 Medieval music theory treatises provide information on the basic subjects of chant pedagogy: the Psalm tones, modes and intervals.36 The Psalm tones, a set of recitation formulas for chanting the Psalms in the divine office, were combined with various cadential formulas for the termination of verses (differentiae). Performance of the Psalms also required knowledge of their accentuation patterns for executing the terminations. Thus chanting the Psalms entailed learning tones as well as the texts, and also assimilating rules for applying the appropriate differentia (Dyer, 1989). Since the choice of Psalm tone and differentia depended on the mode of the antiphon chanted before and after the Psalm, beginning students had to learn the church modes, a system of tonal organization adopted in the Carolingian period that provided parameters for the classification and memorization of chants. This body of knowledge corresponds to the 'cadences of the modes and the divisions of the Psalms' taught by the succentor, according to the Fleury customary.37 Modes were distinguished by characteristic tonal structures and melodic gestures that were manifested in chants, in mnemonic formulas and in the organization of tonaries. Expositions of modal theory with reference to specific chants, which constitute a major component of treatises, could serve as examples for teaching. Another way to internalize the modal system was to memorize modal formulas in the form of model melodies set to texts composed of nonsense syllables of Greek origin or to Latin scriptural texts.38 These formulas provided convenient paradigms that could help a student determine the mode of a chant. Tonaries, which are lists of chants grouped by mode, also had pedagogical and mnemonic functions. Intervals were another essential component of chant theory; knowledge of intervals enabled singers to understand the tonal structure of chant melodies and to apply consonances and dissonances correctly in polyphonic singing. Music theory treatises furnish the rules that singers were taught to apply in singing polyphony.

14 Susan Boynton While these aspects of music theory can tell us something about how children learned the melodies of chants, information on how they learned the texts is more elusive. Most methods for memorizing the Psalms discussed in medieval texts do not seem designed for oblates. Hugh of St Victor's Chronicon, for instance, describes a system of facilitating the memorization of the Psalter by dividing it into distinct components; after placing the Psalms in numerical order in a mental grid, one memorizes the order of the whole Psalter, then the verses of each Psalm (Carruthers, 1990: 262-3). While this method presumes a proficient reader, perhaps an adult Augustinian novice, Benedictine child oblates probably learned the Psalms, office hymns and canticles as they were acquiring their reading skills, and before any extensive study of grammar. Germanic vernacular glosses on these texts illustrate methods used for explaining them to students not yet acquainted with Latin. While the vernacular glosses tend to focus on translation,39 the corpus of Latin glosses on the hymns is much more diverse; those copied in liturgical chant manuscripts may offer new evidence for liturgical training. As I argue elsewhere, by analogy with glosses on school texts (such as Prudentius, Sedulius and Virgil) hymn glosses probably preserve approaches to teaching the texts (Boynton, 1997; forthcoming). This is all the more probable because, as the customaries indicate, liturgical books were used both by the cantor and by his students for study purposes. Even if the extant glossed hymnaries were not themselves employed directly in teaching, the glosses may reflect the ways in which a cantor or his assistants would teach hymn texts. Hymn glosses in eleventh-century manuscripts address several aspects of the hymns: lexicon, grammar, syntax, metre, style, doctrine and textual criticism. The simpler lexical glosses include synonyms and explanatory glosses supplying the referent of a pronoun or the subject of a verb. More complex lexical glosses include equivalents that offer interpretations of terms rather than synonyms, words and etymologies. Grammatical glosses focus on the case of nouns and syntactical glosses recast strophes in prose form in order to clarify word order. Source glosses point out scriptural references. An umbrella category of glosses most conveniently termed 'encyclopaedic' encompasses a wide variety of subjects, from customs of Roman antiquity to natural science and astronomy. Text-critical glosses evaluate variants and propose emendations. The most sophisticated glosses discuss the style and authorship of the hymns and elaborate on theological points in the hymn text; the latter category also includes statements of liturgical theology. All these gloss types appear in combination in only a few manuscripts; most of the manuscripts with hymn glosses contain primarily interlinear lexical and grammatical glosses.40 The wide range of glosses in hymnaries seems to reflect different levels of study. The simpler glosses may shed light on methods of teaching beginners, while more complex glosses illustrate the

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reception of hymns in the context of more advanced grammatical studies attested from late antiquity through the later Middle Ages. That hymns were used to teach metre is shown by their appearance as examples in treatises on metrics from Augustine to Alberic of Monte Cassino. Artes lectoriae from the eleventh and twelfth centuries (grammatical treatises intended to teach readers the pronunciation of liturgical texts) discuss office hymns as well as other chants. The textual emendations and commentary in these treatises could fulfil several different functions, such as preventing incorrect performance of the texts, explaining their theological content and helping librarians emend the texts. The pedagogical function of hymns is also suggested by their transmission in florilegia and by the presence of hymn commentaries in late medieval grammatical manuscripts.41 Theological glosses on the hymns, along with citations of hymns in theological texts, suggest that they served to teach doctrine as well. With their poetic language, rich theological content, formulaic melodies and memorable rhythms, hymns demonstrate the didactic potential of chant. Glosses on the hymns attest to the use of hymns not just in liturgical training but in several levels of grammatical education, exemplifying the multifaceted formation offered by the monastic liturgy. Additional information on liturgical training can be gleaned from school texts, particularly scholastic colloquies that teach the lexicon and organization of the liturgy by depicting scenes from monastic life. The colloquies of ^Elfric Bata, written around the year 1000, represent an exceptionally rich source of information on monastic education in Anglo-Saxon England, presented in a frame so vivid that a recent commentary has called them 'monastic childhood come alive' (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 2). Since they were designed to teach Anglo-Saxon students the vocabulary and syntax needed to communicate in Latin on a daily basis, the colloquies portray every aspect of life in a monastery. A great many are conversations between students and teachers, in which the liturgy is treated as a subject of monastic education (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 10-11). Several aspects of liturgical training are mentioned, including chants and readings to be learned, assignments of specific items to the boys and study between the offices. In one dialogue, the boys ask permission to go out and play before Vespers because they have already learned their assignments, lessons, responsories and antiphons; here, liturgical items are grouped with other assignments (acceptos), which are presumably set texts to be memorized and later recited for the master.42 AZlfric Bata's colloquies also present liturgical terminology in conversations taking place outside the context of formal study. Monks in one dialogue discuss going to Compline, citing versicles they will perform.43 In another, negotiation between a boy scribe (addressed as tu, scriptor bone et pulcher puer) and a potential client provides the opportunity to learn the terms for several different kinds of liturgical books, which would be useful vocabulary for students learning to take part in the liturgy.44 The

16 Susan Boynton customaries indicate that boys were responsible for holding or carrying books in a variety of liturgical contexts (Davril and Donnat, 1984: 53; Spatling and Dinter, 1987: I, 30, 147-8, 153; II: 143). Two further colloquies reinforce the knowledge of liturgical organization that boys would have learned both by participating in offices and by preparing the brevis. The first of the two texts refers to the distribution of Matins lessons and responsories in an order written on the tabula (a liturgical listing written on a slate that is comparable to the brevis). A boy who has missed Matins is asked which lesson or responsory he should have sung; he responds with the numbering of the items assigned to him on the tabula. The boy's response implies that a classmate who attempted to substitute for him mixed up the place of his assignments in the order on the tabula, which the boy states was otherwise correctly observed (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 110). In learning this dialogue, a student not only acquired the Latin vocabulary for discussing the order of lessons and responsories in the Night Office, but also internalized the system of assignments with its attendant responsibilities. The second text, a dialogue between the boys and their teacher, makes more extensive and detailed reference to the liturgy. The boys report that 'we read and sang all day, and we wrote something before Prime and after Prime till Terce',45 an account that corresponds to the study of reading, singing and writing between offices as described in customaries. The boys mention further details corroborated by the customaries (the versicles they sing before their meal and while entering the church), as well as various aspects of liturgical ceremonial (the names of the weekly officials who wore vestments at Mass). This colloquy gives students' vocabulary for describing liturgical actions.46 By carrying out monastic formation through the medium of linguistic education, ^Elfric Bata's colloquies combined the acquisition of Latin with initiation into the organization of the liturgy. As the primary form of elementary monastic education, liturgical training initiated children into both ritual and monastic discipline, including the hierarchical organization of the monastery. The redactors of the Cluniac customaries took pains to specify the order in which readings and chants should be performed, teaching the pueri the structures of seniority in the community. The Liber tramitis, for instance, prescribes that children should read lessons according to the hierarchies of age and seniority: younger ones reading before older ones and recent arrivals reading before those who had entered the community earlier. The writing of the brevis also initiated oblates into the hierarchy that found daily expression in the assignment of chants and readings according to status (Cochelin, 1996: 257-8). Thus the liturgy was in many ways a school within the monastery, and its incessant rhythm made liturgical training a constant preoccupation the central focus of monastic education and formation.

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Notes 1. Temporibus nostris super omnes homines fatui sunt cantores. In omni enim arte valde plura sunt quae nostro sensu cognoscimus, quam ea quae a magistro didicimus ... Miserabiles autem cantores cantorumque discipuli, etiamsi per centum annos cottidie cantent, numquam per se sine magistro unam vel saltern parvulam cantabunt antiphonam, tantum tempus in cantando perdentes, in quanto et divinam et secularem scripturam potuissent plene cognoscere. Et quod super omnia mala magis est periculosum, multi religiosi ordinis clerici et monachi psalmos et sacras lectiones et nocturnas cum puritate vigilias, et reliqua pietatis opera, per quae ad sempiternam gloriam provocamur et ducimur, neglegunt, dum cantandi scientiam, quam consequi numquam possunt, labore assiduo et stultissimo persequuntur (Guido of Arezzo, 1999a: 406-10). 2. Et adulescentulis atque omnibus generaliter, quibus cantandi officium iniunctum est, magna occasio stultae et noxiae occupationis aufertur. Ex quibus quam plurimi ab ineunte pueritia usque ad senectutis canitiem omnes dies uitae suae imparando et confirmando cantu expendunt, et totum tempus utilium et spiritalium studiorum, legendi uidelicet et diuina eloquia perscrutandi, in istiusmodi occupatione consumunt (Van Acker, 1981: 350). 3. Solum hoc confitebitur, quod hec ita facial, sicut a magistro accepit et didicit (Bernhard, 1989: 70-1). See also Boynton, 1999. 4. See Smits van Waesberghe, 1951; 1953; Rosa Barezzani, 1995. For a new edition and translation with commentary of the Epistola ad Michahelem, which presents Guide's new system for learning a melody, see Guido of Arezzo, 1999b. 5. After completing my own analysis of references to child oblates in the customaries, I found that many of the passages cited below are also studied in Lahaye-Geusen, 1991: 241-57. 6. Ad horas omnes regulares singulos psalmorum versiculos pronuntiare, in privatibus diebus antiphonam imponere, et quidquid cantatur ad missam matutinalem, nisi sit aliquod magnum anniversarium; ad matutinas et vesperas responsorium decantare, versus dicere; in aestate ad nocturnos illam minimam et unicam lectionem dicere; in capitulo legere semper, in refectorio nunquam (Herrgott, 1726: 208). 7. Ut scolastici, postquam psalmi, cantica et hymni memoriae commendata fuerint, regula, post regulae textum liber comitis, interim uero historiam diuinae auctoritatis et expositores eius necnon et conlationes patrum et uitas eorum legendo magistris eorum audientibus percurrant; Actuum praeliminarium synodi primae aquisgranensis commentationes sive Statuta Murbacensia (CCM 1, 1963: 442). 8. Quando autem in claustro nouitius sedet, debetfirmare psalterium suum, et cordetenus ad uerbum reddere, et postea hymnarium (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 107). 9. While some customaries refer to boys practising in the scola, this term does not necessarily indicate an established physical space in the monastic buildings; in the customaries, scola can mean the boys in a group or a place where they study. See Tilliette, 1992: 65-7. 10. Knowles, 1967: 8: Infantes in capitulo cum luminaribus diligenter a magistris custodiantur canentes quod necessarium erit aut si nimis profunda nocte surrexerint pausent iacentes ad sedilia sua\ Hallinger, 1983: 18, 287.

18 Susan Boynton 11. Conuentus autem sedeat in claustro uacans lectioni. Si cui cantare opus est, uocem ita supprimat ne alios inquietet. Armarius interim si opus est pueris lectiones et quae docere necesse fuerit insinuet (Hallinger, 1983: 283). 12. Sedeant in claustro ad legendum vel cantandum et pueri in scolis suis legant aperta voce quousque custos sonet signum ... Post missam eant pueri ad prandium, fratres vero sedeant ad lectionem in claustro. Pueri vero exeuntes de refectorio legant iterum clara voce. Cum tempus fuerit, sonetur Sexta. Post Sextam iterum sedeant in claustro et pueri legant aperte (Hallinger, 1983: 394). 13. Huic frater probabilis ingenii solatio datur qui succentor nuncupatur. Nam scole magister est acceptor infantum. In omni studio cantilenarum et cottidiana cura tonorum diffinitiones et psalmorum distinctiones providus disponit et divinum officium negligenter tractantes propellare in capitulo solet (Davril and Donnat, 1984: 15). 14. See Fassler, 1985: 43, note 61. Tilliette, 1992: 70, notes that the magister was a supervisor, while the teacher was either the cantor or the librarian. 15. Omni die diluculo postquam pueri tres psalmos, ut mos est, perlegerint, continuo venit ad eos, ut illi, qui lecturus est in capitulo auscultet lectionem. Ea etiam vice si ipsi pueri aliquid offendunt cantando vel legendo negligenter, vel si minus diligenter cantum addiscunt, dignam ab eo disciplinam experiuntur (Herrgott, 1726: 163). The corresponding passage in the customary of Ulrich is almost identical (Ulrich of Zell: col. 749). 16. Ad nocturnos autem, imo ad omnes horas, si quid ipsi pueri offendunt in psalmodia, vel in alio cantu, vel dormitando, vel aliquid tale ullo modo committendo, minime differtur; absque mora frocco et cuculla exuti iudicantur, et in sola camisia caeduntur (nisi laid sint in ecclesia, a quibus videri possint) et hoc fit vel a priore, vel a praefato eorum magistro, virgis vimineis levibus, et teretibus ad hoc provisis (Herrgott, 1726: 201). 17. Si quis eorum oppressus somnolentia ad nocturnos non bene cantaverit, magister dat ei in manus unum codicem grandiusculum, donee experge fiat (Herrgott, 1726: 204). 18. Si puer grauatur sopore ad opus dei, non quidem pro hoc omni hora est uapulandus, sed cum uiderit eum magister saepe somno grauari, det unumquemlibet libellum in sua brachia sustendandum, quousque de ipsa pigritia eum excitet (Dinter, 1980: 223). 19. Qui bene lectionem ad Matutinas non legit et responsorium non cantauit et ibi emendare non potuit, tune non obliuiscitur; similiter qui ad collationem et in refectorio, non obliuiscitur, etfacit eum ante se legere exutum cuculla. Quamdiu ibi stat magister puerorum nee ille, qui eis cantat, ullam disciplinam pueris faciunt, et si iam puer exutus est cantor uenit, statim se induit cum licentia illius, qui eum exuere fecit (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 138). 20. Pueri sedent in capitulo, et per aliquem praecinentem cantum addiscunt (Ulrich of Zell: col. 687). The other common method of rote learning was to repeat the chant after hearing it played on a monochord; Guido of Arezzo characterizes this approach as suitable for beginners (Guido of Arezzo, 1999b: 458-60). 21. Exientes autem paruum fiat interuallum, uidelicet usquedum coadunentur pueri cum magistris in scola et codices aperuerint et quantulumcumque subter silentium leguerint (Dinter, 1980: 47). 22. Solis pueris conceditur in choro legere ad missam, cum in crastino debent esse duodecim lectiones, aut cum praevident aliquam lectionem collationis,

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vel huiusmodi; aut si aliquis eorum est novitius, potent psalmos suos firmare ad utramque missam, dum tacet conventus (Herrgott, 1726: 204). 23. Nullus ibi aspicit in librum, nisi tarn magnus puer sit, qui aliter discere non possit, et si duo sunt, apprehendunt tabulam et inter se ponunt et librum desuper mittunt (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 150-1). 24. The importance of the visual aid furnished by manuscripts apparently increased in the twelfth century. Hugh of St Victor remarked that boys had more trouble memorizing a text when they did not always use the same copy of it, because a specific image was an essential part of the memorization process. See Carruthers, 1990: 263. 25. Si est litteratus apprehensa confessione psalterium et ymnarius ei in manum mittitur et usque ad unum annum, si ei necesse est, dimittitur. In ecclesia ad missas in manu tenere et legere conceditur et cottidie unum psalmum aut duos magistro suo reddere (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 265). 26. Fratribus, quibus iniunctum est, cantum suum cotidie firmare et reddere, debet armarius singulis libros, in quibus cantant, specialiter assignare ... Similiter his, qui psalmos et hymnos suos firmare habent, psalteria et hymnarios, prout opus fuerit, distribuat ... Debet autem armarius unum antiphonarium uel duos et alios libros de cantu et psalteria et hymnarios in communi prop onere, in quibus ceteri fratres possint, quod prouidendum est, prouidere (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 146). 27. Sed et legere, et cantare, et psallere alia et demissa uoce, prout tempora deposcunt, eum ibidem faciat et omnia, quae in publico acturus fuerit, prius in secreto praetemptet et assuescat (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 107). 28. Deinceps postquam ad conuentum uenerit, debet abbas, si prior magister ei uacare non potest, aliquem prouidere alium, qui eum assidue doceat et cui ille cotidie lectionem suam reddat, qui etiam eum instruere debet et docere ea, quae eum specialiter in chow cantare uel legere oportet, id est antiphonas et responsoria, lectiones, uersiculos et cetera talia, et quando et quomodo cantare uel legere debeat ostendere (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 10910). 29. Deinde abbas, aduocato armario, iubet ut in breui ponatur ad legendum et ad cantandum, secundum scientiam suam et possibilitatem, ad lectiones et ad responsoria et antiphonas ad horas (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 110). 30. Postquam nouitius plene ad conuentum admissus fuerit, magister eius non tamen curam eius omnino postponere debet, sed saepius cum eo loqui sicut et prius (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 111). 31. Quotiens hystoriae aliquae, siue de sanctis, siue de tempore, quae graues sunt et inusitatae, in ecclesia cantari debent, tempestiue debet armarius fratres in capitulo praemonere, ut ea, quae cantanda sunt, diligenter praeuideant ... Fratribus, quibus iniunctum est cantum suum firmare, debet armarius uel aliqui de senioribus, quibus abbas in capitulo iusserit, assistere, qui et eos, si errauerint, corrigant et lectiones eorum, quando reddere uoluerint, audiant (Jocque and Milis, 1984: 146-7). 32. Qua soluta brevem pronunctiat puer divini officii (Davril and Donnat, 1984: 49). 33. Die sabbatorum debent esse quattuor qui breuem faciant quorum infans qui scribat capita responsoriorum ... In duodecim lectiones sint tres: armarius, cantor, infans (Dinter, 1980: 238-9). 34. Nam omni tempore ipsum breuem puer, qui in capitulo legit, uno die antequam pronuncietur totum scribit usque ad lectionem, si potest ...In tribus lectionibus scribit nomina fratrum uno die ante et responsoria in

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35. 36. 37. 38. 39.

40. 41. 42.

43. 44.

45. 46.

Susan Boynton crastinum. Sabbato autem puer, qui ebdomadam tenet, medietatem scribit siue duodecim lectiones sint siue tres, qui autem in crastinum legit, aliam medietatem. Puer, qui in capitulo legit, si nescit facere breuem, magister suus, qui eum docet, facit pro eo uel cui ipse cantor precipit... Scribit puer totum breuem in dominica et in duodecim lectionibus excepto ebdomadario misse et mense lectoris et coquine. Ista tria cantor scribit, cetera omnia puer scribit ita per ordinem (Spatling and Dinter, 1987: II, 139). Thorough coverage of this subject is not possible here because of space limitations; the following discussion aims to present briefly the most essential concepts that were central to the instruction of beginners. For a convenient summary of the aspects of early music theory relevant to chant, see Hiley, 1993: 442-77. See above, note 13. Edited in Bailey, 1974. On Anglo-Saxon hymn and Psalm glosses, see Gasquet, 1908; on AngloSaxon hymn glosses, see Milfull, 1996; on Old High German hymn glosses, see Sievers, 1874; on Irish hymn glosses, see Bernard and Atkinson, 1897. For the typology of the glosses, see Boynton, 1997: 107-72; 2001. For a survey of evidence (besides hymn glosses) for the pedagogical function of the hymns, see Boynton, 1997: 184-91, 203-18. Mihi uidetur, quod uespertina horn prope sit modo. Sic et nobis. Sed non est uespera tamen adhuc. Domne magister, licet nobis ludere paulisper, quia modo scimus bene nostros acceptos et nostras lectiones et responsoria nostra et antiphonas nostras? (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 94) Pergamus ad completorium. Faciamus 'adiutorium nostrum in nomine Domini, qui fecit celum et terram' et iterum 'sit nomen Domini benedictum ex hoc nunc et usque in seculum' (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 106). Scribe mihi prius unum psalterium aut hymnarium aut unum epistolarium uel unum tropiarium seu unum missale librum aut unum bonum itinerarium siue capitularium unam bene digestam et ordinatam (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 134). Nos legimus, et cantauimus tota die, et scripsimus aliquid ante primam et post primam usque ad tertiam (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 88-90). Since linguistic formation was the main purpose of the colloquies, it is interesting to note that a term for the hours of the office, sinaxes, is glossed with the Anglo-Saxon gloss 'ure tida' in the manuscript edited by Gwara and Porter (Oxford, St John's College, 154, fol. 164r). This is another example of liturgical training through the study of Latin (Gwara and Porter, 1997: 90).

3 Besides the book: using the body to mould the mind — Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries Isabelle Cochelin

To you your father should be as a god; One that composed your beauties, yea, and one To whom you are but as a form in wax By him imprinted, and within his power To leave the figure or disfigure it.

Shakespeare, A Midsummer Night's Dream, I, i, 47-51

The theory of late twentieth-century education focuses almost exclusively on the development of the mind but in practice school teachers complain bitterly that they do little more than police the behaviour of their students. It would be fascinating to investigate what this dilemma tells us about our ideals and limitations in constructing the society of tomorrow, but before doing so it is worthwhile to observe earlier modes of education. Studies show that book or skill learning was rarely the only goal in former times; the overlapping topics of religion, ethics and manners were also fundamental to education (e.g. Ozment, 1983: 136ff). In this context, control of the body occupied a conspicuous place (e.g. Foucault, 1975: 137ff). As Roy Porter wrote recently in a collection of articles assembled by Peter Burke in New Perspectives on Historical Writing: A history of education which exclusively concentrates on the achievement of skills such as reading and writing will miss one of the prime functions of the ragged, charity or elementary school in the past: instilling physical obedience, or education as a process of breaking children in. (Porter, 1992: 219) The Cluniacs, the subject of this chapter, did not believe that they needed to 'break in' the child to make him fit the monastic life; however, they certainly did not pay attention only to his mind. For them, the puer was essentially an empty vessel which needed both to be moulded physically, and filled up spiritually and intellectually in order to mature into a perfect monk. The purpose of this chapter is to stress the great principles guiding this training,1 and particularly the important role of the body. In other words, I will not dwell on the

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specific content of Cluniac education (books read, techniques learned, etc.), nor its goals (primarily memorization of the liturgy and disciplina), but consider rather its method through an analysis of the perception and treatment of the members of the schola. At the heart of this topic lies an intriguing paradox: Cluniacs viewed themselves as the terrestrial mirrors of the celestial angels.2 Yet flesh played a central role in their training. No other monastery of the central Middle Ages has left so many texts on the daily life of the monks as Cluny. From the two and half centuries between the foundation of the abbey in 910 and the death of its last great abbot, Peter the Venerable, in 1156, twenty-two vitae and five customaries remain.3 Previous studies have already proved the usefulness of the vitae for the understanding of early medieval education (e.g. Merdrignac, 1986; Heinzelmann, 1990: 105-38). The customaries are less well known and their value in this regard may require some explication. The two oldest Cluniac customaries, the consuetudines antiquiores (Hallinger, 1983), written at the beginning of the eleventh century, are like ordinaries in the sense that they offer a detailed portrait of the liturgical year. However, the later three - the Liber tramitis (Dinter, 1980), written in various steps around 1040, and the works of Ulrich of Zell4 and Bernard of Cluny (Herrgott, 1726), composed around 1080 - offer details about all practical aspects of the life of a Cluniac monk. Except for Bernard's customary, which was written as a reference manual for the novices of Cluny, these extensive texts were written for non-Cluniac monasteries desirous of imitating the Cluniac way of life. In Cluny itself, before the Ordo cluniacensis (Herrgott, 1726), most customs were transmitted orally (Herrgott, 1726: 134; logna-Prat, 1992b: 30-1). The customaries cannot therefore be compared to monastic rules and downplayed as mere prescriptive sources, offering an ideal construction unrelated or tenuously related to reality (Donnat, 1992: 14-15; logna-Prat, 1992b: 26-8). Nor are they simply realistic descriptions of daily life in eleventh-century Cluny. Rather, they offer a selective snapshot of the customs followed by the Cluniacs. But the very process of selection is meaningful. Indeed, the various authors of the customaries strove to outline everything they considered worthy of admiration in Cluny's activities. In this context, what they chose to incorporate about the training of the monks, as well as what they decided not to elaborate upon, is meaningful. In Cluny, two types of newcomers required education to become monks: child oblates given to the monastery by their parents, and adult converts. Only the children are considered in this chapter. They constituted, in terms of numbers, the more prominent group of the two, at least until the second half of the eleventh century (Cochelin, 1998: 35-6). Various nouns are used in the vitae and customaries to designate them: pueri, infantes and schola are the most common. This diversity of terms should not conceal the fact that this group was very clearly defined: the schola united all the children before they reached

Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries

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puberty, i.e. usually before the age of fifteen.5 After this point in their physical development they were considered youths, iuuenes, and taken out of the schola; they then had to make their profession, and join the ranks of the adult monks. In other words, the closing of the first and most important stage of monastic education, the one dispensed in the schola, was signalled by a bodily change, the appearance of puberty, and not by some specific step in mental maturation. The adult monks' perception of their younger brothers should first be discussed. Indeed, the manner in which the educators looked at their pupils is inseparable from the pedagogical techniques they devised to transform these pupils into full-fledged monks. As a whole, the Cluniac discourse on pueritia is derogatory, even if occasionally compassionate. This does not mean that the Cluniacs did not like their oblates,6 but rather that they did not look at them as we gaze at little ones today. This divergence is obviously meaningful to our topic.71 will not discuss all the manifold characteristics of this discourse on childhood, but rather will concentrate on the themes which are important to understanding the training of the oblates: the perception of the child's inferiority, his innocence/ignorance and finally his docility/levity. Through the customaries we learn that their fellow brothers exaggerated the childishness of the oblates and their inferior status. For instance, in the sign language used by the monks, an oblate was symbolized by bringing the little finger to the mouth as if to suck it.8 The little finger was probably preferred to the thumb because it evoked the adjective paruus - small, inferior (Herrgott, 1726: 172 Therefore, the gesture for the oblate both exaggerated his young age the majority of the oblates were between the ages of seven and fourteen, and would have long ceased to suck their thumbs - and underlined his position of inferiority. This inferior position is best observed in the hierarchical structure of the Cluniac community. This structure is of fundamental importance given that, again and again throughout the day, the monks positioned themselves hierarchically: in church, in the refectory, in the chapter, in procession. In this configuration, the pueri were assigned the bottom places, below all the adult brothers. One might comment that in the past this perception of the child as an inferior was scarcely unusual; but the inferiority of the child is far from obvious in a spiritual context. Besides Christ's comments regarding the eminent place reserved to the little ones in Paradise (Matthew 19:13-15; Mark 10:13-16; Luke 18:15-16), Benedict had specifically required in his rule that age not be considered as an organizing factor, but rather seniority and, occasionally, spiritual progress: in other words, a ten-year-old oblate who entered the convent at the age of five should theoretically be above a recently converted fifty-year-old man.9 But the Cluniacs disregarded this rule, as illustrated for instance in the numerous descriptions of processions given in the customaries (e.g. Dinter, 1980: 23, 41, 52, 69, 78, 89, 104, 108, 115, 151, 242, 270, 275, 284).

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Cluniacs neglected equally Benedict's regulation demanding that a iunior (in seniority) calls a prior 'nonnus' while being called 'frater' (RB 63:12). In the Burgundian monastery, monks called each other 'Domnus'', 'frater' was only used to name an oblate (Herrgott, 1726: 177; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 709C). As these examples show, Cluniacs perceived all children as spiritually inferior to adults, regardless of their individual development. This implies that no form of interchange was envisaged between the educators and the educated. Rather, the educators were reaching down to the educated to lift them up to their own superior status. While the customaries focus mostly on the daily activities, the vitae give us the opportunity to explore more deeply the Cluniac perception of childhood and, henceforth, their approach to education. Compared to other hagiographic collections (Burrow, 1986: 105-6; Merdrignac, 1986: 94-7; Giannarelli, 1991: 44-5; Cochelin, 1992: 137; Jong, 1996: 135ff), the Cluniac corpus seems less tolerant towards the first age of the life cycle. Given that three of these collections date from the early Middle Ages, this discrepancy cannot be explained only by the fact that Cluniac sources are mostly pre-twelfth-century; that is, they precede the emergence of a more positive image of childhood. Through the Cluniac vitae, we learn that monks looked down upon childhood because they saw no special quality in this age, unlike the other ages of the life cycle. Old saints were occasionally lauded for their youthful vitality;10 far more frequently, saints in their childhood or youth were acclaimed for behaving as old men; however, no young or old saint, nor any other individual portrayed in the vitae, was ever praised for having shown a quality specific to children. Indeed some saints were glorified for having presented no feature of childhood whatsoever while in this age.11 Even so, some positive characteristics were occasionally mentioned in the descriptions of children. These can usually be connected with faults also linked with the first age. Two of these antithetic pairs are important to an understanding of Cluniac education: the child's innocence/ignorance and his docility/levity. One positive attribute was occasionally linked to the first age innocence. The association between innocence and childhood was not inherited from Roman antiquity and was probably a contribution of Christianity. However, the Fathers of the Church made distinctions between childish innocence and adult innocence because the first was based on the child's ignorance (Clark, 1994: 20-7).12 A similar discourse can be found in the Cluniac vitae: innocence is not presented as a characteristic specific to childhood13 and, when linked with this age, has much to do with children's lack of (impure) knowledge (Peter Damian, 1853: col. 927B; Jotsald, 1880: col. 917A; Huygens, 1980a: 40). Connecting the childhood traits of innocence and ignorance indicates that the Cluniacs perceived the oblate as an entity devoid of any knowledge, an empty vessel. If innocence was the most frequent positive attribute connected to childhood, the lack of grauitas was the most frequent fault the Cluniac

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hagiographers associated with it. Children were accused of leuitas or lasciuia - this last fault being usually different from the lasciuia occasionally assigned to youth.14 This accusation is inseparable from the recurrent criticisms made regarding the child's manner of speech, activities and bodily behaviour. Hagiographers complain about his 'pueriles ineptiae et lenocinia uerborum', 'nugales ineptiae', 'infantiles iocositates et ineptiae', 'aniles fabulae et uerborum obscenitates', 'lusus obsceni et actus1 or 'insolentia puerilis et motus incomposites'.l5 When Peter the Venerable noticed in the first half of the twelfth century that the coming of age was generally not accompanied by a change in behaviour, he decided to delay the final phase of profession until the age of twenty. He summarized the Cluniac discourse on childhood's faults to justify his new statute: The cause for this ruling was the too rapid admission of children. Before they might possess any form of rational intelligence, they are vested with the clothes of the sacred religion and mixed with others, perturbing everybody with their inept puerilities. (Constable, 1975: 70-1) To convince his brethren of the necessity of his statute, Peter used commonplace accusations against children, even though they were not really appropriate for individuals aged fifteen and more. The child was therefore perceived as someone who ceaselessly changed his mind and mood, whose speech and gestures were devoid of meaning. This conviction goes hand in hand with the belief that he was a malleable individual adorned by an impressionable memory.16 In other words, the fault of levity (in its traditional sense of inconstancy and fickleness) can be linked with a positive characteristic of childhood - docility. This meant that the child was perceived as both incapable of reason, but also extremely flexible, a soft material that could be easily moulded. Overall the Cluniac hagiographers paid little attention to children, saints or not, but the little they said helps give meaning to the long sections of the customaries explaining oblates' activities and relationships with adults. The first intriguing characteristic of Cluniac education was the passive role assigned to the child, both in the handling of his body and his mind. This treatment of the oblate is of course inseparable from the perception of childhood which I have just discussed. For the Cluniacs, the child was devoid of reason and imbued with few or no qualities; everything had therefore to come from outside. This passivity was not limited to education. Outside or inside the cloister, the Cluniacs invariably depicted the child as someone acted upon, never acting, i.e. a person without agency. The best illustration of this phenomenon can be found in the vitae. Even the saints, 'super-humans' who should have been able to transcend any human limitations, were always portrayed as quiescent children whose destiny was decided between their parents and God. The sole exceptions were Maieul, who had been an orphan, and some twelfth-century saints (Hugh of Semur and most of the new recruits depicted in Peter the Venerable's De miraculis (Bouthillier:

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1988)). This passivity assigned to the Cluniac saints in the tenth- and eleventh-century vitae is singular when compared to the independence manifested by the child saints in the hagiographic sources of the first centuries (Boulhol, 1990), and the later Middle Ages (Weinstein and Bell, 1982: 45-6). The reading of the customaries tells us that this hagiographic depiction of the child as a subdued individual reflected Cluny's mode of functioning: the oblate shared all aspects of the life of the monks inside the cloister, but was never an initiator, only an imitator. For instance, contrary to what scholars have thought in the past (e.g. Deroux, 1927: 14-15; Jong, 1996: 136), children did not take an active part in the chapters. They sat in them, but had to keep quiet; discussions of the abbey's administration, even denunciations of the brothers' faults, were the prerogative of the adult monks (Herrgott, 1726: 167; Cochelin, 1996: 232-6). With respect to education, the passivity of the child is best observed in the acquisition of knowledge. Most of the hagiographers describe the process by using the verb imbuere, meaning to impregnate, to soak in, to imbue.17 The finest description of this process can be found in the Life of Odo of Cluny rewritten by the monk Nalgod in the 1120s. Typical of this author (and the vitae of the twelfth century generally) are a keener attention paid to education and hints of tenderness regarding childhood that are absent from the earlier writings, including the tenth-century text he used as his model. In the story, Odo had just been weaned when he was sent to a far-away priest to be educated. The priest instructed the child he had received with kindness and smoothness, as his very fragile age required. He imbued his untaught infancy with the rudiments of the letters. He was doubly careful with the child to inculcate in him the [right] path by his honest discourse and to pour the rivers of science into his tender but tenacious memory. (Nalgod, 1680: col. 87A) The verbs used in this excerpt, 'instituere', 'jubere', 'inculcare', 'transfundere', all express the conviction that education consisted in pouring knowledge into a passive receptacle. A caricatured image of this process might be that children were bodies into which the monks poured spirit. I will go even further, perhaps too far, by evoking Genesis 2:7 as an interesting parallel: 'And the Lord God formed man of the slime of the earth: and breathed into his face the breath of life, and man became a living soul.'18 In both cases, the process of spiritualization, symbolized by raising someone or something from the earth closer to the Divine, has been made possible by having spirit or knowledge insufflated into it. More pragmatically, one notes that Cluniacs perceived children's memorization primarily as a passive phenomenon. This raises the question (which cannot be answered in this short chapter) whether the calculative ability of medieval memory described by Carruthers was developed during a monk's later life stages, or was a result of different methods of education in cathedral schools and universities (Carruthers, 1990: 19; Jaeger, 1994: 22).

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Another illustration of the monks' conviction that an oblate's mind was too immature to participate in education, and that other means were needed to educate him, is found in the modes of punishment designed for him. Benedict was convinced that children were unable to understand excommunication or any other form of psychological punishment; he therefore recommended that they be punished physically: Every age and level of understanding should receive appropriate treatment. Therefore, as often as boys and young, or those who cannot understand the seriousness of the penalty of excommunication, are guilty of misdeeds, they should be subjected to severe fasts or checked with sharp strokes so that they may be healed. (RB: 30; cf. also RB: 45) The Cluniacs followed Benedict on this matter: fasts (e.g. Dinter, 1980: 217, 219) and far more often whippings (e.g. Herrgott, 1726: 163, 202; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 744B) were used to correct oblates. However, one innovation may be attributed to them: children falling asleep during Nocturns were normally whipped (Herrgott, 1726: 201; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 742-3; Dinter, 1980: 223), but if the problem was recurrent, they were given a book to hold instead (Herrgott, 1726: 204; Dinter, 1980: 223). Whipping was extremely common in former times and the question to ask is not why, but how often. Anselm of Canterbury's complaints about excessive beating (Southern, 1979: 201, 37-8) have no Cluniac equivalent, either because the Cluniacs showed moderation and did not need such an exhortation, or because they did not care as much. Nevertheless, the book used during Nocturns might be an indication that they tried to resolve one of the most pressing problems facing oblates - sleeping during the nightly hours of the Divine Office - through other means than repeated whipping. In any case, fasts, whippings and holding books are perfect cases of 'using the body to mould the mind': corporal punishments were applied to the flesh to impress the mind and to modify it. Here again, the position of the child in the educative process was completely passive: he was holding books, receiving blows, suffering fasts. Inseparable from this first characteristic of Cluniac education is a second one: to ensure that the oblate was never doing anything on his own and to teach him proper behaviour in all circumstances, an unceasing surveillance was maintained. Here again, the body of the child was given a crucial importance. This surveillance was not only related to the child's training. Cluniacs also kept a close watch on the oblates to prevent any contact between them and the adults. They feared that the adults, especially the adolescents, might become physically attracted to the children.19 Moreover, one can guess that in their attempt to duplicate on earth the angelic life, they wanted to avoid childish disruptions in the cloister. No teasing putti fitted their vision of Paradise. Whatever the prevailing causes (fear of paedophilia, quest for perfection, education), the formative years of the Cluniac

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oblate were marked by extremely strict supervision. No free time outside the cloister was ever allowed to the children (at least, according to the customaries). In this respect, the Cluniacs seem to have been harsher than other monastic communities.20 Whatever he was doing, wherever he was going, with whomever he was talking, the child was always supervised by an adult monk, usually his master.21 This somewhat oppressive regime is more particular to later customaries, those of the 1080s. The increasing elaboration of the customaries throughout the eleventh century probably testifies to the growing desire of the Cluniacs to bring perfection to the tiniest details of their daily life, including the activities of their oblates. For the oblates, this meant less and less freedom of movement. For instance, the Liber tramitis mentioned times when the oblates were allowed to speak freely to each other inside the schola\ these intervals were less numerous than the ones allotted to the adults, but did exist (Dinter, 1980: 220). However, in the Ordo cluniacensis an oblate had to ask permission of the master to speak to another child; and, once the master had agreed, the message had to be delivered in front of all the schola (Herrgott, 1726: 204). Another illustration of this increasing vigilance is given by the transformation of the function of the children's masters. If, in the older vitae and customaries, the masters in charge of the children had an educative role to fulfil (in the traditional sense of teaching singing, reading and writing), this role is no longer mentioned by the late eleventh century. By then, teaching had been allotted to the second of the armarius, with the armarius supervising the work done. The masters seem to have been restricted to the single duty of surveillance. The third and last important characteristic of the Cluniac training is the role played by imitation: the child repeated the behaviour and sayings of the elders in order to perform the rituals correctly and to memorize them progressively. Before it becomes a mental activity, imitation is a physical one. The whole body or the mouth duplicates certain gestures or sounds. The previous citation from the Life of Odo of Cluny by Nalgod mentioned the two main goals of the Cluniac training: teaching the child the 'rivers of science' and 'the right path'. In other words, oblates should be imbued with intellectual knowledge and disciplina. Imitation played a fundamental role in the attainment of both objectives. Susan Boynton (Chapter 2) explains how the acquisition of reading, writing and singing skills by children was mostly based on imitation. I would like to use the rest of this essay to discuss the other goal of Cluniac training, learning the disciplina, and show how imitation was here also essential. Besides the liturgy, the discipline of the monastery is the most important topic of the customaries. When William, the abbot of Hirsau, asked Ulrich of Zell to redact the customs of Cluny for him, he explained that he did not know another ecclesia which was similar in life and regular discipline (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 644A). In answer to William's demand, Ulrich wrote a first book devoted to liturgy and a

Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries

29

second entitled De disciplina regulari. Disciplina signifies primarily the correct ensemble of gestures needed to perform each non-liturgical activity (Illmer, 1971: 31). Ulrich was hesitant to comply with William's request to expose for him the Cluniac discipline, because he had not been an oblate at Cluny (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 644A).22 This means that oblates were especially well trained in this respect. How did they learn the thousands of customs detailed in Ulrich's and Bernard's texts? It was not through books or special lectures. The customaries occasionally describe the children reading or singing in the schola, but never learning about the disciplina regularis. Rather, they acquired it by participating in every activity of the monastic community: in the dormitory, the refectory, the choir, the cloister, the mill, the fields the oblates are always mentioned beside the adult monks. In all these various locations, they reproduced the gestures of their elders.23 To give one proof a contrario, I mentioned earlier that the children had no right to speak in the chapter; however, they were still attending them. Moreover, they had the opportunity to learn how to behave rightly in this context through their own private chapter, in which they had to accuse each other of their faults (Herrgott, 1726: 207; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 744B-C; Hallinger, 1983: 12). In other words, children learned the disciplina by mimicking the gestures of their elders. They also learned in this way the most important monastic duty, the celebration of the opus Dei. Some explanations of these different activities were given by the adults, as Susan Boynton's study of the liturgical glosses has shown for the liturgy (Boynton, 1997: 192ff); however, the oblate was probably acquiring understanding of most of his functions inside the monastery like any apprentice, that is through time and experience. The flesh was therefore used as an avenue to reach and form the inner self. Most of what I have said in this chapter could also relate to certain boarding schools prior to the 1960s (Deroux, 1927: 38, 48; Bouille, 1988: 126ff, 158ff). However, it is possible to emphasize some of Cluny's characteristics, besides the obvious religious factor. The great importance given to imitation, that is learning outside of books and the classroom by repeating the gestures of the elders, is more typical to occupations demanding a great degree of physical knowledge. A parallel can then be drawn with the two other orders of eleventhcentury society, laboratores and bellatores, whose training primarily required the acquisition of physical knowledge. The Cluniacs were probably much more similar to them than they wished to be. Two other elements that must be taken into account in order to understand the specificity of Cluniac education are the ideals of virginity and stabilitas. The surveillance of the oblates was increased since they were perceived as potential objects of desire, i.e. threats to perfection, as well as virginal individuals to be treasured and preserved. In terms of passivity, unlike the medieval clerics (or any boarding school student) the oblates did not have the opportunity to leave the religious life when reaching adulthood. This should be taken into account when

30

Isabelle Cochelin

contrasting monastic education with the one offered in the cathedral schools. Finally, the factor of time must also be considered. By the late eleventh century, when Ulrich and Bernard wrote their customaries, the Cluniac quest to construct a perfect community producing perfect monks had given an increasing importance to customs. Under these conditions, surveillance over the oblates was increased, as was their confinement to a passive role. However, already by the end of the eleventh century, distinct voices were being heard. First, increasing criticisms against the overwhelming monastic customs were made, for instance by the Cistercians. Second, far more adult converts were entering the convent, and their superior mental capacities were quickly recognized (e.g. Herrgott, 1726: 210; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 747-8; Constable, 1975: 97). Third, possibly because these late converts brought with them a different (lay) perception of childhood, and/or possibly because the religious sentiment was changing and increased attention was being paid to the more fragile elements of society, the presentation of the first age was slowly becoming less negative. This new perception of childhood would probably have had an impact on monastic education in the long term if oblation of boys had not progressively declined from around the same period. Before this change took place, however, Cluniac training gave to the body a striking importance: first, because according to the customaries, most of what young and old recruits had to learn concerned liturgy and the disciplina, both relying heavily on the performance of the correct bodily gestures; and second, because child training was based on three principles - passivity, surveillance and imitation which all focused at least partly on the child's body. This confirms the statement made recently by various scholars that medieval discourse on the body was ambivalent, as the flesh was simultaneously despised and perceived as one possible locus of the sacred (e.g. Schmitt, 1990: 18; Bynum, 1992: 182; Jaeger, 1994). In Cluny, a context particularly interesting as it concerns a male monastic community prior to the twelfth century (implicitly used as a counter-example by Schmitt, Bynum and Jaeger), the bodily movements of the monks were strictly supervised by fear of inappropriate behaviour, and yet organized in a perfect choreography envied by other abbeys. The Cluniac paradise was certainly not a world of pure spirits. In their resplendent monastery, adorned lavishly with gold, silver and marble, Cluniacs busied themselves to please God's sight through their speeches and perfected bodies.

Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries

31

Notes 1. I will be using the terms 'monastic education' and 'monastic training' interchangeably to designate the learning process involved in becoming a Cluniac. Monastic education was part and parcel of the apprenticeship of the monastic life (Leclercq, 1957). Therefore, in this context, it would be artificial to separate education from training, and it is more appropriate to discuss them as a whole, at least occasionally. 2. Cf. for instance Ulrich of Zell's Cluniac customary ('alter paradisus'; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 731) and Peter Damian's letter to Hugh of Semur, the sixth abbot of Cluny (1049-1109), PL 144 (1853): col. 374-8 and Marrier and Duchesne, 1915c: col. 447-8. Cf. also logna-Prat, 1988 332-40, and more generally Milis, 1992. 3. Cf. Donnat, 1992; logna-Prat, 1992a; 1992b; 1998: 67-70. The customaries describe Cluny and can be directly tied with the Burgundian abbey, but this is not the case with all twenty-two vitae. My list is inclusive rather than exclusive, as I have considered all the vitae written by or for the ecclesia cluniacensis between 910 and 1156. 4. For bibliographical information see Ulrich of Zell, 1853, in the Bibliography at the end of this volume. 5. RB: 70:4; Herrgott, 1726: 201; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 742B. In a society in which age was rarely known, the first growth of beard was sometimes the sign chosen to decide when a young man should be incorporated into the group of the adults (cf. Ulrich of Zell, 1853: c 747-8; William of Hirsau, 1881: col. 934D; Bartlett, 1994: 43-4); however Bernard does not repeat Ulrich's words on this matter (Herrgott, 1726: 210) and the Liber tramitis only speaks of the tempus consecrationis (Dinter, 1980: 228). Gratian mentions puberty, which usually marks the end of pueritia and entrance into adulthood (Friedberg, 1879-81: c.20, q. I, col. 843-54; also cf. Metz, 1976: 13). 6. Three of the vitae of Hugh of Semur (|H09) tell the story of an oblate killed in the choir by a fallen rock, of which two mention the grief of the brethren: Hildebert of Lavardin, 1881: col. 877A; Cowdrey, 1978: 77; Huygens, 1980a: 53-4; 1980b: 65-6 (who repeats the story without evoking the monks' sadness). A touching anecdote describes Odilo (|1049) calling the oblates of Saint-Denis to come admire an enormous fish which had just been taken in the Seine (Jotsald, 1880: col. 922B) Peter Damian did not keep this story in his new version of Odilo's Life, dated 1063. This is the only lively tale of the oblates given in all the Cluniac vitae. Another amusing scene concerning children outside the cloister is found in the first vita of Odo of Cluny (|942). John of Salerno, his disciple and hagiographer, recounts that Odo enjoyed asking children he met along the roads to sing to amuse his travelling companions (John of Salerno, 1881: col. 63B). Examples of criticisms of childhood are more common. The most extreme case is found in Odo's vita of Gerald of Aurillac: 'Nam in prima aetate, ut saepe videmus, incitamentis corruptae naturae, solent parvuli irasci, et invidere, et velle ulcisci, vel alia hujusmodi attentare' (Odo of Cluny, 1881: col. 644C). It is significant that the abbreviator of the Vita Geraldi, who wrote not long after, changed the words (i.e. he did not repeat mechanically the sentence of his predecessor), but he kept the accusations (Anonymous, 1890: 394). However, he removed the most negative comment, the reference to the corrupt nature of children. Odo

32

7.

8. 9.

10.

11.

12.

13.

Isabelle Cochelin is the only Cluniac author to mention this concept, which was more current in the Protestant literature of the Reformation (Ozment, 1983: 138-9, 161ff). For the last forty years, ever since Philippe Aries published his history of childhood (English translation, 1962), the bibliography on the topic has increased conspicuously. Following in his footsteps, many scholars have adopted an extreme position, depicting medieval childhood in excessively sombre or optimistic colours. Overall, the most reliable studies have been those based on a well-delineated corpus of sources, such as Desclais Berkvam, 1981 or Hanawalt, 1993. For an overview of the topic: Shahar, 1990 (on monasteries: 191ff). On the life in the monastery, besides the studies already cited in this article: Jong, 1996 and the numerous articles by Riche, the latest being Riche and Alexandre-Bidon, 1997: 13-14. Herrgott, 1726: 170-3; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 704A. On the monastic sign languages: Jarecki, 1981; Umiker-Sebeok and Sebeok, 1987. RB: 63:1; but it is already clear in the Rule that the strict application of the principle of seniority was problematic regarding children: Benedict felt obliged both to justify his decision (RB: 63:5-8) and to limit its use to the oratory and the refectory (RB: 63:18-19). The inferior status of oblates is not specific to the Cluniacs (e.g. Mittermuller, 1880: 576; Jong, 1996: 145-6). Cf. for instance the passages in Mai'eul's hagiographic corpus where his 'iuuenilis uigor',' iuuenilis feruor' and 'fortitudo adolescentium' are lauded in his old age (Nalgod, 1680: 666C-D; Marrier and Duchesne, 1915b: col. 1764E; logna-Prat, 1988: 280-1; also Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1784B-C). These adjectives do not refer to pueritia, but to the following age in the life cycle, iuuentus. Cf. William of Volpiano (|1031): lNam et habitudo tenerrime etatis ita dissimilis uidebatur ceterorum ut nimium admirabilis haberetur' (Bulst, 1989: 258, 260). The most classical form of negation of childhood is found in the topos of the puer-senex, present in three Cluniac vitae. For instance, see Nalgod's description of Maieul (|994) in the 1120s: 'Videres in virgine puero lascivam pueritiae levitatem censoriae gravitatis acrimonia condemnari: videres insolentiam puerilem et motus incompositos aetatis illius matura morum canitie castigari' (Nalgod, 1680: 657E). Cf. also the abbreviated vita of Odo (|942) written in the tenth and eleventh centuries (Fini, 1968-70a: 211) and Jotsald's vita of Odilo (|1049) (Jotsald, 1880: col. 899B). Sometimes, no reference is made to old age, but the child is praised for his maturity (in Maieul's Vita breuior: Marrier and Duchesne, 1915b: col. 1765A-B) or the fact that he transcended his childhood by acting as an adult (cf. the vita of Babolein, founder of Les Fosses, written between 1058 and 1067, some four hundred years after his death; Chifflet, 1681: 358). Cf. for instance, Jerome (1884): 'Non praecipitur apostolis, ut aetatem habeant parvulorum, sed ut innocentiam, et quod illi per annos possident, hi possideant per industriam: ut malitia, non sapientia parvuli sinf (Commentarium in Evangelium Matthaei ad Eusebium Libri quattuor PL. 26: col. 133A). Similar remarks are to be found in Ambrose, Augustine and Gregory among others (cf. for instance Leclercq, 1975: 172; Lamirande, 1983: 110; see also Weinstein and Bell, 1982: 28-30; Jong, 1996: 132-4). The vita of Hugh of Semur (tH09) written by Gilo c.1120-2 offers the best illustration of this: 'In pupillaribus annis constitutus, non ut ilia etas

Cluny in the tenth and eleventh centuries

14.

15. 16. 17.

18. 19.

20.

33

assolet lasciuiae frena laxauit nee inerti luxu emollitus nugales ineptias sectatus est; sed, secundum quod scriptum est, innocenter habitabat domi' (Cowdrey, 1978: 49). For examples of adults praised for their innocence or simplicity, cf. Peter Damian, 1853: col. 928A, 943C; Jotsald, 1880: col. 916A-B; Huygens, 1980a: 47, 51. The only portrait of an innocent adult which seems to evoke children's qualities dates from the middle of the twelfth century: Bouthillier, 1988: 24-5. Cluniac authors used different names for this fault, but all referred to the same lack of grauitas: puellaris mollitia (Odo of Cluny, 1881: col. 674B); leuitas aetatulae illius (Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1783B); lasciva leuitas (Nalgod, 1680: 657E); lasciuia (Jotsald, 1880: col. 917A; Cowdrey, 1978: 49; Huygens, 1980a: 40); aetas lasciua (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 636B). On the antiquity of this criticism made against childhood see Giannarelli, 1991: 35-6. Nalgod, 1680: 657D-E; Hildebert of Lavardin, 1881: col. 381B; Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1783B; logna-Prat, 1988b: 183. Cf. also Leclercq, 1972: 283. Cf. Maieul being called a 'docilis puer' and the reference made to his 'mens tenerrima' in the Vita altera written in the 1120s (Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1783B). Chifflet, 1681: 358; Odilo of Cluny, 1880: col. 947-8; Vita beatae Idae, 1880: col. 438D; John of Salerno, 1881: col. 46D; Nalgod, 1881: col. 87A; Bourel de la Ronciere, 1892: 5; Fini, 1968-70a; 1968-70b: 211. In the Vita Maioli altera, the orphan Maieul imbues himself with knowledge ('ultra aetatem literas combibebat...') (Marrier and Duchesne, 1915a: col. 1783A-B). None of Hugh's vitae, all dating from the twelfth century, present education in this manner. The other twelfth-century Cluniac hagiographer, Nalgod, does use 'imbuere', but he also employs the verb 'informare' (Nalgod, 1680: 657D). It is quite possible that this change in vocabulary illustrates the emergence of a new perception of education, to be linked with the contemporary flourishing of the cathedral schools. Ulrich also uses 'imbuere' to describe the training of novices (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 700C). However, he employs 'instruere' in the same sentence and the next ones, proof that the training of adults was perceived as a different intellectual process (e.g. Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 701A, col. 702B, 712D). Vulgate. On the World Wide Web, see: http://www.cybercomm.net/ ~ dcon/OT/genesis.html Neither the vitae nor the customaries address this problem directly (except for John of Salerno, 1881: col. 51C and Bouthillier, 1988: 46-7 regarding events taking place outside of Cluny; Huygens, 1980c: 106 for Cluny). However, the repetitive interdictions against physical contact between adult monks and children, and the prescriptions that no individual could ever be left alone with an oblate, leave no doubt: the Cluniacs did everything they could to prevent such sexual temptations in their cloister (cf. Lahaye-Geusen, 1991: 426-32; Cochelin, 1996: 27181). More generally, it was necessary to preserve the innocence/ ignorance of the oblates vis-a-vis the impurities of the world as much as possible (Jong, 1996: 143ff). Cf. e.g. Mittermuller, 1880: 418-19 (even though surveillance over oblates was also very strict in his monastery: Jong, 1996: 147-8) and Shahar, 1990: 195.

34

Isabelle Cochelin

21. The Cluniacs were proud of this situation. Ulrich ended his chapter on the children saying that they were so well kept under surveillance day and night that no prince could have been better nurtured: 'Et ut tandem de ipsis pueris concludam, saepenumero videns quo studio die noctuque custodiantur, dixi in corde meo difficile fieri posse ut ullus regis filius majore diligentia nutriatur in palatio quam puer quilibet minimus in Cluniaco' (Herrgott, 1726: 210; Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 747C-D). 22. However, cf. also Ulrich's furore before the oblates' claim to know better than the conuersi what should be the life and disciplina inside the monastery (Ulrich of Zell, 1853: col. 636A). 23. On the fact that this method of education was the appropriate one for the 'simpliores' of the community: RB: 2:12. Cf. also Illmer, 1971 (who summarizes this mode of training by the formulation 'Lernen durch Nachleben'); Jong, 1996: 149.

4 A medieval novice's formation: reflection on a fifteenth-century manuscript at Downside Abbey Aidan Bellenger

Dom Cuthbert Butler, Abbot of Downside, published his Benedictine Monachism: Studies in Benedictine Life and Rule in 1919. It was an unabashed apologia for a monastic ideal which looked to the great tradition of communitarian Benedictinism exemplified in medieval England. Butler was writing a polemical work aimed at his English Benedictine brethren, many of whom were settled in far-flung parishes and were only in the first generation of a fully developed Benedictine community life. The young, for Butler, had to be educated along the right lines. 'In every monastery, after the Work of God/ he writes, 'the most important work is the training and formation of the young monks' (Butler, 1919: 371). He continues: The training of the young monks should be aimed at preparing and fitting them for this permanent living in the round of duties whereof Benedictine community life is made up. It is not enough merely to impress forcibly this idea, this principle upon them. They must receive the spiritual and intellectual and social formation that will make it natural and easy for them to pass their lives in the monastery contentedly, happily, and fruitfully, and will minimize the chances of their afterwards finding it unsatisfying, and so tiring of it and desiring change. So their intellectual tastes and capabilities should be sympathetically encouraged and carefully developed, and they should be prepared to take part and find their satisfaction in some sphere of the life of the house. Too much care cannot be bestowed on the education of the young monks, for on them depends the future of the abbey. (Butler, 1919: 372) The Rule of St Benedict remained always at the centre of Cuthbert Butler's educational ideal and in 1912 he attached a Medulla Doctrinae S. Benedicti to his Latin 'critico-practica' edition of the Rule for the use

36

Aidan Bellenger

and convenience of novices (Butler, 1912: 149-69). It is presented over some twenty pages in a dialogue form and provides a catechetical tool for the early stages of monastic formation. The medulla (the kernel) of any way of life or method of formation is always difficult to convey but Butler's medulla, Rule-based, provides an interesting contrast to fifteenth-century manuscripts of another probably monastic medulla, of uncertain origin: Downside Abbey, Library Ms 26540,1 described by Dom Aelred Watkin in The Downside Review (Watkin, 1939). In 1865 Albert Way had discussed various versions of the Medulla grammaticae in his edition of the Promptorium parvulorum for the Camden Society, identifying some of the manuscripts then known, seventeen in total (Way, 1865: 1-liv). Apart from those mentioned by Way and others at Shrewsbury School, and Stonyhurst College noted by Ker,2 there is the Downside manuscript discussed in this paper and another in the University of Bristol Library.3 Aelred Watkin's articles were his first important contribution to the study of medieval history. Watkin, like the probable Dominican compiler of the Promptorium Parvulorum, Geoffrey of Lynn, had strong East Anglian and Dominican connections. Born at Edgbaston in 1918, he spent most of his childhood at Sheringham in Norfolk and was educated at the Dominican school at Laxton in Northamptonshire. He was clothed as a novice at Downside at the age of nineteen in 1937, and his work on the medulla was done during this period of formation as a novice and junior before he went to Cambridge to read history. The Downside community at that time was much engaged in a controversy over the nature of the monastic life and formation, in which Dom David Knowles was the principal protagonist (Sillem, 1991: 27-46). Watkin, by the time of his arrival in Cambridge in 1943, had published his Wells Cathedral Miscellany. Afterwards he edited (in three volumes) The Great Cartulary Glastonbury (1946-58) and the Registrum Archdiaconatus Norwyci (1948). Later, he became Head Master of Downside School, parish priest (and mayor) of Beccles in Suffolk and titular Abbot of Glastonbury. He died in 1997.4 These biographical details are mentioned here to place the Watkin articles in context. He was himself undergoing monastic formation while he compiled his contribution to medulla scholarship. He possessed a vivid and acute intelligence and if he were here today he would have provided a good living example of what he would have seen as a medieval monastic formation, albeit in twenty-first-century Downside. The book came to Downside from the recusant Langdale family of Holme-on-Spalding-Moor in Yorkshire through Dom Odo Landale, a Downside monk, in whose effects it was found at the time of his death in 1934. Measuring 285mm by 210mm it retains its original binding of white leather covering oak boards. It has 259 leaves. The medulla is written on heavily watermarked paper with the exception of three medieval parchment end leaves and a modern flyleaf.5 The text is divided into seven principal sections. The first (fols. 1-52) is a work in

A medieval novice's formation

37

three chapters, the first missing and the second on figures of Holy Writ. The third chapter consists of a collection of phrases in the Bible and the Divine Office which were, in the compiler's view, difficult to understand. The continuing use of the manuscript is shown in the editing, correcting and supplementing in various hands - 'presumably', Watkin says, 'succeeding generations of novice masters' (Watkin, 1939: 478) or indeed student religious. Many worked-over student books exist. In the Worcester Cathedral Library, for example, there are four surviving notebooks that belonged to Worcester monk students at Oxford which had found their way back to the monastic library where they could be of use to other students.6 In the Downside manuscript there are various northern English glosses and on fol. 16 Lincoln is given as a place (Ker, 1977: 443). The second section (fols. 55-100v), following two blank sheets, is made up of 115 hymns. The first half of the explanation gives the meaning, the second half is a prayer composed from the matter of the verse (Watkin, 1939: 479).' Ninety-seven of the hymns are in the printed Sarum Expositio hymnorum of 1496 and eleven, not there, are in the printed Expositio hymnorum of 1488. The others, with the exception of number 98, are York hymns (Ker, 1977: 443). Ker, following Watkin, points out the similarities with another manuscript: Cambridge, Peterhouse, 215 (James, 1899: 257-61). The next, the third section, is a treatise De accentu (fols. 101-13), which explains the accentuation and pronunciation of the Latin words, important in a period before choir books were accented. There are thirty-eight columns of rules, followed by thirteen columns of rules of pronunciation arranged in alphabetical order and in rhyme. The fourth section, Nomina propria (fols. 114-15) consists of a list of 150 Latin Christian names, with one to five English equivalents for each. Watkin reproduces these names in full (Watkin, 1939: 480-3). The fifth section (fols. 115v-19v) is a list of adverbs and adjectives, the Latin being written above its English equivalents. There are seventy adverbs and 128 English equivalents (Ker, 1977: 443). The sixth section is in the form of a Nomina numeralia, Roman and Arabic, from one to three million, on which the compiler concludes, Etcetera usque millesies millia etcetera usque ad infinitum, and then explains, Sciendum est quod omnis figura coniuncta cum aliis figuris (Ker, 1977: 444). The seventh and final section of the book is a substantial Latin dictionary, the core of the medulla (fols. 122-252). Many of the more difficult Latin words have been given English equivalents. Watkin took the average of Latin words in each column to be thirty-six and the average of English words to be ten and calculated them as nearly nineteen thousand Latin words and over five thousand English in the dictionary (Watkin, 1939: 485). It suggests, in its many Latinized Greek words, a wide classical sympathy, and in its description of fauna a typical medieval confusion between the actual and the mythical. There are few words of specifically Benedictine character although the English for Dompnus is given as 'Danne'; 'Don', or 'Danne' being the

38

Aidan Bellenger

medieval equivalents to 'Dom' (Watkin, 1939: 487). It is possible that the Downside medulla might come from a monastic almonry school where the putative monks (and others) were educated before their novitiate. Yet, within the text there is a clear monastic educational agenda - the whole of the early part of the compilation and a large part of the dictionary are aimed at a proper understanding of the opus Dei, the centre of the monk's life. Within the context of true peace will be found: Pax est in cella nichil exterius nisi bella / Si pacem queris tune rarius egrederis (Watkin, 1939: 488). The Downside medulla, as I have noted already, came to the Abbey via Dom Odo Langdale, but it is difficult to locate its original provenance. Watkin's analysis of the hymns, forming the greater part of the second section of his study, leads to his conclusion that it comes from a Benedictine monastery of ancient foundation ... situated near enough to York for that Use to have impressed itself upon the old Benedictine tradition yet was far enough away to have considerable influx from the southern tradition as exemplified in Sarum. (Watkin, 1940: 204) As noted above, the place name Lincoln is given as an example; this suggests a monastery situated between Lincoln and York and Watkin suggests Bardney as the most likely place for the medulla's composition (Watkin, 1940: 206). More study of dialects and regional variation might make its origin clear. Whether Bardney is its specific context or not, what else can the medulla tell us about late medieval monastic education? In the first instance it shows the wide vocabulary and influences which impinged on claustral education. The world was being brought into the cloister perhaps by the growing number of those attending the schools of the university. The wide learning shown by such as Dom Robert Joseph of Evesham in his letter book on the eve of the Reformation exhibited that a rusticus could also be a cosmopolitan (Marrett-Crosby, 1997: 147). The library catalogue of Prior Henry of Estry (1285-1331) of Christ Church, Canterbury, listed 698 volumes which included three thousand separate items (Thompson, 1939: 373). A century and a half later Prior William Sellyng (1472-94) glazed the south cloister at Christ Church, Canterbury, building there 'some new framed connivances which we call carrels' in which space was found, among other things, for the Greek books he introduced into the library (Thompson, 1939: 376). If books allowed the world into the cloister, the monks of the fifteenth century were proceeding with great alacrity to the universities. This was part of a process of centralization and clericalization with profound consequences for the nature of the syllabus of monastic education. In 1336 Pope Benedict XII had issued his bull Summi magistri, which required each monastery to provide teaching within its walls of the 'primitive sciences' of grammar, logic and philosophy - the territory of the medulla (Coates, 1997: 79). The Downside medulla reflects a broadening education, a novitiate and a

A medieval novice's formation

39

continuing formation which was more about training 'clerks' than monks. The one-year novitiate planned for Benedict's 'ideal' monastery of lay people was, by the later Middle Ages, woefully inadequate for a priest-monk who often had a heavy administrative burden and high public profile. The need for easily accessible works of reference in the form of a medulla must have been felt in many communities. If clericalization was an important development in the later Middle Ages, monasteries remained closely knit communities where learning to live together remained the heart of formation. A shared vocabulary could build up a common life. Many monasteries had their customary in which the life of the community would be closely detailed. The customary of St Augustine, Canterbury, includes a specific section on Informicio noviciorum (Thompson, 1902; 1904). Training in community life always included diverting minutiae, the result of community experience. Individuals are asked not to crack nuts but to open them with a knife. If the community as a whole is having nuts then, let every brother crack them as he may please, and never mind the reader' (Thompson, 1904: XV).7 Table manners, deportment, custody of the eyes, church ceremonial, public reading, familiarity (with much learning by rote) all formed part of 'the learning experience'. I began with Cuthbert Butler and his medulla. I will finish with The Downside Customary. It supplements the medulla with the details of monastic life and protocol - not only the ritual of the choir, but also the details of the refectory ceremonial, medieval in feel, with its signs for a silent meal including one for toast (not I suggest a medieval delicacy): 'the palm of the hand is held about six inches flat above the table' (Downside Customary, 1935: 79). Continuities as well as developments are always part of monastic education. The ideal remains. 'The higher the ideals the more clearly they are grasped the fuller will be the actual realization' (Butler, 1919: 34). Monastic education in its aspirations and structure was aimed at helping genuine seekers of God. In the monastic tradition inherited by the late medieval monks, meditatio and lectio as part of education and continuing formation were closely linked to the study of texts, especially the Scriptures, which were seen as a highway to prayer, through words to the Word (Leclercq, 1974: 13-30). Grammar and dictionaries had their place on the path to perfection. The progress through lectio, meditatio, oratio to contemplatio involved elevating the whole person - body, mind, heart and will - to God. At root, holiness through wholeness was the ideal sought in medieval monastic education (RB 1980: 446-7).

Notes 1. 2. 3.

See Watkin, 1940: passim] Ker, 1977: 442-4. Ker and Piper, 1992: 305-6 (Shrewsbury), perhaps fourteenth century, and 388-9 (Stonyhurst), fifteenth century. Ker, 1977: 213-14, for University of Bristol, DM 14. This manuscript also dates from the fifteenth century.

40 4. 5. 6.

7.

Aidan Bellenger See obituary notice of Dom Aelred Watkin in Society of Antiquities of London Annual Report 1998 (London, 1999), 73-5. See Ker, 1977, for manuscript details. See Greatrex, 1997b: 59. The earliest includes treatises on logic and works of Aristotle annotated by John de Aston who was at Oxford in the 1290s; two others are early fourteenth-century manuscripts containing notes on logic in the hand of John Broghton who died in 1448 before completing his degree. In that same year John Lawerne, another Worcester monk, recorded his inception in his personal notebook, in which is found a miscellaneous compilation of theological lectures, disputations, sermons and letters. The journal Pax, edited by the monks of Caldey, has two articles by 'L.M.', used by Watkin, which translate and use the Customary (Pax 7 (1915): 392-402; Pax 8 (1916): 28-40).

5 The scope of learning within the cloisters of the English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages Joan Greatrex

... certis temporibus occupari debent fratres in labore manuum, certis iterum horis in lectione divina. (RB: 48:1) Introduction The only school to which St Benedict referred was the 'school of the Lord's service' (RB: Prologue, 45), a phrase which encapsulated the lifelong undertaking of a prospective monk. In other words, the monastery was itself a school where the monk passed his days in learning to serve God and his brethren by way of obedience and humility (RB: 5, 7). Learning is the key word, learning in its widest sense, implying constant growth in the knowledge and love of God realized in and through all the daily occupations no matter how menial. With the more limited sense of a prescribed course of learning Benedict was not concerned; but it is noteworthy that in the daily horarium he set aside significant periods for study and meditation upon the sacred texts of Scripture and the Fathers (RB: 73: 3-5). The time provided for what Benedict described as lectio divina amounted to a minimum of three hours in the summer and slightly fewer in winter when the hours of daylight were less.1 Lectio divina, it should be stressed, was prayerful rather than academic reading and implied 'a total immersion of oneself in the Word of God and its exposition by the ... Fathers' (RB 1980: 86). Instruction in other subjects such as grammar, rhetoric and musical chant was subservient to the aim of ensuring that those who were received into the community achieved a standard of proficiency that enabled them to use with understanding the primary texts of the faith, i.e. the Scriptures and the Psalms on which the daily offices were based. Moreover, it was the psalmist who impressed upon the monk that the beginning of wisdom was to be found in the fear of the Lord: initium sapientiae timor Domini - fear, with the meaning here of reverence, worship, adoration (Ps. 110:10). At the same time the

42 Joan Greatrex psalmist's constant prayer was for understanding in order to know the divine law, to be obedient to its precepts, in short, to live (Ps. 118:34, 144). From the earliest times, therefore, the monk was occupied in searching the Scriptures and in acquiring the skills necessary for understanding and interpreting them. This presupposes the presence of monastic teachers and students, and the provision of books in the earliest communities. For a Benedictine there has always been an intimate connection between fidelity to his vocation and constant intellectual exercise to deepen his understanding and appreciation of the divine mysteries. Let us bear in mind also that the underlying aim was not tied to any practical goal of service to the world outside the monastery as was the case, for example, with the orders of friars whose educational programme often included university study to an advanced level. In this chapter I intend to confine my attention to those black monks of the nine English monastic cathedral chapters (from c.1300 on) who were not singled out as university potential and who consequently spent their lives for the most part within the confines of the cloister. Of these, I would suggest, a respectable number continued in the years after their ordination to pursue some form of study, very possibly intermittently and largely unsupervised. A few of this group taught, preached and wrote for the edification and pleasure of their brethren and others, but only a handful were acclaimed for originality of thought or felicity of style and expression. Benedictine pre-eminence in the field of learning had already given way to the friars by the midfourteenth century. As Knowles observed, the larger black monk houses, preoccupied with the administration of their extensive and scattered estates and subject to conflicting pressures within church and state, had already begun to take on the functions of religious corporations to the increasing detriment of community life (Knowles, 1966: 299). Nonetheless, individual monks in the cathedral monasteries continued to maintain the Benedictine intellectual tradition by frequenting their monastic libraries, by borrowing books, by purchasing them with their pocket money, and by annotating and copying treatises for their own use. On first sight the evidence at our disposal is disappointingly meagre, but sufficient material exists to postulate the continuity of what we may call the intellectual tradition up until the Dissolution.2 It is a hazardous undertaking to attempt to flush out and reconstruct the activities and interests of the ordinary monks whose lives were on the whole so uneventful that they receive scant mention in the records. The results may elicit more questions than answers; nevertheless, these should prove to be useful pointers for future research. It will be advisable to begin with a brief investigation into the course of instruction given to novices and junior monks before their ordination to the priesthood, an event which generally took place within approximately five years after admission; however, variations in the length of this initial period extended from three to seven or eight

English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages

43

years depending on circumstances (Greatrex, 1999). We will then move on to the more difficult task of piecing together evidence from the cathedral priories to throw light on cloister monks who continued to pursue their intellectual interests through further studies. Our approach will, of necessity, be primarily via the written texts rather than via their readers and writers whose names are only occasionally known. In so doing we must bear constantly in mind that we are usually unaware to what extent volumes were plucked from the shelves and consulted; with perhaps a few exceptions the inclusion of eleventh-, twelfth- and thirteenth-century writings in late fifteenth- or early sixteenth-century book catalogues provides no clue to their continuing popularity nor to their neglect. The exceptions are to be found in the books that were borrowed, annotated, indexed, taken to university and to dependent priories, and returned to the cloister library from the cells of deceased monks. The fact that other copies of most of the works removed from the cathedral priory book presses for the use of the university contingent were available in the cloister indicates that claustrales also felt the need to improve their style and expression in the spoken and the written word, and to consult many of the texts, commentaries and works of reference that were the basic tools of monk scholars. As an initial test of the merit of this method of approach it will be applied in three areas: grammatical works, biblical and theological studies, and historical writings. Finally, we will turn our attention to a few individual monks whose interests and activities are known through the books they acquired and used. I will conclude by suggesting, with some degree of confidence, the hope that these will not prove to have been the rare exceptions. Instruction of novices The prerequisite for admission to the cathedral monasteries included letters of reference and recommendation providing details of the candidate's scholastic attainments. From letters preserved in cathedral priory and episcopal registers it is clear that the selection process was no mere formality. In refusing a pupil who had been proposed by his tutor, it was noted by the prior and chapter at Christ Church, Canterbury, that he did not meet the required standard and advised that he should continue to study 'terminos grammaticales et usum et artem cantandi et legendi' (Sheppard, 1887-89: I, no. 131). This was written in the 1320s, the same decade in which one clericus was refused entry to Worcester Cathedral priory because he was judged to be 'in litteratura et aliis, ut est moris, minus sufficientem1, while another was accepted because he demonstrated at his interview that his master at Glastonbury abbey school had given him an adequate grounding in sciencia et moribus.3 The course of instruction for the Benedictine novice during his probationary year varied from one monastery to another in accordance

44 Joan Greatrex with the customs and regulations of the particular house. However, the general outlines were similar and probably changed very little during the three centuries before the Dissolution. In addition to the novice master, one or more monk masters gave instruction and secular masters were sometimes appointed. A Benedictine chapter visitation of 1384 at Durham reported the lack of an 'instructor claustralis ...ad instruendum monachos in primitivis scienciis, videlicet gramatica, logica et philosophia'.4 In 1437 at Winchester a schoolmaster from outside was appointed to instruct the young monks in grammar and singing, and in 1501 at Worcester a schoolmaster was appointed as instructor to teach lfratres nostros et scholasticos domus nostre Elemosinarie [in] grammatice vel arte dialectic^ .5 Since some of the Canterbury, Ely and Worcester lectors known by name in the fourteenth century were among the most competent scholars in their communities, with doctorates in theology, the younger brethren would surely have benefited from the university training of their seniors.6 The question at once arises: Can we delve more deeply into what they were taught?7 The monastic formation called for impressive feats of memorization that included the Rule, the Psalter and other parts of the divine office (Carruthers, 1990, 1992). In addition, practical training in liturgical chant must have been a frequent, if not a daily, part of the timetable in the novitiate under the direction of the precentor, who also gave or arranged for organ lessons for some of the musically gifted.8 A thirteenth-century Christ Church customary refers to the morning and afternoon study periods but makes no mention of the times when lectures were given or of their content.9 According to a former monk of Durham reminiscing some fifty years after the Dissolution, all the elderly monks spent the afternoons studying, each in his own carrel on the north side of the cloister. 'Air may be an exaggeration due to the dimming of his memory but the regular pursuit of learning by some need not be doubted (Fowler, 1903: 83, 87). Beyond these facts we are on less firm ground when we try to reconstruct the programme of studies that occupied the novice for most of his waking hours outside of choir.

Grammar There can be no doubt, however, as to the importance attached to grammar which, with rhetoric and dialectic, comprised the medieval arts trivium. Nevertheless, in attempting to assess the evidence that can be gathered through an examination of the monastic book collections we encounter problems of terminology. While medieval teachers and writers throughout the later Middle Ages remained in agreement that the categories of discourse were also threefold, namely the ars grammatica, the ars dictaminis and the ars predicandi, they were neither united nor consistent in their opinions on what should be

English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages

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included in the study of grammar and what distinguished it from rhetoric and dialectic. During the course of the late twelfth and the thirteenth centuries their content and function shifted to accommodate the new ideas and methods that were being developed in the cathedral schools and nascent universities. New commentaries based on the old classical texts of grammar appeared, together with new teaching methods. Grammar that had previously been focused on constructions in order to ensure correctness in speech and writing now broadened its scope to consider not merely the words and phrases themselves but also their meanings. After Abelard, dialectic and rhetoric were increasingly advanced as the skills required to convince and convert with the aid of logical argument; and the method of this new 'speculative' grammar was soon taken over as an instrument that could be usefully applied to theology (Chenu, 1936; Bursill-Hall, 1971). Doubts and objections were raised on the part of the monks who foresaw, for example, the danger in exposing the Scriptures, with their clumsy if not barbaric Latin, to the age-old rules of the classical grammarians (Donatus and Priscian) now being refashioned in a theoretical and speculative mode. Book collections in the cloister reflected these new developments in grammar and other fields of study, the old texts standing alongside the new, if we may judge by a Durham inventory of books dated 1395. In the section headed libri grammatical, for example, we find two copies of Priscianus maior. We also find unspecified works of Peter Elias, whose Summa was an updating of Priscian. There were also copies of Papias (early to mid-eleventh century), and of Huguccio of Pisa (fl210), the Corrogationes of Alexander Nequam (f!217), the Catholicon of John of Genoa (|1286) and William Brito's Expositiones vocabulorum Bibliae (late thirteenth century); several of these contained glossaries of biblical terms and other useful reference material as well as grammatical commentaries (Botfield, 1840: 49). The Durham novices' book cupboard in this same year also had Priscianus minor, Huguccio, Papias and Brito, and a Liber elencorum, cum aliis libris logicalibus.10 No similar lists have been found of the reading material prescribed for novices in the other monastic cathedral libraries, but some of the works named in the lists above survive from the Norwich, Durham and Worcester collections, and others are recorded in medieval inventories.11 The Rochester library held Donatus, Priscian, Aelfric of Eynsham and Peter Elias, while Hamo de Hethe, monk and bishop of Rochester, bequeathed to his brethren a copy of Papias.12 Rochester, like Canterbury, Durham, Norwich and Worcester, possessed a number of Bede's treatises including those on grammar, orthography and metre; Durham, Canterbury and Worcester also possessed the Liber derivationum of the twelfth-century Gloucester monk, Osbern Pinnock.13 Coventry monks, both junior and senior, consulted one or more of the treatises now bound in a hefty volume of some 225 folios which

46 Joan Greatrex appears to be the work of a single, pleasingly legible hand of the fifteenth century.14 It contains the writings of two fourteenth-century English grammar masters: the first by John of Cornwall, whose Speculum grammatical^, based on Donatus, was innovative in its use of English rather than French in the teaching of Latin;15 the second treatise is the Memoriale iuniorum or De quatuor partibus grammaticae of Thomas Hanney. Other items found in this volume are a lengthy poem on Latin grammar, the Ars minor of Donatus, a short section of form letters as examples of the ars dictaminis together with the rules of letter-writing procedure and extracts from Bede's treatise on metre. The fifteenth-century date of its compilation suggests that its contents were still being regarded as useful reference material. A remarkably similar collection occurs in two Worcester manuscripts: BL, Royal ISB.iv and Worcester Cathedral F.61, which also contains writings by another late thirteenth-century English grammar master, Richard de Hambury.16 A few anonymous notes such as those in BL, Royal ISB.iv, may be from the hand of a Worcester monk instructor preparing his own lectures. In addition to this survey of grammatical works in the monastic cathedral libraries we can actually examine a notebook and a text belonging to one late fifteenth-century Canterbury monk. We are fortunate in the preservation of these two manuscripts, both of which belonged at one time to William Ingram I. One of them, still to be found in situ, he may have compiled when he was a boy in the Christ Church almonry school since it antedates by five years his reception of the monastic tonsure. Now bound in two volumes, the first has elaborate designs and decorations in colour on folios Iv and 2r, a treatise on logic preceded by its tabula and extracts from Bede's De metrica', the second volume has mnemonic computistical verses for the months of the year and their feasts and other useful items. The second manuscript, now BL, Ms Harley 1587, was in Ingram's hands while he was a novice in the early 1480s having been passed on to him by his senior, Reginald Goldston; it includes some basic rules of Latin grammar, a De modo Latini loquendi and a Latin-English glossary.17 There are a number of problems that, for the present at least, forestall any attempt to ascertain further details on instruction in grammar in the novitiate. Apart from Osbern Pinnock in the midtwelfth century and Ranulph Higden of Chester in the mid-fourteenth, there are no known grammatical texts written by English Benedictines and few copies of their works seem to have circulated.18 Nevertheless, it is clear that at Worcester and Coventry the monks were kept informed, probably by their brethren at Oxford, which was the main centre of grammar schools and masters in the later Middle Ages; the monk students would have been conveniently placed to procure copies of grammatical treatises for their monastery libraries. While specified sections of Priscian and the later glossators and commentators may have been assigned as required reading for novices and juniors, there is also some evidence of their use by senior monks

English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages

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at Canterbury. An inventory of missing books in the 1330s records that Brito's Prologos super Biblie had been borrowed by Thomas Undyrdown I (t!347) and the Eastry catalogue lists two volumes that had belonged to Thomas de Stureye II (|1298); these suggest a continuing interest in grammar and associated works of reference.19 John Lawerne, monk of Worcester, took a copy of Priscian with him to Oxford in the midfifteenth century and copies of Papias, Huguccio and the Catholicon were sent for repair in 1508 at Canterbury.20 Theology One volume, whose miscellaneous contents are itemized in the Durham novices' book list, may be conveniently described as comprising biblical and theological writings. Among these are a tabula or index to the Rule of Benedict; several treatises by Bernard of Clairvaux and one of Bede that may be classed as both spiritual and theological; an expositio on the Lord's Prayer; the De professione monachorum, probably the one by the contemporary Durham monk, Uthred de Boldon (|1397); the treatise Abbas vel prior, which is an abridgement of William of Pagula's Speculum religiosorum and Isidore of Seville's Synonyma (Botfield, 1840: 82). In the 1490s the Durham chancellor/librarian placed another composite volume in the novices' book cupboard; it consisted of a shortened version of Adam of Dore's Adaptationes veteris testamenti ad novum; Jerome's Vulgate; two versions of the Interpretaciones hebraicorum nominum; and Alexander Nequam's treatise on the books of the Bible.21 Using these as models of the sort of material that was considered useful for novices we may look for similar manuscripts in other cathedral libraries that might have been compiled for instructional purposes. The Eastry catalogue provides one such example in a manuscript containing several anonymous libelli on the virtues; a treatise by Bernard of Clairvaux; expositiones on the Creed and the Lord's Prayer; and an unspecified commentary on the Rule. Another in the same catalogue has similar contents, with the addition of Hugh of St Victor's De institucione noviciorum and Questiones de theologia.22 A third miscellany, an extant fourteenth-century Canterbury manuscript, contains the Philosophia monachorum; an expositio of the Lord's Prayer; Bernard of Cassino's commentary on the Rule; a devotional treatise; and other items.23 Among candidates at Norwich for this suggested category of novices' prescribed or recommended reading material there are two manuscripts. One contains a Liber erudicionis religiosorum] Bernard of Cassino on the Rule; an abridged Confessiones of Augustine; and a devotional tract.24 The other includes a copy of the Rule; a treatise on monastic profession; Flores, or extracts, from Bernard of Clairvaux with a subject index; a Summa theologie magistralis; and Richard of St Victor's De contemplacione. Much of this last volume is well worn and annotated.25 A Rochester manuscript

48 Joan Greatrex assigned the descriptive title by Ker 'miscellanea theologica et grammatica' and written by twelfth- and thirteenth-century hands possibly had a similar origin. It contains short extracts from the New Testament glossed; notes or distinctiones on theological topics; an explanation of Greek and Hebrew names; and the Partitiones XII of Priscian.26 The miscellanea theologica selected for the novices at Durham in the fourteenth century would not find a place on a recommended reading list for students of theology today; they would more likely be classified as spiritualia for they were intended as stimuli to faith and devotion rather than as intellectual exercises. Moreover, since there was no separation of biblical studies from theological studies, any written work in which the Christian truths were taught and Christian doctrine explained was regarded as theology. Although the writings recommended to all young monks to give them a grounding in theology would have been the Scriptures themselves, the Durham book list includes only one copy of the Gospels and that is in French (Botfield, 1840: 81). This seems a surprising omission unless we may infer that viva voce readings occupied a prominent place in the novices' daily routine. If so, as seems most likely, we may then conjecture that these readings would have been accompanied by the monastic instructor's explanation of the text with the aid of the patristic commentaries that formed a significant component of all monastic book collections. The writings of Jerome, Gregory, Augustine and Bede, among others, would thus have gradually become familiar so that the diligent young monk would soon have learned to consult them for himself. To help him in his studies he would have made use of the numerous glosses on the books of the Bible and some of the wide range of finding aids in the form of biblical concordances and subject indexes which proliferated in the thirteenth century.27 Alphabetical compendia of encyclopedic proportions appeared, affording easy access to the Scriptures and to the patristic auctoritates, with explanations of the words found in the text and of names and places. The Durham novices were provided with a tabula to the Rule and another to their copy of Huguccio, whose Liber derivationes was one of the early productions of this type.28 Among these new productions were the collections of distinctiones described as 'the most highly evolved form of the spiritual dictionary' (Smalley, 1984: 246). Canterbury, Durham, Norwich and Worcester each acquired one of the most popular of these, compiled by Maurice (the Englishman), and most of the cathedral priories had a number of others, some by unnamed writers.29 Although scholastic authors were added to the cathedral priory book collections in the thirteenth century, the Victorines, especially Hugh, and the Cistercians, especially Bernard, continued to occupy prominent places in the cloister and, as we have seen, their works were among those approved for novices.30 This preference for the writings of authors who were themselves claustrales reflects the enduring adherence of the monks to what Jean Leclercq identified as

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monastic theology, which he described as 'a prolongation of patristic theology' (Leclercq, 1961a: 189). He distinguished it as a wisdom to be received and not a science to be subjected to the cut and dried investigations that held sway among scholastics. As examples of Benedictine monastic theologians, Leclercq pointed to two twelfthcentury examples: Eadmer monk of Christ Church in the early years of the century, and Senatus prior of Worcester in the final decade. Both produced theological treatises that were faithful to the monastic tradition. They stopped short of submitting the mysteries of faith to reason but they respected and made use of dialectic which lay at the heart of the scholastic method (Leclercq, 1961a: 210-11, 192-3). The main difference in approach for Leclercq lies in the fact that monastic theology has its source in experience whereas the scholastic approach is entirely impersonal and scientific. 'In the cloister, theology is studied in relation to monastic experience ... the pursuit of truth and the quest for perfection must go hand in hand.' This could not be achieved without reflection on the meaning of the Scriptures which, in turn, required the use of dialectic without succumbing to its abuse in scholastic disputation (Leclercq, 1961a: 198-203). There was, then, a certain moderation in learning coupled with an ambivalence towards the advisability of university studies for monks even after the English Benedictine provincial chapter's decision in 1277 to found a house of studies at Oxford.31 To what extent the internal life of the claustral community was affected by this move to join the mainstream of education and thereby come under the pervasive influence of scholastic studies is as yet impossible to assess. It is a fact, however, that only a handful of Benedictine university-trained scholars made any mark among the intellectual elite of their day. To judge by their continuing acquisitions, the libraries of the cathedral priories kept in close touch with the theological and homiletic output of the friars; presumably some monks skimmed through or even digested it but they seem to have been content to remain silent in the background. This cannot be entirely due to a lack of scholarly competence because a respectable number went up to university and many returned with degrees. Uthred of Boldon was one of these; receiving his doctorate in theology in 1357 he spent much of his later years at Durham and its dependent priory at Finchale.32 He spoke for the majority of his less visible brethren when he voiced his uneasiness about the 'excessive intellectualism' at Oxford; and, although he employed scholastic procedures in writing his two treatises on the monastic life, his underlying theme was the primacy of spiritual values for the monk.33 Ranulph Higden, a monk of Chester, had expressed the same sentiment a few years earlier in his treatise on the art of preaching when he warned the reader against the use of scholastic methodology in preparing sermons (Jennings, 1991: 5). The Dominican scholar T.M. Charland considered that by the early fourteenth century the university sermon modelled on scholastic lines had entirely replaced

50 Joan Greatrex the earlier practice modelled on patristic homilies (Charland, 1936: 224-6). Were Uthred and Ranulph exceptions in speaking out against a fait accompli or presque accompli? One answer to this question may lie in the fourteenth- and fifteenth-century Benedictine sermon manuscripts of which an impressive number remain at Worcester.34 However, no conclusion can be drawn before all of them have been transcribed and individually examined for the sources cited and for other recognizable influences on their style and content. Leclercq has provided us with a test which might fruitfully be applied to the result. It consists in examining the texts (in this case the sermon texts) in order to search for what he calls 'le vocabulaire de la contemplation' which cannot have been faithfully handed down 'sans que fussent egalement preservees les realties qu'il exprimaif (Leclercq, 1961b: 109). Thus the intellectual and the spiritual converge if the tradition of monastic theology has been preserved.35 Such results might well enable us to come closer to an understanding of the monastic perspective and self-perception in this period. History The importance of history to the monks lies in the fact that for them it was nothing less than the history of salvation, which began with creation and will only have its end in the new Jerusalem. The cathedral priories' extant manuscripts display a broad selection ranging from universal histories to chronicles recording events in the history of a single monastery. Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica and Ranulph Higden's Polychronicon (Lumby and Lumby, 1865-86) were among the most popular in the former category. Peter came to be known as Master of the Histories, having produced a summary of biblical history from creation to Acts.36 It became a classic; there were at least ten copies at Canterbury, four at Durham, three or four at Rochester, six at Worcester and one each at Coventry and Norwich.37 The Polychronicon also began with creation but carried on until Ranulph's own time in the mid-fourteenth century; the copies owned by Canterbury, Bath and Norwich have survived along with those from many other monasteries.38 Many of the cathedral priories had their own monk historians who carefully recorded the principal events of their house but often digressed to cover wider topics relating to affairs of national importance in church and state.39 The lives of patron saints were also copied and composed with the intent of preserving and promoting their words and deeds. Novices and senior monks had a wide selection of saints' lives from which to choose, many of them in the popular collection known as the Legenda aurea of James of Voragine (|1298) of which copies remain from Canterbury, Winchester, Worcester and Durham. 40 The impressive historical output of the St Albans and Bury monks that endured well into the later fifteenth century has no parallel among the cathedral priories, but there are a few indications that in

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this period modest attempts were made to record past and contemporary events, in the main by monks who had received their entire education in the cloister. Thomas Rudborne at Winchester is one of these. Of his several volumes, one relates the history of England from Brutus to Henry VI with frequent reference to events in Winchester. His writings bear the imprint of wide reading in his references to the classics and his use of passages borrowed from earlier chronicles. The result is interesting and entertaining but in no way original apart from his particular selection of sources and method of compilation.41 We may presume that he found most of the books he consulted in St Swithun's Library. The fact that he appears as an isolated figure hardly suggests that his interests were shared by more than a few in his community; yet it is possible that he involved some of the younger monks to assist him in his research. The concerns of two almost contemporary Christ Church monks were more limited. Like Rudborne both of them were products of a cloister education and both set out to put on record the local events occurring in their time, William Glastynbury's account running intermittently from c.1419 to 1448 and John Stone's from 1415 to 1471.42 Parts of these short accounts, which centred on the daily lives of the monastic community, read like the jottings in a diary. They lead one to speculate that among the eighty to ninety members of the community of their day there would have been other claustrales poring over books and making notes that, unfortunately, no one thought worth keeping for posterity. William Glastynbury's chronicle was written in his paper notebook, which also contains a miscellany of other material. There is, for example, a detailed description of the 'theological windows' in the choir of the cathedral that must at least be partly based on his own observations and reflection. There are quotations from the Bible, a chronological list of Christ Church manors and churches, copies of letters and daily accounts of his receipts and expenses during his tenure of obedientiary office. Quotations from the Pauline epistles and from Augustine reveal his concern to come to grips with the problems of grace and free will, and he noted as worthy of remembrance the dictum that the fear of the Lord leads to true wisdom.43

Some studious monks While it is unfortunate that our knowledge of other studious cathedral monks is more scanty we do know how a few Worcester volumes were acquired. A codex of the Distinctiones Mauricii, for example, was purchased through contributions of eleven Worcester monks in the later thirteenth century, and the four volumes of the Postille of Nicholas de Lyra containing his commentary on the whole of the Old and New Testaments were acquired by Prior John Grene in 1386 'ad communem utilitatem claustralium'.u We are also informed by a note

52 Joan Greatrex in a copy of Smaragdus's Diadema monachorum that Thomas Wulstan, monk of Worcester, had in 1529 read it right through.45 At Canterbury William Chartham (|1448) compiled a Speculum parvulorum; by 1520 it had been passed on to John Salisbury III who was then in charge of the martyrdom. It was intended for boys as the title indicates, and for younger monks, as Chartham states his intention to share with them his own enjoyment of the tales he had read in his youth. He therefore copied a collection of these stories as exempla, chosen from the Vitae patrum, Gregory, Bede and the Gesta Romanorum 'ad dei laudem et, ut speratur, ad multorum parvulorum delectationem et utilitatem'.46 Two further examples of inconspicuous Christ Church monks labouring to complete their literary undertakings in the early sixteenth century add weight to the evidence of the continuity of intellectual interests within the cloister. Laurence Wade's translation of the Life of Thomas Becket into English verse and Richard Stone's Vitae sanctorum bear little mark of originality, but their manuscripts have fortunately escaped destruction.47

Conclusion These few illustrations are tiny chinks of light faintly visible through the keyhole of the monastic library door; they are suggestive but as yet not adequately substantiated apart from a few other examples. Once the medieval library catalogues and the forthcoming manuscript catalogues (for the cathedral priories) have been completed, we will benefit from a fuller knowledge of the contents of both the lost and extant manuscripts; we will then be on firmer ground. By then we may also have the names and details of more monks, especially those of Bath and Coventry where many still remain unknown along with most of their books. The sons of Benedict have always included a broad spectrum of persons and temperaments. Among these each succeeding generation has produced an unknown number whose inclinations were literary and reflective. For them their vocation was expressed by their constant desire to rediscover 'the perennial synthesis between culture and spirituality' within the monastic tradition (Leclercq, 1986; O'Keeffe, 1995: 278). Can we find more of them in the monasteries of late medieval England?48

Notes 1. Timothy Fry suggests that, aside from the liturgical readings, about four hours a day were given to lectio 'which included reading, private prayer and meditatio, the memorization, repetition and ''rumination" of biblical texts' (RB 1980: 95). 2. By intellectual tradition I mean the 'intellectual interpretation of faith', which for the monk was 'inseparable from spiritual life and religious experience' (Leclercq, 1960: 104).

English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages

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3. Worcester Cathedral, Liber albus (Reg. A.5), fols. 113v, 134r. 4. At Durham there were seven magistri noviciorum and ten novices in 1344-45 according to the hostiller (BCD, Hostiller's account for that year). The visitation is printed in Pantin, 1931-37: III, 83. 5. Greatrex, 1978, no. 236 and no. 510 for the appointment of a grammar master in 1493. See also Winchester Cathedral, Common Seal Register III, fol. 83v for a grammar master appointed to instruct both the junior monks and the boys in the almonry school in 1538. The Worcester reference is in Worcester Cathedral, Reg. A.6 (2), fol. 17r. 6. I refer to monks such as Martin de Clyve, Hugh of St Ives and John Aleyn at Canterbury; Roger de Norwich I at Ely; Richard de Bromwych, Ranulph de Calthrop and John de St Germans at Worcester; and the unnamed magister theologie at Norwich whose camera was repaired at the infirmarer's expense in 1429-30 (NRO DCN 1/10/17). For the careers of all these monks see Greatrex, 1997a. 7. At Worcester there is evidence that graduate monks gave public lectures in the chapter house which other monks attended; see Greatrex, 1991b: 217. See also Piper, 1997: 84-5. 8. Robert Colville, later prior of Ely, was given organ lessons between 1465-66 and 1473-74; see Greatrex, 1997a: 399. At Durham in 1417 the precentor taught the juvenes in organis (Fowler, 1898-1901: II, 287). 9. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 441, a Christ Church manuscript written in the thirteenth century; it contains Instructio noviciorum secundum consuetudinem ecclesie Cantuariensis, 359-92, especially 3801. See also Pantin, 1985: 69-70. 10. Botfield, 1840: 81, and see below. 11. For medieval catalogue listings see Sharpe et al., 1996: B58.21, Catholicon and B57.5a, B57.6, Brito (Norwich); the Canterbury catalogues are in James (1903), where copies of all these works are found. Among extant manuscripts there is a Norwich volume containing Priscian in CUL, Ii.4.34; Papias and Huguccio survive in Worcester, WCL, F.20 and F.22, and Brito in F.13 and F.61. Ms C.IV.29 at Durham has Note super Priscianum and B.I.31 is a copy of the Catholicon. 12. Sharpe et al., 1996: B79.178 (Donatus), B79.175 (Priscian, 3 copies), B79.162 (Aelfric), B79.198 (Helias), B82.12 (Papias). 13. For Bede, Sharpe et al., 1996: B79.176 (Rochester); James (1903) nos 398, 847 (Canterbury); Durham Cathedral B.II.35, BL, Ms Harley 4688, Botfield, 1840: 20, 64-5 (Durham); Sharpe et al., 1996: B62.25 (Norwich); CUL, Kk.3.18, BL, Royal 4B.xiii, Sharpe et al. (1996) B118.Ha (Worcester). The Pinnock manuscripts are in Botfield, 1840: 49 (Durham); James, 1903: no. 531 (Canterbury); WCL, Q.37 (Worcester). 14. The manuscript is now Oxford, Bodl., Auct. F.3.9. 15. Br Bonaventure characterized the manuscript generally as a book 'for younger monks and almonry boys' (Br Bonaventure, 1961: 3), but he described John of Cornwall's treatise as 'for advanced students' (Br Bonaventure, 1961: 6). 16. Hunt, 1964, where Hambury's Worcester origins and work are discussed at 167-72. Professor Rodney Thomson suggests that WCL, F.61 was intended for beginners as were two other Worcester manuscripts F.123 and F.147 (personal communication). 17. For the careers of William Ingram I and Reginald Goldston see Greatrex, 1997a, in the Canterbury section. The Canterbury manuscript is in Canterbury Cathedral Library identified as Lit. Mss E7 and E8.

54 Joan Greatrex 18. For Osbern see Hunt, 1980. Higden's writings extend to all three subjects of study under discussion in this paper: a Pedagogium artis grammaticae, a Distinctiones theologicae and the Polychronicon discussed below. 19. For Thomas Undyrdown I and Thomas de Stureye II see Greatrex, 1997a. 20. Sharpe et al., 1996: Bl 16.25, and for Lawerne's career see Greatrex, 1997a, in the Worcester section. The Canterbury volumes are in James, 1903: 158, nos 157, 160 and 156. 21. This is now CUL, Kk.5.10. 22. These are items 1576 and 1579 in James, 1903. 23. Now Cambridge, Corpus Christi College Ms 137. 24. Now CUL, Kk.2.21. 25. Now CUL, Kk.3.26. 26. Ker, 1964b: 162; this is now BL, Royal 5A.iv. Another Rochester volume, which is also numbered among the Royal manuscripts (12C.i), has similar contents. 27. See R.H. and M.A. Rouse, 1974; Christ Church, Canterbury had a copy of one of the three editions, now Cambridge, St John's College 51, and so did Durham, DCD, A.I.2, and Norwich, Sharpe et al, 1996: B64.7, under 'Yarmouth'. The Norwich copy has survived as BL, Royal 4E.v. At Worcester, WCL, F.I75 contains one section only which, presumably, was once complete. 28. Botfield, 1840: 81, 82. Thomas de Horstead, precentor of Rochester in the 1330s, was responsible for the tabula to his monastery's copy of Gregory's Moralia, now BL, Royal 6D.vii, fols. 268-96; he acquired this and other volumes for the library including a Concordancie bibliae, BL, Royal 4E.v, one of the St Jacques productions; see Greatrex, 1997a: 613. 29. Smalley, 1984: 246. James, 1903: no. 1614 (Canterbury); Botfield, 1840: 53 (Durham); Sharpe et al., 1996: B64.6 (Norwich cell at Yarmouth, 15th c.); WCL, Q.42 (Worcester). 30. They ranked next to Augustine and Gregory in popularity judging by the Eastry catalogue, James, 1903: 13-142, and the Durham Catalogi veteres (Botfield, 1840). 31. Pantin, 1931-37: I, 75. Note also that the same statutes ruled that some of the claustrales were to be occupied lin studendo, libros scribendo, corrigenda, illuminando', etc.; this was repeated in 1343 (ibid.: I, 74 and II, 51). 32. Emden, 1957-59: I, 212-13, gives a summary of his career and writings. 33. These treatises are discussed by Pantin, 1948. Apart from Uthred there are very few surviving Benedictine writings in theology in the two centuries before the Dissolution. 34. E.g. Worcester, WCL, F.10 (Benedictine sermons), F.114, F.126, Q.9, Q.18 (Benedictine collations), Q.56 (Carmelite), Q.63, Q.65; except for F.10 and Q.18 the exact number of sermons contained in these manuscripts that were preached by Benedictines has not yet been ascertained. 35. The sermon collections of the Durham monk, Robert Ripon (fafter 1419), and of the monk bishops of Rochester, Thomas Brinton (|1389) and John Shepey (|1352), should also be examined; for the manuscripts and printed editions see Sharpe, 1997. 36. See Daly, 1957, which discusses his career and writings. The Historia scholastica is printed in PL 198, 1053-1722. Higden's history has been edited in the Rolls Series; see also Taylor, 1966, and the critical

English cathedral priories in the later Middle Ages

37.

38. 39. 40.

41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

48.

55

appraisal of Higden's historical achievement in Gransden, 1974/1982: II, 43-57. James, 1903, lists nine in the Eastry catalogue, and thus all of these had been acquired before 1331: nos 637, 722, 975, 1060, 1084 (now Cambridge, Trinity College 342), 1171, 1181, 1208, 1219. The Catalogi veteres (Botfield, 1840) at Durham has an uncertain number of copies, and among those extant are BCD, B.I.33 and 34, B.II.36 and B.III.20. Rochester's copies included one given by Bishop Hamo de Hethe, Sharpe et al., (1996) B82.6; there are possibly two more now in the BL, Royal 2C.i and Harley 23 which may be an abbreviated version. Sharpe et al., 1996: B79.105 may have been one of these. The Worcester copies are still in situ: WCL, F.I, F.33, F.37, F.71, F.133, Q.2. The Norwich and Coventry copies are both found in medieval catalogues, see Sharpe et al., 1996: B23.24, B62.16 (at St Leonard's cell). The Coventry copy was the work of the monk scribe, John de Bruges c.1240, see Greatrex, 1997a. BL, Arundel 86 (Bath); CUL, Ii.3.1, Oxford, BodL, Rawlinson B.191 (Canterbury); BL, Add Ms 15759, BL, Ms Harley 3634, BNF, Lat. 4922 (Norwich). Matthew Paris of St Albans (| after 1259) may be regarded as the most notable example. See also Piper, 1998. CUL, Ff.5.31 (Canterbury); CUL, Mm.3.14, BCD, B.IV 39A, Oxford, BodL, Ms Laud misc. 489, and York, York Minster Library, xix.C.5, printed book (Burham); CUL, Gg.2.18 and Cambridge, Trinity College 338 (Winchester); WCL, F.45, F.115 (Worcester); the Norwich cell at Yarmouth also possessed a copy in the fifteenth century; see Sharpe et al., 1996: B64.8. His career is summarized in Greatrex, 1997a, and his writing is evaluated in Gransden, 1974/1982: II, 394-8. These have both been printed: Woodruff, 1925, an incomplete transcript, some in translation; Searle, 1902. Oxford, Corpus Christi College 256, fols. 2v, lOr, 17r. The names of the monks are listed on the back flyleaf of the Distinctiones, Q.42; in the third volume of Lyra's commentary, F.27, the note of the date of acquisition by Prior Grene is recorded. The inscription and note occur on the front flyleaf of BL, Royal SB.xiii. London, Lambeth Palace Library, 78, quotation on fol. Ir. Wade's manuscript is on fols. l-56v of Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 298; it has been printed by Horstmann, 1880. Stone's Vitae is in London, Lambeth Palace Library, 159 where on fol. 176r occurs the phrase scriptum per followed by his name; thus he may have been merely the scribe but if so his exemplar is unknown. I am greatly indebted to Br Tessa Webber, Bame Catherine Wybourne OSB and Br Carolyn Muessig who read earlier drafts of this paper and shared with me their wisdom and expertise.

6 University monks in late medieval England James G. Clark

The Benedictines' contact with the universities has attracted considerable attention in recent years: institutional histories of the monastic colleges have been followed by studies of the impact of monk graduates upon individual communities (Pantin, 1947-85; Greatrex, 1991a; Wansborough and Marrett-Crosby, 1997). However, as an educational enterprise, the experience of the Benedictines at Oxford and Cambridge has been largely neglected. The intellectual activities of the monk-scholars, the form and substance of their studies, and the full extent of their scholarly interests remain open to question. This neglect stems at least in part from an over-concentration on the work of a handful of exceptional monk-scholars, such as Uthred of Boldon (c. 1320-97) and Adam Easton (c. 1340-97). On the one hand there has been a tendency to treat them as representative of university monks as a whole. David Knowles called Uthred 'the representative monk-scholar of his age' and 'the century's typical figure', regarding him as the blueprint for the 'moine universitaire' (Knowles, 1948-59: II, 48, 58). On the other hand those less willing to emphasize the representative quality of these men have nonetheless tended to treat Uthred and Easton, as well as Simon Langham (Westminster monk and archbishop of Canterbury, |1376) and Thomas Brinton (monk and bishop of Rochester, |1389), as the exceptions who only serve to prove the rule that the intellectual achievements of the majority of monk-scholars were not of any great significance (Pantin, 1955: 16585). Except in this handful of cases, it has been argued that the 'creative stimulus dwindled to the verge of extinction' leaving 'no original minds at work within the cloister' (Greatrex, 1991a: 555). There are obvious problems with these views. The careers of men such as Uthred and Easton, who spent more than two decades of continuous study at Oxford and attracted international renown, were far from typical. For this same reason it is misleading to generalize a concept of a lmoine universitaire' on the basis of their highly unusual experiences and achievements. It is of course understandable that the abundant evidence that surrounds these figures has attracted historians. Probably, the teaching and learning of the university monks are less well recorded than any other aspect of late medieval monastic experience. Proportionately,

University monks in late medieval England

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the losses of books and manuscripts from Canterbury, Durham and Gloucester Colleges at the Dissolution were far greater than from provincial monastic libraries (Ker, 1964: 145-6; Ker and Watson, 1987: 53-4). Nonetheless, there is a comparatively rich body of evidence that can offer important insights into the experience of the wider body of monk-scholars. In the first place, the universities' own records have not been fully exploited. Oxford's registers of Congregation, which record details of every student's progress from inception to graduation, are almost complete for the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. Nor has anyone has yet examined in detail the surviving books which can be identified as belonging to or written by monk-scholars themselves. These notebooks, commonplace books and personal anthologies, which in many cases are filled with marginal comments, can provide revealing glimpses into the studies and individual interests of the monks who passed through the universities. The following discussion focuses on the teaching and learning of monks at Oxford in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, for which there is greater evidence than for Cambridge. The picture that emerges challenges many of the common assumptions about monastic learning in the later Middle Ages. It can be shown that monk-scholars followed a much broader range of studies both before and during their degree work than has often been assumed; in some respects they even led the academic community in the cultivation of new intellectual trends. To understand the intellectual activities of the great majority of monk-scholars, it is first important to consider the context in which they were taught and in which they studied. Framing their intellectual activities were three complementary bodies of legislation which underpinned the Benedictines' contact with the universities: the statutes of the General and Provincial Chapters, successively revised between 1277 and 1444; Benedict XIFs 1336 canons Summi magistri', and the statutes of the monastic colleges themselves.1 Not only did these govern the daily activity of the monk-scholars, they also sought to regulate the form and content of their studies. The capitular and papal statutes prescribed a programme of training in 'the primitive sciences', a vague formulation roughly equivalent to the university arts course, followed by higher study in theology and canon law.2 The colleges themselves went further, restricting the period of training in arts, and in the case of Durham College preventing their members from pursuing any studies in law (Raine, 1839: 140). This legislation also placed severe restrictions on monk-scholars' integration in the wider university community. Students were subject to a pared-down version of the liturgical horarium. Teaching was to be done in the college, no student was to receive tuition from a secular master, and involvement in public scholastic exercises was limited by obligations to keep within the precinct, which made periods of regency virtually impossible (Pantin, 1947-85: III, 172-83). Other factors also governed their studies. Oxford monks came from

58 James G. Clark a wide variety of backgrounds and, to a significant extent, what they studied was determined by what they had already learned in the cloister. In some houses, those chosen to attend the university had already been educated at a provincial grammar school before their profession. St Albans, for example, tended to select monk-scholars from amongst the socially better-connected juniors, perhaps as a means of ensuring they had already reached a certain level of proficiency in grammar, logic and philosophy.3 However, elsewhere it seems likely that the only preparatory training they had received was as novices and juniors in the monastery itself. In some cases they may not have completed even this basic course of instruction as it was not uncommon for monks to be sent to Oxford within two or three years of their profession. The number of elementary grammar texts and other works usually associated with the instruction of novices and juniors in the book inventories from Canterbury and Durham Colleges indicates that some of the monks spent their first months at Oxford completing the training which otherwise would have been done in the cloister.4 Moreover, many Oxford monks only spent a small proportion of their time in residence at the university. In the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, secular scholars might expect to spend between fifteen and twenty years in continuous study. But the majority of monk-scholars remained in their colleges for only a fraction of this time. Large wealthy houses such as Christ Church, Canterbury and St Albans might allow their scholars to remain at Oxford for more than a decade. However, those from smaller poorer houses were obliged to settle for shorter interrupted stays at the university and longer periods studying in their own cloister. For example, Thomas Caly, a Durham monk, studied for his bachelor degree for more than twelve years from £.1445, but at least a quarter of this time was spent in the cloister. Thomas Ratylsdon, a Bury monk, spent two full years studying theology in the cloister before arriving at Gloucester College at the end of the 1440s. Exceptionally, Richard Graveney, a monk from Christ Church, Canterbury, had studied canon law for six years in the cloister before he went to Oxford in 1432 (Pantin and Mitchell, 1972: 82, 163, 314). Moving between the cloister and colleges meant the monk-scholars were often out of sequence with the academic year, beginning their studies in the second, third or fourth term, and unable to incept, or oppose and respond for their degrees at the conventional time. Perhaps as a consequence of this, many monks preferred to study at the university during its vacations. For instance, John England, a Westminster monk, spent five vacations but only four years studying for his bachelor degree. Having studied theology in the cloister for two years, William Farley, a monk from Gloucester, continued his degree work at Gloucester College during the next nine long vacations, until c.1450. John Warder, a St Albans monk, appears to have been at Oxford only during the vacations, offering 'five long and many shorter vacations' when he incepted in theology in the 1440s (Pantin and

University monks in late medieval England

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Mitchell, 1972: 165, 220, 313). It is possible that the vacations were also attractive to the monks for other reasons. Extending from October to June, the university year coincided with what in liturgical terms must have been the busiest period in a monastery of any size and status. Consequently it seems that abbots and priors preferred to release their most able monks only during the summer months. Periods of study divided between Oxford and the home community, and the uneasy interaction with the university and its own cycle, clearly affected the form and content of the monk-scholars' studies. It severely restricted their access to university teaching, much more so than the capitular, papal and college regulations. In a learning environment where academic progress was measured in terms of the time spent following the reading of particular authors and texts, this must have directly affected the ways in which the monks could prepare for their degrees. Some insight into these difficulties is offered in the case of John Hatfield, a St Albans monk, who incepted in theology in c.1430. Hatfield told the university officers that he had spent no fewer than eight vacations studying philosophy at Gloucester College, but he had still not heard the ordinaries, the prescribed lectures for his degree (Mitchell, 1998: 194). Like Hatfield, monk-scholars were dependent on the resources of their own colleges and cloisters, and to what must have been largely independent, self-regulating patterns of study. The comparatively meagre provisions for teaching in the monastic colleges reinforced the independent character of monastic studies at Oxford. Very little evidence of the internal life of the colleges survives, but it seems clear that for more than a century after their foundation, they struggled to provide consistently either a wide range of books or teaching for their members. In this context the inventories of books which are preserved from Canterbury and Durham Colleges should be treated with some caution. More than a dozen survive from Canterbury College, and about half that number from Durham, but the earliest Canterbury inventory dates from the second half of the fifteenth century and only one of the Durham documents record books actually in situ at the college, the remainder being records of the transfer of books from the mother-house.5 For the first century or so of their existence, neither college had a library building, and probably only the beginnings of a common book collection. Individual students were obliged to borrow books on an ad hoc basis from the home library, or to purchase or even copy their own.6 From the early fifteenth century, both colleges' book collections were expanded; before 1450, however, they were still lacking multiple copies of many of the standard academic textbooks, particularly those prescribed for the arts course. The colleges' holdings in academic theology were greater, although older commentary traditions were better represented than the work of more recent or contemporary authors. The Canterbury College monks appear to have been using some of the oldest books from the motherhouse, including one alleged to have belonged to Thomas Becket

60 James G. Clark himself (Pantin, 1947-85: I, 6). Gloucester College, the largest of the monastic colleges, did not acquire a library until the end of the 1440s and it seems unlikely that the common book collection there was ever very large.7 It also seems unlikely that the monastic colleges were able to provide anything approaching the level of organized teaching available in the secular university. The diverse educational backgrounds of the monks and their varied patterns of attendance worked against the provision of group teaching. With no more than four monks in residence at any one time, the conditions at Canterbury College did not lend themselves to classes, lectures or disputations. There was supposed to be an established master teaching at Gloucester College, although correspondence between the capitular presidents, the prior studentium and the home communities suggests that the college frequently struggled to fill the post (Pantin, 1931-37: I, 174-5). Probably, when there was a resident master, he served as a lector in theology, guiding the relatively small number of students who proceeded to bachelor and doctoral degrees. For those pursuing other studies and, crucially, for those following the preparatory programme in the primitive sciences, the emphasis must have been upon individual study, in which the monk-scholars applied themselves to their own personal programmes of reading. There were probably greater opportunities for organized teaching and studying provided for monk-scholars in their own communities. For example, at Durham and St Albans there was a separate study room constructed exclusively for the use of monk-scholars.8 A number of early fourteenth-century manuscripts from Worcester priory contain anonymous theological quaestiones that may be the work of monk graduates teaching within the community.9 In the middle years of the century two graduates, Richard Bromwich and Henry Fouke, appear to have served as masters to the priory's monk-scholars. Both emended and glossed a large group of textbooks.10 Several houses imported teaching masters from elsewhere. Christ Church, Canterbury, St Augustine's Canterbury, Ramsey and Worcester on various occasions exchanged graduates to assist in cloister teaching (Pantin, 1931-37: I, 181-5; Pantin, 1969: 211, 213-16). The well-connected abbots of St Albans attracted a wide range of distinguished scholars to teach their university monks, including the theologian John Waldeby (f £.1372), a member of the York convent of the Augustinian friars, John Preston (tc.1422), a monk from St Augustine's, Canterbury, and later in the fifteenth century the humanist scholar, John Gunthorpe (I1498).11 It would be wrong to suggest that these contextual factors limited the intellectual activities of university monks. But it did mean that as a community of scholars they represented something different from simply being a university in microcosm. They were not straightforwardly monks studying in the faculties of arts, canon law and theology, in other words they were not 'moines universitaires'. The circumstances in which they worked ensured that in many respects their

University monks in late medieval England

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intellectual horizons differed from those of their secular counterparts. It seems likely that every monk-scholar, regardless of background, did spend an initial period following a programme of studies in the 'primitive sciences'. In spite of the recommendations of the capitular and papal legislation, it appears that this differed in significant respects from the university's own arts course. Given their varied levels of education, it seems likely that a key component of their early studies was elementary Latin grammar. In the university arts faculty, the study of grammar occupied only a minor place, at least until the curriculum reforms of the later fifteenth century. Secular students were expected to have already achieved a high level of competence in grammar, having passed through a provincial grammar school.12 In contrast, the monk-scholars studied some of the simplest texts, supplemented with glossaries and word lists, such as Huguccio of Pisa's Dictionarium, John of Genoa's Catholicon and Papias's Elementarium, progressing then to prescriptive treatises such as Donatus, Priscian, Peter Elias and some contemporary works of Oxford's own secular grammar masters.13 The texts recorded in a late fourteenth-century book list from Evesham typify this approach to the study of grammar, including copies of the Catholicon, Priscian, a collection of quaterni combining extracts from the Catholicon with Walter Bibbesworth's Anglo-Norman Le tretiz, and copies of treatises commonly used in provincial grammar schools, such as Thomas Hanney's Memoriale iuniorum and the anonymous Pratum florum (Sharpe et al., 1996: 139-40 (B30.6-7, 10, 103)). Interestingly, both in the colleges and their cloisters, the monkscholars seem to have preferred an older tradition of grammar learning, rather than the more recent works of speculative grammar in use elsewhere in the university. There is evidence of monk-scholars acquiring, glossing and noting copies of Alexander Nequam's Corrogationes, De naturis rerum, Eberhard of Bethune's Graecismus and Adam of Petit Font's De utensilibus.u They read these together with Latin prose and poetry 'readers', including a diverse range of classical and later eleventh- and twelfth-century texts (Raine, 1838: 33, 49; James, 1903: 365-6; Sharpe et al., 1996: 559-65 (B87)). Indeed it became increasingly common for monks to use anthologies that combined prescriptive treatises together with literary texts, teaching the rules and use of grammar within the same volume. The Dover monks used a collection which included manuals such as the Officia grammaticorum alongside Horace's Epistulae and Geoffrey of Vinsauf's Poetria noua.15 In addition to elementary grammar, the monk-scholars' early training also seems to have included some work on rhetoric and the ars dictaminis. There was no place for these subjects in the university arts course itself, at least until the second half of the fifteenth century. Indeed the university severely restricted the teaching of dictamen in those parts of the town under its own jurisdiction. The Worcester monk-scholars, for example, owned several copies of the dictaminal

62 James G. Clark treatises of the Oxford master John Leland.16 The Coventry monks also made use of a large compendium of dictaminal texts, including a series of model letters that may have been compiled at the priory specifically for the training of university monks.17 The study of dictamen and rhetoric seems to have been regarded as especially important for monks intending to take degrees in canon law. In the library at Christ Church, Canterbury, dictaminal texts were kept in the same place as the law books and catalogued 'libri legis canonici et ciuilis1 (James, 1903: 145). The monk-scholars also studied some subjects on the very fringes of the arts curriculum. There is some evidence that their preparatory work included the study of elementary mathematical and astronomical texts. This again contrasted with the university arts faculty where, in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the study of the natural and physical sciences had entered a decline. By c.1409 Johannes Sacro Bosco's De sphaera was the only major scientific text prescribed for bachelors, and only the Theorica planetarum and Ptolemy's Almagest were required for Masters of Arts (Pantin and Mitchell, 1972: XXXI-III). Several manuscript anthologies compiled by Oxford monks include astronomical tables and tracts on the movements of the planets, while John Westwyk, a St Albans monk at Gloucester College £.1400, even completed a revision of Richard of Wallingford's Tractatus Albionis.18 Closely associated with the study of mathematics and astronomy, some monk-scholars also appear to have studied music as part of this preparatory programme. Several scholars' books include fragments of music, voice parts and extracts from treatises on notation.19 Some monks even went on to study science or music in the higher faculties. The registers of Congregation record several cases of monks incepting for bachelor degrees in medicine and music, in some cases after having graduated in another subject (Pantin, 1947-85: III, 261; Mitchell, 1998: 263). The training of monk-scholars 'in the primitive sciences' owed more to the traditional conception of the liberal arts, the trivium and quadrivium, than it did to the speculative culture of the fourteenthcentury schools. But there is no doubt that the monks also followed some more conventional course of study in logic and philosophy. Given the few opportunities for group teaching in the colleges and the home community, and the emphasis on individual study, their approach to these disciplines was again very different from their secular counterparts. Probably they worked on a piecemeal basis taking each text or author in turn, and simply omitting those texts they had been unable to acquire. Henry Renham, a fourteenth-century monk-scholar (apparently from Rochester priory), managed to acquire a late thirteenthcentury anthology containing Aristotle's De anima, De celo et mundo, De generatione et corruptione. The texts were of poor quality, but Renham improved them by adding notes and glosses from other sources and from those disputations and lectures he was able to attend.20 Similarly, in the early fifteenth century, John Broughton, a

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Worcester monk-scholar, made his own compilation of Aristotelian texts including De anima, Meteora and Physica, presumably based on those exemplars he was able to acquire at Oxford and in his own house, which he also corrected and glossed.21 To compensate for the difficulties of studying these subjects in their own colleges and cloisters, monk-scholars and their masters also made extensive use of epitomes, reference books and other manuals. The inventories from Canterbury and Durham Colleges, as well as the books and library catalogues from St Augustine's, Canterbury, Durham and Worcester, include several collections of extracts, notabilia and sententiae, compiled from the works of Aristotle, Boethius and some of the early Aristotelian commentators.22 They also compiled their own manuals, custom-made to introduce monks to the complexities of logic and philosophy. The Worcester monks used a text simply titled Philosophia genus est ceterarum disciplinarum, which explained the nature and purpose of the discipline. 23 There was a similar introduction to logic and its application in the study of theology in use in a number of houses, which may have been compiled especially for a monastic audience. In one copy its usefulness was highlighted with a note, 'for new theologians', scribbled in the margin.24 The monk-scholars' training in the higher faculties probably also differed in some significant respects from those elsewhere in the university. As with their studies in arts, there was a tendency to prefer authors and texts that belonged to earlier traditions such as Bede, Hrabanus Maurus, the Victorines and Stephen Langton.25 Interestingly, those contemporary or near-contemporary texts the monks did read were not prominent in the work of secular scholars. For example, many Oxford monks showed a strong interest in the work of 'classicizing' friars, such as Robert Holcot, John Ridevall and Thomas Waleys, whose commentaries were never widely adopted elsewhere in the university (Pantin, 1947-85: I, 48; Sharpe et al., 1996: 661 (B116. 17)). They also began to use the literal-sense Postils of Nicholas of Lyre sometime before they became the mainstay of the university's own theology faculty. The St Albans monks had acquired copies as early as £.1360, while the Durham and Westminster monks were using them before the end of the 1370s (Raine, 1838: 41-5; Sharpe et al, 1996: 559 (B87.24), 619 (B105.27)). To consolidate their work in the higher faculties, Oxford monks again compiled their own anthologies of extracts and sententiae from Scripture, patristic authors and a wide range of other theological works. William Thornden, a Christ Church, Canterbury monk, who completed his bachelor degree c.1450, used a text based on extracts from twentythree authors, including Augustine, Ambrose, Jerome, Gregory, Cassian, Isidore and Bede.26 Similar compilations appear amongst the surviving books and library catalogues from St Augustine's, Canterbury, Evesham and Worcester.27 In some houses, monk-scholars (or their masters) also developed their own custom-made prescriptive treatises to assist the study of theology and canon law. An early fifteenth-century

64 James G. Clark Norwich manuscript contains a series of short lectures explaining the rudiments of theology, probably the work of a monk-graduate John Stowe.28 Similarly, the St Albans monks began their legal studies using a versified summary of the decretals, which in successive couplets introduces the reader to Gratian, Gregory and the Sext.29 It remains difficult to assess how the monk-scholars approached the academic exercises that occupied the later stages of their higher degrees. Apart from the records of inception and graduation, there is very little evidence of them meeting the final requirements of the course. Despite the large numbers of monk-scholars who completed the doctorate in theology at Oxford between 1277 and 1540, not a single set of Benedictine lectures on Peter Lombard's Sentences now survives, and there are only fragmentary records of their involvement in disputations. Interestingly, the fragments that do survive suggest that, when entering debates alongside other members of the university community, the monks tended to be drawn towards discussions in which they could reflect upon their own condition as monk-scholars. Examined for his doctorate in £.1366, the St Albans monk-scholar, Nicholas Radcliffe, chose to address such questions as the nature of religious vows.30 Similarly, John Lawerne, the Worcester monk who studied at Gloucester College in the 1440s, compiled a series of quodlibetal questions debating whether a monk should take on the role of intercessor, pastor or teacher.31 It would be wrong to suggest, however, that the studies of Oxford monks were confined to their formal curriculum in the 'primitive sciences', canon law and theology. The evidence of their anthologies, commonplace books and in some cases their own writings, indicates that many developed a much wider range of intellectual interests. Without the restrictions and scrutiny that attended reading and writing in the cloister, the monks were able to follow their own inclinations. Particularly notable is the number who used the opportunity to produce their own compositions. It is usually argued that, Uthred and Adam Easton notwithstanding, the Benedictines' contact with the universities failed to produce a monastic writer of any stature. As already noted, few academic texts do survive, but there is a large body of writing on other topics which can be firmly associated with the monk-scholars. Many of them occupied themselves with traditional devotional and meditative works. It was while at Gloucester College in the 1330s that the Glastonbury monk Edmund Stourton composed his influential commentary on the Rule of Benedict.32 Later in the 1420s, John Matthew, another Glastonbury scholar, revised the Speculum monachorum, a twelfth-century monastic homily, while completing his degree.33 The intellectual atmosphere at the monastic colleges seems to have stimulated forms of writing which were rapidly declining in the cloister itself. Other monk-scholars tended to follow the intellectual traditions prevailing in their own houses. Several generations of monks from St Augustine's Canterbury compiled astronomical treatises while at Oxford

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(James, 1903: 525-40; Ker, 1964: 40-7; Knorr, 1991: 269-84). John Moorlinch, a Glastonbury monk, produced a Polychronicon continuation and other historical writings drawn from domestic chronicles while at Oxford between 1400 and 1410.34 Understandably, many were required to apply their studies to the needs of their own house. Successive generations of Worcester monks provided sermons and sermon digests for use in the mother-house on a wide range of occasions.35 In the early decades of the fifteenth century, St Albans monk-scholars seem to have been encouraged to provide Latin and vernacular sermons condemning Wyclif and the dangers of Lollardy for use at home.36 Earlier in the 1370s, the abbot, Thomas de la Mare, had commissioned one of his monk-scholars, Nicholas Radcliffe, to compile a series of dialogues on Wyclif to be used in teaching at the Abbey.37 As well as writing, many monk-students also spent time copying and decorating books. The atmosphere in the monastic colleges again seems to have encouraged activities for which there were increasingly few opportunities at home. In many late medieval monasteries organized in-house book production was in steady decline and the monk-scholars' work may have also met a practical need. From their description, it seems likely that a good number of the books listed in the Canterbury and Durham College inventories were copied and compiled by the monks themselves (Pantin, 1947-85: I, 3-6, 11-16, 18-28). Several surviving books can also be shown to be the work of monk students. Hugh Eyton, a St Albans monk-scholar who completed his degree in £.1410, copied Richard Rollers commentary on the Psalms.38 The Glastonbury monk, John Moorlinch, compiled and probably copied no fewer than five manuscripts at Gloucester College. The books were lavishly decorated and included a series of images depicting various attitudes of monastic study.39 In this connection, there is some evidence that Oxford monks actually became involved in the publication of texts. While at Gloucester College in 1389, Nicholas Fawkes, a Glastonbury monk, compiled and copied an anthology of contemporary theological texts. Fawkes's anthology included the earlier of only two surviving copies of Nicholas Aston's Quaestiones; the only other copy is also found in a monastic manuscript from Worcester. Presumably Fawkes had acquired the exemplar at Oxford and was directly responsible for its circulation in Oxford to a wider audience within his own monastic network.40 Similarly, an analysis of the transmission of Nicholas Radcliffe's Quaestio on Wyclif suggests it was also published from Oxford and circulated through networks of monk-scholars.41 Perhaps the most striking feature of the monk-students' books, notebooks and anthologies, however, is their interest in Latin literature. In particular, many of them seem to have been drawn to the study of rhetoric and dictamen, not simply as a practical skill, but as the basis for a deeper understanding of poetry and prose, and the use of colour, metre and the cursus. Library catalogues reveal several monk-scholars who amassed sizeable collections of such texts during

66 James G. Clark their stay at Oxford. At the turn of the fourteenth century, John Hawkhurst, a canon law scholar from St Augustine's, Canterbury, acquired at least half a dozen volumes on poetry, including Geoffrey of Vinsauf s Poetria noua, an important text for the study of rhetoric and metre (James, 1903: 298-9, 365, 385-6, 431-3). His contemporary, John Ashford, a Dover monk, also owned a copy of Vinsauf, together with several classical texts. Another Dover monk from this period, Stephen Reynham, acquired several treatises on dictamen, amongst them a text called the Prosodion that he may have compiled himself (James, 1903: 364-5, 368, 433, 486). Henry Cranbrook, a scholar at Canterbury College, compiled and partly copied two large compendia, containing some of the best-known contemporary treatises, including the work of Simon Alcock and a 'Simon O'.42 These texts were popular amongst Oxford monks in the early decades of the fifteenth century, but even later a significant number continued to make this kind of compilation. Thomas Swalwell, a Durham monk who studied theology at Oxford in the 1470s, compiled an anthology that included Thomas Merke's Liber de modis dictamine and Geoffrey of Vinsauf s Poetria noua, together with Richard Bury's Philobiblon.43 In the same period, Walter Hotham, a York monk-scholar, collected together copies of Bury, Merke, a treatise on the colours of rhetoric, and an ars praedicandi.^ Several of these monk-scholars also produced dictaminal and rhetorical treatises of their own. Perhaps the earliest was the Westminster monk, Thomas Merke, who completed his Formula moderni et usitati dictaminis in c.1390. Drawn from the treatises of earlier Oxford masters, it seems probable Merke had compiled the text while he was still at the university (Camargo, 1995: 105-47; Sharpe: 1997: 668-9). In the first decade of the fifteenth century, Hugh Legat, a St Albans monk, collaborated with John Woodward, a Worcester monk, and one 'brother Maurice* of no known affiliation, in the composition of a sequence of letters designed to serve as models of rhetorical style. The sequence circulated widely within the monks' own network of houses, and copies survive from Canterbury, Durham and Norwich, as well as St Albans and Worcester.45 Other monk-scholars composed similar sequences, including more than a dozen that Henry Cranbrook copied into one of his anthologies, although their names and affiliations remain unknown.46 Even John Lawerne, the Worcester monk, interspersed his theological notes with letters of amicitia exploring various rhetorical models, probably of his own composition.47 Such was the vitality of these studies that, in the early decades of the fifteenth century, Oxford's monastic colleges seem to have emerged as important centres for the teaching of dictamen and rhetoric. The anonymous scholar who copied the model letters of Hugh Legat into his commonplace book noted in the margin that they were the work of 'Brother Hugh, our teacher'.48 In early 1400 the university authorities appealed to Thomas Arundel to allow the Westminster

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monk, Thomas Merke, to return to Oxford to teach. Merke was the author not only of the aforementioned Formula, but also of another popular dictaminal treatise, the Liber modis dictamine, and it seems likely that it was as a teacher of dictamen that he was so highly valued (Salter et al, 1942: I, 182-5, 200-1). Martin Camargo has suggested that the dictaminal master Simon 0, whose treatises were influential both within and outside the university, was himself a monk-scholar, perhaps based at Gloucester College. His largest work, known by its incipit as Regina sedens rhetorica, was itself addressed to a monastic audience (Camargo, 1995: 19-35: 169-219). The monk-scholars complemented these more technical interests with studies in a wide range of Latin literature, both poetry and prose. Contemporary library catalogues reveal large collections of literary material. John Hawkhurst, the St Augustine's, Canterbury monk owned copies of Cicero's De officiis, Lucan, Sallust and various works of Ovid (James, 1903: 298-9, 365, 385-6, 431-3). In the same period, William Curteys, a Bury monk, owned copies of Cicero, Ovid and Virgil's Aeneid.49 Writing to a fellow monk c.1400, a Durham monk-scholar requested a copy of the Bellum Troie because of its 'elegance of style, its richness of vocabulary' (Salter et al., 1942: II, 238). Many Oxford monks compiled their own anthologies of literary texts. Thomas Wybarn, a Rochester monk who studied at Oxford in the later 1460s, amassed one of the largest collections. He acquired, compiled and glossed no fewer than sixteen books, including copies of Lucan, Solinus and a collection of grammatical texts.50 Several other anthologies almost certainly the work of Oxford monks contain such texts as Ps.-Theodolus' Ecloga, Alan of Lille's Anticlaudianus, Jean Hauville's Architrenius and Walter of Chatillon's Alexandras.51 An anonymous Bury monk combined Walter of Chatillon's Alexandreis with a copy of Suidas, which he probably copied from two exemplars (one at Bury and the other at Oxford).52 Many of these monks also composed literary works of their own while at Oxford. As early as the 1370s, a member of the Oxford Greyfriars remarked that the only laudable work to have emerged from the monastic colleges was an elegant new account of the Trojan war, composed by John Seen, a Glastonbury monk-scholar.53 Sadly, Seen's text is not extant, but there are many other poems and prose texts written by university monks during their studies at Oxford. Probably John Lydgate completed his translation of part of Aesop's Fabula while at Oxford at the turn of the fifteenth century.54 The St Albans monk Hugh Legat composed commentaries on Boethius' Consolatio and Jean Hauville's Architrenius at Oxford.55 In the prologue to the latter he explained that the text was completed 'in the autumn, when every son of our university exhausted from his labours, roams in the fields of repose and gathers the fruits and flowers of pleasant recreation'.56 Clearly the vacations offered opportunities to study outside the formal curriculum. Another St Albans monk, John Whethamstede, wrote a sequence of verses and epitaphs following classical models in a

68 James G. Clark commonplace book compiled while at Gloucester College. A number of these concerned his own contemporaries. Probably it was also at Oxford that he began the research for his compilation of extracts from classical authors, the Pabularium poetarum.57 Recalling his experiences in Oxford more than forty years later, he remembered the atmosphere of the monastic college as a poet's paradise, 'a Cabalinian fount which gushing forth in the midst of Oxford, makes it unexpectedly rich in poets [and where] one joins with the Muses in the singing of extraordinary melodies' (Riley, 1872-73: II, 313-14). As these examples suggest, there appears to have been a strong seam of classicism in the literary tastes of the monk-scholars. The marginal notations in their books and the focus of their own writings suggest particular interests in ancient history and mythography. There also seems to have been a strong desire to return to the 'classicizing' writers of the twelfth century - Alan of Lille, Jean Hauville and Walter of Chatillon. It has long been assumed that the only evidence of more than a passing interest in classicism amongst English monks is to be found in the work of William Sellyng and his Canterbury circle at the end of the fifteenth century, and Robert Joseph and his circle of monk graduates in the 1520s.58 However, the books and writings of Oxford monk-scholars briefly examined here suggest these were only the latest in a longstanding tradition of classical and literary scholarship associated with the monasteries' intellectual elite. Indeed, given the activities of Hugh Legat, John Whethamstede and others early in the fifteenth century, Joseph's correspondence can perhaps be seen not as exceptional but typical of the intellectual culture of Gloucester College. It would be wrong, of course, to suggest that as a community, Oxford's university monks represented some kind of centre of nascent humanism. However, the fact that a significant proportion of Oxford's monk-scholars was pursuing vigorous literary studies in the later fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is an indication of the distinctive learning environment that they inhabited. It was evidently one in which teaching and learning, for the majority at least, were never constant. It was also one in which individual, self-regulated patterns of study took precedence over the master-student interaction that usually characterized the universities. Crucially, it was also an environment in which independent approaches to study could flourish in spite of the competing influences of the home communities and the university itself. The arts curriculum which the monk-scholars developed in this context in some respects challenged the authority of the university arts faculty, rehabilitating the older arts of grammar and rhetoric, and in so doing anticipating changes which were to sweep the university in the sixteenth century. The literary, and in particular the classical, interests which the same monks cultivated also prefigured the new trends which would affect the university by 1500.59 Of course, when these changes occurred, few in the university would have connected them with the monastic communities which for more than two centuries had lived and studied in their midst.

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Notes 1. Wilkins, 1737: II, 585-613; Pantin, 1931-37: I, 64-92; II, 28-62, 64-82. 2. Wilkins, 1737: II, 594; Pantin, 1931-37: I, 55-8, 74-82. 3. For example, Thomas de la Mare and John Whethamstede, both abbots of St Albans in the later Middle Ages, were educated at grammar schools before their profession. See BL, Harley 139, fol. 91r; Riley, 1867-69: II, 372. 4. The Canterbury College book inventories for 1443 and 1459 include multiple copies of the dictionaries and glossaries of Huguccio of Pisa, John of Genoa and William Brito. Significantly, by 1501 a section of the library was devoted to elementary grammatical texts, including Isidore's Etymologiae and Priscian. See Pantin, 1947-85: I, 3-6, 11-15, 27-8. For similar texts, including novice 'readers' at Durham College, see Burrows, 1896: 369; Salter et al., 1942: II, 244. 5. For these inventories see Durham, Cathedral Chapter Library, B.IV. 46, fol. 15r; Burrows, 1896: 36-9; Pantin, 1947-85: 11-16, 18-28, 39-50, 59-62, 70-2, 76, 80-92. 6. In these circumstances some monk-scholars amassed considerable personal libraries. See the collections of the Durham monks Thomas Westoe, William Ebchester and Thomas Swalwell: Ker and Watson, 1987: 87-97. 7. The construction of the college library was funded by John Whethamstede, abbot of St Albans, and completed in c.1440. Only four books survive, all of them Whethamstede's gifts. See Ker, 1964: 146; Ker and Watson, 1987: 54. 8. See CUL, Ee 4.20, fol. 274r; Riley, 1867-69: III, 389. 9. See for example WCL, F.50, F.124, Q.31 and Q.71. 10. See for example WCL, F.62, F.139 and F.156. 11. See BL, Cotton Nero D.vii, fols. lllv, 157r; Riley, 1867-69: III, 372. 12. For the university arts curriculum see Weisheipl, 1964, 143-85; Pantin and Mitchell, 1972: XXIX-XXXIV; Fletcher, 1992: 315-45. 13. See for example the grammar texts in use at Crowland, Glastonbury and Ramsey in Sharpe et al., 1996: 114-25 (B24), 230-1 (B43), 354-415 (B68); also those in use at Christ Church, Canterbury and Dover, in James, 1903: 355-9, 385-8, 432-3; and at Durham, Raine, 1838: 33, 49, 111. 14. See for example Oxford, Bodl., Rawlinson G.99, an early fifteenth-century collection compiled by Hugh Legat (a St Albans monk-scholar), and WCL, F.123, fols. 25r-98v. See also the grammar books in use in the later fourteenth century at Durham and Ramsey: Raine, 1838: 33; Sharpe et al., 1996: 354-415 (B68.23, 327, 396, 471, 535). 15. Cambridge, Trinity College, R. 3. 51. 16. See WCL, F.123, fol. 98v; Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 832, fols. 8r-v. 17. Oxford, Bodl., Auct. 2.3.9. The model letters are at 414-27. 18. See for example the books on loan to the Worcester monk-scholars John Lawerne, John Broughton and Isaac Ledbury; Sharpe et al., 1996: 661-2 (B116.22-3). For Westwyk's text see Oxford, Bodl., Laud Misc. 657, fols. lr-78v. 19. See for example Dublin, Trinity College 444, fols. 9v-10r (St Albans). See also the book lists from Evesham and Worcester; Sharpe et al., 1996: 142 (B30.34), 661-2 (B116.15). 20. BL, Royal 12G.ii. The ex libris inscription at fol. Iv reads: 'librum scripsit

70 James G. Clark

21. 22.

23. 24. 25. 26. 27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32. 33. 34. 35. 36.

37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47. 48. 49. 50.

Henricum de Renham et audiuit in Scolis Oxonie emandauit et glosauit auidendo'. WCL, F.86. See Pantin, 1947-85: I, 81, especially those volumes described as 'opusculum Aristotelis'. See also WCL, F.63, F.99, Q.38; Raine, 1838: 3945; James, 1903: 355-9; 384-8. WCL, F.123, fols. lr-24v. BL, Royal 12C.xiii, fols. lr-6v. The inscription is at fol. Ir. The second copy is in Oxford, Magdalen College, 99. See for example the 1443 and 1501 book inventories in Burrows, 1896: 36-9; Pantin, 1947-85: I, 5, 18-19. See also Raine, 1838: 39-41, 42-5; Sharpe et al., 1996: 221-3 (B43.18-25). BL, Royal 7B.xiii. For other examples see Raine, 1838: 41-5. See for example James, 1903: 318; WCL, F.51. Cambridge, Emmanuel College, II. 2. 7 (142), fols. 78r-79r. BL, Harley 3775, fols. 12r-14v. For a similar text in use at Evesham see Sharpe et al., 1996: 146 (B30.89). BL, Royal 6D.x, fols. 229r-74r. See also Catto, 1992a: 230. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 692, esp. fol. 6r. No complete copy of the text survives. See Sharpe, 1997: 108. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 496, fols. 207r-14r. See Sharpe, 1997: 282. Oxford, Queen's College, 304, fols. 151r-78v. See also Sharpe, 1997: 283. See for example the texts collected in WCL, F.10 and Q.56, both of which were compiled in the first quarter of the fifteenth century and are likely to be connected with the work of monk-scholars. See for example the sermons in Oxford, Bodl., Laud Misc. 706, fols. 144r-51v, 153r-6v; WCL, F.10, fols. 83rb-4va. The first sermon in the Worcester manuscript is ascribed to the St Albans monk Hugh Legat, who studied at Gloucester College in c. 1405-20. BL, Royal 6D.x, fol. Irb. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 467. Eyton's ex libris inscription is on the front flyleaf. BL, Harley 641, 651; Oxford, Bodl., Laud Lat. 4; Oxford, Queen's College, 304. See also Ker, 1964a: 264. See Catto, 1987: 354. The second copy of Aston's Quaestiones is in WCL, F.65, fols. 42r-63r. Manuscripts containing Radcliffe's Quaestio include BL, Royal 6D.x (St Albans); BL, Royal lOD.x (Reading). See also Poole et al. 1990: 307; Oxford, Bodl., Top. Gen. C.3. Oxford, Bodl., Selden Supra 65, esp. fols. 134r-46r. BL, Add. 28805. See also Emden, 1957-59: III, 1828. BL, Add. 24361. See also Emden, 1957-59: II, 970. BL, Royal lOB.ix, fols. 170r-3r (Christ Church, Canterbury); BL, Cotton Julius F.vii, fols. 129r-35r (Norwich); Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 832, fols. 173v-76v (Worcester). For Cranbrook's anthology see BL, Royal lOB.ix, fols. 58v, 123r, 129r32v. For another monastic collection containing similar letters see Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, 358, fols. 20v-lv. Oxford, Bodl., Bodley 692, fols. 29v-30r, 84r, 147v-9v. BL, Harley 5398, fol. 130r. Cambridge, Trinity College, R. 3. 50 (623). Cambridge, Trinity College, R. 3. 30 (610), 0. 2. 24 (1128); BL, Royal

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15A.xxii. See also Emden, 1957-59: III, 2098-9; Greatrex, 1997a, 649-50. 51. See for example Oxford, Bodl., Digby 64, 100; WCL, Q.79. 52. BL, Royal 8B.lv. 53. Richard Trevytlam, De laude Oxoniae, 1. 314, 'quod narrat optime de bellis Hedoris'. See Burrows, 1896: 204. For Trevytlam see Emden, 1957-59: III, 1904. 54. The colophon of Lydgate's version of Aesop's fable of the dog and shadow identifies the translation as having been 'made in Oxenforde'. See Oxford, Bodl., Ashmole 59, fol. 24v. 55. Legat's commentary on Architrenius survives uniquely in Oxford, Bodl., Digby 64, fols. 108r-20v. His commentary on Boethius' Consolatio is now lost, although Bale records its incipit in Poole et al., 1990: 171, 215. 56. Legat's prologue is preserved in a quotation by Bale from a lost copy of the text which belonged to Norwich Cathedral Priory. See Poole et al., 1990: 215. 57. For Whethamstede's verses see Cambridge, Gonville and Caius College, 230, fols. 56v-7r; 79r, 80v, 86r-9v, 170r-v. For the Pabularium poetarum see BL, Egerton 646, fols. 23r-72v, 79r-82v. 58. For Sellyng see Weiss, 1957: 148-50, 153-9. For Joseph see Aveling and Pantin, 1967. 59. For an account of these changes see Catto, 1992b: 769-83; Fletcher, 1993: 343-4.

7 Hildegard of Bingen's teaching in her Expositiones evangeliorum and Ordo virtutum Beverly Mayne Kienzle

The conviction that exegesis, teaching and preaching are inseparable was summarized by Beryl Smalley, when writing about Gregory the Great: 'Exegesis is teaching and preaching. Teaching and preaching is exegesis. This was the strongest impression left by St. Gregory on medieval Bible study' (Smalley, 1984: 35). Hildegard of Bingen inherited this view from Gregory and others, but she also added her own dimension to the interplay of those forms of explicating the Bible. To convey her message to her own community, she retold the Gospel stories and brought them to life for her nuns. In so doing, she employed a dramatic narrative style of exegesis that calls to mind her work as a dramatist and author of the first surviving medieval morality play, the earliest Ordo virtutum. Here we shall consider Hildegard's Expositiones evangeliorum, Gospel commentaries in homily form, in the light of the Ordo virtutum, to illustrate how the magistra and abbatissa addressed her community and represented its struggles by incorporating elements of drama into exegesis, teaching and preaching.1 First, a word about the texts we are considering - the Ordo virtutum and the Expositiones evangeliorum. Scholars estimate that the Ordo had been written by 1151, when Hildegard was finishing the Scivias.2 The Ordo virtutum dramatizes with words and music the struggle of a soul who falls into sin, experiences a battle between the Devil and the rescuing virtues, and returns restored to her community. The principal characters are the Soul, the Devil and personifications of virtues, such as Humility, Knowledge of God, Charity, Obedience, Faith and Hope. The Soul engages in dialogue with individual virtues, and a chorus thereof, as well as with the Devil. At the drama's close, the virtues, led by Humility and Chastity, bind up the Devil. It is not possible to do justice to the Ordo virtutum in a short essay; what I shall emphasize are the connections that I see between the Ordo and the themes, function and dramatic character of Hildegard's homilies, many of which

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represent the struggle of the soul both within itself and in a larger cosmological context. Hildegard composed fifty-eight Expositiones evangeliorum, or homilies on the Gospels, devoted to twenty-seven scriptural passages and liturgical occasions.3 She mentions some expositiones in the prologue to the Liber vitae meritorum as having been written (but not necessarily completed): After that vision the subtleties of the various creatures of nature, and responses and admonitions for many lesser and greater persons, and the symphony of the harmony of celestial revelations, and an unknown language and writings, with certain other expositions. (Carlevaris, 1995: 8) From that passage, we can conclude that the Expositiones were composed, at least in part, by 1157. In addition, intratextual references in two homilies probably place one during the schism of 1159-77 and another during the crisis over the Cathars burnt in Cologne in 1163.4 Hence, Hildegard probably composed the Expositiones over a number of years, progressively adding to them and filling out her coverage of the liturgical year. They have received very little attention from scholars, and compared to Hildegard's major visionary trilogy Scivias, Liber vitae meritorum, Liber divinorum operum - they are practically unknown. I call Hildegard's Expositiones homilies because of their literary form: they comment on the biblical passage progressively, that is, phrase by phrase.5 The written text of the Expositiones differs from most extant twelfth-century monastic sermons because of its informal quality and the performative dimension that must be imagined behind it. To understand the Expositiones, one needs to picture Hildegard speaking to her sisters, the scriptural text either before her, read aloud to her, or recited from memory, section by section in sequential order. After each section, she adds her explanations.6 This observation leads us to consider the first of three key aspects of the identity of Hildegard's audience, a community of twelfth-century Benedictine nuns living in the Rhineland. The Rule of Benedict grounds and shapes Hildegard's message; it provides the authority, the responsibility and the liturgical structure for her exegesis, preaching and teaching.7 According to the Rule, the abbot, and likewise the abbess, was responsible at the Judgment for the souls of the community, and he or she was obliged to encourage or reproach their behaviour as needed. 8 In one letter, Hildegard describes her responsibility to her daughters and the forces weighing against her: I exercised the care of my daughters in all things necessary for both their bodies and their souls ... In a true vision I saw with great concern how various airy spirits9 battled against us, and I saw that these same spirits were entangling certain of my noble daughters in various vanities as it were in a net. I made this known to them through a showing of God, and I fortified and

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Beverly Mayne Kienzle entrenched them with the words of Holy Scripture and the discipline of the Rule and a holy way of life. (Klaes, 1993: 37)10

Here Hildegard credits her visionary gift for her understanding of conflict, and expresses her responsibility for teaching her sisters about their individual failings and the cosmic forces weighing against them and all humanity. Furthermore, the Benedictine liturgical practice of commenting on the Rule and hearing commentaries on the Scriptures must have shaped the form of Hildegard's Expositiones as progressive commentaries on a biblical passage. Moreover, the word expositio denotes the homiletic commentaries on Scripture read in the office; and the verb exponere is employed for the process by which the abbot or abbess expounds a passage (sententid) of the Rule in chapter. Hildegard herself uses the term elsewhere to describe her biblical commentary. In so doing, she echoes the terminology of numerous earlier Christian exegetes.11 One can then see Hildegard's commentary on Scripture as an outgrowth of her exposition of the Rule and indeed as the fruit of listening to patristic homilies read in the office.12 Moreover, in explaining the Scriptures, the abbess retells the biblical story for her sisters. The meaning of the scriptural text is not altered, but the richness of possible meanings is brought to life in a new performance of the story. Hildegard's dramatic vision shapes the form and content of her exegesis. The Expositiones and the Ordo virtutum occupied a place in the community liturgy13 and provided vehicles for teaching and exegesis in the monastery. Like other homilies and sermons, Hildegard's Expositiones could have been preached, heard and read, both aloud to the community and silently as individual devotional reading. Various dimensions of the liturgical function of the Ordo virtutum in Hildegard's community have been proposed. Moreover, the play's meaning and emphasis would have shifted depending on which persons in the community played which roles, and how they related to each other at any given time of performance.14 A parallel range of meanings could have existed for some of the Expositiones: any person in Hildegard's community could at one time or another see herself or one of her sisters in the characters of the scriptural story, or in Hildegard's allegorized interpretation. A second aspect of the identity of Hildegard's audience and Hildegard herself emerges from the context of twelfth-century spirituality. Along with Hildegard's distinctive focus on the human and cosmic struggle, we note central elements of medieval religious thinking: the battle between virtues and vices, and the importance of symbolism. Hildegard's interpretations of the Scriptures for her community repeatedly call upon the sacred text to illustrate the triumph of a faithful soul over the vices. Moreover, as twelfth-century Christians, Hildegard and her sisters viewed the Bible and the world as a composite of signs that acquired their real meaning only through spiritual or allegorical interpretation.15 The notion of a battle between

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virtues and vices within the individual soul captured the late antique and medieval sense of struggle, from Prudentius's Psychomachia to the iconography of Christian art and architecture, and the content of treatises on the virtues and vices (Bloomfield, 1939; Newhauser, 1993). Hildegard, informed by medical cosmology, envisioned the inner spiritual and physical struggle extending to the cosmos (Glazer, 1998: 125-48). The notion of inner and cosmic conflict, microcosm and macrocosm, dates back in Christian exegesis as far as Origen.16 The sources for Hildegard's cosmology and its relationship to twelfthcentury Platonism and scientific studies poses a complex problem that I shall not tackle here,17 but the importance of cosmology must be mentioned because of its role in Hildegard's exegesis. That Hildegard was a woman writing for women raises questions of gender connected to the content of her writings and to her authority. While the concerns of monastic life and the struggle to achieve salvation probably weighed more heavily in her preaching and teaching than did gender differences, the sisters received a somewhat different message than a male audience, in particular, a greater emphasis on virginity. Numerous expositiones teach lessons about chastity, virginity and the struggle between virtues and vices that also animate the Speculum virginum, a manual on virginity that achieved popularity in religious houses from the twelfth century onward.18 Finally, the question of authority must be considered. Since Hildegard's uniqueness among medieval women has concerned many other scholars, we shall call attention to just a few points. First, the Rhineland provided an unusual environment in which other magistrae received respect before and at the same time as Hildegard. 19 Nonetheless, they did not achieve the level of Hildegard's fame nor are any works of theirs extant. Second, Hildegard's position as woman exegete was as remarkable as her status as a preacher. The Expositiones offer us a text where the two roles merge. Third, Hildegard's gift as seer, described as either visionary or prophet, grounded the authority for her exegesis20 and apparently placed her beyond the controversies over abbesses' and other women's preaching.21 Finally, the understanding that Hildegard gained as a visionary and prophet entailed the call to transmit her revelations to others first, her sisters through various compositions, notably the homilies, drama, music; and then to those beyond her monastery through the letters, other writings and four preaching tours.22 Thus Hildegard's response to the understanding she gained through visions was to transmit it through teaching and preaching; exegeting the Scriptures elucidated both the conflicts humans faced and the solutions they were to find.23 Hildegard's preaching to her community is attested not only by the extant texts of her homilies, but also by a letter that her secretary Volmar drafted on behalf of the sisters. Together Volmar and the sisters expressed what they valued and would miss most about Hildegard, including her 'new interpretation of the Scriptures' and her

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'new and unheard-of sermons on the feast days of saints'.24 Evidently Hildegard's community recognized that her interpretations of Scripture were different from what they were accustomed to hear preached or read from patristic homiliaries. That different interpretation relates no doubt to the allegorical and cosmological vision that one finds in her works. Hildegard's reputation as exegete also extended beyond Rupertsberg, as evidenced by her Solutiones triginta octo quaestionum, a treatise she sent to Guibert of Gembloux for the monks at Villers.25 Now let us turn to Hildegard's view of exegesis, which she expounds in Homily 21.2 (Ninth Sunday after Pentecost) on Luke 19:41-47, the story of Jesus expelling the moneychangers from the temple.26 In Hildegard's explication, Jesus and, after him, the interpreters of the New Testament, that is, Gregory the Great, Ambrose, Augustine and Jerome, have changed the old into the new, specifically into the spiritual meaning. They cleanse old ways of worship and lead carnal institutions to humility by means of spiritual understanding. They leave no written word and no worship without transformation; indeed, so profound is the alteration that not one word remains unchanged. Hence, for Hildegard, every word of Scripture must be interpreted spiritually. Hildegard does not speak here of the three or four traditional levels of scriptural interpretation: historical-literal, allegorical, moral, anagogical. She does demonstrate knowledge of the conventional modes when she explicates the first book of Genesis in the Liber divinorum operum, Book II. Her approach there follows three levels of meaning, and the manuscript rubrics reflect them with labels of Littera, Allegoria, Moralitas. Nonetheless, Hildegard's interpretation in these passages remains strikingly original.27 While in general we may distinguish between literal and spiritual interpretation in Hildegard's Expositiones, the spiritual predominates and her method resists attempts to draw neat categories.28 Hildegard is indebted to the tradition that precedes her and, like her predecessors, to the second-century scholar Origen above all.29 To varying degrees, most twelfth-century interpreters of Scripture and, in fact, most medieval exegetes held the view that the hidden meaning of Scripture, revealed by spiritual or allegorical interpretation, surpasses the literal or historical sense. M.-D. Chenu used the term 'symbolist mentality' to describe this mode of twelfth-century thought, and scholars have investigated a school of German symbolism during the same period.30 Hildegard was certainly a product of her age in this regard; yet there is something more and unmistakably unique about her homilies and their approach to the scriptural text. The Expositiones, like the Ordo virtutum, hold at least three possible patterns of theological interpretation. The first is the collective struggle of humankind in salvation history; the second, the journey of the faithful soul, which typifies the individual inner struggle of every human soul when confronted with temptations and evil; and the third, the individual and collective battles against sin which the nun and her community wage in the monastic life. These correspond roughly to

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historical-literal, allegorical and moral interpretation, but they cannot be reduced to those traditional levels alone. All Hildegard's interpretation and writing are marked by allegory.31 Several of Hildegard's Expositiones represent the struggle of the faithful soul, as do some of her letters and a lengthy sequence that praises the Holy Spirit. In fact, the notion of Christian life as an ongoing struggle represents a key feature of Hildegard's moral thought,32 one that she often portrays as the dramatic conflict between virtues and vices. At the successful termination of the struggle, the soul's reception back into the community, as dramatized poignantly in the Ordo virtutum, may represent the redeemed soul's entry into the communion of saints in heaven; the wholeness to which the conflicted soul returns; or the soul's return to the monastic or any other human community from which it was estranged. Moreover, a fourth dimension of Hildegardian interpretation that appears in the homilies (but not directly in the Ordo virtutum) transports the struggle to the cosmic level, where the elements associated with good triumph over those allied with evil. This fourth or cosmological level represents the harmony of cosmic elements re-established with the soul's restoration, but a cosmic dimension may appear along with any of the three preceding patterns. We shall now examine how the four patterns of interpretation operate in some of the Expositiones: first, several pairs of homilies on the same pericope; then, the three cases where three texts exegete one passage; and finally, the four homilies on Luke 21:25-33, which constitute the only set within the Expositiones offering four interpretations of the same text. In all instances, a measure of consistency and an impressive range of Hildegardian variety emerge from reading the texts. Most of Hildegard's Expositiones present two interpretations of the scriptural text: one grounded in salvation history (literal), and the other offering individual and/or collective moral lessons (allegorical and/or moral). The first of the Easter homilies (13.1, Mark 16:1-7) begins with historical and typological interpretation of the Old and New Testaments (old and new law) but moves to a tropological lesson directed at women in religious life. The second homily begins its drama with the problem of choosing between good and evil, and a struggle between virtues and vices ensues.33 Another two homilies (12.1 and 12.2 for the Sunday before the Third Sunday of Lent) present Hildegard's exegesis of the Parable of the Prodigal Son (Luke 15:13-32).34 One recounts the drama of salvation history, where humanity sins and is expelled from Paradise but afterward receives the law, the prophets and the Saviour's redemption. The other brings to life the story of a soul who falls away from God, allows the vices a temporary triumph, but then returns to God with the assistance of the virtues. In both Hildegard enhances the parable's dramatic structure, building on the story's crisis (the father's kiss) and denouement (the son's restoration to the household). The characters do not engage in dialogue but Hildegard reports their conversation, interaction and conflict (Kienzle, 2000b).

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The exegesis of two other Lukan pericopes illustrates how Hildegard may emphasize one side or the other of the struggle, or one aspect of the story.35 In one homily on the Parable of the Great Supper (18.1, Luke 14:16-21), Hildegard does not trace the whole story of salvation history.36 Instead she focuses on Adam, his children and his relationship to creation. Similarly, in the other homily on the same pericope (18.2), Hildegard stages one aspect of the Psychomachia - the interaction between desire for pleasure and vanity.37 Vanity serves as desire's messenger, searching for humans who will consent to desire. The individual soul plays only a small role here and the virtues do not enter the conflict to usher in victory, as they generally do. Hildegard echoes some features of Origen and Gregory the Great's exegesis here, along with Augustine's, namely the interpretation of the five pair of oxen (one invitee's excuse for not attending the banquet) as the five senses and the general emphasis on bodily versus spiritual pleasures. Other exegetes such as Ambrose and Augustine focus on the three excuses together as refusals made by heathens, Jews and heretics (Wailes, 1987: 161-6; Bovon, 1996: 456-7). The first homily for the Sunday within the octave of Epiphany (6.1, Luke 2:42-52) has a christological focus, emphasizing the incarnation as the transformer of the old law and the prophets into the new.38 The point of departure for the second homily in this set (6.2), as for others, is the knowledge of good and evil. In Hildegard's exegesis, Jesus, the logos, teaching in the temple at the age of twelve designates rationalitas.39 In contrast to the banquet homily, Hildegard emphasizes here the human's alliance with the virtues - humility, fear of the Lord, wisdom and obedience - but not without attention to the defeat of pride, boastfulness and vainglory. We turn now to the three sets of expositiones for which Hildegard composed three interpretations of one pericope: 16.1-3 on John 3:115; 20.1-3 on Luke 5:1-11; 21.1-3 on Luke 19:41-47. In two of those sets (20.1-3 and 21.1-3), the first two homilies concern salvation history but start at different points - one with the Creation and the other with the Incarnation. The third homily in both sets focuses on the individual sinner. These correspond roughly to Hildegard's threelevel reading of the first book of Genesis (literal, allegorical, moral), expounded in the Liber divinorum operum. Together they may serve as a standard for establishing Hildegard's basic method of exegesis and we may view them as a three-act drama of salvation history. However, the third set of three expositiones does not conform so neatly to this model: it retains one interpretation devoted to the individual sinner, but the other two readings offer a strikingly cosmological emphasis, teaching about the right understanding of creation. The first set of three homilies that we consider (20.1-3, Fourth Sunday after Pentecost) comments on Luke 5:1-11, the miraculous catch.40 The first views salvation history briefly: beginning with Creation, it describes the human's endowment with the knowledge of good and evil, the Fall, and Christ's coming to open the path to good

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works and the heavenly Jerusalem. The second starts from the Incarnation and treats the turning from the old law to the new in the Gospel, when humankind accepts belief in Christ's dual nature and subjects itself to God's commands. The third homily dramatizes the virtues' role in conversion and victory over the Devil. For the three homilies on Luke 19:41-47 (21.1-3, Ninth Sunday after Pentecost), the story of Jesus expelling the moneychangers,41 the first expositio offers a panorama of salvation history from the moment of creation to Christ's teaching. The second has an incarnational focus, explaining Jesus' transformation of the Law and the understanding of the Scriptures. Homily three focuses on the individual sinner and the drama of her conversion from sin to righteousness, from vices to virtues, from the thieves' den (the Devil's house of ill repute) to the temple, where angels and saints openly and joyously praise the repentant sinner. In the third set of three expositiones (16.1-3, Invention of the Holy Cross) this one on John 3:1-15, the story of Nicodemus,42 the third expositio focuses on the individual sinner, as occurs in the previous two sets. Here the emphasis lies on the journey from sin through penance, specifically compunction and confession. While the struggle between virtue and vice does not play a prominent role, the rejection of vices and of aridity constitutes part of the process of repentance. The first two expositiones in this set do relate to salvation history but they differ strikingly from the others examined so far. The first teaches about salvation history starting from the Creation, but it takes its point of departure from the misconceptions of a pseudo-prophet, designated by Nicodemus. His questioning Jesus about rebirth reveals views that resemble those of the Cathars. Hildegard emphasizes God as sole creator, the importance of baptism with water and Christ's dual nature - all key differences between orthodox and Cathar theology. The second expositio begins with knowledge of evil, defined as nothingness and differentiated from good. The frequent Hildegardian image of the wheel (from the first chapter of Ezekiel) holds a central function here, as do the life-giving power of God and the concept of viriditas. One can imagine the Cathars in the back of Hildegard's mind here too, when she emphasizes God's creative power.43 Hildegard composed several works against Cathar beliefs, as she collaborated with Elizabeth of Schonau and her brother Ekbert in the anti-heretical campaign in the Rhineland (Kienzle, 1998: 165-8). One of those is a homily belonging to the set of four expositiones (24.1-4) on Luke 21:25-33, to which we now turn. The first of these is labelled Littera in the manuscript margin, the second Allegorical the third and fourth are not identified by a specific mode of interpretation. 44 However tempting it may be to match these four homilies with the traditional four levels of interpretation, such labels prove insufficient. This Lukan text lends itself handily to Hildegard's cosmological vision. The first part of the Gospel passage (Luke 21:25-29) describes the signs preceding the end of the age and the parousia. The second is

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a very short Parable of the Fig Tree (Luke 21:29-31) whose leaves announce the coming of summer (not the longer Parable in Luke 13:69). Most medieval exegetes leave aside the fig tree, but not so with Hildegard. Even German vernacular sermons on the same pericope and from the same period pass it over in silence and furthermore do not incorporate virtues and vices into their commentary as Hildegard does.45 Moreover, she enhances the dramatic tension in all four of her texts, retelling the cosmic reactions and the Parable of the Fig Tree with heightened conflict - battling virtues and vices, cosmic groans and jealous angels. While the first version follows most closely the literal meaning of the Scripture and the literal interpretation of salvation history, it incorporates a cosmological dimension nonetheless. The elements of the cosmos are moved by humanity's evil deeds, and humans then experience physical or natural consequences of their sin: the shaking wrought by heavenly bodies, aridity - the opposite of greenness (viriditas), sadness instead of happiness. Hildegard says: The air and water are affected and the water extends to the sun, the moon and the stars, since those reflect from the water. And so those heavenly bodies shake humans violently with unaccustomed terror.46 Humans also provoke the anger of the angels. The community envisioned here encompasses the cosmos, and the inter-relatedness and interaction of the cosmos, humankind and the angels enhances the element of drama in the text. The signs announce Christ's coming in humanity and divinity. Greenness in the blossoming of trees and flowers signals redemption and reward for the righteous. The visible world will be transformed into a better and more stable condition. The fourth homily corresponds to the pattern of Hildegardian interpretation that recreates the drama of the individual soul.47 It introduces vices and virtues but imagines their conflict as a mirror of the inward struggle between care for heaven and concerns on earth, the psychodrama that played out in individual sisters' souls and in the monastic community as a whole. Carnal desires and licentiousness besiege faith and knowledge. Humans doubt and fear, unable to discern God from the Devil. The soul's powers - rationality, faith, hope and charity - are shaken by the body's tempests. With Christ's coming, the virtues allow human knowledge to conquer evil with good. The fig tree represents knowledge of good and the turning towards it. Trees producing fruit are humans who examine and reveal their conscience and then groan and weep in repentance. The summer's heat again designates the Holy Spirit, which produces the flowers of virtues. The reward of heaven does not come until the battle of virtues and vices has ended and earthly follies are no longer present in the mind. Since this expositio evokes pure contemplation associated with attaining heaven, one may call at least this aspect of it anagogical.

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The second homily, labelled allegorical, clearly targets the Cathar heresy and probably can be situated chronologically around 1163.48 I have written about it elsewhere (Kienzle, 1996: 43-56; 1998: 163-81), and so move on to the third homily, which treats another sort of battle, one between virtues and vices on earth.49 Its moral lessons are drawn for various groups of society, and it seems to be staged in Germany during the schism of 1159-77.50 The signs in the heavens represent three groups of virtuous human beings: saints and lovers of God, virgins and the chaste, and good lay people. Signs on the earth designate the human senses that fall to temptation, as well as error and madness, at both ends of the social scale - the princes, the weak, the poor. Faith, justice and salvation find no repose. Evils are evident in schisms and false beliefs. Christ comes into human minds through prophecy, showing power in miracles and mysteries. The fig tree represents martyrdom and suffering, which will be rewarded with sweet fruit. Summer comes with the ardour of the Holy Spirit. Bitter things battle the virtues, but the virtues prove victorious. The coming of God's kingdom means that the schism will not endure much longer. Humankind will not pass from darkness to light until the battle of virtues and vices has taken place. Then the Devil will be vanquished by virtues and the temporal will yield to the eternal.51 The set of four homilies highlights the spiritual meaning of the text. One is primarily historical-literal, concerned with salvation history, Christ's coming and redemption; another, a psychodrama, is highly allegorical with elements of anagogy. Two moral interpretations relate to contemporary society. The four homilies therefore correspond to the three modes of interpretation discussed earlier as roughly historical-literal, allegorical and moral: the account of salvation history, the drama of the faithful soul, and the moral lesson for the monastic and wider community. Nonetheless, all are primarily spiritual and three of four include a cosmological dimension. These four homilies and the others we have surveyed demonstrate the richness of Hildegard's exegetical range in the entire corpus of Expositiones. Hildegard offers from two to four interpretations of one pericope. At times she follows a three-level reading, much like a three-act drama of salvation, moving from Creation and Fall to redemption to contemporary struggle. Hildegard does not ever seem to repeat verbatim the readings of previous exegetes. She brings the biblical text alive and relates it to her community through her remarkable blend of drama, exegesis, teaching and preaching. Her method resists categorization. It is as difficult to conclude that she employs solely one sense of Scripture as it is to state that she is exclusively a visionary, a teacher, an exegete or a preacher. She combines all those roles just as she takes from tradition but forges her own voice. Hans Liebeschutz used the term Lehrvisionen for Hildegard's teaching visions. Here I have tried to show that the Expositiones were also exegetical, preaching and dramatic visions.

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Notes 1. One could extend this further to include the music of Hildegard's play and the songs she composed for the liturgy. See Fassler, 1998: 157. On the titles magistra and the less common abbatissa for Hildegard, see Mews, 1998: 94-5. 2. A passage similar to the Ordo virtutum (Davidson, 1985) but shorter appears at the end of Hildegard's first great visionary work, Scivias (Dronke, 1981: 100-1); Fassler, 1998: 249, agrees with Dronke's dating (Dronke, 1981). Constant Mews has also pointed out to me the usually overlooked similarity between the chorus of the Ordo and the Liber divinorum operum (Derolez and Dronke, 1996: III. 8-24). Dronke points this out in the Introduction' (Derolez and Dronke, 1996: Ixxixii) where he describes the Liber divinorum operum text as 'amplifications' of the Ordo's final chorus, the difference being that in the Liber divinorum operum the Son speaks to the Father, whereas in the Ordo the virtues are joined by the souls. 3. The Expositiones are published in Analecta Sanctae Hildegardis, Pitra, 1882: VIII, 245-327. A new edition is being prepared from Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, 2 (Riesenkodex), fols. 434r-61v, and BL, Add. 15102, fols. 146-91 (a 1487 copy) for the Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis by Beverly Mayne Kienzle and Carolyn Muessig with assistance from Monika Costard and Angelika Lozar. The Riesenkodex is described by Van Acker 1991: XXVII-XXIIX; Albert Derolez, Introduction', in Derolez and Dronke, 1996: XCVII-CI. 4. See below, Homily 24.2, with references to the Cathars and Homily 24.3 with two references to schism ('Erunt signa', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 459v-60v; Pitra, 1882: 312-14). 5. See Kienzle, 2000b. Wenzel, 1986: 62, observes three structural steps of the homily: 'narrative of the Gospel, allegorical exegesis and moral exegesis'. 6. In her commentary on the Rule, Hildegard emphasizes the importance of committing the Scriptures to memory. Feiss, 1990: 24-5. 7. The Rule of Benedict describes the monastery as the schola Christi', within it, the abbot or abbess holds authority and responsibility for instructing the community. Hildegard felt strongly that an abbess's words should inspire in her sisters the desire to hear them; to another abbess, Hildegard wrote that she was bearing her burden well, because her sheep wanted to hear God's admonishment through her teaching (Van Acker, 1991: 339). 8. Rochais, 1980: 2.6, 23-40. 9. Aerii spiritus, cf. principem potestatis aeris huius, Eph 2,2. 10. See also Van Engen, 1998: 44-5. Whereas Hildegard uses aerii spiritus, a passage from Origen speaks of the aerae potestates. Homilia VIII in Exodum, 46, cited by Bloomfield, 1952: 51, note 68. Elsewhere Hildegard refers to 'aerios spiritus' (Van Acker, 1991: 40). 11. Rochais, 1980: 9.8. For Hildegard's use of expositio, Derolez and Dronke, 1996:1. (visio) IV. CV on John 1. See also Mohrmann, 1961: 63-72; Lubac and Doutreleau, 1976: II.6, 12.14.25.26, pp. 106, 108. See also Griesser, 1956: 234-45 for uses of exponere in chapter talks. 12. Carlevaris calls attention to the importance of those readings and explains the ties of Disibodenberg to the Cluniac reforms and homiliary; see Carlevaris, 1998: 72-3.

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13. The Ordo virtutum was probably performed at the end of either Matins or Vespers; see Fassler, 1998: 151-3. 14. Sheingorn proposes that the Ordo was written to be performed at the celebration for the consecration of virgins; Sheingorn, 1992: 52-7. Holloway, 1992: 68-72, discusses the role of drama in monasteries and proposes a link to Hildegard's deep regret over her friend Richardis of Stade's departure to another monastery and eventual death. Fassler, 1998: 150, says that the Ordo 'would always have been a play within a play, a mousetrap for conventual souls'. 15. While twelfth-century Victorines and others took increased interest in salvation history and thus the historical-literal sense of Scripture, their emphasis in exegesis remained allegorical. On the interest in the historical-literal sense, see Van Engen, 1983: 287; Mews, 1996: 27-42. 16. Striking examples are: Lubac and Doutreleau, 1976: 1.11, 11. 31-6; XII.3, 11. 10-22, 23-39; Borret, 1985: Horn. 13.3, 274, 1.25. 17. On cosmology and cosmic struggle, see Mews, 1998: 99; on the scientific tradition in Rhenish abbeys, Van Engen, 1983: 85-6; on Rupert of Deutz's interest in nature and cosmology in his commentary on Genesis, Gersh, 1991: 512-36; Burnett, 1998: 111-20; Dronke, 1998: 1-16. Singer, 1951: 1-59, stresses neoplatonism and an influence of Bernard Sylvestris's De universo. 18. Speculum virginum (Seyfarth, 1990). Constant Mews emphasizes the differences in outlook between the Speculum virginum and Hildegard and Tenxwind of Andernach in 'Hildegard, the Speculum virginum and religious reform in the twelfth century'. Mews, 1998: 96, notes that a copy of her Speculum Virginum from Andernach contains one extant leaf of melodies. I am grateful to Constant Mews for a pre-publication copy of the paper on the Speculum. 19. Mews, 1998: 94, observes: 'Hildegard was growing up in a world in which female spiritual leaders were emerging outside the traditional aristocracy and the Benedictine order'. 20. Phillip, dean of the cathedral at Cologne, identifies the Holy Spirit as the source for Hildegard's authority when he writes asking for a copy of the sermon she delivered in Cologne. Epist. XV, Van Acker, 1991: 33. See the comment from Robert of Val-Roi reported by Guibert of Gembloux, Epist. XVIII, Derolez, 1989: 229; Mews, 1998: 109, note 96. Bernard McGinn, in 'Hildegard of Bingen as Visionary and Exegete', discusses the three forms of divine vision distinguished by Augustine (corporeal, spiritual, intellectual) and finds that Hildegard's descriptions fall into the broad category of spiritual vision, that based on images in the mind. Hildegard also claimed the Spirit's enlightenment as the grounds for her understanding of the Scriptures. I am grateful to Bernard McGinn for a pre-publication copy of his paper. 21. On the controversies around abbesses' preaching, see Blamires, 1995: 135-52; Biller, 1997: 68-9. On abbesses preaching at Admont, see Borgehammar, 1993: 47-52; Knapp, 1994: 74-8. 22. On Hildegard's preaching, see Pernoud, 1996: 15-26; Kienzle, 1998: 163-81. 23. Hildegard did not claim the authority specifically to preach, but she apparently supported pastoral leadership for Benedictine monks. On the controversy over monks' preaching, see Van Engen, 1983: 329-30. On Hildegard's views, see Fuhrkotter and Carlevaris, 1978: Il.v(isio).17-21, pp. 190-4; Mews, 1998: 107.

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24. Van Acker, 1993: cxcv, 443. 25. I am grateful to Bernard McGinn for this insight. The Solutiones, PL 197 (1880): 1037-54, are analysed by Bartlett, 1992: 153-65. 26. 'Cum appropinquaret', Hessische Landesbibliothek, 2, 457v-8r; Pitra, 1882: 306. 27. Derolez and Dronke, 1996: 32-3: II. u. I. XLIII: ad litteram, iuxta allegoriam; XLVI: secundum momlitatem; XLVIII: secundum allegoriam; XLVIII: iuxta tropologiam. Flanagan describes briefly Hildegard's systematic analysis here, moving from literal to allegorical to tropological exegesis (Flanagan, 1998: 145-6). Bernard McGinn points out the originality of Hildegard's interpretation of Genesis in 'Hildegard of Bingen as Visionary and Exegete'. See also Dronke, 1992: 386. 28. Hildegard's view of spiritual interpretation grounds itself in biblical statements, such as 2 Corinthians 3,6: The letter kills, but the spirit gives life', and on the tradition that distinguished broadly between the letter and the spirit, the literal and the spiritual, the body and the soul. See Smalley, 1985: 1-2. 29. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, fol. 453rb, Homily 17.1 on Luke 16:19-31, Lazarus and Dives: let dives' illi qui in sapientia sua se injuste extollunt, ut Orienes, 'et sepultus est'. Carlevaris, 1998: 79, cites a similar spelling of Origen (Orienus) in Defensor Locogiacensis, Liber scintillarum (Rochais, 1957: 32.20 and 60.15, p. 125). Hildegard probably alludes to the well-known legend of Origen's fall. I am grateful to Bernard McGinn for pointing this out. Nonetheless, Hildegard's words recall Origen's association of the Gospel rich man, the Sodomite and pride, in Borret, 1989, 314-16, Homilia 9.4. on Ezek. 16, 49. Here, Origen adduces the example of the rich man and Lazarus, read 'many days before', explaining himself this way: Sed si consideres hoc quod in praesenti scriptum est, et illud quod in Evangelio dicitur, videbis quia et illius maximum peccatum inter universa peccata superbia fuerit ... in tantam superbiam elatus est despiciens paupertatem ... tails autem est et dives, qui in Evangelio describitur, nulli dubium quin dives ille Sodomita sit. Quomodo autem Sodoma, etfiliae Sodomorum superbae fuerunt, tales sunt arrogantes animae. One passage in Origen, 1883: 1127A associates Dives, Solomon and sapientia but without conclusions about pride. In contrast, Gregory the Great and others draw an opposition between Jews and Gentiles from the figures of Dives and Lazarus. See Wailes, 1987: 245-60. 30. Chenu, 1968: 99-145. Van Engen, 1983: 71-2, observes that Rupert of Deutz distinguished broadly between the historical and spiritual senses of Scripture. He demonstrated interest in salvation history but emphasized spiritual interpretation. See Kerby-Fulton, 1998: 70-90, on German symbolism. 31. Dronke, 1992: 3-6, proposes categories of Hildegard's allegory: (1) Establishment of allegorical correspondence; (2-4) Self-revelation: gradual, direct and allegory within allegory; (5) Allegoresis - allegorical reading of the sacred text. 32. '0 ignee Spiritus', Newman, 1998c: 142-7, 280-1. Newman, 1998a: 18890, analyses it and classifies it as a psychodrama, to be interpreted on levels of individual and salvation history; on p. 190, she discusses the 'dialectical nature' of Hildegard's moral thought. Newman, 1998b, 79-87, discusses the moral allegory in the parables of Hildegard's letters. 33. Homily 13.1-2, 'Maria Magdalene et Maria Jacobi', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 449v-50r; Pitra, 1882: 282-4. In the first, Hildegard

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34. 35.

36. 37. 38. 39. 40. 41. 42. 43.

44.

45.

46. 47.

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associates the old law with carnal union and the new with abstinence, chastity and virginity. Crucifixion represents the inner experiential death of corrupt desire and frees the flesh from its enslaved state. The second text contains a passage where Hildegard switches from indirectly narrating the story in the third person to directly addressing her audience in the second person plural as she underscores the lesson. These homilies have been analysed by Jaehyun Kim, Princeton Theological Seminary, who compares Hildegard's exegesis to that of Gregory the Great in an unpublished conference paper, 'Hildegard of Bingen's Gospel Homilies and her Exegesis of Mark 16:1-7', International Congress of Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 1999. Homilies 12.1 and 12.2, 'Homo quidam', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 447v-9v; Pitra, 1882: 277-82. Two homilies for the Eighth Sunday after Pentecost (Ninth Sunday of Trinity, 26.1, 2) exegete Luke 16:1-9, the Parable of the Unjust Steward), and include the whole story (salvation or individual) but wrap it up very quickly. See also Wailes, 1987: 245-53, on this parable. Homily 18.1, Homo quidam fecit coenam magnam, Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 454v-5r; Pitra, 1882: 296-8. Homily 18.2, 'Homo quidam fecit coenam magnam', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 455r-v; Pitra, 1882: 298-9. Homily 6.1, 'Cum factus esset', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 441r-v; Pitra, 1882: 258-9. Homily 6.2, 'Cum factus essef, Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 441v-2r; Pitra, 1882: 259-60. Homilies 20.1-3, 'Cum turbae irruerent', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 456r-7v; Pitra, 1882: 301-5. Homilies 21.1-3, 'Cum appropinquaret Jesus', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 457v-8r; Pitra, 1882: 305-7. Homilies 16.1-3, 'Erat homo ex Pharisaeis', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 451r-3r; Pitra, 1882: 287-92. The two possible parallels I have found so far for associating Nicodemus and heresy appear in Rabanus Maurus and Rupert of Deutz. Both discuss heretical and schismatic views on rebaptism in a sermon mentioning Nicodemus but do not attribute them to Nicodemus. Rabanus, 1880: 283A; Rupert of Deutz, 1894: 325B. Homilies 24.1-4, 'Erunt signa', Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 459v-60v; Pitra, 1882: 311-15. Dronke, 1992: 386-7, suggests anagogical and moral designations for homilies 24.3 and 24.4, while he also observes that they perhaps were seen as aspects of Allegoria and therefore not labelled as anything different. He does not mention the references to heresy and schism. Wailes, 1987: 167-9. Hans-Jochen Schiewer, 'Preaching Doomsday. Heaven and Hell in Vernacular Sermons from the 12th to the 15th Century', paper presented at International Congress of Medieval Studies, Kalamazoo, Michigan, May 1999. Six of approximately 800 early German sermons are devoted to the Second Sunday in Advent; they focus on the signs of the coming of Christ. These are found in model sermons for priests from the second half of the twelfth century and include the collections referred to as of Leipzig, Oberaltaich, Priest Conrad, Millstatt and St Paul. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 459v; Pitra, 1882: 311. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 460v; Pitra, 1882: 314-15.

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48. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 459v-60r; Pitra, 1882: 31213. 49. Wiesbaden, Hessische Landesbibliothek, II, 460r-v; Pitra, 1882: 313-14. 50. For more on Hildegard and the 1157-79 schism, see Kerby-Fulton, 1998: 70-90. 51. Dronke, 1992: 387, suggests classifying Homily 24.3 as anagogical.

8 Learning and mentoring in the twelfth century: Hildegard of Bingen and Herrad of Landsberg Carolyn Muessig

Men's learning and mentoring Stephen Jaeger, in his book The Envy of Angels, demonstrated the changing face of education in centres of learning from the eighth to the twelfth centuries. In regard to twelfth-century examples he examined the Victorines and the Cistercians. Focusing on the view of the inner and outer formation of men, he demonstrated varied attitudes toward education. He argued that among the Cistercians and, in particular, in the writings of Bernard of Clairvaux (|1153) outward perfection represented an inner state of being; in other words, pleasing physical movement indicated ontological perfection. The perfected soul, the person full of grace and virtues, exhibited control; outward bearing reflected inward impeccability (Jaeger, 1994: 269-72). Bernard of Clairvaux captured this sentiment in Sermon 85 of his Sermons on the Song of Songs: when the luminosity of this beauty fills the inner depths of the heart, it overflows and surges outward ... It makes the body into the very image of the mind; [the body] catches up this light glowing and bursting forth like the rays of the sun. All its senses and all its members are suffused with it, until its glow is seen in every act, in speech, in appearance, in the way of walking and laughing ... When the motions, the gestures and the habits of the body and the senses show forth their gravity, purity, modesty ... then beauty of the soul becomes outwardly visible.1 Jaeger argues that the Victorines, who were Augustinian canons, had a different view of formation from Bernard of Clairvaux and the Cistercians.2 The Victorines underlined that the outer man if properly groomed could affect the inner man (Jaeger, 1994: 249, 270). The body through discipline and education could come to control the soul.

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Augustinian novices were trained by a master. The first abbot of the Parisian Abbey of St Victor, Gilduin (11155), explained that the master should instruct the novice diligently in the bows, in walking and standing, in his every gesture, how he should array his clothing in accordance with the particular act he is performing, how to compose his members in an ordinate way, keep his eyes lowered, speak gently and not too fast, swear no oaths ... how to speak to the abbot or to his masters, to the brother, to inferiors.3 Instead of choosing the monastic life of asceticism, the Victorines opted for the life of 'beautiful manners', a 'life that left open the possibility of advancement in the church' (Jaeger, 1994: 268). The focus was on courtesy and refinement. Associated with this emphasis on comportment was the fact that Augustinian priories were centres where men were likely to be promoted to positions of church and state (Jaeger, 1994: 253, 458 note 48). These differences in emphasis indicate two attitudes toward learning. Generally, for twelfth-century Augustinian canons as represented by the Victorines, discipline and education developed the interior man. By learning one could become a better person, and this prepared one for life in the priory or in the wider world of ecclesiastical or secular affairs. However, for the Cistercians, as represented by Bernard of Clairvaux, through sacred learning with Christ as the example of master, the soul was cleansed and its innate goodness revealed. Goodness was always there; it did not develop ex nihilo, but simply was waiting to be found. The right environment to find perfection was the monastery. Training for a life outside of the cloister was not encouraged. Old and new learning In addition to these different approaches to learning found in religious houses, Jaeger also identified distinct attitudes toward mentoring in eleventh- and twelfth-century cathedral schools. He identified a form of education which prevailed in the eleventh century - the old learning. This revolved around 'the teacher* as the source of wisdom; through his virtue the magister was able to teach his pupils. Learning was directly tied to the charisma of the master, as his good character illuminated the lesson. In the twelfth century, however, there was a shift of emphasis in which magisterial charisma was overshadowed by knowledge of 'the text'. Mastery over the growing corpus of commentaries was the focal point of an accomplished instructor. The successful teacher was able to master the texts and to train his students to do the same. Generally, education in the twelfth-century schools moved the emphasis away from magisterial virtue to textual expertise (Jaeger, 1994: 130-1). This was the new learning.

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Women's learning and mentoring: Augustinian and Benedictine examples Varied forms of education would be expected for men since their vocational possibilities were more flexible than women's. But women's houses, like men's, opted for different rules. Perhaps this may indicate a difference in female religious vocation just as it did for their male counterparts. Moreover, the twelfth century witnessed a moment when men and women rubbed shoulders comparatively often in the domain of religious learning;4 this is partially owing to the rise of double monasteries which created more opportunities for dialogue.5 This leads to the question: did attitudes to learning and mentoring which prevailed among men also exist among women? Or were women's educational experiences similar to one another and not greatly affected by the order to which they belonged? To investigate these points let us consider two female religious houses, Hohenburg and Rupertsberg.6 The Augustinian convent of Hohenburg was originally founded in the eighth century by the Merovingian princess St Odile (|720) (Dressier, 1967: 642-3).7 With the assistance of the twelfth-century Emperor Frederick Barbarossa (|1190), the abbesses Relinde (fll67) and Herrad of Landsberg (fll95) reformed the convent (Green et al., 1979a: 9). The Benedictine convent of Rupertsberg was founded in 1151. Its reputation was intimately attached to its founder and most famous sister, Hildegard of Bingen (|1179). The roots of this convent, however, were planted at the monastery of Disibodenberg, where Hildegard began her religious life as an anchoress. By examining the sorts of writings that Hildegard of Bingen and Herrad of Landsberg directed to their communities an assessment will be made to identify aspects of their views of mentoring and teaching. First Hildegard's methods of teaching and mentoring will be analysed. The sources mainly referred to will be Hildegard's letters and, in particular, those letters which describe the communal life of Rupertsberg. Furthermore, the vitae of Hildegard and her magistra Jutta will also be examined. The source used for Herrad's approach to teaching will be her encyclopaedic tour de force, the Hortus deliciarum, which she compiled for the canonesses of Hohenburg. Jutta and Hildegard Hildegard started her monastic life under the tutelage of a magistra named Jutta of Sponheim.8 The term magistra indicated one who was a spiritual guide or mentor.9 Jutta was from a noble family (Staab, 1992: 175; Silvas, 1998: 66). From early on in her childhood her family ensured that she be educated in Sacred Scripture. During Jutta's early formation it became clear that she had great intelligence and a retentive memory (Staab, 1992: 175; Silvas, 1998: 67). Eventually she

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was put under the care of a religious woman named Uda who strengthened her in regard to Virtue' (Staab, 1992: 175-6; Silvas, 1998: 68). On 1 November 1112 at the male Benedictine abbey of Disibodenberg, the twenty-one-year-old Jutta was enclosed as an anchoress with two younger girls; one of the girls was Hildegard of Bingen, who was in her fifteenth year (Staab, 1992: 176; Silvas, 1998: 69).10 The solitude of the anchorhold, however, did not last for long. Jutta's scriptural learning and monastic spirit led to the development of a scola around her. We learn more about Jutta's 'scola' in a letter written by Guibert of Gembloux (|1213) who was Hildegard of Bingen's secretary in the final years of her life (Silvas, 1998: 93). Guibert reveals that Jutta's holy life attracted many young girls; this caused the small anchorhold to be opened to many: When the entrance to her tomb [i.e. her anchorhold] was opened up, she brought inside with her the girls who were to be nurtured under the guidance of her disciplined guardianship. It was on this occasion that what was formerly a sepulchre became a kind of monastery, but in such a way that she did not give up the enclosure of the sepulchre, even as she obtained concourse of a monastery.11 For all intents and purposes, Disibodenberg had become a double monastery, with Jutta in charge of teaching the nuns. Jutta was greatly honoured for her practices of asceticism which entailed strict fasting and self-mortification (Staab, 1993: 180; Silvas, 1998: 74). It is clear that Hildegard respected her ascetic magistra for she endeavoured to have Jutta's vita recorded by one of the monks of Disibodenberg (Silvas, 1998: 62). As Hildegard's magistra, Jutta was successful in leading the younger woman on the path to virtue: And her venerable mother [i.e. Jutta] ... took pains over her [i.e. Hildegard] and rejoiced in her progress as she began to perceive with wonder that from a disciple she too was becoming a magistra and a pathfinder in the ways of excellence. So it came about that the benevolence of charity glowed in her [i.e. Hildegard's] breast, a benevolence which shut out no-one from its embrace. The rampart of her humility defended the tower of her virginity. Likewise, she backed up her frugality of food and drink with meanness of clothing. So too, she showed the guarded tranquillity of her heart by silence and fewness of words. Among all these jewels of the virtues which adorned the spouse of Christ ... the guardian which watched over them all was patience.12 But Hildegard did not view Jutta as an intellectual mentor. She provided an example of formation, i.e. proper living rather than proper learning. In regard to a formal pedagogy, a different view of Jutta was noted. Hildegard described her as an 'indocta mulier', that is an unlearned woman (Klaes, 1993: 24; Silvas, 1998: 160). Hildegard

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attributed Jutta with teaching her the monastic virtues of humility and innocence, and how to read the Psalms (Klaes, 1993: 6; Silvas, 1998: 139).13 Hildegard's trusted and beloved secretary, the Disibodenberg monk Volmar, was also accorded some recognition of her formation; she referred to him as her magister (Klaes, 1993: 24; Silvas, 1998: 159). But beyond this she claimed that she had 'received no teaching in the arts of literature or music from a human source' (Silvas, 1998: 139).14 While set on the right path of holy living by Jutta, Hildegard never associated her wisdom as being passed on by her magistra. In fact, in all of her theological writings she presents an original and inventive voice which shows little trace of direct sources (Dronke, 1998: 1-16). She saw herself as a prophetess, hence she attributed her wisdom to God, not to man, and especially not to Jutta. Nonetheless, the prophetess was also a teacher, for she assumed the role of magistra when Jutta died (Derolez, 1989: 375; Silvas, 1998: 111). The Rupertsberg liturgy15 Hildegard makes it clear that she did not learn anything 'academically' from Jutta, but she did adopt one lesson that she had learned from her magistra. Through right living Jutta showed her disciple how to reveal her virtue, and Hildegard would do the same for her community of nuns. She did not stress asceticism as had Jutta, but she did put forward a plan of formation which would lead the soul along its right and virtuous path. With much resistance from the monks and some of the nuns of the Disibodenberg, Hildegard relocated her sisters to another site, Rupertsberg on the Rhine, thirty kilometres away from Disibodenberg (Newman, 1998b: 9-10; Berger, 1999: 3). Moving away from the memory of Jutta and the interference of the monks of Disibodenberg, she firmly established a monastic community which was greatly shaped in her image and likeness. Based on elaborate worship, she created a path to God which at once invited worshipper and the worshipped to participate. The liturgical atmosphere that Hildegard crafted was a sort of spiritual allurement to display the holy attractiveness of her nuns to God. Hildegard as hymn writer and magistra stressed the centrality of praising God through song (Fassler, 1998: 149-75). Although this was not innovative, some characteristics of her liturgy were novel and raised the eyebrows of contemporaries. This is best demonstrated in an intriguing letter to Hildegard from Tenxwind (|c.H52), the abbess of the Augustinian convent of Andernach. In this letter Tenxwind objected to two liturgical practices established by Hildegard. She describes the first practice in the following manner: on feast days your virgins stand in the Church with unbound hair when singing the psalms and ... as part of their dress they wear

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Carolyn Muessig white, silk veils, so long that they touch the floor. Moreover, it is said that they wear crowns of filigree into which are inserted crosses on both sides and the back, with a figure of the Lamb on the front, and that they adorn their fingers with golden rings.16

This practice disturbed Tenxwind because it went against 1 Tim. 2:9, which exhorted women not to adorn themselves 'with plaited hair, or gold, or pearls or costly attire' (Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52, 126; Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 127). The second practice which disturbed Tenxwind was Hildegard's custom to allow only women of noble and wealthy families into the Rupertsberg convent while rejecting those of lower birth and wealth (Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52, 126-7; Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 127). The tone of her letter indicates that she believed Benedictine monasticism needed reforming in regard to its elitist tendency, and that Hildegard of Bingen's convent was an example of established Benedictine snobbery. To the first charge Hildegard argued that virgins did not need to cover their hair and that they could wear white vestments to indicate betrothal to Christ (Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52R, 128-9; Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 129). In regard to the noble status of her nuns she wrote: Thus it is clear that differentiation must be maintained in these matters, lest people of varying status, herded all together, be dispersed through pride of their elevation, on the one hand, or the disgrace of their decline, on the other, and especially lest the nobility of their character be torn asunder when they slaughter one another through hatred. Such destruction naturally results when the higher order falls upon the lower, and the lower rises above the higher.17 While Hildegard's liturgical methods were creative, her approach to formation was, on one level, traditionally Benedictine. Benedictines in the early twelfth century had been accused of viewing wealth as a measure of virtue (Van Engen, 1986: 291; Jaeger, 1994: 110). One could argue that to some degree Hildegard's liturgical practices and preference for noble nuns manifest these attributes of the Benedictine trend to view wealth as a measure of virtue. But other influences were at work which reinforced this distinct mode of worship at Rupertsberg. First, Benedictine liturgical practice highlighted the importance of the intercessory role of the monk and nun. Some Benedictines believed that monastic intercessory prayer would be more fruitful if embellished with fine vestments and properly adorned churches (Van Engen, 1986: 297); Hildegard clearly shared this sentiment. Second, Hildegard belonged to the generation of monastic thinkers who believed that the external reflected the internal perfection of the soul. Conrad of Hirsau's Dialogue on the Contempt and Love of the World, which Hildegard may have known,18 argued that the animus had to conform to the habitus (Jaeger, 1994: 110). Hildegard belonged to a tradition of

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learning which viewed the wide expanse of cosmology as reflecting human morals and the divine mind, that is the microcosm reflected the macrocosm (Jaeger, 1994: 178). Cosmology taught in the twelfthcentury centres of learning focused on the world of nature as a mirror of morals, as reflected in Hugh of St Victor's Didascalion: In the meaning of things lies natural justice, out of which the discipline of our own conduct [mores] arises. By contemplating what God has made we realize what we ourselves ought to do. Every nature tells of God; every nature teaches man.19 For Hildegard the perfection of her nuns would be realized in their outward comportment. In the world of her monastery, the Rupertsberg liturgy reflected a little bit of Paradise. Ritual and song acted out by her nuns created heaven on earth. This is clearly seen in Hildegard's letter where she laments the ban placed on the sisters of Rupertsberg from singing the Divine Office. Without song they were deprived of closeness to God. She argues that our prelapsarian knowledge can be glimpsed and to some degree regained through the hearing of liturgical music: When we consider these things carefully, we recall that man needed the voice of the living Spirit, but Adam lost this divine voice through disobedience. For while he was still innocent, before his transgression, his voice blended fully with the voices of the angels in their praise of God ... God, however, restores the souls of the elect to that pristine blessedness by infusing them with the light of truth. And in accordance with His eternal plan, He so devised it that whenever He renews the hearts of many with the pouring out of prophetic spirit, they might, by means of His interior illumination, regain some of the knowledge which Adam had before he was punished for his sin.20 Hildegard's plan of formation for her nuns appropriates Benedictine and Cistercian ideas found in male houses. For the Cistercian monks perfection flowed from the inside to the outside. The perfected soul, the person full of grace and virtues, exhibited control. The noble nuns of Rupertsberg did not become perfect, for they simply were perfect by virtue of their noble birth and virginity, and the convent allowed their inner perfection to shine. Moreover, their fine attire was a necessary accoutrement for their roles as divine intercessors. But does Hildegard's method of formation resemble that of her contemporary Herrad of Landsberg? Canonesses and twelfth-century reform The Augustinian convent of Hohenburg, like Rupertsberg, provides a dramatic approach to religious education and formation. Hohenburg was perched on top of Mont Ste-Odile, in the Vosges (in France) just outside of Strasbourg. The members of the convent were canonesses

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and not nuns. Before the reforms of the twelfth century, theoretically there were three main differences between nuns and canonesses. Canonesses had more flexibility in their comings and goings than nuns did since they were not strictly enclosed.21 Second, with the exception of the abbess, canonesses did not take permanent vows of chastity and hence were technically free to marry (McNamara, 1996: 179).22 Third, upon entering communal life canonesses did not take vows of poverty and thus they reserved their wealth (McNamara, 1996: 179). Canonesses were most often attached to wealthy and influential families. In those areas under Hohenstaufen authority, including Hohenburg, some canonesses were closely associated with the imperial family. Canonesses were the subject of reform in the second quarter of the twelfth century; in 1139 the Second Lateran Council insisted that canonesses adopt a regular way of life: We decree that the pernicious and detestable custom which has spread among some women who, although they live neither according to the rule of blessed Benedict, nor Basil, nor Augustine, yet wish to be thought of by everyone as nuns, is to be abolished. For when, living according to the rule in monasteries, they ought to be in church or in the refectory or dormitory in common, they build for themselves their own retreats and private dwelling-places, where, under the guise of hospitality, indiscriminately and without shame they receive guests and secular persons contrary to the sacred canons and good morals. (Tanner, 1990: I, 203) Furthermore, in 1148 the Council of Reims stipulated that canonesses must establish common ownership (Torquebiau, 1942: 497). Relinde and Herrad The Hohenstaufen emperor, Frederick Barbarossa, was involved in the reform of Hohenburg which had fallen into disrepair. He was keen to make amends for his father, Frederick of Swabia (|1147), who during his reign had pillaged the wealthy convent (Caratzas, 1977: vii; Green et al., 1979a: 10). To rebuild and reform Hohenburg, Frederick Barbarossa called upon his relative Relinde, a nun from the convent of Bergen in Bavaria who was very much influenced by the reform of canonical life (Games, 1971: 132).23 Under Relinde's supervision of Hohenburg, the Rule of St Augustine was enforced. That things had become untenable at the convent before Relinde's arrival is made clear in the Hortus deliciarum: Relinde, venerable Abbess of the monastery of Hohenburg, carefully repaired all the damages to the monastery which she found during her time and with great wisdom reinstituted there the religious spirit which was then almost destroyed.24

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Part of the restoration of Hohenburg included Relinde's repair of the ancient monastic school located there. This school was not only established to educate canonesses, but it also offered education to the daughters of the rich noble families who lived in the area (Caratzas, 1977: vii). Herrad of Landsberg took over the supervision of Hohenburg in 1167 after the death of the abbess Relinde. Not much is known about the early life of Herrad,25 but the Hortus indicates that Relinde was Herrad's teacher: 'Herrad, appointed as Abbess of the convent of Hohenburg after Relinde, who taught her by lessons and examples/26 As was often the case with canonesses their convents were associated with canons who oversaw their pastoral needs. To this end, Herrad established two priories to oversee the divine services at Hohenburg. The first priory was located at the foot of Mont Ste-Odile, and housed the Premonstratensian canons of St Gorgon of Etival. In 1180 Herrad purchased property very close to the convent of Hohenburg; there in 1181 she established the priory of Truttenhausen, which housed twelve Augustinian canons who were under the direction of the Augustinian Abbey of Marbach (Uhry, 1967: 3; Green et al., 1979a: II). 27 The Marbach Abbey was a leading centre of spiritual and intellectual reform in Alsace. For example, the customary of Marbach was adopted by numerous Augustinian houses eager for reform.28 In regard to its intellectual reputation, the first dean of Marbach Abbey was the magister Manegold of Lautenbach (|1103) who wrote a treatise on the Timaeus.29 However, this dependency on canons should not lead one to think that canonesses were completely reliant on their male overseers. First of all it was Herrad who was instrumental in the establishment of the two nearby priories. Moreover, the convents of canonesses sometimes were powerful centres of jurisdiction. Some abbesses exercised civil and criminal jurisdiction in the town where their convent was located and were known to suspend clerical benefices (Torquebiau, 1942: 497).30 Hortus deliciarum The Hortus deliciarum was compiled most likely at Hohenburg between the years 1176 and 1195 (Green et al., 1979a: 1). Herrad prepared the Hortus for the moral edification of the canonesses. She did not execute the drawings herself but oversaw the production of the work and compiled the texts from various sources. The poems in the Hortus are believed to be her creation (Yardley, 1986: 19). Unfortunately, this lush work of colour images and accompanying text was destroyed in August 1870 during the Franco-Prussian War. However, a record of much of it was preserved by the painstaking work of nineteenth-century scholars who had traced various images and transcribed a number of its texts before that fateful August night (Green et al., 1979a: 17-25).

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The Hortus is an encyclopaedia. Medieval encyclopaedias provided detailed and comprehensive texts which would teach the reader all that was necessary on a given subject. In the case of the Hortus deliciarum, the main subject under scrutiny was the salvation of the Hohenburg canonesses. The title of the work echoes prelapsarian perfection as defined by the encyclopaedist Isidore of Seville (|636) in his Etymologies: Paradise is a place located in the East, the name of which, translated from the Greek into Latin, is hortus, a garden. In Hebrew it is called Eden, which means in Latin deliciae - delights. Together this makes hortus deliciarum, the garden of delights.31 Through the title alone Herrad concisely beckons her students to perfection, and makes an implicit yet unmistakable reference to an early Christian encyclopaedist. The unfolding and meaning of salvific history and its meaning are the major elements in the Hortus. Herrad takes the canonesses through a theological tour to lead them toward salvation. The text begins with the discussion of the hierarchy of angels and then delves into the creation story. Relying on her various sources, Herrad weaves a narrative around the Bible, explaining the books of the Old and New Testaments and then interspersing exegesis with philosophical discussion and presenting hymns for her community to sing. She goes beyond biblical sources and quotes Aristotle, Socrates, Plato and Cicero to edify the canonesses.32 In one section she describes the Exodus and the crossing of the Red Sea. She digresses into a discussion of geography in which she outlines the earth's waters, seas, rivers and lakes. In order that this important geographical lesson not be lost on some of the canonesses who are just learning Latin, she provides, in addition to the Latin words, all the German equivalents of descriptions of the waterways.33 Herrad's work is a compilation of explicit sources around which she fashions her lessons. She used books which she had access to and which were applicable in the teaching of the women of Hohenburg. Her lessons are based on various authorities. The endeavour to educate is demystified into a painstaking task of compilation. Herrad relies heavily on several authors and makes explicit references to their works. These include the monastic writer Rupert of Deutz's (|1129) Liber de divinis officiis and Commentaria in Canticum canticorum (Green et al., 1979a: 51-2); the encyclopaedist Honorius Augustodunensis (fl. twelfth century), in particular his Eludiciarium, Speculum ecclesiae, and Gemma animae (Green et al., 1979a: 46-9); the canon lawyer Ivo of Chartres's (flll6) Panormia (Green et al., 1979a: 4950); the master of theology Peter Lombard's (fll60) Sententiae (Green et al., 1979a: 51); and the work of another scholastic theologian, Peter Comestor's (fl!78) Historia scholastica (Green et al., 1979a: 51-2). Interestingly, there are only a handful of references to Bernard of Clairvaux, and all of them are implicit (Green et al.,

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1979a: 45).34 It is likely that access to such a rich variety of works was partly owing to Herrad's relationship with the two nearby priories which oversaw the canonesses' masses and various sacramental needs (Green et al., 1979a: 59). As mentioned above, the Augustinian canons of Truttenhausen came from Marbach, which was a centre of intellectual life in Alsace. The Hortus encouraged self-development through education, with an emphasis on chastity. Herrad makes her intention clear from the outset: Herrad, who through the grace of God is abbess of the church on the Hohenburg, although unworthy, addresses the sweet virgins of Christ in the same church who work as though in the vineyard of the Lord; may the Lord grant grace and glory. I was thinking of your holiness when like a bee guided by the inspiring God I drew from diverse flowers of sacred and philosophical writing this book called 'Garden of Delights'. And I have put it together for the praise of Christ and the Church, and for your enjoyment, as though into a sweet honeycomb. And therefore you must diligently seek your pleasing nourishment in this book and refresh your weary spirit with its sweet honey drops, so that occupied with the allurement of your Bridegroom and fattened on spiritual sweets, you may safely hurry over what is transitory, and possess lasting happiness through delight. And I making my way through the many dangerous currents of the sea, by your fruitful prayers may you unbind me from earthly ties, and may you pull me heavenwards to be one with you in the love of your Beloved. Amen.35 Herrad is concerned to lead the canonesses to salvation by means of a thorough education which includes Christian and pagan texts, art and religious poetry. She invites them to increase their knowledge and chances of redemption through studying the Hortus delidarum. But she makes it equally clear that she needs the prayers of her community to bolster her own spiritual progress. There is reciprocity of intention and endeavour. This reflects the Augustinian ethos of the community as the Rule of Augustine underlines a spirit of unity and charity and stresses that each person in the community should be an example for others to emulate: Everything you do is to be for the service of the community, and you are to work with more zeal and more enthusiasm than if each person were merely working for herself and her own interests. For it is written of love that 'it is not self-seeking' (1 Cor. 13:5); that is to say, love puts the interests of the community before personal advantage, and not the other way around. Therefore the degree to which you are concerned for the interests of the community rather than for your own, is the criterion by which you can judge how much progress you have made. (Canning, 1984: 33-4)36

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At a time when reform was a sensitive issue, the emphasis on community within a convent of canonesses would be crucial to underline. A sense of community is also underlined at the end of the Hortus. The last two folios depict the convent of Hohenburg. The penultimate folio portrays the first abbess, St Odile, and the reforming abbess Relinde.37 The images unite these two abbesses in clear succession. This lineage is focused upon, while the intervening centuries are ignored. This allowed Herrad to accent Augustinian renewal and to gloss over the lax periods of Hohenburg. As mentioned above, canonesses had been criticized for not following a strict life according to a monastic rule, and consequently they were deemed to be lax in their spiritual life. But the reforming canonesses of Hohenburg underlined the importance of chastity. Surrounding the image of Relinde is the following text: Relinde to the congregation of Hohenburg: Oh dear flock, united under a heavenly law and sheltered from all errors, may the one who is called the Mountain of Zion, who serves as a bridge to enter our true country, who is the source of all good, the way and the light serve you as guide; may His cross protect you! Christ gives the gentle dew of chastity, the immutable good of eternity, the flower of virginity; may he govern you, dear flock, and may He have pity on me, now and always. Amen.38 The last miniature in the Hortus is of the congregation of Hohenburg.39 The image portrays each of the forty-seven canonesses and thirteen lay sisters who resided at Hohenburg under the abbacies of Relinde and Herrad. The ethos of Augustinian community is recalled at the top of this image: Religious congregation united in charity for the service of God, at the monastery of Hohenburg, at the time of the Abbesses Relinde and Herrad.40 Herrad stands next to the community and in her hand she holds a scroll which reads as follows: Oh you white flowers, pure as snow, who spread the perfume of your virtues and who, scorning earthly dust, rest in the contemplation of divine things: Oh may your course always be directed towards heaven, where you will be face to face with the Betrothed at a moment still hidden from you.41 This emphasis on chastity was also found in Augustinian priories. In keeping with the Gregorian Reform's endeavour to enforce clerical celibacy, this is one of the main elements underlined in the reform of the canons.42

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A comparison of learning and mentoring: Herrad and Hildegard Herrad's teaching derives largely from a careful and methodical compilation of explicit sources. Her focus is to teach her canonesses about what philosophers and other thinkers advised on moral development. The Hortus is where they find their insight: 'And therefore you must diligently seek your pleasing nourishment in this book and refresh your weary spirit with its sweet honey drops/43 Moreover, she underlines Relinde's influence on her as a teacher, with no qualification. Hildegard's approach to learning, however, revolved around her role as a prophetess. Her ability to be magistra was derived from the divine. Her lesson was embodied in all that she was, and there could be no separation between her message and her person. Moreover, her departure from Disibodenberg to establish the convent of Rupertsberg gave her a sort of sole authority which may have distanced her from a monastic tradition and underlined her direct relationship with God; it certainly lessened her reliance on the monks of Disibodenberg. Unlike Herrad who worked in unison with the canons, Hildegard looked to separate herself and her community from the monks. This separation enabled her to carry out her particular role as magistra] not surprisingly, her theological lessons are free of explicit references to human sources but make continual reference to God's command. In many ways Herrad's approach to learning and mentoring was dictated by the possibilities her students might encounter. A canoness could become an abbess one day, in her own community or elsewhere. She might be left with juridical duties which called for detailed and time-consuming training. Furthermore, canonesses' dealings in the wider world and their association with canons made their educational needs overlap with their male counterparts. In some instances girls studied at Hohenburg but did not become canonesses, like the thirteen lay sisters depicted in the final image of the Hortus deliciarum. It is also likely that some of the wealthy girls who received their education at Hohenburg left after their formation to become the wives of noblemen. Hildegard viewed her nuns as staying within the convent, perpetually giving themselves to Christ in liturgical demonstrations. Perhaps this partially explains Hildegard's outrage when her favourite nun, Richardis of Stade, left Rupertsberg to become abbess of Bassum in the diocese of Bremen. The move appears to have been manoeuvred by Richardis's brother Hartwig, who was Archbishop of Bremen. In an attempt to secure his authority in the area he saw fit to appoint Richardis as abbess in his own jurisdiction leaving Hildegard devastated. Her attachment to Richardis is captured in a letter which Hildegard wrote to her friend lamenting her departure: 'I loved the nobility of your character, your wisdom, your chastity, your spirit, and indeed every aspect of your life that many people said to me: What are you doing?'44 In Hildegard's eyes, Richardis was to stay and partake in

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the divine service of worship as was fitting for virgins, so her life outside of the cloister was not appropriate. Ironically Richardis died very soon after her departure from Rupertsberg. In Hildegard's estimation, the nuns of Rupertsberg were not educated to move out into the world, but were to remain in her cloister. To some degree, the different approaches employed by the two women are similar to the old and new learning that was found in men's schools in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. The 'old learning' method is reminiscent of Hildegard's magisterial approach in that the prophetess is similar to a charismatic teacher who edifies students through his virtuous character. Herrad relied on a different source from divine revelation, using instead an arsenal of textual authorities. Her form of education belonged more to the world of canons and their scholastic aspirations than to the mystical theology of Hildegard. That is where Herrad's educational authority rested, not in prophecy but in her role as compiler and hence mediator of textual authorities and tradition; in this sense, Herrad is an example of 'new learning'. The examples of Hohenburg and Rupertsberg indicate that medieval female education and formation was varied; this variation indicated different expectations for medieval women, all the while revealing that they participated in the trends of education just as their male counterparts. Caroline Walker Bynum, in her book Docere Verbo et Exemplo, studied the differences between the spirituality of twelfthcentury monks and canons. She discovered that texts written by canons emphasized a concern to edify one's fellow neighbour by word and by example. 'Canonical authors allowed a sense of responsibility for edification to coexist in their treatises with an emphasis on the canon's own salvation (Bynum, 1979: 117). Monastic writers, however, did not express an awareness of 'a process of learning' (Bynum, 1979: 181). The same broad descriptions hold true for Herrad and Hildegard's approach. Like the Augustinian canons, Herrad turned to education in order to reform and to train the souls of her students. Through reading the Hortus, they would learn and develop their self-awareness and along the way they would pray for Herrad's soul too. When one looks to Hildegard's attitude to education one does not discover an articulated notion of pedagogy. Hildegard looked to the outer perfection of the nun as representing her inner perfection. Her nuns did not become more knowing and wise about God through systematic training. The Rupertsberg liturgy made manifest their innate and essential virtue as virgins. In Hildegard's view, the high-born virgins who made up her community were perfect models of Christ's brides in their white dresses and free flowing hair. To borrow Bernard of Clairvaux's words, the luminosity of their beauty reflected the very image of their minds.45 Although one might be tempted to postulate general similarities between these two women's approach to learning and mentoring, it can be argued that their views of education reflect the religious orders to which they belonged rather more than gendered affinities.46

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Notes 1. English translation from Jaeger, 1994: 271. Original in Leclercq et al., 1958: II, 314: Cum autem decoris huius claritas abundantius intima cordis repleverit, prodeat foras necesse est ... Porro efflugentem et veluti quibusdam suis radiis erumpentem mentis simulacrum corpus excipit, et diffundit per membra et sensus, quatenus omnis inde reluceat actio, sermo, aspectus, incessus, risus ... Horum et aliorum profecto artuum sensuumque motus, gestus et usus, cum appareuerit serius, purus, modestus ... pulchritudo animae palam erit. 2. Augustinian canons were not monks. They were priests who lived together, owning no private property but sharing their wealth in common under the Rule of Augustine. 3. English translation taken from Jaeger, 1994: 249. Original in Jocque and Milis, 1984: 106: In scolas diligenter instruendus est de inclinationibus, de incessu et statu, et omni gesto suo, et quomodo uestimenta sua in omni actione circa se coaptare debeat, et membra sua ordinate componere, oculos demissos habere, submisse et non festinanter loqui, iuramenta non ... quomodo ad abbatem uel ceteros magistros suos loqui debeat, quomodo ad fratres uel alios compares, et quomodo ad inferiores. 4. This would change considerably in the thirteenth century when more specialized training in law, medicine and theology became the mainstay of the university - an institution which did not allow women entry (Ferrante, 1980: 17-18). 5. Double monasteries had great success in the seventh century, but afterwards their popularity declined until the twelfth century when they enjoyed a renaissance (Ferrante, 1980: 15-17). 6. One may argue that these two examples are unusual in regard to female education because of the high calibre of learning at each house. Nonetheless, they provide useful comparisons to the level of learning at Clairvaux and St Victor. 7. For her vita see Levinson, 1913: 24-50. 8. Much of the material that we know about Jutta comes from her vita which has recently been edited (Staab, 1992: 174-87) and translated into English (Silvas, 1998: 65-84). 9. I base this definition on the use of the term in Hildegard's vita. See note 12 below. 10. Before Jutta's vita came to light, it was believed that Hildegard was immured at the age of eight. However, the vita of Jutta indicates the date of 1 November 1112 for Hildegard and Jutta's enclosure. See Silvas, 1998: 51-4 for further discussion. 11. Translation from Silvas, 1998: 109-10. Original in Derolez, 1989: Ep. 38, 374: Et dilatato mausolei sui ambitu puellas sub disciplina regularis custodie nutriendas secum introduxit. Hac occasione sepulchrum illud prius factum est quasi monasterium; sic tamen ut et sepulchri clausram non amitterat et monasterii iam deinceps frequentiam optineret. 12. Translation from Silvas, 1998: 140. Original in Klaes, 1993: 7: Matre uenerabili, que iam ex discipula magistram ac preuiam semitarum excellentium earn fieri cum admiratione cernebat. Flagrabat siquidem in eius pectore karitatis benignitas, que nullam a sua latitudine excluderet. Turrim quoque uirginitates murus tuebatur humilitatis: hinc cibi potusque parsimonia uestium uilitate fouebatur, inde cordis tranquillitas pudibunda silentio ac uerborum parcitate monstrabatur, que omnia sanctarum monilia

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13. 14. 15. 16.

17.

18. 19.

20.

21.

Carolyn Muessig uirtutum, summi fabricata manu artificis, patientia custos in sponsa Christi exornando seruabat. Reading of the Psalms reveals the ability to read basic Latin. Klaes, 1993: 6: Ceterum prefer psalmorum simplicem noticiam nullam litteratorie uel musice artis ab homine percepit doctrinam, quamuis eius extent scripta non pauca et quaedam non exigua uolumina. See also Beverly Kienzle (Chapter 7) for discussion regarding the Rupertsberg liturgy. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 127. Original in Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52, 126: Virgines uidelicet uestras festis diebus psallendo solutis crinibus in ecclesia stare, ipsasque pro ornamento candidis ac sericis uti uelaminibus pre longitudine superficiem terre tangentibus, coronas etiam auro contextas capitibus earum desuper impositas et his utraque parte et retro cruces insertas, in fronte autem agni figuram decenter impressam, insuper et digitos earundem aureis decorari anulis. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 129. Original in Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 52R, 129: Ideo et discretio sit in hoc, ne diuersus populus in unum gregrem congregatus in superbia elationis et in ignominia diuersitatis dissipetur, et precipue ne honestas morum ibi dirumpatur, cum se inuicem odio dilaniant, quando altior ordo super inferiorem cadit et quando inferior super altiorem ascendit, quia Deus discernit populum in terra sicut et in celo uidelicet etiam angelos, archangelos, thronos, dominationes, cherubim, et seraphim discernans. See Constant Mews, Chapter 14. Translation is from Jaeger, 1994: 177. Original in Hugh of St Victor, 1879: col. 805: De tropologia nihil aliud in praesenti dicam quam, quod supra dictum est, excepto quod ad earn magis rerum quam vocum significatio pertinere videtur. In ilia naturalis justitia est, ex qua disciplina morum nostrorum, id est positiva justitia nascitur. Contemplando quid fecerit Deus; quid nobis faciendum sit, agnoscimus. Omnis natura Deum loquitur. Omnis natura hominen docet. Omnis natura rationem parit, et nihil in universitate infecundum est. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 77. Original in Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 23, 63: Quibus cum diligenter intendimus, recolimus qualiter homo uocem uiuentis spiritus requisiuit, quam Adam per inobedientiam perdidit, qui ante transgressionem, adhuc innocens, non minimam societatem cum angelicarum laudum uocibus habeat ... Deus uero qui animas electorum luce ueritatis perfundens ad pristinam beatitudinem reseruat, ex suo hoc adinuenit consilio, ut quandoque corda quamplurimum infusione prophetici spiritus innouaret, cuius interiore illuminatione aliqua de scientia ilia recuperarent, quam Adam ante preuaricationis sue uindictam habuerat. This comparable freedom had been recognized in the earliest religious woman associated with the Hohenburg, the eighth-century Merovingian princess, St Odile. In the tenth-century vita of this canoness the hagiographer gives an account of St Odile speaking to her sisters. She asks them if they should be canonesses or nuns. Because the Hohenburg is located so high up on a mountain and the women often seek water outside of the walls of the convent, she argues that it would be logistically better to be canonesses since they can fetch water anytime. The implication is that nuns would be strictly enclosed and not able to get water when they needed it (Levinson, 1913: 24-50; and see McNamara, 1996: 176-7).

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22. However, marriages of canonesses do not seem to have been a common practice nor were they readily accepted when they did occur (McNamara, 1996: 191). 23. For discussion about the historical confusion of the identity of Relinde see Games, 1971: 138-9. 24. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 248. Original in Green et al., 1979a: 226: Rilinda, uenerabile Hohenburgensis ecclesie abbatissa tempore suo eiusdem ecclesie queque diruta diligenter restaurauit et religionem diuinam inibi pene destructam sapienter reformauit. 25. For further discussion see Lefevre, 1969: 366-9. 26. My translation. Original in Green et al., 1979a: 227: Herrat Hohenburgensis abbatissa post Rilindam ordinata ac monitis et exemplis eius instituta. 27. Space constraints do not allow discussion of the Hohenburg's strained relationship with the Benedictine Abbey of Ebersheimmunster which retained the right to celebrate the Divine Office at Hohenburg for Christmas, Easter and Pentecost. See Uhry, 1967: 34; Green et al., 1979a: 11. 28. Some houses as far away as Bavaria and Austria used the customary (Green et al., 1979a: 11). 29. Manegold of Lautenbach is referred to by the anonymous author of Melk as the magister magistrorum (Chenu, 1968: 319). 30. Clerics who fell foul of abbesses were not always ready to follow the commands of the fairer sex, especially in ecclesiastical matters. We have evidence that Pope Honorius III (1216-27) had to order an abbot in the diocese of Halberstadt to comply with and obey the jurisdiction of the abbess of Quedlinberg (Torquebiau, 1942: 496). I am grateful to Jo Ann McNamara for allowing me to read a pre-publication copy of her article 'Consorts in Empire: Imperial Abbesses and Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries'. This article underlines the unique role of canonesses in the medieval church. 31. Translation from Saxl, 1957: I, 245. Original in Isidore of Seville (1878), Etymologiae, col. 496: Taradisus' est locus in orientis partibus constitutus, cujus vocabulum ex Graeco in Latinum veritur 'hortus'; porro Hebraice Eden dicitur, quod in nostra lingua deliciae interpretatur. Quod utrumque junctum facit 'hortum delicarum'. 32. For her use of philosophical texts see Will, 1937: 527. 33. Here is the list which she provides. The first term is given in Latin and the corresponding German follows: 'Mare mortuum, leber mere; vadum, vurt; lacus, wac; padus, pfat; ister, tunowe; anasis, ense; licus, lech; rodanus, roten; renus, rin; mogus vel menus, moin; mosella, musela; mosa, mase; alba, elbe; nektar, nekir; athesis, etise; liger, Her, sigonia vel secona, sigene (Green et al., 1979b: 71). At different points in the Hortus, as here, Herrad supplies German equivalents for Latin terms. 34. For further details regarding Herrad's sources see Green et al., 1979a: 43-59. 35. My translation. Original in Green et al., 1979b: 4: Herrat gratia Dei Hohenburgensis ecclesie abbatissa licet indigna dulcissimis Christi virginibus in eadem ecclesia quasi in Christi vinea Domini fideliter laborantibus, graciam et gloriam, quam dabit Dominus. Sanctitati vestre insinuo, quod hunc librum qui intitulatur Hortus deliciarum ex diversis sacre et philosophice scripture floribus quasi apicula Deo inspirante comportavi et ad laudem et honorem Christi et Ecclesie, causaque dilectionis

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36. 37. 38.

39. 40. 41.

42.

43. 44.

45. 46.

Carolyn Muessig vestre quasi in unum mellifluum favum compaginavi. Quapropter in ipso libro oportet vos sedulo gratum querere pastum et mellitis sillicidiis animum reficere lassum, ut sponsi blandiciis semper occupate et spiritalibus deliciis saginate transitoria secure percurratis et eterna felici; jucunditate possideatis, meque per varias marts semitas periculose gradientem fructuosis orationibus vestris a terrenis affectibus mitigatam unam vobiscum in amorem dilecti vestri sursum trahatis. Amen. See also Bynum, 1979; 1982: 40-1. The Rule of Augustine is highly controversial in regard to its dating and authorship. For further discussion on the Rule, see Bynum, 1979: 7, note 4. The images can be found in a number of reproductions. The most accessible is Green et al., 1979b: (504-5). Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 248. Original in Green et al., 1979a: 226: Rilindis Hohenburgensis congregationi, o pie grex, cui celica lex est, nulla doli fex: Ipse Syon Mons ad patriam pons, atque boni fons; Qui via, qui lux, est, hie tibi sit dux, alma tegat crux. Qui placidus casitatis ros qui stabilis dos, virgineus flos Christus. Ille regat te grex commiserans me, semper ubique. Amen. See Green et al., 1979b: (505) for image. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 250. Original in Green et al., 1979a: 227: Congregatio religiosa temporibus, Rilindis et Herradis abbatissarum in Dei servicio in Hohenburc caritative adunata. Translation from Caratzas, 1977: 250. Original in Green et al., 1979a: 227: 0 nivei /lores, dantes virtutis odores, Semper divina pausantes in theoria, Pulvere terreno contempto currite celo, Que celo nunc absconsum valeatis cernere sponsum. The reforming Pope, Nicholas II (|1061), said as much: 'By our authority, obeying our predecessor, we order that all priests, deacons, and sub-deacons, who observe chastity, to have around the churches for which they are responsible, common sleeping and eating areas, and to possess in common all goods coming to them from the church insofar as it is necessary for clerics leading the religious life. By our prayers we exhort them to make every effort to live like the apostles, that is, a common life, so that, having attained perfection, they merit inscription in the heavenly homeland, with those who have already received a hundredfold/ Epistle of Pope Nicholas II as cited in Smith, 1953: II, 466. The term hundredfold was associated with virgins. See Jerome, Commentarium in Evangelium Matthei, col. 92A. See note 35 above for full citation. Translation from Baird and Ehrman, 1994: 144. Original in Van Acker, 1991: Ep. 64, 147: Amaui nobilitatem morum tuorum, et sapientiam et castitatem, et tuam animam et omnem uitam tuam, ita quod multidixerunt: Quid fads? See note 1 above. I am grateful to Michael Richardson and Hannah Lowery of the University of Bristol Special Collections for their kind assistance. I would like to thank Paul Williams, Kevin Magill, Beverly Kienzle, Jo Ann McNamara and George Ferzoco for their helpful comments.

9 Educating Heloise1 W. G. East

The correspondence ends with two very long letters ... They are by no means readable, and they are seldom read. They have no personal interest. They must have cost him much dreary toil. (Southern, 1970: 101) We know a great deal about the education of two major monastic figures of the twelfth century, Abelard and Heloise. Abelard tells us about his own education in the Historia calamitatum:2 My father had acquired some knowledge of letters before he was a soldier, and later on his passion for learning was such that he intended all his sons to have instruction in letters before they were trained in arms. His purpose was fulfilled. I was his firstborn, and being specially dear to him had the greatest care taken over my education. (Radice, 1974: 57-8) We believe that he was taught by the nominalist Jean Roscelin, though he does not mention Roscelin in the Historia calamitatum, doubtless because of Roscelin's condemnation in 1093 for denying the unity of the Trinity (Radice, 1974: 58, n. 1). He studied under William of Champeaux and made a lifelong enemy of him (Radice, 1974: 58) before founding, at Melun, the first of several schools of his own (Radice, 1974: 59). Later, turning his attention from philosophy to theology, he studied under Anselm of Laon, again incurring his teacher's enmity (Radice, 1974: 62-4). Abelard tells us much too about the education of his wife Heloise. She was already famous for her learning when Abelard was engaged as her tutor: There was in Paris at the time a young girl named Heloise, the niece of Fulbert, one of the canons, and so much loved by him that he had done everything in his power to advance her education in letters. (Radice, 1974: 66) It is worth pointing out that this is a non sequitur; many men in the twelfth century must have loved their daughters, or nieces, without seeing any need to make extraordinary provision for their education. Abelard never portrays Fulbert as being particularly far-sighted or advanced in his views on women's education, but relates Fulbert's concern for Heloise's education in letters as casually and naturally as he mentions his own father's concern for Abelard's education. Abelard tells us later in the Historia calamitatum that Heloise's early

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education had been in the convent at Argenteuil (Radice, 1974: 74). Abelard was engaged as Heloise's tutor (Radice, 1974: 67). He does not tell us exactly what course of study Heloise followed under him; presumably he taught her philosophy, since that was his specialization at that time. But he also took in hand her education sentimentale, and this took up much of their time: We were united, first under one roof, then in heart; and so with our lessons as a pretext we abandoned ourselves entirely to love. Her studies allowed us to withdraw in private, as love desired, and then with our books open before us, more words of love than of our reading passed between us, and more kissing than teaching. (Radice, 1974: 67) The course of their affair and marriage, of Abelard's castration, and the entry of both into the religious life are well-known events and have been studied in detail. But at a much later date, Abelard resumed his interest in Heloise's education. This came about through a request from Heloise in a letter to Abelard:3 And so all we handmaids of Christ, who are your daughters in Christ, come as suppliants to demand of your paternal interest two things which we see to be very necessary for ourselves. One is that you will teach us how the order of nuns began and what authority there is for our profession. The other, that you will prescribe some Rule for us and write it down, a Rule which shall be suitable for women, and also describe fully the manner and habit of our way of life, which we find was never done by the holy Fathers. (Radice, 1974: 159-60) R.W. Southern has remarked that Abelard did what Heloise asked, and much more. Besides the requested Rule and history, To get the full record of what Abelard did for Heloise, we must add about a hundred hymns, thirty-five sermons, and a substantial series of solutions to Heloise's theological problems' (Southern, 1970: 101). I have argued elsewhere for the inclusion of the half-dozen Planctus which Abelard wrote, which touch very closely on the state of mind of Heloise and himself.4 This adds up to a very considerable oeuvre. Michael Clanchy has drawn our attention to this remarkable contribution to monastic education, pointing out that Abelard was the greatest provider of devotional literature for nuns in the twelfth century. Considering all the work he put into his own monastic development, as well as the seventy thousand words he wrote for Heloise as a nun, it was, Clanchy thinks, ungenerous and mischievous of Bernard of Clairvaux, at the time of Abelard's prosecution for heresy in 1140, to say that there was nothing of the monk about him except the name and the habit (Clanchy, 1997: 153). Clanchy goes on to quote David Luscombe: 'I can think of no other monastic foundation of those times of numerous new beginnings that was accompanied by so much new writing by a single friend or patron.'5

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Two of the texts in this corpus, the History of Nuns6 and the Rule for Nuns,7 have been rather neglected. David Luscombe has observed that their correspondence concludes with three letters (5, 6, and 7 with Abelard's Rule for Heloise and her nuns at the Paraclete) which are almost entirely concerned with problems to do with female monasticism. He recalls that Southern once described these letters as 'by no means readable' and 'seldom read' (Southern, 1970: 101). He was right, Luscombe thinks, to say that they are seldom read; in the Penguin Classics translation of Letter 6, the late Betty Radice summarized merely in three pages what takes up more than thirty columns in the Patrologia Latina (Luscombe, 1997: 101). This Letter 6 was Abelard's history of female monasticism. The Latin text is edited by Muckle (1955) and for those who require it, there is a somewhat quaint earlier translation by C.K. Scott Moncrieff (1925: 105-42). Betty Radice, in choosing merely to summarize it, says: To us it seems prolix and not very logical in the arrangement of the many examples of the specially favoured position of women amongst the followers of Christ and in the early Church' (Radice, 1974: 180). In fact, the letter is a sustained and remarkable defence of the dignity of women. It has been ably studied by Mary Martin McLaughlin, who regards it as 'the fullest, if not the most extreme, statement of what may not unreasonably be called an "evangelical feminism" ' (McLaughlin, 1975: 304). Far from agreeing with Southern that these and the other late letters 'have no personal interest' (Southern, 1970: 101), she observes that what makes this letter, in Leclercq's words, so 'new', so 'personal', indeed, 'unique in medieval literature', is the force and direction of the argument that derives its special power from the firmness of its foundation in the teachings and actions of Christ and their Gospel sources.8 The ministry of women is said several times to be higher than that of men. Jesus often ministered to his disciples, but he allowed only women to minister to himself (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 108). Only a woman was allowed to anoint him: 'Perpend therefore the dignity of woman, from whom when He was alive Christ, being twice anointed, to wit both on the head and on the feet, received the sacraments of Kingship and Priesthood' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 109). The Latin reads: regis et sacerdotis suscepit sacramenta (Muckle, 1955: 255). Abelard was writing while the definition of the word 'sacramentum' was still somewhat vague, and before the definitive list of the seven sacraments had been drawn up by Peter Lombard. Kingship would not in later times be regarded as a sacrament; but Abelard is still making a powerful claim for the ability of women, in some circumstances and in some sense, to confer the sacraments. He observes in passing, 'at times women may presume to baptise' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 108). Abelard is careful not to claim any hierarchical position for the woman, but seems to recognize a parallel ministry, we might say a charismatic ministry, alongside the ordained ministry: The humble woman ... performs these sacraments before Christ, not by the office

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of prelation but by the zeal of devotion' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 109). This ministry is highly acceptable to Jesus: nowhere, says Abelard, 'do we read of the services of any other person whatsoever, that such commendation was given by the Lord or such sanction' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 110). The ministry of women was constituted by Christ and is in some respects superior to that of men. The Lord Himself also, appearing first to Mary Magdalene, says to her: "Go to my brethren, and say unto them, I ascend unto my father." From which we gather that these holy women were constituted as it were female Apostles over the Apostles' (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 113).9 For Abelard, Mary Magdalene, the woman who anointed Christ and was the first witness to his Resurrection, is a figure of some significance as providing a role model for Heloise.10 His wife did not fit easily into any of the standard categories of Christian women. She was obviously not a virgin, nor was she a widow; she was not a 'godly matron' caring for her husband and family. She was a nun, an abbess, and yet a nun with a husband still living, and a child, and a highly active sexual past which still lingered in her memory: In my case, the pleasures of lovers which we shared have been too sweet - they can never displease me, and can scarcely be banished from my thoughts. Wherever I turn they are always there before my eyes, bringing with them awakened longings and fantasies which will not even let me sleep. Even during the celebration of the Mass, when our prayers should be purer, lewd visions of those pleasures take such a hold upon my unhappy soul that my thoughts are on their wantonness instead of on prayers. I should be groaning over the sins I have committed, but I can only sigh for what I have lost.11 Mary Magdalene provided a figure of a woman with a vivid sexual past, a 'peccatrix' (Luke 7:37, 39) who had nevertheless been called to the highest dignity, to minister to and bear witness to Christ himself. Abelard uses the figure to raise Heloise's self-esteem, to invite her to contemplate her own dignity and that of her sex, to encourage her to emulate the sanctity of the Magdalene. Perhaps not surprisingly, Mary Magdalene appears several times in Abelard's writings for Heloise. She has two hymns devoted to her feast-day in the Paraclete Hymnary,12 and provides most of the substance for a hymn for the common of holy women (Hymn 127, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 262). Abelard's Rule for religious women is no less fascinating than his Historia. Heloise had asked Abelard for the Rule because: 'At present the one Rule of St Benedict is professed in the Latin Church by women equally with men, although, as it was clearly written by men alone, it can only be fully obeyed by men' (Radice, 1974: 160). She points out that, as everybody knows, it is practically impossible for a woman to get drunk. She cites Macrobius and Aristotle as authorities for this statement. The reason is that women's bodies have more holes than

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men's: Through these holes the fumes of wine are quickly released' (Radice, 1974: 166). That being so, was there any chance of a little more wine in the daily allowance? A bit more meat would also be welcomed; not the thing for monks, of course, but harmless and necessary to support the infirmity of the weaker sex. She also fancied wearing linen next to the skin, like Augustinian canons, not the rough cloth worn by monks (Radice, 1974: 165). Abelard may have had this request in mind when he made provision for the burial of nuns: The body of the dead woman must then be washed at once by the sisters, clad in some cheap but clean garment and stockings, and laid on a bier, the head covered by the veil ... The burial of an abbess13 shall have only one feature to distinguish it from that of others: her entire body shall be wrapped only in a hair-shirt and sewn up in this as in a sack. (Radice, 1974: 216-17) Heloise wrote a Rule of her own14 which differed from Abelard's in a number of respects. It is instructive to compare the two texts. Heloise specifies that the nuns are to eat pure wheat bread, whereas Abelard had laid down that coarse grains should be mixed with the wheat. Abelard had kept the nuns firmly within the cloister; Heloise allows them to go outside for necessary business. Most significantly, in order to provide the priests and deacons necessary for the services, Abelard had envisaged a double monastery, ruled over by a male superior. In Heloise's Rule, the abbess is in charge of the monks serving the convent; nobody is superior to the abbess. No doubt one is right to detect an element of banter in these two documents. Abelard and Heloise were to some extent playing games rather than devising Rules seriously intended for use in a real convent. The Rule actually put into use at the Paraclete seems to have owed very little to Abelard, or indeed to Heloise; it appears to have been based on Cistercian customs.15 And yet there is a more serious intention than mere banter in Abelard's Rule. Mary Martin McLaughlin regards it as a work that was meant from the first as far more than 'a kind of institute or rule', and one whose implications may in the end have outrun its author's intentions. What he proposed, McLaughlin thinks, was something much closer to a 'mirror' of monastic perfection, a 'treatise of instruction' and exhortation aimed, if we may judge by its content, at translating into reality a highly personal vision of the monastic ideal' (McLaughlin, 1975: 318). She notes the extraordinary amount of learning that Abelard pours into the treatise, observing that 'the remarkable breadth of scriptural and monastic learning there deployed for the edification of Heloise and her nuns further underscores Abelard's didactic and exhortatory, rather than merely regulatory, purposes' (McLaughlin, 1975: 319). The Hymnary which Abelard wrote for the Paraclete, a collection of 133 hymns to accompany the daily office, is one of the glories of medieval Latin literature. It is a significant contribution to a tradition, begun as far as the West is concerned by Ambrose, of using the liturgy

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as a medium for teaching Christian doctrine, by composing hymns replete with scriptural and doctrinal references. Abelard cared deeply about the quality of the liturgy which Heloise and her nuns celebrated. He gave very precise directions for its performance in his Rule: None of the nuns may be absent from the Canonical Hours, but as soon as the bell is rung, everything must be put down and each sister go quickly, with modest gait, to the divine office ... The psalms should be repeated clearly and distinctly so as to be understood, and any chanting or singing must be pitched so that anyone with a weak voice can sustain the note. (Radice, 1974: 220) When Abelard believed his life to be in danger, he instructed Heloise to insert special prayers for him into the liturgy of the Paraclete (Radice, 1974: 124-5); furthermore, if he should be delivered into the hands of his enemies and killed, he wished to be buried at the Paraclete, where, as he says, 'our sisters in Christ may see my tomb more often and thereby be encouraged to pour out their prayers more fully to the Lord on my behalf (Radice, 1974: 125). He may therefore be said to have staked his life, and indeed his salvation, on the efficacy of the liturgy at the Paraclete, and in his Hymnary he did his best to enhance and inform that liturgy. It may be that, in practice, Heloise did not use the Hymnary for that purpose.16 Perhaps the hymns were, after all, too personal for communal use, but they are not on that account any less remarkable a literary achievement. The hymns are an education in themselves through their frequent literary references. They allude to previous hymns such as those of Ambrose (Hymn 1, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 15), Prudentius (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 12, 44, 83, 95, 103) or Venantius Fortunatus (Hymn 26, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 71-2); frequently they allude to Abelard's other writings;17 very often they allude to the Bible.18 The Hymn for the Holy Innocents, according to Szoverffy, contains the only known insertion in Latin hymnody of an anecdote recorded in the Saturnalia by Macrobius (Hymn 102, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 212). The Hymn for the Epiphany derives from Orosius (Hymn 34, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 92). A number of hymns allude to the Physiologus (Szoverffy, 1975: I, 106-7). In a recent article I have pointed out an allusion (previously unnoticed, I think) in one of the hymns to a sermon by the Venerable Bede.19 In the same article I also examine Hymn 6, Ornarunt terram germina (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 27). This hymn contrasts the natural sky under which the poor man sleeps with the painted sky, or ceiling, of the rich man. Most of the references in this poem are scriptural, but Abelard slips in the word testudo. This word has classical rather than scriptural connotations. Literally 'a tortoise' and hence a tortoise-shell, it can be used of the shield-wall formed by Roman soldiers,20 or of the domed vault of a Roman building. In Virgil's Aeneid (I: 505) Dido takes her seat media testudine templi, i.e. under the central dome of the temple. Actually, Dido's temple is the locus classicus for splendid

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painted buildings, for its walls (though not its ceiling) were painted with the story of the defeat of Troy (Virgil, Aeneid I: 452-93). We may marvel how, with a single word, Abelard can evoke a fabulous world of artifice and splendour, in contrast to the simple, 'real', world of the poor man. Abelard's Easter hymns have been memorably described by Peter Dronke as 'an exuberant series of rondeaux - our first examples of the lyrical strophe with internal refrain, which Abelard may even have invented' (Dronke, 1968: 52). Interestingly, they present a traditional view of the Atonement as the victory by Christ ('Christus Victor') over the Devil, a view which can be traced back to Venantius Fortunatus, and before him to Gregory the Great, Leo the Great, Augustine, Hilary of Poitiers, Irenaeus of Lyons and the Latin Fathers generally. Elsewhere, in his commentary on the Letter to the Romans, Abelard criticized this view, in terms like those of Anselm of Canterbury in his Cur Deus Homo: What right to possess mankind could the devil possibly have unless perhaps he had received man for purposes of torture through the express permission, or even the assignment, of the Lord? (Fairweather, 1956: 281) Anselm had suggested seeing the Atonement in terms of satisfaction offered to God, rather than of ransom offered to the Devil. Abelard, in his commentary on Romans, thought in more subjective terms of the crucifixion as an example: Now it seems to us that we have been justified by the blood of Christ and reconciled to God in this way: through this unique act of grace manifested to us - in that his Son has taken upon himself our nature and persevered therein in teaching us by word and example even unto death - he has more fully bound us to himself by love; with the result that our hearts should be enkindled by such a gift of divine grace, and true charity should not now shrink from enduring anything for him. (Fairweather, 1956: 282) In these hymns, however, Abelard uses the traditional images of victory over the Devil. Perhaps the poetic images were too good to be missed, or the pull of the traditional liturgy and exegesis too strong to be resisted.21 So Abelard writes (Hymn 28, In Paschale Domini, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 127): 'Christiani, plaudite, / Resurrexit Dominus, / Victo mortis principe Christus imperat, / Victori occurrite, / Qui nos liberal - 'Christians applaud, the Lord is risen. The Prince of Death has been conquered.' (Such is the title given to the Devil in the Latin B version of the Acts of Pilate (James, 1924: 127); 'Christ rules', as Szoverffy notes, is 'reminiscent of the liturgical acclamation: "Christus vincit, Christus regnat, Christus imperat"' (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 127).) 'Run to the victor, who frees us.' The third stanza begins with a particularly striking reference to this view of the atonement: 'Fraus in hamo fallitur' - 'Deceit is deceived by

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the fish-hook/ (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 128). Szoverffy provides numerous parallels in his note; the ultimate source is Job 40:20, 'An extrahere poteris Leviathan harno?' - 'Can you pull up Leviathan with a fishhook?' Rufinus of Aquileia seems to have been the first of many to make the comparison with the divine fishhook surrounded by human flesh as bait for the Devil (cf. Bettenson, 1943: 127). Szoverffy might also have mentioned the line of Venantius Fortunatus, 'multiformis perditoris arte ut artem falleret'22 - 'that the manifold deceiver's art by art might be outweighed'.23 Abelard seems to have retained throughout his life an affection for his parents and his hometown, Le Pallet on the borders of Brittany. The Latin name of the town was Palatium, Talace', and Abelard was commonly referred to as Peripateticus Palatinus, the peripatetic from Le Pallet. It is remarkable that in his hymns Abelard often uses Palatium virtually as a synonym for heaven. Thus in his hymn for Sunday Vespers he writes, 'Ingressus proprium / dehinc palatium' (Hymn 16, 6:1-2; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 55) - 'entering then into his own palace' - referring to Jerusalem, the Temple and to Heaven itself. In his famous hymn for Saturday Vespers he asks, 'Quis rex, quae curia, quale palatiumT (Hymn 29, 3:1-2; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 77). In J.M. Neale's familiar translation, 'What are the monarch, his court, and his throne?'; except that palatium is not the king's throne, but his palace. In his hymn for the first nocturn on Ascension Day, Abelard describes Christ as ascending 'Ad paternum palatium', 'to his father's palatium' (Hymn 62, 2:1; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 134). In his hymn for the second nocturn on Christmas Day he writes: 'Excipitur / vili tugurio / Qui praesidet / coeli palatio' - 'He who presides over the palatium of heaven, is caught in a lowly hut' (Hymn 31, 2:1-4; Szoverffy, 1975: II, 85). Once again we may marvel at Abelard's ability to evoke a whole world in a single word, for a tugurium is the shepherd's cottage of Virgil's first Eclogue:24 not so inappropriate a birthplace for the Good Shepherd. The Letter to the Hebrews sets forth the idea of Heaven as our true homeland: These all died in faith, not having received what was promised, but having seen it and greeted it from afar, and having acknowledged that they were strangers and exiles on the earth. For people who speak thus make it clear that they are seeking a homeland. If they had been thinking of that land from which they had gone out, they would have had opportunity to return. But as it is, they desire a better country, that is, a heavenly one. (Hebrews 11:13-16) This became a commonplace in Christian literature. One thinks of the last lines of Aquinas's Corpus Christi hymn, 'Qui vitam sine termino / Nobis donet in patria'25 - '0 grant us life that shall not end / in our true native land with thee.' I am not aware that Aquinas seriously thought of heaven as a celestial Roccasecca; Abelard,

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however, seems to have thought of Heaven as just like Le Pallet, only nicer. Abelard wrote frequently of exile from the heavenly Palatium, but nowhere more poignantly than in his hymn 0 Quanta Qualia (Hymn 29, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 77-8) which Frederick Brittain has described as 'one of the most beautiful and also one of the most pathetic of medieval poems, with the sad story of Abelard's life as its undertone' (Brittain, 1962: xxix): 'Nostrum est interim / mentem erigere / Et totis patriam / votis appetere / Et ad Jerusalem / a Babylonia / Post longa regredi / tandem exsilid* - it is up to us in the meantime to raise our minds and with all our desire to seek the fatherland, and to return at last from Babylon to Jerusalem, after our long exile/ Abelard was raising Heloise's mind to Heaven by means of images that were, on the one hand, scriptural, traditional and liturgical, but on the other hand also entirely personal. After all, Heloise had spent the happiest days of her life in Le Pallet; it was there that Abelard had taken her after their marriage, and there that she had given birth to their son, Astralabe. Perhaps not surprisingly, we find the combination of Christian doctrine and personal reference most markedly in Abelard's hymns for holy women. In Hymn 125 (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 259), for the second nocturn of feasts of holy women, he writes: 'lephte nata /victoris in proprium / Patris dextram / animavit iugulum' - The daughter of Jephtha urged on the right hand of her victorious father [to cut] her own throat/ The story of Jephtha and his daughter is told in Judges 11:29-40. Jephtha made a vow to God that, if He would deliver the Ammonites into Jephtha's hands, he would sacrifice the first person to meet him on his return home. Having defeated the Ammonites, Jephtha returned home and was met by his daughter. The girl had consented to be offered in sacrifice, in accordance with the terms of her father's vow. The following hymn (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 259), for the third nocturn of the same set of feasts, also refers to Jephtha's daughter: 'Si cum viris / feminas contenders / De virtute / liceat constantiae, / Quis virorum / mentis fortitudine / Adaequari / possit lephte filiae,/ Quae ne voti / pater reus sit, / Se victimam / patri praebuit!' - 'If it is permissible for women to contend with men in the virtue of constancy, which of men could equal in fortitude of mind the daughter of Jephtha, who, lest her father should be guilty of breaking a vow, offered herself as a victim to her father?' The figure of Jephtha's daughter was evidently of some importance to Abelard, for he mentions her also in a letter to Heloise (Radice, 1974: 125), in his History of Religious Women (Scott Moncrieff, 1925: 128) and in one of his Planctus (Vecchi, 1951: 48ff). I have discussed elsewhere26 the significance of Jephtha's daughter to Abelard, relating her sacrifice to that of Heloise, following the remark of Southern that 'Abelard killed Heloise and she willingly made the sacrifice of her life' (Southern, 1970: 94). I have noted that nothing is said in the Bible about the way in which Jephtha killed his daughter: The frequent mention of cutting her throat is perhaps intended to reinforce the image of sacrifice, the girl being put to death like a sacrificial lamb'

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(East, 1997: 56). These poems acknowledge the great sacrifice Heloise had made for Abelard. They are perhaps as near as he came to saying 'Sorry'. The Hymn for Lauds on the feasts of holy women (Hymn 127, Szoverffy, 1975: II, 262-3) tells two stories of Mary Magdalene.27 In terms very like those used in his History of Religious Women, Abelard celebrates her as anointing the feet of Christ, conferring upon him the 'sacraments' of priesthood and kingship: 'Christi pedes / capit unguens mulier, / Christum eum / fecit corporaliter; / Sacerdotis / et regis mysteria / Suscepisse / constant hunc a femina, / Et qui eum / sexus peperit, / Sacramenta / quoque tradidif - The woman takes the feet of Christ and anoints them. She made him bodily the Christ [i.e. 'the Anointed One']. The mysteries of priest and king allow him to receive themselves from a woman, and the sex which brought him forth also conferred the sacraments upon him.' The next stanza (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 263), again in terms reminiscent of the History of Religious Women, refers to Mary Magdalene as the first witness to Christ's Resurrection: 'Et sepulto / ferens hie aromata / Resurgentis / prius vidit gaudia' - 'And now, carrying spices to the buried one, she is the first to see the joys of the rising one.' Having in this hymn dealt with the Magdalene as anointer of Christ and witness to his resurrection, in his two hymns for the feast of Mary Magdalene Abelard presents her as the type of the repentant sinner, the 'peccatrix'. Central to Hymn 128 is the interiority of the Magdalene's repentance. Paraphrasing Psalm 50(51): 18-19, Abelard writes (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 264-5): 'Cor contritum/ tribulatus spiritus/ Holocaustis / gratius est omnibus' - 'A contrite heart, a troubled spirit, is more acceptable than all burnt sacrifices.' The rest of the hymn contrasts the external ('forts9) observances of the Old Testament with the interior ('intus') dispositions of the New, the old 'falsitas' with the new 'veritas', the old 'umbra corporis' with the new 'corpus'. The Magdalene is strikingly described as 'felix meretrix', the 'happy harlot'. By her tears she obtained instant forgiveness ('statim indulgentia'). The second hymn for Mary Magdalene's feast is described by Szoverffy as 'one of Abelard's most intriguing hymns from the point of view of interpretation' (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 266). Taking up the idea of 'instant forgiveness' from the previous hymn, Abelard contrasts this with the severe penitential disciplines of the Church (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 266-7): 'Poenitentum / severa correptio / Et eorum / longa satisfactio / Crebris carnem / edomant ieiuniis / Asperisque / cruciant cilciis [sic. Sc. ciliciis]' - 'The severe reproof of penitents, and their long period of satisfaction, overcome the flesh with cruel fasts, and torture it with harsh hair-shirts.' Szoverffy comments perceptively that this is obviously a 'criticism' of the practice, but wonders if it was prompted by Abelard's own experiences and if so, if it expresses his personal bitterness over his own treatment. He is inclined to believe that this is the correct explanation, but in the absence of any positive indication,

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thinks this must remain hypothetical (Szoverffy, 1975: II, 266). Perhaps so, but it is very much in keeping with the 'subjective' style of Abelard to intertwine his own and Heloise's experiences with his exposition of Christian doctrine. Throughout the hymns, and indeed throughout the 'seventy thousand words' which Abelard wrote for Heloise, he seeks not only to educate her, in the sense of informing her intellect, but to edify her, in the sense of building her up, raising her spirits and her self-esteem, opening her mind to appreciate her own dignity and that of her sex. These seventy thousand words form a corpus of the first importance in the history of monastic education and of women's education. Despite R.W. Southern's observations, none of these texts has the appearance of 'dreary toil'; rather, they present themselves as a labour of love. They are by no means 'unreadable', and it is time that they were more widely read.

Notes 1. My title might seem to suggest reliance on McNamer, 1991. In fact the book is quite unscholarly; one finds references to Taterlogia Latina' (p. 97) and 'Augustus' for Augustine (p. 180) and many other egregious errors. McNamer does provide a translation of the Problemata of Heloise but, caveat lectori 2. Muckle, 1950: 163-213; translation by Radice, 1974. 3. Muckle, 1955: 240-81; translation in Radice, 1974. 4. East, 1997: 43-59. The Planctus have been edited by Vecchi, 1951. 5. Clanchy, 1997: 257, quoting Luscombe, 1997: 9. 6. Text in Muckle, 1955; briefly summarized in Radice, 1974: 180-2. 7. McLaughlin, 1956: 241-92. Translation in Radice, 1974: 183-269. 8. McLaughlin, 1975: 295. The reference is to Leclercq, 1962: 172. 9. Quasi apostolas super apostolos constitutas\ Muckle, 1955: 258. Katherine Ludwig Jansen has noted other writers who refer to Mary Magdalene in these terms, and has identified a liturgical antiphon, 0 Apostolorum Apostola. See Jansen, 1998. 10. On Mary Magdalene as a feminine role model see Blamires, 1997, especially Chapter 8: The Formal Case in Abelard, Chaucer, Christine de Pizan', 199ff. 11. Radice, 1974: 133. Latin text in Muckle, 1953: 47-94; this quotation, 801. 12. Szoverffy, 1975: Hymns 128 and 129 (II: 264-9). 13. Heloise was the abbess. 14. It is printed with the works of Abelard in PL 178, col. 313-26. As with all the works of Abelard and Heloise, it is difficult to date with precision; one assumes it is later than Abelard's Rule, since she would hardly complain to him that no rule for women then existed, if she had already written her own. 15. See the work done by Waddell, 1983-85; 1987; 1989. 16. Ibid. 17. See the Index Bibliographicus in Szoverffy, 1975: II, 283-90. 18. See the Index Biblicus in Szoverffy, 1975: II, 279-82.

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19. East, 1999: 41-9. The hymn is number 39 in Szoverffy, 1975: II, 101. 20. See the instances in Livy, Caesar and Tacitus listed in Lewis and Short, 1896. 21. It is not possible to speak of Abelard changing his mind from one point of view to the other, for we cannot date either the Commentary on Romans or the Hymnary with any precision. Buytaert discusses the dating of the Commentary at some length and observes: 'We must conclude that the Commentary was redacted not later than 1137' (Buytaert, 1969: 37). Szoverffy says of the hymns: 'It should be noted here that the date of their composition cannot be ascertained, but they probably belong to a later period of Abelard's life than most scholars would be willing to assume' (Szoverffy, 1975:1, 19). Nor can we have any idea how long the ideas in either the Commentary or the Hymnary had been forming in Abelard's mind. What is certain is that the traditional view of the atonement had been attacked by St Anselm in his Cur Deus Homo (1097), long before Abelard had turned his mind to theological issues. 22. Venantius Fortunatus, Pange, Lingua, quoted from Raby, 1924: 90. 23. Translation in Dearmer, 1906: no. 95. 24. Virgil, Eclogue I, 68; in Mynors, 1969: 3. 25. Thomas Aquinas, 'Verbum supernum prodiens', in Dreves and Blume, 1886-1922: I, no. 388, p. 588. 26. East, 1997: 54ff. See also Alexiou and Dronke, 1971: 819-63. 27. On Mary Magdalene hymns see Szoverffy, 1963: 79-146; Fiinten, 1966.

10 The role of images in monastic education: the evidence from wall painting in late medieval England Miriam Gill

For medieval apologists and modern art historians alike, probably the most famous justification of religious art is that offered by Gregory the Great: 'What writing does for the literate, a picture does for the illiterate looking at it, because the ignorant see in it what they ought to do, those who do not know letters read it' (Duggan, 1989: 227). Gregory's proposed parity of words and images as sources of information is problematic (Camille, 1985: 26-49; Duggan, 1989: 227-51). However, his statement describes the basic role of monumental art in late medieval parish churches, where literacy could not be presumed and books were scarce. However, as Bernard of Clairvaux implied in his Apologia of c.1125, the Gregorian formula did not justify monastic art (Rudolph, 1990b: 10-12, 39, 51). Bernard argued such art threatened monastic enclosure by attracting pilgrims and that violent and worldly images distracted monks from reading and meditation (Rudolph, 1990b: 52, 111, 120). Bernard's catalogue of unsuitable subjects found in the cloister - 'filthy apes ... fierce lions ... monstrous centaurs ... creatures part man and part beast ... striped tigers ... fighting soldiers and hunters blowing horns' (Rudolph, 1990b: 11) - is echoed in the introduction to the English typological work, Pictor in Carmine (James, 1951: 141; Park, 1986: 199-200). The attack on distracting external imagery was also closely connected to the spiritual ideal of imageless devotion (Hamburger, 1990: 4). Monastic suspicion of images found its most striking expression in the visual austerity of the early Cistercians (Park, 1986: 197). However, in the same period, another tradition emerged exemplified by Abbot Suger of St Denis (|1151), who created and championed a distinctively monastic art 'accessible only to the litterati' (Rudolph, 1990a: 73; 1990b: 108). Suger stressed two concepts central to the justification of monastic art: that material images led to immaterial

118 Miriam Gill things (Rudolph, 1990a: 57, 70) and that the exegetical function of art was an extension of monastic lectio (Rudolph, 1990a: 71). The first idea was developed in Rhineland convents in the thirteenth century, where art gained acceptance as an aid to mystical experience (Hamburger, 1990: 3). The second idea found expression in complex typological schemes accompanied by Latin inscriptions, such as those in the Chapter House at Worcester (c. 1160-70), in late twelfth-century glass at Canterbury Cathedral, on the choir stalls at Peterborough (c.123345) and at Bury St Edmunds (Sandier, 1974: 110-15; Henry, 1990: 312, 35-41, 44, 71-3). In this Chapter I use wall painting to explore the didactic function of monumental monastic art in England from c.1300 to the Dissolution. Three specific areas will be examined: the role of murals in education for the monastic life; the visual interpretation of monastic space and activity; and the role of the monastery in the visual education of the laity. While this paper focuses on monumental painting, the important and in many instances parallel role of stained glass and monumental sculpture should be remembered. Any study of monastic wall painting in England faces problems. While not usually subject to violent iconoclasm, murals are intrinsically vulnerable to the ruin and radical alteration which befell most English religious houses after the Dissolution. For this reason, a large proportion of the surviving corpus comes from Benedictine abbeys adopted as cathedrals or parish churches. Almost no late medieval convent painting survives, although some early sixteenth-century sacred heraldry is recorded in a building associated with the Cistercian convent at Hampole in Yorkshire (Whiting, 1938-39: 206). This loss is particularly regrettable, given the remarkable mural expressions of bridal mysticism in convents at Goss in Austria (c. 1283-85) and Chelmno in Poland (mid-fourteenth century) (Hamburger, 1990: 53, 85-6). While attitudes to religious art among the Cistercians appear to have softened considerably in this later period (Park, 1986: 198-9), the fragmentary corpus may obscure the persistence of distinctions between the orders. Some polychromy - painted decoration - in monastic buildings represents the encroachment of lay patronage and concerns. For example, the simple Crucifixions and Marian subjects on the north arcade of St Albans Abbey appear to chart the gradual advance of side altars patronized by the laity from the west end to the east between c.1230 and c.1320 (Binski, 1992: 256-71). The Capella ante Portas at Hailes Abbey (Cistercian) in Gloucestershire includes many apparently secular subjects, such as grotesques, heraldry and hunting (c. 1320-40) (Park, 1986: 200-4). These instances raise the question of how monastic and parochial art are best distinguished. Not all surviving monastic polychromy is didactic. Some is simply decorative, while other schemes perform a specific liturgical function, for example accompanying an altar, as at Wimborne Minster in Dorset (Royal Commission on Historical Monuments, 1975: frontispiece). It is

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sometimes difficult to distinguish between images with a didactic and a devotional function. The saintly monks identified by inscriptions painted around the altar of St Jerome and St Benedict in Durham Cathedral were surely intended to inspire emulation as well as devotion (Fowler, 1903: 120-1). These problems of categorization emphasize that monastic education was preparation for living the religious life rather than a mental exercise in acquiring knowledge. It embraced the emotions, imagination and will, and constituted a continuous process of rediscovery and remembrance in which the whole community was involved. Finally there is the question of how we assess the contribution of didactic images. As a permanent fixture, a mural works in a different way from a treatise. To use Gregory's metaphor, it is a book which is always open, but most of the time it may be the visual equivalent of 'background noise'. While the educational careers and reading habits of monks can sometimes be reconstructed, the use of monumental art leaves few records. An anonymous late-thirteenth-century Italian treatise exhorts the young monk, who may find no model of holiness among his fellows, to study the saints depicted on the walls of the church (Leclercq, 1957: 398), but we cannot judge how much such an ideal influenced practice. Like the monastic routine or liturgy, images were pervasive, but their full didactic potential might only be realized in individual moments of engagement, perhaps prompted by preaching. Several of Bishop Thomas Brinton's (|1389) sermons to the monks at Rochester Cathedral (Benedictine) referred to the Wheel of Fortune which was painted in the choir (mid-thirteenth-century) (Devlin, 1954: I, 10, 99, 154). Education for monastic life Despite the fragmentary corpus of paintings and frequent absence of written evidence, it is possible to identify a variety of ways in which murals could contribute to education for the monastic life. One of the most striking is the emotional moment of personal engagement described in the Testament of John Lydgate. A wayward youth, Lydgate was not reformed by entering the monastery. His holy rewle was onto me rad, And expouned in ful notable wyse, Be vertuous men, religious and sad, Ful weel experte, discrete, prudent, and wys Of observaunces of many gostly empryse; I herd all weel, but towchyng to the dede, Of that thei taught I toke litel hede! Which now remembrying in my later age, Tyme of my childhode, as I reherse shall, Wythinne .x.v holdyng my passage,

120 Miriam Gill Myd of a cloyster, depicte vpon a wall, I savgh a crucifyx, whos woundes were not smalle, With this [word] 'vide', wrete there besyde, 'Behold my mekenesse, 0 child, and leve thy pryde.' (MacCracken, 1911: verses 91 and 99: 354, 356)1 Lydgate thus credits a graphic image, accompanied by the exhortation to look, with effecting a change of heart which hearing the Rule had failed to achieve. The inscription transformed the familiar image of the Crucifixion into a teaching device by associating it with the cardinal sin, Pride, and the root of the virtues, Humility.2 The direct address enhanced the emotive power of the image and invited the viewer to respond like Lydgate with repentance and amendment. This combination of devotional imagery and appeal poetry was not unique. Two related Latin appeal poems beginning Ascipe are recorded at Hatfield parish church in Yorkshire and the chantry of Abbot Islip (f 1532) in Westminster Abbey (Benedictine), probably on the east wall of the upper chapel (BL, Lansdowne 897: fol. 152r; Weever, 1631: 488, CVX; Palmer, 1990: 106).3 All these poems related to Passion imagery. For example, that at Westminster accompanied a Crucifixion surrounded by the Arma Christi (Weever, 1631: 488). The visual effect of these verses and images was probably not dissimilar to the combination of vigorous line-drawings and vernacular devotional poetry found in the Carthusian miscellany produced at Mount Grace in Yorkshire in c.1460-70 (Figure 10.1) (Hogg, 1981). Similar injunctions to 'behold' are also found in late medieval vernacular lyrics and sermons and ultimately derive from Lamentations 1:12 and the Reproaches included in the Good Friday liturgy (Gray, 1972: 140-1; Wenzel, 1986: 120, 139). Numerous inscriptions accompanying art are recorded at Bury St Edmunds (James, 1895: 186-203). If Lydgate is recalling a real event, it is intriguing to ponder the extent to which his experience inspired his later composition of poems for display alongside religious images.4 A different approach is evident in the 'painted chamber' at Cleeve Abbey (Cistercian) in Somerset, in a possibly unique depiction of an exemplum story found in German versions of the Gesta Romanorum.5 The 'painted chamber' is one of a suite of rooms built by Abbot Juyner, probably for his own use. Abbot Juyner presided over the house from 1435 to 1487 (Gilyard-Beer, 1992: 32). This mural shows an allegory of a man who finds himself trapped between the sea (the world), a lion (the flesh) and a dragon (the Devil). An angel offers him the choice of succumbing to temptation and facing divine punishment (symbolized by a sword) or resisting and gaining a heavenly crown. Fortunately he chooses the latter. The composition deliberately heightens the themes of peril and decision. The central figure is a well-dressed layman, his hands in prayer. He is trapped on a bridge by the sea, a lion (left) and a dragon (right) and flanked by St Katherine (left) and St Margaret vanquishing

Figure 10.1 Crucifixion and Arma Christi with kneeling Carthusian accompanying a complaint poem. Carthusian miscellany (c. 1460-70) (London, British Library, Additional MS 37, 049 fol. 67 verso). (By permission of the British Library.)

122 Miriam Gill the dragon (right). Two angels are shown with attributes of triumph and punishment. Rather than depicting his victory, the painting thus focuses on a moment of decision and potential conversion, implying that resistance (as expressed in the monastic life) emulates and is aided by the saints who have already overcome the three-fold enemy. The viewer is confronted with an image of the nature of monastic vocation which can galvanize the resolve to resist temptation and persevere. Unfortunately, as the purpose of the painted chamber is uncertain, we do not know if this obscure image was a personal aidememoire or a familiar sight to members of the monastic community. The power of images to prompt moral and spiritual development by presenting choices and engaging the emotions is also stressed in the early twelfth-century treatise De fructibus carnis et spiritus. It is good to represent the fruits of humility and pride as a kind of visual image so that anyone studying to improve himself can clearly see what things will result from them. Therefore we show the novices and untutored men two little trees, differing in fruits and in size, each displaying the characteristics of virtues and vices, so that people may understand the products of each and choose which of the trees they would establish in themselves. (Hugh of St Victor: De fructibus, col. 997; Caiger-Smith, 1963: 50) Such diagrammatic trees were probably considered suitable for 'novices and untutored men' because they required a less sophisticated knowledge of Latin than a passage of prose. By providing visual scaffolding on which ideas and images could be stored, such diagrams also related to contemporary memory theory (Carruthers, 1990: 85). The use of an emotive reaction to an image to prompt a moral choice is also characteristic of such theory (Carruthers, 1990: 60). The frequency of such diagrams in encyclopaedic collections, such as the Speculum virginum, suggests that they were considered appropriate and successful tools for monastic education, possibly even superior to unadorned prose.6 Although such material originated in didactic texts, by the late thirteenth century it was depicted on rolls for classroom display (Saxl, 1942: 110) and in monumental paintings, for example, the late thirteenth-century domestic scheme at Tre Fontane (Cistercian) in Rome (Park, 1986: 198-9). Versions of these visual aids entered English wall painting sometime after 1300. The debt they owe to their monastic exemplars is evident in the comparison of the Tree of Sins, the most frequently depicted of such subjects, in the earliest manuscript of the Speculum virginum (Figure 10.2) and in a wall painting at Hoxne in Suffolk of c. 1390-1410 (Long, 1930), where text has been replaced by caricatures, and complexity with simplicity (Figure 10.3). The advowson at Hoxne was held by the Benedictines of Norwich, but it is not clear whether the dissemination of such diagrams to parishes was ever the product of active monastic promotion rather than lay enthusiasm and emulation.

Figure 10.2 Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Speculum virginum (c.1140) (London, BL, Arundel 44, fol. 28 verso). (By permission of the British Library.)

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Figure 10.3 Tree of the Seven Deadly Sins. Hoxne, Suffolk (c.13901410) (Long (1930) 'Some Recently Discovered English Wall Paintings', Burlington Magazine 56, plate IIIA) (By kind permission of Professor Tristram's daughters, Mary and Philippa.)

Paintings of the Seven Deadly Sins are recorded in almost fifty British parish churches, but in only one religious house, Milton Abbas in Dorset (Benedictine). Accompanied by the Seven Corporal Works of Mercy, the murals in the south transept are known only from an antiquarian description (Hutchins, 1973: 403). Rather than using a didactic schema, such as a tree, the scenes were divided by angels bearing Latin inscriptions. Those for the Works of Mercy were biblical, while the identifiable sins followed the order of a fifteenth-century vernacular poem (Oxford, Bodl. 549; Russell, 1962-63: 115). The inscriptions for the sins may have been composed especially; the

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fragmentary inscription accompanying Anger 'Iracundus provocatur' echoes phrases in Proverbs.7 An intended monastic audience is suggested by the emphasis on brotherly love: 'Ubi est Invidia amor fratrum esse non potest' (Hutchins, 1973: 403). However, the inclusion of a label, Tryd', may suggest that a lay audience was also envisaged (Hutchins, 1973: 403). The laity worshipped in the south aisle and probably the transept also (Traskey, 1978: 152). The other surviving monastic example of a monumental didactic diagram is a mural of a moralized cherub to the right of Christ the Judge in the Chapter House at Westminster Abbey (c. 1380s).8 Documentary evidence suggests that the Chapter House paintings were financed by John of Northampton, a monk at Westminster from 1372 to 1404 (Turner, 1985: 89). The wings of the cherub are inscribed with texts charting the progress from confession to the love of God (Figure 10.4) (Turner, 1985: 91). This image derives from the treatise by Alan of Lille (|1203) De sex aliis cherubim (Alan of Lille (1885): cols 267-80). In contrast to the popularity of the Seven Deadly Sins, this subject is apparently unique in English monumental art. The Chapter House also contains an elaborate ninety-six scene Apocalypse cycle with extracts from the Vulgate and the commentary of Berengaudus written on parchment and pasted to the wall (Turner, 1985: 94-7; Binski, 1995: 187-92). The painting resembles the highly illustrated Apocalypse books produced in thirteenth-century England, one of which provided the model for the north-western scenes (Turner, 1985: 94, 97). The moralized cherub and Apocalypse were clearly designed for an educated audience. Such art was not a substitute for a book, but reproduced the form and content of an illustrated manuscript on a monumental scale for simultaneous communal study. The bookish quality of this art not only characterizes and justifies its display in a monastic context, but also functions as an extension of monastic lectio.9 Monastic reading and meditation and the instruction of novices frequently took place in the cloister. A christological cycle of thirty images is recorded in the cloister of the College of Bonhommes at Ashridge in Buckinghamshire (Todd, 1823: 58). Claustral stained glass of scriptural subjects is recorded at Peterborough (Gunton, 1990: 336) and St Albans (Clark, 1997: 121). The cloisters at Peterborough also included windows describing the history of the Abbey and the Kings of England (Gunton, 1990: 104-12, 336), while those at Durham were glazed with the life of St Cuthbert accompanied by Latin verses (Fowler, 1903: 76-7). It may be that such historical and hagiographical material was intended to complement and disseminate the chronicles and saints' lives compiled in these monasteries.10 Monumental painting and the articulation of space Just as images in the cloister may have been intended to enhance lectio and study, the image of Christ in Judgement at Westminster, already

Figure 10.4 Moralized cherub. Chapter House, Westminster Abbey (1380s) (J.G. Waller (1873) 'On the Paintings in the Chapter House, Westminster', Transactions of the London and Middlesex Archaeological Society 4, Figure 1).

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discussed, can be understood as a comment on the activities which occurred in the chapter house itself. This use of imagery to teach the meaning of space and activity is common to monastic houses and parish churches. Murals could recall the function of a space when it was not in use, reveal the spiritual and allegorical significance of an activity, or relate earthly life and worship to the heavenly realm. In the Chapter House at Westminster the figure of Christ in Judgement is behind the seat of the prior, presenting the administration of monastic discipline as a foretaste of the Last Judgement (Binski, 1995: 191).n The penitential content of the moralized cherub also relates specifically to the description in Ware's Customary (c.1270) of a 'house of confession, the house of obedience, mercy and forgiveness ... in which every failing by the brothers within or without is mercifully assuaged by confession and satisfaction' (Binski, 1995: 191). A similar desire to interpret and enhance monastic activity may be evident in a now-damaged painting (c. 1260-80) which very likely portrays St Benedict. The figure is writing a text beginning 'Orate sine1 in an area in the south transept of Winchester Cathedral which may have served as the monastic scriptorium (Constable, 1929: 76, pi. VII; Tristram, 1950: 612; Park and Welford, 1993: 126).12 It is possible that this image was intended to inspire monastic scribes to emulate their saintly founder and exemplar. Even domestic rooms could be used to reinforce didactic messages. A series of inscriptions found in the Charterhouse in Coventry included the exhortation to 'Honour the Prior'.13 Objects in frequent use could be associated with important sentiments. At St Albans, any brother consulting the conventual clock would be admonished by the Wheel of Fortune and reassured by an image of the Virgin accompanied by an inscription reminding him of her salvific role.14 Theological comment on monastic activity is perhaps most evident in refectory murals. In most monasteries dinner followed Mass and thus had specifically eucharistic associations. The two most striking refectory paintings known in fifteenth-century England depict the Crucifixion, a traditional subject, found in this context as early as the eleventh century. The first of these, now lost, at Cleeve Abbey was probably contemporary with the 'painted chamber' (James, 1926: 125, facing 127; Babington et al., 1999: 47). The second, in the Charterhouse in Coventry, contains an inscription mentioning the completion of the house under William Soland, who was prior between c.1411 and 1417 (Turpin, 1919: 251). The upper part of the composition was destroyed by the sixteenth-century insertion of a floor (Turpin, 1919: 249). At the Charterhouse, the detail of angels collecting Christ's blood in a chalice stresses the connection between the Crucifixion and the Eucharist (Figure 10.5). This is probably the earliest English mural example of this Italianate motif apparently introduced in the Litlington Missal (1383-84) (Binski, 1995: 193). A seated figure of St Anne, the

Figure 10.5 Lower portion of Crucifixion with angels collecting blood from Christ's wounds and the Centurion. Former refectory, Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411-17). (By permission of Charterhouse Enterprise Ltd.)

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dedicatee of the house, is shown on the favoured north side teaching her daughter to read (Figure 10.6) (Turpin, 1919: 250). The Virgin and Child are on the south.15 The depiction of a patron in the refectory is usual and can be compared to paintings in the Benedictine Priory of Horsham St Faith in Norfolk where the Crucifixion accompanied images of the patron saint and the foundation of the house, £.1250, repainted c.1440 (Park and Howard, 1996: 388). The conventional image of St Anne teaching her daughter may also have resonated with the practice of reading aloud during meals. Under the Carthusian rule, the brothers would only eat together in the refectory on Sundays and festivals. Their refectory painting expressed the sacramental significance of their communal dining and also their allegiance to their saintly patron on whose festivals they gathered there. Monastic art and a wider audience In late medieval England both monastic cathedrals and isolated houses created art for lay visitors. Some such schemes were clearly provided to enhance lay devotion and pilgrimage. Such an intention is evident in the murals around the miraculous image of the Virgin at Bradwell Abbey in Buckinghamshire which date from the later fourteenth century (Rouse, 1973: 34-8). A document from St Albans of c.1428 and the remains of the scheme it describes provides us with a unique insight into the possible didactic motivation behind such monastic provision.16 The first section of the text is a general apology for religious art, with a Gregorian emphasis on teaching the illiterate, but also a warning about the dangers of adoring images (Riley, 1870-71: I, 418-19). The second section describes the new paintings around the chapel of the Holy Cross, in the north transept (Riley, 1870-71: I, 419-21). The final section of the document describes how veneration of St Lawrence and St Grumbald, disrupted by the demolition of the almonry chapel, was re-established at the altar, probably at the insistence of William Wynturshille the almoner, who established a chantry there (Lloyd, 1873: 421-3). The document describes two pillars (probably the piers of the arcade). One signifying love of God was painted an earth colour to recall the lowliness of humanity, the other signifying love of neighbour, red, for Christ's blood. Both were adorned with Emblems of the Passion and the following verse: Vincla, flagella, minae, probra, sputa, columna, spinaque Derisus, colaphi, nudatio, lancea, clavi Cum calamis, felle, crux, laus fuit ista fideli. (Riley, 1870-71: I, 420)

The base of the first pillar was identified, possibly by an inscription, as humility and its turret as charity, and the base of the second as virtue,

Figure 10.6 Lower portion, St Anne teaching the Virgin to read. Former refectory, Charterhouse, Coventry (c.1411-17). (By permission of Charterhouse Enterprise Ltd.)

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with its turret as honour. Both turrets contained angels with an admonitory text (Riley, 1870-71: I, 420).17 Two further angels (position unknown) were associated with comforting Christ and heralding his victory. There were also a 'history of the Passion' and one of the Resurrection with these verses inscribed between them: Mors tua, mors Christi, fraus mundi, gloria coeli, Et dolor inferni, sint memoria tibi: In cruce sum pro te; qui peccas, desine pro me; Desine, condono; pugna, juvo; vince corono. (Roberts, 1993: 41) Of this ensemble only fragments of the verses and a scene of Doubting Thomas (the history of the Resurrection) survive (Figure 10.7) (Roberts, 1993: 39-41). The painting below probably showed the Crucifixion (Lloyd, 1873: 21). The St Albans document is preserved among a collection of brief works of a historical nature, several relating to the Abbey and its fittings. It seems likely that it was composed by and for the monastic community and intended for general instruction in the history and contents of the Abbey. The lengthy justification of religious art and stress on the prohibition of image worship may also suggest an antiLollard context (Roberts, 1993: 39).18 Similar concerns may be evident in the inscriptions recorded by Weever elucidating the distinction between religious images and the object of religious devotion (Weever, 1631: cxiv). The St Albans text is replete with scriptural allusion, but the scheme was 'near the public path, where many persons pass by and go out' (Lloyd, 1873: 21).19 Friars and secular clergy were allowed to celebrate mass in the chapel (Lloyd, 1873: 23). Did the monks at St Albans overestimate their lay visitors when they provided them with such a rich combination of Latin texts, images and colour symbolism? Certainly, the conjunction of words and images displayed in the north transept at St Albans is reminiscent of that which Lydgate described in the cloister at Bury St Edmunds. The texts displayed also link the scheme to public art in other religious houses. The poem inscribed with the Arma Christi at St Albans shares its opening words with one recorded at Bury St Edmunds in c.1300 (James, 1895: 197). Variants of 'In cruce sum' formed the conclusion of the appeal poems at Hatfield and Westminster described above (BL, Lansdowne 897: fol. 152r; Weever, 1631: 488; Palmer, 1990: 106). English and Latin versions of this commonplace poem are included in later medieval sermons (Wenzel, 1978: 119, 164-5). The texts at St Albans thus belong to a corpus of material which was probably familiar to someone with rudimentary Latin. The verses at St Albans also relate to the well-documented practice of displaying texts in churches, especially monasteries, cathedrals and places of pilgrimage. Material displayed included prayers, hagiography, church guides and more general historical information, appeals for

Figure 10.7 Christ appearing to Doubting Thomas ('History of the Resurrection') and remains of appeal text below. Former Chapel of the Holy Cross, north transept, St Albans Cathedral (c.1428). (Photograph D. Kelsall. By permission of St Albans Cathedral.)

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prayers for benefactors, and lists of indulgences. 20 William of Worcester remarked on the thirty-four 'tables' containing 'many devotions and good reminders to devotion and the arousing of all Christian souls to God' in Sheen Charterhouse (Harvey, 1969: 271). It may be that in the later Middle Ages the display of informative and devotional texts was regarded as one of the attractions of a prominent church and that the monks of St Albans were sensitive to visitor expectations. Conclusion By the end of the Middle Ages both Benedictine cathedrals and traditionally austere Cistercian and Carthusian houses in England contained monumental paintings intended to inform and enhance monastic life. These employed a wide variety of strategies. Some used texts and devotional images to make an emotional appeal. The painting at Cleeve presented an uncompromising allegory of the nature of monastic vocation to strengthen resolve. The moralized cherub at Westminster is the only monumental example of the type of mnemonic image pioneered in monastic formation literature. Other scriptural and historical paintings complemented monastic reading and in the case of the Apocalypse at Westminster replicated the form of an illustrated book. Monumental paintings were also used to gloss monastic activity and in particular to suggest hidden theological and spiritual significance. As the scheme at St Albans demonstrates, it is often hard to distinguish between devotional and didactic images, and between those intended for a lay or a monastic audience. Indeed, we may question whether such distinctions depend on the position of a painting rather than its content, or indeed if they are appropriate at all. As Lydgate's experience suggests, an inscription might introduce a didactic note into an apparently devotional image and harness religious emotion for moral amendment. At St Albans the laity were provided with the Latin texts and complex symbolism associated in earlier centuries with a distinctively monastic type of art. A shared visual culture of devotion is also evident in the stone carving found in a cell at Mount Grace depicting the Image of Pity, which was also disseminated to lay people in woodcuts produced by the Carthusians (Bertelli, 1967: 47-9; Hall, 1993: 104, 107). Both these instances suggest a deliberate monastic dissemination of imagery, possibly in response to lay aspiration. However, in the case of the most striking lay adoption of imagery with a monastic origin, parochial paintings of mnemonic images of didactic material such as the Seven Deadly Sins, the role of the monasteries is harder to trace. It may have been minor, for this imagery was familiar in manuscripts used by the secular clergy and laity by the thirteenth century. While it is sometimes difficult to identify a distinctively monastic form of art in later medieval England,

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the corpus of monastic paintings can be regarded as a development of the interest in exegetical imagery evident in earlier centuries, rather than necessarily a symptom of secularization. It may even be that the shared experience of monumental art became more important to communities as their common lives became fragmented (Clark, 1997: 121). The issues and problems revealed by this consideration of monumental monastic art are encapsulated in the final stanzas of Lydgate's poem on the Image of Pity, a monastic work written in Middle English for a mixed audience. These make it clear that the power of imagery to recall and prompt meditation on Scriptures, to inspire greater devotion and moral commitment, and to impress itself into the memory led to an acceptance of the monumental 'books of the illiterate' as a fit tool to educate the emotions and wills of the religious. Enprynt thes wordes myndly thy hert within, Thynk how thow sest Cryst bledyng on the tre, And yf thow steryd or temptyd be to syne It shall sone sese and pase a-way from the. Remembre all so this dolorus pytie, How that this blyssid ladye thus doth enbrace Her dere son ded, lygyng vpen her kne, Andf payne of deth, thow shall not fayII of grace. Lerne well this lesson, it is bothe short and lyght, For with this same the wekest creature That ys on lyffe may putte the fend to flyght And saffe hym-selffe in sole and body sure To suche entent was ordeynt purtreture And ymages of dyverse resemblaunce, That holsom storyes thus shewyd in fygur May rest with ws with dewe remembraunce. (MacCracken, 1911: 298)

Notes 1. The extracts from Lydgate are reproduced with the kind permission of the Council of the Early English Text Society. Grateful thanks also to Kristin Bliksrund Aavitsland for her help with Tre Fontane. 2. For the well-known practice of 'reading' a crucifix in relation to the Seven Deadly Sins (Barnum, 1976: 83-4). 3. Grateful thanks to Dr John Goodall for his help in confirming the probable position of the inscription. 4. Pearshall, 1970: 181-3. 5. Oesterley, 1872: 28, 40, 49, 51, 56, 86, 101, 120, 135, 141, 597; Park, 1986: 206-8, pi. 88; Babington et at., 1999: 46-7. 6. ' Ut melius innotescat ex pictura, si quid dignum proferri potest ex scriptum' (Hamburger, 1990: 300, note 74) For the Speculum see Mews (forthcoming).

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7. Proverbs 15:18: lvir iracundus provocat rixas qui patiens'; Proverbs 29:22: l vir iracundus provocat rixas'. 8. Turner, 1985: 90-1; Binski, 1995: 189; Babington et al., 1999: 10, 30-2. 9. This possibility is discussed in Clark, 1997: 121. 10. I am grateful to Dr James Clark of the University of Oxford for drawing this possibility to my attention. 11. A similar scheme was executed at St Albans by Abbot Thomas (1349-96) (Riley, 1867-69: III, 386; Binski, 1995: 188). 12. At St Albans, St Benedict was depicted in the cloister: Riley, 1867-69: III, 386. 13. London, Society of Antiquaries, Brown Portfolio for Warwickshire: fol. 6. 14. Clark, 1997: 121. For the Wheel of Fortune see Riley, 1867-69: III, 385. The text accompanying the Virgin may be found in Riley, 1873: II, 298. 15. Incorrectly identified as St Catherine and the former Lollard, Nicholas Hereford (Turpin, 1919: 250-1). 16. BL, Harleian 3775 no. 11, fols. 122-3r; Riley, 1870-71:1, 418-25; Lloyd, 1873: 20-3. 17. The ascent from humility to charity may derive from the Tree of Virtue in Hugh of St Victor, De fructibus, col. 1002-5. 18. The manuscript context was drawn to my attention by Dr Clark. For the abbey's opposition to Lollardy, see Clark, 1997: 271-82. 19. Abbot William (1214-35) placed images here 'ad laicorum ... aedificationem et consolationem saecularium' (Riley, 1867-69: I, 287). 20. For example, hagiography and history at Stone Priory in Staffordshire (Gerould, 1917: 323-5); the tombs of the benefactors, Worksop Priory in Nottinghamshire (Gerould, 1917: 336); indulgences at Durham Cathedral (Fowler, 1903: 43).

11 Ghostly mentor, teacher of mysteries: Bartholomew, Guthlac and the Apostle's cult in early medieval England Graham Jones

The relationship between Guthlac and his imagined

spirit-mentor

Guthlac's education when he forsook the monastery of Repton was as full and fashionable as any man of Mercian royal descent could reasonably hope for around the year 700.l He had learned the ways of the world as a soldier before entering Repton as a novice. There, under the direction of Abbess /Elfthryth he became proficient in letters and monastic routine. He learned to sing in the Roman mode lately introduced to Britain. Yet his preparation for life as a hermit at Crowland was deficient in one respect. This man who had shunned the company of his fellow-monks, and had studied the Lives of the Egyptian hermits, had not foreseen, even so, the depths of loneliness he would encounter in solitude. Judging from his near-contemporary biography (721-49) by an otherwise unknown monk named Felix, the loneliness began to express itself in two clinical forms.2 One was extreme anxiety, described as torments by devils;3 the other was depression, accidie. As his biographer Felix put it, the 'poisoned arrow' of aching despair.4 During a particularly serious episode, and after three days not knowing what to do, Guthlac sang Psalm 120, 'In tribulatione invocavi dominum et reliqua', and found himself in the presence of a teacher not of this world. Thereafter Guthlac learned to cope with the solitude by dependence on this spiritual mentor, a soul-friend. His imagined rescuer and henceforth exemplar was the Apostle Bartholomew. Although, according to Felix, Guthlac now 'began to inhabit the desert with complete confidence in the help of St Bartholomew', nevertheless, this was the beginning of a relationship characterized by visions of Hell and an acute sense of its dangers (Colgrave, 1956: 89). Demons are a major feature of Guthlac's mental landscape as portrayed

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by his biographer. Bartholomew the imagined mentor acts as a role model and intervenes in demonic episodes. In one violent crisis, Guthlac dreams that the Apostle comes to his rescue after Guthlac had been abducted into Hell. Bartholomew then orders the offending devils to take Guthlac back to the reality of his lodgings (Colgrave, 1956: 100-9). Guthlac's choice of Bartholomew as his mentor has important implications for our understanding of his spiritual formation and ambitions, and his subsequent ministry and education of others. It also raises questions about the significance of Bartholomew's wider veneration within the English church. The relationship was emphasized while Guthlac's memory was very much still alive in a formal coda to his biography. Felix's Life of Guthlac was written most probably within fifteen to twenty-five years of Guthlac's death in 714, with the help, inter alia, of Guthlac's successor Cissa, and ^Ethelbald King of Mercia (716-57) who sought oracles from Guthlac while a prince in exile. A series of verses at the end of the earliest surviving, ninth-century, manuscript spell out in the initial letters of successive lines BEATUS GUTHLAC and in the final letters BARTHOLOMEUS.5 It was the opinion of Bertram Colgrave that these verses were intended to be inscribed on the saint's shrine, probably the one built for him by King ^Ethelbald 'with wonderful structures and ornamentation' (Colgrave, 1956: 27).

How the relationship was presented to subsequent generations of religious-in-training Felix addressed his Latin biography to King ^Ifwald of East Anglia (|749). However, as in the case of its adaptation into Old English verse, it is clear that it was composed for audiences which heard the story every year on Guthlac's feast day, 11 April, and perhaps on other occasions.6 Various observations support the likelihood that these audiences were monastic. The text's overall theme is the value of the monastic life as a means of fighting for Christ. At a detailed level, scholars have perceived textual influences (on the verse Lives particularly) from Benedict's Rule, plus a number of other internal clues including a consistent etymology of the Apostle's name intelligible to educated religious.7 Further, such knowledgeable audiences schooled in accounts of the Apostle and familiar with his veneration would have best appreciated the allusions to Guthlac's relationship with Bartholomew. Thus, according to Felix, it was on Bartholomew's feast day, then celebrated

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on 25 August, that Guthlac first set foot on the island of Crowland. It was on that day too, wrote Felix, that Guthlac arrived a second time after he had returned to Repton almost immediately for three months to settle his affairs. Generations of quick-thinking young monks spotted, but were not perturbed by, the impossibility of one or the other date. What mattered was the implied auspiciousness of Bartholomew's feast day in the mind of their founder or honoured alumnus (Colgrave, 1956: 4). Felix alluded again to Guthlac's attachment to his imagined mentor in reporting the date, 'five days before the feast of Bartholomew', of the consecration of the Crowland hermitage and Guthlac's ordination (Colgrave, 1956: 146-7). That attachment was to be commemorated many times over at Crowland (as probably at Repton) and to become part of the future Benedictine monastery's educative stock-in-trade. Novices from the eighth to the sixteenth centuries learned to place the Apostle at the centre of their understanding of Guthlac. Just how enduring, strong and thematically focused was the pervasive relationship is demonstrated by the surviving evidence of text, image and cult. For example, Guthlac's debt to the Apostle was emphasized liturgically, as in a set of eleventh-century choral responses for Guthlac's feast day.8 The most important artistic evidence is in the socalled Guthlac Roll, a series of roundels showing scenes from Guthlac's Life in which Bartholomew figures prominently.9 This life dates from the twelfth century when English enthusiasm was kindled for dedicating hospitals in Bartholomew's honour. At Crowland on Bartholomew's day, 1136, Guthlac's remains were translated to a new shrine.10 Despite these facts and the date of the vita, this twelfthcentury hagiographical text may preserve much older local traditions. Specifically, as Colgrave pointed out, two pieces of local tradition involving the Apostle were illustrated by the artist of the Roll (Colgrave, 1956: 13). In the eighth roundel Bartholomew presents Guthlac with a scourge, and in the ninth Guthlac uses this scourge to drive away devils. Elsewhere a book is shown (Warner, 1928: 23). This may allude to the local tradition that Guthlac possessed a Psalter, and this Bartholomew appears to hold in a fold of his garment in the eighth roundel. Guthlac is shown with the book in earlier scenes and in the ninth roundel it lies on the altar in his oratory while he scourges the devils. Pilgrims to Guthlac's shrine at Crowland took home miniatures of the flaying knife, the legendary instrument of Bartholomew's torture, but for the commissioner and designers of the roll and their intended daily audience, the crucial motif which linked mentor and pupil was the scourge.11 Above the Abbey's west door, a central sculpture put Guthlac's scourging of a devil at the heart of his story. Obvious allusions are the scourging of Jesus; and, with the book, the prefiguring of Flagellation ritual in which participants scourged themselves to the accompaniment of Psalms.12 Here such allusions underline the central theme, Guthlac's exorcism of demons following the example of his mentor.

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Combat with devils characterized literary traditions about Bartholomew and was a familiar motif of hermit stories from Antony onwards.13 It was in such contexts that the religious-in-training would have accessed the deep meanings to be learned from their founder's story. From the verse lives they knew Guthlac's rescuer from the demons as dryhtnes ar, halig ofheofonum, 'the Lord's messenger, holy from heaven', the conduit of 'terror coming from above to the wretched spirits' (Olsen, 1981: 37, 127). If confirmation is sought of the importance of Guthlac's Bartholomew-like powers of exorcism, it is here. For example, the poet of one of the verse Lives, 'Guthlac A', concentrated on Guthlac's imagined fight against devils for possession of the Fenland in greater detail than Felix did.14 Novices were encouraged to focus on Guthlac's ministry of exorcism and healing as learned from a supernatural exponent. Meanwhile, a miraculous relic known as 'St Guthlac's Bell', kept at Repton until the Dissolution of the monasteries, was deemed efficacious for headaches; bells were understood to have the power of purifying the air and driving away devils.15 The compiler of a ninth- or tenth-century version of the Latin Life which belonged to St Augustine's, Canterbury, went so far as to preface it with a Life of St Paul the Hermit, associate of the demonfighting Antony.16 Hence, religious-in-training at Crowland were given an introduction to their own spiritual mentor Guthlac permeated in text and image with motifs and ideas springing from representations of Bartholomew. Not least of these were sacred writings, both biblical and apocryphal. The likely patterns of devotion from which the relationship sprang

Bartholomew in text The biblical Bartholomew By the ninth century the practice had begun of identifying the disciple known by his patronymic Bartholomew (Son of Tolmai), mentioned in the Gospels of Matthew, Mark and Luke - but only in their lists of the Twelve, which coupled him with Philip - with a disciple known by his given name Nathanael 'of Cana', mentioned only in the Gospel of John.17 John reported Nathanael's recruitment by Philip and his consequent conversation with Jesus. In John 1:47 Jesus tells Nathanael, who is described as 'an Israelite without guile', that he has seen him under a fig tree - the 'tree of knowledge'.18 If it is possible to sense here an implied suggestion of a second sight, then added significance is lent to Jesus's bestowal (in John 1:51) of a second sight on Nathanael-Bartholomew: 'You shall see heaven laid open and,

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above the Son of Man, the angels of God ascending and descending/ It is hoped to demonstrate that this allusion to Jacob's vision at Bethel, an episode understood exegetically as a mythologizing of the Hebrews' appropriation of the Canaanite temple of Baal at Bethel, is crucial in interpreting Bartholomew's importance for Guthlac and for the Church in early medieval Europe in general.19 Since the allusion, on this hypothesis, points directly ahead to the later legend of Bartholomew's doings (in a career whose course may have been run historically by c.60), its inclusion in the Gospel of John by 100 conceivably points to an origin for the legend no more than half a century after the career it purported to describe.20 The apocryphal Bartholomew The credibility of such an origin is supported by the circulation within two centuries of the Apostle's discipleship of a text known to Jerome (c.341-420) as The Gospel of Bartholomew, proscribed by 'Gelasius' but since lost (James, 1954: 166ff). This has been identified with a second, The Questions of Bartholomew, known to Bede at Jarrow and therefore presumably at other English monasteries in the time of Guthlac (James, 1954: 166-81).21 This esoteric book relates directly to demonic themes in Guthlac's pupilship under Bartholomew. For example, it includes an account of Bartholomew's humiliation and interrogation of the Devil as allowed by Christ. As Bartholomew presses the face of the demon (Beliar) into the earth, the latter asks for respite and reveals his true name, Satan; how he and his fellow fallen angels were chased from heaven by Michael and the heavenly host; and how he deceives men into sin. Afterwards Bartholomew asks forgiveness for sinners and receives Christ's blessing and permission to reveal 'these secrets' to 'as many as are faithful and are able to keep them unto themselves'.22 In a third text, The Book of the Resurrection of Christ by Bartholomew the Apostle, Bartholomew is again associated with visions of Christ harrowing Hell and crowned in Heaven.23 At the Ascension, each apostle is separately blessed and in many cases described by reference to his future role. Of Bartholomew the text says: 'He will be the depositary of the mysteries of the Son' (my italics) (James, 1954: 185).24 Later 'the apostles thanked and blessed Bartholomew for what he had told them: he should be called the apostle of the mysteries of God1 (my italics) (James, 1954: 184). A fourth apocryphal work is the Acts of Bartholomew, to be found in Book Eight of the Apostolic History by Pseudo-Abdias. This work was probably put together in Prankish Gaul, perhaps a century or so before the birth of Guthlac. Richard Lipsius thought it was based on a Nestorian exemplar, probably dating from the fifth century.25 In fact many earlier texts were used by the Prankish redactor, possibly including the original of a preface attributed to Ambrose of Milan (S39-97).26 Elsewhere in the Apostolic History (in The Acts of Philip} Bartholomew helps in the destruction of a shrine at Hieropolis. Here

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Bartholomew's presence 'in India' disrupts the healing of a temple 'demon', Astaroth, whose followers seek the oracle of a second 'demon', Beirith, in another unnamed city. Bartholomew casts out a devil, cures King Polymius's daughter, shatters an idol, has an angel re-consecrate its temple, and summons up the idol's demon. The king is baptized but his brother Astriges's idol, Vualdath, is broken and Astriges has Bartholomew put to death.27 The names of these demonized deities may provide a crucial clue to the ultimate origins and purposes of the legend. Far from being a south Asian male divinity, Astaroth is the Hebraicized name of the Phoenician Astarte, earth mother and moon goddess, corresponding to Aphrodite and patron of the city of Sidon. When Astaroth's followers go to another city to consult Beirith, perhaps the eponymous patroness of Beryt, modern Beirut, is meant. Beryt, progenitor of the Phoenician pantheon, was also known as Baalat, patroness of Byblos, to the north.28 She and Astarte, therefore, were aspects of the same deity. Together with the supreme divinity El (represented by the Biblical El Elyon, 'the most high god'), she and her consort Baal (Vualdath of the Bartholomew legend?) stood at the core of Canaanite worship. The implication forces itself upon the reader, therefore, that India stands for the Levant and insofar as Bartholomew was destroying other peoples' deities, he was attacking those of the ancient rivals of the Hebrews - deities also adopted by Israel.29 Even the name Polymius can be etymologized. 'Polymius' is 'Ptolemy' without its 't', and 'Ptolemy' is Tolmai', the patronymic of Nathaniel as identified with 'bar Tolmai', Bartholomew.30 Since the composition of the Phoenician pantheon had long been familiar in the West, the true identities of the deities in The Acts of Bartholomew were only thinly disguised for more educated members of Western monastic communities.31 When Guthlac decided to become a hermit on the island of Crowland, under Bartholomew's example, he would also have known from readings of Gregory of Tours that Bartholomew's body had been enshrined on the island of Lipari off Sicily.32 The travels of English clerics and religious will have brought them into contact with the miracles and wonders associated with the shrine, if only at second hand, and their experiences may have been reported in the Repton refectory. Bartholomew and Guthlac in the context of early medieval mentality and mission Guthlac's motivation in his choice of imagined mentor Under Bartholomew's tutorship, Guthlac became seer and oracle. However, he was best remembered for his exorcisms: for example, he exorcized Hwaetred (a noble of the East Angles), Ecga, a companion (gesith) of ^Ethelbald (Colgrave, 1956: 130-3), and his own pupil,

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Beccel, who had been tempted to cut Guthlac's throat while shaving him.33 Then, too, there is Guthlac's contest with so-called demons for possession of his chosen home at Crowland, an ancient burial chamber, together with the barrow, or beorg, on which it stood and the Fenland round about. Small wonder that by the thirteenth century his reputation was 'supreme tamer, or conqueror, of monsters, Monstrorum domitor'.34 When Guthlac is described by Felix as abducted into Hell, and Bartholomew rescuing him, the resonances with Bartholomew's apocryphal visions of Heaven and Hell, and Christ's narration to Bartholomew of his harrowing of Hell, are deafening (Olsen, 1981: 50).35 There can be no doubt of the deep meanings of these esoteric motifs for the early medieval Church, whether in the East or in 'Dark Age' Britain. Bartholomew is introduced in the verse Lives as 'ofermaecg', literally 'the man above' or 'the son or kins-person from above'. Alexandra Olsen has pointed out that this 'hapax legomenon' runs parallel to what is correctly described as the 'consistent' etymology of the name Bartholomew by the Commentators. It is explained as filius suspendentis aquas - 'son of one who suspends the waters (or himself), that is, son of God' (Ryan, 1993: II, 109). Ofermaecg has been noticed as an almost precise equivalent of this etymology's reduction to filius ('son') and celsus ('above') in the poetic works of Sedulius Scotus, the Irish monk who established a centre of learning at Liege in 848.36 The Hebrew Nathan-'el, 'God has given [a son]', consequently takes on particular significance. In choosing Bartholomew as mentor, Guthlac was making a statement about himself, setting himself an agenda of spiritual and therapeutic formation and achievement. He was tying his reputation and posthumous remembrance to that of an apostolic hero and, in effect, engaging in a programme of religious appropriation.

Retrospective evidence from the dedications of churches One largely unexplored area of study with the potential to illuminate monastic training in the early Middle Ages, as well as the mentality and cultural background from which sprang an imagined pupilship like Guthlac's (and further, the wider popularity of individual universal cults in Anglo-Saxon England), is the spatial pattern of religious dedications. Margaret Gelling has accepted forty-four places in England whose names are taken as indicative of pre-Christian Germanic religious activity; names such as Woden's beorg, encountered inter alia at Wednesbury in Staffordshire, fall into this category (Figure 11.1).37 No fewer than twenty-two (possibly twenty-four) of these places are located in ancient parishes under Bartholomew's patronage or contiguous to, or no more than five miles from, one or more such parishes. Wednesbury is a case in point, evidenced under the Apostle's

Figure 11.1 St Bartholomew church dedications and place-names indicative of non-Christian religious activity, based on Gelling, 1988: Figure 11. 4- St Bartholomew dedications in close proximity; C: Crowland; G: a unique cluster of Guthlac dedications. Place-names are categorized by symbol: • Woden; • Tiw, Thor or Thunor; H Hearg, 'temple'; i names in weoh, '(Roadside) shrine'; A names containg nimet-, nemeton.

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patronage from at least 1413. Since only 180 of England's fourteen thousand or so ancient parishes have Bartholomew as their patron, this is a striking and statistically significant correlation. It is even more striking when dedications of ancient churches in honour of Bartholomew are mapped (Figure 11.2). Their spatial distribution is far from random. No fewer than a fifth of these parishes lie within the extent of two neighbouring Anglo-Saxon dioceses, those of the peoples known as the Hwicce (with their cathedral at Worcester) and the Magonsaetan (whose cathedral was at Hereford). Mapping Bartholomew churches and 'pagan' place-names together, further patterns emerge. For example, Essex has a number of places with names from the god Thunor, chiefly along its borders, but hardly any Bartholomew churches, and Hampshire likewise. In contrast there are no 'pagan' names but several Bartholomew churches in Norfolk and Suffolk, the kingdom of East Anglia over which ^Ifwald, Felix's patron, ruled. As for Guthlac himself, it may be no coincidence that churches in his honour are concentrated in a single district of north Leicestershire close to a handful of places with 'pagan' names. These correlations are best explained as zones of Christianization. However, it is not only Ceiling's Germanic place-names that correlate well with Bartholomew dedications. So do places whose names derive from the British nemet (temple or shrine) in Cornwall, Devon, Somerset and Gloucestershire - in short, the 'Celtic West'. One is Nympsfield, in whose neighbouring parish of Uley a healing shrine of Mercury was replaced by a church c.380. A number of Bartholomew churches have notably high elevations, had royal associations and were sited in curvilinear yards. Three examples suffice. Areley Kings, Worcestershire, is set in a high, round yard, looking out over the river Severn, in whose sandstone cliffs are caves with traditions of eremitical occupation. This is where Layamon wrote his Brut, a Middle English romantic history of Britain.38 From Tardebigge, Worcestershire, a panoramic view takes in the distant Malvern and Clee hills. Its yard is high and round and has a well on its perimeter. The other church associated with the place's founder, Earl Tyrdda, is that of Tredington, dedicated in honour of Gregory. Churchdown, Gloucestershire, also has a high round yard, as well as a British place-name, and is sited within an Iron Age fort looking out over Gloucester. Churchdown was the caput of the tenth-century royal estate with which was endowed Gloucester's second minster, St Oswald's.

Possible contexts for early insular devotion Kings and their idols: educating the king If there is a true distinction to be drawn from the evidence in eastern England of the Bartholomew dedications (all but absent in Essex) in

Figure 11.2 Distribution of churches dedicated in honour of St Bartholomew and Guthlac: • Bartholomew; O Guthlac; + Old English names; A 'British' names; Wansdyke. Inset map: Early medieval dioceses and kingdoms: B, Brycheiniog; Be, Bernicia; C, Chichester; D, Dorchester; Du, Dumnonia; E, (PElmet) archdeaconry of York; EA, East Angles; ES, East Saxons; H, Hwicce; K, Kent; L, Landaf; Li, Lichfield; M, Magonsaetan; MA, Middle Angles; S, Sarum; Si, Sidnacester; Su, Surrey; W, Winchester.

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conjunction with the 'pagan' place-names (all but absent in Norfolk and Suffolk), it is possible that it echoes the contrasting attitudes of AngloSaxon kings towards Christianity. The role of Polymius and Astriges in the Bartholomew legend may have been pointed out to such kings, in association perhaps with the example of Solomon and Josiah, with the expectation that Christian holy men would throw down their 'idols'. It is the latter allusion which seems crucial in searching for an early medieval context for Bartholomew dedications.39 The eremitical ideal Some dedications in Bartholomew's honour may have arisen from his perceived role as seer and keeper of mysteries since they appear to have been associated with places of hermitage. This category includes places associated with hermits who took Bartholomew's name, such as Bartholomew of Fame (tH93). The case of Plegmund's place of hermitage, Barrow in Cheshire, may also involve the theme of Christianization since the place-name Beam, 'grove', potentially indicates a pre-existing sacred site. Appropriation of sacred places Guthlac's imitation of Bartholomew in his opposition to demons explicitly equates his struggle for possession of his chosen home, the burial chamber and mound at Crowland, with the Apostle's overthrow of deities whose places of worship were required to be appropriated for Christian use. But whose deities were implied in the Guthlac story? Whose religious buildings were to be acquired? Three categories invite examination: pre-Christian cemeteries, healing shrines and places of worship. Pre-Christian cemeteries According to Felix, the Fenland demons spoke British - a strange observation unless it had a purpose, since British was a language familiar to Mercians.40 Guthlac's father Penwalh, and perhaps his sister Pega, had names derived from British originals. British had been spoken in the neighbourhood of Repton within two decades or so of Guthlac's birth (Gelling, 1988: 101). Yet the devils of Guthlac A are 'menacing forces'. Perhaps it was an attempt to demonize the British in general. Felix described how in the days of Coenred, king of the Mercians, the British nation, the enemies of the Saxon race, were troubling the English with attacks, pillaging and devastations of the people. (Colgrave, 1956: 109) At the same time, these demons inhabit a burial chamber within a tumulus.41 A plan of the supposed foundations of Guthlac's cell, a former chapel at Anchor Church Hill just south-east of Crowland

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Abbey, was published more than a century ago.42 It has been suggested that it represents the foundations of a Roman rather than a Bronze Age or Neolithic barrow. Healing shrines At least one of the nemeto- places with devotion to Bartholomew is associated with a healing shrine, namely Nympsfield in Gloucestershire, adjoining Uley where the Romano-British temple was Christianized c.380. A recent study of this association has identified a geographical pattern of dedications in honour of Antony which, like that of Bartholomew, has a concentration in western England (Jones, 1999: 121-3). Both Antony and Bartholomew were deemed efficacious in the later Middle Ages for skin disease; both Antony and Guthlac were tormented by devils. The apparent nexus between conditions of skin and mind invites analysis. Antony held great interest for the early medieval insular churches. For example, he was shown on the Ruthwell Cross, c.700, together with his companion the hermit Paul.43 It is difficult to determine the likeliest period at which the appropriation of healing shrines would have led to Bartholomew's patronage. Thus the apostle's final resting place was a church at Rome built on the site (on an island in the Tiber) of a temple of the healer Aesculapius, but while this translation took place only in 983 the site had been appropriated by the church at a much earlier date.44 Places of worship The Acts of Bartholomew contains many allusions to the appropriation of religious buildings. An angel marks the temple of Astaroth with the cross, an early example of the motif of supernatural consecration of churches. This mirrors episcopal consecration ritual, whose liturgy included Christ's prophecy regarding Nathaniel as a latter-day Jacob at Bethel.45 Gregory exhorted Augustine not to destroy temples but to convert them to Christian use. He is generally assumed to be speaking about temples of the English, but Guthlac's demons spoke British and, by analogy with the Bartholomew legend, Felix may have meant them to represent deities, not devotees. Were these then Celtic deities, still worshipped by British Fen-dwellers 300 years after Constantine made Christianity the state religion, and conceivably also adopted by English incomers? Overall, therefore, the Guthlac-Bartholomew story, together with the geography of medieval devotion to the Apostle, may shed important light on the Christianization process in England. What role did it play therefore in monastic education? Christianization was high on the monastic agenda, and the novitiate were prepared for it by familiarity with the lives of evangelizers like Bartholomew and Guthlac. But at what period did this happen? Was Guthlac among those taking up a work previously ignored by the urban hierarchy of the British

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church? That is difficult to argue in the light of the Christian appropriation at Uley, for example. The first church there may have been contemporary with Martin of Tours's destruction of shrines in Gaul (372-97) and/or the composition of the Milanese (Ambrosian) Preface on the evangelizing Bartholomew, if this is to be attributed to Ambrose himself (339-97) or to the early editor of the Ambrosian Sacramentary, bishop Laurentius of Milan (490-512).46 In the light of current knowledge about 'Dark Age' learning in western Britain and Ireland, and contacts with the Continent, it is possible that the Apostolic History, probably compiled in Prankish Gaul not too long after 550, was known to the British church on the eve of Augustine's mission to the English (597), soon after the start of Columbanus's continental mission (590). Similarly, earlier versions of Bartholomew's Acts may have been introduced to British monks.47 On the other hand, it may never be known to what extent a hiatus in the British episcopacy and monastic life had taken place, allowing a return to pre-Christian ways of worship and the abandonment of churches. It has been thought that Geoffrey of Monmouth's statement that bishops Theon of London and Thadioc of York fled to Wales in the latter part of the sixth century may have some historical basis. The traditional date is 586 (Bright, 1878: 33). It may be instructive that William of Malmesbury declined to write down the names of certain saints translated at another Fenland monastery, Thorney, c.972, because they were uncouth (Hamilton, 1870: 327). Walter de Gray Birch took this to indicate British names.48 A tradition in the late seventh century recalled the names of 'sacred places abandoned by the British clergy' when they 'fled from the sword' of the English. Eddius Stephanus wrote of this in his biography of his master Wilfrid, a neighbour (? and visitor) of Guthlac by virtue of his monastery of Oundle, where he died (Webb, 1965: c.17, 150, 202). Consecration ceremonies were required not only at places of non-Christian worship appropriated to Christian use, but also at Christian places of worship which had been abandoned or involved in episodes of apostasy.49 Monastic training Thus it may be argued that Guthlac's adoption of Bartholomew as imagined mentor had importance not only for his formation but also for that of subsequent generations of religious-in-training. Bartholomew was a role model also for appropriators of non-Christian places of religious activity and missioners, thereby having an impact on lay education also. As keeper of mysteries and visionary he represented authority. He also represented action, combating the Devil in the forms of vice (casting down idols), disease (healing and exorcism), ignorance (setting up churches and communities, educating kings) and waste (making the wilderness bloom).50 The monk takes part in all these activities. As to when the Christianization took place which is represented by Bartholomew churches and 'pagan' place-names, it is hard to say, but

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an immediate association is with the seventh-century policy of conversion initiated by Gregory the Great, patron of the abbey church of Downside.

Notes 1. Our knowledge of Guthlac stems principally from an eighth-century Latin prose Life (printed and translated with introduction and notes in Colgrave, 1956), of which the Prologue and first twenty-five chapter headings survive in a manuscript of the late eighth or early ninth century, BL, Royal 4A.xiv. The text as a whole is found in a ninth-century manuscript, Cambridge, Corpus Christi College, Ms 307. An Old English translation of the text is contained in the eleventh-century manuscript BL, Cotton Vespasian xxi and edited in Gonser, 1909. This Old English translation is edited partially in Goodwin, 1848, and also in Birch, 1881: 15. In eleventh-century manuscripts are found two Old English verse Lives, concerning the saint's spiritual trials and his holy death, known as 'Guthlac A' and 'Guthlac B' which have been edited (Roberts, 1979). Although found in eleventh-century manuscripts they probably originate 'within the earlier Old English period', conceivably before c.730 (Roberts, 1979: 70-1). There is also a twelfth-century roll of drawings depicting the life of Guthlac in BL, Roll Y. 6., edited in Warner, 1928. A few later additions to the Guthlac story appear in a Latin poem of the thirteenth century edited in Russell and Heironimus, 1935. This edition is based on CUL, Dd.xi.78. 2. Felix wrote his Life of Guthlac at the request of King ^Elfwald of East Anglia, who died in 749. It exploits Bede's Life of Cuthbert and thus was written not earlier than 721 and most likely in the 730s (Colgrave, 1956: 6). 3. Colgrave, 1956: 100-7, 108-11, 114-17, 185-6. 4. Colgrave, 1956: 94-9, note 197, 184. 5. Birch, 1881: xix-xxi. 6. Olsen, 1981: 6-7, pointed out that the likelihood of a monastic audience for the verse Life had been emphasized by a number of scholars, including Cynthia Edelstein Cornell, Zacharias P. Thundyil and Thomas R. Post. The so-called 'Exeter Book' - Codex Exoniensis - (Thorpe, 1842) was presented to that cathedral's library by bishop Leofric in 1046. 7. Discussed by Olsen (note 6). See also Olsen, 1981: 53-4; Ryan, 1993, II: 109. 8. Birch, 1881: 66-9; the reference to Bartholomew is at 67. The original is found in the manuscript BL, Harley Ms 1117, fol. 65. 9. The Guthlac Roll contains eighteen six-inch roundels, perhaps sketches for painted glass. It is edited in Warner, 1928. 10. Bartholomew's feast day had moved forward by then to 24 August. The Roll is discussed, together with other imagery of the saint at Crowland, particularly in sculpture, by Henderson, 1986. 11. Baring-Gould, 1914: 9, 260. The flaying of Bartholomew appears first in a tenth-century Greek version of his legend. 12. Flagellant processions appear to have begun in Italy in the thirteenth century (Cross and Livingstone, 1974: 516-17). 13. Kurtz, 1926: 104-46. Bartholomew continued to be associated with devil

150

14.

15. 16.

17. 18. 19. 20.

21. 22. 23.

24.

25.

Graham Jones combat into the later Middle Ages. Demons claiming to be Bartholomew harassed Angela of Foligno (1248-1309) and Christine of Stommeln (1242-1312), and even the Apostle's own wet-nurses in a fourteenthcentury retable now in Tarragona Cathedral museum. I am grateful to Professor Joy Schroeder for the first two examples. Olsen, 1981: 48. It has been thought likely that both verse Lives were written in eastern Mercia, most probably Crowland, with a western centre (such as Hereford, Worcester or Glastonbury) as a suggested alternative (Roberts, 1979: 71). Brodie, 1965: 10, 138. Probably a hand-bell, it is now lost. Cambridge, Corpus Christi College 389, cited in Birch, 1881: xxi. Shook (1961) viewed this combination against the patristic traditions of psychopomps (Bartholomew's role here and in apocryphal texts) and the motif of the otherworld journey. Matthew 10:3; Mark 3:18; Luke 6:14; John 1:43-51; 21:2. Holzmeister, 1940. On the social uses of the wild fig tree, see Kitto, 1879-82: 291. On Jacob and Bethel, see Kippenberg, 1971: 188ff. The apocryphal accounts of Bartholomew were printed by the Bollandists, AASS: Aug. t. 5 (Venice, 1741): 7-108, and summarized in Butler, 1956: 3, 391-2. On Bartholomew's preaching and Passio, see AB 14 (1895), 353-66; for the apocryphal Gospel of Bartholomew see below, note 22; and for a fragmentary Passio in which the Apostle is martyred by drowning see Budge, 1913: 231-2. See also the notes to the following section. On the apocryphal fulfilment of Christ's prophecy, see James, 1954: 186. Goulder (1977) has argued that the events of John 1 were central to the Christology of a proto-Gnostic but also incarnational Samaritan or Hebrew church, as opposed to the Jewish church of Jerusalem. Suppression of this movement, which at first enjoyed a near-monopoly in Egypt and eastern Syria, implied exclusion of its literature from the orthodox canon, but not, perhaps, before apocryphal accounts of Nathanael-Bartholomew had entered Greek and Coptic traditions. It exists in a Greek version probably from the fifth century, and in Latin probably from the sixth or the seventh (Wilmart and Tisserant, 1913). James, 1954: 173-80, c.4, w.7-71. A similar account appears in a Coptic gospel fragment of the fifth century or later (Lacau, 1904, and James, 1954: 149). A tenth- or eleventh-century Coptic version, BL, Oriental 6804, deriving from a Greek exemplar of which nothing is known, was printed, translated and discussed in Budge, 1913: xv-xxix, plates 1-48, 179-230, and summarized in James, 1954: 181-6. This part of the text attempts to identify Bartholomew. 'He protested: "I am the least of you all, a humble workman. Will not the people of the city say when they see me, Is not this Bartholomew the man of Italy, the gardener, the dealer in vegetables? Is not this the man that dwelleth in the garden of Hierocrates the governor of our city? How has he attained this greatness?"' James, 1954: 186 commented: In St John we read of [Nathanael] being "under the fig-tree" ... this was probably enough to suggest to the Coptic author of the Book that he was a gardener.' Gardening is a common hagiographic motif for cultivation of desert places and hence alludes to hermitage. James, 1954: 467-9, confirmed the view of Max Bonnet (Tischendorf et

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26.

27. 28. 29. 30. 31. 32.

33.

34.

35. 36. 37. 38. 39.

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a/., 1898) that the Prankish Latin compilation was the original of the Greek Passion of Bartholomew (known from a single manuscript of 1279, printed in Tischendorf, 1851). The earliest manuscript of the Latin compilation is of the eighth or ninth century. On the texts employed see R. Lipsius, 'Abdius', in Smith and Wace, 1900: I, 1-4, especially 4. The Ambrosian Preface, which survives only from the tenth century, is now said to be based on 'les Actes apocryphes des Apotres' (Moeller, 1980-81: 161: xciv-v; 161C: 274; 161D: 425). A further Preface for Bartholomew's feast day was composed for the Mozarabic church in Toledo, Spain, by the ninth century (Moeller, 198081: 161: xxxiv-v; 161C: 465-6. Janini, 1982: xxxii-iii, 296-301). Later adaptations included the thirteenth-century Legenda Aurea of James of Voragine (little altered from the Pseudo-Abdias), most recently translated by Ryan, 1993, II: 109-15. Ethiopic texts were translated and printed by Malan, 1871 and Budge, 1899, 1901, and Arabic texts by Lewis, 1904. James, 1954: 471ff. The Apostle is not martyred by flaying, however. This was to be a later addition to the legend; see James, 1954: 468. On these deities, see Gehman, 1944: 45-6, 53-4, and with their cities, see Moscati, 1973: 57-68. The Christian Apostle had been clothed, therefore, in the mantle of Elijah but also that of King Josiah, who threw down Solomon's altar of Astaroth. King Astriges's name appears to resonate with that of Astaroth, a neat apposition. The description of the pantheon by Philo of Byblos was propagated in Eusebius's Praeparatio Evangelica I (Sirinelli and Des Places, 1974). Van Dam (1988): I, 33. The resting place at Lipari was also known to the author of the Greek Acts of Bartholomew (Tischendorf, 1851: 259). A previous resting place from c.507 in Daras in Mesopotamia was reported by Lector (1618-22), pt.505. The prevalence of islands in association with Bartholomew - Lipari, the island in the Tiber at Rome, and here Crowland - resonates with the themes of desert and solitude. Colgrave, 1956: 110-13. Beccel was said to be present at Guthlac's eventual natural death. Redin, 1919: 85, took Beccel's name (Beccelmus in the Guthlac Roll) to be from Celtic bekko-s, 'little' (and thus comparable to modern Welsh bachgen, diminutive of bach, 'little', thus 'little one'), or perhaps a hypocoristic form of a compound with Beorn- or Beorht-. Henry of Avranches, Vita Sancti Guthlaci Confessoris (Russell and Heironimus, 1935), quoted by Henderson, 1986: 88. Was the contest tale a substitute for, or accompaniment to, a foundation charter endowing Crowland with its lands? One of the unique fragments in Henry of Avranches's Vita Sancti Guthlaci Confessoris (Russell and Heironimus, 1935) is the story that Guthlac's sister, Pega, herself a solitary at what is now Peakirk, not far from Crowland, appeared to her brother in the form of the Devil. Guthlac was not deceived. Henderson, 1986: 81, has pointed out that a similar vision, culminating in rescue by the Apostle, was had by Rahere, founder of St Bartholomew's Hospital, Smithfield, London. It is described in Webb, 1921: 42-3. Olsen, 1981: 53-4, and on ofermaecg, 18 (following Robinson, 1968). Gelling, 1988: 160, Figure 11; Wilson, 1992: 5-21. Brook and Leslie, 1963-78: I, lines 1-7, p. 2-3. Such a context can be seen also on the European mainland. Budak, 1998:

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40. 41. 42. 43. 44. 45. 46. 47.

48.

49. 50.

Graham Jones 241-9, especially 244, has shown that Bartholomew's patronage was chosen for the ninth-century reconsecration of refurbished Dalmatian royal churches of late antique origin. As noted in the variant of the Old English prose Life of which a fragment survives in the Codex Vercellensis and is edited in Goodwin, 1848. Olsen, 1981: 33, who also quotes Karl P. Wentersdorf: The battle for the tumulus represents ... the unremitting campaign by the church to suppress the lingering remnants of heathendom.' Moore, 1879: 133, reprinted in Birch, 1881: facing xlii. Paul's Life was associated with that of Guthlac at Canterbury, as mentioned earlier. Male, 1960. On the issue of the temple's early Christianization, I am grateful to Dr Michael Jost for his advice, based on his unpublished PhD thesis (Jost, 1998). De Vaux, 1966: 47, note 28.b. Moeller, 1980-81: 161: xciv. See note 26 above. A specific personal link between a British church in north Wales and Lyon in Gaul (perhaps the monastery of lie Barbe), probably datable to 540 (Knight, 1995), can now be added to other epigraphic and ceramic evidence for continental contacts, for which see a summary in Thomas, 1994: 5, 197-208. On the context within which transmission of literary texts could take place between Gaul and Britain, see Williams, 1912: 179-88; on Irish scholarship and contacts with Merovingian Gaul see, respectively, Bieler, 1952, and James, 1982; and on the likely assumption by the British church of responsibility for public (Latin) education see Charles-Edwards, 1998: 75-82. Columbanus's teacher was himself a pupil of 'a certain learned Greek' and also taught Mo-Chuaroc, 'whom the Romans styled doctor of the whole world' (6 Croinfn, 1995: 177). Birch, 1881: xvi. The names of three Thorney saints, the male hermits Tancred and Torthred, and the female Tova, are known, supposedly killed by the Danes in 870 (Farmer, 1997: 460), but these appear to be Germanic names. Apostasy among British as well as English Christians must be considered. For a description of Bartholomew as a gardener see foonote 24.

12 'Life, learning and wisdom': the forms and functions of beguine education Penelope Galloway

Beguines were, and are, laywomen seeking to lead religious lives.51 The first beguine communities appeared in France, Germany and the Low Countries in the late twelfth and early thirteenth centuries.52 These communities could take a variety of forms, ranging from individual women living alone to virtual townships, known as beguinages, separate enclaves containing streets, gardens, churches, even cemeteries, isolated from the surrounding city by a high encircling wall. This chapter is particularly concerned with the education of and the impact of learning on these religious women, considering the extent to which the majority of beguines had access to learning and the forms of learning they encountered. This will be done by means of a local study, focusing on the impact of learning on the beguine houses of Douai and Lille, cities now in France but which were, for most of the medieval period, part of the county of Flanders.53 In the Middle Ages larger beguine communities played a significant role as educational establishments. The type of education these beguine houses provided, both for members of their communities and, more frequently, for local children generally, will be considered here. However, in order to examine the education beguines themselves received, one must look beyond their schools. Many women joined beguine communities, or chose to live independently as beguines, later in life. Beguine communities also tended to restrict entry to those over sixteen years of age. In order to discern the type of education experienced by and the skills required of these women we will consider the types of tasks and roles they performed within beguine communities. This chapter examines the type of education beguines had and what purposes it served. It will also assess the various ways women used the education they received in the beguine houses of Douai and Lille. The relative proximity and similar size of these two cities, which, with neighbouring Orchies, constituted la Flandre gallicante, did not preclude significant differences in the development of the religious communities within their walls. In the range and number of its beguine

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communities Douai is unsurpassed in northern France: records survive from nineteen institutions, ranging from small convents to two beguinages (Galloway, 1998: 67). The beguinage of Wetz was primarily known as a hospital (AHD, Wetz Hospital, 1/784, October 1245) while the community at Champfleury was home to around one hundred women and constituted an entire parish (AMD, FF861, February 1272). However, even this community was dwarfed by Lille's beguinage, popularly known as the hospital of St Elizabeth.54 This seems to have been one of the largest beguine communities in Europe incorporating substantial grounds including herb and vegetable gardens55 and individual houses,56 even employing a chaplain.57 The size of this beguine house is less surprising in view of the fact that it was the only such community in the city. Beguine schools were by no means the exclusive providers of education in this region, particularly in Douai. The majority of this town's population, including some of its beguines, was involved in the cloth industry in some capacity, and this had important implications for the level and amount of education available to residents of the city.58 The international market for Douai's cloth meant that merchants in the city were engaged in business across Europe; this required a reasonable level of education. Complicated business deals involving large amounts of money needed at least basic skills in reading, writing and mathematics. From at least the end of the twelfth century, Douai contained small schools teaching children to read, write, count and recite catechism (Rouche, 1985: 70). One of the most unusual features of the cloth industry in Douai is the number of opportunities it provided for women. They had access to skilled work, much of it high status. Women appear to have been involved in every aspect of the drapery trade from weaving to selling cloth.59 This virtual parity of opportunity in the workplace had an impact on the education and training of girls. In the Middle Ages Douaisiens made no distinction between sons and daughters in terms of school and apprenticeship (Rouche, 1985: 70). Lille was never as dependent on textiles as Douai (Nicholas, 1992: 111). Fertile soil in the area made it, like Douai, a grain exporter but its development and prominence was due more to the frequent presence of the government of the counts than to economic factors.60 When Flanders became part of the duchy of Burgundy, Lille continued to play an important role as an administrative centre. In 1386 Philip the Bold reorganized the administration of his duchy into two main territories. A single combined council and accounting office at Lille was responsible for the government of Flanders, Artois, Rethel and the other northern lands (Vaughan, 1962: 126-39). This administrative function also required an educated populace and schools similar to those found in Douai may also have emerged in Lille around the same period. Broadening our scope, we may now consider the role beguine communities played in the provision of education. Beguine communities across Europe established for themselves a place in the life of

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their towns through the provision of a range of social services for the community as a whole. Almost all substantial beguine communities acted as hospitals and many also maintained schools within their compounds (McDonnell, 1969: 271-2; Galloway, 1998: 262-319). We know this from the vitae of various religious women who attended beguine schools. The Life of Beatrice of Nazareth tells how her father, a wealthy patrician and the founder of three nunneries, sent his daughter to a beguine school in Leau, after her mother died (Henriquez, 1630: 1). Ida of Leau also spent her childhood in beguine houses before becoming a Cistercian nun at the age of sixteen (Henriquez, 1630: 109F, 110A). On entering the convent of La Ramee, Ida was swiftly placed in the scriptorium because of her skill with a pen, the benefit of a beguine education (Henriquez, 1630: 109-10, 113). What sort of education was provided in a medieval beguine school? The foundation documents for beguine houses in Brussels speak of the beguines 'raising children', which might suggest a caring rather than educational role (McDonnell, 1969: 272). According to Ernest McDonnell, the pre-eminent historian of beguines, these schools would have taught elementary subject matter and a substantial amount of religious instruction (McDonnell, 1969: 272). A fourteenth-century description of the beguines of Gent attested that: they have such respectable manners and are so learned in domestic affairs that great and respectable persons often send them their daughters to be raised, hoping that, to whatever estate they may later be called, whether in the religious life or in marriage, they may be found better trained than others.61 One result of this expertise in domestic training is that beguines appear to have been in demand as maids or companions, duties they performed in return for money or bed and board.62 These women could be employed within or outside beguine communities. Marie de la Tour, a beguine in St Elizabeth's in Lille, mentions Isabiaus dou Maressiel, her companion (ADN, B 1528/2493, July 1283). Records from Douai include references to a beguine named Bietris, who lived with one Agnes le Cuveliere.63 Most scholars have assumed that beguine schools were only intended to educate girls. Their reasoning is that the majority of beguinages had clearly established regulations advocating that beguines avoid contact with all laymen over the age of seven.64 However, we know that in certain cases these regulations were suspended. Numerous beguine communities in Douai were founded by men - the beguinage of Wetz, the convents of St Thomas, Pilates, le Huge, Souchez, and those of Philippe le Toilier, Werin Mulet and Lanvin le Blaier - and in some cases these men actually lived in the houses they established.65 The most significant example of this phenomenon is Gervais Dele Ville, who founded the beguinage of Wetz in 1245 on the understanding that he and his wife would live in the community until their deaths (AMD, GG191, 1247).

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Douai was not unique in this respect. One beguine convent in Arras contained seventy-two women and one man (Delmaire, 1983: 152). There were also a few men resident in the beguinage of St Elizabeth of Lille in the later Middle Ages. Jean le Roux was given the use of a house in the beguinage for his lifetime on 16 September 1458 (AHL, Lille Beguinage, B32, 16 September 1458) while on 13 January 1501 properties within the beguinage were rented to Jean Grassier (AHL, Lille Beguinage, B38, 13 January 1501) and to David de Bauvins (ADN, B 334, 13 January 1501, fol. 20v). If adult men were permitted to reside in beguine communities, it would appear more likely that boys were attending beguine schools. We know that in Germany beguines ran elementary schools for girls and boys in Mainz, Cologne and Liibeck (Opitz, 1988: 313). However, unlike the system in operation in more conventional religious communities (discussed by Susan Boynton, Chapter 2 and Isabelle Cochelin, Chapter 3), beguine schools were not established primarily to train young beguines. Some women who later became beguines may well have attended beguine schools, but the schools themselves were open to all, not designed simply to educate oblates. This is due, in part, to the restrictions imposed by beguine houses on acceptance of girls younger than sixteen. The practice of accepting girls under this age appears to have been officially frowned upon in beguine communities.66 When Christine of Stommeln ran away from her home at the age of nine to join the beguines of Cologne, the women urged her to return to her parents, and refused to allow her entry into their community (McDonnell, 1969: 445). However, there were exceptions. One example is that of Jeanneton of Burgundy, who entered the beguinage of Lille at the age of nine (ADN, 162H 9/7, 21 June 1439). Jeanneton was the daughter of John the Fearless, Duke of Burgundy, and, on her father's death she was placed in the beguinage in Lille at the request of her sister-in-law, the Duchess of Burgundy, Isabella of Portugal. Jeanneton's age was unusual enough to be commented upon both by Isabella and by the mistress of the beguinage, who had qualms about accepting her (ADN, 162H 9/7). The mistress described Jeanneton as 'a young child' and initially refused her a place on account of her youth.67 Isabella stated that Jeanneton should be admitted to the Lille community 'notwithstanding her youth'.68 It is unclear what sort of provision was made for Jeanneton's education, as the beguinage of Lille does not appear to have contained a school as such. However, the extent to which the mistress of the beguinage demurred about accepting this child, even at the request of the Duchess of Burgundy herself, suggests that it was a very unusual occurrence. We can see that beguines had a role in the provision of education for their local communities, but not necessarily a significant role in the provision of education for beguines. What sort of education, or training, did the majority of beguines receive? This question is difficult to answer, partly because of a lack of source material. It is

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unsurprising that we find little evidence of beguine education and access to learning in Douai and Lille. Beguines were encouraged to be devout, but not intellectual; the most important thing was for the women to be humble and obedient to their priests, rather than learned. This is stressed in the vitae of the first beguines. Jacques de Vitry in his vita of Marie of Oignies, who is often described as the mother of the beguine movement, goes to considerable lengths to emphasize that Marie was not learned.69 Just before her death Marie sang for three days and nights and Jacques details that: She expounded the Holy Scriptures in a new and marvellous way and subtly explained many things from the Gospels, the Psalms and the Old and New Testaments which she had never heard interpreted. She uttered many things about the Trinity and from there she descended to the humanity of Christ, the blessed Virgin, the holy angels, the apostles and the other saints who followed them.70 But Jacques is keen to note that this does not reflect learning on Marie's part. He places a prominent disclaimer on her behalf, before describing the song itself, saying: She did not have to compose it or discover the meaning or have to ponder the rhythmical arrangement, but the Lord gave it to her just as if it had been written out before her at exactly the same time as it was spoken. She ... did not have to deliberate over it, nor did she have to interrupt her song in order to arrange its parts.71 Marie had to be established as merely the vehicle of God, acting not as his spokeswoman but as his voice. This interpretation of events ensured that her role was perceived as passive. Marie's deathbed analysis of these passages of the Scriptures was presented by Jacques as divine revelation rather than something she had learned (see Muessig, 1998: 150-3). Thus, she could not be accused of attempting to transcend her status as a devout member of the laity. This sense of respectability, of remaining within clearly defined boundaries of acceptable behaviour, is also apparent in archival documents from French Flanders. In 1328 William, Bishop of Tournai, embarked on an investigation into the way of life followed by the beguines of Lille. His report describes the women as 'going devoutly and frequently to church, reverently obeying their priests'.72 Emphasis is placed, throughout this document and many others in the archives of Douai and Lille, on the beguines being dependent on and obedient to their local priests.73 The women's devotion is continually reinforced. In 1400 Philip the Bold, Duke of Burgundy, established a committee to investigate the state of the beguinage in Lille (ADN, 127H 5950). The resulting report described the atmosphere of the community as 'devout throughout'.74 Many churchmen were ambivalent about educating beguines and downright suspicious about the uses to which the women would put

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their education. Gilbert of Tournai spoke for many in his contribution to the Second Council of Lyon in 1274 (Stroick, 1931: 61-2). He criticized beguines for translating and writing commentaries on the Scriptures, saying, They have interpreted in ordinary French idiom the mysteries of the Scripture which are scarcely accessible to experts in divine writing/75 Gilbert was tapping into a tradition of unease concerning the orthodoxy of beguines and the ways in which the women used their education; from the first, beguines were vulnerable to accusations of heresy and they became particularly associated with the Heresy of the Free Spirit.76 The example of Marguerite Porete, a beguine burned at the stake in Paris in 1310 for her refusal to renounce the heretical ideas outlined in her book, The Mirror of Simple Souls, resonates here.77 This 'fear' of the way beguines might use their education is also apparent in papal documents. The beguines of St Elizabeth's in Lille and of the beguinage of Champfleury in Douai were subject to episcopal investigation in the 1320s as a result of papal decrees following the Council of Vienne. In 1321 and 1328 Pope John XXII sent to the bishops of Arras-Cambrai and Tournai copies of the decree Cum de mulieribus,78 an amended and abbreviated form of Pope Clement V's Cum de quibusdam mulieribus (Tanner, 1990: I, 374). This decree emphasized the security and acceptability of those communities of 'simple beguines who lead honest lives, attend church frequently, obey their priests' and (most significantly for our purposes) 'do not involve themselves in debates or in errors'.79 These women, John averred, had nothing to fear from investigation. The beguines of Champfleury were given episcopal endorsement in November 1323 (ADN, 30H 18/286). In 1328 the bishop of Tournai embarked on an examination of the beguinage in Lille and, satisfied as to the orthodoxy, good intentions and devout lifestyle of the women in the beguinage, in that they did not engage in such debates or perpetuate such errors,80 he undertook to protect the community.81 These attitudes and actions demonstrate that beguine education was a source of controversy and, at the very least, had to be handled carefully. Keeping this in mind, we can begin to examine the scarce information available concerning beguine learning in Douai and Lille. This leads us to two questions: What was a beguine education for? What were the beguines educated to do? By examining the tasks the women performed we can have some idea of the skills required of them. There is a little evidence of beguines in Douai and Lille acquiring knowledge as learners rather than teachers. The foundation documents of the beguinage of Champfleury in 1245 mention the provision of a cleric to instruct the women in 'the discipline of letters or scholarship', presumably reading and writing, but to what level?82 Perhaps this knowledge was passed on in a school within the community. Sources concerning the festivities organized for the feast of St Elizabeth of Hungary, the patron saint of the beguinage of

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Champfleury, speak of sermons and of clerks debating in front of the beguines (ADN, 30H 16/227). The inclusion of sermons and debates between clerks in the description of the festivities indicates that beguines in this community did have some access to clerical learning, even perhaps, in view of the close associations between Champfleury's beguines and the local Dominican convent, monastic learning (Galloway, 1998: 162-77). The beguines of Champfleury were not uniquely privileged in being able to attend sermons. The fourteenth-century statutes of the beguinage of St Elizabeth in Ghent decreed that the women of this community were obliged to be present at all sermons in their church (Bethune, 1883: 89-92). The area of learning in which the beguines of Douai and Lille do appear to be at variance with the practices of beguines elsewhere is in the accumulation of books. Douaisien and Lillois beguines received many donations of candles, clothing and cash, but their patrons seem less interested in providing the women with texts of any description. However, this may say more about the priorities and values of the beguines' patrons than those of the women themselves. Certainly, this is not typical of all beguine communities. In the neighbouring city of Tournai, beguine houses were regularly provided with books by patrons. Lotars Noires's will from 1 March 1349 stated, 'I give my book of the Apostles to the large beguine convent, but they are neither to sell nor exchange if, 83 while Simon Thiebault donated 'a book of the suffering and Passion of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the text of which is Ad Deum vadif .M Beguines in Tournai also received a bequest of Augustine's Soliloquies and Meditations (Lauwers and Simons, 1989: 23). By contrast, my on-going examination of hundreds of wills and donations from Douai and Lille has provided no examples of beguines there being given any sort of book.85 There are no libraries or scriptoria in the beguine communities of French Flanders. On the few occasions when detailed information on personal property is available, such as the 1425 inventory of the possessions owned by Agnes de Maissin, a beguine from Lille, no reference is made to books (ADN, B 7760/157368). The absence of any sort of references to devotional texts used in the beguine houses of Douai and Lille appears to reflect the fact that theirs was not a method of devotion focused primarily on devotional texts or manuals.86 However, this does not mean that the beguines' devotional routine did not require them to learn anything. The rules of the beguinages of Bruges and Gent suggest that most beguines were expected to learn to recite the liturgical hours (Bethune, 1883: 18-19, 89-92; Hoornaert, 1929: 37-59). The most detailed set of regulations from a beguine house, in terms of the opus Dei, is that of the beguinage of Bruges which details the prayers said and even the beguines' responses (Hoornaert, 1929: 37-59, 79). All the prayers of this community were said in Latin and mistresses of the individual convents were charged with teaching the novices in their care the responses for the offices of

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the opus Dei and the prayers to be said at mealtimes (Hoornaert, 1929: 32). In the beguinage of St Christopher in Liege the rest of the opus Dei, after morning mass, would be marked by the beguines in their own homes or at work, where one woman would read to the others from a Psalter.87 There was also an emphasis on reading at the beguinage in Gent. The 1354 Rule of St Elizabeth's beguinage in Gent stipulates that the women were obliged to read 'three psalms of Our Lady without fair each day.88 The pattern of devotion found in Liege is comparable with that seen in documents from the beguinage of Lille, which refer to the beguines as praying at the appointed hours.89 These prayers were to be recited in the beguinage chapel.90 The beguines of Champfleury in Douai also kept the liturgical hours in their community's parish church.91 Even in smaller beguine communities which did not have their own church, the women had to learn prayers. Bernard Pilates decreed that the ten women resident in the beguine convent he established in Douai were to learn the Pater Noster and Ave Maria, in order that they might recite them before an image of the Virgin each day (AMD, GG191/290/524, 12 September 1362). Clearly, participation in the devotional life of their community required some learning. In what other forms of education did the women participate? If we expand our definition of the word 'education' from formal learned activities such as reading to encompass a broader range of experiences which contribute to an individual's development or formation, we find much more evidence of beguines engaged in development of skills. This is apparent in a number of different areas, most notably through the work the women did. In view of the significance of the cloth industry to the city of Douai it is unsurprising that we find beguines working in this trade. One reference from Douai mentions an enigmatic 'beguine de la draperie' (Espinas, 1933-49: 35) and the only sources available concerning rural beguines from the hamlet of Hornaing, situated between Douai and Valenciennes, come from their involvement in the cloth trade.92 The beguines of Wetz also appear to have been involved in the cloth trade to some degree, perhaps working for Jaquemon de Tournay, a Douaisien merchant in the early fourteenth century (AHD, Wetz Hospital, 2/877, 7-8 April 1313). This work, weaving and dying cloth, required training in the form of apprenticeships. We should remember that, as they contained members of the laity, beguine houses were not strictly speaking church institutions and the women within them were thus, in the sphere of economic activity, subordinate to guild regulations.93 This may well have included the obligation to train apprentices. There are no records from Douai and Lille of any problems arising between beguine communities and guilds. Those guilds which did exist in Douai were far more concerned with attempting to eradicate the involvement of strangers (that is, anyone who was not from Douai) in the cloth trade (Galloway, 1998: 289). Artisans and small producers in the town had no guilds (Howell, 1993:

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103). The guilds of Douai and Lille do not appear to have restricted the involvement of women in the various trades (Galloway, 1998: 289). Beguines also worked within their own communities as nurses, teachers, accountants, almoners and in many other roles. In Lille some beguines acted as merchants, selling their community's produce. Accounts mention fruit and vegetable goods that the women had sold (ADN, B 7730, 1417-18). Clearly the women in Lille produced for their own community but the surplus was put on the market. Beguine communities also made investments and some women managed the community's financial and business affairs. Beguine houses kept their own accounts and the beguinage of Champfleury had a separate accounts office, staffed by the women themselves (ADN, 30H 16/227, March 1478). Aelys Hazarde, a resident of the beguinage of Lille, acted as receiver or accountant for her community until 16 December 1409 (AHL, Lille Beguinage, E2, 16 December 1409). Women also acted as receivers in other beguine houses. The first reference to an external receiver for the beguinage of Wetz is not found until 1503.94 Until this time the task had been performed by a succession of beguines. One role within a beguine house which definitely required a certain level of education and particular skills was that of the mistress. In French Flanders the overall mistress of each beguine community was known as the souveraine. In the beguine convents, such as those established by Werin Mulet and Bernard Pilates in Douai, the souveraine was the only mistress.95 In the beguinages, she was in charge of the entire community, including those women who chose and could afford to build their own houses within the community's courtyard.96 Poorer beguines lived in convents within the beguinage (each of which was governed by a mistress) all of whom were subject to the souveraine?1 The souveraines of the beguinages of Champfleury and Wetz in Douai and of St Elizabeth in Lille were public figures, appearing in a range of documents as the legal representatives of their communities. For example, in 1422 the souveraine of the beguinage of Lille appointed Jean Deleforterie to the position of bailiff of the fief of Bondues.98 The souveraine was also in charge of the common funds, advancing money as necessary to particular convents and paying expenses occasioned by the upkeep of buildings (ADN, B 7730). Other responsibilities included investing the inheritance of the beguine convents in her care, arranging the rental of property, and purchasing land and property. She put her personal seal, as mistress and, on occasion, as a private individual, on some documents.99 The souveraine also made decisions regarding who was to be accepted into the community and who could be ejected from it100 and dispensed charity for poor beguines (AHL, Lille Beguinage, B20, 24 May 1371). In some communities, such as Champfleury, a council of the most senior beguines advised the souveraine in these matters. She was also assisted by her second-in-command within the beguinage, the mistress of the hospital.101 Erembourc Dauby is described as the 'mistress and

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prioress of the beguine hospital of Wetz', on behalf of which she purchased land.102 She is also found in documents ceding the right to a waterway and providing capital for investments.103 The extent to which beguines managed their own affairs without external assistance is in itself a tribute to the skills they developed and the training they acquired. However, the significance of the beguines' actions is largely dependent on the scale of the enterprises in which they were engaged. In order to appreciate the difficulty of the tasks the women performed and, by implication, the amount of training required to discharge them effectively, we have to examine the context in which beguine communities in Douai and Lille functioned. How important were they in their local communities? Through the consideration of the wealth of the beguinages in Douai and Lille it is possible to discern the important positions the beguines held in their local communities as employers, landlords and landowners. In order to manage these various enterprises efficiently over a period of 300 years, as we know they did, the beguines of Douai and Lille must have benefited from a sort of education, whether they attended a beguine school or not. Successive generations of beguines developed or were trained in skills to suit their duties and responsibilities, presumably going on to train those who followed them. The various beguine communities of Douai and Lille appear to have maintained specific strategies concerning their investments and financial transactions. As early as 1258 the beguinage of Champfleury was buying up houses and land in and around Douai. This does not simply imply fields but also access paths, gates, canals and ditches.104 In the first decades of its existence the beguinage of Wetz also sought to expand its territory. In June 1266 the beguines bought land which adjoined the territory of the hospital (AHD, Wetz Hospital, 2/853). This community also had a mill.105 The same phenomenon of territorial expansion may be seen in documents from the beguinage of Lille.106 These investments secured for the beguinages an influential role as a local landowner and, as the beguines themselves did not farm or use all of this property but instead rented it to others, as a landlord. The beguines of Wetz in Douai presented their annual accounts to that city's council on 12 August 1264, noting that they had 'in land and in investments', after having paid the rents the community owed, one hundred and four pounds and nineteen shillings income per year.107 This was generated from the rental of houses and land, and from the cultivation of various crops (AMD, AA92, 12 August 1264), of which the beguines received a certain proportion.108 The accounts demonstrate that, by their willingness to receive payment in money, produce and kind, the beguines of Wetz were active members of Douai's urban economy. Presumably any produce they did not require themselves would be sold or given to the poor. The beguinage held both rural and urban properties in and around Douai ranging from arable land to town houses.109 The community archives include documents recording seventy-one sources of income spanning the period 1238-1493.

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Investments were not exclusive to the larger beguine communities. Even a community as small as the beguine hospital of Harnes, about which we know virtually nothing, has a book dated 1453 listing its properties which extends to twelve pages (AMD, GG191/181-190, 1453). The most detailed records of properties owned by and income available to beguines comes from the beguinage of Lille in 1417-18.no The beguines here received rental income from other religious institutions,111 from both male and female individuals (ADN, B 7730), and even on one occasion from children.112 In total, the beguines of Lille received income from 106 separate sources in Lille itself, including one undefined financial investment, houses, gardens, rights to fish in the river, rights to the use of their mills, twenty-three pieces of land and various tax exemptions (ADN, B 7730). These totals do not include the outlying territory of Bondues, where the beguinage had substantial holdings from which they received fifty pounds eighteen shillings (ADN, B 7730). Clearly, the beguinage was a significant landlord in Lille, with fifty-three tenants in one term of the year alone, many of whom rented more than one property or right from the beguines (ADN, B 7730). The women also appear to have received money from the sale of produce, selling twenty pounds and nineteen shillings of wheat alone in this year (ADN, B 7730). The records include such varied items as butter, cheeses and prunes.113 These examples from Douai and Lille demonstrate the scale of the beguines' involvement in the local economy and the range of their activities. This has obvious implications for the types of skills the women had to acquire and to demonstrate. Figure 12.1 shows Lille's beguinage's accounts in the latter part of the fifteenth century, providing some details of its financial position. In order to put these figures into context, it is worth noting that in this period the population of Lille's beguinage was limited to thirteen women (ADN, 127H 5950, 25 June 1402). It is difficult to determine how much this is worth without having some kind of frame of reference. This is why in this chapter I have commented on the large number of tenants and the wide variety of enterprises in which the beguines were involved, rather than relying Year

Income

24 June 24 June 24 June 24 June 24 June 24 June 24 June 24 June

1487-23 June 1488-23 June 1489-23 June 1490-23 June 1491-23 June 1492-23 June 1493-23 June 1494-23 June

1488 1489 1490 1491 1492 1493 1494 1495

405 395 380 351 349 557 384 314

1. 3 s. 7 d. 1. 4 s. 8 d. 1. 8 s. 6 d. 1. 18 s. 0 d. 1. 13 s. 4d. 1. 4 s. 2 d. 1. 12 s. 3 d. 1. 5 s. 9 d.

Expenditure

354 406 261 318 308 430 425 434

1. 2 1. 1 1. 1 1. 15 1. 17 1. 19 1. 15 1. 15

s. 10 d. s. 9 d. s. 10 d. s. 10 d. s. 9d. s. 9d. s. Od. s. 8 d.

Figure 12.1 Accounts from the beguinage of St Elizabeth in Lille,

1487-95.

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exclusively on figures. A context for these figures is provided by David Nicholas's calculations that in Flanders in the period 1365-89 a master artisan with two children would require approximately seven pounds gross annually for a comfortable living. A master carpenter in Gent had to work 210 days to earn this sum.114 This comparison serves to demonstrate the scale on which beguine communities were functioning and the extent to which they were flourishing under a system which gave the women themselves significant responsibilities. In conclusion, this survey gives some idea of the various tasks which beguines performed and the sort of education they must have had. For some of these roles, training is perhaps a more appropriate word than education to describe the process the women must have undergone. Their experience as would-be market traders, gardeners, nurses and cellarers is perhaps best described as apprenticeship, such as that experienced by beguines in the cloth trade in Douai. However, like their fellow beguines who acted as accountants and scribes, these women had to acquire skills ranging from herbal lore to arithmetic. It is clear that the beguines of Douai and Lille, particularly those resident in beguinages, were significant contributors to the urban economy, acting as employers, landlords and landowners. The successful level at which they performed these tasks is testament to the quality of their education, however the term is defined.

Notes 1. There are a few beguines still living in communities across Belgium. 2. For general background, and details of the extensive bibliography available concerning beguines, see McDonnell, 1969; Southern, 1970a; Simons, 1989; Ziegler, 1992. 3. Other aspects of beguine life in these cities are considered in Brassart, 1867: 135-42; Simons, 1982: 180-98; Delmaire, 1983: 121-60; Galloway, 1997: 92-115; 1999: 107-27. 4. The first document we have concerning the Lille beguinage is a sale of land to hospitale beghinarum earumdem, ADN, B 1528/826, March 1245. 5. trots bouniers et deus cens de terre ... por herbregier ou por gardegnier, ADN, B 1528/835. 6. Ke quesconques lieus et place doudit beghinage soit otroiies a quelconques persones ... // edefices de celui lieu doive revenir et demorer ou commun proufit dou dit beghinaige, ADN, B 1528/2005, 20 April 1278. 7. Countess Margaret established the revenues and obligations of the chaplain in a document from July 1245; Hautcoeur, 1894: I, 294. 8. Medieval Douai is considered in Brassart, 1842, 1877; Duthilloeul, 1861; Dancoisne, 1866; Rouche, 1985. For further examination of Douai's cloth trade, see Pirenne and Espinas, 1906-24; Espinas, 1913; Chorley, 1987: 349-79; Howell, 1993: 85-119. 9. For further discussion of opportunities for women in the Douaisien cloth trade, see Howell, 1986: 166-7. Guild regulations from Douai consistently used feminine as well as masculine forms for those involved in the cloth trade. AMD, reg. AA95, c.1250, fol. 20r-v.

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10. Further information on Lille may be found in Duthilloeul, 1850; Vaughan, 1962; 1966; 1970; 1973; 1975; Trenard, 1970; Duplessis and Howell, 1982: 49-85; Howell, 1986. 11. Et inter hec omnia, ita sunt in moribus composite ac rebus domesticis erudite, quod magne et honeste persone filias suas eis consueverint tradere nutriendas, sperantes quod ad quemcumque statum forent postmodum vocate, sive religionis, sive matrimonii, invenirentur ceteris aptiores (Bethune, 1883: 75). Translation from Amt, 1993: 266. 12. One such housekeeper is found in the household of The Goodman of Paris whose manual is translated in Amt, 1993: 325. The original is in Brereton and Ferrier, 1981. 13. Cis wers est Agnies Le Cuveliere et Bietris, se compaingnesse, beghines, AMD, FF661, October 1269. 14. A French translation of these rules is found in the archives of the beguinage of Lille at AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3 and ADN, B 20040/19915, undated and 1354. The originals are printed in Bethune, 1883: 18-19, 89-92. 15. For Wetz, see AMD, GG191, 1247. For St Thomas, see AHD, St Thomas's Hospital, 1/2, 23 March and 7 November 1377. For Pilates, see AMD, GG191/290, 1362. For the convent of le Huge, see ADN, 51H 13/72, December 1305. For Souchez, see AMD, FF862, 1338. For le Toilier, see AMD, reg. AA94, 16 September 1312, fol. 53r-v. For Mulet, see AMD, reg. AA94, c.1280 copy, fol. 43r-v. For Anselm Creke, see AMD, FF862, March 1328. For Lanvin le Blaier, see AMD, GG190, pre 1337. 16. See AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3; ADN, B 20040/19915. 17. Un josne enfant, ADN, 162H 9/7, 21 June 1439. 18. Que non obstant son jone aage, ADN, 162H 9/7. 19. For further discussion of this see Bynum, 1982 and Coakley, 1991a: 22246 and 1991b: 445-61. 20. Quaedam etiam de diviniis Scripturis, novo et mirabili modo exponens; de Evangelio, de Psalmis, de novo et de veteri Testamento quae numquam audierat, multa et subtiliter edifferens. A Trinitate vero ad Christi descendit humanitatem, dehinc ad beatam Virginem, ab hinc de sanctis angelis et de Apostolis, et de aliis sequentibus Sanctis multa pronuntions (Jacques de Vitry, 1707: 663; translation from King and Feiss, 1993: 123). 21. Nee deliberabat an sententias inveniret, nee morabatur ut inventas rithmice disponeret sed velut ante se scriberentur, dabat ei Dominus in ilia hora quid loqueretur (Jacques de Vitry, 1707: 662; translation from King and Feiss, 1993: 121-2. 22. Devote frequentant ecclesias, prelatis suis reverenter obediunt, AHL, Lille Beguinage, C2. 23. For example, see Item, que toutes soient chacun jour tant celles de la court comme dhospital aux heures acoustumees en la chapelle pour dire leurs oroisons et prier pour leurs fondeurs et bienfaiteurs ainsi que tenues y sont, ADN, 127H 5950, 25 June 1402. 24. Devotement entretenir, ADN, 127H 5950, 25 June 1402. 25. Habent interpretata scripturarum mysteria et in communi idiomate gallicata quae tamen in sacra Scriptura exercitatis vix sunt pervia, Stroick, 1931: 61. 26. The Heresy of the Free Spirit is explored in greater depth in Lerner, 1972; Schmitt, 1978; Lambert, 1992. 27. For a modern translation of this work see Porete, 1993.

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28. For Champfleury: ADN, 30H 18/296, August 1323 and for Lille: AHL, Lille Beguinage, C2, 16 March 1328. 29. Beguinas simpliciter nuncupatas que per virtutum odoramenta currentes honeste vivunt, devote frequent ecclesias, prelatis suis reverenter obediunt et se in premissis disputationibus et erroribus non involvunt, AHL, Lille Beguinage, C2, 16 March 1328. 30. Mulieres in villa Insulensi ... beguine vulgariter et communiter nuncupantur, esse et fuise bone vite, conversationis honeste ac devote frequentare ecclesias et quod se disputationibus et erroribus de quibus in litteris domini nostri fit mentio non involvunt, sed adeo honeste et laudabiliter vixerunt et adhuc vivunt, pro nulla super hiis fuit nee est suspitio aut infamia contra ipsas, AHL, Lille Beguinage, C2. 31. Non permiteas eas vel ipsarum aliquam in personis et bonis earumdem occasione perhibitionis et abolitionis hujusmodi quosque de statu earum fuerit aliter per sedem apostolicam ordinatum ab aliquibus molestari, molestatores, si qui fuerint, per censuram ecclesiasticam, AHL, Lille Beguinage, C2. 32. In litteralibus disciplinis, ADN, 30H 17/250. 33. Je donna me livres des Apostles au grant convent des beguines devant les freres meneurs, par si que elles ne le puissent vendre ne enwagnier, de la Grange, 1897: 73. 34. Un livre de la souffranche et Passion Nostre Seigneur Jesus Christ dont le texte est tel Ad Deum vadit, de la Grange, 1897: 738. 35. In Douai alone, 1077 wills are found in chirograph: AMD, FF861 (122879) to AMD, FF888 (1495-1500); and 620 in register: AMD, FF444 (1415-28); AMD, FF450 (1495-1500). 36. For further discussion of the devotional practice of the beguine houses of Douai and Lille, see Galloway, 1999. 37. Statutes transcribed in Hoyoux, 1961: 156. 38. Trois psaumes de Nostre Dame sans faillier, AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3. Another copy may be found at ADN, B 20040/19915. 39. Item, que toutes soient chacun jour tant celles de la court comme dhospital aux heures acoustumees, AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3, 25 June 1402. 40. En la chappelle pour dire leurs oroisons et prier, AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3. 41. Al eure que on dist le premiere messe a saint aubin sans avenir le messe et offisse deum de le parroche de campflori devant dit, ADN, 30H 18/284, 1313. 42. The beguines of Hornaing are listed in an assize document from 1304 which is part of BMD, Ms 1096 piece 38. 43. For further details on beguines and guilds see McDonnell, 1969: 270-7. Guilds are discussed in Epstein, 1991. 44. The echevins (town council) of Douai nominated Jean de Caudoy to act as receiver. AHD, Wetz Hospital, 1/843, 30 October 1503. 45. Werin Mulet was himself the souverain of the community he established; see Galloway, 1998: 91. The convent of Lanvin le Blaier in Douai had a demoiselle souveraine (AMD, GG190, pre-1337); that of Pilates had a souveraine (AMD, GG191, 12 September 1362). 46. In the regulations of the beguinage of Champfleury tout governe par un seul kief a li ki es fort une feme beghine ki soit eslite pour fiet deo plus souffisans de le cort... a estre maistresse, ADN, 30H 17/268. 47. AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3 and ADN, B 20040/19915. Original printed in Bethune, 1883: 18-19, 89-92. See also ADN, 30H 17/268. 48. Nous maistresse du beghinage de lospital Sainte Ysabiel ... et tous li

Beguine education

49. 50. 51.

52. 53. 54. 55. 56. 57.

58.

59. 60. 61. 62. 63. 64.

167

couvens de ce meisme lieu ... Savoir faisons que nous plainement confians des sens, loyaulte et bonne diligence de Jehan Deleforterie, icellui avons fait, ordonne, commis et establi et par teneur de ces presentes faisons, ordonnons, constituons et establissons bailli de nostre terre, jurosdiction et seignourie ... enle paroisse de Bondues, ADN, B 7759/157236. AHL, Lille Beguinage, B6 (10 March 1375) provides an example of a personal seal. AHL, Lille Beguinage, E3. Copies at ADN, B 1528/1940; ADN, 162H, 16371, fol. 135r-v. ADN, B 1528/2493. See also AHL, Lille Beguinage, B13 (21 September 1362); AHL, Lille Beguinage, B15 (5 November 1383); AHL, Lille Beguinage, B37 (18 December 1387); AHL, Lille Beguinage, B32 (16 July 1390); AHL, Lille Beguinage (5 November 1393); ADN, 162H 303/2867 (14 June 1394). Maistresse etporveresse de Vhospital de Saint-Spirit, AMD, GG190, July 1270. AMD, FF664, January 1279; AMD, FF665, 10-30 April 1289. See also AHD, Wetz Hospital, 3/894, September 1270. For example, rentes foncieres pecunaires, I'une sur une maison, I'autre sur une porte et sur un chemin, AMD, FF659, June 1258. Le moelin des Wes, 29-30 November 1270. ADN, B 1528/1215 (24 April 1259); ADN, B 1528/1294 (February 1262). See also AHL, Lille Beguinage, B13 (21 September 1361); ADN, 162H (22 April 1367); ADN, 162H (25 February 1368). En rente et en terre, AMD, reg. AA92, 12 August 1264, r-v. Other accounts and receipts for this community at AHD, Wetz Hospital, 4/910, 1312-1646. Abbreviated accounts from 1329 at AHD, Wetz Hospital, 4/ 911; accounts from 1343-44 at AHD, Wetz Hospital, 4/912. 5 muis, 2 rasieres, une coupe de terre et encore 4 bonniers et un quaregnon de terre et sunt le muis, 7 ras et une coupe de bleit par an et une rasiere d'avaine, AMD, reg. AA92, 12 August 1264. The quittance presented by the souveraine of the beguinage of Wetz in respect to the community's accounts from 1340 notes that the house received des rentes de Vhospital des Wez ... en capons, dousiens, mars, fiertons, auiwes et coreuwees, eskues en I'eskevinage de douay et en autre maniere, en quelconques lieu que ce soit, AMD, FF673, 16 January 1340. See AHD, Wetz Hospital, 3/851-70, 881-6, June 1264 to 24 October 1496. ADN, B 7730. Accounts from Lille are also at ADN, B 3685, 1369-77. De lospital le contesse sur leur heritage qui u la poticarie empres le porte dudit hospital 4 sols 3 deniers, ADN, B 7730. des bons enfans, ADN, B 7730. De bure, de frommages, de menus grains verdins, fruis, prunes, poireaux, oingnons, oings de pourceaulx en cest an tout despendu pour che, II livres, ADN, B 7730. Nicholas, 1987: 123. The only statistics available from Douai and Lille are those provided by Martha Howell, who states that the day wages of a master artisan in the building trades in Douai was 8 sous parisis in the late fourteenth century and 10 sous in the mid- and late-fifteenth century; see Howell, 1993: 94.

13 Franciscan educational perspectives: reworking monastic traditions Bert Roest

The current emphasis in studies on mendicant education is on the organization of mendicant studia, their links with the universities and their embrace of the university scholarly curriculum. This emphasis has lead to a relative neglect of elements of mendicant education that fall outside the scholarly curriculum at the mendicant schools, and stands in the way of an understanding of the relationship between the curricular studies and other educational aspects of the mendicant religious life. Mendicant mysticism and spirituality have received serious scholarly attention for more than a century. Yet the studies on these aspects of mendicant religious life are done relatively independently from studies on mendicant schools and studies on mendicant speculative theology. The latter tend to postulate a dichotomy between monastic and scholastic learning. Whereas monastic learning would have centred on the acquisition of wisdom (sapientia), through the process of reading-meditation-contemplation, scholastic learning would have been directed towards science (scientia), through the process of reading-disputation-preaching. The speed with which the mendicants gained access to the university, as well as the role of the mendicants in the pastoral offensive of the thirteenth century (which asked for well-educated doctrinal preachers and inquisitors), makes it easy to depict these orders as well-organized bodies of professional students. It should not be forgotten, however, that these orders remained religious movements. Each of them subscribed to a religious Rule, and inherited many traditions and religious concepts from older monks and regular canons. In this chapter, I limit myself to one of these movements, the Franciscans. To provide a proper context for the pursuit of learning in this order, it seems most productive to concentrate on some Franciscan educational perspectives and the way in which Franciscan educators inherited, applied and reworked received monastic educational ideas. Since a thorough treatment of these matters would require a book-length exposition, this chapter only touches on two areas: the religious formation of novices and friars in Franciscan

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communities, and the persistence of wisdom ideals transgressing the scholastic view of theology and reaching back to older notions of religious education.

The scholarly context: access to the schools Although the Franciscan school system did not emerge as quickly as its Dominican counterpart, developments were well under way during Francis of Assisi's last years. Important study houses were established in Bologna (1220-23), Montpellier and Toulouse (between 1223 and 1225), Oxford (between 1224 and 1229) and Paris (c.1230). Alongside these study houses more elementary theological schools appeared in many of the larger Franciscan settlements, notably in the Italian, southern French and English provinces. A variety of sources indicates that a multi-levelled study organization began to emerge from the 1230s onwards. By the end of the thirteenth century the educational organization of the Franciscan order in nearly all order provinces had developed into a veritable hierarchically structured network of schools.1 Besides the many schools in individual friaries meant for the lifelong instruction of friars by the community lector, most or nearly all provinces had socalled studia particularia at the custodial and the provincial level. These custodial and provincial schools were intended to provide young friars after their novitiate with training in the arts and theology. Every province was further entitled to send a selected number of its friars to one of the studia generalia of the order for more advanced theological studies. Religious formation of novices and friars It is commonly assumed that the character of the Franciscan movement changed radically with the clericalization of the order and the access to the schools. Historians like to single out pivotal developments to illustrate the quick transgression from a band of penitents to a well-organized movement of professional clerics. The most well-known are the deposition of Elias and the suppression of the uneducated lay element in 1239; the educational reforms under Albert of Pisa and Haymo of Faversham; and the final push towards an order of learned clerics under the leadership of Bonaventure (minister general between 1257 and 1273).2 These developments notwithstanding, the religious life of individual friars and the organization of the Franciscan communal life after c.1260 were not geared solely to scholarly and pastoral activities. For this, we can begin with a closer look at Franciscan novice training and the subsequent religious education of friars outside the schools.

170 Bert Roest Novice training The Franciscan Rules of 1221 and 1223 already pay attention to the acceptance of new postulants, in accordance with the bull Cum secundum (1220) of Pope Honorius III (1216-27) (Sbaralea, 1759-68: I, 60; cf. Bernarello, 1961: 37). Those who wanted to join the order ordinarily were expected to absolve a novitiate period which lasted a year. During this period, the postulant had to be initiated in the basics of the Franciscan way of life.3 After the end of the novitiate, the novice could be admitted to the profession of obedience and be allowed to exchange his novitiate clothes for the friar's habit.4 The Franciscan order began as a movement for adults. Neither the Rules nor early Rule commentaries paid much attention to the influx of young postulants.5 Looking at subsequent constitutions, it would seem that matters changed very slowly. The 1260 Narbonne constitutions still took eighteen years as a minimum age for incoming friars. Younger boys from fifteen years or older could only be accepted in exceptional circumstances. Only the 1316 constitutions lowered the age of admittance to fourteen. The 1325 statutes of Lyon and the Farinarian constitutions of 1354 finally repeated this minimum age. In addition, these later constitutions mentioned oblates. These could be presented by their parents at a younger age (Oliger, 1915: 394-400; cf. Moorman, 1952: 106-7).6 Other sources, however, such as Franciscan chronicles and saints' lives, as well as accusations by Parisian secular masters, tell a different story, indicating that legislation and practice could differ significantly. Based on such 'non-official' evidence, we can deduce that from the 1240s onwards it became more common to receive fourteen-year-old postulants, and even much younger children and oblates (cf. Oliger, 1917: 271-88; Mollat, 1955: 195-6). Only the fifteenth-century Observants were far less eager to accept oblates (pueri oblati) and mere children. The influx of adolescents motivated the friars to take the novitiate period very seriously.7 Hence we see the emergence of the novice master around 1240, followed shortly by the youth master (magister iuvenum), responsible for younger friars under the age of twenty. In addition, it became customary to select one or two friaries within each custody to take care of incoming novices.8 These centres often housed the custodial schools, where young friars could receive additional training in the arts and theology after their novitiate. Young friars would be under continual surveillance, first by the novice master and thereafter by the magister iuvenum and the student master (the magister studentium, who was responsible for the scholarly progress of students) (Brlek, 1942: 67). Interesting for my present purpose is the emphasis in sources concerned with novice training. Franciscan novices were not expected to devote their probation time to rigorous studies of philosophy or theology. Instead, they should devote their novitiate to learn the divine office and to internalize fully the basic principles of their chosen

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vocation. This vocation was identified as the life of evangelical perfection. It comprised complete discipline over body and mind, which had to be geared towards poverty, humility, obedience, selfnegation and the love of God. To implement the internalization of these requirements, Franciscan novices were subjected to forms of communal religious instruction, manual labour and exercises in private reading, prayer and meditation (cf. Barone, 1978: 229). To facilitate all this, specific manuals and treatises began to appear. Of fundamental importance was a group of writings that have come down to us under the collective title De exterioris et interioris compositione hominis. This conglomerate contains a Formula de compositione hominis exterioris ad novitios, a Formula de interioris hominis reformatione ad proficientes, and De septem processibus religiosorum. All of these works were written by David of Augsburg (c. 1200-72), who was novice master of the Regensburg friary in the 1240s. They were originally intended to guide novices and young friars in Regensburg and other friaries in the Strasbourg Province. These three treatises, both together and separately, soon found their way all over Europe, occasionally in combination with other works by the same author. All of them became the objects of reworkings and translations between the thirteenth and sixteenth centuries. They became instrumental in the dissemination of 'Franciscan' religious ideas among male and female religious and lay communities alike. Inspired by Gregory the Great's (c.540-604) theme of three levels leading to religious perfection (which was also taken up in William of St Thierry's (c.1085-1148) Epistola ad fratres de Monte Dei), David of Augsburg's Formula deals with the edification of exterior man, by means of simple behaviour guidelines and instruments to strengthen the virtues and to avoid vice. The complementary Formula de interioris hominis reformatione ad proficientes and De septem processibus religiosorum explain the subsequent stages of religious perfection from the viewpoint of interior man. The Formula stresses the reform of the powers of the soul - reason, memory and will - which are hampered by sin. Through their spiritual reform, man's soul once more can become a true image of God.9 De septem processibus religiosorum provides a sevenfold progression of spiritual man, leading to perfection. Though initially also presented as a further step in novice training, this treatise refers in its more elevated spiritual stages to the mature religious.10 Of comparable importance to David's instruction manuals was the Speculum disciplinae of Bernard of Bessa (fl. c.1260), Bonaventure's trusted secretary and socius. Bernard's Speculum disciplinae, which for a long time was ascribed to the minister general himself (as was David's De exterioris et interioris compositione hominis}, also concentrates on the discipline of body and mind to arrive at a state of evangelical perfection.11 Bernard argued, in accordance with Hugh of St Victor's (fH41) De institutione novitiorum, that the exercise of discipline formed the foundation of the proper religious life.12 His

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treatise therefore opens with the preparatory conditions for disciplinary training.13 An internalization of these preparatory conditions, of which humility is the most pressing,14 would strengthen the stamina of the student of discipline. The second section of the first part of the Speculum disciplinae deals with discipline itself. This section, which fills an additional twenty-five chapters, defines the essence of discipline (once more with recourse to Hugh of St Victor),15 and touches on the ways in which discipline can be maintained in all the different aspects of the religious life. These ways range from prayer, confession and participation in the Divine Office, to eating habits, bodily care, corporal exercise and the comportment toward guests and strangers.16 At the very end, the Speculum disciplinae contains six additional chapters with general Rules by which a friar must always abide. These are Rules with respect to the friar's relationship with God, his attitude towards his fellow friars and incoming postulants, and his dealings with received goods.17 Comparable themes are also emphasized in other works for novice training, such as Bonaventure's influential Regula novitiorum, which was meant to provide a solution to the acknowledged necessity to take the novitiate period more seriously (Bonaventura, 1898a: 475-90). If we can rely on John Capistran's 1452 letter of instruction to Albert Puchelbach, the guardian of the Neurenberg friary, it seems that fifteenth-century Observants dealing with the novitiate exhibited many of the same concerns.18 These and comparable works of initiation trained novices to see all their daily occupations, including basic activities such as eating and sleeping, as a point of departure for spiritual exercises.19 The incumbent friar should always give his undivided attention to all his occupations - never should he give in to leisure (otium).2Q Through these reiterative daily activities he would acquire the knowledge and the right disposition to live a proper religious life.21 The vision of religious life portrayed in these Franciscan works for novice training was very much inspired by older monastic ideals, which ultimately went back to the spiritual educational programmes of Augustine, Gregory the Great, Benedict of Nursia, and Cassiodorus (see Leclercq, 1975, 1990; Riche, 1982; Gehl, 1984). In that respect there was a strong continuity between early and later medieval manuals for novice training and their Franciscan counterparts. This also is revealed in the immediate sources of David of Augsburg, Bernard of Bessa, et al. Aside from the Bible (the Psalms and the Gospels in particular), the major immediate sources for these authors were William of St Thierry's Epistola adfratres de Monte Dei, the spiritual writings of Bernard of Clairvaux, and De institutione novitiorum of Hugh of St Victor and Gerard Ithier. It shows that, with the transformation of the Franciscan fraternity to a more regulated religious community, the Franciscan life of evangelical perfection was not simply exchanged for a life of professional scholarship, but modelled ideologically more along the lines of later medieval monastic spirituality.22

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Subsequent religious education After absolving their novitiate, the intellectually more promising friars would embark on curricular studies in the custodial schools and beyond. Yet, apart from these curricular studies, all young friars would continue to be immersed in the daily liturgical activities and religious exercises of their community.23 Both novices and young friars needed to get well acquainted with the various formulas of the Divine Office, the Mass, and the accompanying Psalms, antiphons, hymns, readings and responses. This included a thorough instruction in the use of the breviary and the other liturgical books, in musical training, and in the physical acts (genuflections, prostrations, processions, vigils) connected with the manifold liturgical moments (Dijk, 1969; Costa, 1982). The friars were immersed in the intense liturgical rhythms of the day, the week and the year. In the context of these liturgical celebrations, friars would be exposed to thematic sermons that not only reiterated doctrinal matters but also dealt with issues pertaining to religious virtue.24 The daily schedule of novices and friars included hours for bodily penance,25 private reading, meditation and prayer. Such activities traditionally were presented as necessary pendants to the communal liturgy.26 Ignatius Brady has shown that 'mental' prayer was an intrinsic part of the Franciscan religious life from the very beginning. It was regarded as spiritual food that nourished the soul.27 The importance of this element of private devotion shines through in Francis's own De religiosa habitatione in eremo, in the sections of Franciscan saints' lives devoted to the teachings and the religious habits of Franciscan saints, as well as in many important educative writings of subsequent Franciscan authors.28 The friars should make themselves thoroughly acquainted with the biblical books and devotional texts in their hours of private reading and private meditation by committing these texts to memory in a ruminative process. This reading process was complementary to the structured exegesis in the order's schools of theology. In their hours of private reading, Franciscan friars over the years not only learned by heart the Psalms and large portions of other biblical books, but also a range of other inspired writings that in one way or another testified to God's might and benevolence. These private readings provided them with additional tools for their hours of prayer and meditation after the Midnight Office and in the early morning (the hours of silence),29 opening their souls to the contemplation of spiritual truth. In addition, the concentration of the friars on these texts and their virtuous message reduced the danger to succumb to alien influences in moments of solitude.30 In the context of these various communal and private reading and meditation exercises functioned a wealth of Franciscan spiritual works, ranging from concise guidelines for spiritual edification to lengthy treatises on evangelical perfection. Nearly all of them describe ways in

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which the theological virtues can be strengthened and in which the soul can be made ready to receive sanctifying grace as a prerequisite for the gift of true wisdom in the act of contemplation. Very influential were David of Augsburg's prayer guides,31 as well as his De septem processibus religiosorum mentioned before. As influential were Bonaventure's manifold spiritual writings for the order, such as his famous Itinerarium mentis in Deum and his De triplici via (Bonaventura, 1891b; 1898f: 3-18). These works unfold a progress in wisdom which is presented as a gift of the Holy Spirit. They elaborate influential monastic conceptions of hierarchical ascent inspired by Gregory the Great, William of St Thierry and, in particular, Pseudo-Dionysius (c.500). Such conceptions subsume all ascetical, devotional and doctrinal teachings to the goal of perfect knowledge of the Divine and the union with God through love (Ruh, 1993: 412-31). As such, these Franciscan spiritual writings provide a programme of religious instruction valid for all friars, including those who studied and taught at the higher study houses of the order. Many of these more elevated spiritual and sometimes outright mystical texts rework Bonaventurean and Pseudo-Dionysian spiritual themes. For instance, this is the case with De laude Domini novi saeculi and De investigatione Creatoris per creaturas of the Franciscan lector from Minister Bertram of Ahlen (f after 1315) (Bihl, 1947; cf. Ruh, 1978), as well as with the connected treatises of Berthold Kule, who was active as lector in Cologne in the early fourteenth century.32 In the same category we can place the Liber soliloquiorum of the Regensburg lector Werner of Ratisbonne (| after 1290) (Fez, 1724; Bonmann, 1937), and the Septem itinera aeternitatis of Rudolf of Biberach (c.1270-1316). The latter, a learned, mystical compilation, presents the ascent of the soul to the inner secrets of God, a process that would restore the human soul as image of God (Rudolf of Biberach, 1985).33 These and other systematic works stand next to a more heterogeneous text corpus that goes back to the oracular sayings and proverbs of Francis's early followers. Very popular in this regard were the so-called Dicta beati Aegidii, allegedly derived from Giles of Assisi's oral teachings concerning prayer, devotion and the experience of the Divine (Ruh, 1993: 403ff). Over the centuries, many of these texts were translated, excerpted and reworked, to function in (male and female) Franciscan houses and in tertiary communities as guides to spiritual exercises.

Persisting ideals of religious wisdom Another way to evaluate the context of studies in the Franciscan life is provided by more extensive Franciscan writings on the objectives and methods of learning. For this, we can have recourse to authors with distinguished academic and para-academic careers, such as Bonaventure, Gilbert of Tournai (c. 1210-88) and Matthew of Aquasparta

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(c.1240-1302), to name but a few. Because of limitations of space and expertise, I will concentrate on Bonaventure's ideal of religious education and his vision of the relationship between formalized studies and other forms of religious learning. Bonaventure had to defend the Franciscan position at the university at Paris against the seculars, who found fault with the mendicant dominance in the theology faculty and attacked the Franciscans for harbouring heretical Joachimist views (see in particular Dufeil, 1972; Douie, 1974). He had to defend the Franciscan pursuit of learning against spiritually inclined friars, who were afraid that the access to the schools was leading to the destruction of Franciscan simplicity (cf. also Bonaventura, 1898d: 451). He also saw himself forced to attack the so-called Latin-Averroists or radical Aristotelians in Paris, who claimed an autonomy of philosophical studies that Bonaventure was not willing to accept (Dales, 1989). These three intertwined motivations tied in with his own deep-felt convictions concerning the nature of theological knowledge and true wisdom, and concerning the Franciscan way of life as an expression of evangelical perfection.34 Against those critics who found fault with the Franciscan presence at the universities and the Franciscan pursuit of learning, Bonaventure unfolded a salvation-historical rationale that was closely bound up with his eschatological view of the Franciscan movement. While distancing himself convincingly from those Joachimist views that threatened the existing ecclesiastical order, Bonaventure was convinced that the Franciscans had come near the end of time as a God-sent salvation army. In his eyes, the history of the Franciscans was an analogous antitype of the history of the Church itself, which had started with a few simple fishermen, but now had learned doctors in its midst. Hence, the change of the movement from a group of simple men to an order of learned doctors able to defend Christian orthodoxy was in accordance with divine providence.35 Eventually, Bonaventure would develop these notions in his Collationes in Hexaemeron into a full-blown theology of history, in which he stressed the concordances between the process of salvation in the course of time and the progressive insight in divine truth.36 Bonaventure's overall eschatological vision provided him not only with arguments to support the Franciscan access to the schools, but also with arguments to embed the curricular studies in a wider perspective of Franciscan spirituality. Bonaventure indicated that Francis had established the Franciscan order with a three-fold goal: to imitate the life of Christ on earth, to engage in apostolic activities in the world, and to contemplate God in a mystical way. These three activities together formed the active and contemplative elements of evangelical perfection according to the message of the Gospels and the rule of Francis. Bonaventure made clear that the mendicant orders both followed and distinguished themselves from previous monastic movements, and that they prefigured a future order of spiritual men (of which Francis already had been a true exemplar) to come after the death of Antichrist.37

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The imitation of the life of Christ, the first and foremost goal of minorite life, asked for an uncompromising embrace of poverty and humility. The third goal (the mystical contemplation of God) asked for a submission of body and soul to the discipline of asceticism, prayer and meditation. The second goal, the apostolic mission, asked for the study of Scripture as well as the ancillary arts and philosophical sciences.38 Study itself therefore was part of a larger whole: one important but limited way to fulfil the sapiential nature of man who was created to know and to love his creator. Study should be seen in the context of the apostolic mission of the order and man's objective to contemplate divine truth. As study was a foundation for the apostolic mission and for mystical contemplation, the spirit with which it was taken on should be fully informed by a desire for God and compassion for one's fellow men. Only then one could hope to reap the proper fruit of these studies, namely wisdom and love (see Bonaventura, 189la: 420). Bonaventure's own definition of wisdom made clear that study in and of itself should be more than just a proficient use of logical techniques and forms of formal reasoning. True wisdom was a light descending from God in man, making the soul deiform and a house of God, fully open towards eternal truths and the eternal forms.39 This definition of wisdom as the proper fruit of study shows to what extent the final aim of study in the Bonaventurean vision is dependent upon grace and the correct disposition of mind and soul. This presupposes a holy life according to the Franciscan precepts of poverty and humility. The definition also shows to what extent study is itself an essential element to engage in a fruitful mystical contemplation of God. Hence, in Bonaventure's presentation, the three goals enshrined in the Franciscan ideal are fully intertwined: the transition from mere knowledge to true wisdom requires the practice of sanctity.40 Bonaventure could advocate the scientific stature of speculative theology and the use of other sciences to perfect this science (indeed, his academic writings forcefully confirm this). At the same time he could negate the pursuit of the sciences for their own sake. These and comparable themes also emerge in other Bonaventurean writings in which the sanctifying aspects of the pursuit of Christian perfection are central, such as the sermon De sancto Dominico, the Itinerarium mentis in Deum and the Legenda major.41 These writings, in one way or another, all make clear that Christian perfection consists of the comprehension of truth and the practice of virtue. The comprehension of truth is dependent upon the theological and speculative virtues, which are purified in faith, illuminated in science and perfected in contemplation. The practice of religious virtues, which will make man clement, constant, humble and prudent, will further ensure that the knowledge of truth will bequeath to man true wisdom (Berube, 1976: 4-8, 260ff). Both the comprehension of truth and the acquisition of true wisdom therefore are dependent on a life of Christian perfection. The model for this life is given by the

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mendicants, and in particular by Francis of Assisi, who had followed the example of the suffering Christ to the very end. Francis is presented as the perfect imitator of Christ, who by means of his love and emulation of the Saviour, his fervent prayer, and his ecstatic meditation of the Scriptures received a spiritual intelligence of the divine word, which transgressed philosophical and theological speculation. In the final instance, constant prayer, meditation and the exercise of the virtues would enable man to exceed the knowledge obtained by the discursive methods of philosophy and theology.42 This not only downplayed the importance of curricular studies, but also, in principle, legitimized the access to a spiritual intelligence by those who were denied access to the schools to begin with, like the Poor Clares and the beguines. Conclusion Comparable educational perspectives can be found in a wide range of other Franciscan writings not mentioned in this chapter. They were composed either for the instruction of novices and friars, or for the instruction of Poor Clares, tertiaries and the lay population at large. We are, in fact, dealing with a heterogeneous corpus varying from basic texts for beginners in devotional exercises to deep-probing works of speculative mysticism. Texts like these fuelled the devotional and mystical discourse of Franciscan textual communities that comprised not only the learned clerical friars, but also a varying cloud of fellow travellers. Most importantly for our present purpose, the spiritual educational programmes put forward in these texts (which reached back to influential Cistercian and Victorine educational models) embedded the pursuit of studies in a wider, fundamentally religious context.43 Notes 1. See Felder, 1904; Brlek, 1942, as well as my forthcoming book on Franciscan education. 2. On this movement of clericalization see in particular Landini, 1968. 3. In the early Franciscan movement, the initiation of new postulants was done by Francis himself. Cf. Thomas of Celano, 1926-41: 41. 4. For more details concerning the legal aspects of these matters, the way in which they were dealt with in canon law, the Rules of 1221 and 1223, and in subsequent Franciscan Rule commentaries and order regulations, see Boni, 1996: 211-64. 5. In contrast with the Poor Clares, the 1253 Rule expressively provides regulations for girls under twelve who are being accepted. See Oliger, 1915: 394. 6. The pueri oblati should be distinguished from mature oblates, who were adults who offered themselves with their possessions to a monastery or a

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8. 9.

10. 11. 12.

13.

14. 15.

16. 17.

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friary, in order to live a religious life in service of that religious community. Boys coming in at a very young age - say nine - would not immediately have entered the novitiate stage. They first would receive a rudimentary education in the Franciscan grammar schools before entering their novitiate at a time deemed appropriate by the guardian and the novice master. This is confirmed by the Narbonne Constitutions of 1260. Cf. Bertinato, 1954: 80ff; Bernarello, 1961: 38-9. David informs us that: Interior reformatio in spiritu mentis consistit, quia et interior homo et imago Dei est mens rationalis... interior autem homo... renovatur et proficit in similitudinem eius, ad cuius imaginem creatus est. David of Augsburg, 1899: 88. See in particular Bernarello, 1961: 24-6; Ruh, 1993: 526-31. Bernard of Bessa (1898): 583-622. Cf. Bernarello, 1961: 39f. Nam, ut ait Hugo de sancto Victore, usus disciplinae ad virtutem animum dirigit, virtus autem ad beatitudinem perducit; ac per hoc, inquit, exercitium disciplinae esse debet inchoatio, virtus perfectio, praemium virtutis aeterna beatitudo. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 583. Praeparatoria sunt per modum principii, medii et postremi depositio vetustatis, stabilitas mentis adversus tentationes diaboli et subiectionis humilitas. Primum praeparationem inchoat, secundum continuat, tertium vero consumat. Servanda erit ubique maiorum et minorum paragraphorum distinctio ad seriei et ordinis evidentiam ampliorem. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 584. In the first section of the Speculum disciplinae, the depositio vetustatis and the constantia mentis both receive a small chapter. The subjectionis humilitas, however, receives a fuller treatment in four chapters. Disciplina est, ut ait Hugo, conversatio bona et honesta, cui parum est mala non agere, sed studet etiam in his quae bene agit, per cuncta irreprehensibilis apparere. Item, disciplina est omnium membrorum motus ordinatus et dispositio decens in omni habitu et actione. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 591. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 591-614. Principalia huius opusculi expedita, secundaria haec pauca epilogat et supplet quaedam, ut novi discipuli Christi, qualiter ad Deum, ad se, ad proximum et ad res etiam, quas aliquando servare vel tractare contingit, se habeant; quibus differentiarum indiciis de sua conversione discernant; qualiter denique ipsi ad professionem recepti se gerere debeant, vel breviter in aliquibus instruantur. Pars Secunda, Quae de Generali exhortatione loquitur. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 615-22; 615. Albert had just received no fewer than thirty-four novices in the aftermath of Capistran's preaching tour through the German lands. Albert was asked to ensure that the novices learned how to sing (without spending too much time on it), to meditate, to confess their sins and to engage regularly in mental prayer: 1. Placet mihi, quod Novitii discant cantare; magis tamen placeret, ut discerent plorare et orationi vacare; quia quotidie cantare parit nobis Fratrum penuriam, mentem vagam deducit, et adeo tempus consumit, ut nullus vestrum evadere possit in officio praedicandi darns et peritus; 2. Item, quod Magister saepenumero hortetur Novitios suos, docatque meditari Passionem Christi, propriam miseriam, diem mortis, infernales poenas, propria peccata perpetrata, et gloriam post poenitentiam eis repromissam', 3. Item, quod Novitii bis saltern in

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19.

20.

21.

22.

23.

24. 25. 26. 27. 28.

hebdomada confiteantur, revelando malas phantasias et cogitationes, ut tentati ad vomitum non redeant; 4. Item, quod singulis diebus faciant coronam beatae Mariae virginis cum septem meditationibus; 10. Item, quod instituatur pro Novitiis una hora pro oratione mentali, ut discant semetipsos cognoscere ... et alias devotas Orationes faciant quotidie. Wadding, 1932: XII, 183-5. Cf. Nicholas Glassberger, 1887: 342. Et sicut Bernardus dicit: 'Cum comedis, non totus comedas, sed attendas lectioni, si fueris in loco, ubi legatur; si vero non legitur, ibidem cogita de Deo, ut uterque homo sit propria refectione refectus. Bonaventura, 1898e: 481; In lecto autem sic positus, donee somnus te occupet, dicas Psalmos, vel aliud utile meditare, vel quod utilius est, imaginare lesum in cruce pendentem. Quod si sollicite cogitabis, vix aut numquam poterit te diabolus molestare. Bonaventura, 1898e: 483. Stude semper expendere tempus tuum aut in oratione, aut in lectione, aut in bona meditatione, aut in servitiis. Bonaventura, 1898e: 476a; In his ergo maxime exerce te, scilicet in frequenti et ferventi oratione et lectione et in servitiis, et per ista tria tota vita tua decurrat, ut semper ores, aut legas, aut servias, et potissime senibus, forensibus et infirmis; et perfectis servitiis, non stes cum Fratribus otiosus, sed statim vade ad cellam, ut ibi ores vel legas, et sta in ea quotidie usque ad Tertiam. Bonaventura, 1898e: 484; Numquam otio turpeant, sed semper aut lectioni, aut orationi, vel officio addiscendo, aut aliis, non quae ipsi elegerint, sed quae iniuncta fuerint, faciendis intendant. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 617. Scientiam, quae ad institutionem recte et honeste vivendi pertinet, multis modis hominem colligere et comparare sibi oportet: partim ratione, partim doctrina, partim exemplo, partim meditatione sanctarum Scripturarum, partim assidua inspectione operum et morum suorum. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 591. For a more detailed analysis of these and other works of David of Augsburg, Bernard of Bessa and Bonaventure see in particular Bertinato, 1954 and Bernarello, 1961, mentioned before. These scholars also discuss the monastic sources used by these Franciscan authors, and with the main characteristics of the Franciscan life of evangelical perfection rising up from their works. See also Heerinckx, 1933. According to the third chapter of the Regula non bullata (1221), the clerical friars would absolve their liturgical obligations in accordance with their clerical status, whereas the lay friars had to say the Creed and the Pater Noster twenty-four times. The third chapter of the Regula bullata of 1223 indicated that clerical friars would absolve the Divine Office according to the ordo sanctae romanae Ecclesiae. We can, for instance, refer to the many sermons de sanctis held in Franciscan communities in which the moral and theological virtues of Franciscan saints were dealt with in depth. Bernarello, 1961: 51ff. To my knowledge a thorough study on Franciscan activities of bodily mortification has not yet been undertaken. Monastic authors maintained that not only personal prayer and meditation were rooted in the biblical message, but also the Mass and the Divine Office. Cf. Wilmart, 1971: 13-25. Cf. Bougerol, 1977: Sermo I Domin., I in Quadr.: Sicut corpus indiget recreari et sustentari cibo materiali, sic spiritus cibo spirituali, qui quidem cibus est verbum Dei quod reficit spiritum. Thus the Speculum disciplinae insists that the novice (both during his novitiate and throughout his life as a friar) should spend at least one hour

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29. 30.

31. 32.

33. 34. 35.

36.

37.

38.

Bert Roest a day in mental prayer (Brady, 1951). The emphasis on mental prayer and meditation shines through many Franciscan saints' lives. Concerning these hours of silence after Compline usque post Pretiosa, see Bihl, 1941: 56. Lectionibus quoque divinis est anima nutrienda ... De quotidiana lectione aliquid quotidie in ventrem memoriae dimittendum est, quod fidelius digeratur et sursum revocatum crebrius ruminetur, quod proposito conveniat, quod intentioni proficiat, quod detineat animum, ut aliena cogitare non libeat. Bernard of Bessa, 1898: 594. Namely his Tractatus de omtione and his De septem gradibus orationis. Among his works we count the Tractatus de pulchritudine anime et eius deformatione, the Tractatus de extrema hora, De revelatione filii perditionis, De tempore mortis eiusque incertitudine, and De iudicio proprie conscience. Cf. Bihl, 1947: 3-31. For its abundant use of monastic and patristic authorities, and regarding how the work was received until the eighteenth century, see Schmidt, 1992. Cf. also Bonaventura, 1898a. The best introduction to these aspects is provided by Berube, 1976: 97-162, 258-82. Quodsi verba philosophorum aliquando plus valent ad intelligentiam veritatis et confutationem errorum, non deviat a puritate aliquando in his studere, maxime cum multae sint quaestiones fidei, quae sine his non possunt terminari... hoc est, quod me fecit vitam beati Francisci maxime diligere, quia similis est initio et perfectioni Ecclesiae, quae primo incepit a piscatoribus simplicibus et postmodum profecit ad doctores clarissimos et peritissimos. Bonaventura, 1898c: 335-6. The logical and eschatological outcomes of these concordances would be the direct contemplation of the Divine by the beatified. Bonaventure's unfinished Collationes in Hexaemeron breaks off before this is fully addressed. Cf. Ratzinger, 1959. In ordine contemplantium sunt tres ordines ... Intendunt autem divinis tripliciter, quidam per modum supplicatorium, quidam per modum speculatorium, quidam per modum sursumactivum ... Primo modo sunt illi qui se totius dedicant orationi et devotioni et divinae laudi ... ut Cirsterciensis [ordo], Praemonstratensis, Carthusiensis, Grandimontensis, Canonici Regulares. Secundus est qui intenditper modum ... speculativum, ut illi qui vacant Scripturae ... Huic respondent Cherubim. Hi sunt Praedicatores et Minores. Alii principaliter intendunt speculationi ... et postea unctioni. Alii principaliter unctioni et postea speculationi. Tertius ordo est vacantium Deo secundum modum sursumactivum, sc. exstaticum seu excessivum. Quis enim iste est? Iste est ordo seraphicus. De isto videtur fuisse Franciscus. See Bonaventura, 1891a: 440. For Bonaventure's vision of Francis as the forerunner of the seraphic order of spiritual men, see Clasen, 1962; Roest, 1998: 206-9. See Bonaventura, 1898b: 338-9, and also his De reductione artium ad theologiam, which not only affirms that all human sciences can nourish theology, but also demonstrates how the multiformis sapientia Dei, quae lucide traditur in sacra scriptura, occultatur in omni natura (Bonaventura, 1891c, no. 25). The liberal arts and the natural sciences perfect man in his intelligible being. For him these disciplines are a Lumen exterius, scilicet artis mechanicae; Lumen inferius, scilicet cognitionis sensitivae; Lumen interius, scilicet lumen cognitionis philosophiae (quod illuminat ad veritatis intelligibiles perscrutandas) [which can be divided into the

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40.

41.

42.

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logical, natural and moral disciplines]; Lumen superioris, scilicet lumen gratiae et sacrae scripturae (Bonaventura, 1891c). The first three lights pertain to the level of natural inventio. The fourth pertains to the inspiration that leads to salvation. All forms of inspired knowledge feed theology, in the sense that they facilitate proper theological knowledge. Cf. Gneo, 1969. The Augustinian concept of the sciences as handmaidens of theology is also clearly expressed in Bacon's Opus majus. Cf. Berube, 1976: 56f; Lindberg, 1987. Bacon was more optimistic about the exploration and use of these sciences than Bonaventure. Sapientia est lux descendens a Patre luminum in animam et radians in earn, facit animam deiformem et domum Dei. Ista lux descendens facit intellectivam speciosam, affectivam amoenam, operativam robustam. See Bonaventura, 1891a: 329. On the role of illumination in mid-thirteenthcentury religious epistemology see Berube, 1973: II, 627-54; 1976: 20157. Non est ergo securus transitus a scientia ad sapientiam; oportet ergo medium ponere, scilicet, sanctitatem. See Bonaventura, 189la: 420. Cf. also his remark Transitus autem a scientia ad sapientiam est exercitium: excercitatio a studio scientiae ad studium sanctitatis, et a studio sanctitatis ad studium sapientiae. See Bonaventura, 1891a: 420. Berube, following Ratzinger and Bougerol, postulates that Bonaventure's later writings increasingly stress the spiritual and mystical aspects of religious learning, gradually moving away from the more rationalist stance in his Sentences Commentary. Cf. Berube, 1976: 102ff, 258ff. Bonaventura, 1926-41: 605: Ad tantam autem mentis serenitatem indefessum orationis studium cum continua exercitatione virtutum virum Dei perduxerat, ut, quamvis non habuerit sacrarum litterarum peritiam per doctrinam, aeternae tamen lucis irradiatus fulgoribus, Scripturarum profunda miro intellectus scrutaretur acumine ... Legebat quandoque in libris sacris, et quod animo semel iniecerat, tenaciter imprimebat memoriae, quia non frustra mentalis attentionis percipiebat auditu quod continuae devotionis ruminabat affectu ... Nee absonum, si vir sanctus Scripturarum a Deo intellectum acceperat, cum per imitationem Christi perfectam veritatem ipsarum gestaret in opere et per sancti Spiritus unctionem plenariam doctorem earum apud se haberet in corde. In the Itinerarium mentis in Deum and De triplici via, this vision is reworked into a programme of spiritual ascent through the practice of virtues, prayer and meditation, to the contemplation of the divine. Cf. Berube, 1976: 281. I would like to express my thanks to the Royal Dutch Academy of Arts and Sciences for the financial support that made this research possible. In addition, I would like to acknowledge my appreciation of Dr Carolyn Muessig's initiative in organizing such a wonderful conference on monastic education.

14 Monastic educational culture revisited: the witness of Zwiefalten and the Hirsau reform Constant J. Mews

In The Love of Learning and the Desire for God, originally presented as a series of lectures for young monks in Rome in 1955-56, Dom Jean Leclercq, OSB, argued with elegance and literary flair that monastic culture in the Middle Ages was characterized by a contemplative focus, fundamentally different from that pursued in non-monastic schools. In his view, the cloister fostered a theology that was contemplative in character and quite distinct from the pastorally oriented theology taught in urban schools. Monks acquired their religious formation, he held, not from a scholastic using the quaestio, but under the guidance of an abbot or spiritual father within a liturgical context (Leclercq, 1982a: 2).1 Leclercq's thesis of a great divide between monastic and scholastic culture has a seductive simplicity. It interprets the confrontation between Abelard and Bernard of Clairvaux as epitomizing the tension between two very different ways of doing theology: one contemplative and mystical, the other based on the quaestio (Leclercq, 1982a: 208-9). While not denying the legitimacy of scholastic theology, Leclercq did not disguise his preference for the thought of the cloister as less affected by the concerns of the moment' (Leclercq, 1982a: 224). In a paper written in 1981, he commented that while scholasticism was of only 'temporary' interest, the literature of monastic theology would have an enduring legacy because of its appeal to 'human experience' and its 'enduring beauty' (1982b: 87).2 Leclercq did much to promote the study of twelfthcentury monastic authors as providing an alternative to what he feared was the potential aridity of scholastic theological discussion, just as the writings of his friend, Thomas Merton, helped renew interest in contemplative spirituality in the second half of the twentieth century. Leclercq's argument that underpinning the diversity of individual monastic writings there was a single underlying 'monastic theology', quite distinct from that of the schools, is problematic. The central figure whom he presented as the embodiment of this 'monastic

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theology' was Bernard of Clairvaux. Certainly, the disputes with Abelard and Gilbert of Poitiers in which Bernard became embroiled lend support to the notion that Bernard may have perceived the meditative values of the cloister as under threat from a questioning, analytic spirit. Leclercq's division between scholastic and monastic theology is much less able, however, to come to terms with the writings of Anselm of Bee, who makes extensive use of the quaestio to unravel knotty questions both of language and of theology. What are we to make of monastic interest in the thought of Hugh of St Victor, who similarly combines the quaestio with monastic ideals of contemplation? Bernard's distinct interpretation of the monastic life cannot be taken as representative of monastic educational culture as a whole during the twelfth century (or in any other period, for that matter). Texts of scholastic theology were frequently copied in monastic libraries. The 1472 library catalogue of Clairvaux, for example, contained a large collection of libri speculative theologie, including the earliest known copy of the Four Books of Sentences of Peter Lombard (Troyes, Bibliotheque municipale 286), produced at Clairvaux c.l 159, only a few years after the work had been completed.3 While Abelard's writings never circulated as widely as those of Bernard, a significant proportion survive in Benedictine libraries.4 Gilbert of Poitiers was another non-monastic author whose difficulties with Bernard of Clairvaux in 1148 did not stop his writings from circulating in monastic as well as non-monastic libraries.5 Otto of Freising, who had been the first Cistercian abbot of Morimond before becoming a bishop, gently criticized Bernard for not understanding the subtlety of Gilbert's theology, and was celebrated for being one of the first scholars to introduce new texts of Aristotle into Germany.6 Peter Classen has already observed how many early scholastic texts are to be found in monastic libraries in Bavaria and Austria, where the surviving deposit of twelfth-century manuscripts is particularly rich (Classen, 1959). The concept of 'monastic theology' imposes a degree of cultural uniformity on twelfth-century monasticism which is difficult to sustain from the evidence of manuscripts and library catalogues. The Hirsau reform The emphasis that Leclercq placed on the Cistercian movement of monastic reform, as well as on rhetorical claims that there was a great spiritual divide between the world of the cloister and of the schools, inevitably placed a great deal of emphasis on the situation in France where this rivalry became particularly pronounced in the twelfth century. Much less well known to English-speaking students is the reform movement promoted in south-western Germany by William of Hirsau (c.1026-91). Brought up at St Emmeram, Regensburg, under the influence of Otloh (1010-C.1070), William was remembered by his biographer as having the rare quality of being both learned and

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religious (Wattenbach, 1856: 22, 219).7 He composed dialogues on both music (in which he criticized the opinions of Boethius and Guido of Arrezo) and astronomy.8 After becoming abbot at Hirsau in 1069, William asked his friend Ulrich of Zell to send him the customs of Cluny, on which he based his own Constitutiones Hirsaugienses (William of Hirsau, 1881: 927-1146).9 Although William's reforms are often described as 'neo-Cluniac', they differed in some important ways from those of Cluny. William never adopted the full complexities of its elaborate liturgy or its system of subordinating houses to the authority of a single abbot. Abbeys influenced by Hirsau were free to adapt a kernel of common liturgical practices according to their own needs.10 William had a horror of being venerated for his abbatial dignity, and was much involved in promoting the religious life through his preaching to women as well as men (Kusters, 1985: 102-14). Our understanding of the educational culture promoted by William at Hirsau, and at the houses influenced by his reforms in the late eleventh and early twelfth century, has been severely impaired by the destructive wars that ravaged monastic communities in south-western Germany in the seventeenth century. Our problems are compounded by the fact that for much of our knowledge of the Hirsau reform we are largely dependent on the testimony of Johannes Trithemius (14621516), the bibliophile abbot of Sponheim, sometimes accused of being an unreliable historian.11 Only by patiently exploring those manuscripts that do survive and matching them against his testimony can we learn to evaluate what he has to say. One of the many German monastic houses which may have been influenced by the Hirsau reforms is the Abbey of St Disibod, officially founded in 1108 by archbishop Ruthard with monks from the Mainz abbeys of St James and St Alban. Its Hirsau affiliations, often suspected, have recently been confirmed by Felix Heinzer, who has observed that a liturgical manuscript from Disibodenberg (Engelberg, Ms 103) incorporates the Hirsau liber ordinarius.12 St Disibod is most well-known for the fact that Hildegard spent the first forty years of her life there as a recluse, initially under the tutelage of Jutta (1092-1136) and Volmar, the monk deputed to be her magister (see Carolyn Muessig, Chapter 8). While we know very little for certain about the kind of educational culture to which Hildegard would have been exposed at St Disibod, we can gain some idea of the type of monastic culture valued there by the extended attention its chronicle gives to Bee as a centre for both the liberal arts and sacred studies under Anselm. The chronicler lists all the writings of Anselm, including a letter that he believes had been sent to William of Hirsau.13 The Library of Hirsau Although relatively few manuscripts from the abbey of Hirsau have survived, it is evident from William of Hirsau's monastic constitutions

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that great importance was attached to the maintenance of the library and the work of transcription.14 A twelfth-century library catalogue, transcribed by Johannes Parsimonius (1525-88), fourth evangelical abbot of Hirsau and edited by Gottfried Lessing in the eighteenth century, is particularly valuable in allowing us to glimpse its character.15 Parsimonius seems to have had access to important manuscripts of Hirsau not known to Trithemius.16 The catalogue begins with the rubric: Books of the most distinguished authors of the Church of the library of Hirsau, copied by hand with great labour and greatest expense and assembled almost all in the time of the aforementioned father William [1069-91] and his successors, Bruno [1105-21], Volmar [1121-57] and Manegold [1157-65], without doubt an incomparable treasure. The first part lists various authors chronologically: Josephus, Origen, Tertullian, Cyprian, Hilary, Augustine, Jerome, Orosius, John Chrysostom, Athanasius, Cassian, Cassiodorus, Isidore, Bede, Alcuin, Raban Maur, Haimo, Anselm of Canterbury, Peter Damian, Hermann [of Reichenau], Bernold [of Constance], William of Hirsau and finally 'a certain monk of Hirsau known as Peregrinus'. A second list follows, mentioning various glosses on biblical books, Hugh [of St Victor], De sacramentis in two volumes, Letters of Popes Gregory II and IV, two volumes of canons, books of canons and papal decrees; Prosper, De contemplativa vita; Didymus, De spiritu sancto; Paschasius, De corpore et sanguine Domini] and finally Various chronicles and historical books ... and in sum truly many books whose titles and authors I have not wanted to write down'. While many of these Hirsau volumes have not survived, many of the same authors are present in the Library of Zwiefalten, a community of both monks and nuns, founded in 1089 as an early offshoot of Hirsau. The Abbey expanded significantly under the governance of abbot Ulrich I (1095-1139). From around 1100 there was a separate community of women under their own magistra at Zwiefalten, a few hundred metres from the men's community. By 1138, Berthold reports that Zwiefalten counted some seventy monks, one hundred and thirty lay brothers and sixty-two nuns (Pertz 1844: 10, 160). Karl Loffler identified no fewer than 285 surviving manuscripts from this abbey, all but four of them preserved in the Wiirttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart; this research is reproduced by Kramer in her inventory of medieval libraries (Loffler, 1931; Kramer, 1989: I, 866-72). Just over one hundred can be dated to the twelfth century. (The other great period of scribal activity was in the fifteenth century.) What makes this collection particularly valuable is that a significant number of them carry inscriptions written in the characteristic hand of its chronicler and librarian, Ortlieb, enabling them to be dated to before 1140. Some idea of the relative levels of literacy in the male and female communities is suggested by the fact that the twelfth-century

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necrology (Cod. Hist. 2° 420) mentions just two scribes: (fol. 4v) Mahtilt de Nifen conversa congregationis. Ista multos libros sancte Marie conscripsit, and (fol. 15v) Albertus monacus nostre congregationis. Scriba.17 The statement that Mathilda of Nifen 'wrote many books of St Mary' is of particular interest for what it implies about levels of literacy in the female community. Not all the nuns may have been as skilled in copying as Mathilda. Nonetheless, it is noteworthy that the author of the obituary saw fit to single out the contribution of a female conversa as well as that of a monk. The variety of hands that copy these manuscripts suggests that there must have been more than just two scribes active in the twelfth century (Loffler, 1931: 8). The only manuscripts of Zwiefalten that have so far received critical attention are those with art historical interest.18 There can be no doubt, however, that it possessed an exceptionally well-endowed library. Certain codices copied before the twelfth century seem to have been brought to the Abbey at its foundation.19 If the twelfth-century manuscripts are extracted from Kramer's list, we can derive a good picture of its library. As no printed catalogue of the Codices Theologici in the Landesbibliothek has ever been produced, it is likely that further research will uncover more treasures. Nonetheless, even a preliminary glance at the twelfth-century manuscripts of Zwiefalten reveals a number of the authors mentioned in the Hirsau catalogue, as well as many others: Karlsruhe, Badisches Generallandersarchiv, 65/11962 Isidore (fragment), c.1150/65 Karlsruhe, Badisches Generallandersarchiv, Aug. LX Antiphonale, c.1165/1200 Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 56-58, c. 1120/1200 Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 65 Evangelium secundum Marcum Passionale, cum glossis, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 66 Evangelium secundum Lucam cum glossis, S.XII/XIII

Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 67a-b Gilbertus Porretanus, In Psalmos, etc., c.1160/70 Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 68 Evangelium secundum Lucam, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 70 Evangelium secundum Matthaeum cum glossis, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 72 Epistolae Pauli cum glossis, c.1160/1200 Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 74 Ezekiel cum glossis, etc., s.XII/XIII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 76 Evangelium secundum Lucam cum glossis, S.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 77 Exodus, cum glossis, s.XII/XIII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 78 Numeri, cum glossis, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 79 Evangelium secundum lohannem cum glossis, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 2° 81 Evangelium secundum Matthaeum, cum glossis, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 4° 33 Lectionarium, c. 1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 4° 34 Biblia, s.XII

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Stuttgart, WLB, Bibl. 4° 36 Graduate, c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 98 Psalterium, etc., c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 100 Psalterium, etc., C.1125/S.XV Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 109 Rituale, a. 1137/43 Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 123 Graduate, etc., 1140/50 Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 126 Evangelistarium, c.1150/60 Stuttgart, WLB, Brev. 128 Collectarium festivale, c.1140/50 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 409 Eusebius, Historia ecclesiastica, etc., c.1110/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 410 Orosius, c. 1160/70 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 411 Frutolf of Michelsberg and Ekkehard of Aura, Chronica, c. 1160/70 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 415 Annales Zwifaltenses c.1162 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 416 Ps-Hegesippus, Historiae, c. 1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 2° 420 Necrologium Zwifaltense, a. 1196/1208 Stuttgart, WLB, Hist. 4° 156 Ortlieb, De fundatione Monasterii Zwifaltensis, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Poet, et phil. 2° 33 Isidore, Etymologiae, c. 1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 188 Gregory of Tours, Libri VIII miraculorum, etc., c. 1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 189 Didymus interprete Hieronymo, etc., 1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 190a-f Gregory the Great, Moralia in Job, c.1090/1110 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 191 Cassian, c.1090/1110 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 194 Anselm of Canterbury, Cur Deus Homo, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 201 Augustine, Homiliae, s.XII/XIII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 203 Homiliae, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 204 Peter Comestor, Historia scholastica, etc., post a. 1173/s.XIII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 205 Chrysostom, Homilae, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 206 Ps-Bede, In psalmos, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 207 Augustine, c. 1100/20 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 209 Martyrologium, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 210 Ambrose, Hexaemeron, etc., c.1100/1110 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 211 Gregory, Homiliae, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 212 Augustine, Sermones, c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 214 Ambrose, De officiis, etc., c.1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 215 Augustine, De virginitate, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 216 Augustine, Confessiones, c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 217 Haymo, In Apocalypsim, c.1115/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 218 Glossarium biblici, etc., c.1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 220 Bede, In Cant. Canticorum, etc., c. s.XI/ XIII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 221 Jerome, Adversusjovinianum, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 222 Augustine, De doctrina Christiana, etc., s.XII

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Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 223 Augustine, Degenesi ad litteram, c.1100/ 20 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 224 Vitae patrum, etc., c.1120/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 225 Bede, Homiliae, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 226 Haymo, In XII Prophetae minores, c.1115/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 227 Augustine, Homiliae, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 228 Haymo, In epistolas Pauli, c.1115/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 229 Bernard of Clairvaux, In Cant. Canticorum, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 230 Paterus, In vetus et novum testamentum, etc., S.XI/XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 231 Augustine, De consensu evangelistarum, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 2° 232 Paterus, In vetus testamentum; PsPaterus, Ex operibus Gregorii Magni, c. 1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 141 Annales Zwiefaltenses, etc., c.1111/96 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 188 Smaragdus, Diadema monachorum, etc., c.1100/20 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 209 Gregory the Great, etc., c.1120 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 210 Gregory Nazianzene, Orationes, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 213 Defensor pacis, Liber scintallarum, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 216 Sermones, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 217 Ambrose, De mysteriis, etc., c.1100/15 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 223 Gregory the Great, Dialogi, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 226 Cassian, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 232 Institutio canonum Aquisgranesium, etc., c.1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 233 Cassian, De vitiorum remediis, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 234 Anselm of Canterbury, Orationes, etc., S.XI/XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 243 Bede, Super Acta apostolorum, etc., c.l 130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 244 Jerome, In Matthaeum, etc., c. 1115/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 245 Augustine, Retractationes, etc., c.1100/ 15 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 247 Augustine, Contra Mendacium, etc., c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 248 Isidore, Synonyma, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 250 Bede, De tabernaculo, c. 1090/1110 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 251 Ephraem the Syrian, Sermones, etc., c.1110/15 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 252 Gregory the Great, Homiliae, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 253 Miscellanea theologica [including: Ivo of Chartres, Sermo V, Hildegard, Epistulae] Bernard, De gratia et libero arbitrio; Isidore, De ecclesiasticis officiis], s.XII

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Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 254 Gregory the Great, Regula pastoralis, etc., c.1100/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 255 Raban Maur, In IV libros Regum, c.1130/ 40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 256 Augustine, De peccatorum mentis, etc., c.1100/20 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 257 Augustine, Enchiridion, etc., c.1110/15 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 258 Augustine, De gratia et libero arbitrio, etc, c.1090/1110 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 259 Excerpta patrum, etc., c.1100/15 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 260 Augustine, Sermones, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 261 Augustine, Ex variis operibus (exc.), c.1000/15 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 262 Honorius Augustodensis, Gemma animae, etc., s.XII/XIII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 4° 263 Jerome, In Genesim, etc., c.1130/40 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 51 Ivo of Chartres, Sententiae, Inevitable, De offendiculo [three works also in Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 13105]; ps-Bede, Oraculum de interitu Romae; Bede, De die judicii, etc., c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 54 Augustine, De opere monachorum, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 56 Basil of Caesarea, Regula monastica, c.1125/35 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 64 Regula Augustini, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 65 Ambrosius Autpertus, Sermo de cupiditate, etc., c.1120/25 Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 66 Jerome, In Danielem, s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 67 Augustine, De vita Christiana, etc., s.XII Stuttgart, WLB, Theol. 8° 68 Institutio puerorum, etc., s.XII This is an impressively wide-ranging collection. Zwiefalten owned not just familiar historical authors like Eusebius, Orosius and Josephus, but also a copy (Hist. 2° 411) produced c.1160-70 containing a treatise De sibyllis (fols. lv-4), the chronicles of Frutolf of Michelsberg and Ekkehard of Aura (fols. 5v-180, 183-207), and excerpts from Otto of Freising (fols. 209-2Iv) and Bernold of Constance (fols. 221v-2). It was also rich in theological texts, often copied alongside more well-known authors from the past. Thus Theol. 4° 257, copied c.1110-15, contains on fols. 83v-85 Alger of Liege, Libellus de libero arbitrio after Augustine's Liber de fide et enchiridion ad Laurentium (fols. l-36v) and his Enchiridion (fols. 37r-83v) (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 43, no. 13). Theol. 4° 259 contains not just an anthology of patristic texts (fols. 1-73), and Ambrose, De bono mortis (fols. 75-102), but also Bernold of Constance, De veritate corporis et sanguinis domini (fols. 102-30) (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 45, no. 16). A number of texts would have been of particular relevance to the female community at Zwiefalten. Thus Theol. 4° 217 (1100-15) contains an important collection of writings of Ambrose relating to virginity and widowhood, notably the De virginibus, De virginitate, De

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viduis, Exhortatio virginitatis, De institutione virginis (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 45, no. 17). Theol. 2° 224 (1120-25) contains ascetic texts for both men and women: the Vitae Patrum; Martinus de Braga, Formula honestae vitae; ps-Sixtus (Rufinus), Sententiae; Pelagius, Epistula ad virginem devotam; Nicetas de Remesiana (?), De lapsu virginis consecratae] Isidore, Synonyma; Ambrosius Autpertus, De conflictu vitiorum et virtutum (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 56, no. 33). Theol. 4° 232 contains Carolingian rules for both canons and nuns: the Institutio canonicorum Aquisgranensis (fols. l-74v) and the Institutio sanctimonialium Aquisgranensis (fols. 75v-129) (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 89, no. 59). Historical writing was well represented: Hist 2° 411 (1160-70) contains a treatise De sibyllis (fols. lv-4), the chronicles of Frutolf of Michelsberg and Ekkehard of Aura (fols. 5v-180, 183-207), excerpts of Otto of Freising (fols. 209-2Iv) and of Bernold of Constance (fols. 221v-22). As at Hirsau and at Disibodenberg, the writings of Anselm seem to have been accorded honour at Zwiefalten. Theol. 2° 194 contains his Cur deus homo, De conceptu uirginali, De processione spiritus, and Epistola de sacrificio azimi et fermentati, while Theol. 4° 234 contains the Meditationes et orationes (Loffler, 1931: 54, no. 155; BorriesSchulten, 1987: 126, no. 16). It also owned glossed copies of all the major books of the Bible. More research is needed to establish whether these are copies of the Glossa ordinaria, a literary project initially stimulated by the exegetical activity of Anselm of Laon. One Zwiefalten manuscript from the early twelfth century (Bibl. 2° 206) contains on fols. 1-188 a commentary on the Psalms, printed by Heerwagen in the early sixteenth century as a work of Bede, but in fact an innovative scholastic Psalm commentary of the late eleventh or early twelfth century. Whether or not 'pseudo-Bede' is in fact Manegold of Lautenbach, as Wilmart suggested, there can be no denying that this is one of a new breed of Psalms commentaries that focuses on analysing the meaning of individual words (BorriesSchulten, 1987: 126-27, no. 79). The manuscript also contains Bernold of Constance, De vitanda excommunicatorum communio (fol. 40), Hugh of St Victor, De quinque septenis (fol. 188rb-vb), and Decreta pontificum (fols. 189r-90v). A manuscript possibly copied before 1140 (Theol. 4° 262) included Honorius Augustodunensis, Gemma animae (fols. l-63v), Hildebert of Lavardin, Defide et spe (fols. 64-99vb) and Alcuin, Dialogus de rhetorica (fols. 100-1), followed by a chart showing the various divisions of philosophia into physics, ethics and logic, as well as the subdivisions of each of these disciplines. By the late twelfth century Zwiefalten had acquired Peter Comestor's Historia scholastica (Theol. 2° 204) and numerous glosses on Scripture. The combination of texts within a single manuscript undermines the idea that there is a sharp cleavage between texts of 'scholastic' and 'monastic' theology. Thus Theol. 4° 253, copied in the second half of the twelfth century, begins with a synthesis of scholastic theology, associated with the school of Anselm

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of Laon: 'Principium et causa omnium deus, ante iam eternaliter in omnibus inuariabiliter, et omnia interminabiliter' (fols. l-19rb) (Borries-Schulten, 1987: 119, no. 71). The subsequent texts have been jumbled in rebinding the manuscript. An extract about penance (fol. 20ra-vb) and a sermon of Ivo of Chartres (fols. 20vb-26va) are followed by our earliest surviving copy of the letters of Hildegard of Bingen (fols. 27-59, 75r-v, 76-93v), Bernard of Clairvaux's De gratia et libero arbitrio (fols. 60-75), and Isidore's De ecclesiasticis officiis (fols. 94-101). The juxtaposition within a single manuscript of writings of Hildegard, Ivo, Bernard and of an early 'scholastic' text blurs any notion that there is a sharp divide between 'monastic' and 'scholastic' theology. While we cannot tell how many of these manuscripts were actually read by the monks and nuns of Zwiefalten, the mention of both a male and a female scribe in its obituary, coupled with the presence of some books directly relevant to religious women, suggests both parts of the community benefited from its library. In her invaluable inventory of authors read in women's religious houses in the German region between the eighth and mid-thirteenth centuries, Susann El Kholi has identified impressive libraries at a number of monastic communities for women, notably at Hohenburg, Lamspringe and Lippoldsberg, as well as at abbeys such as Admont which combined male and female communities (El Kholi, 1997: 358-62.).20 Zwiefalten can certainly be added to her list. El Kholi has demonstrated that the tradition of the literate aristocratic women was well established in the eleventh century (El Kholi, 1998a; 1998b). Even if Hildegard professed that she was not herself skilled in the art of writing, there is no reason to doubt that she was brought up in an environment which attached much importance to a good library as a facility to which both men and women had access. Conrad of Hirsau A key figure for understanding the literary and intellectual culture of the Hirsau reform is the monk identified as Peregrinus in the Hirsau library catalogue, and more often known as Conrad of Hirsau. While Leclercq devoted several pages of The Love of Learning to one specific composition of this author, the Dialogus super auctores (Huygens, 1970) arguing that it exemplified what he considered were the two essential features of monastic attitudes towards pagan authors optimism coupled with belief in the importance of an allegorical interpretation - he did not observe that this work is known from only three manuscripts, all from the German region.21 It is the work of a school teacher anxious to explain the differences between genres of literature. He summarizes the key features of all the major authors studied in the curriculum (Donatus, Cato, Aesop, Avian, Sedulius, luvencus, Prosper, Theodulus, Arator, Prudentius, Cicero, Sallust,

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Boethius, Virgil, Lucan and Ovid) and then reflects on the functions of grammar, dialectic and rhetoric within the pursuit of philosophy as a whole. A guiding theme is that all these authors can assist in the promotion of virtue. The treatise belongs to the same genre as the Didascalicon of Hugh of St Victor, a canon regular (of German extraction), but is very different in tone from any writing of Bernard of Clairvaux. To argue that Conrad's dialogue exemplifies a distinctly monastic attitude towards pagan learning is potentially misleading, given the wide range of perspectives taken up within different monastic communities to this particular question. There can be no doubt, however, that Conrad was a significant and original writer. His biggest literary composition is the Speculum virginum, an extended dialogue about the spiritual life between Peregrinus and a virgin of Christ called Theodora.22 Like the Dialogus super auctores, it uses the quaestio within a monastic context, in this case to provide a way of explaining to women the core values of the spiritual life. The fact that books of Peregrinus are mentioned in the Hirsau library catalogue supports the claim that he was indeed a monk of this community. In 1492 Trithemius identified him simply as Peregrinus, a monk of Hirsau, a disciple and once listener of abbot William, German by nationality, most learned in divine as in human writings, subtle in talent and truly fluent in speech, brief and most beautiful in words, but so rich and brilliant in teaching that he seems not inferior to any of the ancients.23 By 1494 Trithemius was referring to him as Conrad, 'a monk of Hirsau, a philosopher, an orator, a musician and a distinguished poet'.24 He could by then have come across a fuller manuscript of the Speculum virginum, such as that copied c. 1140-50 perhaps in part by the author himself (London, BL, Arundel 44, from Eberbach), in which the author introduces himself simply as C. In his De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis, completed in 1494, Trithemius identified the Speculum virginum by the words Collaturo tecum o Theodora (from the opening of its twelvebook version).25 Trithemius also cited the incipits of his Didascalon (enabling Schepps to identify Conrad's authorship of the Dialogus super auctores) and an as yet unidentified treatise on music and the tones (Musica est secundum cuiusdam). Trithemius repeated many of these details in his Chronicon Hirsaugiense (1495-1503),26 adding in the Annales Hirsaugienses (1509-14) that Conrad was master of the schools at Hirsau and that he was buried in the main church of the abbey, having died in his eighties. This would suggest that Conrad lived from £.1070 to £.1150 and thus could well have been a disciple of William of Hirsau.27 Independent evidence that Conrad was revered at Hirsau is supplied by Parsimonius, who transcribed a large number of quotations inscribed on a wall in the dormitory, including four of Peregrinus.28 Parsimonius also reports that Peregrinus was one of the many monks

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and doctors or teachers of the monastery whose names were inscribed on the walls of the summer refectory, Peregrinus being found on the wall nearest to the kitchen.29 While this art work seems to date only from the late fifteenth century, the account that Parsimonius gives of monastic teachers at Hirsau seems to rely on written sources larger than any familiar to Trithemius. Under the heading 'Succession of illustrious monks and doctors or teachers of the monastery of Hirsau who wrote various works' Parsimonius describes the literary achievement of twenty-nine monks of the abbey, beginning with Luthbert, a disciple of Raban Maur. After the entry about Conrad of Hirsau, two other monks are mentioned, Henry and James of Oppenheim, the latter a fifteenth-century monk of the Bursfeld reform (Lessing, 1974: VI, 500-5). His entry on Conrad mentions a number of works unknown to Trithemius: Conradus, qui et peregrinus, doctor egregius, scripsit plum per dialogum opuscula. Ad Theodoram sanctimonialem speculum virginum libros 8. Homiliarum per anni circulum librum 1. Altercationem Fault et Gamalielis in Vetus et novum Testamentum libros 2. Matricularium de vita spiritus et fructu carnis libros 2. Didascalon libros 2. De Musica et tonis librum 1. De laudibus S. Augustini librum 1. Vitam S. Paulini librum 1. Carmina in Job librum 1. In Psalmos librum unum. Threnos lib. 2. In Evangelia librum 1. Epigrammata in Psalmos et prophetas librum 1. Vitam S. Benedicti duplici metro librum 1. In gradus humilitatis librum 1. Vitam S. Nicolai librum 1. Et alia multa.^ This Altercatio between Paul and Gamaliel, not referred to by Trithemius but published anonymously in 1537, is written as a dialogue, and contains a number of phrases identical to other dialogues by Conrad.31 It was copied at Hirsau in 1511 by Johannes Rapolt and is explicitly introduced as a work of Conrad of Hirsau.32 Nothing is known about the other writings of Conrad listed by Parsimonius. Conrad seems to have been a prolific author and remarkable educator, interested in using the technique of literary dialogue to expound a wide range of subjects, from the value of the pagan authors to the religious life for women. His treatise De mundi contemptu vel amore is a dialogue between a cleric or matricularius (the title given by Trithemius) defending the value of the monastic life against his questions.33 His fondness for dialogue as a literary technique echoes that of William of Hirsau.

Conclusions Much more still needs to be discovered about the educational culture of Hirsau and the monastic houses that were influenced by its reforms. From this initial survey, however, it should be apparent that monastic communities influenced by the Hirsau reform placed great value on the

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study of both secular and sacred authors. Leclercq's notion that there was a sharp divide between the culture of the cloister and that of the schools runs the risk of elevating a rhetorical contrast, perhaps keenly felt in northern France in the twelfth century, into a universal principle. To argue that the quaestio had no place in a monastic educational system does not represent the reality of the situation. The tendency to discuss issues through questioning was part of a general movement that swept through all kinds of educational institutions, whether monastic or non-monastic, throughout the twelfth century. The educational culture fostered in monastic houses reformed by Hirsau does not seem to have fostered a sense that there was any sharp differentiation between monastic and non-monastic authors. A distinguishing feature of Hirsau reformed monasticism, at least in the first half of the twelfth century, is the value attached to women within the monastic community. The Speculum virginum of Conrad of Hirsau, presented as a dialogue about the spiritual life between Peregrinus and Theodora, may well have been written as much for monks occupied with preaching to women as directly for the women themselves. Yet in presenting Theodora as a questioning disciple eager to absorb the spiritual truths put forward by Peregrinus, Conrad transformed a literary genre that traditionally had been constructed simply in terms of male masters and disciples discussing points of doctrine or philosophy. Although an enthusiastic writer of dialogues, Anselm of Canterbury never imagined a dialogue in which his disciple was a woman. We do not know if Zwiefalten ever owned a copy of the Speculum virginum. Yet the fact that its obituary should record the achievement of a female scribe, Mathilda of Nifin, as well as that of a male monk, is in itself significant. It suggests that the practice of combining significant communities of religious women alongside a male community did result in shifting conventional attitudes and in promoting a modest form of recognition of the contribution that they could make. At Disibodenberg, where Jutta and Hildegard lived in the shadow of a larger male community, the encouragement which Volmar gave to Hildegard, a woman whom he was deputed to teach, had farreaching consequences. Volmar eventually gave up his role as Hildegard's magister in order to dedicate himself to recording her visions and her commentary on those visions. This was a form of instruction that simply was not possible within the urban schools. While Hildegard has become widely known to English-speaking readers over the last two decades, the dynamism of the Hirsau reform to which she was exposed is still relatively unknown, at least outside Germany. The literary culture encouraged within religious houses influenced by this reform movement, characterized by keen awareness of new trends in intellectual enquiry, is not easily categorized by the label 'monastic theology' developed by Leclercq in the 1950s. This category, invented as a counter to the equally vague label of 'scholastic theology', fails to come to terms with the great diversity of monastic

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culture within the Middle Ages as a whole. The particular constellation of attitudes which Bernard sought to introduce into the monastic life did not represent the only way in which monks interpreted their way of life. Conrad of Hirsau was a monastic schoolteacher with a very different approach. He applied his didactic techniques to a range of issues of interest to both women and men in the religious life. In the late eleventh and early twelfth centuries (as in other periods), many monks asked questions about the meaning and correct implementation of the way of life to which they were committed. Some were interested in new reflection about the meaning of Christian doctrine, whether such ideas came from within a monastic environment or from outside its confines. The vitality of monastic culture in the first half of the twelfth century was characterized by a keen desire both to study the legacy of the past and to search out new solutions to the questions which troubled them.

Notes 1. I am indebted to Felix Heinzer of the Wurttembergische Landesbibliothek, Stuttgart for assistance with many aspects of this study, as well as for telling me about the Zwiefalten manuscripts held in Stuttgart in the first place. 2. Constable, 1994, catches Leclercq's enthusiasm for the monastic life in this sensitive essay. 3. This part of the 1472 catalogue is edited by Vernet, 1979: 164-88. The manuscript of Lombard (I 33 in the 1472 catalogue) is reproduced on the front cover of Colish, 1994. 4. Twelfth- or early thirteenth-century copies of the Theologia, Sic et Non, Sententiae and Ethica belonged to Benedictine abbeys at Admont, Hautmont, Anchin, Montecassino, Regensburg (St Emmeram, perhaps copied at Prufening), Tegernsee, St Gall, Ploermel, Brittany (St Nicholas), Gottweig, and the Cistercian houses at Heilsbronn and Heiligenkreuz; see Barrow et al., 1984-85, esp. nos. 17, 35, 43, 51, 80, 105, 163, 171, 178, 199. 5. See the list of manuscripts drawn up by Haring, 1966: 16-34. 6. Waitz and von Simson, 1912: 1.48, 52-9 and Rahewin in Waitz and von Simson, 1912, 4.12, 67-8, 74-85, 250. 7. The article on William of Hirsau by Bischoff, 1953 is now superseded by that of Worstbrock, 1998. There are important papers in Schreiner, 1991. 8. For edition see Harbinson, 1975. Bernold of Constance reports William's fame in reforming the practice of chant, Pertz, 1844: 5, 451: 'Hie in musica peritissimus fuit, multaque illius artis subtilia, antiquis doctoribus incognita, elucidavit, multos etiam errores in cantibus deprehensos satis rationabiliter ad artem correxit. In quadruvio sane omnibus pene antiquis videbatur praeminere.' Bultot, 1971: 17-27 discusses William's understanding of the quadrivium. 9. See Jakobs, 1961. The chronology of this process is reviewed by lognaPrat, 1988: 69-70. See also Elvert, 1994. 10. Heinzer, 1992, identified the Rheinau liber ordinarius, edited by Hanggi,

196

11. 12. 13. 14. 15.

16.

17. 18. 19.

20. 21. 22. 23.

Constant J. Mews 1957 as that of Hirsau. In his important paper 'Hildegard und ihr liturgisches Umfeld', forthcoming in the proceedings of the musicological conference held at Bingen, 18-20 September 1998 and edited by Wulf Arlt, Heinzer observes that the Hirsau liturgy is characterized by a distinct relationship between identity and openness, allowing a distinct Hirsau identity to be seen at the same time as a capacity for distinct regional identity. In particular, the Chronica insignis monasterii Hirsaugiensis, in Freher, 1966: 2, 1-235; see Arnold, 1971: 167-79. Omlin, 1964. I am indebted to Felix Heinzer (note 10 above) for alerting me to this study and to the Hirsau connections of this manuscript. Waitz, 1861: 14. See Freher, 1966: 2, 74-5; Mews, 1998: 97-8. Heinzer, 1991. See Kramer, 1989. The original of his notebook is now Wolfenbuttel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. 134.1 Extravagantes, fols. 2-194v. A copy is held at Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek Mh 164. 'Des Klosters Hirschau. Gebaude, iibrige Gemalde, Bibliothek und alteste Schriftsteller', in Lessing, 1974, VI, 491-507, especially 498-9, reprinted in Becker, 1885: 219-20. Parsimonius records valuable accounts of the early history of the abbey that confirm and supplement the account of Trithemius, as copied from 'a certain manuscript of Hirsau'; Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek Mh 164, fols. 2-8, Ex scripto quodam codice Hirsaugiensi qui reperitur inter Monasterii Literas. Necrologium Zwifaltense, in Baumann, 1983: 244, 253. Borries-Schulten, 1987. This includes an important chapter on the palaeography of Zwiefalten manuscripts by Herrad Spilling, 3-8. Ninth-century codices include Augustine, De utilitate credendi, and De gratia novi testamenti ad Honoratum (Theol. 2° 202), copied by scribes called Thancolfus and Theodericus (wrongly listed by Kramer, 1989 as c.1100/15), a Psalter (Bibl. 2° 73), and a New Testament (Bibl. 2° 80); there is also a tenth-century Book of Gospels (Bibl. 2° 82). I am indebted to the author for alerting me to her study. Dialogus super auctores, discussed by Leclercq, 1982a: 115-18. See Seyfarth, 1990. Trithemius, De illustribus viris ordinis sancti Benedicti, first printed in Cologne in 1575, was not included in Freher's edition of the Opera Historica, but I have consulted Berlin, Deutsches Staatsbibliothek, lat. oct. 395 (preserved after 1945 in Cracow, Jagellonian Library), fol. 29: Peregrinus monachus hirsaugiensis, Wilhelmi abbatis discipulus quondam auditor, natione teutonicus, vir arte tarn in divinis quam in humanis scripturis eruditissimus, ingenio subtilis et eloquio valde disertus, brevis et pulcherrimus in verbis, sed copiosus et nitidis in sententiis, adeo, nulli priscorum videatur inferior. Scripsit utroque stilo metri vis et prose varia opuscula de quibus et vidi subiecta. Opus quale et insigne quod per modum dialogi sub persona sui et theodore virginis Christi composuit cuius titulus est Speculum Virginum libri viii dialogorum, commentariorum in evangelia libri, in dialogum de vita spiritus et fructu mortis liber I, Dialogus matricularii liber I, Dialogus cuius tituli est Didascalon liber I, In laudem quoque sancti Benedicti carmina et rithmos composuit, Omnia autem opuscula que soluta ratione et ordine composuit, in dialogi morem ordinavit. Claruit eodem tempore quo Wilhelmus, anno domino millesimo C. This manuscript, which also contains other writings of Trithemius

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24. 25. 26. 27.

28. 29.

30. 31. 32.

33.

197

from 1492, is not listed by Arnold, 136 and 282 (as note 29), but is similar in contents to Berlin, Staatsbibliothek, cod. lat. fol. 410, written at Sponheim in 1492. Catalogus illustrium virorum Germaniae (Mainz 1495); Freher, 1966: 1, 136-7. De scriptoribus ecclesiasticis (Basel 1494); Freher, 1966: 1, 276. Chronicon Hirsaugiense (written 1495-1503; Basel 1559); Freher, 1966: 2, 90-1. Trithemius, Annales Hirsaugienses (not printed), Munich, Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Clm 703, fol. 190: Claruit his quoque temporibus in hirsaugiensi cenobio Conradus monachus qui nomen suum ex humilitate occultans peregrinum in suis se lucubrationbus nuncupat. Beati Wilhelmi quondam auditor atque discipulus, vir in omni sciencia scripturarum doctissimus et non minus religionis observantia venerandus: qui sub nomine peregrini scripsit multa preclara opuscula: de quibus extant subiecta. Ad theodoram sanctimonialem opus insigne quod prenotauit speculum uirginum li. viii. In evangelia per circulum anni volumen magnum. De vita spiritus et fructu mortis li i. Et alius qui prenotatur matricularius li i. Didascalon li i. De musica et differentia tonorum li. i. De laudibus sancti benedicti carmine heroico li. i. Sermones quoque varios omelias simul et epistolas plures eleganter composuit: quorum mentionem facere singulatim nimis prolixum foret ac tediosum. Multis annis monachorum scolis in hoc cenobio prefuit: et plures discipulos insignes atque doctissimos educavit. Obiit tandem octogenarius cum patribus suis in maiori cenobio ut servus Christi sepultus. Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek Mh 164, fol. 40. Two are from the Speculum virginum 9,11. 492 and 418-20; the other two are unidentified. In the margin of fol. 27v of the Tubingen copy is noted: Isti sancti, in refectorio estiuali, conspiciuntur, in pariete qui ad circuitum vergit', and in the margin of fol. 31: In pariete Refectorii aestiualis, qui culinae est contiguus. Wolfenbiittel, Herzog August Bibliothek, Cod. 134.1, fols. 113-113v and Tubingen, Universitatsbibliothek, Mh 164, fol. 35; Lessing, 1974: VI, 505. Altercatio Synogogae et Ecclesiae in Chuonrado Pelopus, 1537. See Blumenkranz and Chatillon, 1956; Bultot, 1965. Stuttgart, WLB IV, 27, fol. 1: Conradus monachus Hirsaugiensis cenobium in confinibus Suevie Ordinis Sancti Benedicti, natione Teutonicus Spirensis diocesis, Vir divinis scripturis erudtiisimus, et in secularibus ualde peritus, philosophus, rethoricus, musicus et poeta insignis ... Ex hiis Ego lohannes Rotensis cognomento Rapolt cucullatorum extremus codicem (qui ab eo intulatur matricularius) reuisendo perlegi, ubi mira elegantia in Pentateucum Gamalielis et Pauli Altercacionem dissent, verumtamen non minus iuxta historicum, quam etiam moralem, anagogicum et tropologicum sensum intuenti granum e palea denudare uidetur, uti in hac abbreuiatura per modum exercitii a mefratre I.R. elaborata contuenti patebit. Cf. Boesse, 1975: 149-50. Edition appears in Bultot, 1966. Also contained in manuscripts of this work (Oxford, Bodl., Laud Misc. 377 from Eberbach and Cologne) is the work described by Trithemius as De vita spiritus et fructu mortis (including Cum omnis diuinae paginae). See Bultot, 1963; Bernards, 1967.

Abbreviations

AASS AB ADN AHD AHL AMD BL BMD BNF CCCM CCM CUL DCD MGH SS NRO DCN Oxford, Bodl. PL RB RB 1980 WCL WLB

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Index

Numbers which are italicized indicate a whole chapter dedicated to a topic; numbers which are in bold indicate an illustration. Abelard 4, 45, 105-16, 182, 183 and Heloise 105-16 Historia calamitatum 105 heresy 106 hymns 105-16 liturgy 105-16 Planctus 106, 113 Rule 105-16 Adam of Dore 47 Adam of Petit Pont 61 ^Elfric Bata, colloquies 15-16, 20 n.46 ^Ifwald, King of East Anglia 137, 144 Aesop 191 ^Ethelbald, King of Mercia 137 Agobard of Lyon 7 Alan of Lille 67, 68, 125 Alberic of Monte Cassino 15 Albert of Pisa 169 Alcock, Simon 66 Alcuin 185, 190 Alexander of Nequam 45, 47, 61 Alger of Liege 189 Ambrose 63, 76, 78, 109, 110, 140, 189 on virginity 189-90 Ambrosius Autpertus 190 angels 120, 140 cherub 125, 126, 127 Anselm of Canterbury 27, 183, 184, 185, 190, 194 and Bee 184 Cur Deus Homo 27, 190 De conceptu virginali 190 De processione spiritus 190 Epistola de sacrificio azimi et

fermenti 190 Meditationes et orationes 190 Anselm of Laon 105, 190-1 Arator 191 Argenteuil 106 Aristotle 62-3, 96, 108, 183 Arma Christi 120, 121 ars praedicandi 66 art 97 and education 117-35 saints 120 Arundel, Thomas 66 Ashford, John 66 Augustine of Hippo 15, 47, 48, 63, 76, 78, 111, 172, 189 Augustinian canonesses 93-104 canons 109 customary 12, 95, 109 Marbach Abbey 95 St Victor of Paris 8, 48, 63, 87-8 vows 94 Avian 191 Bartholomew, apostle 5, 136-52 Bartholomew of Fame 146 Beatrice of Nazareth 155 Bede 2, 45, 46, 47, 48, 52, 63, 110, 111, 140, 185, 190 beguines 153-67, 177 beguinages 153, 154 books 159 children 156 Douai 5, 153-67 hospitals 155 Lille 5, 153-67 Rules 159

232

Index

beguines - continued schools 153-67 sermons 159 souveraine 161 work 161-4 bellatores 29 Benedict XII, pope 38 Summi magistri 38, 57 Benedict of Nursia 1, 2, 127, 172 Benedictine order 35-40, 41-55, 56-71 admission 43 art 118 book production 65 England 41-55, 56-71 historians 50 lectio divina 41 libraries 41-55, 59, 60, 63, 183 liturgy 74, 91-3 novices 36, 43 oblates 14 and Oxford University 56-71 saints 50 statues 57 see also Rules Bernard of Bessa 171-2 Bernard of Cassino 47 Bernard of Clairvaux 1, 47, 87-8, 96, 106, 117, 172, 182, 183, 191, 195 Apologia 117 Sermons on the Song of Songs 87 Bernard of Cluny 8, 10, 11, 22, 29 Bernold of Constance 185, 189, 190 Berthold Rule 174 Bibbesworth, Walter 61 Bible 37, 41, 45, 47, 48, 51, 89, 96, 110, 160, 172, 190 exegesis 72-86 glosses 48, 190 body, and education 21-34, 172 Boethius 63, 67, 184, 192 Bonaventure 169, 171, 174, 175, 176 Boughton, John 63 Brinton, Thomas 56, 119 Brito, William 45, 47 Bromich, Richard 60 Burke, Peter 21 Bury, Richard 66 Bury St Edmunds 120

Butler, Cuthbert 35, 39 Benedictine Monachism 35 Bynum, Caroline Walker, Docere Verbo et Exemplo 2, 100 canon law 62, 64, 185 canonesses 93-104 Carruthers, Mary 26 Carthusian order 120, 129 'miscellany' 120, 121 Cassian, John 63, 185 Cassiodorus 172, 185 Cathars 73, 79, 81 Cato 191 Charland, T.-M. 49 Chartham, William 52 Chenu, M.-D. 76 childhood, and education 7-20, 21-34 Christine of Stommeln 156 Cicero 67, 191 Cistercian order 48, 87-9, 183 art 117 scholasticism 183 classicism 68 Cleeve Abbey 120 Clement V, pope 158 Cluniac order 3, 7-20 armarius 9, 10, 12, 28 chapters 26 customaries 7-20, 21-34, 184 hagiography 21-34 hierarchy 16, 23 Liber tramitis 9, 16, 22, 28 liturgy 7-20, 28 novices 22 oblates 7-20, 21-34 Ordo cluniacensis 22, 28 pederasty 27, 29, 33 n.19 saints 26 sign language 23 Columban 2 Conrad of Hirsau 92, 185, 191, 192, 195 Speculum virginum 75, 122, 123, 124, 192, 194 convents Argenteuil 106 Hohenburg 89, 93 Paraclete 4-5, 106-16 La Ramee 155 Rupertsberg 89, 91-3, 99 scriptorium 155

Index councils Lateran II 94 Lyon II 158 Reims 94 Vienne 158 Coventry, Charterhouse 128, 130 'St Anne Teaching the Virgin to Read' 130 Cranbrook, Henry 66 Crowland 136, 138, 141, 147 crucifixion 120, 121, 128 customaries 39 see also Augustinians order; Cluniac order Cyprian 185 David of Augsburg 171, 172, 174 devils 72, 111, 136, 139, 140-1, 146, 147, 148, 149 Didymus, De spirito sancto 185 disciplina 28-9 Dissolution of the monasteries 42, 44, 57, 118, 139 distinctiones 48 Divine Office 27, 37, 172, 173 Donatus 45, 46, 61, 191 Downside Abbey 4, 35-40, 149 Durham 119 Eadmer 49 Easton, Adam 56, 64 Eberhard of Bethune 61 Ekbert of Schonau 79 Ekkehard of Aura 189, 190 Elias 169 Elias, Peter 61 Elizabeth of Hungary 158-9 Elizabeth of Schonau 79 encyclopaedia 89, 96 England, John 58 Eusebius 189 exorcism 141 Eyton, Hugh 65 Farinarian constitutions 170 Farley, William 58 Fathers of the Church 24, 111 Fawkes, Nicholas 65 Felix 136, 137-8, 142, 146, 147 Life of Guthlac 137 florilegia 15 Fouke, Henry 60 Francis of Assisi 169, 177

233

Franciscan order 5, 168-81 Farinarian constitutions 170 humility 176 liturgy 173 mysticism 168 Narbonne constitutions 170 novices 168, 170-4 oblates 170 Observants 172 Poor Clares 177 poverty 176, 177 studia 168, 169 Frederick Barbarossa 89, 94 Frederick of Swabia 94 Frutolf of Michelsberg 189, 190 Gelling, Margaret 142, 143, 145 Geoffrey of Lynn, Promptorium parvulorum 36 Geoffrey of Vinsauf 61, 66 geography 96 Gesta Romanorum 52, 120 Gilbert of Poitiers 183 Gilbert of Tournai 158, 174 Gilduin 88 Giles of Assisi 174 Glastynbury, William 57 Goldston, Reginald 46 grammar 14, 37, 38, 41, 44-7, 58, 61, 192 treatises 15 trivium 44 Gratian 64 Graveney, Richard 58 Greek 48 Gregory I the Great, pope 2, 48, 52,63,64,72,76,78, 111, 117, 171, 174 Gregory II, pope 185 Gregory IV, pope 185 Gregory of Tours 141 Guibert of Gembloux 76, 90 Guido of Arezzo 7, 184 guilds 160-1 Gunthorpe, John 60 Guthlac 5, 136-52 hagiography Cluniac 21-34 in England 137 and Hildegard of Bingen 89-90 Hailes Abbey 118 Haimo 185

234

Index

Hamo de Hethe 45 Hanney, Thomas 46, 61 Hatfield, John 59, 67 Hauville, Jean 67, 68 Hawkhurst, John 66 Haymo of Faversham 169 Heaven 140, 142 Hebrew 48 Hell 137, 140, 142 Heloise 4, 105-16 and Abelard 105-16 monastic life 105-16 Paraclete 105-16 Henry of Estry 38 Heresy of the Free Spirit 158 Hermann of Reichenau 185 Herrad of Landsberg 4, 87-104 Hortus deliciarum 89, 94-104 Higden, Ranulph 46, 49, 50 Hilary of Poitiers 111 Hildebert of Sens 190 Hildegard of Bingen 4, 72-86, 87-104, 184, 191, 194 Expositiones evangeliorum 72-86 and Jutta 89-91 letters 89 Liber divinorum operum 76, 78 liturgy 91-3 Ordo virtutum 72-86 as prophetess 91, 99, 100 Scivias 72 Solutiones triginta octo quaestionum 76 as visionary 74, 75 vita 89-90 Hirsau 182-97 Johannes Parsimonius 185, 192-3 library 185, 186 reform 5, 182-97 history 50-1 Hohenburg 89, 93 Hohenstaufen dynasty 94 Holcot, Robert 63 homilies 72-86 Honorius III, pope 170 Honorius Augustodunensis 96, 190 Horace 61 Hotham, Walter 66 Hugh of St Victor 47, 93, 172, 183, 185, 190 Chronicon 14 De fructibus carnis et spiritus 122

De institutions novitiorum 171, 172 De sacramentis 185 Didascalicon 93, 192 Hugh of Semur 25 Huguccio of Pisa 45, 47, 61 humility 176 hymns, see music Ida of Leau 155 imitation, and education 28, 29 industry, cloth 154, 160 Ingram, William I 46 lohannes Sacro Bosco 62 Irenaeus of Lyon 111 Isabelle of Portugal 156 Isidore of Seville 2, 47, 63, 96, 190, 191 luvencus 191 Ivo of Chartres 96, 191 Jacques de Vitry 157 Jaeger, Stephen, The Envy of Angels 2, 87-8 James of Voragine, Legenda aurea 50 Jeanneton of Burgundy 156 Jerome 47, 63, 76, 140 John XXII, pope 158 John the Fearless 156 John of Genoa, Catholicon 45, 47, 61 Joseph, Robert 68 Josephus 185, 189 Jutta 89-91, 184, 194 Juyner, abbot 120 Knowles, David 36, 42, 56 laboratores 29 Langdale family 36 Langham, Simon 56 Langton, Stephen 63 Lateran II, Council of 94 Latin 37, 46, 61, 65-6, 96 dictionaries 37 Lawrene, John 40, 64, 66 Leclercq, Jean 182, 194 Love of Learning and the Desire for God 1, 48, 49, 50, 182, 191 Legat, Hugh 66, 67, 68 Leland, John 62 Leo I the Great, pope 111

Index letters 89 liberal arts 62 libraries, Hirsau 185-6 Liebeshutz, Hans 81 literacy 185-6 liturgy Sarum 38 York 38 see also Abelard; Benedictine order; Cluniac order; Franciscan order; Hildegard of Bingen logic 38, 58, 62, 63 Lollards 65, 131 Lucan 67, 192 Lydgate, John 119-20, 131, 134 Lyon II, Council of 158 McGuire, Brian Patrick 3 Macrobius 108, 110 magistra 72, 82 n.l, 89, 90, 91, 185 Mai'eul of Cluny 25 Manegold of Lautenbach 95, 190 Marguerite Porete 158 Marie of Oignies 157 Marie de la Tour 155 Martinus de Braga 190 Mary Magdalene 108 Mathilda of Nifen 186, 194 Matthew, John 64 Matthew of Aquasparta 174 medulla 4, 35-40 memory 26, 44, 122 mercy, works of 124 Merke, Thomas 66, 67 Merton, Thomas 182 monasteries Disibodenberg 89, 90, 91, 184, 190 double 89, 185 see also Hirsau; Zweifalten Moorlinch, John 65 Murbach Statutes 8 music 7-20, 44, 62, 75 hymns 14-15, 20 nn. 39 & 40, 37, 96, 105-16 singing 29, 136 theory 13-14, 184, 192 mysticism 168 Nalgod 26, 28 Narbonne constitutions Nicholas of Lyre 63

170

235

novices 168, 170-4 numbers 37 oblates 7-20, 21-34, 170 Observants 172 Odile 89 Odo of Cluny 26 Life 26, 28 opus Dei 38 ordination 42 Origen 76, 78, 185 Orosius 110, 189 Ortlieb 185 Otloh 183 Otto of Freising 183, 190 Ovid 67, 192 Papias 45, 47, 61 Paraclete, convent 4-5, 105-16 Paschasius De corpore et sanguine Domini 185 pedagogy 87-104 pederasty 27, 29, 33 n.19 Pelagius 190 Peregrinus, see Conrad of Hirsau Peter Comestor 50 Historia scholastica 50, 190 Peter Damian 24, 96, 185 Peter Lombard 64, 96, 108, 183 Peter the Venerable 22, 25 De miraculis 25-6 Philip the Bold 154, 157 philosophy 38, 58, 59, 62, 105, 106, 192, 194 pilgrimage 131 Pinnock, Osbern 45, 46 Plato 96 poetry 66, 68, 95, 119-20 Poor Clares 177 Porter, Roy 21 poverty 176, 177 prayer 47, 92, 97, 173, 174 preaching 194 and art 119 Premonstratensians 95 Preston, John 60 Priscian 46, 47, 61 prophecy 81, 91, 99, 100 Prosper 191 De contemplativa vita 185 Prudentius 191 Psychomachia 75, 78 Pseudo-Abdias 140

236

Index

Pseudo-Dionysius 174 puberty 23, 31 n.5 punishment, and education quodlibets

27

64

Raban Maur 63, 185, 193 Radcliffe, Nicholas 64, 65 Ratylsdon, Thomas 58 Regino of Prum 7 Reims, Council of 94 Relinde 89, 94, 95, 98, 99, 103 n. 23 Renham, Henry 62 Reynham, Stephen 66 rhetoric 41, 61, 62 Richard de Hambury 46 Richard of St Victor 47 Richard of Wallingford 62 Richardis of Stade 83 n.14, 99, 100 Riche, Pierre 2 Education and Culture in the Barbarian West 2 Ridevall, John 63 Robert Joseph of Evesham 38 Rodolf of Biberach 174 Rolle, Richard 65 Roscelin 105 Rudborne, Thomas 57 Rufinus of Aquileia 112 Rules of Augustine 94, 97 of beguines 159 of Benedict 1, 24, 32 n.9, 47, 64, 73-4, 137 of canons 190 of nuns 190 Rupert of Deutz 96 St Albans Abbey 118, 131, 133 'Christ Appearing to Doubting Thomas' 132 saints, cults 26, 136-52 Sallust 191 schools boarding 29 cathedrals 33 n.17, 45, 88 see also beguines science 62 scola 17 n.9, 22, 28, 90 scriptorium 5, 155 Sedulius Scotus 142, 191

Seen, John 67 Sellyng, William 38, 68 Senatus of Worcester 49 Shakespeare, William, A Midsummer Night's Dream 21 shrines 147 sign language 23 sin 76, 133 tree of 122, 123 Smalley, Beryl 72 Smaragdus 51 Socrates 96 Solinus 67 Southern, R.W. 106 Speculum virginum, see Conrad of Hirsau stabilitas 29 Stone, John 51, 64 Stourton, Edmund 64 studia, Franciscan 168, 169 Suger of St Denis 117 Swalwell, Thomas 66 Tenxwind of Andernach 91-2 Tertullian 185 Theodulus 191 theology 45, 47, 50, 58, 59, 60, 63, 64, 66, 105, 182 Thomas Aquinas 112 Thomas Becket 59-60 Thomas de la Mare 65 Thomas de Stureye II 47 Thornden, William 63 Trithemius, Johannes 184, 185, 192, 193 Ulrich I, abbot 185 Ulrich of Zell 8, 10, 11, 22, 28, 29, 30, 184 Undyrdown, Thomas 46 universities 175 academic year 59 Cambridge 4, 57 monks 38, 44, 49 Oxford 4, 56-71 Uthred de Boldon 47, 49, 56, 64 Venantius Fortunatus 110, 112 vernacular, and learning 14 Vienne, Council of 158 Virgil 67, 110, 112, 192 virginity 29, 75

Index Vitae patrum 52, 190 Volmar 75-6, 91, 184, 194 Waldeby, John 60 Waleys, Thomas 63 Walter of Chatillon 67, 68 Warder, John 58 Watkin, Aelred 36 Way, Albert 36 Werner of Ratisbonne 174 Westminster Abbey chapter house 125, 126, 127 'cherub' 125, 126 'Christ in Judgement' 127 Westwyck, John 62 Whethanstede, John 67, 68 William of Champeaux 105

237

William of Hirsau 28, 29, 183-5, 192, 193 Institutiones Hirsaugienses 184 preaching 184 William of Pagula 47 William of St Thierry 171, 172, 174 William of Worcester 133 Wimborne Minster 118 Woodward, John 66 Wulstan, Thomas 52 Wybarn, Thomas 67 Wyclif, John 65 Zweifalten 185 library 5, 185-91, 194 scribes 186, 191, 194 scriptorium 5