Medicine, Public Health And The Qajar State: Patterns Of Medical Modernization In Nineteenthh-century Iran (Sir Henry Wellcome Asian Studies, Volume 4)

MEDICINE, PUBLIC HEALTH AND THE Q$J$R STATE

SIR HENRY WELLCOME ASIAN STUDIES edited by CHARLES BURNETT DOMINIK WUJASTYK PAUL U. UNSCHULD Editorial Board DONALD J. HARPER GUY ATTEWELL

VOLUME 4

MEDICINE, PUBLIC HEALTH AND THE Q$J$R STATE Patterns of Medical Modernization in Nineteenth-Century Iran BY

HORMOZ EBRAHIMNEJAD

BRILL LEIDEN • BOSTON 2004

Published with financial support from the Wellcome Centre for the History of Medicine, London, UK.

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Ebrahimnejad, Hormoz. Medicine, public health and the Q§j§r state : patterns of medical modernization in nineteenth-century Iran / by Hormoz Ebrahimnejad. p. cm. — (Sir Henry Wellcome Asian studies ; v. 4) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN 90-04-14015-8 (alk. paper) 1. Public health—Iran—History—19th century. 2. Medicine—Iran—History— 19th century. I. Title. II. Series. RA533.E25 2004 362.1’0955’09034—dc22

2004050324

ISSN 1570-1484 ISBN 90 04 13911 7 © Copyright 2004 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands Koninklijke Brill NV incorporates the imprints Brill Academic Publishers, Martinus Nijhoff Publishers and VSP. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written permission from the publisher. Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personal use is granted by Brill provided that the appropriate fees are paid directly to The Copyright Clearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910 Danvers, MA 01923, USA. Fees are subject to change. printed in the netherlands

contents

v

CONTENTS List of illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ix Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xi System of transliteration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . xiii Preface. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

1

PART ONE THE INSTITUTIONAL AND THEORETICAL CHANGE IN TRADITIONAL MEDICINE

Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

5

Chapter One: A cursory review of hospitals . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Hospitals in the pre-historic era and antiquity . . . . . . . . . . . . . Islamic period . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Organization and administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

13 14 19 26

Chapter Two: Public health and socio-political changes . . . . . . . 31 The modernization movement in the nineteenth century . . . 31 Towards the creation of public health. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 36 Chapter Three: The manuscript, the author and the hospital . . . The manuscript and its author . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (state hospital) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Description of the Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati according to manuscript 505 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The hospital and the religious establishment . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The charitable hospital and Islamic politics . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . The hospital and the sick poor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Administration . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

50 50 58 75 75 80 82 83

Chapter Four: Traditional medicine and modernization. . . . . . . The Q§j§r state and the institutionalization of medicine . . . . . Laqab, court appointments and the Q§j§r administration . . . . The re-institutionalisation of traditional medicine . . . . . . . . . .

88 88 90 96

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Chapter Five: Towards the epistemology of medical modernization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 113 Glimpses of the epistemological study of medical modernization . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 115 The institutional aspect of medical modernization. . . . . . . . . . 121 Conclusion . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 135

PART TWO ON THE BENEFITS, THE MAINTENANCE AND THE STATUTES OF THE STATE HOSPITAL

Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 141 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143 I.

On the benefits of the hospital for soldiers, the homeless and the poor . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . II. Benefits of the Hospital for the sublime Government. . . . . III. On the appointment of the Chief Health Officer for the preservation of the health of civil society and of the army The functionaries of the hospital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IV. On the attributes, ethics and duties of the Chief Health Officer of the army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V. On the qualities, disposition and duties of the Chief Physician of the army . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VI. On the grade, qualities and duties of the hospital’s doctors The duties of the physicians of the hospital. . . . . . . . . . . . . VII. On the qualifications and the duties of the surgeons of the hospital. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . VIII. Qualities and duties of the pharmacists of the hospital . . . . The duties of the pharmacists . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX. On the attributes and duties of the First Secretary who is the [financial] Inspector of the hospital . . . . . . . . . . X. On the ethics and duties of the Second Secretary, who is the Supervisor of the hospital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI. The duties of the Third Mirz§s (or the cashiers). . . . . . . . . XII. On the duties of the nurses in the hospital . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIII. On the duties of the guards of the hospital . . . . . . . . . . . . .

152 161 169 172 173 175 180 183 184 186 188 188 190 191 192 193

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vii

Persian text . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 197 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 237 Glossary. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 251 Indices Index of names . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 257 Index of subjects . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 263

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ix

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig. Fig.

1. Physicians of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2. Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (state hospital) . . . . . . . . . . . . 3. Dr Mirz§ #Ali, lecturing at the D§r al-Fonun . . . . . . . . 4a. A traditional physician and his patient . . . . . . . . . . . . . 4b. Physicians in a camp hospital . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5. A letter of the Sanitary Council (Majles-e hefz al-sehheh) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Fig. 6. Members of the Sanitary Council (before 1895) . . . . . . Fig. 7. Tholozan, Garrusi and Hakim al-Mam§lek (1895) . . . . Fig. 8. Illustrations of MS 505 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

39 70 100 104 104 112 122 124 196

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acknowledgements

xi

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS My first research into the history of epidemics and medicine was undertaken in Tehran during the Summer and Autumn of 1996 with the support of the Institut Français de Recherche en Iran. I gratefully recall the friendly and stimulating atmosphere in that Institute, mainly due to the endeavours of Rémy Boucharlat, its former Director, to whom are due my sincere thanks. Since then, I have been able to continue my research thanks to the funding of the Wellcome Trust, without which this book could not have been written. Its Travel Grant in the summer of 1997 allowed me to carry out an initial survey in the Persian manuscript collection preserved in the Wellcome Library. Encouraged by Lawrence I. Conrad, the late Roy Porter and Vivian Nutton, then the Head of the Academic Unit in the Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, I submitted a research project on the “Transition from Traditional to Modern Medicine in nineteenth-century Iran” and was awarded a three-year Wellcome Fellowship. The extent of my research and the new findings during these three years necessitated further investigation. I am indebted to Harold J. Cook, the Director of the Wellcome Trust Centre for the History of Medicine at UCL (previously the Academic Unit of the Wellcome Institute) for his encouragement in submitting a new project for wellcome funding that was generously granted. Throughout my work within the Wellcome family, my colleagues have provided wonderful support in turn intellectual, professional and personal and I would like to warmly thank all of them. I have benefited not only from the rich collections of the Wellcome Library but also from the friendly collaboration of its Librarians and staff, especially Nigel Allan, the Curator of the Oriental collection in the Wellcome Library, who has always been ready to help. I must also warmly thank the staff of various libraries where I found invaluable manuscripts: in Iran (Tehran University, Ket§bkh§neh-ye markazi, the National Library, Ket§bkh§neh-ye melli, the Malek Library, the Majles (Parliament) Library and the Library of Qods in Mashhad); in Russia (the National Library and the Oriental Institute Library in St Petersburg); and in North America (the Medical Library of UCLA). I thank particularly #Abdol-Hoseyn-e H§’eri, Senior Curator of the Majles Library in Tehran, who permitted me to reproduce the manu-

xii

acknowledgements

script 505, which appears for the first time translated into English and edited in this volume. Emilie Savage-Smith and Lawrence Conrad have read an early version of my English translation and gave very helpful advice. Additionally, Emilie Savage-Smith and Willem Floor read the final drafts of my study (Part One) and provided further criticism and suggestions. I would like to extend to all of them my heartfelt thanks. I am grateful to the anonymous referee, whose thorough remarks and criticism on the first draft of Part One of this book were most useful. My gratitude goes particularly to Charles Burnett, who carefully read the whole text and suggested improvements. I would like to thank Lois Reynold who read the draft of Part One and Fiona Macdonald who read the entire draft of the book. I am also grateful to Alex McKay, Roger Cooter and Anne-Marie Moulin who read drafts and chapters. I thank them all for having saved me from a host of errors and for sharing their insights and information. It goes without saying that I am responsible for any shortcomings in this volume. I am also obliged to Chris Carter, Senior Photographer at the Wellcome Trust, who helped me to prepare the illustrations for the book. Last, but not least, my special thanks are owing to Sylwia Wekwert Ebrahimnejad for helping me to prepare the index of the book. I would like also to extend my gratitude to Parviz (#Abb§s) Rafi#i, as well as Bozorgmehr and Behz§d Ebrahimnejad whose assistance greatly facilitated my access to some rare sources and manuscripts in Iran.

system of transliteration

xiii

SYSTEM OF TRANSLITERATION Many terms or names used in Persian are of Arabic origin and this has led some institutions, such as the Library of Congress (L.C.) or the Encyclopaedia of Islam, to choose similar transliteration systems for Arabic and Persian. However, since pronunciation is an integral part of a language and the Arabic names or terms that have been incorporated into Persian are pronounced by the Iranians differently from their Arab neighbours, the system used here is to render the Persian pronunciation, as described below, except when the names or terms are cited from other sources or are used in an Arabic context. For example an Iranian would not pronounce Ibn Sin§ as such but as Ebn-e Sin§, Mushir al-Dawlah as Moshir od-Dowleh or iz§fah as ez§feh. Nevertheless, for the “al” in names such as Moshir al-Dowleh, we use the Arabic form of spelling. Thus, for the Persian transliteration of ‫ اﻋﺘﻤﺎد اﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ‬or ‫ﻧﺎﺻﺮاﻟﺪﻦ ﺷﺎه‬, in which ‫ ال‬is dropped and they are usually pronounced as E#tem§d os-Saltaneh and N§ser od-Din-Sh§h, we write E#tem§d al-Saltaneh and N§ser al-Din-Sh§h. Persian names are usually composed of several parts joined by a letter called ez§feh that usually has the same significance and function as “de” in French. In the Library of Congress system this is shown by ‘i’, but in Persian this annexing letter sounds like ‘e’ as in English “ethnic” or “empire”. Even though the Library of Congress system distinguishes the “long Ê” from ‘i’, for native Iranian speakers this distinction leads to confusion between, for example, Nasir and N§ser [L.C. N§sir] (proper names) or between nazir (similar) and n§zer [L.C. N§zir] (superviser). In the transliteration used here, the ez§feh is represented by ‘e’ when it is annexed to a consonant (such as in Mirz§ Mohammad-e tabib), and by “ye” when it is added to a vowel (such as in Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali-ye tabib). There is, however, an exception for the Arabic letter (#) ‫ ع‬that is annexed to other words by ‘e’ because of the hard articulation of ‫ع‬. For the short vowel zamma (,) we have chosen ‘o’ and for the long vowel (‫ )و‬we use ‘u’. Thus Moshir al-Dowleh or Mohammad, but Mahmud ‫ ﻣﺤﻤﻮد‬or Moluk ‫ ﻣﻠﻮ‬. For “long §” ‫آ‬, pronounced as in English “far” or “bar”, we use ‘§’. Thus we write Atebb§ (plural of tabib, physician).

xiv

system of transliteration

As in Arabic, several letters such as ‫س‬, ‫ث‬, ‫ص‬, or ‫ذ‬, ‫ز‬, ‫ظ‬, or ‫ط‬, ‫ت‬, or ‫ ﻫﺎ‬and ‫ ح‬are pronounced differently, but in Persian they have the unique sounds of S for the first, Z for the second, T for the third and H for the fourth group, they are simply transliterated respectively by S, Z, T and H. Another typical example is the hard and guttural letter ‫ ع‬that does not exist in Persian. In Persian, ‫ ع‬sounds like ‫ اﻟﻒ‬in ‫ اﷲ‬or “A” in English. However, we make an exception for the letter ‫ ع‬because when it is placed at the end of a word, such as in ‫ ﺟﺎﻣﺢ‬j§me#, or when it comes, for instance, after ‫ اﻟﻒ‬such as in ‫ اﻋﻠﻢ‬A#lam, we need to distinguish ‫ ع‬from ‫اﻟﻒ‬. Therefore, in order to be consistent, we will show ‫ ع‬by a single inverted comma (#) even when it is placed at the beginning of a word such as in #Abb§s. Other diacritic letters for Persian are as follows: q = ‫ق‬, gh = ‫غ‬, sh = ‫ش‬, ch = ‫چ‬, kh = ‫خ‬, j = ‫ج‬. In rare cases, however, when each of these combined letters, is written together but pronounced separately such as ‘s’ and ‘h’ in ash§b, ‫ اﺻﺤﺎب‬we separate them by an apostrophe. We will therefore write as’h§b and Is’h§q. Finally, when a letter is moshaddad (pronounced hard), it will be written twice, such as in sehhat (health), or tebb-e sonnati (traditional medicine).

preface

1

PREFACE This work is part of the project on “The Transition from Traditional to Modern Medicine in Nineteenth-Century Iran” that received Wellcome Trust funding in 1998. The initial plan has been modified due to new findings. Exchange of ideas with colleagues has revealed a lack of knowledge of what nineteenth-century Persian medical literature consisted. To contribute to closing this gap required the translation of one of the texts that not only represented traditional Persian medicine but also the nature of development and change in medical knowledge in nineteenth-century Iran. The manuscript included in this volume is a booklet written in ca. 1865 by an anonymous author on the establishment of hospitals in Q§j§r Iran (1797–1925).1 It contains not only a theoretical discussion of medicine as seen in classical traditional literature, but also historical data and provides a lively description of the public health system of the time, which is rare for nineteenthcentury medical texts in Iran. Initially a short introduction to the text and its English translation was envisaged. Later it seemed necessary to provide an extended essay, one that went beyond the mere presentation of the translated text. Nevertheless, this essay is not a comprehensive history of medical modernization in nineteenth-century Iran; it is rather a study of its institutional aspects, the point of connection between medicine and power. This change of plan seemed appropriate after finding the manuscript in question, which illustrated the crucial importance of the institutional dimension in the process of medical modernization. This book is divided in two Parts. The focus of the first Part is on the institutional and theoretical aspects of medical modernization while touching on other issues such as hospital institutions, the military, medical education, and so on. But these questions are mentioned for their instrumental or analytical role and therefore are not examined here in depth. Although the first Part, especially its first and third Chapters, frequently refers to manuscript 505, it is not an introduction to this manuscript but rather an independent account of modernization of

1 Anonymous manuscript, Tehran, Majles Library, no. 505 (undated).

2

preface

medicine in nineteenth-century Iran. The second part of this book is devoted to the edition of the Persian text and its English translation, extensively commented in the footnotes.

introduction

PART ONE

The Institutional and Theoretical Change in Traditional Medicine

3

4

part one

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introduction

5

INTRODUCTION The historiography of medicine in Iran has usually focused on what is termed the Golden Age of Persian medicine (c.a. ninth to fourteenth centuries) and upon such renowned physicians as R§zi (850–932) and Avicenna (980–1037).1 The nineteenth century, however, has only been studied scantily.2 This lack of interest reflects the general weakness

1

See for example, Sleïm Ammar, Ibn Sina, Avicenne: La vie et l’oeuvre (Paris: L’Or du Temps, 1992); Mahmud Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb dar Iran pas az esl§m: az zohur-e eslam t§ hamleh-ye moghol (History of medicine in Iran after Islam: from the rise of Islam till the Mongol invasion) (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1366/1986); Mazhar H. Sh§h, The General Principles of Avicenna’s Canon of Medicine (Karachi: Naveed Clinic, 1966); Jules Janssens and Daniel De Smet (eds), Avicenna and his heritage, Acts of the International Colloquium Leuven—Louvain-la-Neuve September 8 - September 11, 1999 (Leuven: Leuven University Press, 2002); Nancy G. Siaisi, Avicenna in Renaissance Italy: The Canon and medical teaching in Italian universities after 1500 (NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987); Danielle Jacquart, “Quelques réflexions sur la traduction du “Kitab-al-Mansuri” de Rhazes par Gérard de Crémone”, in XXVII Congreso Internacional de Historia de la Medicina: 31 agosto–6 septiembre 1980 (Barcelona: Académia de Ciències Médiques de Catalunya i Balears, 1981). It should, however, be remembered that the historiography of science in general in Islamic countries (and not only the history of medicine) has often focused on the medieval period. This might be explained by the fact that the modern Western sciences developed in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe became dominant in non-European countries while those countries did not develop their own system of knowledge or “science”. For a comprehensive study on the development and decline of sciences in different countries and on the question of “why the scientific revolution did not occur outside Europe” see Floris Cohen, The Scientific Revolution: A Historiographical Inquiry (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1994), cf. especially Chapter Six. 2 After a few articles by Mahmud Najm§b§di (Nadjmabadi) and others in the 1970s, interest in the study of nineteenth-century medicine and public health in Iran has been more substantially awakened over the last ten years. See Willem Floor, “Securité, Circulation et Hygiène dans les rues de Téhéran à l’époque Qajar,” in Adle, Chahryar et Hourcade, Bernard (eds.), Téhéran Capital bicentenaire (Paris, Tehran: Institut Français de Recherche en Iran, 1992), pp. 173-198; Laurence D. Kotobi, “L’émergence d’une politique de la santé publique en Perse Qajar, XIXe- XXe siècles: Un apperçu historique de la vaccination,” Studia Iranica, 24 (1995): 261-284; Ahmad Seyf, “Iran and Cholera in the Nineteenth century,” Middle Eastern Studies, 38 (2002): 169-78); Amir-Arsalan Afkhami, “Iran in the Age of Visitations: Cholera

6

part one

of historical research in Iran, compared with Europe or even with other neighbouring countries.3 Nineteenth-century Iranian medicine also lacked celebrities of Avicenna or R§zi’s calibre, and therefore was considered without intellectual and historical interest—doomed to be replaced by modern Western medicine. As soon as Western medicine was introduced into Iran in the nineteenth century, the “modern–traditional” or “Western–Iranian” dichotomy characterized the medical discourses of both European and Iranian physicians and this naturally influenced modern historiography.4 No study has been made of the actual evolution of medical knowledge in Iran, nor the continuities between traditional and modern approaches.5 Such a categorization is symptomatic of the erroneous perceptions of Iran’s traditional medicine and of the modern medicine that replaced it. Joseph Désiré Tholozan, one of the main architects and the Politics of Public Health 1889-1911,” unpublished PhD dissertation, Yale University, 2002; Firuzeh Kashani-Sabet, “Hallmarks of Humanism: Hygiene and Love of Homeland in Qajar Iran,” The American Historical Review, vol. 105, no. 4, Oct. 2000; Willem Floor, Public Health in Qajar Persia (Washington DC: MAGE, 2004) (forthcoming). 3 The historiography of modern medicine in other Islamic or non-European countries has a better record than in Iran. See for example Nancy Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780–1900 (Cambridge, London: Cambridge University Press, 1983); Daniel Panzac, La peste dans l’Empire ottoman, 1700-1850 (Leuven: Éditions Peeters, 1985). See also works of Sylvia Chiffoleau including: Médecines et médecins en Egypt (Paris: L’Harmattan, Lyon: Maison de l’Orient méditerranéen, 1997); “La formation des médecins égyptiens,” in Elisabeth Longuenesse (ed.), Santé, médecine et société dans le monde arabe (Paris: L’Harmattan, Lyon: Maison de l’Orient méditerranéen, 1995); Several works of Anne-Marie Moulin, including: “Les Instituts Pasteur de la méditerranée arabe: Une religion scientifique en pays d’Islam,” in Elisabeth Longuenesse (ed.), Santé, médecine et société, pp. 129-164; “L’hygiène dans la ville: la médecine ottomane à l’heure pastorienne (1887-1908),” in Paul Dumont et F. Georgeon, (eds.), Les villes ottomanes la fin de l’Empire (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1992); “La profession médicale dans les pays arabes: vues historiques long et court termes” (Beyrouth-Amman: Cahiers du CERMOC, 1993); “Révolutions médicales et politiques en Egypte (1865-1917),” Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée, 52 (1989): 111-123. 4 Such a perception is even more present in the historiography of other countries such as Egypt. See for example, Sylvia Chiffoleau, Médecines et médecins en Egypt, pp. 116-17. 5 This is the case for most non-European countries. The link between alternative and modern-official medicine in Western countries, however, has been studied in a significant amount of publications by Charles Rosenberg, Roy Porter, Roger Cooter, William Bynum, and others. For a general appreciation on this subject see several articles in Medical History vol. 43, no. 3, July 1999, that deal with alternative medicine in Europe since 1800.

introduction

7

of modern medicine in Iran, delineated a clear-cut division between modern and “Avicennian” medicine.6 Dr Mirz§ #Ali, ex-pupil of Tholozan and instructor in modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, also advocated the complete abandonment of traditional medicine and adoption of modern anatomy and pathology.7 Contrary to Tholozan, who advocated the total abandonment of traditional theories in order to introduce modern medicine, Johan Schlimmer proposed a dialogue between the two so that European physicians could understand traditional terms. The latter he regarded as indispensable for a better introduction to, or education in, modern medicine in Iran.8 Despite the received idea, nineteenth-century Persian medicine was not a homogeneous or fixed system. It covered a wide range of medical knowledge including orthodox traditional medicine, a mixture of modern and traditional theories, as well as texts that clearly displayed the seeds of modern medicine.9 By the same token, the modern medicine that was introduced into nineteenth-century Iran was not a uniform and definitive corpus of knowledge based on modern pathology or microbiology, but also contained elements of Neo-Hippocratic or even humoral medicine.10 The rich variety of medical literature mentioned above indicates the process of transition from traditional to modern medicine. The above-mentioned anonymous manuscript 505 on the establishment and development of public hospitals illustrates the breadth of this literature. 6 See for example: Désiré Tholozan, Prophylaxie du cholera en Orient: L’hygiène et la réforme sanitaire en Perse (Paris: Victor Masson et Fils, 1869). 7 Jav§her al-Tashrih (Tehran: lithographic edition, 1306/1889), pp. 3–4. 8 Johan Schlimmer, Terminologies médico-pharmaceutique et anthropologique françaisepersane (Tehran: Lithographie d’Ali GouliKhan, 1874), Préface. For more details, see Chapter Four below. 9 Joseph Désiré Tholozan believed that all Persian physicians repeated the writings of Avicenna on epidemic fevers without any reference to specific clinical observation: Histoire de la peste bubonique en Perse (Paris: G. Masson, 1874), pp. 5–9. Elgood, on the other hand, provided a more discriminating view and singled out physicians, such as Bah§’ al-Dowleh (d. 1507), who based their writing on their clinical observations. Cf. Cyril Elgood, Safavid Medical Practice, or The Practice of Medicine, Surgery and Gynaecology in Persia between 1500 A.D. and 1750 (London: A.D. Luzac, 1970), pp. xiii–xiv. 10 Humoral theories did not disappear with Koch’s microbiological findings that opened a new area in the treatment of cholera. Even at the end of the nineteenth century the miasmatic theory prevailed in Europe for explaining the spread of cholera, for example, in Hamburg during the cholera epidemic of 1894. See Richard J. Evans, Death in Hamburg: Society and Politics in the Cholera Years 1830–1910 (Oxford and New York: Oxford University Press, 1987).

8

part one

This manuscript sets up regulations for the first state hospital under the Q§j§rs (1794–1925), built in 1852. It was described as dowlati (state) or sh§hi (royal) hospital, which can also be translated as “public” firstly, because any establishment of public interest in nineteenth-century Iran was created by the order of the Sh§h. Secondly, the term dowlati (of government) that was increasingly used for hospitals under the Q§j§rs denotes more the public dimension of the state than the private character of royal household. This indicates a major difference between the Q§j§r hospitals and those of earlier centuries in Iran. The manuscript also provides some details about hospitals in ancient and “medieval” Iran.11 The search for reform by reference to the past has characterized many modernization attempts in Iran,12 such as those proposed by Seyyed Jam§l al-Din Afgh§ni (or Asad§b§di) who, in the late nineteenth century, advocated the adoption of modern Western sciences but at the same time wanted to unite the Islamic country under one political leadership almost on the model of the caliphate.13 Thus, manuscript 505 describes the creation of a modern hospital in terms of the restoration of the traditions of the past rulers of Iran. It contains passages that deal with theoretical issues but mainly it emphasizes institutional reform within a traditional medical framework. The author of manuscript 505 frequently refers to “medieval” hos-

11 The use of the term “medieval” for Iran or for other Islamic countries is rhetorical and does not have the same specific socio-political connotation as in Europe. To use “Middle Ages” or “medieval” within the same time frame as in Europe for Iran and other Islamic countries is inappropriate, since they did not experience the socio-political, religious and economic upheaval experienced by European countries in the same period. Nineteenth-century Iran remained much the same as it was in the tenth century, while profound changes occurred in Europe at this time. David Morgan extends the “medieval” period in Persia to the end of the eighteenth century. See David Morgan, Medieval Persia 1040-1797 (London and New York: Longman, 1988). For a critical study on this question see: Thomas Ricks, “Towards a Social and Economic History of Eighteenth-Century Iran,” Iranian Studies, 6 (1973), pp. 10-26. 12 For a similar view see Marshall Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscience and History in a World Civilization, 3 vols., vol. 3: The Gunpowdre Empire and Modern Times (Chicago, London: The University of Chicago Press, 1974), pp. 303 and 306-8. 13 About Seyyed Jam§l al-Din, see Niki Keddie, Sayyid Jamal ad-Din al-Afghani: A Political Biography (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1972); Elie Kedouri, Afghani and #Abduh: an Essay on Religious Unbelief and Political Activism in Modern Islam (London: Frank Cass, 1997). For a survey of reform projects in education in nineteenth-century Iran see Monica Ringer, Education, Religion, and the Discourse of Cultural Reform in Qajar Iran (Costa Mesa, California, Mazda Publishers, 2001), especially pp. 221 ff.

introduction

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pitals and their organization, both as a guideline for, and justification of, the construction of the hospital in question. The first Chapter of the present study reviews the history of “medieval” hospitals in Iran and other Islamic countries based on available secondary sources. It is included in order to understand the creation of the public hospital in mid-nineteenth-century Iran in the light of the history of hospitals in Islamic countries in general and in Iran in particular since antiquity. Since manuscript 505 provides some details about “medieval” Islamic hospitals, a general picture of these hospitals is needed against which the reading of this document might become clearer. Chapter Two examines the socio-political factors that brought about the need for the hospital. As a result of its frequent campaigns against rebellious local powers and its military defeats by the Russians in the Caucasus, the Q§j§r state undertook to establish a disciplined and modern army in the second decade of the nineteenth century. The fact that modernization in Q§j§r Iran was primarily implemented for the use of the military marked the subsequent Q§j§r modernization process so that any other reform became a by-product of military reform. The hospital described in manuscript 505, for instance, was destined to serve the army though it received also the civilians. But with the increasing recruitment for the expanding army, the Q§j§rs became aware of the importance of the health of the population to increase its longevity. Poor public health, they perceived, cost them twice: the main source of the state income was a poll tax and the strength of the army depended on the troops recruited as a proportion of each region’s population. But despite the importance of the demographic factor for their military strength, the Q§j§r statesmen were inconsistent in their attempts to improve the material conditions of their subjects. Moreover, any reform faced opposition from the traditional forces and was slowed down by factional rivalry among the statesmen. This chapter will explain that the reform in public health, in terms of the creation of hospitals and sanitary councils in the second part of the nineteenth century, experienced long periods of lassitude and failure. Ad hoc sanitary councils had existed since the early 1850s but have been largely ignored by modern history. We contend that there is no apparent social or structural reason for the 1868 and 1876 sanitary councils (according to the current view, concurrently the first ones in Q§j§r Iran), to be fundamentally different from those earlier ad hoc committees. It is not surprising therefore, that this sanitary council closed after two sessions and reconvened only in 1877 to respond to

10

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the pressure of cholera and plague epidemics. Its only concrete result, however, was a higher tariff for quarantine operation.14 Chapter Three sheds light on the identity of the author of manuscript 505 and the approximate date of its writing. This is followed by a section on the hospital. The hospital project was held back by delays similar to those experienced by the sanitary councils (or majles-e hefz al-sehheh). A detailed discussion on the hospital described in manuscript 505 enables us to reconstruct a history that is barely mentioned in other sources. The manuscript evokes many questions relating to various aspects of medicine and society, but their discussion goes beyond the scope of this study. These issues are therefore, taken up in the extensive footnotes provided in the English translation of manuscript 505. A thorough examination of the manuscript is not the aim of this volume and constitutes the object of a separate study. Although manuscript 505 is one of the major sources for our study, both the First part, i.e. the study, and the Second part, i.e. manuscript 505, can be read independently. The last two chapters explore the institutional and theoretical mechanisms of medical change. One thread of this process is the “professionalisation” of medicine in the sense of its redefinition or reorganization within the framework of the development of the Q§j§r state. Faith healing, magic, and folk or “household” medicine were widely practised at this time, mainly because they were more accessible, cheaper and a part of local culture. They are as important in medical history15 as the official or orthodox medicine. Nevertheless, this category of medicine and its practitioners are not examined here primarily because they were not involved in the nineteenth-century

14 Willem Floor, Public Health in Q§j§r Persia (Washington DC: MAGE, 2004), forthcoming. 15 The new medical history is more interested in the social relationships determining healing, illness or health and is therefore less concerned with the distinction between modern/orthodox and traditional/alternative medicines. See for example: Dorothy Porter (ed.), The History of Public Health and the Modern State, Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1994); Roy Porter (ed.), Patients and Practitioners: Lay Perceptions of Medicine in Pre-industrial Society (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); Charles Rosenberg and Janet Golden (eds), Framing Diseases: Studies in Cultural History (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1991); Willem de Blécourt and Cornelle Usborne “Women’s Medicine, Women’s Culture: Abortion and Fortune-Telling in early Twentieth-Century Germany and the Netherlands”, Medical History, 43 (1999): 376–392.

introduction

11

process of modernization. The focus here is on that part of medical profession that, due to its relation to the state administration at various levels, played a major role in the institutionalization process explained in Chapter Four. This chapter will argue that the embryo of modernization of medicine in nineteenth-century Iran resided in the institutionalization of traditional medicine within the framework of the development of the Q§j§r state. In order to clarify this process further, Chapter Five examines the theoretical or epistemological aspects of modernization in relation to political and institutional context. Some evidence is given to illustrate the proposition that institutional modernization preceded the radical theoretical transformation. Modernization did not occur to the Q§j§r elite once traditional medicine had been abandoned and modern techniques fully integrated. Rather it was proposed and implemented at various levels by those who still believed in traditional theories. Overall, Chapter Five has a twofold purpose. Firstly, it shows that the intellectual areas of medical change are less obvious than is conventionally thought and therefore referring to them as landmarks or turning points in the history of medicine is misleading. Secondly, it aims at providing an introduction to further study of the epistemology of medical modernization, which can contribute to the wider question of the mechanisms of the transmission of knowledge. A final remark is necessary here: this study does not constitute a comprehensive picture of medicine and public health under the Q§j§rs. One might contend that the primary task of the historian is to provide a comprehensive and descriptive history before explaining how modern medicine developed. But no comprehensive and descriptive history, however detailed, would be able to paint the whole picture and therefore we cannot wait until such a “utopian” picture is drawn before trying to understand how modernization occurred. Moreover, in many cases the historical reality is not exposed to the observation of the historian without an “explanatory” effort or theoretical tool.16 16 Richard Evans discusses at length various historical schools including those of G. Elton who rejected all theory that would subject historians to “predetermined explanatory schemes” and Edward H. Carr, who, by contrast, believed that a “past event did not become a historical fact until it was accepted as such by historians” or, in other words, “explained” by them. Cf. Richard Evans, In Defence of History (London: Granta publications, 1997), p. 75–76. This view is close to Max Weber’s idea of “ideal type”; cf. Essais sur la théorie de la science, translated from German by

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Accordingly, the method in use in this study is to provide description and explanation in a form that they are meaningful for each other. Julien Freund (Paris: Editions Plon, 1992). For an analytical study of the evolution of historiography, see Guy Bourdé, Hervé Martin, Les écoles historiques (Paris: Editions du Seuil, 1983).

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CHAPTER ONE

A CURSORY REVIEW OF HOSPITALS Our knowledge about “medieval” Islamic hospitals is limited because very few contemporary sources have survived. Most of the primary sources informing us about these hospitals are biographical dictionaries of physicians or chronicles and it is only through their reports about physicians, or princes and military chiefs that fragmentary data on “medieval” Islamic hospitals are provided.1 Consequently, as the authors of these sources were not witnesses of the creation of the hospitals they describe, but only heard or read about them, no accurate description of their architecture and organization is available other than vague and sometimes exaggerated information. Nevertheless, these narratives about hospitals reflect some historical facts. For example, a part of a discourse illustrating the strength or justice of a king might contain a statement about a hospital. This indicates the relationship between political power and the building of charitable (public) institutions, including hospitals, inasmuch as these public monuments rose with the power of the king or dynasty and fell into ruins after their demise. In the large “medieval” Islamic cities, such as Baghdad and Rayy, mosques, madrasa (schools mainly for theological studies), caravanserais (inns for travellers) or hospitals were part of the polis. But hospitals, partly due to the endowment system discussed in Chapter Three, did not receive attention and financial support from the government and civil society as much as other charitable

1 Among the most important authorities we can refer to are Mohammad b. Is’h§q al-Nadim, Kit§b al-Fihrist, edited by Rez§ Tajaddod (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1971). For a critical edition and English translation of Ibn Nadim’s book see Bayard Dodge (editor and translator), The Fihrist of al-Nadim. A tenth-century Survey of Muslim Culture, 2 vols. (New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1970). (Ibn Nadim completed his al-Fihrist in 988, ten years before his death); Jam§l al-Din al-Qifti, T§rikh al-hokam§, Persian translation of 1688, edited by Behin D§r§yee (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1371/1992); Ibn Abi Usaybi#ah, #Uyun al-anb§’ fi tabaq§t al-atibb§’, edited by August Müller (Königsberg: Selbstverlag, 1884); Sulayman ibn Juljul (Tabaq§t al-Atibb§ wal-Hokam§, edited by F. Sayyid (Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1955); Mostaf§ b. #Abdoll§h H§ji Khalifa, Kashf al-zonun #an as§mi al-kotob wal-fonun, with an introduction by $yatoll§ Najafi Mar#ashi (Tehran: al-maktabat al-esl§miah, 1387/1967).

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institutions and therefore their existence was more exposed to the vicissitude of political events. But this situation was not ubiquitous in all Islamic countries. Hospitals in the Prehistoric era and Antiquity The anonymous author of manuscript 505 claimed that “the Iranian kings2 were the first architects of hospitals since the Ancient times… and that it was the imitation of this tradition that had adorned and refined Europe.”3 As proof of this assertion, the Persian word bim§rest§n (bim§r, sick, and st§n, location, house) is highlighted, which was the term in use in foreign countries for “hospital”. The author continued: In addition to the (fixed) small and large hospitals that were constructed during the Pishd§diy§n dynasty (circa 1000–550 B.C.) until Alexander’s domination (ca. 330 B.C.), there were also mobile hospitals that accompanied the army in campaigns.4

The Iranians (a branch of the Arian tribes who emigrated from Central Asia southward during the second millennium B.C.), continued their nomadic life in the first half of the first millennium B.C. when the semi-mythical Pishd§diy§n dynasty emerged. It is therefore plausible that the mobile hospitals, described by the author of manuscript 505 were tents, which accompanied these nomads in their seasonal movements or military campaigns, but one can hardly believe that the Pishd§diy§n constructed fixed hospital buildings. Even after the socio-political changes that took place around the sixth and fifth centuries B.C. that resulted in the creation of the central power of the Achaemenids (sixth–third centuries B.C.), there is no evidence of fixed hospitals during this period, but there continue to be indications about the mobile ones. Manuscript 505 quoted the twelfth-century Iranian epic poet, Ferdowsi, as saying: “during the campaign of Darius III (ca. 321 B.C.), the last king of the Achaemenids, against Alexander,5

2 3 4 5

The term used is dowlat-e #elliyeh-ye Iran (Iranian state). MS 505, pp. 4, 9. Ibid. Alexander’s invasion of Iran took place between 334 and 321 B.C.

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366 mobile hospitals accompanied the army.”6 One cannot, however, be certain about the reliability of Ferdowsi’s statement inasmuch as it is not sustained by any other Persian source. It is nevertheless conceivable that soldiers were provided with drugs as well as food, with physicians and surgeons who could administer them, dress injuries or set broken bones. Medieval authors such as Ibn Khallik§n and Ibn al-Qifti also record the use of such mobile hospitals in later periods. For example, a mobile hospital with the army of Solt§n Mahmud Seljuqid7 was transported by forty camels.8 As to the Sasanid period (224–651), there are several post-Sasanid accounts about the hospital of Gundish§pur (or Jundish§pur)9 in southwest Iran, but there is no Sasanid contemporary source to confirm its existence. The only contemporary source from which we could expect information on Sasanid medicine or hospitals might be the D¿nkard (or Dinkard), an encyclopaedia of the Zoroastrian religion that comprises extensive quotes from materials thousands of years older, as well as from those of the Sasanid period. According to some scholars the D¿nkard was first composed under the reign of Khosrow I Anushirv§n (531-579), but was destroyed during the Arab invasion and later, under the #Abb§sid Caliph al-Ma’mun (813-833), $zar Faranbagh, a Zoroastrian scholar, compiled it again from scattered sources.10 According to others, however, it was composed for the first time in the ninth century.11 Whatever the case may be, the passages of the D¿nkard cited from Sasanid sources do not mention

6

Cited in MS 505, p. 5. The Solt§n in question must be either Mughith al-Din Mahmud (1118–1131) of the branch of the Seljuqs reigning in Western Persia or N§ser-al-Din Mahmud (1092–94). See Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1967), p. 115. 8 Cited by Ahmed Issa Bey, Histoire des Bimaristans (hôpitaux) à l’époque Islamique (Cairo: Imprimerie Paul Barbey, 1928), p. 89. 9 The Persian word is Gundish§pur but as in Arabic there is no G (‫)گ‬, it is replaced by J (‫)ج‬. 10 H§shem Razi, Ganjineh-ye Avest§ (Tehran: Publishers Foruhar, 2537/1978), pp. 215-216 and 225; See also Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture: The GraecoArabic Translation Movement in Baghdad and Early #Abb§did Society (2nd-4th/8th-10th centuries) (London and New York: Routledge, 1998), p. 26. 11 #Ali-Akbar Dehkhod§, Loghatn§meh, 15 vols., 2nd edition, edited by: Mohammad Mo#in and Seyyed Ja#far Shahidi (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1377/1998), vol. 8, p. 11428; Zabiholl§h Saf§ T§rikh-e #olum-e #aqli dar tamaddon-e esl§mi t§ av§set-e qarn-e panjom (History of rational sciences in Islamic civilization until the mid-fifth century), 2 vols, 2nd edition (Tehran: Tehran University press, 1336/1957), vol. 1, pp. 18-26. 7

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a hospital in Jundish§pur, but discuss only medicine and science in general. According to this source, the Sasanid king, Sh§pur the First (240–270), had collected books on medicine, astronomy, motion, time, space, substance, creation, genesis, passing away, change and growth, as well as on arts and crafts from India, the Byzantine Empire and other countries.12

The only contemporary source talking about a hospital in Jundish§pur is a passage from a Syriac chronicler, Zachariah of Mitylene, writing in A.D. 569 about the events between 553 and 556: Out of kindness towards the captives [East Romans] and the holy men he [the Sh§h—Khosrow I (531–79)] has now by the advice of the Christian physicians attached to him made a hospital, a thing not previously known, and has given 100 mules and 50 camels laden with goods from the royal stores, and 12 physicians and whatever is required is given….13

We should, however, be cautious about Zachariah’s account since the term he used for hospital is “xenodocheion” (an inn for travellers). According to Timothy Miller the xoenodocheia in the Byzantine Empire, especially those developed between sixth and twelfth centuries, were the first hospital establishments in modern sense.14 But all historians do not share such analysis. At the same time, we should bear in mind that a “hospital” in sixth-century Sasanian or Byzantine Empires should not be necessarily similar to modern hospitals, but it had its own meaning and organization determined within historical, geographical and social contexts of the time. The earliest Islamic sources referring to a hospital in Jundish§pur date from the ninth and tenth centuries, but are without any reference to their source of information or description of the building and its organisation. According to Lawrence Conrad, “there is no evidence that any academy ever existed at Jundish§pur. The hospital there was a foundation of early Islamic times, and all of the medieval material 12 Owsei Temkin, Galenism, Rise and Decline of Medical Philosophy (Ithaca, N.Y: Cornell University Press, 1973), p. 62, cited by M. Ullman, Islamic Medicine, p. 16. See also: Saf§, T§rikh-e #olum-e #aqli, vol. 1, p. 18. 13 Timothy Miller, The Birth of the Hospital in the Byzantine Empire (Baltimore, London: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1997), p. 252; Nigel Allan, “Hospice to Hospital in the near East: An instance of continuity and change in late Antiquity,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 64 (1990): 446–462, p. 460. 14 Miller, The Birth of the Hospital, see chapters 6 and 8, especially.

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on the ancient glories of the town is late in origin and may best be interpreted as baseless literary invention inspired by the eminence of the Bokhtishu# family…”.15 If this supposition is right the question is why was such a hospital built in the early Islamic period, after the fall of the Sasanians?16 It might also be assumed that the construction of a hospital at Jundish§pur, as it was understood in sixth-century Sasanid Iran, could be linked to the political and economic importance of Jundish§pur during the hey-day of the Sasanians and/or to court academic activity that, according to Dimitri Gutas, was responsible for building up an “imperial ideology”.17 In southwest Iran, in a place called Sh§h§b§d in the nineteenth century18 and situated 48 km. From Shushtar and 12 km. From Dezful, Ardeshir (226–240), the first Sasanid king, built a city in circular plan and named it Firuz§b§d. His son, Sh§pur the First,19 reconstructed it on the model of Antioch in a rectangle after his victory over Aurelian 15 Lawrence I. Conrad, “Arab-Islamic Medicine,” in William Bynum & Roy Porter (eds), Companion Encyclopaedia of the History of Medicine, 2 vols. (London: Routledge, 1993), vol. 1, pp. 676-727, p. 688. 16 To the question of why there should have been a hospital in Jundish§pur in #Abb§sid times but not in Sasanid, Lawrence Conrad answered, in a recent correspondence (October 2003), as follows: “The Islamic era witnessed an enormous expansion of urbanism, in which the Sasanid model of middle-sized cities supported by many small agricultural villages was replaced by a pattern of a few enormous cities and other middle-sized to large ones, all supported by far fewer but larger villages. Hospitals were private initiatives sustained by waqf, and all it would have taken to create a hospital in Jundish§pur, as in any other Islamic city, would have been an act of will by a wealthy individual. This can perhaps be compared to the role of wealthy individuals in late antique Syria, who built churches in their villages and towns not because they were needed, but as acts of individual piety, even if, for example, a town already had far more churches than its people could really use, much less fill.” 17 Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thaugth, Arabic Culture, pp. 44 ff and 107 ff. 18 Henry Rawlinson who visited the village of Sh§h§b§d in March 1836, had no hesitation to identify it with Jundish§pur. Cf. Henry Creswick Rawlinson, “Notes on a March from Zoh§b, at the foot of Zagros, along the mountains of Khuzist§n (Susiana), and from thence through the province of Luristan to Kirm§nsh§h, in the year 1836,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 9 (1839): 26-116, p. 72. 19 Ardeshir was the second son of P§pak, son of S§s§n, a high dignitary of the temple of Anahita (the goddess of water, fertility and procreation in Estakhr (Persepolis), in southwest Iran.) After the accidental death of Sh§pur I, P§pak’s heir apparent and his elder son, Ardeshir, the Sh§pur’s brother, became king. See Roman Ghirshman, L’Iran des origines à l’Islam, first edn. Payot, 1951 (Paris: Albin Michel, 1976), pp. 281ff. See also W. Barthold, An Historical Geography of Iran, translated by Svat Soucek, edited by C.E. Bosworth Princeton (New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1984), p. 202; Cyril Elgood, “Jundish§pur A Sassanian University,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 32, no. 7 (1989): 57–61, p. 57.

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and called it Jundish§pur. He installed there the Roman soldiers and prisoners, including a number of artists and physicians that he brought with him. Jundish§pur “was enlarged into a great city by Sh§pur II (309-379) and about 350 became the see of a bishop of the Nestorian church, which had been instituted in Susiana a century before; and when it rose to be the chief city of the province, the seat of the metropolitan, which had formerly been fixed at Ahw§z, or, as it is called by the Syrians, Beth Lapet, was transferred to it”.20 Ibn al Faqih al Hamed§ni, on the other hand, maintained that when Kesr§ (Khosrow) Anushirv§n conquered Antioch, among other Roman cities such as Damascus, Aleppo and Jerusalem, he found Antioch’s buildings very beautiful and, when he arrived in Iran, he built a city modelled on Antioch and named it Zandkhusra, while the Arabs called it Rumiya. Anushirv§n ordered the captives of Antioch to be transferred into this city.21 Throughout their reign of more than four centuries, the Sasanians worked for the expansion and embellishment of the Khuzest§n region, constructing dams and irrigation systems.22 Although their centre of power was transferred to Ctesiphon (or T¿spÙn, or Tisphun), the Khuzest§n region and Jundish§pur did not lose their importance. The socio-political importance of Jundish§pur as one of the headquarters of the Sasanian administration might have encouraged the construction of a hospital or a learning centre. Nevertheless, if such a hospital was indeed built under Anushirv§n, as Zachariah reported, its reputation might not reflect its actual importance under the Sasanians but was mainly based on the idea that Jundish§pur’s academy was the cornerstone of (Galenico-) Islamic medicine and hospitals;23 but 20

Rawlinson, “Notes on a March,” p. 72. Ibn al Faqih al Hamed§ni, Kit§b al Buld§n, edition and abridged translation in French (Abrégé du Livre des Pays), by Henri Massé and revised by Charles Pellat (Damascus: Institut Français du Damas, 1973), pp. 140–141. 22 Richard N. Frye, “The Political History of Iran under the Sasanians,” Cambridge History of Iran, 7 vols. Edited by Ehsan Yar Shater (Cambridge, London and New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), vol. 3, pp. 131–32 and 723–24. 23 About such an idea, see for example, Lucien Leclerc, Histoire de la médecine arabe. Exposé complet des traductions du Grec, les sciences en Orient, leur transmission à l’Occident par les traductions latines, 2 vols. (Paris: Ernest Lereux, 1876), vol. 1, p. 92; Edward G. Browne, Arabian Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1921); Max Meyerhof, “Science and Medicine,” in T. Arnold and A. Guillaume (eds.) The Legacy of Islam, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1952); Donald Campbell, Arabian Medicine and its Influence on the Middle Ages (London: K. Paul, Trench, Trubner & co. ltd, 1926), pp. 45–48; M. Ullmann, Islamic Medicine, translated by J. Watt (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978); Sami Hamarneh, “Development of Hospitals in Islam,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 17 (1962), pp. 97–111. 21

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19

these were, in fact, developed far more during the Islamic period than under the Sasanians, as will be seen in the next section. Islamic period According to the account of Ibn al-Qifti (b. 548 H. /1153) Jabril (Gabriel) Bokhtishu# was personal physician to the Sh§h Khosrow Anushirv§n and in the twentieth year of Anushirv§n’s reign he headed an assembly of medical experts that debated the merits of different methods of treatment. Al-Qifti maintained that Jabril was the director of the hospital of Jundish§pur and that his son Jurjis assisted him, until, after establishing Baghdad, the Caliph al-Mansur summoned Jurjis b. (Jabril) Bokhtishu# from Jundish§pur to become his personal physician [in 766]. Again in 175/792, Ja#far Barmaki, the Persian minister of H§run al-Rashid, took Jabril, son of Jurjis, as his personal physician, and so forth.24 The account, according to which Jundish§pur was the cornerstone of Greco-Islamic medicine and hospital organization, implies that Greek medicine prevailed under the Sasanians. There are indeed several reports that corroborate Greek influence in pre-Islamic Iran, such as the hire of the first renowned Greek physician Democedes by Darius the Great (AD 500–450). Greek influence might also have continued after the conquest of Iran by Alexander. Furthermore, when Sh§pur I (240–270) defeated Aurealius, in 242, among his prisoners were Greek or Roman artists and physicians. Another identified source of Greek influence in Sasanid Iran is the expatriation of Nestorian Christians by the Byzantine emperor on grounds of heresy. When the school of Odessa was closed in 489 the Nestorian scholars came to Iran under the protection of the Sasanians and some went to Jundish§pur.25 However, the immigration of the Christians was not limited to Iran; some Nestorian Christians also immigrated to China and India.26 Even though Christianity offered a 24 Jam§l al-din al-Qifti, T§rikh al-hokam§’, Persian translation of 1688, edited by Behin D§r§yee (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1371), pp. 141–2 and 185. 25 Nigel Allan, “Christian Mesopotamia and Greek Medicine,” Hermathena—A Trinity College Dublin Review, no.145 (1988): 39–58. According to Michael Dols, however, there is no evidence that the academics of the School of Odessa went to Jundish§pur at the end of the fifth century. Cf. “The Origins of the Islamic Hospitals: Myth and Reality,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 61 (1987): 367-390, p. 369. 26 P. Yoshiro Saeki, The Nestorian Documents and Relics in China (Tokyo: The Academy of Oriental Culture, 1937); A. Mingana, “The Early Spread of Christianity in

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potential vehicle for Greek science under the Sasanians, there is no evidence that Greek science was dominant in Iran during that period. Sh§pur I and Khosrow I Anushirv§n (531-79), among other Sasanid kings, had scientific texts of several disciplines, including medicine, translated from various languages, including Greek and Sanskrit. Dimitri Gutas maintains that the “royal library” was an institution that developed a “culture of translation” as many foreign books, mainly in Greek, were translated into Pahlavi Persian. After the downfall of the Sasanians, this “culture of translation” was transmitted to the #Abb§sid Caliphate. The resulting “translation movement” of the eighth, ninth and tenth centuries explains the integration of the Greek sciences into Islamic philosophy,27 thus providing Islamic scholars with theoretical tools for defending and propagating their religion. However accurate Gutas’ argument might be for the Islamic period, it cannot be taken for granted that Greek medicine and philosophy were predominant under the Sasanians. Despite the collection of some books of science from Byzantium under Sh§pur I, in the third century, the Sasanid elite appeared sceptical of Greek knowledge by the end of the sixth century, as the following cases indicate. Khosrow I Anushirv§n sent one of his subjects to the Byzantine Empire to learn about its sciences. On the return of his envoy, Anushirv§n asked, “what is their competence in medicine”? The envoy replied: They [the Greeks] know the humours and substances, treatment of inflammation and cooling [of the humours], excess of bile or putrid matters with the assistance of drugs, which they know. However, excepting this, they know nothing of the treasure of India [lit. know nothing of what Indians are renowned for]: treatment of the vital spirits, grave maladies, incantation…28

India,” Bulletin of the John Rylands Library, 10 (1926): 435–514; Farokh Erach Udwadia, Man and Medicine, A History, 2nd impression 2001 (India: Oxford University Press, 2000), p. 62. 27 Dimitri Gutas, Greek Thought, Arabic Culture, pp. 28 ff. As to the causes of the assimilation of the Greek sciences by Islam there are other explanations, such as the role of the Arabic language or the state patronage. See for example: A. I. Sabra, “The Appropriation and Subsequent Naturalization of Greek Science in Medieval Islam: A Preliminary statement,” History of Science, 25 (1987): 223-243; Aydin Sayili, “Islam and the Rise of the Seventeenth Century Science,” Belleten 22, 85-88 (1958): 353-368; J.J. Saunders, “The Problem of Islamic Decadence,” Journal of World History 7 (1963): 701-720; Seyyed H. Nasr, Science and Civilization in Islam (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1968). 28 Ibn al Faqih al-Hamed§ni, Kit§b al Buld§n, p. 173.

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Anushirv§n also sent “secretly his minister and chief physician, Perzoes or Borzoe (c. 579), a Zoroastrian, to India. Perzoes travelled to India where he stayed for some years. On his return he brought with him rare Sanskrit manuscripts on medicine and other sciences, which were translated into Pahlavi.”29 But the only known book linked with his name is the fable of Kalila va Demna.30 It is not clear if Borzoe himself translated the Kalila va Demna or had it translated, but he certainly added an introduction to the Pahalvi translation. Here he gave details of his own medical background: “his father was in the military and his mother was from a high-ranking Zoroastrian clerical family. He was privileged among his siblings and at the age of seven, was encouraged to study medicine, the noblest science among the Persians... [He] treated those among the sick whose illness was curable.” Borzoe continued: After practising medicine, I left it since I did not find in it any clear argument or explanation. My work reached the stage where I gave myself up to providence, and speculated on eternity and in this way I passed my life until I found the chance to go to India and there also I continued my work in the same way; on my return home I took with me several books including the Kalila va Demna.31

Some two centuries later, under the Caliphate of H§run al-Rashid, the translation of Sanskrit books like Charaka, Susruta, Nid§na and Astagahrd§ya was instigated by the Barmakid viziers of the Caliph.32 Ferdows al-hekmah, written by #Ali b. Rabb§n-e Tabari around 850, was the first great compendium in medicine that used Hippocratic as well as Indian and Persian medical knowledge.33 This indicated that more than two centuries after the fall of the Sasanians, Greek medicine still did not have a monopoly on medical knowledge in Iran. These accounts suggest that Hippocratic and Galenic medical knowledge was not prevalent in Iran under the Sasanians, probably due to 29

Farokh Erach Udwadia, Man and Medicine, p. 45. Richard Freye, “The political history of Iran under the Sasanianss,” Cambridge History of Iran, 7 vols. edited by Ehsan Yar Shater (Cambridge, London, New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), vol. 3, p. 161. 31 Mojtab§ Minavi (ed.), Kalila va demna, the version of Abol ma’§li Nasroll§h Monshi, 8th edition (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1367/1988), pp. 47,48,58. 32 Heinz Herbert Schöffler, mit einem Geleitwort von Friedrich Hiebel, Die Akademie von Gondischapur: Aristoteles auf d. Wege in d. Orient; (Stuttgart: Verlag Freies Geistesleben, 1979), pp. 33–34. 33 Conrad, “Arab-Islamic Medicine,” p. 600. 30

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the dominance of Zoroastrianism, which would have opposed the influence of the Greek sciences for both political and ideological reasons. The presence of the Greek sciences in pre-Islamic Iran was certainly partly related to both the emigrant and native Christian populations in southwest Iran. Before the rise of Islam, Christianity was established along the coast of the Persian Gulf, including Khuzest§n.34 However, the Christian elites in Sasanid Iran were not dominant at the court, or at least, their influence there should not be exaggerated. It is not surprising therefore that Anushirv§n’s envoy to Byzantium, whose task was to collect information about the Greeks’ medical practice, despised humoral medicine and favoured the spiritual methods of Indians, and that Borzoe, Anushirv§n’s chief physician and minister, also emphasised the metaphysical element in his practice of medicine. The influence of Greek medicine, science and philosophy, in general, developed in Iran during the Islamic period. Jundish§pur was conquered by Abu Mus§ Ash#ari, the general of Caliph #Omar, in 638. If we believe Ibn al-Nadim in his Al-Fihrist, the Jundish§pur hospital was still operational during the second half of the ninth century. According to Ibn al-Nadim, Sh§pur b. Sahl, the author of al-qar§b§din al-kabir, a book on pharmacy, was the director of the hospital of Jundish§pur until his death on 30 November 869.35 None the less, Jundish§pur’s decline seemed inevitable two centuries after the fall of the Sasanians, which worked to the benefit of the new centre of power: Baghdad. There is no evidence that hospitals developed under the Umayyads (661–750). Al-Maqrizi (1364–1442) indicated that the Umayyad Caliph of Damascus, al-Walid (705–15), constructed a lazar house in order to keep lepers isolated from society in 706.36 It was not, however, until the #Abb§sid caliphate was established in 750, reaching the apex of its power under H§run al-Rashid (786–809), that permanent hospitals were established in Baghdad. Previous experience during 34 Fred M. Donner, “Muhammad and the Caliphate: Political History of the Islamic Empire up to the Mongol Conquest” in John L. Esposito (ed.), The Oxford History of Islam (Oxord, New York, etc.: Oxford University Press, 1999), p. 4. See also William Cleveland, A History of Modern Middle East (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 6-7. 35 Ibn Nadim, Kit§b al-fihrist, p. 355. See also #Ali-Asghar Faqihi, §l-e buyeh va owz§#-e zam§n-e ish§n (The Buyids and Their Time) (Guilan: Sab§, 1357/1977), p. 745. 36 Ahmad #Iss§ Bek, T§rikh al-bim§rist§n§t fi al-Islam (Beirut: D§r al-r§#ed al-#arabi, 1981), p. 10.

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the Byzantine Empire (and probably in the Sasanid Empire) must have given an example (or precedence) for their creation under the #Abb§sid Caliphate. It is likely that the first “Islamic” hospital was built at the instigation of Yahy§ b. Kh§led-e Barmaki, the Iranian tutor and vizier of H§run al-Rashid. Later on, other Barmaki viziers of the #Abb§sid Caliphs also constructed hospitals in Baghdad under their names. After the downfall of the Sasanians, some members of the Iranian elite, such as Ja#far-e Barmaki of the Zoroastrian faith, served the Islamic Caliphs. According to Abol-Q§sem Mohammad-e T§yefi, Ja#far-e Barmaki excelled in poetry, prose and writing. He was an ambitious man and his vast knowledge and expertise in administration (dabiri), led him to the court of the Umayyad #Abd al-M§lek b. Marv§n (685–705) in Damascus where he converted to Islam. His son Kh§led was born there and grew up under al-Walid and, like his father, he also excelled in sciences. Kh§led shifted his allegiance after the fall of the Umayyads to the #Abb§sid Caliphs and became the adviser to al-Mansur (754–75).37 The successive #Abb§sid Caliphs, al-Mo#tazed (892–902) and al-Moqtadar (908–32) built four more hospitals in Baghdad.38 Another Bagdad hospital was the #Azodi Hospital attributed to (or named after) #Azod al-Dowleh Fan§ Khosrow, who reigned in western Persia and Mesopotamia (949–83) and was the most powerful of the Deylamid (Buyid) dynasty (932–1055). Some scholars believe that #Azod al-Dowleh had renovated the Rashidi hospital, originally constructed a century before under H§run alRashid. After renovation, this hospital was inaugurated in early 982, seven months before the death of #Azod al-Dowleh. Further damage followed the flood of the Tigris in 1174 and after its reconstruction, the hospital continued to function until the end of the sixth century of Hegira (early thirteenth century).39 37 Abol-Q§sem Mohammad-e T§yefi maintained that “when Kh§led-e Barmaki came into the service of al-Mansur, he decided to build the city of Baghdad” [a Persian word meaning given (d§d) by God (bag)]. See “Akhb§r-e Barmakiy§n,” translated from Arabic to Persian by Zi§’al-Din Barni from the book of Abol-Q§sem Mohammad T§yefi, manuscript dated 1261/1845 and dedicated to Solt§n Firuz-Sh§h, the Mughal emperor of India, National Library, St Petersburg, пнс 284, ff. 16–17. S. Hamarneh, referring to Ism§#il al Dimashqi, al-Bid§yah wa al-Nih§yah and Ahmad al-Baghd§di, T§rikh Baghd§d, however, states that al-Mansur named his new capital Madinat al-Sal§m (the city of peace). See “The Rise of Professional Pharmacy in Islam,” Medical History, 6, no. 1 (1962): 59-66, p. 59. 38 Najm§b§di, T§rikh- tebb, pp. 769–774. 39 Al-Montazam, vol. 7, p. 112, cited by #Ali-Asghar Faqihi, §l-e buyeh va owz§#-e zam§n-e ish§n, p. 746; Najm§b§di, T§rikh- tebb, p. 779.

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As far as Iran is concerned, there are few indications of the existence of hospitals during the Islamic period until the nineteenth century.40 Following #Azod al-Dowleh, other Buyid princes continued to build hospitals, including those in Espahan and Rayy. Ahmed Issa Bey mentions the hospitals of Rayy (tenth–eleventh century), Espahan (under the Deylamids: eleventh century), Shir§z (624/1227), Neysh§bur (407/1017), Zarand (ninth century), Tabriz (710/1310), Marw (ninth century) and Khw§razm (date unknown).41 However, no vestiges of these buildings remain and furthermore the sources only indirectly describe them, for example: “Ibn Manduya, the famous physician of Espahan served at the hospital of this city”.42 Or Ibn Bayt§r in his book al-j§me# al-mofrad§t mentioned #Is§ b. M§sah, the physician of the ninth century used Haramel (or Haoma) at the bim§rest§n of Marw.43 But regretfully they stop short of giving further details about either their function or organization. The dearth of records about hospitals in Iran can be explained by their rarity, compared with those in other Islamic lands. For example, the Seljuqs, who settled in Anatolia in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, built hospitals in Kaseri in 1205, Sivas in 1217, Amaysa in 1308 and Manisa in 1530,44 whereas the Seljuqs in Iran are not known for such works. According to some records, Tamerlane (1369–1404),

40 See, for example, Sami Hamarneh, “Development of Hospitals in Islam,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences, 17 (1962): 366–384; Ahmed Issa Bey, Histoire des Bim§rist§ns; Ehsan-ul-Haq, “Hospitals in the Islamic World with Reference to the Eastern and Western Caliphates” in: Susono-Shi and Shikuoka (eds), History of Hospitals: The Evolution of Health care Facilities, Proceedings of the 11th International Symposium on the Comparative History of Medicine—East and West (Japan: Division of Medical History, Taniguchi Foundation, 1989). These works are characterized by a lack of critical analysis and often project a modern concept of hospital institutions onto the past. For a critical view of Islamic hospitals, see Dols, “The Origins of the Islamic Hospitals: Myth and Reality”; Conrad, “The Institution of the Hospital in Medieval Islam: Ideals and Realities,” unpublished typescript, Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1985. 41 Ahmed #Iss§ Bek, T§rikh al-bim§rist§n§t fi al-Isl§m, pp. 266–269. 42 According to Ibn al-Kathir and al-Qifti, Manduya also served the #Azodi hospital in Baghdad. Cf. Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb, p. 777. 43 Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb, p. 769. For Haoma or Harmaline see: David Stophlet Flattery and Martin Schwartz, Haoma and Harmaline: the Botanical Identity of the IndoIranian Sacred Hallucinogen “soma” and its Legacy in Religion, Language, and Middle-Eastern Folklore, Near Eastern Studies series, vol. 21 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989). 44 Laurie Gluckman, “Seljuq and Ottoman madrasa and hospitals,” Scalpel and Tongs, 39 (1995): 66–67.

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the Mongol conqueror, decreed that each city in his realm should be provided with at least one mosque, one school, one caravanserai (guest house) and one hospital called d§r al-shaf§.45 Even if such a decree was indeed issued, one needs to see whether it was an isolated case or whether it represented a more constant pattern under the Timurids. If the latter case is true, it suggests that by and large Tamerlane’s decree reflected the consequences of a revival of agriculture and trade following the Mongol conquest.46 Even under the relatively stable government of the Safavids (1501– 1722), hospital development was slow. Records about hospitals are scarce for this period and indicate that those still in operation were not properly used or financed.47 In contrast, the Ottoman Empire, which enjoyed greater political stability, paid far more attention to the establishment of hospitals. During the last decade of the eighteenth century when Iran was continually pestered by civil wars, the Ottomans built three military hospitals in Istanbul. This trend toward hospital construction accelerated rapidly in the Ottoman Empire in the nineteenth century. From 1828 to the end of the nineteenth century, twenty-seven military hospitals and no less than eight civilian hospitals were constructed in Istanbul.48 During five centuries, the Turks established nearly seventy hospitals in Istanbul alone.49 Nevertheless, other parts of the Ottoman Empire remained almost deprived of medical services. This difference between Iran and the Ottoman Empire might indicate the extent to which the development of hospitals depended on the political situation. Except for a few missions and diplomatic visits between Europe and Iran during the Safavid period, Iran generally remained isolated from Europe. While mid-nineteenth-century Iran did 45 Cyril Elgood, A Medical Hitory of Persia and the Eastern Caliphate, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1951; reprinted Amsterdam: APA-Pjilo Press, 1979), p. 173. It should be born in mind that sometimes these d§r al-shaf§s, especially when they were part of a mosque or a madrasa, consisted only in outpatient dispensaries or pharmacies. Cf. Is§ Sadiq, T§rikh-e farhang-e Iran (Tehran: S§zm§n-etarbiyat-e mo#allem, 1342/1963), p. 385. 46 E. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East in the Middle Ages (London, Glasgow, Sydney, Toronto, Johannesburg: William Collins Sons & Co Ltd, 1976), pp. 261, 263, 264 47 See Mirz§ Rafi# J§beri Ans§ri, Dastur al-Moluk, translated by Willem Floor and Mohammad Faghoory with commentary by Willem Floor, forthcoming (Costa Mesa: Mazda). 48 Esin Kahya and Demirhan Erdemir, Medicine in the Ottoman Empire (And Other Scientific Developments) (Istanbul: Nobel Medical publication, 1997), pp. 119–122. 49 Bedi N. Sehsuvargolu, “Bim§rist§n” (in Turkey), Encyclopaedia of Islam, I (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1960), pp. 1225-6.

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not have even one hospital, Henry Christy, a traveller to the Ottoman Empire in 1850, put in his diary: “All here [i.e. in Istanbul] is very far behind the darkest and hindmost state in Christian Europe except the grand Military hospital which is a pattern for any nation”.50 A similar situation could be found in India. The Portuguese first built a hospital in Goa in 1510. Between 1664 and 1772 the English built four hospitals in the Madras Presidency. The French also established another hospital in Pondicherry on the east coast in 1701. This trend towards Western endowment continued and the British built four more hospitals in Calcutta from 1708 to the end of the eighteenth century and a growth in hospital construction further accelerated in India in the nineteenth century.51 When the author of our manuscript complained that there were, in the middle of the nineteenth century, “at least 50,000 hospitals in the world … but none of them was in Iran”,52 he referred also to hospitals in the Ottoman Empire and India. Moreover, Moslem rulers in India began constructing hospitals at least since early fourteenth century and the Mughal emperors continued this policy. It is reported that “there were seventy hospitals during the reign of Mohammad b. Tughluq (1325-51)… and FiruzSh§h Tughluq (1351-88), built five hospitals”.53 #Abd al-Razz§q, in his treatise on anatomy mentioned that he “had worked in the royal d§r al-shaf§, established by the late Solt§n.” There is no indication of a date in the manuscript, but it was probably written in the mideighteenth century.54 Organization and administration The Islamic hospitals have generally been characterised by their well organized administration, in which separate wards were assigned to different medical specialities: internal diseases, fevers, ophthalmology, 50 Henry Christy to his mother Anna Christy, Constantinople, 5 August 1850. Stockport Library and Information Service. For a secondary study on the history of medicine and hospitals in Ottoman Empire see: Esin Kahya & Demirhan Erdemir, Medicine in the Ottoman Empire. 51 Udwadia, Man and Medicine, pp. 375–78. 52 MS 505, p. 9. 53 Muhammad Zubayr Siddiqi, Studies in Arabic and Persian Medical Literature (Calcutta: Calcutta University Press, 1959), p. xxxiii. 54 #Abd al-Razz§q, Khol§sat al-tashrih (gist of anatomy), St Petersburg, National Library, xah 154, fol. 3. Also see another copy of this work, held at the Wellcome Library, WMS.Per.517 (B).

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surgery, psychiatry, and each was supervised by physicians. In the major hospitals the director, who was sometimes an eminent military man called at§bek (Turkic term meaning generalissimo), was appointed by the ruler.55 At other times, the director was called n§zer (supervisor) and was chosen from among the physicians and men of letters.56 The director was also called at times s§#ur, a Syriac term meaning “leader of Christians in medical art”,57 or motawalli, who was sometimes a medical man. The motawalli was assisted by two junior officers, known as moshref (superintendent) and qaw§m (administrator).58 The term motawalli for director might indicate that the hospital under his direction was endowed by a waqf, insofar as the word motawalli was usually used for the administrator of a waqf. According to Ibn al-Jawzi, #Azod al-Dowleh (r. 949-83) appointed a number of physicians, a manager, treasurers, a supervisor, and several guards to the hospital he had built.59 The major hospitals of the “medieval” period, such as Bim§rest§n El #Atiq, Bim§rest§n El Mansuri, or Bim§rest§n El Nuri in Damascus had a sharbatkh§neh (Persian term meaning “house for syrups” or pharmacy). A chief pharmacist or mehtar (Persian term for ‘senior’) was head of the pharmacy. The mehtar supervised the other pharmacists called shar§bd§r (keeper of syrups). The chief pharmacist was also called Saydal§ni, (Arabic term from saydalat, meaning pharmacy).60 To some extent similar functions or organizations could be found in the Byzantine hospitals of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. For example, the nosokomos governed the hospital, assisted by the epistekon (or supervisor). An accountant also advised the nosokomos. In addition, there were pharmacists, medical assistants, cooks and washerwomen and servants for the sick.61 The controversy and subsequent debate among historians as to whether the Islamic organization had inspired the Byzantine hospital institutions or vice versa, partly results from these 55

Issa Bey, Histoire des Bim§rist§ns, p. 91. Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb, pp. 793–4. 57 Issa Bey, Histoire des Bim§rist§ns, p. 84. The Syriac term for the director of a hospital could indicate the influence of Christian institution. 58 Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, p. 182. 59 Al-Montazam, vol. 7, p. 112, cited by Faqihi, §l-e buyeh, p. 746. 60 Hamarneh, p. 376. See also Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb, p. 790. For a description of the Bim§rest§n El-Nuri in Damascus, see Françoise Cloarec, Bim§rist§ns, lieux de folie et de sagesse. La folie et ses traitements dans les hôpitaux médiévaux au Moyen-Orient (Paris, Monréal: L’Harmattan, 1998), pp. 83-96. 61 Miller, The Birth of the Hospital, pp. 201–203. 56

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similarities. Whether or not the Islamic hospitals were more developed than the Christian ones, it seems obvious, as we will discuss in Chapter Three, that the lay nature of the organization of the Islamic hospitals distinguished them from the Church-oriented Christian hospices. Obedience to the five commandments of Christ: give meat and drink to the hungry and thirsty, entertain the stranger, clothe the naked, and visit the sick and imprisoned,62 was certainly fundamental to the role of nuns in Western hospitals. Due to this fact, the Christian hospitals were characterized by a duty of care63 and the Islamic hospitals by a duty of cure, whether or not it was effective. A cursory review of the Islamic hospitals since the eighth century indicates that they flourished under the #Abb§sid Caliphate in Baghdad and declined under the Mongols and experienced some revival under the Timurids. Geographically they received more attention and were better developed in the western parts of the Islamic countries—especially under the Ayyubids, twelfth to fifteenth centuries, and the Mamluks, thirteenth to sixteenth centuries, in Syria and Egypt—than in the east. Whether the importance of hospital establishment under the #Abb§sid Caliphate has been overestimated by later historians, or whether such establishments were of crucial importance to the Islamic empire, is difficult to ascertain at this stage of our study. If the latter is correct, why was hospital building so important for the #Abb§sids Caliphs and their successive dynasties in the Islamic countries? It might be suggested that the construction of hospitals throughout the #Abb§sid Caliphate in Baghdad was the natural result of the expansion of this city, which could then replace the capitals of the overthrown Sasanians. Generally speaking, the waxing and waning of hospital institutions must be understood within the political and economic contexts of a given period. As the bim§rest§n or d§r al-shaf§ were usually endowed either by private or religious charity it would be appropriate to examine these in relation to the waqf (charitable endowment) system. This question will be discussed in Chapter Three. It is of significance that in setting up a guideline for the state hospital 62

Matthew, Ch. 25: 34-46. In Europe the change occurred by the end of the eighteenth century. On the old and new types of hospitals in Europe, see Lindsay Granshaw and Roy Porter (eds), The Hospital in History (London and New York: Routledge, 1990); Lindsay Granshaw “The development of hospitals in Britain since 1700 and their changing role in health care” in Susono-Shi/Shikuoka (eds), History of hospitals: the evolution of health care facilities, pp. 43-66. 63

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(marizkh§neh-ye dowlati) in the mid-nineteenth century, manuscript 505 frequently referred to the organization of “medieval” Islamic hospitals. Unlike the Ottoman Empire, where modern hospitals were built and organized entirely according to a modern European model,64 the first “modern” public hospital in mid-nineteenth-century Iran adopted aspects of both “medieval” and modern hospitals. The historical interest of manuscript 505 is twofold. Firstly, it is the only contemporary source informing us about the mid-nineteenth-century Q§j§r hospital as well as giving some details of the organization of pre-Islamic and Islamic hospitals in Iran. Secondly, inasmuch as the establishment of the first public hospital was undertaken within the framework of medical modernization, its reliance on “medieval” Islamic hospitals for its organization illustrates the nature of the process of the modernization of medicine adopted in Q§j§r Iran that will be portrayed in the following chapters. 64 C. P. Silver, “Brunel’s Crimean War Hospital: Renkioi revisited,” Journal of Medical Biography, 6 (1998): 234–39.

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CHAPTER TWO

PUBLIC HEALTH AND SOCIO-POLITICAL CHANGES The modernization movement in the nineteenth century The process of modernization in Iran has usually been credited to Western influence.1 Such a view originated in the colonial era in countries where Western domination was more intense and direct. Q§j§r Iran also experienced Western influence in the political, economic and military spheres, but for many reasons this influence was not of a colonial nature.2 Although European influence played a major role in the modernization of both colonized and non-colonized countries, the local and historical roots of socio-political reform should not be overlooked. In any case, compared to its neighbouring countries, Iran was less influenced by the West. During the second half of the eighteenth century, when a modern army as well as modern sciences were introduced into the Ottoman Empire and its Levantine and North African Provinces, the Europeans deserted Iran because it was in midst of the turmoil of civil war. Later on in the nineteenth century, due to its geopolitical position, Iran became virtually a buffer zone between Great Britain and Russia, neither of which could, consequently, impose its unrivalled domination. In the absence of an intrusive colonial administration, any project of modernization was to be, at least partially, carried out by the Iranian themselves, relying on their own intellectual, cultural and material resources, even though they borrowed the idea from outside. This pattern of reform had a far-reaching impact in the history of modern Iran and influenced the Constitutional Revolution in 1905–093 and 1

See for example, Guity Nash§t, The Origins of Modern Reform in Iran, 1870-80 (Urbana, Chicago, London: University of Illinois Press, 18982). Shaul Bakhash, on the other hand, does emphasize the role of local factors but he addresses them within the context of outside Western influence. See Shaul Bakhash, Iran: Monarchy, Bureaucracy and Reform under the Q§j§rs: 1858-1896, St Antony’s Middle East Monographs, no 8 (London: Ithaca Press, 1978). None of these authors, however, examine the changes or reforms in connection with the internal dynamism of the local factors. 2 For a comparative study of the economic and industrial impact of Western influence in Iran and in other Middle and Near Eastern countries during early nineteenth century, see Charles Issawi, The Economic History of Iran 1800–1914 (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1971), pp. 14 ff. 3 For a best contemporary account on the Constitutional Revolution see Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909 (London: Frank Cass, 1966).

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more recently the Revolution of 1979.4 These movements were driven by traditional forces, permeated by democratic or modern ideas. During the second part of the twentieth century, many Islamic modernist scholars or political activists tried to adopt and justify sociological and philosophical theories developed in Europe since the eighteenth century by arguing that they were already embodied in the Koran or in the sayings and traditions of the Prophet and the Imams.5 Such a view naturally entailed the reassessment or reinterpretation of Islamic tenets in an attempt to adapt them to modern society. A parallel phenomenon might be the process of the assimilation of modern medicine by traditional physicians through theoretical and institutional changes of the prevailing medical system. The first steps towards social and political change in modern Iran can be sought in the eighteenth century. After the disintegration of the Safavid Empire, civil war between different tribes broke out and further dismantled the Safavid political and social structure, so that by the end of the eighteenth century the centralization of power sought by the Q§j§r could not be realized by restoring the Safavid system. The geographically dispersed Q§j§r clans became politically united under the elective and symbolic authority of the Ilkh§ni.6 As the Q§j§r clans overcame internal strife, they succeeded in conquering the throne. With their advent to the throne the Q§j§r princes systematically proceeded to secure central power through two processes: the distribution of the provinces among the members of the royal tribe, especially the royal family; and the manipulation of other tribes in the country by politically uniting them under the authority of an Ilkh§n, who was responsible to the central government.7 The changes implemented in military organization also offer another 4 We use the term “revolution” here rhetorically, but these revolutions could also be classified as “movements” inasmuch as none of them brought about a significant and immediate change in the socio-political structure. Rather they should be considered as the main episodes in the long process of socio-political change. 5 The works of #Ali Shari#ati, who is considered by some to be “the ideological father of the Islamic Revolution” illustrate this. See for example the following: On the Sociology of Islam, translated by Hamid Algar (Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1979); Man and Islam, translated by F. Marjani (Houston: Filinc, 1981); Marxism and other Western Fallacies: An Islamic Critique, translated by R. Campbell, preface by H. Algar (Berkeley: Mizan Press, 1980). 6 Il = tribe and kh§n = chief. 7 On the establishment of the Q§j§r power, see Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, Pouvoir et succession en Iran: Les premiers Q§j§r 1726–1834 (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999).

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case where traditional elements persisted throughout the modernization process. After suffering heavy defeats at the hands of the Russians in the Caucasus from 1803, #Abb§s-Mirz§, the crown prince and governor of Azarb§ij§n (1800–1833), realized the necessity of modernizing the army. However, #Abb§s-Mirz§ himself was aware, as he confided to the Frenchman Amédé Jaubert, that the traditional forces in the existing system were too entrenched to be easily eliminated.8 The facts that, despite the establishment of a modern army (nez§m-e jadid), the tribal structure of the army remained unchanged and sociologically the troops remained more loyal to their tribal chief than to the central state, illustrate #Abb§s-Mirz§’s concerns. As late as 1869, the annual or seasonal recruitment of the country’s regiments could be made quickly from ethnic or confederated tribes such as the Afsh§rs, the Sh§hsavan and the Kurds. For instance, the twenty-eight regiments of Azarb§ij§n could be recruited from different tribes within three weeks.9 This would explain why the Q§j§rs were lackadaisical in creating a national standing army. The change consisted, however, in larger and more frequent enrolment drives and in calling up the regiments more often. Each year divisions from several provinces were called up to replace those who left for home. The soldiers were stationed in the suburbs of Tehran ready for annual or seasonal campaigns or for an emergency war against foreign intruders or civil uprisings. In the first part of the nineteenth century, no proper barracks or accommodation were built by the government to house the agglomeration of soldiers in Tehran, while the material conditions of soldiers, who usually remained unpaid for several months, worsened and this increased the risks of outbreaks of disease. Under Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n-e Far§h§ni, better known as AmirKabir, N§ser al-Din-Sh§h’s first prime minister (1849-1851) and his successors, some barracks were built, but their number was neither sufficient nor their architecture adequately designed to meet basic hygiene requirements. Johan Schlimmer reported in 1874 that at the end of winter and the beginning of the spring, typhus spread amongst 8 Pierre Amédé Jaubert, Voyage en Arménie et en Perse fait dans les années 1805 et 1806 (Paris: Ducrocq, 1821), pp. 175 ff. 9 Archive du ministère des affaires étrangères, Correspondance politiques et consulaires de Perse, vol. 1, n° 20, Tauris, 7 juin 1869, Quai d’Orsay, Paris. For a more detailed account of the organization of and the number of regiments in the Q§j§r army in the second half of the nineteenth century, see Mohammad Hassan-Kh§n-e E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, T§rikh-e montazam-e n§seri, 3 vols., edited by Mohammad-Esm§’il Rezv§ni (Tehran: Dony§-ye ket§b, 1367/1988), vol. 2, pp. 1236 ff., and vol. 3, pp. 2081 ff.

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the army because the soldiers were badly housed (mal casernés).10 Calling up a soldier meant that a labourer was removed from the farm and this resulted in less income for the state. By establishing a direct link between the population and agricultural production, the author of manuscript 505 argued that: If the hospital functions properly and the physicians are appropriately trained to treat soldiers efficiently, the mortality among the soldiers will fall and the population will increase and in this way the subjects (ra#yat, farmers or tribesmen) will not suffer from a shortage of labour by providing soldiers.11

The founding of the hospital, establishment of sanitary councils and the introduction of vaccination against smallpox indicate that the Q§j§rs, who ruled over a rural country with an agricultural economy, became anxious that their soldiers remained healthy during military service and returned safely to their farms. Influenced by his progressive minister, Mirz§ Bozorg-e Far§h§ni, #Abb§s Mirz§, heir apparent to the throne (1789–1833), was the first Q§j§r prince to be aware of the importance of public health to the state and he instigated preventive measures against epidemics. Although the Q§j§r princes continued the old practice of overtaxing their subjects,12 at the same time there appeared a glimmer of concern about their health and numbers, a trend which was underpinned by the new sociopolitical context and epidemics rather than dictated by a clear and conscious policy of public health. Under #Abb§s-Mirz§ inoculation against smallpox was undertaken in some districts of Azarb§ij§n from the second decade of the nineteenth century. Among the first books published on his order was a treatise on smallpox, entitled Smallpox Inoculation and the Need for its Universal Use translated from English in 1829.13 The author of this book was Dr John Cormick of the British East India Company, who went to Iran as a surgeon on Sir John Malcolm’s diplomatic mis10 Johan Schlimmer, Terminologie médico-pharmaceutique et anthropologique française-persane (Tehran: Lithographie d’Ali GouliKhan, 1874), pp. 196–97. 11 MS 505, pp. 30, 38 and 39. 12 For relationship between overtaxation of the peasantry and the patriarchal structure of Q§j§r power, see Ali- Reza Sheikholeslami, The Structure of Central Authority in Qajar Iran: 1871-1896 (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1997). 13 Nadjmabadi [Najm§b§di], Mahmud, “Les relations médicales entre la GrandeBretagne et l’Iran et les médecins anglais serviteurs de la médecine contemporaine de l’Iran, Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of the History of Medicine, 1972 (London: Wellcome Institute, 1974), pp. 704-8, p. 705.

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sion in 1809. At the same time, he became the physician of Prince #Abb§s-Mirz§, but died of cholera in September 1833. Two months later, in November, #Abb§s Mirz§ himself died of chronic gout.14 Some isolated gestures towards public health were made that were not particularly significant in themselves but can be related to a process of medical reform that took clearer shape in the following decades. Under the reign of #Abb§s-Mirz§’s son, Mohammad-Sh§h (1834–1848), the Q§j§r administration in the capital showed little enthusiasm for reform. But in Azarb§ij§n the seeds of reform continued to sprout, due to its closer contact with the Western world. The prince-governor of Azarb§ij§n, N§ser al-Din-Mirz§, was being tutored by his minister, Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n, who on the prince’s succession to the throne became prime minister. In addition to undergoing a traditional education, N§ser al-Din-Mirz§ read and learned about the history and geography of the world from Edward Burgess, an English merchant turned translator and tutor.15 This broad education might explain the intellectual receptiveness of this prince when he reigned during the latter part of the nineteenth century and this was not without effect on the reform movement. N§ser al-Din-Sh§h underwrote the translation of several scholarly books from European languages and commissioned others, and was himself the author of six travel accounts.16 The political stability during the reign of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h allowed an increase in literary work and research in history, geography, demography, and so forth.17 Prime minister Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n-e Amir-Kabir marked his rise to high office with a series of reforms in the army and in the education and the judiciary systems, but only with moderate success. Reform of the education system and the judiciary, which were controlled by the religious establishment, aimed at bringing them under the full control of the state by reducing clerical influence. The school of the D§r alFonun was created in 1851 to train skilled officers for the army as well

14 Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “L’Introduction de la médecine européenne en Iran,” Sciences socials et Santé 16, no. 4 (1999): 69-96. 15 Abbas Amanat, Pivot of the Universe: Nasir al-Din Sh§h Qajar and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831–1896 (London, New York: I.B.Tauris Publishers), 1997, pp. 70–78. 16 See N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, Safarn§meh-ye #atab§t, edited by Iraj Afshar (Tehran: Ferdowsi Publishers, 1362/1983), see the Introduction of I. Afsh§r, pp. 2-3. 17 Iraj Afshar, Introduction to the edition of #Abdolkarim Kal§ntar Zarr§bi, T§rikh-e K§sh§n (1288/1871) (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e farhang-e Iran-zamin, 3rd edition, 1978), p. iv.

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as statesmen for the government. Of the first group of graduates of the D§r al-Fonun in 1858, 75 per cent were in military or associated disciplines, and 20 per cent in medicine.18 Likewise, the establishment of the public hospital (marizkh§neh-ye dowlati) in the same period was conceived within the framework of the modernization of the army and was meant to provide treatment to soldiers who fell prey to various contagious and epidemic diseases in the filthy barracks around Tehran, as well as treatment for the sick poor. This hospital did not revolutionize public health, inasmuch as it had a chequered career according to manuscript 505, and covered only a very small section of the Tehr§ni population. However, it was significant inasmuch as it constituted a turning point in the long process that resulted in the construction of other hospitals towards the end of the century,19 and the multiplication of sanitary councils in the first two decades of the twentieth century. Towards the creation of public health The notion of public health was unknown in nineteenth-century Iran, but some basic hygienic measures could be found inside households or implemented on an individual basis according to religious or cultural codes. Whatever belonged to the public domain was ignored by both government and civil society. At the end of the eighteenth century, Tehran was a small town, which became the capital of $gh§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Q§j§r when he conquered the kingdom in 1794. In addition to its political importance, Tehran was situated at the crossroads leading to Tabriz, the largest city in the West, to the holy city of Mashhad in the East, which attracted thousands of pilgrims every month, to the northern cities of Astar§b§d and Rasht on the Caspian Sea, and to the Port of Bushir in the Persian Gulf. It expanded in only fifty years by attracting the poor who came to seek work and wealthy individuals who found opportunity to further their business. From a few thousand people at the beginning of the nineteenth century,20 Tehran grew to a population of approximately 18

Ringer, Education, p. 80. See for instance Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, pp. 511-512. The history of hospitals in the Q§j§r period is extremely confused, as it will be discussed in Chapter Three. 20 According to a report on the trade of Tehran for 1847 (Fo. 60/141), the population of this city at the beginning of the 19th century was 50,000. See Issawi, The Economic History, p. 26. N§ser Najmi estimates the population of Tehran at 20,000 when $gh§ Mohammad-Kh§n made it his capital in the last decade of the eighteenth century. Najmi 19

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200,000 by the beginning of the twentieth century.21 No measure however was taken to tackle the problems of hygiene that accompanied the increasing population within the walls of the city. James Fraser, visiting Tehran in the 1820s, reported that: The streets and bazaars swarm with the most miserable objects and the passengers are pestered by wretches covered with filth and suffering under the most loathsome diseases, who follow them and solicit attention with unwearied perseverance. Leprosy and other cutaneous diseases are constantly forced upon their view, and almost into contact with them. The streams of water in dirty ditches, called jubes, run through the centre of the streets in the big cities like Tehran. These ditches served at the same time for irrigation streams, drains, and wash-tubes, and in warm weather gave forth the most pestilential odours. Refuse of all sorts were thrown out in the streets, courtyards, or anywhere in the open.22

In the middle of the nineteenth century, people used the icehouses in the summer for their rubbish and, in the winter, when they still contained water, they were used for washing dirty clothes; the ice made of dirty water was thus contaminated. The Mayor of Tehran, Mahmud-Kh§n-e Kal§ntar, ordered the walling off of the icehouses to protect them from dirt.23 Nevertheless, it was mainly the repeated waves of cholera and plague epidemics throughout the nineteenth century that proved to be the major factor in awakening the social consciousness about public health. During the repeated epidemics of the early 1850s, MahmudKh§n-e Kal§ntar asked (traditional) physicians to write medical and preventive instructions on hefz-e sehhat-e #§mmeh (preserving the health of the common people) against cholera, and to distribute them among the population, especially to those who had no access to a doctor.24 by citing Jaubert, who in 1806, gave the number of its inhabitants not more than 30,000, infers that Tehran’s population by the beginning of the nineteenth century could not exceed this figure. Cf. N§ser Najmi, Tehr§n-e #ahd-e n§seri (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e #att§r, 1364/1985), pp. 21–22. 21 Averaging various figures provided by Western observers, Charles Issawi suggests the population of Tehran at 150,000 in 1910. Issawi, The Economic History, pp. 26, 28, 34. The Res§leh-ye dastur al- #amal-e nazmiyeh (The guidelines for the prefecture), anonymous manuscript, Tehran, National Library, no. 4739 (undated), p. 17, seems to have overestimated the population of Tehran at 300,000 at the beginning of the 20th century. 22 James Fraser, Travel and Adventures in the Persian Province on the south banks of Caspian Sea (London: Longman, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green, 1826), p. 150. 23 Ruzn§meh-ye Vaq§ye#-e Ettef§qiyeh (RVE), Nos. 1-473, 1267-1277/1851-1860, 2 vols. (Tehran: facsimile reprint by Ket§bkh§neh-ye melli, National Library, 1373/1994), no. 17, 27 Rajab 1267, vol. 1, p. 82. See also Jacob Polak, Safarn§meh-ye Polak: Iran va Ir§ni§n [Persian translation of Persien, das Land und Seine Bewohner by Keyk§voos Jah§ngiri] (Tehran: Kh§razmi, 1361/1982), p. 93. 24 $q§ Mirz§ Mohammad Tehr§ni, “A Treatise on the prevention of cholera”. It seems

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Likewise, the state newspaper ruzn§meh-ye vaq§ye#-e ettef§qiyyeh (hereafter RVE), literally meaning “journal of the recorded events”, published articles on the causes of the spread of epidemic diseases. Although both politicians and physicians still believed in miasmatic and humoral causes of epidemics, they now explained that there was a direct relation between a filthy environment and the spread of cholera, typhoid and continual fever (tab-e d§’em).25 In order to clean up the city and fight the conditions that favoured the spread of disease, in 1851 the government appointed the Rikas (the ushers at the royal court) to check the streets for garbage and to ask the owners of the houses to remove it.26 The Mayor of Tehran, Mirz§ Mahmud-Kh§n, also caused a census to be taken of all the invalids in the capital who begged.27 This measure was taken to improve public order as well as public health by preventing the possible spread of contagious diseases by beggars. The government trained public vaccinators and sent them to the provinces to vaccinate the children against smallpox.28 In order to make people aware of these prophylactic measures in use against epidemics, the state gazette RVE occasionally published statistics of the deaths from cholera in each town or district.29 It should be remembered, however, that this journal and its public health instructions were available to an extremely small section of the society. In 1277/1861, several court physicians, including Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§ [prince of doctors] (d. 1873),30 the leading Iranian that only a 14-page abstract of this treatise appeared in lithographic edition in 1853 (Tehran, Library of Majles); Tehr§ni’s full text has not been found. 25 RVE, no. 45, 17 Safar 1268/ 12 Dec. 1851. 26 Ibid. 27 Fereydun Adamiyyat, Amir-Kabir va Iran (Tehran: Kharazmi, 3rd edition 1348/ 1969), p. 336; RVE, no. 32. 28 The study of the transition from inoculation to vaccination, which required new techniques, is an important point in the history of public health in Q§j§r Iran and has yet to be investigated; but it falls outside the scope of this chapter. For a general discussion on vaccination in nineteenth-century Iran see Laurence Kotobi, “L’émergence d’une politique de la santé publique en Perse Q§j§r, XIXe-XXe siècles: Un apperçu historique de la vaccination,” Studia Iranica, 24/2 (1995): 261-284. 29 RVE, no.152, 27 Rabi# I 1270/ 28 Dec. 1853. 30 The major sources, such as E#tem§d al-Saltaneh and Mehdi B§md§d, do not provide sufficient information about Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi, in spite of his importance. Although more recently, Mohammd-Taqi Mir, in his biography of the physicians of Fars: Pezeshk§n-e n§mi-ye f§rs, (Shir§z: Shir§z University Press, 2nd edition, 1363/1984), pp. 50–52, devotes a chapter to Shir§zi, but his identity still remains unclear and one might mistake this physician for another contemporary court physician, viz. Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti, who was also called Malek al-Atebb§. This is all

public health and socio-political changes 39

Fig. 1. Physicians of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h. From right to left: 1. Mirz§ Bozorg-e Qazvini, 2. Mirz§ K§zem-e-Rashti (Malek al-Atebb§ / Filsuf al-Dowleh), 3. H§ji $q§-B§b§ (Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§), 4. Dr Tholozan, 5. (#Alinaqi) Hakim al-Mam§lek, 6. Doctor-e sep§h (?) (Army physician). N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, who has underwritten this photograph (unknown date), added: “This photograph has been taken on the day we used European purgative. These physicians!”

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figure in traditional medicine and Dr Tholozan from France, who had been the personal physician to N§ser al-Din-Sh§h since 1858, met at the D§r al-Fonun under the supervision of Prince Iraj-Mirz§, an ophthalmologist.31 Later on, in 1868, Dr Tholozan formed the majles-e hefz al-sehheh (sanitary council),32 which included physicians and statesmen. On that occasion, Tholozan wrote two treatises on the prevention and treatment of cholera that were translated into Persian and published in the Ruzn§meh-ye mellati.33 Tholozan obviously wished to institutionalize the existing ad hoc health councils by giving them a title and an agenda with scheduled meetings. However, this sanitary council, according to Tholozan himself, did not last more than a few months due to the poor administration under the Q§j§rs. Although the reform projects were inconsistent and sporadic, the need for them was fostered and underpinned by the socio-political dynamism of nineteenth-century Iran. For this reason, their failure did not result in their demise, but in repeated attempts by the Q§j§r administration to implement them. For instance, a guideline for the police, written by the Prefect of Tehran, probably at the beginning of the twentieth century, dealt mainly with questions relating to public health. It contained a section on “the preservation of health in the city of Tehran”, (hefz al-sehheh-ye shahr-e d§r ol-khal§feh-ye b§hereh).34 This the more confusing since Shir§zi had also lived for some time in Rasht. Both Malek al-Atebb§s lived under the three Q§j§r Sh§hs: Fath#Ali-Sh§h (reigned 1798–1834), Mohammad-Sh§h (reigned 1834–48) and N§ser al-Din-Sh§h (reigned 1848–96). But according to Mehdi B§md§d—who considers Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi came from Rasht (and not from Shir§z) and calls him H§ji $q§-B§b§—, when H§ji $q§ B§b§ Malek al-Atebb§ died in 1289/1872–3, Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti took the laqab (title) of his compatriot. As to Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti Malek al-Atebb§, B§md§d gives his dates as 1788–1905. Mehdi B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l-e rej§l-e Iran dar qarn-e 12, 13, 14 hejri, 6 volumes (Tehran: Publishers Nav§’i, Zavv§r, 1347-1355/1968-1974), vol. 3, pp. 138–139. Cf. Chapter Four, footnote 14. (See illustration no. 1). Cyril Elgood, on the other hand, mistakenly confused Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi and Mirz§ B§b§ Afsh§r whom he called Shir§zi. (See A Medical History of Persia, pp. 465, 474, 475, 482, 495, 511.) Mirz§ B§b§ Afsh§r had studied medicine at Oxford between 1811 and 1819 and was the Hakim-b§shi of #Abb§s-Mirz§, but under Mohammad-Sh§h he was disgraced due to the influence of prime minister H§ji Mirz§ Aq§si. 31 Mohammad R§zi al-Kani (Fakhr al-Atebb§), Meft§h al-am§n (Key of safety), Tehran, National Library, MS 2522, 1278/1863, pp. 2-3. 32 Cyril Elgood, Medicine in Persia (New York: Paul B. Hoeber Inc, 1892 [reprinted of 1934 edn.]), p. 76. Issawi, The Economic History, p. 21. 33 Ruzn§meh-ye mellati (Journal of the Nation) no. 22, 13 Rajab 1285/ 30 Oct. 1868, lithographic edition by the D§r al-Fonun, Tehran. 34 “Res§leh-ye dastur ol- #amal-e nazmiyeh” (MS 4739), pp. 16 & 18.

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was in fact a reminder of the fifty-year-old principles of public health that were never fully implemented. It is worth briefly describing what it proposed in order to show the close link between the establishment of public health and medical modernization and social, cultural and political development. The first part of this document concerns reform in ed§reh-ye nazmiyeh (the prefecture) that had been founded under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h (1848–96).35 It also addresses the question of public health and links existing health problems to cultural and educational causes. According to the author, public health had become a dead letter because people had not learned to obey the rules of hygiene [set up by the police and the sanitary council].36 An important aspect of this document is that it directly links the improvement in public health in the capital to the enlargement of its streets, the renovation of its buildings or the construction of new ones. The reform project of the Prefect hinged on two axes of public heath and the regularization of all professions, particularly the medical profession. Those public health measures considered necessary were: lighting the streets; renovating derelict buildings, demolishing those coffee-bars that were a nuisance to public health, refurbishing others, constructing new buildings that included a hotel, sentry box and library, and controlling the number of immigrants who poured into Tehran looking for work. The booklet also accorded particular importance to the medical profession; it stressed regulation of the status of workers, servants and other employees such as pharmacists, physicians, tailors, etc. and the formal examination of physicians in order to assess their medical skills. It recommended that the drug sellers [pharmacists] should not sell any items in their shops other than remedies and should not be permitted to practise medicine, and that the sale of Western drugs be limited to those pharmacists holding an appropriate licence. Likewise, doctors should acquire permission from well-known Iranian or European doctors before practising.37 However, the questions raised and the reforms put forward by the Prefect were not new. The examination of physicians to assess their skill had been proposed in the 1850s. In 1877, the sanitary council

35

In 1867, when Mirz§ #Abdol-Vahh§b Ghaff§ri finished his medical thesis in Paris, his father, Mahmud-Kh§n-e Ghaff§ri, was the Prefect of police of Tehran. Cf. Mirza Abdol-Vahab Ghaffary [sic], Des fistules de la glande parotide (Paris: 1867). 36 “Res§leh-ye dastur ol- #amal-e nazmiyeh,” MS 4739, p.16 ff, especially pp. 21–22. 37 MS 4739, p.5.

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had licensed four pharmacists to sell Western drugs and twenty-two for Iranian drugs, and advised the Tehr§ni population not to buy any drugs from anyone else.38 The fact that, at the beginning of the twentieth century, non-professionals could still sell drugs or practise medicine, thus endangering public health, according to the Prefect of Tehran,39 indicates that the institutionalisation of medicine and public health had yet to be achieved after half a century of efforts. But repeated attempts after each failure show the extent to which the process of medical institutionalisation was regarded as important by the Q§j§r state. The problem that medical reform faced in the nineteenth century and which was reflected in the Prefect’s concern with the distinction between pharmacy and medicine, was that the tradition of combining medicine, pharmacy and surgery continued even after the introduction of modern medicine. In other words, the very principles of traditional medicine were not seen as contradicting modern medicine. The author of manuscript 505, protagonist of medical reform, was both a physician and pharmacist. In May 1856, the journal RVE announced that “Mirz§ Mohammad-e Tabib (doctor), known as D§rus§z (pharmacist), who also treats diseases, has opened a pharmacy beside the Sh§h’s Mosque (in central Tehran), and sells Western drugs in addition to herbal remedies.”40 In Galenico-Islamic medicine, materia medica was an essential part of medical knowledge and learned physicians usually boasted that they had invented such and such a recipe for such and such a disease.41 This was not only a theoretical question but also a practical one, as any prescription for a drug had to be based on knowledge of the body and any therapy was often associated with a prescription. Moreover, the sale of drugs was the most profitable and immediately financially rewarding part of medical practice. It is not therefore surprising to see that, for example, about 38 pages of the Meft§h al-am§n was devoted to the prescription of various simple or compound drugs for prevention 38

See Ruzn§meh-ye mellati, no. 5, 22 Moharram 1294/12 February 1877. MS 4739, p. 5. 40 RVE, no. 271, 4 Sha#b§n 1272/ 10 April 1856. 41 Thus, during the 1831 plague, Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi created an electuary that he called mofarrahe- s§hebqar§ni (lit. “exhilarating Fath #Ali Sh§h”) especially concocted for invigorating the Sh§h. Cf. Vab§’iyeh-ye kabireh (extended treatise on cholera), written ca. 1835 (Tehran: date of lithograph edition unknown, Library of Majles), p. 17. 39

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and cure of cholera and plague.42 Accordingly, with the introduction of modern medicine and Western drugs, they did not necessarily come into conflict with traditional medicine and herbal drugs. Western drugs were simply new products sold by local pharmacists, just as traditionally educated physicians adopted modern medical theories.43 But while the introduction of European drugs diversified and enriched the business of some pharmacists, by and large it threatened the market in traditional remedies and hit it materially, allowing us to suggest that the opposition of physicians such as Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§ to Western drugs was not only a theoretical issue but that it also had a financial basis.44 Another matter of importance in the “guidelines for the prefecture” was the relationship between public health and education. For the Prefect of Tehran, the main reason for the ineffectiveness of the public health system was to be found in the lack of education of the population, who, according to him, was not used to abiding by the rules. He said: Whenever the Prefecture decided to make the owners of houses or shops respect the health regulations, letters of recommendation from nobles and ranking officials arrived like hail, and prevented the public health officials from carrying out their tasks… In the recent cholera outbreak, the instructions of the majles-e hefz al-sehheh (sanitary council) were prepared [and distributed], but they could never be implemented.45

In order to have the health regulations respected, the Prefect’s main solution was to educate people, wealthy and poor alike, so that abiding by the rules became a natural cultural activity and that the people would avoid infringing the law under any circumstances. Towards the end of the nineteenth century, most Iranian reformists believed that education was a panacea that could resolve all the problems that modernization faced.46 One of the most influential newspapers created 42 R§zi al-Kani (Fakhr al-Atebb§), Mohammad, Meft§h al-am§n (Key of safety), Tehran, National Library, MS 2522, 1278/1863. The treatise contains 95 pages. The first 33 pages concern the description of epidemics according to various sources as well as the clinical observation of the author. From the page 72, the author opens another chapter in which he answers to the most common questions about epidemics. 43 For more about this question see Chapter Five. 44 In his Res§leh-ye jowhariyeh (treatise on [against] drugs based on essence), written in the mid nineteenth century, Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi refuted the efficiency of Western drugs. Cf. Mir, Pezeshk§n-e n§mi-ye F§rs, pp. 50–52. 45 MS 4739, pp. 20–22. 46 For this discussion see Ringer, Education, pp. 213 ff. For a study on the relation

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at this time was Tarbiyat (education), published by Mirz§ Mohammad Hoseyn-e Zak§’ol-Molk-e Forughi.47 The Prefect suggested that this journal should publish articles warning its readers about their lack of discipline and what would happen if everyone disregarded hygienic standards. In his treatise he cited many of the poems, probably written by Zak§’ol-Molk, about “right” [correct] education. According to the Prefect, the growth in Tehran’s population led to an increased risk of contagious diseases and it was only by means of education that the inhabitants of the capital could live a healthier life in a cleaner environment. The Prefect also suggested that prison reform should include the education and discipline (tarbiyat) of the prisoners. At the beginning of the twentieth century, the prisons in Iran were named anb§r, literally storehouse. They were undivided enclosed spaces, without sufficient natural light, in which different kinds of convicts were mixed together.48 All kinds of diseases proliferated in such squalor infecting those who had been healthy with incurable diseases.49 The Tehran Prefect’s reform project divided the prisoners into five groups housed in separate rooms, according to their occupations or skills: stonecutting, carpentry, sawing, tailoring, and shoe making. According to the Prefect, physical activity could prevent prisoners from experiencing distress, and could help to preserve their health. Forcing the convicts to work disciplined them and discouraged them from committing crimes, especially those from tribal communities who abhorred manual crafts, while those who had no skill could be trained to a profession before they left the prison and could use their knowledge to earn a living rather than thieving. Western influence is evident throughout the Prefect’s Res§leh-ye

between hygiene and humanism see Firuzeh Kashani-Sabet, “Hallmarks of Humanism: Hygiene and Love of Homeland in Q§j§r Iran,” The American Historical Review, 105, no. 4 (2000)—downloaded article. 47 For this journal see Edward G. Browne, The Persian Revolution of 1905-1909 (London: Frank Cass, 1966), pp. 404–05. 48 Giuseppe Anaclerio, the Italian officer in the service of the Q§j§r described prisons he visited in Tehran around 1865, as “unsanitary, humid, dirty and narrow rooms… prisoners have their feet tied to a big piece of wood placed across the prison cell…”. Cf. Anna Vanzan, “Italians’ Perception and Experience of Health and Hygiene in Q§j§r Iran,” in Sahar Berjesteh et al. (eds), Q§j§r Era Health, Hygiene and Beauty (Rotterdam, Santa Barbara, Tehran: Berjesteh van Waalwijk van Doorn Uitgeversmaatschappij, 2003), pp. 91-97, p. 92. 49 MS 4739, p. 15.

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dastur al- #amal-e nazmiyyeh. Examples of advanced societies, such as America, were provided as a guideline for reform of the Iranian administrative system. The consumption of alcohol and opium was considered harmful to public health. After asserting that this practice had been forbidden by Islamic shari#at, the Prefect acknowledged that neither religious prohibition nor corporal punishment could prevent people drinking alcohol and that this practice had become widespread among the population. He suggested therefore that the best solution for reducing the consumption of alcohol was to increase the price (a bottle of vodka, for instance, should not be less than two tomans)50 and to put a heavy tax on alcohol so that the common people were unable to afford it.51 The author of the treatise continued: In this way, this humble servant of the state and friend of the nation would add annually more than 100,000 tomans (£30,000) to the state income, of which 20,000 tomans would be spent on the prefecture and the remaining 80,000 tomans would go to the government. If this tax on alcohol were implemented throughout the country, it would bring 400,000 tomans into the state treasury, and would decrease the consumption of alcohol.

The author pointed out that taxation on alcohol and tobacco in European countries brought great material benefit to their governments. He suggested that the government should put a heavy tax and custom duty on opium as well.52 As mentioned earlier, the first public health measures were taken in the second decade of the nineteenth century under #Abb§s-Mirz§. In the early 1850s, on the initiative of the Mayor of Tehran, proto50 In the middle of the nineteenth century one pound was worth two tomans and in 1307/ 1890, one pound was valued at three tomans. Cf. Adamiyyat, Amir-kabir va Iran, p. 367. 51 The Prefect used two terms, m§liy§t (tax) and gomroki (duty, custom), which were to be added to the value of an item when imported from abroad. However, in Q§j§r Iran, the merchants usually had to pay custom duty at the gate of a city when they imported their goods from other regions or cities. Considering that the opium and the alcohol for consumption by the common people were homemade, by gomroki the Prefect would mean either tax or the customs’ duty collected at the gates of the cities. (For various types of taxes and customs, see Willem Floor, A Fiscal History of Iran in the Safavid and Qajar Periods 1500-1925 (New York: Bibliotheca Persica Press, 1999), especially pp. 373 ff.) In order to solve the problem of alcoholism the Prefect also targeted the poor and common people (bi-baz§#at), who drank locally made #araq (spirit), in order to make money for the government out of their pockets. He did not talk of the well-off class, which usually consumed alcohol imported from abroad. 52 MS 4739, pp. 11–13.

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sanitary councils were formed, which were no less important than those initiated by Amir-Kabir a few years earlier, even though the Mayor belonged to the faction of Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Nuri, which opposed Amir-Kabir.53 Galenico-Islamic medicine was based on two principles: preserving health (hefz-e sehhat) and curing disease (raf #e maraz). It was, however, in the nineteenth century that the term hefz al-sehheh took public health connotation. As far as we know, the term hefz al-sehheh, the standard term for “sanitary council” in nineteenthcentury Iran, was first used in a treatise written by Mirz§ Mohammad-e Tehr§ni on cholera. Tehr§ni, writing in 1852-3, states that the Mayor of Tehran (Mirz§ Mahmud-Kh§n) ordered physicians to write and distribute tracts on epidemics and on preventive measure against epidemics.54 One might contend that such actions cannot stand for public health measures. But it should be reminded that instructing the population by distributing tracts about epidemics characterised also the work of those sanitary councils set up after 1868. More than a decade later, in 1868, the French physician, Dr Tholozan, tried to transform these informal councils for public health into a formal organization and permanent institution called majles-e hefz al-sehheh (sanitary council). But despite Tholozan’s efforts, the sanitary council was almost abandoned due to the nature of the Q§j§r administration. The councils however resurfaced with new members in 1881.55 The Prefect of Tehran took up this issue once again in the early twentieth century in his booklet proposing the council’s reorganization along the following lines: the majles-e hefz al-sehheh would be composed of European and Iranian doctors who received a salary 53

Cf. Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “An Institutional and Epistemological Study of Medical Modernization” in Barjesteh, Sahar et al. (eds), Q§j§r Era Health, Hygiene and Beauty, pp. 79-89, see pp. 83-84. Mirz§ Mahmud-Kh§n-e Kal§ntar was Mayor of Tehran for three decades. He is reported as being responsible for hoarding wheat and flour that caused a famine in Tehran in the winter of 1860–61. However his role in creating a nascent public health system should not be ignored. In order to extinguish the wrath of the starving population, after the bread riot caused by the famine, N§ser al-Din-Sh§h put the seventyyear-old Mayor to death in February 1861, thereby making him solely responsible for the shortage. But the riot continued despite the Mayor’s execution. Cf. E.B. Eastwick, Journal of a Diplomat’s Three Years’ Residence in Persia, 2 vols (London: unknown publishers, 1864), vol. I, p. 288. See also Najmi, Tehr§n-e #ahd-e n§seri, pp. 159–160. 54 See above, Ch. Two, footnote 24. The two principles of “preserving health” and “curing disease” are underlined in most traditional medical texts; see for example: Ris§lah fi’l-tibb (anonymous), ca. 1154/1741, Istanbul, Suleim§niyeh Library, Asir Eff. 447, fol. 2; Bah§" al-Dowleh R§zi, Khol§sat al-taj§rob (written ca. 1501), date of the copy unknown, Istanbul, Suleim§niyeh Library, Hkm. 571, fol. 1. 55 B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l, vol. 3, p. 434.

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from the government. The members of the council were expected to be knowledgeable about Western public health and medical practice. The council would be supervised by the prefecture and, since there were six police stations in Tehran, it was also to have six offices, each one to include a doctor, ten servants and two mounted policemen. It would appoint “public health officers” to vaccinate people (usually against smallpox) but who had no right to practise medicine. European doctors were to be employed to control the cleanliness of the streets. The main tasks of the council were to lay pipes from each house to the main drinkable water supply in order to ensure that the city’s water was not contaminated; to create public laundries in different quarters; to dig wells in each house for waste water; to take a census of the houses to facilitate their identification; to have the public baths cleansed and the water changed more often than usual;56 to prevent the construction of public baths and cesspools near subterranean canals, since fighting contagious or infectious disease was ineffective as long as the water of the city was contaminated; to oversee the construction of new, sufficiently wide streets; to register births and deaths in a registry office; to announce the outbreak of smallpox, typhoid, cholera and measles; to publish and distribute medical treatises on the behaviour of disease; to check that food was not contaminated and prevent the sale of such food; to supervise butchers, bakeries, confectioners, etc.; to oversee cemeteries and places for washing the dead; to control schools, and all places of public assembly [to make sure that hygienic regulations were set up to protect the children and those meeting in large public places]; and to arrange for regular vaccination.57 To be sure, most examples given above concern the capital Tehran but they indicate that the process of creating a public health system was an integral part of the modernization and development of the army, the city and the administration of the country. Therefore, the reform projects of the Q§j§r elite to improve public health or to create modern institutions should be seen within the framework of the socio-political and economic development of the country as a whole, but they should not be mistaken for the socio-political development itself that had its own dynamism, independently from the ideas and projects. The major concern of the reformists in the second half of 56 Usually the water of the hamams (khazineh) was changed once or twice a year, while it was used every day throughout the year. Cf. Najmi, Tehr§n-e #ahd-e n§seri, p. 439. 57 MS 4739, pp. 23–27.

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the nineteenth century was the lack of respect for law and order in the administration. In both manuscripts 505 and 7439 (The guidelines for the prefecture), the terms, such as “law”, “canon” and “order”, are of central importance. They were certainly influenced by the writings of Mirz§ Malkom-Kh§n and especially his Ket§bcheh-ye gheybi or Daftar-e tanzim§t (Book of Organization). In this treatise, written about 1859, Malkom-Kh§n, who had studied in Paris, proposed to reorganize the state administration by abolishing the authoritative system and establishing a rule of law that was respected, so that the ministers carried out the orders of the Sh§h under the supervision of an independent body called majles-e tanzim§t (executive council). He believed that the existing ministers could stay in power and deliver an efficient service to the country provided that they reorganized themselves and obeyed a set of rules and regulations.58 Just as Malkom’s tanzim§t, the regulations proposed by the author of manuscript 505 on the establishment of hospitals, were aimed at putting the existing medical system in order. There was therefore no question of abandoning traditional elements but rather of restructuring them. Consequently, the idea of the modernization process being either the complete adoption of Western knowledge and institutions or the complete abandonment of traditional and indigenous ones is not based on reality. Western influence was obvious in the proposed project reforms; however, inasmuch as they were put into effect within a traditional context, the role of traditional elements in their implementation was inevitable. Accordingly, the concepts of public health or the rule of law, even when they were directly borrowed from Europe, had different connotations and meanings from the Western ones. The understanding of these concepts, institutions, techniques or sciences both determined, and was determined by, the particular manner in which they were undertaken. For instance, the advocates of modernization had discussed the rule of law since the second half of the nineteenth century. Among others, Mirz§ YusofKh§n-e Mostash§r al-Dowleh argued in 1870 that the country could only progress if law prevailed.59 Today the reformists within the Islamic government in Iran endeavour to inculcate both “respect of the law” 58 Mohammad Mohit-e Tab§tab§’i, Majmu#eh-ye §s§r-e Mirz§ Malkom-Kh§n (Collection of Mirz§ Malkom-Kh§n’s writings) (Tehran: Ket§bkh§neh-ye d§nesh, 1327/1948), see pp. 1-52 and 97-117. 59 Mirz§ Yusof-Kh§n-e Mostash§r al-Dowleh Yek Kalameh, edited by Sadeq Sajj§di (Tehran: Nashr-e t§rikh-e Iran, 1364/1985).

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and “freedom of speech” in society and to institutionalize (nah§dineh) them. Just as Mostash§r al-Dowleh did in the nineteenth-century, the reformists within the Islamic regime, in talking about the rule of law, humanism or democracy refer to Islam. However, neither the rule of law nor individual freedom as a leitmotif in the Islamist reformist discourse, have precisely the same meaning as those terms when used in Europe. These concepts reflect what is practised or feasible in the existing Iranian social and political system. What is termed “Islamic democracy” by the reformists is the theoretical expression of a social, political and economic system that is now being practised in Iran. By the same token, the concepts of hygiene and public health, as well as their supporting institutions, were different in Iran from Europe. The idea that the precise transplantation of the Western model was possible in Iran ignores local conditions and does not contextualize the modernization process. Chapters Three and Four will depict the internal dynamism of the traditional system as displayed in the reform projects advocated by the Q§j§r elites.

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CHAPTER THREE

THE MANUSCRIPT, THE AUTHOR AND THE HOSPITAL The manuscript and its author Manuscript 505 presented here is in the form of a small book and contains forty-one folios and eighty-one pages with twelve lines on each page. It bears no title and no author’s name. It was not unusual in the nineteenth century for authors to omit their names. Sometimes it was merely negligence, but the main reason was that some books were written specifically for the attention of a particular group of people or for the person who had commissioned them.1 One factor in support of this argument is that when a manuscript was published, and thus aimed at a larger audience, the author’s name appeared on it. While there are many anonymous nineteenth-century manuscripts, seldom do we find anonymous lithographed texts from the same period. As regards this manuscript, the author was probably not mentioned because it was written on the order of the Minister of War and was therefore addressed to government officials. Our knowledge of the author is limited to those details he gives in the manuscript, that he was a physician of the army and had formerly worked days and nights at the newly established hospital, where he treated soldiers.2 The manuscript stops short of informing us about his occupation at the time the treatise was written. The fact that the author was asked by the minister of war to write a guidebook for the reorganization of the public hospital built more than a decade previously could be an indication of his prominent role in the management of the hospital in question. He had opened his own pharmacy in the hospital, which was run by his relatives, and he himself supervised it and took on the duties of First Pharmacist.3 He was therefore a 1 There are other anonymous manuscripts, including one of 200 large pages, written in ca. 1857, discussing and extensively criticizing the Austrian Dr Polak. The author of this manuscript explains that his fellows and students had asked him to write the book “On diseases commonly affecting soldiers”. Tehran, Majles Library, MS 506. 2 MS 505, p. 23. 3 Ibid., pp. 66–68.

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pharmacist, physician and a surgeon, a requirement, as the author specified, for all doctors in the army, who had to be able to undertake surgical operations. Some evidence suggests that Mirz§ Mohammad-Vli, Hakim-b§shi-ye Nez§m, the chief physician of the army, was the author of manuscript 505. The issue of the RVE for 9 March 1852, states that: His Excellency Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali-ye Tabib (Doctor), who was formerly the physician of the royal regiment (fowj-e kh§sseh) and had proved to be highly skilled and qualified in the sciences of medicine… at this time was named [by the Sh§h] the chief physician of all the victorious regiments…4

In another issue the journal reported that Mirz§ Mohammad-Vli, treated the patients at the hospital every day with the assistance of other doctors and some medical students.5 Furthermore, in July 1853, it states that: The physicians under the supervision of Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali, Hakimb§shi of the army, endeavour to treat the patients at the state hospital and even work during the night. In addition to the patients from the army, they also treat the homeless and poor sick who go to the hospital…6

This agrees with the manuscript’s passages about the poor sick, and about night duty. The suggestion that Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali wrote manuscript 505 is further sustained by this statement: At the Festival of Sacrifices… I went to the hospital. The superintendent told me that “today there is no meat in the bazaar” [to supply the kitchen of the hospital].7

This statement implies that the purpose of his visit to the hospital was to monitor its activity. Later, the author identifies himself as bendeh-ye darg§h, or a servant of the court, meaning a high-ranking officer appointed by the government.8 It is therefore likely that the author of manuscript 505 was Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali. Nevertheless, we prefer to remain cautious and to mention hereafter “the author of manuscript 505” rather than Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali.

4 5 6 7 8

RVE, no. 57, Jam§di I 1268 (vol. 1, p. 308.) RVE, no. 102, 3 Rabi# al-s§ni 1269/14 January 1853 (vol. 1, p. 611.) RVE, no. 125, 15 Ramazan 1269/22 July 1853 (vol. 1, p. 771). MS. 505, pp. 10–11, 23, 26, 61, 78. MS 505, p. 20.

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The author can be assumed to have had nationalist inclination, inasmuch as he referred repeatedly to the glorious past of pre-Islamic Iran and attributed the founding of hospitals to the Iranian kings. Nationalism, in the sense of a revival of the pre-Islamic period, had been growing since the early nineteenth century, partly due to increased contact with the Europeans. The Q§j§r elite, facing the influence of foreign countries along with the loss of territories in the wars with Russia, endeavoured to revive the glory and might of the past Persian Empire. This aim took many forms; for instance, Fath #Ali-Sh§h, in imitation of the Sasanian kings, had the image of himself and his sons carved in the mountains of Cheshmeh-#Ali near Tehran in 1248/1832.9 The revival of pre-Islamic royal traditions in the Q§j§r period is also illustrated in several books written in the nineteenth century on the history of Iran since pre-Islamic times.10 Nationalism sometimes took on anti-Islamic aspects as is shown in the writings of Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Kerm§ni (second part of the nineteenth century).11 It is also noteworthy that the author of manuscript 505, although not a professional historian, addressed a historical case through the interpretation of sources, without restricting himself solely to narrating past events. In order to show the importance of hospitals in ancient and “medieval” Iran, he proceeded to interpret various literary sources. This method of writing history in nineteenth-century Iran cannot be found among the traditional historiographers. The anonymous manuscript is undated, but it provides some clues as to the approximate date of its composition. According to data in the text, it was written after the second ministerial change under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, marked by the ousting of Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Nuri from the office of prime minister in 20 Moharram 1275 AH (30 August 1858). In the introductory passage the author mentions that the Sh§h

9 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n (Sani#al-Dowleh), Mer’§t al-bold§n-e N§seri, 4 vols. (Tehran: 1294-1297/1877-1880), vol. 1, p. 240–43. 10 See for instance the anonymous manuscripts: “T§rikh-e p§desh§h§n-e #ajam,” 1848, St Petersburg, National Library; “Fehrest-e ket§b-e majma# al-moluk,” 1841, St Petersbourg, National Library, хан 88; Moll§h Ardeshir, Vaq§ye#-e p§rsiy§n (c.a. 1846), St Petersburg, National Library, пнс 342. 11 For a comprehensive account of the ideas of Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Kerm§ni, see Fereydun Adamiyyat, Andisheh-h§-ye Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Kerm§ni (Tehran: Ket§bkh§nehye Tahuri, 1346/1967).

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decided, at the beginning of his auspicious reign… to order the construction of a hospital…. According to his order, the equipment and other necessities have been prepared and the doctors of the army are attending and treating with diligence the ill soldiers. However, because of some carelessness, this work failed to be conducted in a manner as satisfactory as was desired and ordered by His Majesty the Sh§h, … until His Excellency the powerful… and the Great General, was appointed the Commander-in-Chief of the army (Sepahs§l§r-e Akram) and the head of the royal palace (esfahbodi-ye b§rg§h)…12 His Excellency ordered me to write a treatise on this subject and to draw up some guidelines for its affairs.13

This is the main indicator of the period in which the manuscript was written. The expression “Sepahs§l§r-e Akram” (Commander-in-Chief) of the army, could refer either to Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n Sarkeshikchib§shi, appointed Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam14 in 1865 or to Mirz§ Hoseyn-Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh who was appointed to the same position in 1871. There are therefore two possible dates for the manuscript, but as we will see, the date 1865 is more likely. Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sarkeshikchi-b§shi (Head of the Royal Guard) was appointed and named Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam (Great Commander) in March 1865, following a change in the administration of the state by N§ser al-Din-Sh§h. It should, however, be noted that Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r was not an educated man, and reportedly had poor handwriting. In contrast to other prime ministers, who were learned men with administrative abilities, Sepahs§l§r came from a tribal and military background. He was naturally more a Sarkeshikchi-b§shi (head of the royal guard) than a prime minister or even a minister of war. He delegated the ministerial and administrative tasks to other people, like P§sh§-Kh§n-e Amin al-Molk.15 Why, then, should he be involved in the process of modernization, or especially, in this case, in the improvement of hospital affairs? A brief account of his career might shed more light on his role in the hospital project. Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n was from the Davalu branch of the Q§j§r tribe, the historical rival of the reigning clan of the Qov§nlu. Through 12 The term esfahbodi-ye b§rg§h could refer to the Head of the royal guard (sarkeshikchi-b§shi) or to the Head of the government (prime minister). 13 MS 505, pp. 1–2. 14 A#zam and Akram are synonymous and mean “great”. 15 Hoseyn Sa#§dat-e Nuri, Rej§l-e dowreh-ye Q§j§r (Tehran: publishers Vahid, 1364/1985), p. 251.

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political events during the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, some lines of the Davalu clan became allied to the Qov§nlu, including that of Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n.16 Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r was the son of Amir-Kh§n-e Sard§r and grandson of Fath#Ali-Kh§n-e Davalu, who was loyal to the Qov§nlu. The eldest son of Amir-Kh§n, Nasroll§h-Kh§n, became Sarkeshikchi-b§shi under Fath#Ali-Sh§h (r. 1798–1834) and held this position until 1840, when the title went to his younger brother, Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n.17 After Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Nuri was dismissed in August 1858, N§ser al-Din-Sh§h did not nominate another prime minister, but created a Governing Council comprised of six ministries: interior, foreign affairs, war, finance, justice and pensions (vez§rat-e vaz§yef). Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sarkeshikchi-b§shi was honoured with the new title of Sepahs§l§r (Commander-in-Chief of the army) and appointed minister of war. In 1863–64, he personally led a campaign against the Turkmen who regularly plagued the country with their incursions. After his victorious return to Tehran in 1864, the Sh§h awarded him the title Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam (the Great Commandant-in-Chief of the army).18 At this period, after six years of directly overseeing the affairs of state himself, N§ser al-Din-Sh§h decided to entrust the government to “a safe pair of hands”. In his firm§n (royal decree) of 25 Shavv§l 1281/23 March 1865, the six ministries were reduced to three: army, finance and justice. Although each minister was independent and had complete authority to undertake his duties, the Sh§h gave a mandate to the minister of war, Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n, then Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam, to oversee other ministers on his behalf.19 Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam virtually became prime minister without being named as such. He was a dedicated soldier who enjoyed his work and devoted himself to improving the state of the army. According to Mehdi B§md§d, “no one in his family and among his sons and grand-sons was as efficient and capable as Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r himself.”20 In the words of Mahmud Mahmud, Sepahs§l§r was an able and honourable man.21 When, in July 1865, the troops mutinied about their unpaid 16 About the tribal conflicts of the Q§j§rs for power and the descendants of Qarah-Kh§n Davalu, see Ebrahimnejad, Pouvoir et succession, pp. 155–56. 17 B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l, vol. 4, pp. 244, 345. 18 Sa#§dat-e Nuri, Rej§l, pp. 244–45. 19 Ibid., p. 246–47. 20 B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l, vol. 4, p. 12. 21 Mahmud Mahmud, T§rikh-e rav§bet-e siy§si-ye Iran va englis dar qarn-e nuzdahom-e mil§di, 7 vols. (Tehran: Eqb§l, 1949-1957), vol. 3, p. 708.

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salaries, the Sh§h reportedly issued orders to shoot all the soldiers, but the Sepahs§l§r ventured not to obey.22 The commanders of the regiments were hereditary appointees or appointed by favour and as such were usually unable to conduct offensive or defensive operations.23 Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r tried to introduce efficiency into the army by making appointments on the basis of merit and ability. He disliked those who had acquired military standing on the basis of hereditary right and believed that only those who had proved themselves capable in the field deserved to be decorated or promoted. This policy had pleased the Sh§h, who decided not even to promote his own sons without the agreement of Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n.24 In this sense, Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r can be considered a man of progress, and despite his illiteracy, he continued to modernise the army in line with the projects of the late Amir-Kabir, the assassinated prime minister. The Sepahs§l§r was reputedly the author of a booklet on modernization of the army in which public health, hospitals and medical organization were discussed. It opens with a note written by N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, saying: This Ket§bcheh-ye q§nun-e nez§miyeh [Instruction book for regulating the army] that the Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam has written upon our order is the best regulation for disciplining the army of Iran. The Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam must, if God wills it, put into practice all the chapters of this book in all parts of the provinces of Iran, as our mind had decided, and publish and distribute this handbook all over the country. Hereafter, the regiments of the army must accomplish their duties according to these regulations without any omission, if God wills. Rabi# II 1281 [October 1864].25

The author of the Ket§bcheh-ye q§nun-e nez§miyeh was, however, not Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r, but apparently Bahr§m-Mirz§ Mo#ezz al-Dowleh, an expert in military affairs and the head of the military council. This council was created by Mirz§ MohammadKh§n-e Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam to form new regulations and to consider 22

Amanat, Pivot, p. 383. Correspondances politiques et consulaires de Perse, vol. 1, no. 20, Tauris, 7 juin 1869. (Archive du ministère des affaires étrangères, Quai d’Orsay, Paris). 24 Sa#§dat-e Nuri, Rej§l, p. 252. 25 Anonymous “Ket§btcheh-ye q§nûn-e nez§miyeh” (Booklet on the rules in the army), undated, Tehran, National Library, MS 2979. See also the note of Sa#§dat-e Nuri, Rej§l, p. 251, about this Ket§btcheh. Even if the Sh§h’s order to publish and distribute this book was executed, we have not found yet any published copy of such a book. 23

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the promotion of military personnel. Bahr§m-Mirz§ had previously been commissioned in 1267 (1850–51) by Amir-Kabir, to write a book entitled Nez§m-e N§seri (“the army under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h” or “the victorious army”).26 Since the manuscript attributed to Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam provides similar information to that in manuscript 505 about the establishment of the hospital, it is worth examining its contents. This handbook of military regulations, Ket§bcheh-ye q§nun-e nez§miyeh, was apparently a loose translation from a Western source probably by one of the European officers who was hired by the government to assist with modernizing the army. However, the treatise advocates a military organisation with modern and traditional elements alike, as does manuscript 505 for the establishment of hospitals. According to the schedule in the Ket§bcheh-ye q§nun-e nez§miyeh, the army was to be divided into two parts: the first to be in active service for two years in different parts of the country, particularly near the borders, and the second at home but on call when necessary. After two years of service their roles were to be reversed. An important position was given to the camp hospitals, which were mobile and accompanied the ordus, battalions. The army would be made up of several ordus and each comprised several regiments. To each ordu a hospital was assigned. A chief physician was appointed by Tehran to head the team of regimental doctors. A daily visit to the army’s sick would be made, in the company of the other doctors and surgeons, checking the course of treatments, followed by a meeting to discuss patients’ diseases and their progress. Other staff of the mobile hospital and their duties were very similar to those explained in our anonymous manuscript 505: Two skilled pharmacists from Tehran and one supervisor of the hospital were nominated by the government. The commandant of the ordu chose the site of the hospital in consultation with the physicians.27 Accommodation for the medical staff was to be close to the hospital. For each regiment (fowj) there were seven “gypsy” tents and one tent for the toilet, with a second tent similar to that of the commanders (ch§dor-e sar-tipi) for physicians’ meetings, one tent for the pharmacist, and one special “gypsy” tent for the pharmacy. In addition, two tents 26 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Mer’§t al-bold§n, vol. 2, p. 67, cited by Sa#§dat-e Nuri, Rej§l, pp. 251–52. 27 A point made in MS 505, where the decision about the location and size of the hospital belonged to the commandant of the army (sepahs§l§r). This author talks also about the mobile hospitals (m§rest§nh§-ye sayy§r) for the army. (MS 505, pp. 41–42.)

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were allocated for the kitchen and its equipment. The kitchen’s expenses were to be paid out of the army budget, and its expenditure was to be checked and signed every month by the paymaster-general of the army (lashkar-nevis), as well as by the chief physician of the ordu. Hospitalised soldiers did not receive a salary. The price of drugs, previously paid to the doctors and surgeons of the regiments, was to be thereafter paid to the pharmacist. A monthly account of the expenses was to be kept and if the money set aside for drugs did not suffice the treasurer would pay the supplement.28 Each tent of the hospital should have carpets, kilims and mattresses, and two nurses from the regiment would be appointed to care for the patients and to receive three tomans per month in addition to their regular salary. The nurses would wash and clean the premises and launder the bedclothes of the patients. As they would specialise in the profession, they were to be relieved of their other military duties. A vice-adjutant appointed by the government would act as director of each regiment’s hospital to oversee discipline and order. The regimental doctors would start their day with a visit to the regiment’s patients and treat those who were slightly ill in their tents and send those who were seriously sick to the hospital. Regimental doctors would also visit and treat soldiers belonging to regiments other than their own. When the ordu was on the move, doctors were to remain close to the patients and take a box of medicine for emergencies. Other equipment required included lights for the patients’ tents, two tents for the bath (hamm§m) in each ordu, a water-keeper with all the necessary utensils and animals, and additional animals for transporting the patients if necessary.29 Finally, the commandant of the army (ordu) on duty was to pay weekly visits to the regimental hospital and confirm that the surgeons and physicians worked within hygienic rules and the rules of the hospital.30

What was depicted by the “Minister of War” was a mobile hospital to accompany the army, but its internal organization was the same as the permanent hospital constructed in Tehran described in manuscript 505, just as the military organization portrayed by both authors was analogous. Similar points in manuscript 505 and the Ket§bcheh-ye q§nun-e nez§miyeh (manuscript 2979) with regard to medical and military organizations are striking and would indicate that they were written at the same period. Further examination of these sources on hospital

28 29 30

MS 2979, pp. 5-6. Ibid., pp. 6–8. Ibid., p. 18.

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institutions would shed more light on the emergence and the nature of public hospitals in nineteenth-century Iran.31 One might suggest that manuscript 505 was written upon the order of Mirz§ Hoseyn-Kh§n, who had the title Moshir al-Dowleh in 1865 and Sepahs§l§r-e a#zam and prime minister in 1871. Mirz§ HoseynKh§n was also a man of progress. He had been the consul general of Iran in Bombay between 1850 and 1853 and Sh§h’s ambassador to Istanbul between 1275/1859 and 1287/1870. Mirz§ Hoseyn-Kh§n remained prime minister until 1297/1880 when he was removed from office and sent to Khor§s§n as motavalli (administrator of the owq§f) of Imam-Rez§’s shrine in Mashhad, and shortly after, just as had Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r, died in a suspicious manner, suggesting that he had been poisoned on the order of the Sh§h.32 If manuscript 505 was written on the order of Mirz§ Hoseyn-Kh§n-e Sepahs§l§r, it would have been written about 1871, but, as we will see in the following section, there is not enough evidence to support this hypothesis. The Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (state hospital) Some sources maintain that the first hospital under the Q§j§rs was the [a] marizkh§neh-ye dowlati—later known as bim§rest§n-e sin§ (or Avicenna Hospital)—built between 1874 and 1876.33 According to these sources, when N§ser al-Din-Sh§h returned from his first trip to Europe in 1873, inspired by what he had observed in the West, he ordered his prime minister, Moshir al-Dowleh, and the minister of sciences, prince #Ali-Qoli-Mirz§ E#tez§d al-Saltaneh, to construct a modern hospital in European style.34 During his eighteen days’ stay in London, N§ser al-Din-Sh§h visited the St Thomas’s Hospital across the river from Parliament on Friday 4 July 1873. He reported in his diary: This marizkh§neh was built under Edward the Fourth by the people and has now been working for two or three years. It has many endowments 31

This question is being currently studied in a separate project. Mehdi B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l, vol. 1, pp. 411-12, 422. 33 See for example Mohammad Hasanbeygi, Tehr§n-e qadim, Old Tehran (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e qoqnus, 1366/1987), p. 210. 34 Bim§rest§n-e sin§ dar gozar-e ayy§m (Tehran: D§neshg§h-e #olum-e pezeshki, 1378/1999), p. 13; Behd§d Qarib, Bey§d-e §n hameh khub§n (Tehran: Farz§neh Books, 1380/2001), p. 25. 32

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and every year people collect money for its expenses. Drugs and food provided at this hospital are therefore free. It is an excellent building and at the present it receives 400 to 500 patients… The first stone for the construction of the hospital was laid by the king…35

It is likely that N§ser al-Din-Sh§h was inspired by this hospital or others he came across during his five-month tour of Europe in 1873, and had ordered the construction of a modern hospital in Tehran. The marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (state hospital) was located in a street of Tehran that today is named “Sepah street”.36 This hospital was renovated several times and extended, and is today one of the major (public) university hospitals situated in its original location in the centre of Tehran, within walking distance of Artillery Square (meyd§n-e tupkh§neh), and the high school of the D§r al-Fonun.37 #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Nafisi N§zem al-Atebb§ (1831–1910), a graduate of the D§r al-Fonun, was its first director. He served for five years and, after him, his successors were all Iranian, namely Mokhber al-Dowleh, Dr Mohamad-Kh§ne Kerm§nsh§hi and Dr Bahr§mi, until 1894 (or 1898) when it was handed over to European physicians, first Dr Luff [?] and then Dr Ilberg, who were recruited in order to improve its organization.38 The marizkh§neh-ye dowlati changed its name to bim§rest§n-e sin§ in 1940.39 Nevertheless, it is certain that if such hospital was built in 1874, it was not the first one built under the Q§j§rs. Moreover, the inscription on the gate of the hospital mentions the name of Mozaffar alDin-Sh§h (1896-1906), which suggests that it might have been built or reconstructed after 1896.40 In fact, the hospital described in manuscript 505 was the first one established in Q§j§r Iran. This hospital was

35 N§ser al-Din-Sh§h Q§j§r, Safarn§meh-ye N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, 1st edition in lithography in 1291/1874, re-edited by #Abdoll§h Mostowfi at an unknown date (Esphahan: Ket§bforushi-ye Mash#al), pp. 126-127. 36 This street was also called khiy§b§n-e marizkh§neh (hospital street), because the first hospital under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h was built there. Cf. Najmi, Tehr§n-e #ahd-e n§seri, p. 221; Hasanbeygi, Tehr§n-e qadim, p. 209. 37 The D§r al-Fonun (or the school of applied sciences) established in 1851 was converted into a high school under the Pahlavi dynasty. 38 Bim§rest§n-e sin§ dar gozar-e ayy§m, p. 13. Behd§d Qarib, bey§d-e §n hameh khub§n, p. 25. These two books are mainly collection of interviews with several physicians who had worked at the Sina Hospital during the twentieth century. The first book gives the starting date of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlai as 1876 and the second 1879. 39 N§ser Najmi, Tehr§n-e #ahd-e n§seri, p. 421; Hasanbeygi, Tehr§n-e qadim, p. 210. 40 See below, Ch. Three, pp. 68-69.

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also called marizkh§neh-ye dowlati41 and was built in the mid-nineteenth century. Manuscript 505 is clear as to the date of its establishment when it specifies that N§ser al-Din-Sh§h (r. 1848–1896) ordered its construction at the beginning of his reign.42 The weekly gazette RVE, discussing the first year of activity of the newly established hospital confirmed, “since up to this time in Iran there was no hospital, at the beginning of its activity the sick only reluctantly accepted going there for treatment (…)”.43 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh also confirms that in 1268/1852, a hospital (marizkh§neh va bim§rest§n) was built in Tehran.44 However, despite the clear indication about the 1852 hospital in these contemporary Persian sources, as we will see later, no contemporary Western source mentions it. Madame Serena who visited Tehran around 1877, states that a military hospital (marizkh§neh) was built a few years previously by N§ser al-Din Sh§h, but she does not specify the date. It seems, however, that she meant the hospital of 1874.45 We will also see that most of the later Persian sources avoid providing clear and consistent information about this hospital. The construction of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati described by manuscript 505 was part of the general project of modernization undertaken by Amir-Kabir, the first prime minister of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h. This project included the establishment of the D§r al-Fonun (modern polytechnic school), the creation of the RVE, and the construction of the hospital. Similarly, the author of manuscript 505 acknowledges that “the development of three institutions, namely the D§r al-Fonun, the hospital, and the library are the cause of progress in every country.”46 A vast literature has been published on the reform program of Amir-Kabir and other modernization projects implemented during the second half of the nineteenth century in Iran. However, the hospital in question has attracted very little attention. For example, Fereydun Adamiyyat, who has provided an extensive study on Amir-Kabir’s works and period, and Mahbubi Ardak§ni, who addressed the modern institutions of the Q§j§r period, have said only a few words about the hospital. Accord41

MS 505, p. 11. Idem., p. 1. 43 RVE, no. 103, 10 Rabi’ II 1269/22 January 1853. 44 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 62. 45 Madame Carla Serena, Hommes et choses en Perse (Paris: G. Charpentier et Cie Editeurs, 1883), p. 143. 46 MS 505, p. 27. 42

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ing to Fereydun Adamiyyat, Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n began the construction of the hospital during the second year of his government, in 1266 H (probably sometimes in the Spring of 1850) and opened its doors in Rabi# I 1268 (December 1851 or early January 1852).47 But Adamiyyat does not provide any source for this information. If he is correct in his reporting of the RVE account, his statement would mean that the foundation of the building was laid, and some elementary work for its construction was accomplished in 1850, but that the building was not completed before 1852. Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n was dismissed on 20 November 1851, and exiled and finally assassinated on 17 Rabi# I 1268/11 January 1852, by order of the Sh§h, his murder being instigated by his rivals at court. When Mirz§ $g§ Kh§n-e Nuri became prime minister in 1852, as an opponent and rival of the assassinated minister, he tried to thwart the projects of modernization initiated by Amir-Kabir. When European instructors arrived in Tehran in the aftermath of the dismissal of AmirKabir, according to one of these instructors, Dr Polak, the new prime minister tried to frustrate them by withholding a suitable reception according to the protocol of the court.48 This policy should also have affected the hospital project, but it seems that the construction of the hospital was completed during the first year of the premiership of Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Nuri. Later on, however, as the author of manuscript 505 highlights, the hospital remained neglected by the officials.49 The first two projects launched by Amir-Kabir are clearly dated: the first issue of the RVE was published on 7 February 1851; the polytechnic school of D§r al-Fonun was inaugurated on 5 Rabi# I 1268 (29 December 1851).50 The date of the inauguration of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati, or state hospital, however, remains unclear. The most important contemporary source informing us about this hospital is the RVE. This weekly journal talks about the hospital for the first time in its 67th issue, dated 23 Rajab 1268/13 May 1852. It relates unreported events of the previous week (16 Rajab/6 May), presumably because the journal was not published in that week due to a religious holiday. On 6 May 1852, “the Sh§h travelled to the Mausoleum of Sh§h #Abd al-#Azim (south of Tehran) and on his return to Tehran 47 48 49 50

Adamiyyat, Amir-Kabir va Iran, p. 334. Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 208. MS 505, p. 2. RVE, no. 48 (vol. 1, p. 253).

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he ordered that a hospital for the army be built outside of the city between two barracks (qar§vol-kh§neh) situated near the two Gates of Tehran (the Gate of Qazvin and the Gate of Dowlat)”. This hospital was to house 400 patients, doctors, cooks and other servants. This means that the construction of the hospital was either ordered by 6 May 1852, or began at that date. In this case, Adamiyyat’s account, according to which the hospital opened its doors late December 1851 or early January 1852, is inaccurate. In its other issue, 3 Rabi# II 1269, (14 January 1853), the RVE reported that during the past year, 1238 patients were treated at the hospital.51 The “past year” here would mean either December 1851 to December 1852, or the past Islamic lunar year, corresponding to the period from October 1851 to October 1852. Finally, E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, mentioning the buildings constructed under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, confirms the construction of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati in 1268, the Islamic lunar year corresponding to the period between 27 October 1851 and 15 October 1852.52 From these indications, it seems more likely that the hospital was operational in the second half of 1852. Under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h many new buildings were constructed. Barracks, royal residences, the D§r al-Fonun and the hospital were among these new buildings. Mirz§ Rez§, the engineer who had studied in London, prepared a plan for the D§r al-Fonun based on the Woolwich Arsenal in southeast London where he had studied. Mohammad Taqi, the chief architect, assumed the work of construction of the D§r al-Fonun, the hospital and other new buildings.53 Renovation of the capital went hand in hand with the improvement of the living conditions of the city, as in the case of the Sabzeh-meyd§n (Green Square) in Tehran. Since the eighteenth century, various vegetables had been cultivated and sold at this place and in its surrounding lands. Other tradesmen such as butchers, sellers of chaff, poultry, sheep, and farriers also had their businesses there and all these activities had turned it into a filthy place. Until 1269/1853, the gallows (q§puq) where criminals were executed were also at the centre of the Sabzeh-meyd§n. In 1853, 51

RVE, no. 102, Thursday 3 Rabi II 1269/14 January 1853. E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 62; Mokhber al-Saltaneh-ye Hed§yat, Goz§resh-e Ir§n-e Qaj§riyeh va mashrutiyat (History of the Q§j§rs and the Constitutional movement), ed. Mohammad #Ali Sowti (Tehran, Noqreh, 1363/1984), p. 134. 53 RVE, no. 98, 17 Dec. 1852, and no. 68, 6 May 1852; see also Hoseyn-e Mahbubi Ardak§ni, T§rikh-e mo’asses§t-e tamaddoni-ye jadid dar Iran, 3 vols. (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 2537/1976), vol. 1, p. 258. 52

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this square, according to E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, was renovated and cleaned up so that it became a place for recreation and promenade.54 Although E#tem§d al-Saltaneh could have exaggerated in this report, as he attributed this renovation to his father, his account underlines the direct relationship between the renovation of the capital and the improvement of public health. Eduard Jacob Polak, however, provides a different account with regard to the hospital in question. Dr Polak, a professor of medicine and anatomy, arrived in Tehran together with six other instructors in different branches of science from Vienna towards the end of November 1851 (a few days before the 28th), to train students at the D§r al-Fonun.55 They were accompanied by J§n D§voud, translator to the Q§j§r foreign ministry, who had been entrusted with the mission of selecting the instructors in Austria. However, their arrival coincided with the dismissal of Amir-Kabir who had invited them. According to Dr Polak: Amir-Kabir had bequeathed a large part of his wealth for the construction of a hospital in Tehran, but after his death his will was not implemented as he had wished. Instead, that money was spent in the construction of a religious school.56

It seems, however, that the hospital projected in the will of Amir-Kabir had nothing to do with the public marizkh§neh-ye dowlati. At the same time, Polak claims that in the third year of his stay in Iran [late 1854 or early 1855], he designed a plan for a hospital to be constructed outside the city [i.e. beyond the walls or “burg” of Tehran.] According to the description he gave of this plan, the hospital, that was 3½ feet higher than the ground, contained several halls, a kitchen, a pharmacy, several rooms for the patients and storerooms. The whole building was designed in quadrangle form surrounding a courtyard with small gardens and a pool in the centre. Trees were to be planted all around the building and another wall would encircle the whole 54

E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 63. According to the RVE, the other instructors and their specialties were: Baron Komuas (infantry), Aukesht key jiro (artillery), Kulosti (engineering), Mozd (cavalery), Chartuta (mining), Kukati (cavalry). RVE, no. 42, 28 Moharram 1268 (23 Nov. 1851). Owing to problems with orthography, these names have not been correctly written. They could be Dr Fochetti, in pharmacology, Charnotta in mineralogy, Zatti in engineering and mathematics, Krzysc in artillery, Gumoëns in infantry and Nemiro in cavalry. See Qarib, Bey§d, p. 10. 56 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 216. 55

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complex. According to Polak, the army patients had been treated in the cellar-like building without enough natural light. In such conditions, typhoid, often accompanied by skin diseases, spread easily, especially during the winter, and mortality increased appallingly among the troops. But Polak claimed that this plan for the hospital was opposed by the Commander-in-Chief of the army, #Aziz-Kh§n-e Sard§r-e Koll, of Kurdish origin, and the head of the military hospital who was a relative of #Aziz-Kh§n.57 Instead, small sombre rooms were built. Polak claims that finally he succeeded in demolishing what they had built and reconstructed the hospital in line with his original plan.58 Apparently Polak referred to this hospital when, in another place, he said that he taught his students in a hospital that he had founded [ca. 1854-55].59 But the issue of 17 Dec. 1852 of RVE gave the information that Dr Polak had planned to take his students to the marizkh§neh (hospital) the following week of his appointment (i.e. 24 Dec. 1852).60 This means that Polak could not be the founder of the first public or military hospital in nineteenth-century Iran. Did Dr Polak attribute the construction of the hospital built in 1852 to his own efforts or did he refer to another hospital? Issue 271 of the RVE (dated 4 Sha#b§n 1272/10 April 1856) reported that at the beginning of his mission in Iran, Polak undertook specific projects, one of which was to find a hospital where the students could gain practical experience alongside their theoretical studies.61 The journal remarked that “practical work had been undertaken for more than a year”; this could correspond to the date Polak gives for the construction of the hospital. But the RVE is not precise as to whether this hospital was the same marizkh§neh-ye dowlati or another one. The geographical location of the hospital described by Polak (outside the walls of 57 We cannot ascertain who was the head of the military hospital mentioned by Polak. It might be Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali, but we know that at this period, #Aziz-Kh§n was on very good terms with Mirz§ Nazar-#Ali Hakim-b§shi, who was an influential court physician and obviously one of the chief physicians of the army. (See B§md§d, sharhe h§l-e rejal, vol. 2, pp. 328, 334.) 58 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 212. 59 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 211. 60 RVE, no. 98, 5 Rabi# I 1269/17 December 1852. 61 Another important task of Polak was to train six of his students in medicine and surgery until they graduated. Four of these students, namely Mirz§ Nasroll§h, Mirz§ Mohammad Hoseyn, Mirz§ #Ali-Naqi and Mirz§ Rez§ successfully graduated in 1856, but Polak requested permission from the Sh§h for them to complete their studies in France (RVE, no. 271, 10 April 1856). However, only the last three went to Paris along with the diplomatic mission of Farrokh-Kh§n-e Amin al-Molk in 1856 and returned in 1861 after completing their studies. See Ringer, Education, p. 89.

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Tehran), could correspond to the one described in the RVE (no. 67) between the two gates of Tehran, which suggests that both sources referred to the same hospital. Rez§ Qoli-Kh§n-e Hed§yat, also talks about a hospital built between 1272/1855 and 1873/1856 outside of the Dowlat gate for the soldiers.62 Nevertheless, the idea that these sources discuss two or three different hospitals, built over a period of three or four years can scarcely be credited considering financial and organizational deficiency in mid-nineteenth-century Iran. Moreover, why would Polak have built another hospital for training his students when he could have used the first one for this purpose? Fereydun Adamiyyat’s understanding is also that Dr Polak took his students to the public hospital (bim§rest§n-e dowlati), i.e. the one built in 1852, so that they could put their theoretical knowledge into practice.63 It is worth mentioning that shortly after the death of Dr Kazullani (or Casolani) on 23 Rabi# I 1268 (16 January 1852), Dr Polak replaced him as chief physician of the army64 and consequently, from the outset of his mission, he found himself involved in rivalry with other officials, such as Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali, who had previously served as physician of the royal regiment (fowje kh§sseh). Two months after Polak’s nomination as chief physician of the army, Mirz§ Mohammad-Vali was also appointed chief physician of the army in March 1852, and awarded a high military rank.65 One might also read Polak’s account of the hospital in the light of his disagreement and rivalry with his Iranian counterparts in the army. It appears that the hospital built in 1852, despite financial or admin istrative problems, did not close its doors, given the growing demand of the troops frequently affected by typhus or other diseases in their barracks. The hospital was fully operating in 1857, when the author of an anonymous manuscript (ca. 1857), an army chief physicians and probably lecturer at the D§r al-Fonun, worked there and treated soldiers.66 62 Rez§ Qoli-Kh§n-e Hed§yat, Rowzat al-saf§-ye n§seri, vols 8, 9 and 10 of Rozat al-saf§ of Mirkhond, 7 vols (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e markazi, 1338-1339/1960-61), vol. 10, p. 813. 63 Adamiyyat, Amir-Kabir va Iran, p. 327. 64 Adamiyyat, Amir-Kabir va Iran, p. 336. According to Dr Polak, Kazullani died twelve days after being infected by typhus. See Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 501. 65 RVE, no. 57, 8 March 1852. We have suggested above (Ch. Three, p. 51) that this Moirz§ Mohammad-Vali could be the author of manuscript 505. 66 Anonymous MS 506, “On diseases commonly affecting soldiers,” ca. 1857, Tehran, Majles Library, MS 506, fols. Fols. 2, 89. The manuscript is untitled and has no date, but from the information given in fols. 2 and 42, it appears that it was written in 1857. In fol. 89, the author talks about one of his students.

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Our sources talk also about a marizkh§neh-ye dowlati, built in 1868. N§ser al-Din-Sh§h inaugurated the construction of a new wall encircling the capital in December 1867, in order to enlarge the city and respond to the needs of the growing population of Tehran. The enlarged Tehran was then called “Tehr§n-e N§seri”.67 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh states that in 1284/1868 “a magnificent hospital (marizkh§neh va bim§rest§n) was (or began, ensh§’, to be) constructed in Tehran”.68 Cyril Elgood, without giving his sources, claims that: In pursuance of the policy of westernising the medical services… a new hospital was founded in Tehran, which was opened in 1868... [This hospital] was originally intended to serve the army. It was at first placed under the management of Dr Polak and Dr Schlimmer. On the return from Paris of the Persian graduates it was handed over to them.69

But Elgood contradicts himself later when describing the Persian graduates of the D§r al-Fonun as directing the first twelve years of its activity.70 It is possible that Elgood was unaware of the existence of the 1852 marizkh§neh-ye dowlati or he ignored the full details of its history probably in order to highlight the important role played by European physicians in modernizing the medical service. For example, according to Elgood, the first hospitals in Persia in which Western medicine was practised were a Portuguese hospital in the Persian Gulf in early seventeenth century and another one, with fourteen beds, built by the Russians in Ashurada (in the Caspian) in 1848.71 Moreover, while giving the opening date of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati as 1868, Elgood maintains that Dr Polak was its first director, but Polak left Iran in 1860.72 Finally, the author of the inaugural article, presumably #AliqoliKh§n-e Mokhber al-Dowleh, minister of sciences, in the first issue of journal D§nesh (10 June 1882) mentioned that: 67

E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 72–73. Ibid., p. 73. 69 Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, pp. 511–512. 70 Ibid., p. 545. 71 Ibid., p. 512. 72 Jacob Polak (1818–1891) left Iran in 1860 after teaching ten years at the D§r al-Fonun. He returned in 1882, according to E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, for “historical or archeological research”. It seems that he did not stay in Iran for long. E#tem§d alSaltaneh wrongly states that Polak stayed in Iran 20 years. Cf. Ruzn§meh-ye kh§ter§t, p. 198. See also: Kh§nb§b§ Bay§ni, Panj§h s§l t§rikh-e n§seri, 6 vols. (Tehran: Nashr-e #elm, 1375/1996), Vol. 1, pp. 149–150; #Abb§s Eqb§l-e $shtiy§ni, Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n-e Amir-Kabir, edited by Iraj Afshar (Tehran: Tus, 1340/1961), p. 162. 68

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One of the good works that this eternal state initiated is the construction of a marizkh§neh (hospital) for the welfare of the population of the country. This hospital was built twelve years ago [1870] upon the order of the Sh§h for the benefit of the sick poor and homeless suffering from diseases…Sometime ago, the Sh§h was informed that the conditions of the hospital had degraded and the personnel had become lackadaisical in their work… The Sh§h… commissioned me to improve the situation…”.73

Once again we are provided here with information that does not corroborate others. Mokhber al-Dowleh’s testimony is, however, interestingly similar to what manuscript 505 underlined about the hospital it described: the “1870 hospital” was also suffering from misadministration and it became necessary to reorganize it.74 It has been demonstrated above that modernization was rooted in the sociopolitical development in which members of the Q§j§r elites who had received a traditional education took part. As we saw in the projects of public health organization and reform of medical practice in Chapter Two, the development of hospitals also faced repetitive failures but this progressive movement was never abandoned. Taking into account the historiographical deficiency and the contradictory accounts of hospitals described above, we can draw an outline of the history of nineteenth-century hospitals in Iran based on the two hypotheses: either there existed more than one hospital or that the sources discussed the same building. As to the first hypothesis, considering the growing demand of the troops for hospitals it is possible that various accounts of hospitals mentioned above witness the construction of several hospitals during the second half of the nineteenth century. We can therefore speculate that when our sources talk about marizkh§neh-ye dowlati, they do not point to one and the same hospital but to several, built by the state. These hospitals, whether for the troops or the civilians, were called marizkh§neh-ye dowlati in 73 D§nesh, no. 1, 23 Rajab 1299/10 June 1882. See also facsimile reprint of “D§nesh” and the “Journal of Tabriz D§r al-Fonun,” by Mohammad Esm§#il-e Rezv§ni and Farid-e Q§semi (Tehran: Markaz-e Gostaresh-e §muzesh-e ras§neh§, 1374/1995), p. 1. Literally “knowledge”, D§nesh in the context of the time meant “science.” This journal that appeared every two weeks, was the successor of the Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, “Scientific Journal” or “Journal of Sciences” that had been interrupted several years earlier. 74 This might be the same hospital that Carla Serena referred to in 1877 as “l’hôpital militaire”, méériz-khanéh that, according to her, was called by the people “the cemetery of the living”. Serena, Hommes et choses en Perse, p. 143.

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the Q§j§r period. There are some indications that there were more than one marizkh§neh-ye dowlati. After mentioning the 1868 hospital, Elgood continued: Twelve years later [1880] another hospital was founded for the use of the troops. The older hospital was then handed over to civilians and put under the charge of Dr Albo, a German who was lecturer in medicine at the D§r al-Fonun. It now became known as Imperial hospital or Marizkh§na-i-Daulati and led an uneventful but useful life until the time of the War of 1914–18….75

The hospitals built privately were called after their founders, such as the hospital Vaziri that was built at the turn of the century, about 1900, upon the will of Mirz§ #Is§ Vazir, or the hospital Najmiyeh built by Najm al-Saltaneh (1854-1932), the grand daughter of #Abb§s-Mirz§ (d. 1833).76 The second hypothesis is that there was only one hospital that was used by both military and civilians and for this reason it was sometimes called the military hospital. In this case, the hospital built in 1868, as mentioned by Elgood, might be the same as discussed in manuscript 505. The approximate date of this manuscript (i.e. 1865) corroborates this suggestion. Considering that both 1852 and 1868 hospitals were identified by our sources as marizkh§neh-ye dowlati and that they were both located in northwest of Tehran close to the Gate Dowlat, it might be that either at the location of the first marizkh§neh-ye dowlati, built in 1852, a new one was established or that the original building was reconstructed in 1868. A gap, however, persists between the hospital described by manuscript 505 and the one mentioned by the journal D§nesh as created in 1870. At the same time, the way Elgood describes the history of the 1868 hospital, suggests that this was the same marizkh§neh-ye dowlati, as claimed by recent publications to be the first hospital built under the Q§j§rs in 1876. Both sources confirm that Mozaffar al-Din-Sh§h appointed Dr Ilberg as director of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati in 1896.77 At this period, Mozaffar al-Din-Sh§h 75

Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, pp. 511–512. Mirz§ #Is§ Vazir (died of cholera in 1893) had bequeathed part of his wealth for the construction of a hospital. See Hasan T§jbakhsh, T§rikh-e bim§rest§nh§-ye Iran az §gh§z t§ #asr-e h§zer (History of hospitals in Iran from the beginning to present) (Tehran: Pajuheshg§h-e #olum-e ens§ni, 1379/2000), pp. 240-43. 77 Compare Elgood’s version (A Medical History, pp. 511-12 and 546) with those of Hasanbeygi, Tehr§n-e qadim, pp. 208-9; Bim§rest§n-e sin§ dar gozar-e ayy§m, pp. 13–14 and Behd§d-e Qarib, Bey§de §nhameh khub§n, p. 25. The date in the Iranian solar calendar—1275—given by these two latter sources is erroneous. 76

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appointed Dr Ilberg, the senior physician to the German Legation, at the head of the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati in order to reorganize it upon modern lines.78 It is possible that at this time the building was reconstructed and the name of Mozaffar al-Din-Sh§h was inscribed on the gate of the hospital.79 Under Ahmad-Sh§h (reigned 1907–1911), it was renamed marizkh§neh-ye Ahmadi before reverting to its original name marizkh§neh-ye dowlati, and was some years later (1940) called bim§rest§n-e sin§ as it is today. While discussing the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati and the change of its name to bim§rest§n-e sin§, Ja#far-e Shahri, without any further comment, provides the photograph (no. 2) and calls it the “military hospital”.80 In doing so, he implies that this military hospital was the same as marizkh§neh-ye dowlati. Our preference goes for a combination of the two above-mentioned hypotheses. In other words, different accounts on the Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati in the second part of the nineteenth century refer to several hospitals constructed and/or reconstructed in 1852, 1868, 1870, 1876 and 1896-97. The photograph (no. 2) shows probably the hospital built or reconstructed in 1896-97. In the second part of the nineteenth century there were also other hospitals of lesser significance than the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati(s). In chronological order, the first was the d§r al-shaf§ (house of healing) endowed by the revenues of the shrine of #Ali b. Mus§ al-Rez§, the eighth Shiite Imam in Mashhad. It was built by Mirz§ Ja#far Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh,81 who had studied engineering in London between 1815 and 1819.82 A d§r al-shaf§ had previously existed at the shrine 78

Elgood, A Medical History, p. 546; Bim§rest§n-e sin§ dar gozar-e ayy§m, pp. 13-14. See above, p. 59. 80 Ja#far-e. Shahri, T§rikh-e ejtem§’i-ye Tehr§n, vol. 1, pp. 294–95. 81 #Ali-Naqi Hakim al Mam§lek, Ruzn§meh ye safar-e Khor§s§n, edited by Iraj Afshar (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e farhang-e Ir§n-zamin, 1356/1978), p. 194. 82 Moshir al-Dowleh in 1858 became the head of the newly established Consultative Council (majles-e maslahat-kh§neh), which replaced the dissolved cabinet of Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Nuri and included Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam, the Minister of War. Moshir al-Dowleh was familiar with the British parliamentary system and for this reason he had been appointed head of the Consultative Council, the first experience of consultative government in Iran. He spent about a year in London as Ambassador in 1860–61 and, on his return he was sent to Mashhad as motavalli or superintendent of the pious endowments of the shrine of Imam-Rez§. Cf. Mehdi Bamdad, Sharh-e h§l-e rej§l-e Iran, vol. 1, p. 243–44. For a summary account of Moshir al-Dowleh’s career see Amanat, Pivot of the Universe, pp. 356-57. 79

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Figure 2. Marizkh§neh-y dowlati (state hospital), date of the photography unknown.

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of Imam Rez§. It had been built probably after Gowharsh§d, the wife of Sh§hrokh the Timurid (d. 1457), founded a mosque next to the shrine.83 This d§r al-shaf§ was operative under the Safavid and successive dynasties until the mid-nineteenth century. When, in Rabi# al-awwal 1279/July 1862, Mirz§ Ja#far-Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh was sent to Mashhad as motavalli or superintendent of the pious endowments of the shrine of Imam-Rez§,84 he found the d§r al-shaf§ derelict and ordered its demolition. He then founded a new hospital in one of the streets leading to the Imam Rez§’s shrine that is called today b§l§-khiy§b§n. Moshir al-Dowled died in December 1862 and, according to E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, this hospital was finished under Moshir al-Dowleh’s son.85 During his tour of Mashhad in 1867, N§ser alDin-Sh§h visited the hospital, by then administered by prince Sheykh Abol-Hasan Mirz§.86 It is to this d§r al-shaf§ (hospital) that the author of manuscript 505 referred when he advised the Q§j§r government to build other hospitals in other Shiite sacred cities of Karbal§ and Najaf in Iraq, using religious endowments.87 Hakim al-Mam§lek, who described the hospital in Mashhad, devoted a few lines to its function and structure, and mentioned that in 1867 N§ser al-Din-Sh§h went to visit the new d§r al-shaf§, which is a construction of the late Moshir al-Dowleh. The situation of the gardens and the rooms (hojreh) of the patients, clothes, beds, meals and medicines of the hospital pleased His Majesty. Then the Sh§h paid a sum of money to the servants and the needy [sick poor] of the hospital.88

83 Ahsan al-Tav§rikh, p. 141, cited in Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, pp. 348-49. 84 Mehdi B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l-e rej§l-e Iran, vol. 1, pp. 243–44. 85 Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n-e Sani#al-Dowleh (E#tem§d al-Saltaneh), Matla# alshams, on historical geography of history of the provinces of Iran, first lithographic edition 1301-1303/ 1884-87 (Tehran: facsimile reprint by Farhangsar§, 1363/1984), p. 525. See also another book of E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Mer§t al-bold§n-e n§seri, vol. 3, pp. 75–79. This d§r al-shaf§ is now attached to the hospital located at the beginning of b§l§-khiy§b§n street that leads to the shrine. It should be noted that the d§r al-shaf§ in Iran today are no longer hospitals in proper terms, rather they are dispensaries where the destitute and sick poor are treated. 86 Hakim al-Mam§lek, Ruzn§meh-ye safar-e khor§s§n, p. 195. 87 MS 505, p. 42. 88 Hakim ol-Mam§lek, Ruzn§meh, p. 259. It is worth mentioning that #Alinaqi Hakim al-Mam§lek was one of the personal physicians to the Sh§h, who had studied modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun.

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Dr Polak describes the Mashhad d§r al-shaf§ as being in fairly good condition and the only one surviving from past centuries. According to Polak, this d§r al-shaf§ belonged to the foundation of Imam Rez§ and provided shelter and meals for travellers and pilgrims.89 No other d§r al-shaf§ of this kind has been thus far recorded in Q§j§r Iran. In October 1890, Qahrem§n-Mirz§ S§lur visited a place he called madrasa-ye d§r al-shaf§ (lit. school of the hospital), built by Fath#AliSh§h (1798–1834); he found a number of sick [resting] there.90 Fath #Ali-Sh§h had also built another madrasa-ye d§r al-shaf§ in Qom.91 It is unlikely that this was a hospital, but rather a school of theology that Fath #Ali-Sh§h had built along with other charitable works that he undertook, including building the dome of Imam Hoseyn in Iraq, and repairing the Qom dam, etc. The description that Shahri gives of the madrasa suggests that students of Islamic theology lived there. The Madrasa had several hojreh (cells or rooms) and sometimes several students (talabeh) could live in one hojreh in order to reduce the fees they paid.92 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh also talks about a marizkh§neh in the city of Semn§n that was initiated (‘ensh§’) by prince Anushirv§n-Mirz§ Ziy§’ al-Dowleh in 1301/1884.93 In 1296/1879, Mirz§ Hoseyn-Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh, later Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam, began to build a great complex including a mosque, a madrasa, a marizkh§neh and a hamm§m (bath) and established a waqf (endowment) to cover their continuing costs.94 No other information is available about this hospital attached to the Sepahs§lar complex in central Tehran, which still exists today with a school of theology and a library, but no hospital. Manuscript 505 advocated that the marizkh§neh-ye dowlati it described should be the prototype for other hospitals in major cities of the country, namely Tabriz, Esfah§n, Shir§z, Mashhad, Kerm§n, Kerm§nsh§h 89 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 215. It is not clear whether Polak referred to the new or the old d§r al-shaf§. Considering that he had left Iran in 1860, he could not have seen the new one built by Moshir al-Dowleh in 1862. 90 Qahrem§n-Mirz§ S§lur (#Eyn al-Saltaneh), Kh§ter§t-e #Eyn al-Saltaneh, p. 306. 91 Hed§yat, Rowzat al-saf§-ye n§seri, vol. 10, p. 106. 92 Shahri, Tarikh-e ejtem§#i-ye tehr§n dar qarn-e sizdahom, vol. 5, pp. 614, 700. It is possible that some of these students were ill at the time #Eyn al-Saltaneh (footnote above) visited them. 93 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser, p. 79. Ensh§ literally means a project to be undertaken, but in this text it can also mean the construction. 94 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser, p. 83.

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and the border cities.95 The Minister of War was to decide the location of the new hospitals, since they were needed wherever troops were stationed in peace or war.96 This clearly indicates that the main purpose of the hospitals was to serve the army, though civilians were also treated. The project of creating hospitals in sacred cities had both practical and financial reasons. These cities had larger migrant populations, including visiting pilgrims, as well as the poor and the sick, who came to seek miracles at the tombs of the saints. To respond to the demands of such a population, many physicians and quacks worked in sacred cities or within shrines, as they did in the two Iraqi cities of Karbal§ and Najaf.97 Dr Polak, referring to the 1850s when he was in Iran, mentioned that except for the state hospital and the d§r al-shef§ of Mashhad, there was no other hospital establishment except some Leprosaria in Khamseh (Zanj§n) and Azarb§ij§n, which consisted of miserable earthen huts situated far from the city and which resembled more the nest of predatory animals than accommodation for men.98

The lepers lived off alms from local people or passing caravans that happened to give charity to them, and were not allowed into the towns because they were considered to be unclean (najes). Polak claims that he persuaded some wealthy Kh§ns to collect funds for the construction of a hospital for travellers in 1858 and also that he had the agreement of a Q§j§r princess concerning the land where it was to be built. But the princess did not make good her promise since the hospital would not be able to save the lives of all the patients.99 According to Mehdi B§md§d, when Dr #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Nafisi N§zem al-Atebb§ was sent to Mashhad (probably in 1881), he established the Razavi hospital in that city.100 It seems, however, that N§zem al-Atebb§ was not the founder of this hospital, as it was most 95 Namely, Rasht in the north (south of the Caspian Sea), Arabest§n (or Khuzest§n) in the southwest, Bushir or Bushehr (Port of the Persian Gulf), Kal§t (in northeast Iran), Zoh§b in Kordest§n as well as the Shiite shrines in Iraq (Karbal§, Najaf). 96 MS 505, pp. 41–42. 97 Seyf al-Din #Ali b. Mohammad Ja#far Astar§b§di, Safineh-ye Nuh (Noah’s Ark), Persian manuscript written in 1310/1892, Qom, Library of Ayatoll§h Mar#ashi, fol. 5b. For the abridge English translation of this manuscript see Hormoz Ebrahimnejad “Religion and Medicine under the Q§j§rs,” in Robert Gleave (ed.), Religion and Society in Q§j§r Iran (London: Routledge, Curzon, 2004), forthcoming. See Ch. 20. 98 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 215. 99 Idem., p. 216. 100 B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l-e rej§l-e Iran, vol. 3, p. 434.

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probably the same d§r al-shaf§ discussed earlier that was established in 1862 by Moshir al-Dowleh. During the Q§j§r period, the takiyyeh (amphitheatres where the Shiite passion plays commemorating the martyrdom of Hoseyn and the suffering of his house were performed) flourished and many owq§f (plural of waqf) were created for them.101 At least some of these takiyyeh had a dispensary where sick poor were received. Such takiyyehs exist in most cities in Iran today. There are for instance, at least two such charitable dispensaries in Neysh§bur, including the d§r al-shaf§ of Qamar-e bani-H§shem, in the Abolfazli takiyyeh that had been established under the Q§j§rs. The expenses of this d§r al-shaf§ are paid by the owq§f of this takiyyeh. Certainly there were other hospitals or hospices that have not been recorded in the sources. Some of them have received a brief mention, such as the bim§rest§n-e nuriyeh (Nuriyeh hospital) in Kerm§n, the hospitals of Morsalin in Kerm§n and Yazd, whose buildings are extant and which are now registered as cultural heritage sites by the Mir§s-e Farhangi (National Organisation of Cultural Heritage). We have not been able to ascertain the precise dates of their construction but presumably they were all built in the late Q§j§r period. The Nuriyeh hospital was built by Nuroll§h-Kh§n, son of Khosrow-Kh§n, son of prince Zahir al-Dowleh, governor of Kerm§n. According to B§st§ni P§rizi, when, some time before 1874, Nuroll§h-Kh§n inherited a large property that included the village of Bay§z near Rafsanj§n, he endowed these properties to a hospital known as Nuriyeh.102 B§st§ni P§rizi suggests that the hospital existed before, but according to the National Organization of Cultural Heritage (Mir§s-e Farhangi) Nuroll§h-Kh§n himself had built this hospital. By 1933, there were three modern hospitals in Tehran. The imperial hospital or the renovated marizkh§neh-ye dowlati that we have discussed at length; the Vaziri hospital that had been built around 1903 by a private charity; and a hospital for women.103

101 On this subject see Christoph Werner, An Iranian Town in Transition: A Social and Economic History of the Elites of Tabriz, 1747-1848 (Wiesbaden: Harassowitz Verlag, 2000), cf. chapter on waqf. See also Amanat, Pivot of the Universe, pp. 434-435. 102 Ebrahim B§st§ni P§rizi, §siy§-ye haft-rang (mill of seven colours) (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e d§nesh, 1362/1983), p. 372. 103 Abb§s Naficy, La medicine en Perse des origins à nos jours: Ses fondements théoriques d’après l’Encyclopédie médicale de Gorgani (Paris: Les Editions Véga, 1933), p. 59. We have mentioned about Vaziri hospital, above, p. 68.

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Description of the Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati according to manuscript 505 The first chapter provided a cursory review of “medieval” hospitals in Iran and other Islamic countries, in order to put the founding of the hospital described in manuscript 505 into historical context. Inasmuch as the manuscript, in describing the marizkh§neh-ye-dowlati, reflects features of both “medieval” Islamic and modern European hospitals, it could shed further light on the continuity and change that has occurred in hospital organization since the early Islamic period. The hospital and the religious establishment Manuscript 505 begins by describing the hospital as “the greatest of charitable works, including the everlasting virtuous acts”.104 There are two further indications implying that the author relates the foundation of hospitals in Iran to charitable acts. First: In the epochs when the Iranians considered the planets to be a source of knowledge and overflowing bounty, they dedicated [the tents used as mobile hospitals] to them and painted them and their furniture the colour of the planets they worshipped.105

Later it mentions the hospital—d§r al-shaf§ (house of healing)—built at the shrine of Imam Rez§106 in Mashhad, endowed by the income of the owq§f 107 of the shrine. The waqf was a complex institution in Iran and took various forms throughout centuries, the study of which lies out of the scope of this work. Generally speaking, there were two categories of waqf, the charitable waqf (waqf-e kheyr or #§mm), and the private waqf (waqf-e kh§ss), even though the concept of charity is present in both. The latter consisted in the assignment of the revenue of a property to one’s relative. For example, the Ilkh§nid ruler, Gh§z§n (1295-1304), gave many lands in waqf to the sons of his favourite wife. Rashid al-Din, Gh§z§n’s minister did the same for his own sons and 104

MS 505, pp. 2–3. MS 505, pp. 4–5. One could ask why the pagan Iranians only dedicated their hospital tents to the planets? It seems more likely that some of their tents were coloured as a sign of worship, but, it seems that in order to reinforce his historical account of hospitals, our author conjectured that these dedicated tents were mobile hospitals. 106 The eighth Imam of the Shiites died in the eighth century in Iran and was buried in the city that was later named Mashhad (the place of the martyr). 107 These owq§f are in fact the properties of the Imam Rez§ shrine. 105

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daughters.108 The charitable owq§f were almost always established by rulers, state officials or the military (emirs), the women of the ruling class or other wealthy individuals. The endowed establishments were usually theological schools (madrasas), mosques, convents (kh§nq§hs), mausoleums or shrines (boq§ #), inns for travellers (caravanserais), subterranean canals bringing water to the surface (qan§t) or hospitals. For instance, a wealthy physician of Neysh§bur, #Abd al-M§lek b. abi #Osm§n, known as Khargush (rabbit), who died in 407/1017, built bridges, mosques, cisterns and a hospital in that city on his return from Mecca and made some endowments (owq§f) for their expenses. Or consider the Saff§ri sovereign, Ya#qub-e Laith (867-79), who constructed a bazaar in Zarand (southeast Iran) and endowed its income to the great mosque (j§me#) and to a hospital in that city.109 Although almost all hospitals were endowed, they benefited far less from the owq§f than other institutions such as mosque, madrasa and so on. The author of the Mer’§t al-bold§n (mirror of the regions) provides a list of mosques, madrasa and sometimes caravanserais in Iran, all endowed by waqf. In every city there was a j§me# (great mosque) to which there was usually attached a madrasa—for example, the j§me# of Ganjeh in Caucasus (1015/1606), that of Sanandaj in Kordest§n (1228/1813) and that of Rasht, in Guil§n, south of the Caspian Sea. But there is no indication of a hospital in the list.110 Generally the waqf institutions in Islamic countries did not have a secure future because of political instability. The incessant wars and the constant change in local powers called into question the legitimacy of the waqf of conquered properties, as shown in the case of Balkh in Central Asia by Robert McChesney.111 Not only were endowments of any kind quite limited in size and number and easily prey to appropriation by the new rulers, but also in many cases their ultimate purpose was not even charitable but a cover for the protec108 Ann K. S. Lambton, Continuity and Change in Medieval Persia: Aspects of Administrative, Economic and Social History, 11th-14th Century (London: I.B. Tauris, 1988), pp. 118-119, 155-156. 109 Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e teb, pp. 767–8. One of the sons of local ruler of Kerm§n, Qotb al-Din Mohammad (1235-1257) made some of his inherited estates into waqf for the madrasa and the hospital that he had built outside Bardsir. Cf. Lambton, Continuity and Change, p. 151. 110 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Mer’§t al-bold§n-e n§seri, vol. 4, pp. 117–120 111 Robert Duncan McChesney, “Waqf at Balkh: A Study of the Endowments at the Shrine of #Ali ibn abi Talib,” (unpublished PhD dissertation: Princeton University, 1973), pp. 149 ff.

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tion of private property. It was not unusual under the #Abb§sid caliphs for private property to be bequeathed as endowments for religious purposes in order to guarantee it against confiscation.112 By the same token after the Mongol invasion an increasing amount of property was constituted as waqf apparently because “the security of tenure was regarded as uncertain and there was still a lack of confidence in the justness of the Ilkh§nid government, even after it had gone over to Islam.”113 Since the establishment of Islamic power in the seventh century, the owq§f had generally been established for financial or political motives, even though pious intentions were not totally absent.114 In a study of Z§heriya owq§f in Azarb§ij§n, created around 1680–90 and lasting throughout the Q§j§r period, Christoph Werner showed that in theory these owq§f were for charitable purposes but in practice they operated as the private property of the local nobility. The author studied the waqf foundations established in Azarb§ij§n during the Q§j§r period which, compared to the Safavid owq§f, were much smaller in size, but they had one thing in common, that they were “a device to transform property into a secure foundation”.115 But the endowment of a mosque and a religious school displayed more obvious pious devotion than the endowment of hospitals, bridges or caravanserais. This could partly explain why hospitals received little charitable endowment, or why they were often erected by the order of princes or statesmen who did not always need such pious justification to protect their right of ownership. At the present stage of our study we cannot ascertain if the d§r alshaf§ of Mashhad under the Q§j§rs was typical of previous centuries and we do not know of any other such establishment mentioned in the sources. While discussing the d§r al-shaf§ of Mashhad in the nineteenth century, Dr Polak refers to Timurid sources, which treat of a considerable number of d§r al-shaf§ (seemingly in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries).116 This might be the continuation of the Timur 112

Ashtor, A Social and Economic History of the Near East, p. 37. Morgan, Medieval Persia, p. 82. 114 Lambton, Continuity and Change, p. 157. The author of manuscript 505 (p. 9.) mentions the will of a Jewish woman (c.a. 1860s), who on her deathbed, specified that part of her wealth should be spent in the construction of a hospital after her death. But there is no indication as to whether this was executed. 115 Christoph Werner, An Iranian Town in Transition: A Social and Economic History of the Elites of Tabriz, 1747–1848 (Wiesbaden: Harassowitz Verlag, 2000), pp. 110, 117–118, 120, 129, 135. 116 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 215. 113

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policy of constructing a mosque, a madrasa, a caravanserai and a d§r al-shaf§ in each city.117 If such a trend continued in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, its root could be found in the change in the land tenure system. The Ilkh§nid rulers (1256–1353) seized private as well as waqf lands, but later granted many estates in fief or sold them in the last decades of the thirteenth century. These sales “resulted in the expansion of private ownership”.118 E. Ashtor believes that pious endowments also increased during this period. Some of these endowments were made to the shrines, for instance, that of “Sayyid Abu’l-Vaf§, by Gh§z§n.”119 However, even if such suggestions are accurate, it is not known whether the increase in d§r al-shaf§ under the Timurids was related to the increase in shrine waqf. Although at least since nineteenth century the term d§r al-shaf§ has been attributed to hospitals or dispensaries that are endowed by religious charity, there is no proof that in the “medieval” period and especially under the Timurids, what were known as d§r al-shaf§ were also endowed by waqf belonging to shrines or to other religious institutions. We can also presume that many shrines, unlike that of Imam Rez§ in Mashhad, which were small and did not attract a great deal of religious devotion, were less respected and therefore their owq§f could easily be confiscated. Accordingly, the d§r al-shaf§s under the Timurids were more likely to have been funded by private charity. According to Sami Hamarneh, hospitals, which flourished after the thirteenth century, especially in populated areas of the Islamic world, were called d§r al-shaf§.120 Persian sources give several synonymous terms for hospitals, such as bim§rest§n, marizkh§neh, d§r al-shaf§ or d§r al-morz§, without giving indication of any substantial difference in their concept or organization. But the author of manuscript 505 used d§r al-shaf§ mainly to refer to the shrine of the eighth Shiite Imam in Mashhad.121 The term marizkh§neh was commonly used for hospitals in the Q§j§r period, while today only bim§rest§n is used in Iran. It is noteworthy that the Amasya hospital of the Ottoman Empire, where Sharaf al-Din Ily§s (1404-69), the author of an illustrated surgical 117

See Chapter One, footnote 45. Ashtor, A Social and Economic History, pp. 260–261. 119 Lambton, Continuity and Change, p. 155. 120 Hamarneh, “Development of Hospitals in Islam”, p. 381. 121 He used d§r al shaf§ three times, including the d§r al-shaf§ of Mashhad, while bim§rest§n is used twenty times and marizkh§neh twenty-three times in his text. 118

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manual Jerr§hiye Ilkh§niya (Ilkh§nid Surgery) worked, was called d§r al shaf§.122 Both historically and conceptually, hospital institutions in Islam were linked to charity, as they were in Christian Europe. The description of the founding of a hospital by the author of manuscript 505 as the most charitable work is very similar to the sixth-century Justinian legislation that placed the hospital at the very top of charitable institutions.123 The difference between Islamic and Christian traditions of charity appears to be in their institutional aspects. In the historiography of Western hospitals, the relationship between the hospital and charity naturally evokes the institutional link between the church and hospices or hospitals. In Islamic countries, however, for various socio-political reasons, there was no such link between religious establishments and hospitals. In contrast, since the Safavid period, Christian missionaries in Iran had been known for their charitable dispensaries.124 In the nineteenth century, English and American religious missions founded dispensaries in Tehran, Ispahan, Kerm§n, Yazd, Mashhad, Rasht and Kerm§nsh§h.125 In the second part of the century, the English Mission Station, supported by the Church of England Missionary Society, and established in 1869, had extensive buildings, comprising a church, a school, and a dispensary. The school and the dispensary were well attended and appreciated by both Muslims and Armenians.126

122

Gül A. Russell, “Physicians at the Ottoman Court”, Medical History, 34 (1990), p. 255. In Afghanistan today, a Persian-speaking country, the term commonly used for hospital is shaf§kh§na (kh§na = house in Persian). This might be the Persian version of d§r al-shaf§ (house of healing) surviving from the Timurid period. 123 Miller, The Birth of the Hospital, p. 101. 124 The missionaries to Iran, since the seventeenth century, included the Portuguese Augustinians, the Italian Carmelites and the French Capuchins. (Cf. Mémoires et Documents, Perse (Archive du ministère des affaires étrangères, Paris.), vol. 8, fols. 20-21. In 1609, the Augustinian Hermits in Hormoz (Persian Gulf) were in charge of the Royal Hospital: “Opposite the fortress there was the noted Hospital of Misericordia, a place of pious devotion…”. See Father Eusebius, History of the Missions, vol. I, p. 267 and vol. II, p. 1041, cited by Elgood, A Medical History, p. 512. 125 Mahmud Nadjmabadi, “Les relations médicales entre la Grande-Bretagne et l’Iran et les médecins anglais serviteurs de la médecine contemporaine de l’Iran”, in Proceedings of the XXIII International Congress of the History of Medicine, London 2-9 September 1972 (London: Wellcome Institute, 1974), pp. 704–8. In the early nineteenth century, the Armenian community in Azarb§ij§n had its own dispensary. Cf. Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “L’Introduction de la médecine européenne en Iran,” Sciences sociales et santé, vol.16, 4 (1999): 69-96, pp. 73–74; Naficy, La médecine en Perse, p. 61. 126 Collins, In the Kingdom of the Shah, p. 229.

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chapter three The charitable hospital and Islamic politics

Before the modernization of the judicial system in the twentieth century, the ulama (Islamic clerics) held the judicial authority127 and were the only source capable of legalizing the transfer of properties or owq§f. Under the Ilkh§nids, the owq§f were theoretically under the control of the Q§zi, administrator of divine law.128 During the Safavid period, the Sadr, a religious authority appointed by the Sh§h, held the position of the Q§zi and could oversee the administration of the owq§f.129 This could be interpreted as clerical control of the endowment system. However, such authority was in fact at the service of wealthy individuals or those holding political power and the ulama usually confirmed the right of the more influential and politically appropriate claimants on a property; otherwise the clerics’ decision carried no executive force.130 Furthermore, different judges sometimes handed down different judgements, which ultimately led to the triumph of the most powerful claimant. As J. J. Saunders pointed out, the failure of the #Abb§sid Caliphate to impose a doctrine, in this case that of the Mu#tazilites, in part prevented it from developing into a papacy.131 Having known no ecclesiastical councils or a hierarchy of priests and bishops, Islam was deprived of a powerful religious establishment that could take control and administer the pious foundations. Accordingly, in the history of Iran after Islam, princes or the nobility were the ultimate authorities who established or controlled charitable bodies, and this continued throughout the nineteenth century. Religious endowments in the holy cities of Mashhad and Qom were administered by the Q§j§r princes or ministers appointed by the Q§j§r Sh§h. After the death of Mirz§ Ja#far-Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh, the Mashhad d§r al-shaf§ came under the control of prince Abol-Hasan Mirz§.132 Then, 127 After the establishment of the Islamic regime in 1979, judicial authority returned to the mullahs. On the judicial system, see Willem Floor, ”Changes and Developments in the judicial system of Q§j§r Iran” in: Q§j§r Iran, E. Bosworth & C. Hillenbrand (eds.) (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1983), pp. 113-147. 128 Lambton, Continuity and Change, p. 70. 129 Morgan, Medieval Persia, p. 121. See also Willem Floor, “The sadr or head of the Safavid religious administration, judiciary and endowments and other members of the religious institution,” ZDMG, 150 (2000): 461-500; idem, ”The Secular Judicial System in Safavid Persia,” Studia Iranica, 29 (2000): 9-60. 130 Lambton, Continuity and Change, p. 70; Werner, An Iranian Town, p. 107. 131 J. J. Saunders, A History of Medieval Islam (London, New York: Routledge, 2001), p. 112. 132 Hakim al-Mam§lek, Ruzn§meh ye safar-e Khor§s§n, p. 195.

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in 1871, shortly before being given the title Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam and being promoted to the post of prime minister, Mirz§ Hoseyn Kh§n-e Mohir al-Dowleh was named minister of justice and of pensions and religious endowments by N§ser al-Din-Sh§h.133 It is, therefore, for this reason that the author of manuscript 505, without any reference to the Shiite clerics, directly advised the ministers and the Sh§h to establish a similar d§r al-shaf§ in other Shiite holy cities in Iraq.134 For the author of manuscript 505 there were three kinds of financial resources available to support hospitals. The first was government funds, even though, because of his patriarchal attitude the Sh§h considered government money as his own.135 The fact that, at least rhetorically, this resource is mentioned by manuscript 505 as belonging to the government reflects the gradual depersonalizing of state resources. This was a new phenomenon in Iran, as the general discourse before the nineteenth century was that hospitals were created by the generosity of princes with no mention of “the government”. In the “medieval” period most of the Islamic hospitals were named after the Caliphs or princes who founded them, such as bim§rest§n-e Mansuri or bim§rest§n-e #Azodi. In Q§j§r Iran, the first hospital was named after the state (marizkh§neh-ye dowlati), denoting its public dimension. A second source of finance was the endowment (waqf) of Shiite shrines, and manuscript 505 suggested that the government allocate part of these resources for the creation of hospitals at these shrines.136 The third financial source that could be used for the hospitals, mentioned by manuscript 505, was charitable donations or alms (nozur va sadaq§t).137 The author lamented that people on days of sacrifice distributed meat but did not give a part of that meat to the hospital. As we see, the scope of the author of manuscript 505 was limited to either the endowments of the holy Shiite shrines in Mashhad and in Baghdad, or to nozur va sadaq§t (alms). The nazr va sadaqa would not provide a substantial and secure resource for hospitals, as there was no specific organization for the collection of alms for such purposes. 133 Niki Keddie, Qajar Iran and The Rise of Reza Khan 1796-1925 (Costa Mesa: Mazda, 1999), p. 35. 134 MS 505, p. 42. 135 For a study of the patriarchal and patrimonial nature of the Q§j§r state see Ali-Reza Sheikholeslami, The Structure of Central Authority in Q§j§r Iran: 1871–1896 (Atlanta, Georgia: Scholars Press, 1997). 136 Ibid., pp. 41–42. 137 MS 505, pp. 9 and 10.

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This leads us to assume that the culture of piety or specific religious affiliation would be needed to inform charitable organizations. The construction of hospitals in Iran until the nineteenth century was essentially motivated by charity but without the involvement of the religious establishment. In most instances princes or rich individuals initiated their creation. With political instability and the absence of any respect for pious foundations by successive dynasties, few could survive the death of their creator. It was partly for this reason that there was no sign of hospital establishment in Iran by the beginning of the nineteenth century. The hospital and the sick poor The marizkh§neh-ye dowlati described in manuscript 505 was constructed for soldiers. Unlike the medieval Christian hospitals, the marizkh§nehye dowlati was not conceived for the purpose of treating or sheltering the sick poor even though, rhetorically, the author of manuscript 505 claimed that the hospital benefited the foqar§ va bich§reg§n (the destitute and sick poor). For cultural or practical reasons, hospital treatment could not replace household or family care. Rich families called the most skilled physicians to the bedsides of their sick;138 ordinary families also treated their patients at home. In addition to social and cultural reasons, the material conditions of the public hospital were so that even the poor and the soldiers declined to use it and the people, as Carla Serena reported, called it “the cemetery of the living”.139 Consequently, the RVE published articles encouraging and urging people who were in need of treatment to go to the hospital, by stating that: “Those who were reluctant to go to the hospital, after being treated, were unwilling to leave it.”140 By the time manuscript 505 was written (ca. 1865), the author reported that “presently two to three hundred patients are treated at the hospital.”141 It is possible that this statement gave a favourable report in so far as the author, fighting the unpopularity of the hospital, endeavoured to show its efficiency. What

138

MS 505, p. 12. Serena, Hommes et choses, p. 143. For similar hospital conditions in the Safavid period, see Mirz§ Rafi# J§beri Ans§ri, Dastur al-Moluk, above, Ch. I, footnote 45 (?) 140 RVE, nos. 102 & 103, January 1853. 141 MS 505, p. 26. 139

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is more certain is that the number of inpatients varied with the rise and fall of epidemics. Whatever the purpose of the state hospitals in nineteenth-century Iran was, it seems that they were mostly used by the poor and soldiers who, during their short or long term residence in Tehran, were separated from their families and the hospital was their sole refuge during illness. Administration Another important detail in manuscript 505 concerns the organization and personnel of the hospital and their duties: The highest-ranking position is that of chief health officer for the preservation of the health of the army and civil society… In other countries [presumably European], this office holds the same rank as that of ministers and commanders of the army. He should have the highest position [in the hospital], and should select his subordinates (doctors, surgeons, pharmacists, nurses and so on), but the number of these personnel as well as the location of the hospital remains within the remit of the Minister of War according to the number of troops and where they are stationed.142

The chief health officer was not a physician but a military officer, even though he had a seat on the sanitary council and was responsible for public health regulations for the regiments during epidemics.143 His qualities of leadership and integrity were fundamental, since the health and efficiency of the army depended on his work. He could be regarded as the chief administrator of the hospital. When a soldier fell ill he was to be removed from his unit and transferred to the chief health officer’s unit, who entrusted him to the chief physician.144 After the chief officer of health came the chief physician (hakim-b§shi) then there were three grades for physicians (first, second and third physician), surgeon (first, second and third surgeon) and pharmacists (first, second and third pharmacist). Then came three grades of secretaries (mirz§) whose task was administration, and three grades of nurse who

142 143 144

MS 505, pp. 39-40. Ibid., pp. 48–49. Ibid., p. 42.

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distributed meals, cleaned and took care of the patients.145 Of interest here is the theoretical knowledge of the physicians. The first physician had to master the five branches of medicine described in classical sources such as the Canon of Avicenna and the K§mel al-san§#ah of al-Majusi.146 The author does not define these five branches, but from what he explains about surgery—which according to him was one of the medical branches, fonun-e tebbiyah,—they were: humoral medicine treating humoral diseases (amr§z-e maz§jiyeh), anatomy (tashrih), surgery, ophthalmology, and pharmacy. The chief surgeon was to have the same qualities as the chief physician, even though being learned in surgery was not as important as in medicine. A surgeon, in addition to reading books, should do many operations, since observation (mosh§hedeh) is the main requirement in surgery. Surgery had declined because it was not considered to be a noble profession and, according to the author of manuscript 505, Hippocrates himself was responsible for this diminution.147 Surgery was to be used only for battle injuries. Any other wound or inflammation (joruh va qoruh) occurring in peacetime was, according to him, caused by an imbalance of the humours (amr§z-e maz§jiyeh) and should be treated by restoring their balance. However, the hospital would need three surgeons because even during times of peace it was necessary to extract stones or to cut the body.148 Last but not least of the medical staff, pharmacists were required at the hospital because a physician without a pharmacist was like a man with one hand. The author of manuscript 505 established a pharmacy in the hospital under his own supervision. Pharmacology was principally based on simple and compound drugs, since “taking the essence” (jowhar-keshi) from herbal drugs was rarely used in Tehran for climatic reasons.149 The author highlighted this probably because the local market for simple and compound drugs at this period was depressed due to the introduction of Western drugs based on essences.150 The administrative tasks, which mainly consisted of supplying the hospital with provisions, went to mirz§s (secretaries or scribes), who were also divided into three grades, though the duties of the first two 145 146 147 148 149 150

Ibid., pp. 43–44. Ibid., pp. 57–58. See Part Two, the English translation of MS 505, footnote 172. MS 505, p. 64. Ibid., p. 66. See Ch. Two, pp. 42-43.

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overlapped somewhat: The first mirz§, called moshref (literally inspector or controller), kept the accounts of the hospital, including those for the clothes of the sick, furniture, and the list of expenses for food and drugs. In addition to keeping the accounts every day, he would prepare a list of what should be purchased on the basis of the prescription of the physicians. The second mirz§ was called n§zer (supervisor), with the duty of handing over the foodstuff to the cooks according to the list of the first mirz§. The third mirz§ kept the warehouse and was also responsible for cleaning the clothes or repairing the utensils of the hospital.151 Nursing did exist in the Islamic hospitals during the “medieval” period.152 But, unlike medieval European hospitals, where nursing appeared to be carried out in emulation of one of “The Works of Mercy”, namely, visiting the sick,153 in Islamic hospitals it does not seem to have been a benevolent act of charity. Thus, the author of manuscript 505 reminds us that “nursing is a hard and undesirable job for society as the lay people, fearful of contagion, consider that nurses are contaminated as soon as they enter the hospital.” There was also a hierarchy for nurses: the first nurse was a cook, the second distributed food and drugs and the third was a cleaner.154 Finally, there were guards to keep the gates of the hospital closed and to prevent anyone entering or leaving without a ticket. This entrance ticket was required of both the employees and the patients and those without a ticket claiming to be sick would be taken by the guard to a special room where the chief physician or the duty physician would examine him.155 This description of the organization of the hospital and curriculum of medical education indicates that manuscript 505 was more concerned with institutional aspects than theoretical. While the author proposes a rigorous (re)organization with discipline and hierarchy similar to those in a modern army, he does not depart from the old medical sources such as Avicenna, al-Majusi, and Hunayn b. Is’h§q, 151

MS 505, pp. 69–74. Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, pp. 170-173. 153 “Food for the hungry, drink for the thirsty, shelter for the homeless, clothing for the needy, visiting the sick and prisoners and burying the dead”, were “The Works of Mercy”, that Christ mentioned in the Gospel. See C. Jones, “Charity before c. 1850”, in Companion Encyclopaedia, edited by Bynum and Porter, vol. 2, p. 1470. 154 MS 505, pp. 75–77. 155 Ibid., p. 80. 152

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the “medieval” authorities in Galenico-Islamic medicine that he recommends to medical students.156 In the list of the officials of the hospital, provided by E#tem§d al-Saltaneh in the 1880s, we find functions that also figure among those given by the author of manuscript 505, for example, Hasan-Kh§n, physician and pharmacist; Mirz§ Farh§d, assistant pharmacist; Mirz§ Seyyed #Ali Tafreshi, Moshref (inspector), a N§zer (supervisor), and so forth.157 The personnel of the hospital in manuscript 505 were indeed modelled on those of the “medieval” Islamic hospitals discussed in the first chapter. But at the same time the strictness of its hierarchical organization, with a military general (or chief health officer) as the main director, and soldiers acting as the hospital guard, seems to be modelled on Western military hospitals. This indicates the extent to which the modernization process tended to borrow both modern and traditional elements. From a structural standpoint, what seems more fundamental was that the establishment of a hospital or medical school for the Q§j§rs was their mark of state power and state involvement in medicine, regardless of their being modern or traditional. From the abridged description given of manuscript 505, it emerges that in the understanding of the author, the creation of a “modern” hospital was at the heart of medical reform. Not only was it to be an institutional home for all branches of medical knowledge (medicine, surgery and pharmacy), but also a place where physicians could enhance their knowledge and skill through putting into practice what they had read in books. The author classified the hospital alongside the D§r al-Fonun (polytechnic school) and the library, as the three institutions that any government seeking progress should establish.158 It is of interest that while the author explicitly mentioned the D§r al-Fonun, where medicine constituted the most important field after the military, more importance was given to the hospital than the D§r al-Fonun in medical education. The reason was that, the author wanted to emphasis the necessity of hospital experimentation in a medical system dominated by literary knowledge. Bed-side observation at the hospital enabled physicians to distinguish better between different diseases with similar symptoms. In short, the hospital was 156 157 158

Ibid., pp. 57–58. E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, T§rikh-e montazam-e n§seri, vol. 3, p. 2131. MS 505, pp. 27–28.

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an institution where skilled physicians could be trained.159 According to the author of manuscript 505, the ideal head of a hospital before Hippocrates was one that could be at the same time physician, surgeon, ophthalmologist and pharmacist. He criticized Hippocrates for having separated these branches by relegating the practice of surgery to his pupils and having occupied himself only with the treatment of humoral diseases.160 There are elements of similarity between the view of this author and that of the physicians of early nineteenth-century France, who believed that: The hospital was the only place where the art could become perfect, where, the facts being numerous, one could draw general conclusions and where you could be certain of the administration of the drugs.161

By the same token, manuscript 505’s idea of a hospital as a centre for medical education and where surgery and medicine were reunited is strikingly similar to those of Clot-Bey, the French physician and the architect of medical modernization in nineteenth-century Egypt.162 Rather than indicating common aspects between the Q§j§r hospital and medicine and those in nineteenth-century Europe, such comparisons provide an authentic example of the role that traditional local physicians did, or could, play in medical modernization. More particularly, manuscript 505 illuminates the shift that took place in the concepts of “bedside medicine” and of the “hospital” that had long existed in Islamic countries. The role of institutional and intellectual dynamism of traditional medicine in medical transformation will further be examined in Chapters Four & Five. 159

Ibid., p. 31. Ibid., pp. 63–64. 161 F. Imbert, De l’observation dans les grands hôpitaux, p. 6, cited in Olivier Faure, Genèse de l’hôpital moderne: Les hospices Civiles de Lyon de 1802 à 1845 (Lyon: Presses Universitaires de Lyon, 1982), p. 118. 162 Chifoleau, Médecines et médecins en Egypte, pp. 117-20. 160

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CHAPTER FOUR

TRADITIONAL MEDICINE AND MODERNIZATION The process of the creation of a “public” hospital presented in this volume illustrates the genesis of medical modernization in nineteenthcentury Iran. It clearly indicates that the modernization process began not with the elimination of the traditional system, but with its reorganization. Since medical modernization has always been identified with the establishment of a modern school on the lines of the European model, institutional reform in medicine has also been attributed exclusively to European advisers, and this discourse continues to inform many historical accounts today. Without ignoring the Western influence, we try to place it into historical context. This chapter will discuss the role played by traditional medicine in the process of modernization from institutional and theoretical dimensions. The institutional dynamism of traditional medicine is examined in relation to the development of the Q§j§r state. This is illustrated by the fact that the Q§j§r elite, including some traditional physicians such as the author of manuscript 505, was more concerned with institutional than intellectual issues in medical reform. Hence the increasing integration of the medical profession into a formal administration by the state. Finally, in Chapter Five, the theoretical mechanisms through which modern medical ideas came to be assimilated into nineteenth-century Iranian medicine will be addressed as a process that was intimately linked with institutional reform. The Q§j§r state and the institutionalization of medicine When $gh§ Mohammad-Kh§n, the founder of the Q§j§r dynasty, conquered Iran by defeating his last opponent in 1794, his closest advisers included a grand vizier, a minister of war or Lashkar-nevis (more precisely the paymaster general of the army), a Mostowfi almam§lek (minister for collection of taxes), and a Monajjem-b§shi (chief astrologer), as well as a Hakim-b§shi (chief physician). The presence of a chief physician in the nascent Q§j§r court was not a new phenomenon; in all previous dynasties kings had had their personal

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physicians.1 However, this point is stressed here, because of its significance in the history of medicine in general, and in medical modernization under the Q§j§r in particular, as the number of court physicians throughout the nineteenth century increased to an extent unprecedented in earlier centuries. No previous dynasty in Iran had as many physicians attached to the state or to the court with as many specific titles as under the Q§j§rs. Particularly during the second part of the Q§j§r period we see court medical positions with titles such as Malek al-Atebb§ (prince of physicians), Sehhat al-Dowleh (health [keeper] of the state), Hakim al-Molk (physician of the kingdom), Ra’is al-Atebb§ (chief of physicians), N§zem al-Atebb§ (superintendent of physicians), Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ (confidence of physicians), Zobdat al-Atebb§ (cream of physicians), Fakhr al-Atebb§ (honour of physicians), Sharif al-Hokam§ (sheriff of physicians), Solt§n al-Atebb§ (Solt§n of physicians), #Em§d al-Atebb§ (column of physicians) and so forth. This quantitative leap constitutes in itself a historical phenomenon that must be considered in the study of nineteenth-century medical institutions in Iran. Nevertheless, neither was the granting of court titles exclusive to medicine, nor was it unprecedented in previous centuries. It had existed in pre-Islamic Iran but developed during the Islamic period. Under the Mongols and the Timurids, the use of court titles was considerably diminished, but slightly increased under the Safavids. It was under the Q§j§rs, especially from the reign of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h onward, that the disposition of court titles became spectacular.2 The fact that the creation and multiplication of court titles was not exclusive to medicine but covered all other professions, such as historiographers, poets, and even occupations like bath-keepers, merchants, butlers, gardeners, etc., indicates that the development of the court medical staff was not an isolated phenomenon but intimately linked to a wider structural pattern. 1 According to Chardin who visited Iran between 1664 and 1677, “the Sh§h employed many doctors at an expenditure of no less that 2,500,000 livres a year.” Cf. A Journey to Persia: Jean Chardin’s Portrait of a 17th-Century Empire, translated and edited by Roland W. Ferrier (London, New York: I.B.Tauris Publisher, 1996), p. 129. In the Ottoman Empire, court medicine was also closely identified with the state bureaucracy between the sixteenth and eighteenth centuries. See Russell, “Physicians at the Ottoman Court,” Medical History, 34 (1990): 243-267. 2 #Abdoll§h Mostowfi, Sharh-e zendeg§ni-ye man, y§ t§rikh- ejtem§#i va ed§ri-ye dowrehye Q§j§r, 3 vols., (Tehran: Ket§bforushi-ye zavv§r, 1324/1945), vol. 1, pp. 587–592; Ahmad Ashraf, “Alq§b va #an§wîn” Encyclopaedia Iranica, edited by Ehsan Yarshater (Costa Mesa, California: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1985) vol. 1, fascicule 9, pp. 898-906.

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Usually a laqab (court title), added to the initials of the recipient, was made of two nouns, the first being descriptive, such as pillar (#em§d) or pride (fakhr), and the second indicating the occupation or institution with which the recipient was connected.3 For example, Fakhr alAtebb§ (honour of physicians) or #Em§d al-Atebb§ (column of physicians) in medicine, and Malek al-sho#ar§ (prince of poets) in poetry. A laqab could easily be created. As indicated by #Abdoll§h Mostowfi, in Arabic grammar, from a root such as nsr, multiple nouns could be made with as many meanings: Nasr, Nosrat, Nasir, N§ser, Mansur, Ans§r, etc. and each form could be annexed to a second noun that denoted, for example, function or sphere of occupation such as al-kott§b, al-molk, al-Atebb§, al-#olum, etc. Mostowfi claimed that he went through all the possible nouns used in the creation of alq§b and concluded that the Q§j§rs could have easily provided 10,000 court titles.4 Laqab, court appointments and the Q§j§r administration What was the purpose in the creation and granting of court titles? Had the alq§b any significance in the Q§j§r state apparatus or were they nominal, without any practical purpose? Some historians, including #Abdoll§h Mostowfi, have considered the increase in court titles in the second part of the nineteenth century to be a sign of the degradation and inefficiency of the Q§j§r administration, since any incompetent person could obtain a title from the government. According to N§ser-e Najmi, the number of these titles amounted to several hundreds in the second part of the century, peaking under the government of Amin al-Solt§n, who acted as premier of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h from 1886. Whosoever from any profession wanted a title, Amin al-Soltan accorded it to him and the Sh§h endorsed it… to such an extent that from an inefficient physician with superficial knowledge, to any teacher of a traditional school (madrasa), or his pupils, etc.… anyone could obtain these titles and in this way acquire position and influence.5

In the context of nineteenth-century Iran, where title and personality were more important than competence, the granting of a laqab could 3 Ahmad Ashraf, in “Alq§b va #an§win,” divides the alq§b into four categories: official, occupational, generic and best-known name. 4 Mostowfi, Sharh-e zendeg§ni, p. 590. 5 Najmi, Tehr§n-e ahde n§seri, p. 199.

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indeed easily become counter-productive and it was not surprising that unskilled people received ennobling titles and court positions. Financial benefit was also to be gained from the granting (or sale) of a title. In order to increase his influence as well as his wealth, Amin al-Solt§n obtained the Sh§h’s approval for the granting of a large number of titles. According to Mostowfi, under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h a decree was issued to grant titles, and each day up to twenty firm§ns were written by the royal scribes and between 50 and a 100 gold panjhez§ri (5000) coins were paid by the recipient of the title.6 A more substantial price was paid for ministerial positions and constituted a real source of revenue for the Sh§h.7 But such an understanding of the alq§b illuminates only one aspect of the system. Of greater socio-political relevance was that the court titles contributed to the reinforcement of central authority inasmuch as they represented the state. Given names such as Mirz§ #Ali Hamed§ni and Mirz§ #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Kerm§ni, two of the most important physicians under the Q§j§rs, had no socio-political significance without their respective titles Ra’is al-Atebb§ (Director of physicians) and N§zem al-Atebb§ (Superintendent of physicians). In modern historiography only the negative aspect of the proliferation of court titles has been observed, while their role in the professionalization process, the conventionalisation of the state apparatus and in the centralization of state power has been overlooked. As soon as N§ser al-Din-Sh§h realized that the granting of titles was getting out of hand, he tried to check its expansion by restricting the award of titles according to merit or wealth and by making it an offence punished by imprisonment for those who abused the system and assumed titles without royal authority.8 Court titles were hierarchically graded in the Q§j§r period, which indicates their role in the centralization of power. When #Ali-AsgharKh§n-e Amin al-Solt§n received the official title of Sadr-e A#zam (or prime minister) in 1888, and created and distributed the alq§b, he also ordered Malek al-Sho#ar§ Sab§ to compile a register of all existing titles, Tartib al-alq§b (Order of the titles).9 Its purpose was to 6 Mostowfi, Sharh-e zendeg§ni, p. 591; Ashraf, “Alq§b va #an§win”; Serena, Les homes et les choses, p. 125. 7 Ali-Reza Sheikholeslami, “The Sale of Office in Q§j§r Iran, 1838–1896,” Iranian Studies, 4/1 (1971): 104–118, p. 107. 8 Ashraf, “Alq§b va #an§win,” p. 901. 9 Ibid.

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clarify and quantify the hierarchy and order between the court titles and their recipients. Madame Serena reports that there were three classes of title: the highest class was made by Saltaneh (of the Sh§h); the second class by Dowleh (of the government or state), and the third class by Molk (of the empire).10 In the medical field, the granting of a title had no financial benefit for the court. Although physicians, who became famous because of their alq§b, enjoyed more prestige and further opportunities to increase their income, it was unlikely that they paid the Sh§h or ministers for their titles. As a physician increased his knowledge, skill or prestige by studying medicine at the highest levels, he could receive more than one laqab. For example, after completing his studies in Paris, Dr Mirz§ #Ali was appointed professor of medicine at the D§r al-Fonun and was named Mo#tamed al-Atebb§, and later on he was also called Ra’is al-Atebb§. Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti Malek al-Atebb§, one of the personal physicians to the Sh§h, also received the title of Filsuf al-Dowleh (philosopher of the state). Following the death of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h towards the end of the nineteenth century, the exclusive authority of the Sh§h in the granting of titles progressively faded so that conferring of titles did not need the Sh§h’s decree (firm§n or dastkhatt). As far as the medical profession is concerned, this was also partly due to the increase of “state physicians” graduating from the D§r al-Fonun. In this case, the laqab was given, for example to Dr Mehdi Boqr§t al-Hokam§ (d. 1965), not as a court title, but as a state appointment. Mehdi Malek-Afzali had studied traditional medicine in a traditional school. After successfully completing his medical studies at the D§r al-Fonun in 1907, he was given the titles of “doctor” on account of his modern education and Boqr§t al-Hokam§ for mastering both modern and traditional medicine, 10 Serena, Hommes et choses en Perse, p. 142. Further examples of the awarding of court titles as a tool for enhancing state power can be seen in the religious policy of the Q§j§rs. The creation of court mullahs—for instance the title Nez§m al-#Olam§ [ulama] awarded to Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n and Nasroll§h-Kh§n (see E#tem§d al-Salteneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 24), was part of the Q§j§r strategy to reduce the independence of the religious establishment that, by relying on their financial power and ideological tools, tended to increase its authority and to threaten the state power. On the question of the Shiite establishment and its theory of power, see Said Amir Arjomand, The Shadow of God and the Hidden Imam: Religion, Political Order and Social Change in Shiite Iran from the Beginning to 1890 (Chicago, London: Chicago University Press, 1984). Idem, “The Shiite Hierocracy and the State in Pre-modern Iran: 1785–1890,” European Journal of Sociology, 22 (1981): 40–78. On the conflict between state and the ulama cf. Hamid Algar, Religion and State in Iran, 1785-1905: The Role of the ulama in the Qajar Period (Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1969).

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and throughout his life he was called Doctor Boqr§t al-Hokam§.11 The award of titles in medicine advanced the integration of the medical profession into the state administration. In order to appreciate further the institutional significance of this policy and its role in the reorganization of the medical system, it is worth having a closer look at the lists of state officials and other celebrities given by E#tem§d alSaltaneh in his Ma’§ser al-§s§r in the late nineteenth century.12 The first list (pp. 134–226) provides a short biography of famous people, some of whom had a laqab. The second list (pp. 227–242) contains only those who had been granted a laqab by the Sh§h. Some names appear on both lists.13 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh reminds us that the list is not comprehensive and includes only those whom he knew or remembered and, in any case, only those alq§b that were granted during the forty years between 1848 and 1888 of the N§ser al-Din-Sh§h’s reign. Moreover, it is likely that some people or alq§b were omitted just because the author had no good opinion of them. According to this author the alq§b were of two kinds. Some were nominal and aimed to enhance honour, glory and nobility. Others indicated the appointment of a person to a position by the court or the government. The descriptive list (the first one) shows the difference in status between those who had received a laqab and those who had not. This list includes forty-one physicians, among whom eighteen had a laqab. The author is explicit only about the connections of eleven of these molaqqab (“titled”) physicians to the court. For others, he might simply have omitted to mention their court connections. One of these physicians, H§j Mirz§ Habiboll§h Tonek§boni Majd al-Atebb§, is not listed as a court physician in the Ma’§ser al-§s§r, but in the other list of E#tem§d al-Saltaneh provided in his Montazam-e n§seri, he is named among the court physicians without his laqab. In the same source, we find Malek al-Atebb§ Mirz§ K§zem,14 Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ 11

See Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “Religion and Medicine in Iran,” History of Science, 60 (2002), p. 92. Boqr§t al-Hokam§ left Tehran for Mashhad and, in 1919 following the order of the provincial sanitary council (majles-e hefz al-sehheh) in Mashhad, he was sent to Neysh§bur as the head of the local office of the majles-e hefz al-sehheh in that city. See Ch. Four, footnote 79, figure no. 5. 12 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh’s other book, Montazam-e n§seri, also provides lists of officials with their titles. 13 For example, H§ji Mirz§ Mortez§-Qoli and H§ji Mirz§ Hoseyn were two physicians who had received the common title, E#tem§d al-Atebb§, and are not mentioned in the descriptive list. E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 231. 14 The title of Malek al-Atebb§ was given to two contemporary physicians: Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi (also called H§ji $q§-B§b§) and Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti.

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Mirz§ #Ali Doctor, H§ji Mirz§ Habiboll§h Tonek§boni and Mirz§ Asadoll§h K§shi among the court physicians in 1299/1882.15 What is more important to note is that among the twenty-three physicians without a laqab only one was a court physician: Moll§h Mohammade Qoboli, one of the Sh§h’s personal physicians.16 The majority of those with a laqab were appointed by the court or the government. Although some titles were only honorific, in the Q§j§r administrative system they were meant to be synonymous with court or state positions. Sometimes a laqab officialised a de facto function. Concerning the appointment of Amin al-Solt§n to the premiership, mentioned that “Mirz§ #Ali-Asghar-Kh§n-e Amin al-Solt§n, who from 1303/1886 was performing, without title, the duties of a prime minister, received in 1306/1888 the title of Vazir-e A#zam”. In other words, from this date he became prime minister de jure.17 In no other Islamic country did the creation and distribution of court titles expand to the same degree as in Q§j§r Iran. Traditional physicians in India were generally called Hakims. In Tunisia, the most important court physician was Amin al-Atebb§, the equivalent of chief physician (hakim-b§shi) in Iran. In the Ottoman Empire, which had a well-organized system of court medicine, the court physicians under the authority of the chief physician had no specific titles. The chief physician, who controlled not only other court physicians but also the medical profession through the guilds, was called “Hekimbashi (or ser etibb§-i kh§ssa). On formal occasions, he would be elaborately addressed as #the Galen and Hippocrates of the age”.18 Under the Q§j§rs, the expression J§linus-e zam§n (Galen of the age) could be given to any famous physician and the title Hakim-b§shi was not a court title; it was rather a generic term used to distinguish those who were skilled in medicine. There were several hakim-b§shis of the court and each had his specific laqab. Another peculiarity of the nineteenth-century court medical organization in Iran was that physicians could accumulate both a traditional laqab and the modern title of “Doctor”, while in The latter is made the object of sarcasm by E#tem§d al-Saltaneh in his Ruzn§meh. But Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti later received from N§ser al-Din-Sh§h the title Filsuf alDowleh (Philosopher of the state) in addition to the previous one of Malek al-Atebb§. Cf. E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 195. (See Ch. Two, footnote 30 and illustration no. 1). 15 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, T§rikh-e montazam-e n§seri, vol. 3, p. 2097. 16 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p. 203. 17 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, p.16. 18 Russell, “Physicians at the Ottoman Court,” pp. 261, 265.

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contemporary India the traditional physicians were called hakim and European physicians or their modern-educated Indian colleagues were called Doctor; hence the term doctory that was used to designate Western medicine.19 It was within the framework of this process, throughout the nineteenth century, that many physicians, distinguished by the newly created titles such as Malek al-Atebb§ (prince of physicians), or Fakhr al-Atebb§ (glory of physicians), were incorporated into the state. In this way, the state could bring the medical institutions under its control and reorganize them. This process was a natural result of the centralization of power. The criteria of ethics, knowledge and institutional organization are the most important for historians to determine who was a physician and who was not.20 Although questions of ethics and deontological conventions were occasionally discussed in various medical works, there was no such established principle as the Hippocratic Oath for those who wanted to practise medicine. Although those who were learned and skilled were better recognized as physicians, the question of knowledge and skill was rather subjective, unless an organization could affirm such qualities. As to the criterion of education, medicine was only one of a number of general courses in the curriculum at the madrasa (or traditional school). To undertake the study of medicine at a higher level, wealthy people took private instructors, and those who desired to learn but could not afford it, were self-taught.21 For this reason, most educated individuals had some medical knowledge or, as Dr Carr witnessed: If a man wishes to become a doctor, he buys a book in the bazaar, reads it for few weeks, learns what diseases are said to be hot and which are cold, and the same with regard to food and medicines, and then he is ready for practice.22

Seyf al-din Astar§b§di, a mullah, had studied medicine as part of his education, but according to himself he had never practised it. During 19 Neshat Qaiser, “Colonial politics of medicine and popular Un§ni Resistance,” Indian Horizons, April-June 2000, pp. 29–42. 20 For discussion on this topic see Toby Gelfand, “The History of Medical Profession,” in Companion Encyclopaedia, vol. 2, pp. 1119-1150. 21 For a general view on medical education in Islamic countries see Conrad, “Arab-Islamic Medicine,” in Companion Encyclopaedia, pp. 710-711. 22 Cited by Floor, Public Health in Q§j§r Persia (unpublished typescript), p. 155.

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the cholera outbreak of 1892, however, he provided treatment and also wrote a treatise on cholera.23 In another case, Mirz§ Rez§ Kerm§ni, a broker turned revolutionary, prescribed medicine for women and treated their children—probably for subsistence—during his twentyday stay near the shrine of Sh§h #Abd al-#Azim (south of Tehran), before assassinating N§ser al-Din-Sh§h on 30 May 1896.24 Therefore, traditional medicine, outside of the court, had little or, at most, a very loose institutional base. In such circumstances, the distinction between “regular” and “irregular” practitioners, usually identified with “genuine” medicine and quackery, could not be conceived other than subjectively. The re-institutionalisation of traditional medicine The acquisition of court or state titles by physicians per se did not mean professional regularisation but it constituted a major departure for medical institutionalisation, insofar as it provided an organizational tool that made it possible to distinguish between physicians other than on the basis of the subjective criteria of skill or competence. The institutionalisation did not mean the exclusion of traditional medicine, or even medicine based on magic or household knowledge. The nobility and the Q§j§r princes had several medical advisers, and when they fell ill, they consulted almost all of them. Concerning the illness of one of the Q§j§r princes on 18 November 1890, #Eyn al-Saltaneh described the successive visits of several traditional and modern physicians, including Dr Tholozan, to the bedside of the prince and noted that their prescriptions were usually contradictory.25 It was common for the nobility or Q§j§r princes to consult and believe in faith healers for their medical problems.26 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, for example, who often disparaged traditional physicians as compared with his high opinion for the treatments of Western doctors, used traditional treatments such as bloodletting and household medicine that he called 23

#Ali b. Mohammad-Ja#far Astar§b§di, “Safineh-ye nuh”. #Eyn al-Saltaneh, Ruzn§meh, p. 934. Kh§n-Malek S§s§ni, siy§satgar§n-e dowrey-ye Q§j§r, 2 vols. (Tehran, entesh§r§t-e b§bak, 1338/1959), vol. 2, p. 273. For Mirz§ Rez§ Kerm§ni’s life and ideas, cf. Hom§ N§tegh, K§rn§meh va zam§neh-ye Mirz§ Rez§ Kerm§ni (Bonn: Entesh§r§t-e h§fez, 1363/1984). 25 Qahrem§n-Mirz§ S§lur, Kh§ter§t-e #Eyn al-Saltaneh, pp. 312–315. 26 Ja#far-e Shahri, Gusheh§’i az t§rikh-s ejtem§#i-ye Tehr§n-e qadim, 2 vols. (Tehran: Amir-Kabir, 1376/1997), vol. 2, p. 265. 24

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mo#§lejeh-ye zan§neh, (treatment made by old women).27 The primary aim of the institutionalisation was to distinguish the borders between “regular” and “irregular” medicine, whether traditional or modern. However, as scientific developments further widened the theoretical gap between modern and traditional practices, official medicine more closely identified itself with modern theories and practice. This was principally because, unlike faith healing or folk medicine that could be practised out of the court, modern medicine was, from its introduction into Iran, dependent on the government. The other factor that led to a closer link between the state and modern medicine, at the expense of traditional and folk medicine, was that the former had a higher theoretical and intellectual cohesion that rendered it easier for the self-identification or construction of a (medical) community structure.28 Modern medicine with its more sophisticated educational and practical rules and tools provided a more systematic means for professional integration and this better suited the regularizing role and legalizing function to which the state aspired. In undertaking the institutionalisation of medicine, the Q§j§r state took various measures, as illustrated in the following specific cases. In 1267 H (1851 AD), it was ruled that doctors who practised in the army should pass a test under the supervision of Dr Kazullani,29 chief physician of the army, and obtain permission to work.30 This examination, however, was a mere formality, as there were not sufficient material or technical facilities to train unskilled doctors and Dr Kazullani had no other option but to confirm them in their posts for organizational purposes. Mirz§ Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n-e E#tem§d

27 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh (Sani#al-Dowleh), Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n Rouzn§meh-ye kh§ter§t-e E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, ed. Iraj Afsh§r (Tehran: Amir-Kabir, 1345/1976), pp. 242, 922, et passim. 28 We refer here, by analogy or directly, to the relationship between paradigm and definition of community structure studied by Kuhn. Cf. Thomas S. Kuhn, The Structure of Scientific Revolution, 3rd edition (Chicago, London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996). 29 Dr Kazullani (or Casolani) was the brother of s§heb Kazullani, painter-in chief to the Sh§h. Kazullani was among the rare European physicians who were practising medicine at the Q§j§r court before the establishment of the D§r al-Fonun. See Adamiyyat, Amir-Kabir, pp. 28, 334, 336 and Mahmud Najm§b§di, “Tebb-e d§r alfonun va kotob-e darsi-ye §n” (Medicine of D§r al-Fonun and its curriculum), in Qodratoll§h Rowshani Za#fer§nlu (ed.), Amir-Kabir va D§r al-fonun (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1354/1975), p. 203. 30 RVE No. 49, 16 Rabi# I 1268/9 January 1952.

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al-Saltaneh, also known as Sani# al-Dowleh, expressed this fact more clearly. He noted that: In the fifth year of the rule of N§ser -al-Din-Sh§h [1852], in order to prevent those without medical qualifications entering the regiments and treating the troops, it was ruled that the regiments’ doctors should be registered in the office of Dr Kazullani, chief physician of the army, and appointed by him.31

Sani# al-Dowleh’s expression is unambiguous that these army doctors were “registered” and “appointed” as “doctors” by Kazullani. This is a direct reference to the fact that the activity of these physicians was legalized even before they could be trained or examined properly. Manuscript 505 provides a case that further illustrates this policy of legalization. According to the author: In the past, about 200 individuals, on account of their medical and surgical services in the army, received salaries, rations and fodder [for their animals]. Half of this number, [i.e. 100], were illegal, as they did not attend the review. And half of those 100 [i.e. 50] who attended the review held the title of doctor without deserving it. The remaining fifty individuals did not provide any useful service, except for seven or eight of them who accompanied the ranking officers… But today, thanks to His Majesty, every army doctor is a source of service proportionate to his ability, which he progressively increases and for which he deserves to earn a higher salary.32

This testimony suggests that the legalization of physicians and surgeons was not necessarily synonymous with a better training, because it is not conceivable that the 192 remaining physicians were either trained in a short time or dismissed. In January 1877, the sanitary council in Tehran prohibited the sale of Western drugs before they were examined by Mirz§ K§zem, professor of chemistry and physics at the D§r al-Fonun. Once these drugs were confirmed as safe, they could not be sold retail but were sold wholesale to H§ji Mohammad Ja#far, appointed as dean (rish-sefid) of the pharmacists, by prince N§yeb al-Saltaneh, the governor of Tehran.33 In February 1877, the sanitary council ruled that only qualified pharmacists should sell drugs and 31

E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Mer’§t al-bold§n, vol. 2, p. 76. MS 505, pp. 32–33. 33 Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi ([weekly] Journal of Science), no. 2, 29 Zolhajja 1293/ 15 January 1877, lithograph edition, Tehran, Library of Majles. See also Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, no. 1, 22 Zolhajja 1293/ 8 January 1877. 32

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others should be forbidden from doing so, because many deaths or health problems resulted from mistaking Western drugs for herbal ones and vice versa. Consequently only twenty-six pharmacists in different districts of Tehran were authorized for this activity and the inhabitants were advised not to buy drugs from others. Of this number, only four were allowed to sell both Iranian and Western drugs and twenty-two could sell Iranian herbal drugs only.34 Even though the legalization projects were always justified by the idea of providing a better and more efficient medical service, the primary effect of such a process was to strengthen the status of official medicine and to extend its differences with illegal practice by giving it a new institutional identity. The distinction between official and non-official medicine became clearer when the court began to employ European physicians and, later on, Iranian doctors trained in modern medicine. After the establishment of the D§r al-Fonun, the graduates in medicine, especially those who completed their studies in European universities, were given the title “Doctor”. With the introduction of modern medicine and the title “Doctor” not only did the traditional titles such as Sehhat al-Dowleh (the health [keeper] of the state), Hakim al-Molk (physician of the empire) or Malek al-Atebb§ (prince of physicians) fail to disappear but they expanded, and often those who were trained in modern medicine, assumed both traditional and modern titles. The traditional titles together with that of “Doctor”, used widely at the turn of the nineteenth century, further qualified recognized and official physicians, such as Doctor Mirz§ #Ali Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ (confident of physicians), or Doctor #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e N§zem al-Atebb§ (superintendent of physicians) who was the director of the modern marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (state hospital) between 1876 and 1881. One of the most important physicians of the latter part of the nineteenth century was Dr Mirz§ #Ali (#Ali b. Zeyn al-#$bedin-e Hamed§ni), who, after studying traditional medicine together with mathematics and religious sciences in a traditional madrasa in Hamed§n, went to Tehran to study modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun. After he finished at the D§r al-Fonun, he was appointed to teach both traditional and modern medicine there.35 Shortly afterwards, he was selected by 34

Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, no. 5, 22 Moharram 1294/ 12 February 1877. Dr Mirz§ #Ali, Amr§z-e #Asab§ni (a translation of Grisolle’s Traité des maladies nerveuses), lithograph edition, Tehran, 1297/1880, preface by Dr Mirz§ #Ali, p. 2. 35

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Fig. 3. Dr Mirz§ #Ali Ra"is al-Atebb§, lecturing at the D§r al-Fonun (1887).

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Dr Tholozan and sent to France to complete his medical studies. He wrote his doctoral thesis on intestinal haemorrhage in 1876,36 and a year later returned to Iran with the title “Doctor” and was appointed by the Sh§h to teach modern medicine as professor at the D§r alFonun.37 According to Mehdi B§md§d, Dr Mirz§ #Ali acquired the title Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ (confident of physicians) in 1299/1882, when he became one of the personal physicians (tabib-e makhsus) to the Sh§h and after the death of Mirz§ Rez§ Doctor in 1887, he replaced him as chief physician of the army and his previous title Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ was switched to Ra’is al-Atebb§ [chief of physicians].38 Dr Mirz§ #Ali suggested that the old medical literature should be abandoned, as his French master, Dr Tholozan, had advocated.39 He also criticised Persian medical teachers who preserved the traditions of the past and never tried to renounce them.40 However, in his introduction to the translation (1880) of the Pathologie nerveuse by Augustin Grisolle (1811-69), Mirz§ #Ali praised those in the state who had revived traditional sciences together with modern ones.41 He was described in the preface to the same book, as “the phoenix of both traditional and modern medicine”.42 Dr Mirz§ #Ali was the most prolific Westerneducated Iranian physician; he wrote and translated at least six books from French, and played a prominent role in the introduction of modern medicine.43 He died in 1310/1893 in Tehran.44 36 The thesis was published with the title Des Hémorrhagies intestinales et leur rapport avec les sueurs dans la fièvre typhoide (Paris: A. Derenne, 1876). 37 Dr Mirz§ #Ali, Amr§z-e #asab§ni, p. 3. 38 B§md§d, Sharh-e h§le rej§l-e Iran, vol. 5, pp. 156-57; Najm§b§di (“Tebb-e D§r al-Fonun” pp. 222–223) refers to Dr Mirz§ #Ali Ra’is al-Atebb§ and Dr #Ali Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ as two people, which is wrong. It is possible that he retained both titles after 1887, as in the preface to his book Jav§her al-hekmah-ye N§seri (Tehran: 1304/1887) he is introduced as Mirz§ #Ali Doctor Mo#tamed al-Atebb§. 39 Dr Mirz§ #Ali, Jav§her al-tashrih, (gist of anatomy), or, as Mirz§ #Ali put it in Freud, Traité d’anatomie descriptive (Tehran: lithograph edition, 1306/1888); see the introduction. Concerning Tholozan’s opinion on this matter, see Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “Theory and Practice in nineteenth-century Persian medicine,” History of Science, 38 (2000): 171–78. 40 Mirz§ #Ali, Jav§her al-tashrih, p. 4. 41 Ehy§-ye #olum-e qadimeh va jadideh. Dr Mirz§ #Ali, Amr§z-e Asab§ni, nervous pathology, (Tehran: lithograph 1297/1880), p. 4. 42 Ibid., preface. 43 Najm§b§di, “Tebb-e D§r al-Fonun,” p. 223. Dr Mirz§ #Ali translated one of the 10 volumes of Pathologie nerveuse by Grisolle. His other book, Jav§her al-hekmah-ye N§seri (Quintessence of Christian medicine) (Tehran: lithograph edition, 1304/1887), was also written by using several French works. The title hekmat-e n§seri has a double meaning. The books of medicine were often called after the name of the prince to

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Certainly the most skilled and knowledgeable physicians were honoured with the aristocratic titles or sent to modern medical schools to become a “doctor”. But what is more important for the study of medical reform is the institutional implication of the award of such titles. For the Q§j§rs, the institutionalisation of medicine through its incorporation into court and state was no less fundamental than the acquisition of new methods of treatment or a new understanding of a disease. Consequently, it was in the light of this institutionalisation that traditional medicine, with its old concepts and methods, continued to be represented at court and taught in the D§r al-Fonun, despite the increasing influence of modern medicine.45 Issue 456 (14 Dec. 1859) of the RVE claimed that: Since some of the Iranians do not yet believe in Western medicine, it was ruled that Mirz§ Ahmad-e Hakim-b§shi-ye K§sh§ni should teach traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun.46

However, traditional medicine was taught at the D§r al-Fonun from the beginning (i.e. 1852). For example, Mirz§ Seyyed #Ali, one of the students of Dr Cloquet, the French physician, who had studied modern medicine, was teaching both modern and traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun in 1853.47 Traditional medicine continued to be taught after 1860. In 1883, Mirz§ Abol-Q§sem-e Hakim-b§shi-ye Solt§n al-Hokam§ was teaching traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun while Dr Mirz§ #Ali and Dr #Ali-Kh§n-e Q§j§r taught Western medicine.48 There were more instructors and students of traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun than those just mentioned. For instance, Mirz§ whom they were dedicated. In this case, it was an anthology of pathological–anatomical medicine and as it was named after N§serod-din-Sh§h, it was entitled Jav§her al-hekmah-ye N§seri. N§seri (Christian) also referred to European medicine, Europe being usually associated, by the Iranians, with Christianity. 44 B§md§d, Sharh-e h§l, vol. 5, p. 157. 45 See for instance, Qahrem§n-Mirz§ S§lur (#Eyn al-Saltaneh), Kh§ter§t-e #Eyn alSaltaneh, edited by Mas#ud S§lur and Iraj Afshar (Tehran: Entesh§r§t-e as§tir, 1374/ 1995), p. 315. 46 RVE, no. 456,19 Jamadi I 1276/14 Dec. 1859; see also no. 458, 28 Dec. 1859. 47 RVE, no. 102, 3 Rabi# II 1269/14 January 1853. 48 Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n-e E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, T§rikh-e montazam-e n§seri, vol. 1, pp. 465–66; Najm§b§di, “Tebb-e D§r al-Fonun,” p. 223. By 1888 when Ma’§ser al-§s§r was written, Mirz§ Abol-Q§sem-e Hakim-b§shi Solt§n al-Hokam§ was still teaching traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun and had written a book on this subject entitled N§ser al-moluk (Cf. E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, pp. 186–87.)

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#Abdol-Karim-e Tabib had studied medicine at the D§r al-Fonun with “the Late Mirz§ Vali Ordu§b§di, the chief physician of the army”. He was also “one of the students of Mirz§ Zeyn al-#$bedin-e K§sh§ni-ye Mo’tamen al-Atebb§.”49 Apparently, Mirz§ Vali and probably Mirz§ Zeyn al-#$bedin were teachers of traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun. Although there is no specific date indicating the end of the teaching of traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, given the state of medical knowledge and the process of its transformation, it seems that it continued to be taught until the modern faculty of medicine, established at Tehran university in 1934, superseded the medical curriculum of the D§r al-Fonun. What was the purpose in the instruction of traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, given the fact that this school was the stronghold of modern sciences? Who were the students in this field and did they actually graduate? If so, were they later employed to treat patients according to traditional medicine? One might presume that the instruction of Avicennian medicine at the D§r al-Fonun was a phenomenon similar to that in colonial India. In the 1920s, when India was facing excessive expenditure in training enough physicians in modern medicine, the colonial government of India decided to train physicians, destined to practise in the rural areas, in Ayurvedic or Un§ni50 medicine. The length and the cost of training were respectively less than for Western medicine, while the rural population was more receptive to traditional treatment.51 But in Q§j§r Iran there was no such project to increase traditional physicians in rural areas.52 The Q§j§r government’s purpose in including traditional medicine in the curriculum of the D§r al-Fonun 49

E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, pp. 210, 222. Un§ni (from Ionia, a region of Western Asia Minor on the Aegean coast that was colonized by the Greeks ca. 1000 BC) is the term used in India to designate the medical system based on the medicine of Hippocrates and Galen. 51 Gary Hausman, Siddhars, Alchemy and the Abyss of Tradition: ‘Traditional’ Tamil Medical Knowledge in ‘Modern’ Practice, unpublished PhD thesis, University of Michigan, 1996; B. Pati & Mark Harrison (eds), Health, Medicine and Empire: Perspectives on colonial India (London: Sangam Books, 2001). 52 After the Iranian Revolution of 1979, the Islamic Republic tried to establish similar institutions for the education and practice of traditional medicine in rural areas and small cities. (cf. Seyyed Hoseyn Nasr, “Tebb-e sonnati-ye Iran va ahammiyat-e emruziye §n” (Traditional medicine in Iran today and its importance) (Tehran: mo’asseseh-ye mot§le#§t va tahqiq§t-e farhangi (the Institute of Cultural Researches), 1362/1983), pp. 25–34. This is a collection of articles on traditional Iranian medicine. See also the introduction in this volume by Hadd§d #$del. However, such projects have not been implemented to date. 50

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Fig. 4a. A traditional physician (hakim-b§shi), with a noskhehnevis (writer of recepies or prescriptions), a pupil and patients. Shiraz (ca. 1898).

Fig. 4b. A photograph of Loghman al-Dowleh (centre), a court physician, and some other physicians and pharmacists in a military camp in 1892.

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was not to produce traditional practitioners. And, in fact, there were no graduates in traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun. There were two main reasons for teaching traditional medicine at the D§r al-Fonun. The first reason was one of practicality. The students had already studied basic traditional medicine in the madrasa (as did, for instance, the above-mentioned Mirz§ #Ali Hamed§ni) and needed to develop their knowledge. In addition to the students, there were also many traditional practitioners who attended courses in modern medicine, such as human anatomy and dissection of sheep taught by Tholozan.53 When Dr Polak taught at the D§r al-Fonun, all army physicians, Atebb§-ye nez§m, who had been trained in traditional medicine, were to attend his lectures.54 Traditional medicine was not eliminated from the syllabus with the introduction of modern medicine, nor even devalued. It was considered a necessary prerequisite for every physician. All Iranians who studied modern medicine were also expected to be well versed in traditional medicine, just as many traditional physicians, with the introduction of modern medicine and especially from the mid-nineteenth-century onwards, also studied modern medicine either informally or at the D§r al-Fonun. For example, Rahmat-e Shir§zi, who had mastered traditional medicine, doubtless studied modern medicine (probably at the D§r al-Fonun), since he was compared to Galen and Dr Polak.55 Qahrem§n-Mirz§ #Eyn al-Saltaneh mentions in his diary that Mirz§ #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e N§zem al-Atebb§, who had studied modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, mastered perfectly both European and Iranian medicine.56 The major work of N§zem al-Atebb§, the Pezeshki-N§meh, was a compendium of all drugs used in traditional and modern medicine, with their composition and the method of their use in the treatment of diseases.57 As Mohammad Mohit-e Tab§tab§’i pointed out, with the increasing number of translations of modern texts, not only in medicine but also in chemistry, physics, pharmacology, and astronomy, the use of traditional terms extracted from the Zakhireh of Jorj§ni (or Gorg§ni 1041-1137 AD), the Sharh-e Zij of 53 Dissection on sheep was necessary due to the lack of human cadavers. Cf. Johan Schlimmer, Terminologie Médico–pharmaceutique et anthropologique française–persane, p. 227. 54 Anonymous MS 506 “On diseases commonly affecting soldiers,” fol. 1. 55 Mir, Pezeshk§n-e n§mi, pp. 94–95. 56 Qahrem§n-Mirz§ S§lur, Kh§ter§t-e #Eyn al-Saltaneh, p. 315. 57 Mirz§ #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Hakim-b§shi-ye N§zem al-Atebb§, Pezeshki-n§meh dar #elm-e therapeutique- matière médicale, (Tehran, lithographic edition, 1317/1899).

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Solt§ni (fifteenth century), the Tohfah of Hakim-Mo’men (seventeenth century), and others also increased. Therefore, to nineteenth-century Iranian scholars the use of old and modern scientific terms in education seemed both necessary and complementary. “This combination facilitated the expansion of modern science beyond the D§r al-Fonun and also attracted traditional physicians to this school.”58 Furthermore, European instructors referred to traditional medicine for didactic purposes, when they wanted to transmit modern ideas to the students with traditional backgrounds. In the preface to his Terminologie médico-pharmaceutique (1874), Schlimmer remarked clearly that in order to establish a dialogue between modern Western medicine and traditional Persian medicine he needed to “create a synthesis between European and Persian medical terms and this synthesis was favourably received by the local doctors.” Further, with regard to physics, chemistry and botany, he continued: These fields are almost entirely unknown in Iran and therefore many of their terms have yet to be found or created in Persian. Moreover, many Persian medical terms that seem superfluous to Western physicians, are far from being so for the Persians. Consequently, I have decided, as far as possible, to provide the significance of Persian terms relating to medical practice and to men in states of health and illness that the European physicians need to know in their work.59

Schlimmer’s work makes it clear that the presence of traditional medicine was epistemologically necessary for both Persian and European physicians to communicate with each other intellectually, but also, for the Western physicians, to have a more realistic view of local diseases. Such an approach is quite similar to that of the eighteenth-century European physicians in India who, before the firm establishment of colonial rule, had created an “Anglo-Indian medicine”, characterised by interaction between colonizers and colonized.60 This mixture of modern–traditional in the D§r al-Fonun curriculum had long-lasting results for medical education and literature in the following decades. Mirz§ #Abdol-Karim-e Tabib had studied traditional, 58 Mohammad-Mohit-e Tab§tab§’i, “D§r al-Fonun va Amir-Kabir,” in Qodratoll§h Rowshani Za#fer§nlu (ed.), Amir-Kabir va D§r al-fonun, (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1354/1975), pp. 186-194, see pp. 192-193. 59 Schlimmer, Terminilogie, preface. 60 Mark Harrison, Climates and Constitutions: Health, Race, Environment and British Imperialism in India 1600-1850 (New Delhi, Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press, 1999), pp. 7-8.

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and probably modern, medicine there. In one of his books, the #Al§yem al-amr§z (Symptoms of diseases), dedicated to N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, he discussed both traditional and modern medicine.61 In another instance, #Al§’ al-Hokam§, a physician from Azarb§ij§n, who had studied for several years in Europe, practised and taught a medicine that was a mixture of the traditional and modern.62 This trend continued well into the twentieth century, as we saw in the case of the above-mentioned Dr Boqr§t al-Hokam§.63 The second reason for including traditional medicine in the curriculum of the D§r al-Fonun was of political and institutional relevance. It went hand in hand with the involvement of the traditional medical system in the Q§j§r power structure. That is why it continued at court when European doctors were increasingly engaged as personal physicians to the Q§j§r princes. The “institutional” importance, in the Q§j§r sense, of the modernization process during the latter part of the nineteenth century is illustrated in the career of some court physicians (hakim-b§shi), who were sent to Europe to study modern medicine. Most of these doctors received special privileges from the French Ministry of Education, so that they could avoid years of studying or practising as “interns” at the hospital before taking their exams. This special favour, officially requested by General Nazar-$q§, the Persian ambassador, allowed these students to pass their exams in two years or even less, instead of the four normally required.64 For instance in May 1889, Mirz§ Mohammad-Kh§n, eight months after arriving in Paris to complete his medical studies, “was relieved of the need to take examinations in physics, chemistry, natural history, anatomy and pathology” on account of his having proved to have sufficient knowledge. He had only to pass exams in practical medicine (médecine opératoire), internal pathology and external pathology.65 In May 1891, another court hakim-b§shi, Mo#in al-Atebb§, received the same privileges after eighteen months 61 Mirz§ #Abdol-Karim-e Tabib, #Al§yem al-amr§z, Persian manuscript 1295/1878, no. 821, Tehran, Sepahs§l§r Library. 62 Shahri, Gusheh§’i az t§rikh-s ejtem§#i-ye Tehr§n-e qadim, vol. 2, p. 265. 63 See above, Ch. Four, footnote 11. 64 Mirz§ Rez§ #Ali-$b§di was one of the first students of Dr Polak, who went to Paris in 1272/1856 and studied for four years, returning in 1277/1860–61. Mirz§ Hoseyn-e Afsh§r, however, who also went to Paris to complete his medical studies in 1856, returned after only three years. Cf. Bamdad, Sharh-e h§l, vol. 5, pp. 75, 97. 65 Archive du ministère des affairs étrangères, Affaires Diverses Politiques, Perse, no. 68 (iii), Paris, 12 April 1889.

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in Paris. In an attempt to justify further the early examination of the candidates, the Ambassador made clear that “the Royal Prince, [Zell al-Solt§n, governor of Tehran and Minister of War] would be very pleased to see his personal physician with the title of “Doctor” of the Paris Faculty [at the earliest opportunity]”.66 Circumventing the normal curriculum and courses of the Paris faculty of medicine indicates that what was more important for the students was the acquisition of the Paris degree, whether or not they had fully assimilated modern medical knowledge. This trend became general practice to such an extent that in 1903 Dr Schneider, the French personal physician to Mozaffar al-Din-Sh§h (1896–1906), warned the Sh§h that these hakimb§shis sent to France did not study seriously, yet after one or two years of attending the course returned to Iran with the title of “Doctor”.67 From the proliferation of court-titled doctors to the registration and legalisation of existing pseudo-physicians, the main goal was the institutionalisation of medicine, the first step of which was to integrate medical education and practice, whether traditional or modern, into the state apparatus. This indicates the extent to which reform of medical institutions was intimately linked to the development of the state organization, and to some extent, to the reinforcement of state power in Q§j§r-Iran. It is not therefore surprising that modern sciences and education were first introduced into the army, the pillar of state power. In this respect it is highly significant that for the author of manuscript 505 the creation of public hospitals could strengthen the state. He argued that the welfare of the state’s subjects results in the prosperity of the government and its reinforcement, because hospitals keep the soldiers healthy and reduce their mortality, and the consequence is an increase in the population, so that there are enough workers to continue producing while also providing soldiers for the army.68

In other places the author emphasized that the prosperity of the provinces and the army depended on the health of the subjects and the elimination of diseases.69 The physicians who wrote treatises about epidemics underlined the importance of the healthy population for 66

Ibid., Affaires Diverses Politiques, Perse, no. 68 (v), Paris, 14 May 1891.

67 Homa Nategh, k§rn§meh-ye farhangi-ye farangi dar Iran (The French in Iran: Religious

and secular schools, 1837–1921), (Paris: editions Khavaran, 1375/1995), p. 255. 68 MS 505, p. 31. 69 Ibid., p. 38.

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the prosperity of the state, and thus it was the duty of the government to support physicians.70 This rhetoric clearly indicates that the welfare of the subjects was considered a tool for strengthening state power. Nevertheless, we should bear in mind that, no matter what the purpose of medical reform in the Q§j§r state was, the important fact is that it resulted in the creation of a public health system. From such a perspective, a study of medical modernization consists of addressing the changes in the interrelation between the traditional medical system and state power, prior to, or in parallel with, the introduction of modern medicine from outside. Manuscript 505 clearly illustrates these changes through discussion of the relationship between the medical profession and statesmen, and by advocating the reorganization and regularization of the existing system. Situated in a transitional period, the author of this manuscript, under the section title “The benefits of the hospital for soldiers, the homeless and the poor”, underlines the salutary effect of medicine, praises its noble place among the sciences, and urges the wealthy and the nobility to take private physicians: “The more they have dignity and power, the greater their consideration should be for doctors; they should not pass their life without a physician’s service.”71 The author argues that the statesmen (nobles in the army and in the government) should, besides taking private physicians, invest in the education of doctors who would become qualified and would treat the sick poor who had no money to pay private doctors.72 This represents a key stage in the institutionalisation of medicine, for it aimed to provide employment for a larger number of physicians, a logical continuation of the expansion of court medicine discussed above. The expansion of court medicine was not therefore an isolated event, but belonged to a more permanent trend in the evolution of medical organization. One major characteristic of this trend was that the role and position of physicians in relation to society and to the state was changing. Court physicians under the Q§j§rs, unlike their predecessors, more regularly extended their services to the common people beyond the government circle. This policy was already underway in 1829, when plague hit Iran alongside a cholera epidemic in several 70 Mirz§ Mus§ S§veji Fakhr al-Hokam§, “Dastur al Atebb§ fi #al§j al-vab§” (Prescription of physicians for the treatment of cholera), treatise completed 2 Sha#b§n 1269/11 May 1853, (Tehran, date of lithograph edition unknown, Majles Library), pp. 2–3. 71 MS 505, p. 12. 72 MS 505, pp. 12–13.

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provinces.73 Later on, in the 1850s, when cholera, plague and famine broke out, the Mayor of Tehran ordered court physicians to write treatises on cholera and plague for distribution among the population so that they could treat themselves when doctors were unavailable.74 In the second part of the nineteenth century, in addition to some physicians, auxiliary doctors were sent to the provincial towns.75 In the early 1880s, sanitary councils were established in most major cities of the country and the newspapers of the sanitary councils of Tehran and other provinces were regularly received and read at the Central Sanitary Council, which were held every Sunday in its head office at the D§r al-Fonun.76 By 1882, after thirty years of activity, the D§r al-Fonun had at its credit 372 graduates in various sciences, including forty-two in medicine and four in pharmacy.77 This number was sufficiently large to supply each major city or town of the country with a physician trained in modern medicine. The journal D§nesh (science), during its six month existence from June to December 1882, mentioned at least eight sanitary councils in several cities, each one under the supervision of a physician, educated at the D§r al-Fonun.78 In the first two decades of the twentieth century, sanitary councils were created in the small towns of each province throughout the country, and the graduates of the D§r al-Fonun, were appointed as representatives of the central provincial commission to each town.79 In 1921, the 73

For instance, Mirz§ Mohammad Taqi Shir§zi was ordered by the government to write a treatise on plague following its outbreak in 1829. See T§#uniya (Treatise on plague), ca. 1247/1831 (Tehran: date of lithograph edition unknown, Library of Majels). 74 Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “Epidémies, médecine et politique en Iran du XIXe siècle,” Studia Iranica, 30 (2001): 105–134. 75 Adamiyyat, Amir-Kabir va Iran, pp. 332-335. 76 D§nesh, no. 9, 1 Zolhajja 1299/15 Oct. 1882 (facsimile reprint, p. 33). 77 D§nesh, no. 2, 24 June 1882 (facsimile reprint, p. 5). 78 Namely, Mirz§ Rez§-Kh§n in Shemir§n, Mirz§ Seyyed B§qer, H§jji Mirz§ Ahmad and Mirz§ Yusef in Azarb§ij§n, Mirz§ #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Shir§zi, in Qom, Mirz§ Ahmad-e Tabib, in Nur va Kajur (in M§zandar§n), Mirz§ Hes§m al-Din, in Shir§z and Mirz§ Mohammad-e Tafreshi, in S§ri, the capital city of Mazandar§n. See D§nesh, nos. 3, 5, 9, 13 (facsimile reprint, pp. 10,22,33 and 52). 79 A letter from the head office of the sanitary council in the province of Khor§s§n and Sist§n, dated 20 Qows (Azar) 1297/1 Dec. 1919, addressed to Boqr§t al-Hokam§, reads: “Your Excellency…, Mr Boqr§rt al-Hokam§, … As for all parts of the Khor§s§n province [east Iran], a health officer has been selected and sent, you are appointed to represent the provincial commission of the sanitary council in the city of Neysh§bur, following the proposition of His Excellency the Governor of Neysh§bur and the confirmation of His Excellency Sard§r Amir A#lam, may his

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sanitary councils were transformed into the Ministry of Hygiene and National Assistance.80 Thus court medicine became the foundation of the public medical service. fortune last for ever. You should make your utmost endeavour for the affairs of public health and provide the provincial sanitary council committee with a weekly report of your activity. President of the provincial sanitary council committee of Khor§s§n and Sist§n, Sadr al-Atebb§.” (see figure 5). For a copy of this letter, I am indebted to Nez§m al-Din Boqr§t, the son of Dr Boqr§t al Hokam§. 80 Naficy, La médecine en Perse, p. 58.

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Fig. 5. Letter from the head office of the sanitary council in the province of Khor§s§n and Sist§n, dated 20 Qows (Azar) 1297 / 1 Dec. 1919, addressed to Boqr§t al-Hokam§.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 113

CHAPTER FIVE

TOWARDS THE EPISTEMOLOGY OF MEDICAL MODERNIZATION When analysing the process of medical modernization in Iran, we might distinguish rhetorically between modern and traditional medicine. Nevertheless, the reality of medical transformation in nineteenth- and twentieth-century Iran did not correspond with this clear-cut distinction. Where can we place several nineteenth-century physicians, such as Mirz§ Hoseyn-#Ali Sheykh al-Atebb§ and Mirz§ Ebrahim-e Tabib, learned traditional doctors who had also studied modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun?1 Likewise, if we carefully examine medical literature under the Q§j§r, we find texts that cannot be explained by the classical “modern versus traditional” division. For insance, how can the voluminous manuscript on diseases commonly affecting soldiers in the military barracks, which refuted the ideas of Dr Polak but frequently referred to several Western physicians and terms, be intellectually categorized?2 The same question applies to the works of the abovementioned Abdol-Karim-e Tabib-e Tehr§ni. Certainly these books were principally based on traditional theories, but the references to modern medicine distinguishes them from what is usually understood as traditional medicine in nineteenth-century Iran. The modernization process was twofold: theoretical and institutional. In both institutional and theoretical aspects we find modern and traditional medicine overlapping or in close relationship. By the second part of the nineteenth century there were grosso modo three categories of Iranian physicians. On the one extreme were those who entirely rejected modern medicine, such as Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti Filsuf al-Dowleh and Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§. On the other extreme were those who had completely assimilated anatomico–pathological medicine (such as Dr Mirz§ #Ali Ra’is alAtebb§). Between the two we find those who showed openness to 1 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Ma’§ser al-§s§r, pp. 235, 225; Barjesteh, “An Overview of the state of Health and Hygiene in the Sajar Era,” in: Barjesteh, et al. (eds), Q§j§r Era Health, p. 57. 2 Anonymous, “On Diseases Commonly Affecting Soldiers in the Barracks,” ca. 1857, Tehran, Majles Library, MS 506.

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modern medicine (such as the author of manuscript 506), while also believing in traditional theories and those who were trained in modern medicine but had not abandoned terms and concepts of traditional medicine, such as Mirz§ Hoseyn-e Afsh§r and Mirz§ #Alinaqi-Kh§n, the two translators of Dr Polak’s lectures given at the D§r al-Fonun. As to the institutional modernization, we have seen, for example, that Kazullani, chief physician of the army, when ordered by the government, registered and licensed most of the army practitioners and empirics, even though some of them could have been illiterate,3 thus allowing them to continue their profession legally. We have also seen that the Paris medical Faculty, upon the request of the Q§j§r government, expedited the examination of several Iranian physicians, bypassing necessary theoretical or practical courses, because the Q§j§r princes were impatient to provide their court with “Western-trained” doctors. Moreover, due to their involvement in the Q§j§r administration, some traditionally trained doctors were more concerned with adjusting to socio-political developments than simply with protecting their theoretical and cultural identity. In other words, what was primarily on the agenda was the institutional reform that took place within the framework of the structural relationship between medicine and the state administration. The theoretical change occurred only as a result of, or within, the new institutional environment. We can better understand this trend if we bear in mind that the process of theoretical transition went beyond the mere adoption of modern theories and techniques; it consisted rather of two simultaneous phases: internal changes in humoral medicine, and the assimilation of modern medical theories. Persian medical manuscripts produced in the course of the nineteenth century provide ample examples of this “internal” or “epistemological” change. This challenges the idea that the modernization of medicine was made, as Joseph Désiré Tholozan (1820–97), the French physician to N§ser al-Din-sh§h Q§j§r (reigned 1848–96), suggested, by sweeping away the Avicennian literature, and replacing it with anatomico–pathological texts from Europe. This is how the process of medical modernization is understood today. However, at least in Iran this was not the manner in which modern medicine was assimilated, for two reasons that relate both to the intellectual history of medical modernization and to the institutional and organizational features of medicine in nineteenth-century Iran. 3

As witnessed by the author of MS 505, see above, Chapter Four.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 115 Glimpses of the epistemological study of medical modernization The intellectual history of medical modernization is a vast subject and its thorough examination goes beyond the scope of this chapter. Only a few examples are given here to illustrate this process. Modern medicine, as it was practised in Europe or introduced into nineteenthcentury Iran, was not a fixed and fully developed corpus of knowledge, but was itself in a process of evolution. Many Galenic concepts were present in the developing European medical science. For example, in his 1832 study of epidemics, the French physician François V. Broussais—who was one of the first to have contested the “mysterious” notion of “Essential fever” and through whom the medicine of lesion replaced the medicine of symptoms—held that the first predisposing cause of cholera was indigestion and irritation. The second cause, according to him, was terror, which irritated the stomach and weakened the body. Finally, the third predisposing cause was coitus.4 In his treatise on cholera written in 1852, the Persian physician Mirz§ Mus§ S§veji Fakhr al-Atebb§ proposed almost the same principles to explain the epidemic of cholera as well as its prevention: Choleric air has no effect on healthy bodies, but it affects the body predisposed by terror, weakness, and excess of coitus. At most, it produces a change in the healthy body but does not cause choleric fever.5

Even the most important leader of the Paris Clinical School, Philippe Pinel, who gave the idea of tissue localization to Xavier Bichat, filled one third of his voluminous Nosographie philosophique (1795) with a description of the “Essential fevers”, what Arabo–Persian medicine called tab-e l§zem (hectic fever) as opposed to tab-e d§yereh (periodic or intermittent fever), which corresponds to “sympathic fever” in NeoHippocratic European medicine. The Arabo-Persian medical texts refer to these terms frequently in their long chapter on the classification

4 François J.-V. Broussais, Le cholera-morbus épidémique, observé et traité selon la méthode physiologique (Paris: Mademoiselle Delaunay, Librairie, 2nd edition, 1832), pp. 15–17. For a study on Broussais see Erwin Heinz Ackerknecht, “Broussais or A Forgotten Medical Revolution,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 27 (1853): 320-343. Clot Bey, the promoter of modern medicine in Egypt also believed in miasma and “epidemic constitution,” a Hippocratic theory. See Anne-Marie Moulin, “Révolutions médicales et politiques en Egypte (1865-1917),” Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la Méditerranée, 52 (1989): 111-123, p. 113. 5 Mirz§ Mus§ S§veji Fakhr al-Atebb§, “Dastur al-atebb§ fi #al§j al-vab§,” p. 12.

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of diseases based on fevers. The ambiguous concept of a fever, as a disease, symptom and nosological entity all at once in the writings of William Cullen,6 for instance, dominated the thoughts of Mirz§ Mohammad Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§ in Iran.7 Before the advent of bacteriology, the continuity was obvious between the writings of nineteenth-century Western physicians and Hippocratic medicine, “the common patrimony of learned Arab and European medicines”.8 By the same token, a change was taking place in the nineteenth-century Persian medical discourse on epidemics within the framework of humoral theories. This change was symptomatic of intellectual dynamism as well as openness to outside ideas. Most of the nineteenth-century physicians, such as Mohammad R§zi-ye Kani Fakhr al-Atebb§, claimed to having referred to both old (moteqaddemin) and new (mote’akhkherin) sources9 when they wrote about epidemics. Even though in reality they based their writings mainly on traditional sources, their claim indicates that in principle they found no intellectual or ideological barriers in referring to new ideas. Mirz§ Mohammad Taqi Shir§zi, on the other hand, explicitly opposed modern medicine. Nonetheless, his works illustrate the internal dynamism of traditional medicine. Shir§zi wrote his treatise on plague following its outbreak in Tehran in 1831. This treatise particularly criticised physicians who believed in contagion and emphasised that the plague was not contagious. Shir§zi’s main purpose in this treatise was to describe the plague according to his “clinical” observation.10 When Shir§zi was in Rasht in 1835, he observed a cholera outbreak and wrote a treatise on its characteristics. Already during this period, Shir§zi had endeavoured to characterize cholera fever by the high temperature it produced inside the body and by its 6 William F. Bynum, “Cullen and the Study of Fevers in Britain, 1760-1820,” in Theories of Fever from Antiquity to the Enlightenment, edited by idem and Vivian Nutton, Medical History, Suppl. no. 1, Wellcome Institute for the History of Medicine, 1981, pp. 135-147. 7 See Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “Un traité d’épidémiologie de la médecine traditionnelle persane: “Mofarraq ol-heyze va’l-vab§” de Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi (ca. 1800–1873),” Studia Iranica, 27 (1998): 83–107; idem: “La médecine d’observation en Iran du XIXe siècle,” Gesnerus, 55 (1998): 33–57. 8 Anne-Marie Moulin, “Les Instituts Pasteur de la méditerranée arabe: Une religion scientifique en pays d’Islam,” in Elisabeth Longuenesse (ed.), Santé, médecine et société dans le monde arabe (Paris: L’Harmattan, Maison de l’Orient méditerranéen, 1995), pp. 129-164, cf., pp. 134-5. 9 Mohammad al-R§zi al-Kani Fakhr al-Atebb§, “Meft§h al-am§n” (Key of safety), 1278/1863, Tehran, National Library, MS 2522. 10 Shir§zi, “T§#unia”.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 117 external coolness because, according to him, cholera fever originated in the heart and was then transmitted to other parts of the body. In an ordinary fever, the movement was in the opposite direction.11 A more precise description of cholera was, however, given by Shir§zi in his treatise written in 1861–62, when prince E#tez§d al-Saltaneh, the Minister of education and head of the D§r al-Fonun, asked him to write about the differences between cholera and diarrhoea. In this description, he tried to distinguish cholera from a widespread disease called heyzeh, a kind of dysentry that could be translated “cholerin” showing that cholera was epidemic and cholerin was not, although they both presented very similar symptoms.12 Dr Polak’s lecture on cholera was translated in 1269/1852–53 by two of his students at the D§r al-Fonun. According to these translations,13 Polak suggested that cholera was of two types: the first, called vab§-ye kh§ss or heyzeh by Iranian physicians, affected only individuals and was not fatal. The second was called vab§-ye #§mm or “transmissible cholera” and affected many people.14 It is possible that Shir§zi, who very likely frequented the D§r al-Fonun, and as a court physician was in contact with Dr Polak and other Western doctors, knew about Polak’s ideas. Nevertheless, we cannot deny that long before the advent of the D§r al-Fonun he had shown, in 1835, sensitivity and curiosity about the clinical signs of cholera and its physiological differences from other similar diseases within the framework of humoral theories. Moreover, even if we suppose that Shir§zi was inspired by Polak’s lectures, it is obvious that his method of differentiation between cholera and heyzeh was different from that given in Polak’s translated lecture. According to Polak, cholera had two forms, “vigorous”, which decimated the population and “weak” or “harmless” called heyzeh.15 In another 11

Shir§zi, “Vab§’iyeh-ye kabireh”. Idem, “Mofarraq ol-heyzeh v’al vab§”. For a French translation of this treatise, see Ebrahimnejad, “Un traité d’épidémiologie”. It is noteworthy that Shir§zi accompanied N§ser al-Din-Sh§h on his first trip abroad to Iraq in 1870, when cholera was seen in several parts of Iran, especially in Kerm§nsh§h in the path of the Sh§h’s caravan to Iraq. N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, Safarn§meh-ye #atab§t, pp. 40, 45. N§ser al-Din-Sh§h in his diary referred to Shir§zi as H§ji §q§-B§b§-ye Malek al-Atebb§. 13 These translations are stylistically different and vary in some details. One (Tehran, National Library, MS 2479) was written by Mohammad-Hoseyn-e Afsh§r, son of Mirz§ Ahmad-e Hakim-b§shi and the other (Tehran, National Library, MS 2533) by Mirz§ #Alinaqi. 14 Polak’s lecture on cholera, MS 2479, p. 4. 15 Polak’s lecture on cholera (MS 2479), p. 4, and (MS 2533), pp. 3–4. In another place, Polak referred to diarrhoea of children (heyzeh) as cholera of children. See 12

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place, Polak made a distinction between “sporadic cholera”, vab§y-e p§’izi, which occurred usually in autumn and “epidemic cholera”.16 Shir§zi, on the other hand, was more specific in order to remove any confusion in the diagnosis of heyzeh and cholera by emphasising that heyzeh was not the weak form of cholera; it was a completely different disease.17 In any case, the clinical descriptions of plague, cholera and heyzeh and distinctions made between them by Shir§zi show that traditional medicine was undergoing a theoretical change. For example, while in Galenico–Islamic medicine symptoms signified the disease itself (because what was observed by the physician was only the symptoms), Shir§zi made the distinction between symptom and disease by explaining that two or more different diseases could have the same symptoms. This suggests that symptoms were related to the body surface and did not represent the nature of the disease. Therefore the diagnosis should have been made on the basis of the “physiology” of disease, not on the basis of symptoms as was the custom of traditional humoral medicine. This observation would have resulted in shifting the attention of the physician from the surface to the inner body, a major departure from classical humoral theory. On the other hand, a more careful analysis of the Persian translations of Polak’s lectures indicates that the translators, who were students in modern medicine, used traditional terms or concepts to transmit Polak’s ideas. For example, both translators mention the transition from choleric to putrid fevers (hommiy§t-e khelti) such as mohreqah (intermittent bilious fever).18 Systematic reference to the old theories and sources and commenting on them constituted one of the main characteristics of nineteenthcentury medicine in Iran. A combination of a rational explanation for a disease with magic or spiritual healing or a mixture of modern and traditional theories constituted another feature of traditional medical literature in nineteenth-century Iran.19 It is tempting to interpret this

Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 480. It should be emphasised here that these terms and distinctions are not only a question of translation into Persian, but also represent Polak’s understanding of these diseases from pathological viewpoint. 16 Polak, Safarn§meh, p. 501. 17 Ebrahimnejad, “Un traité d’épidémiologie,” pp. 98-99. 18 About mohreqah and motbeqah (typhoid) see Schlimmer, Terminologie médico-pharmaceutique, pp. 192–195. 19 See for example, S§veji, “Dastur al-atebb§”. For other examples, cf. Ebrahimnejad, “Religion and medicine”.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 119 approach in the light of Michel Foucault’s epistemological explanation. According to Foucault, the fact that Renaissance scholars referred to tradition or magic while their writing was principally rational and based on mechanics, physics and chemistry (such as in works of Paracelsus, Newton [and Harvey]), was due to the conception of knowledge that characterized the “Renaissance episteme”. In the Renaissance, according to Foucault, things were seen as ordered through their resemblances to one another. Therefore there was nothing bizarre in Paracelsus’ claim that snakes were repelled by certain words, or a yellow plant cured jaundice; neither is it surprising that Newton’s mechanics and optics went side by side with scriptural exegesis.20 Erwin Ackerknecht also pointed to this approach in the writings of Paracelsus and Harvey: “Harvey was full of old-fashioned philosophical ideas and arguments… he was looking for the circulatory processes everywhere”.21 Foucault tried to identify the cognitive status of scientific literature in the Renaissance, classical and modern ages. In doing so, he maintained that there was a break between these three periods.22 In our view, however, even though a break was eventually produced between traditional and modern medicine in Iran, it occurred as a result of an evolution from the first to the second. In other words, reference to the old theories by physicians who had embraced some of the modern ideas not only characterised nineteenth-century medicine in Iran, but also indicated that there was a continuous process of development from traditional concepts to modern ones, from traditional institutions to modern organizations. Another example of the epistemological evolution of medicine can be seen in the literature referring to hospitals. We know that Galenico–Islamic medicine advocated the use of the hospital as a centre for medical education, where physicians could improve their knowledge by practising on patients. Mohammad-Hoseyn-e Shir§zi b. #Aqili, the eighteenth-century physician, stated in his Khol§sat al-hekmat that “physicians should be eager in treating the sick, in undertaking 20 Michel Foucault, Les mots et les choses: une archéologie des sciences humaines (Paris: Gallimard, 1966), pp. 32 ff, and especially pp. 54–55. 21 Erwin Ackerknecht, A Short History of Medicine (Baltimore and London: The John Hopkins University Press, 1982), p. 114. 22 Renaissance (sixteenth century), classical (mid-seventeenth to eighteenth centuries) and modern (nineteenth to twentieth centuries). For an overview of this question see Garry Gutting, Michel Foucault’s Archeology of Scientific Reason (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993), pp. 139 ff.

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research on diseases and on drugs, on observation and in working in hospitals or places where there are many sick”.23 The author of manuscript 505 also laid emphasis on the necessity of training doctors at the hospital (Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati), which he described. There is, however, a difference between the principle of bedside observation and the importance of hospital training as underlined by the eighteenth-century learned physician #Aqili, on the one hand, and the need for the hospital in medical education and practice as advocated by the author of manuscript 505, on the other. The tone and style of #Aqili’s writing allows us to suggest that he wrote about hospital training from what he had read in other books, in the same way as his anatomical knowledge was apparently based on his reading rather than on practical experience.24 The author of manuscript 505, who was also believing and trained in humoural medicine, on the other hand, talked about the importance of hospital experience from his own experience on the battlefield or in the hospital where he treated injured soldiers.25 A similar, but more pronounced difference existed between two kinds of medicine in Europe before the nineteenth century. Philippe Pinel’s criticism of “humoral” physicians among his contemporaries, whose clinical observations were limited to “seeing the sick automatically and prescribing drugs randomly” exposed this gap between “literary” medicine, on the one hand, and his clinical method, on the other, which consisted in recording meticulously “les faits particuliers” or individual histories of internal maladies throughout their entire course and that constituted the foundation of medicine as science.26 23

#Aqili, Khol§sat al-hekmat, fol. 4. Ibid., fol. 28b. For a detailed study on the gap between practice and theory in Galenico-Islamic surgery, cf. Emilie Savage-Smith, “The Practice of Surgery in Islamic Lands: Myth and Reality,” Social History of Medicine, 13 (2000): 307-321. This was in sharp contrast to Galen’s method of teaching anatomy, as he used dissection and vivisection not only privately in his own research but also undertook demonstrations for persuasion or public instruction. See Heinrich von Staden, “Anatomy as Rhetoric: Galen on Dissection and Persuasion,” Journal of the history of Medicine, 50 (1995), pp. 47-66. 25 This dichotomy between theoretical and practical knowledge was commonplace in Iran. Dr Schlimmer, in a book translated into Persian, pointed out: “although many people could be knowledgeable in medical science, few of them are able to put their knowledge into practice.” Cf. Johan Schlimmer, Qav§ #ed al-amr§z (rules of diseases), lithograph edition, 1292/1875, Tehran, National Library, p. 96. 26 Cf. Philippe Pinel, Nosography philosophique ou La méthode de l’analyse appliquée à la médecine, 6th edition (Paris: J. A. Brosson, 1818). See for example, Introduction, pp. i–ii, 189. 24

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 121 The institutional aspect of medical modernization The fact that traditional medicine experienced changes in its reading of Galenic theories demonstrates that it was not as orthodox as is usually thought and that its theoretical boundaries were not well defined. Hence its permeability to the influence of modern medicine. But at the same time, this intellectual openness was fostered by the institutional context of nineteenth-century Iranian medicine. Unlike countries such as India, where Western physicians worked in the Indian Medical Service (Colonial India’s state medical service, administered by the British Government), European doctors in Iran did not have their own institutions and were constrained by having to work within the court-sponsored system. There was only one medical board. Following the 1877 epidemic of plague, for instance, a commission was appointed to enquire into its causes and treatment. This commission comprised six European physicians, including Dr Tholozan, and six Persian physicians.27 Again in 1881, a new sanitary council (majles-e hefz al-sehheh) brought together four Persians (Dr #Ali-AkbarKh§n N§zem al-Atebb§, Mirz§ #Abdoll§h Tabib, Mirz§ K§zem-e Shimi [chemist], Dr Mirz§ #Ali Ra’is al-Atebb§) and three Europeans (Dr Tholozan, Dr Dixon, physician to the British embassy and Dr Cherebnin, physician to the Russian embassy).28 Dr Tholozan, despite his opposition to traditional medicine, maintained close connection with traditional physicians and consulted them in his treatment, not least because they were supported by both the court and the religious class.29 27 Other Europeans were Drs Baker, Kack, Dickson, Kuzmingi and Castaldi. Iranian physicians included: Mirz§ Seyyed Rez§ (also called Seyyed Razi), Chief Medical officer to the army, Mirz§ Rez§, lecturer in Western medicine at the D§r al-Fonun [he was the famous Mirz§ Rez§ Doctor who had translated part of Grisolle’s Pathology], Mirz§ #Ali Akbar [N§zem al-Atebb§, graduate of the D§r al-Fonun and Head of the Imperial Hospital marizkh§neh-ye dowlati], Mirz§ Abol-Q§sem, lecturer in Avicennian medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, and Ja#far Qoli-Kh§n, the Dean of the medical school. Cf. Elgood, A Medical History of Persia, p. 520. These Iranian physicians have been referred to in Ch. Four, pp. 101-107 (footnotes 38, 48, 56, 57 and 64). We cannot ascertain, however, if Mirz§ Rez§ Doctor and Mirz§ Rez§ #Ali-$b§di were one and the same persone. 28 Homa Nategh, k§rn§meh-ye farhangi-ye farangi dar Iran (The French in Iran: Religious and Secular Schools: 1837-1921) (Paris: editions Kh§var§n, 1375/1995), p. 258; Behd§d Gharib, Bey§d, p. 13. 29 Jane Dieulafoy, Safarn§meh-ye Madam Dieulafoy, Persian translation by Farahvashi (Tehran: Khayy§m, 2nd edition, 1361/1982), p. 118.

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Fig. 6. Members of the Sanitary Council (majles-e hefz al-sehheh) (date unknown, before 1895). From left to right: 1. Dr Mirz§ #Ali Ra"is al-Atebb§, 2. Dr Dixon, physician to the British Embassy, 3. Mirz§ #Abdoll§h Tabib, 4. Dr Tholozan, 5. Dr Mirz§ #Ali-Akbar N§zem al-Atebb§, 6. Dr Cherebnin, physician to the Russian embassy, 7. Mirz§ K§zem-e Shimi (professor of chemistry at the D§r al-Fonun).

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 123 Although, like their Iranian counterparts, the Indian hakims had borrowed elements of modern Western medicine, at the same time they were inclined to see the cure of diseases by Western medicine as a means of justifying British colonial rule.30 Unlike the Q§j§rs, who sponsored traditional Iranian and European physicians alike, in nineteenth-century India Un§ni medicine was not encouraged by the colonial government and there was a dearth of jobs for the hakims.31 The Un§ni and Ayurvedic physicians in India were perturbed by the Western dominance all the more so once they lost the patronage that they had enjoyed under the Mughal emperors. They united in opposition to Western or, as they called it, Doctory medicine. But at the same time, they borrowed from Western medicine in order to avail themselves of its efficiency. A medical school was established in Delhi in 1889. In his inaugural speech, Sir Seyyed Ahmad-Kh§n said: “…this Madrasa will not only develop Un§ni Tibb…but also Doctory along with Un§ni Tibb and will remove the difference between the two”.32 What mattered to the Indian physicians, or at least to Seyyed Ahmad-Kh§n, was not so much to challenge the theoretical foundation of colonial medicine as to contest its institutional dominance. Such a contradiction was symptomatic of two facts. From a conceptual standpoint, traditional medicine was theoretically influenced by modern medicine without assimilating it totally, and from a strategic standpoint, it became necessary to preserve the basic rules of Un§ni and Ayurvedic medicine in order to uphold its identity and institutional independence. The coexistence of traditional and modern medicine was similarly emphasised in 1877 in Iran, by Mirz§ Nosrat, a graduate of the D§r al-Fonun and a teacher of modern medicine there, who worked also as special physician to the state hospital (marizkh§neh-ye dowlati). He was quoted as saying that: Medicine is twofold, traditional (qadim) and modern (jadid). Traditional medicine consists of Greek medicine, and modern medicine comprises Greek medicine plus anatomy, pathology and some branches of mathematics, natural sciences and pharmacology, geology, physiology, botany, etc.33

The same strategy in India and Iran was used, however, for different 30 31 32 33

Neshat Qaiser, “Colonial Politics of Medicine and Popular Un§ni,” p. 31. Ibid., p. 33. Ibid., p. 34. Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, no. 10, 19 March 1877, Library of Majes, Tehran.

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Fig. 7. From left to right: Dr Tholozan, Amir Nez§m-e Garrusi (Ambassador of Iran to France and England between 1858 and 1866), Hakim al-Mam§lek (one of the Personal physicians to N§ser al-Din Sh§h) (26 February 1895).

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 125 aims. While Sir Seyyed Ahmad-Kh§n wanted to make use of modern medicine to strengthen the (Un§ni) medical school, Mirz§ Nosrat-e Tabib tried to justify the presence of modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, by trying to establish historical links between modern and traditional medicine by presuming a continuity between Greek and modern medicine.34 He stated that: For the last twenty-five years the 700 year-old European sciences have been taught and learned at the D§r al-Fonun; therefore most of our brothers in faith are aware of it… These sciences comprise medicine, anatomy, mathematics, natural sciences, geography, and so forth [but] people think that the curriculum of the D§r al-Fonun concerns only the army. Although I am the most humble student of this school compared to its knowledgeable physicians and professors, I cite the history so that the people don’t think that modern medicine is only manual (yadi)…35

The institutional importance, for Mirz§ Nosrat, of bringing together modern and traditional medicine comes out more clearly if we bear in mind that he did so in spite of his opposition to traditional theories. In a circumscribed and metaphoric manner he stressed that: The relation of traditional medicine to modern medicine is like the relation of a matchlock-gun to a needle-gun. Some basic and fundamental theories of ancient physicians, i.e. humoral theories, have been preventing the progress of medicine as well as most of the sciences.36

By making a parallel between modern medicine and a needle-gun, that in his time had become the archetype of state-of-the-art technology, Mirz§ Nosrat seemed to draw a comparison between an utterly primitive traditional medical system and a modern one that he thinks has reached a plateau of technical advancement. At the first reading, these statements of Mirz§ Nosrat lead to confusion. But this can be explained, firstly, by Mirz§ Nosrat’s double-dealing with regard to traditional and modern medicine in an attempt to ensure their coexistence institutionally and, secondly, by his perception 34

This idea is quite similar to that of van Andel, cf. Ch. Five, footnote 63. Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, no. 10. The word “manual” could refer to the importance of surgery and “physiological anatomy” versus “descriptive anatomy” in modern medicine. Cf. Pierre Cabanis, Sketch of the Revolutions of Medical Sciences, translated from French with notes by A. Henderson (London: Printed for J. Johnson [etc.] by Bye and Law, 1808), p. 291. It refers also to the fact that traditional medicine was usually bookish and therefore remained theoretical knowledge. 36 Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, no. 10. 35

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of medical history and the way he was educated in the intellectual environment of the D§r al-Fonun. There was no basic objection to the acquisition of Western medical knowledge in India, Iran or in any other Islamic country. Early modern European influence can be seen in the seventeenth century in Safavid Iran and in the Ottoman Empire. The concept of “chemical medicine” was introduced in the writings of S§leh b. Nasr b. S§lum, Ottoman court physician in the late seventeenth century.37 Andreas Vesalius’ book, De humani corporis fabrica (1542), was also known in the Safavid and Ottoman Empires. Its influence is seen in a seventeenthcentury Ottoman anatomical treatise and later in nineteenth-century Iran and India.38 The Europeans too were more open to local ideas before their colonial expansion. As Mark Harrison noted, “it was not until the nineteenth century that India’s climate was generally considered incompatible with European constitutions… These shifts in perception mirrored the successive phases of European expansion in India…”.39 It was also before the colonial era that “the willingness of Europeans to incorporate certain indigenous ideas and practices led to the emergence of a distinctive Anglo-Indian medical tradition”.40 It could therefore be deduced that the extent of colonial expansion shaped the patterns of development of modern medicine in non-European countries. Nevertheless, it should be noted that it was not only colonial domination that ended the dialogue between European and indigenous medicine in some countries but also the considerable theoretical change that occurred in Western medicine in the nineteenth century. Unlike the earlier period, the nineteenth-century colonial presence in India led to the creation of barriers between local and European physicians. In Q§j§r Iran, on the other hand, in the absence of colonial 37 Emilie Savage-Smith, “Tibb,” Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000), 10, p. 457. 38 Emilie Savage-Smith, “Tashrih,” Encyclopaedia of Islam (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 2000), 10, p. 356. See also: Feza Günergun, “The Turkish Response to Western Medicine and the Turkish Medical Historiography.” Paper presented at the International Symposium on the Comparative History of Medicine, East and West: Seoul, 1998; Arslan Terziuglu, “Science and Technology in the Ottoman Empire since the 16th Century,” ÖGW, 17 (1997: 161-184). For an account of the early introduction of Western sciences to the Ottoman Empire, see Ekmedin Ihsanoglu, “Ottomans and European Sciences” in P. Petitjean et al. (eds), Science and Empires (London: Kluwer Academic, 1992), pp. 37-48. 39 Mark Harrison, Climates and Constitutions, p. 3. 40 Ibid., p. 8. See also pp. 56, 58-59.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 127 domination, court medicine retained equal rights for both traditional and European medicines. In such circumstances, Persian physicians did not see Western medicine as a tool for colonial domination and therefore, unlike the Indian hakims, they did not assimilate Western theories or practice in order to strengthen their institutional position. They viewed Western medicine as a new form of knowledge, without political mission. As Nancy Gallagher also notes, the bey rulers of Tunisia had shown their interest in European medicine since the early eighteenth century or earlier by patronizing Western as well as local physicians. Although the Amin al-Atebb§, the chief physician of the ruling bey, had no authority over European physicians, it was in the interest of the Europeans to stay on good terms with him,41 because of his eminent position in the court hierarchy. Once independence was over and the Europeans were established as a colonial power, “the day when European doctors sought to stay on good terms with the Amin alAtebb§ to avoid trouble were gone” and the indigenous doctors were relegated to an inferior rank within the medical system.42 The reaction of Tunisia to colonial rule was similar to, but less marked than, India’s. It encouraged traditional institutions, such as the Sufi z§wia in order to counter Western medicine. Z§wias were small mosques built on the site of saints’ tombs often with a hospice providing social welfare and teaching facilities.43 Considering that Iranian physicians had been in contact with Western medicine before the nineteenth century, the question to be answered is to what extent the establishment of the D§r al-Fonun and systematic translation of Western medical literature into Persian in the nineteenth century influenced the assimilation of modern Western medicine? After the D§r al-Fonun, did the Iranian physicians use the same scientific method as used by European themselves or did they contribute to the further advancement of modern medicine? The answer is certainly no; one of the reasons being that the assimilation of modern science did not accompany the adoption of the Western socio-political system within which modern sciences had developed in Europe. And this could not be so, because within the cultural, religious and socio-political contexts of nineteenth-century Iran, the develop41 Nancy Gallagher, Medicine and Power in Tunisia, 1780-1900 (Cambridge, etc.: Cambridge University Press, 1983), pp. 17–20. 42 Ibid., p. 93. 43 Ibid., pp. 95, 133. See also Mohsen Kiy§ni, T§rikh-e kh§nq§h dar Iran (Tehran: Ket§bkh§neh-ye Tahuri, 1369/1990), pp. 96-102.

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ment of modern medicine could not take place in the same way as, or at the same level as, in Europe itself. We have explained in Chapter Two how traditional ideas informed the modernization trend. It is not therefore surprising that after the D§r al-Fonun was established and modern medicine translated into Persian, no policy was adopted for a complete abandonment of traditional methods and, overall, medical literature contained a wide-ranging mixture of modern and traditional ideas. Just as the study of Western medicine did not start with the D§r al-Fonun, so its understanding and assimilation by Iranian physicians was not absolute and unmitigated after the establishment of the D§r al-Fonun. Rather, in the nineteenth century both traditionally- and modern-educated Iranian physicians used Western ideas according to their own theoretical agendas. For instance, in the first half of the nineteenth century, some traditionalists rejected humoral theories, not by referring to the physiology of Claude Bernard or Broussais, but by basing their analysis on the iatrochemistry of Paracelsus. The pro-modern newspapers such as the D§nesh, used still traditional terminology alongside modern ones. In October 1882, the D§nesh, reporting the resumption of the sanitary council at the D§r al-Fonun, mentioned that “Thank God this year there was no epidemic disease in the provinces and the only diseases consisted of various periodic fevers (tab-e d§yereh), and, in certain regions, diarrhoea was manifest…”.44 By the same token, Dr Mirz§ #Ali, a Sorbonne educated physician and professor of modern Western medicine at the D§r al-Fonun, who advocated the complete abandonment of the past theories and concepts, used extensively the traditional terminology of fevers, such as homm§y-e d§yereh, homm§y-e mosakkaneh (remittent fever), homm§-ye motbeqah (typhoid), etc., together with modern terms.45 In 1887, Dr Mirz§ #Ali recommended cupping for the treatment of general pain (i.e. without any specific locality) in internal organs such as bowl, heart, liver; and humoural treatments (mo#§lej§t-e maz§jiyyeh) by electric shock for the pain in specific and recognizable internal organs.46 In addition to a natural curiosity about new ideas, as in previous centuries, the expansion of court patronage fostered competition. At its best, court patronage facilitated the access of traditional court physicians to modern knowledge and encouraged them to explore how it 44 45 46

D§nesh, no. 9, 1 Zolhajja 1299/15 October 1886. Dr Mirz§ #Ali, Jav§her al-hekmat-e n§seri, pp. 515 ff. Ibid. p. 501.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 129 was different from Galenic medicine. At its worst, local physicians, in opposition to the growing influence of Western doctors, wrote pamphlets decrying European practice by making reference to traditional and when necessary, to modern ideas. For example, the anonymous author of a treatise (ca. 1857) critical of the lectures of Dr Polak at the D§r al-fonun, frequently referred to Western authors, such as Rostan (sic),47 [August François] Chomel, whose book he translated as Osul-e mab§hes-e amr§z, and (V) Sanson, whose book he translated as Nah§yat al-a#r§z fi #elm al-amr§z.48 A similar phenomenon took place in China in the early twentieth century, when “traditional medicine in reaction to the ‘Plan to Abolish Chinese Medicine’ was forced to engage issues of modernization and scientization”.49 Modern theories were assimilated as a result of intellectual controversy and debate, as well as through direct translation; but even the translations were sometimes refracted through the prism of traditional theories and Avicennian terminology. Astar§b§di, for example, translated vulgarly physiology as “prevention” and pathology as “treatment”.50 Consequently, the entire spectrum of medical literature covering orthodox or updated traditional medicine, as well as Paracelsian, Neo-Hippocratic and anatomico-pathological ideas, in Persian terms, emerged. It would therefore be an over-simplification to divide medical literature in nineteenth-century Iran in two antagonistic and fixed entities of modern and traditional.51 To further illustrate the process of intellectual contact and epistemic change in traditional knowledge, let us return, once again, to manuscript 505. The author highlights the distinctive European

47

Probably “Rostand,” of French origin. The book of Chomel might be the Eléments de pathologie générale (Paris: Crochard & Gabon, 1817). We could not identify the book of Sanson or Vsanson, which might be translated as “Symptomatology and pathology”. See MS 506, fols. 9,18, 46, 66, etc. 49 Makoto Mayanagi, “Japan and Traditional Medicine in Modern China: The Impact of Japanese Medical Texts in the Period of Republican China,” Journal of Kampo Medicine, 42 (1999): 1928-1944. See Conclusion. 50 Cf. Astar§b§di, “Safineh-ye nuh,” fols. 6, 8. See also the translations of Dr Polak’s lecture on cholera by Mirz§ Hoseyn-e Afsh§r and Mirz§ #Alinaqi. See above, pp. 117-118, footnotes 13, 15, and 16. 51 This idea is ubiquitous in medical historiography. For example Mir, Pezeshk§n-e n§mi-ye f§rs, p. 50; Najm§b§di, “Tebb-e d§r al-fonun va kotob-e darsi,” p. 204; Elgood, A Medical History, p. 511. 48

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worldview as based on outward beauty and sensory perception of the physical universe.52 This author might have expressed here the general perception that the Iranian scholars had from Western culture or “modern” Western sciences. Such a perception can be seen in the anonymous manuscript 506 (mid-nineteenth century) that underlined: “Europeans have shifted from the worship of Christ to the worship of nature and whatever they say is based on palpable objects”.53 It can also be observed in the Qar§b§din-e kabir of #Aqili (ca. 1780s) who pointed out: Know that Christians who devote themselves to understanding perceptible matters and to conquer new lands, especially the coasts, are always in search of unknown phenomena to examine them and understand them…54

What the Iranians such as the authors of manuscripts 505 and 506, conceived of as “European sensualism” found its theoretical or philosophical echo in the works of Pierre Cabanis, who is considered to have provided the theoretical foundation for modern clinical medicine in Europe. Cabanis’s idea of the importance of the senses in the development of knowledge is clear from this extract: It is by means of the senses with which nature has furnished him [man], or rather the sensibility, which renders all his organs subservient to the energy of his brain, that man becomes acquainted with external objects. His sensations are the immediate source of knowledge, and the organs of his body, in as far as they are endowed with sensibility, the direct instrument of his instruction.55

It was on the basis of this philosophy that Cabanis strongly believed in the necessity of hospitals for clinical experience “because it gave the students and practitioners greater clearness and distinctiveness in their mind and improved their senses”.56 At the commencement of the French Revolution, he proposed the establishment of clinical schools

52 “mar§teb-e hasti (creature, being, worldview) r§ bar ehs§s§t-e z§heriyyeh monhaser d§nand,” MS 505, p. 28. 53 MS 506, “On diseases usually affecting soldiers,” fol. 5. The term usually used by the Persian authors is “mahsus§t,” which means what can be touched. But this also had a sensual connotation in a pejorative sense. 54 Cited in Mir, Pezeshk§n-e n§mi, p. 72. 55 Cabanis, Sketch of the Revolution, p. 171. 56 Cabanis, Sketch of the Revolution, p. 327.

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 131 and in 1792, the hospital La Charité was chosen for the establishment of the first clinical school,57 a hospital where traditionally the nuns took care of the patients and prayed with them for their cure. But European “sensualism” as perceived by the modern-minded nineteenth-century Iranian physician was very different, even though he had an approving and positive opinion about it. Under the section title “The benefits of the hospital for the government”, the author of manuscript 505 explained that “because Europeans accord considerable importance to the improvement of the senses [i.e. welfare] and outward beauty, they established hospitals to achieve this goal”. How could the hospital improve material or spiritual comfort (hosn-e h§l va kheyr-e ma’§l)? Curiously, the answer is not because it provided better treatment or care, etc. but because the Europeans believed that “hospital is the place where prayer is answered favourably”. Accordingly, material wellbeing was realized by prayers made by the patients who received care and cure. In other words, the author of manuscript 505 tried to explain and justify Western ideas about the necessity of hospitals using the Islamic precept of “estej§bat-e do#§” (answering favourably the prayer of the patient at the hospital) that he also attributed to Christianity.58 Obviously the author mixed religion and science, and traditionalism and modernism. In spite of the Christian ethic that rejected outward beauty, the author claimed that Europeans were oriented toward materialism and that Christianity made this orientation possible. The author’s argument is as follows: The reason why the Europeans consider hospitals as places where prayers are answered favourably is that during illness the temperament is corrupted and the body loses the harmony and balance of its humours. In this condition, the soul ends its attachment to corrupted matter and therefore increases its connection with the soul’s realm. In such a situation, if the patient who has received care and a cure at the hospital, prays for those who have established that hospital (in this case, the state) his prayers would be favourably answered and would result in “hosn-e h§l” ([material or spiritual] well-being).59

As we see, such perception, and possible assimilation, of Western 57

Cabanis, Sketch of the Revolution, p. 326. On the tradition of estej§bat-e do#§ in Islam, see the explanation and references provided in the English translation of MS 505, footnote 79, p. 162. 59 MS 505, p. 28-29. 58

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“sensualism” occurred through the prism of traditional knowledge and not via the method associated with the philosophy of Cabanis for example. Obviously modern public health institutions, such as the sanitary council (majles-e hefz al-sehheh) and the state hospital (marizkh§neh-ye dowlati), also harboured traditional medicine. Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti Malek al-Atebb§, the archetype of traditional physicians in the Q§j§r period, regularly published his observations on epidemics and other common diseases in the Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi. For example, for croup, diphtheria and inflammation of the tonsils (tonsillitis), he advised practitioners not to prescribe suppurative medicine (monzej) before knowing which humour was corrupted. Doing so would result in bringing a discharged material from the lower to the upper members and would cause asphyxiation.60 Humoral medicine could retain its place within the official institutions during the modernizing process not least because of the presence of traditional physicians in these institutions. However, the development of bacteriology and microbiology widened the theoretical gap between modern and traditional medicine. At the same time, with their involvement in the state-sponsored institutions, such as sanitary councils, hospitals, and medical schools, in which modern medicine was also practised, traditional physicians gradually abandoned the old theories and assimilated those of anatomical-pathological medicine. It was through this process taking place roughly from mid-nineteenth to mid-twentieth century that traditional medicine died out epistemologically. Today we witness the reverse. After almost a century of the dominance of modern medicine, from its coming to power the Islamic regime in Iran tried to revive traditional medicine for ideological and political purposes, as it considered that alongside the “Islamic renaissance” all sciences, which had developed during the early Islamic history but that have been abandoned under Western influence, should be restored. Nevertheless it did not succeed in its attempt. No university teaching the medicine of Avicenna or R§zi has been created, and no traditional physician practising in a rural area has been trained, contrary to the plan proposed by Seyyed Hoseyn Nasr.61 As a sign 60

Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi, no. 3, 14 Moharram 1294/ 29 January 1877. See article of Seyyed Hoseyn Nasr in Majmu#eh-ye maq§l§t dar b§reh-ye tebb-e sonnati dar ir§n (collection of articles on traditional medicine in Iran) (Tehran: Mo’asseseh-ye mot§le#§t va tahqiq§t-e farhangi, 1983). 61

towards the epistemology of medical modernization 133 of the ideological triumph of traditional knowledge, traditional medicine has now acquired the right to be practised, but only by those who have been through the full university medical curriculum. The candidates should then follow special training in traditional medicine before being licensed to practise. This indicates the extent to which the medical system has undergone fundamental epistemological changes making it impossible to ignore modern science. It is not surprising therefore that those who promote the revival of traditional medicine are themselves imbued with modern theories and methods. One of the physicians and university professors advocating traditional medicine suggested in 1983 that: In every medical or pharmacological faculty in Iran a committee of traditional medicine should be formed of specialists on medical plants, pharmacologists and pharmacotherapists with a sufficient budget. This committee should first methodically collect medicinal plants when in season or animal organs from their natural habitat and extract their active compound.… They should prepare the essence of the specific part of the plant through chemical examination and apply it to animals to discover their reactions. After the experiment, they should compare its medical effect to what was described in the traditional medical sources, also to make sure that there is no side effect and that it cures efficiently. The result of this research should be discussed in the annual congress on traditional medicine. If there is any suggestion or criticism, further examination should be made of the plant and the result should be tested again in the clinic of the medical faculties….62

The language used here to promote traditional medicine is clearly the language of modern medicine. The author is well aware of the difference in “language”. Again what is at stake is the institutional aspect of traditional medicine. The advocates of the revival of traditional medicine wanted to establish a university, a hospital or committees according to the etiquette of traditional medicine, regardless of its theoretical content, which was entirely modern. On the contrary, the Q§j§rs wanted to establish modern medical institutions, schools and hospitals in the name of modern medicine, but these modern institutions were imbued with the traditional system and knowledge. Van Andel (1878-1941) believed that, in his time, folk medicine and science were separated by “strict boundaries” while in the past they 62

Majmu#eh-ye maq§l§t dar b§reh-ye tebb-e sonnati dar ir§n, pp. 173–174.

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“had always influenced each other and borrowed from each other”. While van Andel’s solution was to re-establish the link between the two by constructing a medical history, he attributed this divorce to the fact that “folk medicine remained unaffected by scientific developments”.63 This, however, constitutes only one reason for the divorce mentioned above in reference to the increasing separation between European and indigenous medicine in nineteenth-century India, as compared with the pre-colonial period. While scientific medicine benefited fully from modern institutions, such as universities, hospitals, laboratories, public health organizations, etc., folk medicine did not have such institutions and was poorly organized and, as Willem de Blécourt noted, “their healing activities often stemmed from their poor condition”.64 Van Andel’s idea could also imply that folk medicine remained unaffected by scientific development due to a lack of institutional support. 63 Frank Huisman, “Shaping the Medical Market: on the construction of quackery and folk medicine in Dutch historiography,” Medical History 43 (1999): 359–375, pp. 366–7. 64 Cited by Huismas, “Shaping the Medical Market,” p. 374.

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CONCLUSION The aim of this study is twofold: to indicate the fundamental role of institutions in the shaping of medical knowledge and to mark out the contours of the epistemological integration of modern medicine in nineteenth-century Iran. Further research will allow a more complete picture of the epistemology of medical modernization to be drawn. Moreover, placing medical institutions within the context of power relationships and addressing the introduction of modern medicine from an epistemological viewpoint allow us to bridge the institutional and theoretical divide between traditional medicine, on the one hand, and modern Western medicine, on the other. It also helps us to understand the ways in which modern sciences—that emerged and developed in nineteenth-century Europe, have been transmitted to countries, such as Iran, with different intellectual resources and socio-political environment. Underlining the involvement of traditional medicine in the modernization discussed here does not devalue the importance of Western influence in this process. This involvement was mainly due to the presence and integration of traditional medicine into the power structure. The importance of traditional medicine for the Q§j§r state therefore finds its genesis in the “state apparatus” that, at least since the Sasanians, had included a chief physician, such as Borzoe, the Zoroastrian, and Jabril Bukhtishu#, the Christian, who were among the chief physicians of Khosrow Anushirv§n. This system continued in the Islamic period. In the nineteenth century, despite their expanding administration and contact with the West, the Q§j§rs failed systematically to adopt Western institutions, as did the Ottoman Empire. The reforms of Amir-Kabir (1849–51) in modernizing the army and establishing a modern school and hospital were limited and short-lived. Therefore, the process of change continued by drawing much upon the existing traditional resources. Moreover, the swelling state administration resulted in the Q§j§r court extending its patronage to as many men of knowledge as possible. This explains why the Q§j§rs systematically employed and sponsored all those whom they believed to be learned and men of science, whether traditional or modern. This patronage enhanced the authority and legitimacy of the imperial power. Furthermore, the number of tradi-

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tional court physicians increased in response to the growing number of Western physicians at court, not least because nineteenth-century Iran was neither colonized like India, nor tended to be westernized like the Ottoman Empire. At the same time, although the Q§j§r elites were eager to make use of modern sciences to reinforce their power, their cultural and social background did not permit them to abandon their “domestic ” product or systematically and fully to integrate modern Western institutions. Therefore, there were political as well as cultural reasons behind the Q§j§rs’ attachment to traditional physicians. The institutionalization of medicine in Iran should not necessarily be seen as an identical process to the one experienced in the West. The integrative pattern of Q§j§r society allowed the Q§j§r elite to introduce some change into the traditional medical system before fully adopting European institutions. The main characteristic of medical modernization in Q§j§r Iran was that the state (re)institutionalized the prevailing traditional medicine by incorporating it into the state. Once institutionally integrated, traditional medicine became involved in the process of change despite its attachment to humoral theories. This fact is clearly illustrated in manuscript 505. With its institutional involvement in modernization, traditional medicine found itself practically within the intellectual environment of modern medicine, as we have seen in the various cases where traditional physicians studied modern medicine at the D§r al-Fonun or became engaged in theoretical debate with Europeans through their sharing of court patronage. Theoretically, traditional medicine could conserve old ideas or integrate modern ones as it did and still does in Iran and in other countries such as India and China. But what is more fundamental in the distinction between traditional and modern medicine or in the transition from traditional to modern, is the institutional factor. What has preserved Ayurvedic, Un§ni or Chinese medicine despite the overwhelming domination of Western modern medicine, is not so much their theoretical strength, since they all make use of modern technology and modern methods in preparing drugs and in treating diseases, but rather their institutional independence and commercial marketing power. In Iran, on the other hand, modern medicine and modern hospitals have monopolized the medical service and this has its origin in the absorption of traditional medicine into court medicine or state medical institutions throughout the nineteenth century. Because of its involvement in the long process of institutional change, traditional medicine has been structurally transformed. Despite the

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efforts made by the Islamic regime to revive it, traditional medicine has failed to restore its independent institutional base. The fact that traditional medicine, under the auspices of the Islamic government, can be legally practised but only by those who have obtained their doctoral degree after seven years of theoretical and practical study of modern medicine at university indicates the epistemological demise of traditional medicine. Thus, the revival of traditional (or alternative) medicine, if such can occur in Iran and other countries, only makes sense institutionally and not theoretically.

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towards the epistemology of medical modernization 139

PART TWO ON THE BENEFITS, THE MAINTENANCE AND THE STATUTES OF THE STATE HOSPITAL

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introduction

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PREFACE The following pages provide an edition and English translation of the unique manuscript 505. The commentary in the footnotes clarifies the obscure passages and further explains some historical details or technical terms, which might not be familiar to the readers. These footnotes and comments further facilitate the reading of the second part independently from the first Part of the book. Manuscript 505, now available in this volume, if not the most, is certainly one of the most important sources on the history of hospitals in modern Iran. Although the hospital system described in this manuscript has been examined within the framework of medical modernization in nineteenth-century Iran in the first Part, the thorough study of this document particularly with regard to the details it provides on military and civil hospitals, the extent of their importance in medical modernization and in fighting epidemics under the Q§j§r, is yet to be undertaken in a separate project. The manuscript is a running text with no physical separation between chapters and sections. The first 11 pages are devoted to the introduction. Chapters are defined according to various criteria: the first two chapters concern the benefits of the hospital for the government and for the soldiers, and each benefit is explained extensively. All other chapters are generally titled as duties and qualities of various functionaries and medical staff of the hospital, though other matters also are dealt with. As in the first two chapters, the duties and qualities are explained at length in numerical order. It is on the basis of this division by the author that in the English edition we have divided the text into 13 chapters, although other forms of division would also be possible. A note here is necessary about the translation of manuscript 505. Unlike European languages, Persian in the nineteenth century retained its medieval structure. A proper Persian grammar had not yet been elaborated and what was known until the early twentieth century was rather Arabic grammar applied to Persian.1 This led to 1 Cf. Anonymous article “Ma’khaz-e f§rsi-ye fasih” (origin of eloquent Persian), K§veh (published in Berlin) 5th year, no.12, 13 Nov 1920.

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the creation of texts that at times are hard to understand. Moreover, many expressions used in the nineteenth century have been long out of use and are therefore unfamiliar to us. The Persian literary style, in general, is redundant, instead of concise. The poetic taste of Iranian authors adds to the difficulty. For the sake of aesthetics, they tended to repeat the same words several times by making use of their Arabic or Persian synonyms. For instance, for “historians” or “writers”, the author of manuscript 505 put motetabbe#in-e akhb§r (searchers of news) va mote#allemin-e §s§r (instructors of traditions). This pedantic and redundant style sometimes makes the English translation seem unnatural or even meaningless. Manuscript 505 has no punctuation, as was the norm in Old Persian literature, and this makes it sometimes difficult to establish the beginning and end of sentences. In order to render the running text of the manuscript more legible, we have added punctuation and distinguished between paragraphs, sections and chapters. When the handwriting is illegible, the sentences outdated or not clearly expressed, we have suggested several readings with their respective meanings and provided their literal sense in the footnotes, leaving further suggestions to readers themselves. Given such a literary style and the problem of legibility, a faithful and accurate translation becomes extremely difficult and full of pitfalls. Although the utmost effort has been employed to reflect accurately the text of manuscript 505, we do not claim that the translation is flawless.

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Introduction1 In the Name of God, the Clement and the Merciful [1] Since, with his high-minded ambitions, His Majesty, the King of Kings and ornament of the throne of the kingdom of Iran,2 the exalted descendant of Hushang and Jam,3 sun of the royal palace,4 candle of the nine heavens5 of the splendour of Islam, N§ser al-DinSh§h,6 may his victory be glorified and his reign be long, endeavours to improve the education of Iranians and [since] his high and royal mind is devoted to reviving and propagating the traditions of the past kings, he decided, at the beginning of his auspicious reign, in accordance with the intention of his blessed spirit, to order the con1 As explained in the Preface, the first 11 pages stand for the Introduction without being titled as such by the author. Likewise, the manuscript has no title and what we have suggested as the title for Part II refers to pp. 10 and 11 of the manuscript especially. 2 Molk-e #ajam (lit. the kingdom of the barbarians and non-Arabs). Although #ajam signifies foreigners or non-Arabs (cf. #Ali-Akbar Dehkhod§, Loghatn§meh, eds. Mohammad Mo#in and Seyyed Ja#far Shahidi (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 2nd edition, 1377/1998), vol. 10), in most Persian texts, including our manuscript, #ajam means “Iran” and moluk-e #ajam means “kings of Iran”. For another example see #Omar b. Ebr§him-e Khayy§m-e Neysh§buri, Nowruz-n§meh, ed. #Ali Hosuri (Tehran: Tahuri, 1357/1978), p. 27. 3 Hushang and Jam (or Jamshid) were two members of the pre-historic Pishd§di dynasty in Iran. Hushang (the fourth son of Adam) was, after Kiyumars (Gayomart), the second Sh§h of Iran. The semi-mythological account went on to say that during his reign, fire and iron were discovered. He was also considered by the Iranians to be a Prophet. Jam was the generic name of the Kings, but also the name of the fourth King of Iran, Jamshid, 2419 years after Adam. Jamshid was the first to talk about bathing. See anonymous Persian manuscript, “T§rikh-e p§desh§h§n-e #ajam”, 1848, St Petersburg, National Library, хан. 89). Others maintained that he invented medical knowledge (anonymous, “Fihrist ket§b-e majma# al-moluk”, 1841, St Petersburg, National Library, MS XAH.88). He was also, according to mythology, the founder of Nowruz, the Iranian New Year celebrated at the vernal equinox (Dehkhod§, Loqatn§meh, vol. 5, pp. 7855-56; vol.15, p. 22833). 4 Shesh-t§q (lit. royal tent.), see Dehkhod§, Loqatn§meh, vol. 9. 5 Noh-kharg§h. Kharg§h also means spacious palace of residence. Khar (or kher) in Pahlavi signifies pleasant, and g§h, place; kharg§h means pleasant and agreeable place. Noh (nine), is used as prefix to several words like noh-b§m (nine house, roofs), noh-p§yeh (nine pillars), noh-pardeh (nine curtains or screens), noh-takht (nine thrones), noh-sepehr (nine spheres), etc., which always mean “nine heavens” or “nine skies”. The term noh is also an allusion to the nine apertures of the body: see Dehkhod§, Loghatn§meh, vol. 15, p. 22879. 6 N§ser al-Din Sh§h of the Q§j§r dynasty (1794-1925), who reigned from 1848 to 1896.

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struction of a hospital which is one of the charitable foundations and the most acknowledged mark of good works.7 According to his order, the equipment and other necessities have been prepared [2] and the doctors of the army are attending and treating with diligence the ill soldiers. However, because of some carelessness, this work failed to be conducted in a manner as satisfactory as was desired and ordered by His Majesty the Sh§h, the supporter of the faith, may God perpetuate his kingdom, until His Excellency the powerful, the great lord, the example of the ornament of existence and [good] intentions,8 the basis of the world of greatness and nobility, and the Great General, was appointed the Commander-in-Chief of the army9 and the head of the royal palace, and dedicated his body and soul, intelligence and consciousness to put in order the victorious army and to improve the well-being of the provinces of the King of Kings. And since one of the most important of these tasks is the consolidation of the affairs of the hospital, upon which depend the tranquillity of the army’s soldiers, His Excellency ordered me to write a sort of treatise10 on this subject and to draw up some guidelines for its affairs as he has determined them. It is self-evident that a hospital is the greatest of charities [3] and everlasting virtuous acts. Since the benefit of this fruitful work is to keep the humours in balance,11 which is, in turn, the means of meeting corporal needs, securing religious interests and acquiring knowledge of the divine (ma#§ref-e rabb§ni), it is naturally desired and accepted by religious law; it is praiseworthy for all governments and acknowledged by all nations. It is now well known that we should observe [what] the European 7

Masduqah-e b§qiy§t va s§leh§t. #Onv§n-e dib§cheh-ye vojud va hemam. 9 The person in question should be Mohammad-Kh§n-e Q§j§r, the chief of the royal guards (Sarkeshikchi-b§shi) under the premiership of Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n-e Amir Kabir (1848-1852). Later on, he became minister of war (Sepahs§l§r-e a#zam). He ordered our author to write this treatise probably when he became de facto prime minister in 1864. (See Part One, Chapter Three, in this volume). Cf. Abbas Amanat, Pivot of the Universe Nasir al-din Sh§h Q§j§r and the Iranian Monarchy, 1831-1896 (London, New York: I. B. Tauris Publishers, 1997), pp. 210, 250, 379-383, and 398-99. 10 Res§leh-guneh. But, as the content of this text shows, in fact the author tries to lay down a manifesto for the establishment of public hospitals in Iran. 11 Hefz-e sehhat-e maz§j-e ens§ni. Terms such as hefz-e sehhat-e maz§j-e ens§ni (lit. keeping the bodily humours healthy) and tahsil-e maq§sed-e jesm§ni (meeting corporal needs) imply a rudimentary notion of public health. There are doubtless notions of public health in this text, but the problem is that the author has no equivalent in traditional medicine or available Persian terms for them. 8

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nations, whom one envies, [are doing]. Everybody knows that in order to gain the slightest profit they do not even hesitate to endure physical suffering. These Europeans have constructed grand hospitals in every province, city and village and donated to each one endowed land and movable properties and money.12 Thus no large village has remained without a hospital. It is obvious to those who pursue such matters and those well-read in antiquities that this work of charity13 was first realised in Iran,14 [4] and that it is the imitation of this tradition that has adorned and refined Europe. It is regrettable for the fame and honour of the masters of knowledge and education, and of the most just inhabitants of the populated world [Iranians], whom the people of other countries have imitated in everything, that they are now excluded from science and education and have become the object of mockery; the inhabitants of the earth, who, according to the opinion of the sages, were their servants, have now become their superiors and masters. The books of history15 make it known that from the epoch of the first dynasty of the Persian kings16 to the domination of Alexander in Iran, 12

Khaz§yen (lit. treasuries). K§r-e kheyr-§s§r (lit. “a work that produces well-being and happiness”). 14 As we see in the following paragraph, the author believed that hospitals had been created in the pre-historic Pishd§diy§n dynasty in Iran, but provides no other source for this assertion than the epic: the Book of Kings (Sh§h-n§meh) of Ferdowsi. (For the Sh§h-n§meh see below, footnote 18. 15 Kotob-e siyar. Siyar (plural of sirat) means the manners, customs, etc. of great people, such as kings. #Elm-e tav§rikh va siyar (science of histories and biographies) is, according to $moli, the second branch of the science of moh§vera (conversation, dialogue, phraseology). The science of history referred to the chronicles of the dynasties and the kings or the prophets and science of siyar described the manners and personalities of the Prophets and Kings. Cf. Shams al-Din Mohammad b. Mahmud-e $moli, Naf§yes al-fonun fi #ar§yes al-#oyun, The precious branches of learning in the quintessential sources of knowledge, ed. H§j Mirz§ Abol-Hasan Sha#r§ni, 3 vols. (Tehran: Library Esl§miyeh, 1958), vol. 2, p. 170. We can translate kotob-e siyar as the biographies of great people. The sources, which the author refers to as kotob-e siyar, might include the following books of Ebn al Moqaffa#: Ket§b al-t§j on the manners of Khosrow Anushirw§n; Khod§y-n§meh, book of the kings, on royal customs, and $’in-n§meh (book of the rules of governance). Ebn al Moqaffa# was a Zoroastrian convert to Islam from the F§rs region who served the court of al-Mansur, the #Abb§sid Caliph, and was put to death in 761 at the age of thirty-six. 16 Pishd§diy§n (plural of Pishd§di). This term is composed of pish (front, past), and d§d (justice). The Pishd§d was the first man to administer justice. In the Sh§h-n§meh of Ferdowsi there were four Persian dynasties reigning before the introduction of Islam: the Pishd§di, the Kay§ni (or Kiy§ni), the Achaemenid (559-331 BC), the Ashk§ni (or the Parthian, 141 BC-AD 224), and the Sasanians (224-651AD). Of these dynasties the first was prehistoric and reigned about 2600 years ($moli, Naf§yes 13

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large or small hospitals were always being constructed in the provinces, cities and even villages of this empire and, during campaigns, mobile hospitals consisting of tents accompanied the soldiers.17 In the epochs when the Iranians considered the moving planets to be a source of knowledge and overflowing [5] bounties, they dedicated [these mobile hospitals] to the planets and painted the tents and their furniture the colour of the planets [they worshipped]. In the great Sh§h-n§meh18 it is said: when D§r§ [Darius III] moved to wage war against Alexander, 366 mobile hospitals accompanied his army and their budget and raw and cooked victuals were provided by the Royal Kitchen. I do not remember any epoch in ancient times when this act of charity was not prevalent [in Iran]. Only after Alexander’s domination of Iran was the activity of hospitals curtailed and [later on], during the Arab domination, the custom of the hospital was still in many parts of the country respected and widespread, although the standards of the Kings of Iran were completely abandoned. So much so that the Tazkerat al-Atebb§19 makes it known that in Iran there were many hospitals where all of the great physicians treated the patients. In the same book it is said that, when [the Caliph] Mu#tasim20 [6] headed towards the West,21 Bokhtishu#22 did not go along with him because of al-fonun, vol. 2, p. 203). The scanty historiography of the Kiy§nid and the Achaemenid leads us to suppose that these two dynasties were contemporaneous and that the last two kings of both dynasties, namely D§r§ the First and D§r§ the Second (who was defeated by Alexander of Macedonia) were one and the same. 17 There are many accounts on mobile hospitals during the Islamic period. For example, “Sin§n b. Th§bit (d. 331/945), the then inspector general of the hospitals of Baghdad, was asked to organize a travelling hospital to visit the various places where the prisoners were lodged.” See Mohammad Zubayr Siddiqi, Studies in Arabic and Persian Medical Literature (Calcutta: Calcutta University Press, 1959), p. xxx. Or again, a mobile hospital was transported by forty dromedaries and followed the encampments of Solt§n Mahmud Seljuq (twelfth century). Ahmed Issa Bey, Histoire des Bimaristans (hôpitaux) à l’époque Islamique (Cairo: Imprimerie Paul Barbey, 1928), p. 89. 18 The book of kings, begun by the Persian poet Daqiqi-ye Tusi (d. 975) and completed after some forty years of labour by Ferdowsi in 1010 AD. 19 Tazkerat al-Atebb§ (biography of physicians). We could not find any trace of this book. 20 Mu#tasim was one of the #Abb§sid caliphs who reigned in Baghdad from A.D. 833 to A.D. 842. On the #Abb§sid caliphs, cf. C.E. Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1967), pp. 7-10. 21 A reference to his stay in Damascus. A similar story has been reported about the Caliph al-Mansur (754-775) and Jorjis Bokhtishu#: “Jorjis was summoned from Jondish§pur to Baghdad for the treatment of the Caliph. Four years later Jorjis fell ill and asked permission to return to Jondish§pur. On his departure, he promised

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his advanced age and sent Abu Sa#id, the most knowledgeable of his pupils, together with other skilled doctors, to accompany the Caliph. When Bokhtishu# bid the Caliph farewell, upon the latter’s question as to why he had kept his son Gabriel and sent instead Abu Sa#id, he replied that the hospital of Jondish§pur needed many doctors such as Gabriel.23 This statement makes it plain that at that period the hospital had such prestige that working in it was more important than working for the Sultan; service at the hospital was considered to be the most noble employment. During the reign of one of the #Abb§sid sovereigns, the head of the physicians of the hospital of Rayy died and left no one capable of succeeding him. The news was sent to the Caliph, who subsequently consulted his vizier about it. Since Abu Soleym§n, the physician,24 [7] interfered a great deal in political affairs, the vizier suggested that the hospital of Rayy was a great place and no one except Abu Soleym§n could take over its direction. When this statement [of the vizier] reached the physician, he could not refuse, to send in his place one of his pupils, Isa b. Shahl§, but declined to send his son (Bokhtishu# the Second) on the grounds that he could not be spared from the hospital of Jondish§pur.” Cf. Edward G. Browne, Arabian Medicine (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1926), p. 23. 22 According to E. G. Browne, citing Theodor Nöldeke, the name Bokhtishu# is composed of Bokht§n, delivered, saved, and Is§ or Ishu, Jesus. The meaning is ‘Jesus hath delivered’. See Edward G. Browne, A Literary History of Persia, 4 vols. (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1902-1924), vol. I: From the Earliest Times until Firdawsi, p. 344. The Bokhtishu (arabised: Bokhtishu#), were a physician dynasty of Persian extraction and of Christian creed established at Jondish§pur and lasting several centuries. It seems that the first Bokhtishu# who served the #Abb§sid caliphs was Jorjis, son of Gabriel, who was called to Baghdad in A.D. 765 to attend the Caliph al-Mansur. See Dominique Sourdel, “Bokhtishu”, in Encyclopaedia of Islam, 11 vols. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, London: Luzac, 1960- ), vol. I, p. 1298. As was the custom of the time, the same first names, such as Jibril (or Gabriel), Jorjis, etc. were borne successively by the sons and the grandsons, which can be very confusing for the reader. 23 The son of Gabriel was #Ubaydull§h who died in A.D. 941. See Browne, A Literary History of Persia, vol. I, p. 367. 24 Mohammad b. T§her Sajest§ni (from Sist§n in East Iran), known as Abu Soleym§n and living in Baghdad under the #Abb§sid caliphate, was a learned man knowledgeable in several sciences including medicine. He was honoured and respected by the #Azod al-Dowleh (r. 950-983) of the Buyid dynasty, and many scholars studied with him. At the time he went to Rayy, this city was one of the most prosperous centres of the Buyid dynasty under #Azod al-Dowleh. Abu Soleym§n died in 380H /990AD. Cf. #Abdol Hamid Al-Aluchi, T§rikh al Tibb al #Er§qiya, (History of medicine in Iraq) (Baghdad: Saad Press, 1967), p. 441. See also Mahmud Nadjm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb dar Iran pas az esl§m (History of medicine in Iran after Islam) (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1366/1987), p. 674. According to this book the death of Abu Soleym§n occurred in 370/980-981.

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since that position was extremely eminent, involving supervision of the work of forty famous doctors. If he had rejected the offer, saying that the vizier proposed him for this position in order to get rid of him, no one would have believed him.25 Therefore, Abu Soleym§n left Baghdad to serve at the Rayy hospital. In the register26 of the hospital of K§sh§n, under Majd al-Molk,27 which was functioning for a long time in that paradisical28 city, it is mentioned that the hospital had an annual income of twelve thousand tomans29 from its properties. Four thousand tomans were designated for the salary of the doctors and other employees, four thousand tomans were spent on victuals, and the remaining four thousand were spent 25 In other words, since the position of a physician at that hospital was greater than in a court, nobody could believe that in order to dismiss Abu-Soleym§n from a post, the Caliph would offer him a higher position. 26 Surat-e daftar (lit. “Register of details of income and expenses of the hospital”). 27 He might be the same Majd al-Dowleh (997-1029) from the branch of the Buyid dynasty in Rayy. See Bosworth, The Islamic Dynasties, p. 95. 28 Although the author by qualifying K§sh§n with the adjective minu-nesh§n (like paradise) demonstrates his taste for rhyming of words, it is noteworthy that under the Buyids who reigned for 110 years from 945 onwards, Iran became prosperous; only after the series of invasions of the Turco-Mongols, starting with the Ghaznavids and the Seljuqs, did the wealth of flourishing cities of Iran such as Rayy and K§sh§n decline. It is, therefore, likely that the details, described by our author, about the hospital of K§sh§n are correct. 29 According to Ebr§him Purd§vud, the toman was introduced into Iran after the Mongol invasion in A.D. 1219. But if Majd al-Molk, mentioned by the author of our manuscript, was a Buyid prince, and if we believe what he says about the register of the hospital of K§sh§n at that period, the toman as currency existed long before the Mongols. In the Mongol language toman meant 10,000 and was used for a military division of 10,000 men. Toman sometimes also meant “tribe” (il) as well as “domain” or “jurisdiction.” The province of Persian Iraq (or #Er§q), for instance, was divided in 9 tomans. During the same period, toman was a gold coin valued at 10,000 din§rs. Cf. Ebr§him Purd§vud, Hormazdn§meh (Tehran: Anjoman-e ir§nshen§si, 1331/1952), pp. 236-237. As a gold coin toman was used in Iran until 1927. Cf. Oxford English Dictionary. But it seems that it was withdrawn when the riy§l (of Spanish origin) was acknowledged in 1929 as the monetary unit in Iran and since that time one toman has been worth 10 riy§l. (Purd§vud, Hormazdn§meh, p. 233). Throughout its history, the toman constantly depreciated in value. We do not know at what value our nineteenth-century author rated the toman during the Buyid period (10th and 11th centuries). According to Franklin, writing in the 1780s, one toman was the equivalent of about 13 rupees or 13 piastres: William Franklin, Observations Made on a Tour from Bengal to Persia in the Years 1786-7 (London: 1790), p. 46. According to the Dictionary of Anender§j, published in India in 1889, one toman was the equivalent of 20 rupees. In 1849, one pound was worth about 2.3 tomans. See Fereydun Adamiyat, Amir-Kabir va Iran (Tehran: Kh§razmi, 1354/1975), p. 300. According to Rawlinson, writing in 1838, one toman was equal to 10s. of English money (cf. Henry Creswick

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on medicines. In addition, from its inception, all sorts of compound and simple drugs were stored [there] and the remote provinces were informed that, [8] if chronic or complicated diseases afflicted the paupers, thus requiring expensive drugs, the pharmacy of K§sh§n would not fail to send immediately the required quantity of drugs, whatsoever they were. Perhaps the saying of Sa#di30—“before the tery§q (theriac)31 arrives from Ir§q32 the snake-bitten would die”—refers to this hospital; otherwise, what would tery§q have to do with #Er§q?33 In sum, the expansion of hospitals in Iran during several centuries is too obvious to require further explanation and evidence or to allow one to think otherwise. A proof of this is the abbreviated name m§rest§n [i.e. bim§rest§n (hospital)], which is used in several foreign languages. It is quite surprising that nowadays about 50,000 hospitals have been constructed throughout the world in imitation of the Iranians, but not one of them is in Iran. [9] It was written in one of the newspapers that an old Jewish woman at her deathbed bequeathed in her will 130,000 tomans for the construction of a hospital. Praise be to God that the young King, inspired by his royal nature, ordered the implementation of this act of charity and we hope that this work will be spread to all Iranian cities.34 Had the previous functionaries not been Rawlinson, “Notes on a March from Zoh§b, at the foot of Zagros, along the mountains of Khûzist§n (Susiana)… in the year 1836…,” Journal of the Royal Geographical Society, 9 (1839); 26-116, p. 27). In 1858, Simmonds in his dictionary equated one toman to 12s. 6d. Eight tomans was about £3 and 16s. 30 Mosharraf al-Din b. Mosleh al-Din #Abdoll§h (d. ca. 1291), born in Shir§z, the capital of F§rs province in southern Iran, was one of the greatest poets under the Mongols. As he was taken under the protection of Sa#d b. Zangi, the At§bek (governor) of F§rs (ca. 1226-1271), he took the pen name of Sa#di in honour of this governor. 31 Teriy§q is opium or the fruit of the poppy that was extensively used both as a painkiller and as drug by addicts. But it would also mean the complex compound drug, known in Latin as Electuarium Andromachi, used in traditional medicine. (See below, footnote 44. 32 At that time, K§sh§n was situated in the province of Iranian Iraq (#Er§q). In the Medieval period, #Er§q was a large province covering parts of modern Iraq, called #Er§q-e #arab, and the western and central provinces in Iran, including Kerm§nsh§h, Qazvin, Zanj§n, the present province of Ar§k, the district of Far§h§n and the cities of Mal§yer, Brujerd, Ispahan, Hamadan and K§sh§n, called #Er§q-e #ajam (Iranian #Er§q). 33 In other words, the link between tery§q and #Er§q, made by Sa#di was not for rhyming purpose; it indicated that this medicine ( i.e. tery§q) was made in and exported from K§sh§n (part of #Er§q). 34 This allows us to suggest that some almshouses or hospitals could have been

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remiss, this good custom [of hospital construction], which keeps alive the traditions of the ancient kings, would have prevailed. The number of 50,000 hospitals, which we mentioned above, is not pure fancy or a vague estimation but, to the knowledge of the Geographers,35 there are even more. Some of them belong to the state (dowlati) and others are private (ra#yati). The expenditure of each one is fixed and is given to their superintendents daily. Endowments and alms offered by the dignitaries of the state and by the subjects are spent in these hospitals, and each one [10] possesses large pharmacies, treasuries full of money and precious properties. I would like here to indicate the extent to which the Iranians have neglected the offer of charity. On the Festival of Sacrifices,36 when as many as 200,000 sheep are slaughtered and the meat of half of them becomes putrefied and is thrown away, I went to the hospital and the superintendent told me that “today there is no meat in the bazaar”. I was surprised at the level of his intelligence, because he did not use some of those sheep which were available; I was also astonished at the level of other people’s intelligence, because none of them [who donated a sheep as a sacrifice] had the idea of offering their sheep to the hospital which, in addition to [taking care of] the soldiers, provides housing to paupers and strangers and refuge to amputees, vagabonds and other seekers of charity. Since the purpose of this treatise is to highlight some of the benefits of having a hospital and to explain [11] the rules of its maintenance, I will content myself here with providing only an outline as a model, created by private benefactors. However, from what the author recounts it is not clear whether he gives an example of charity, or the bequeathed money was used, by the order of the Sh§h, for the establishment of the royal hospital in question (marizkh§neh-ye dowlati) or for the construction of another hospital. 35 Arb§b-e joghr§fi§ (lit. masters of geography). This statement indicates that the geographical literature was an important source of information on hospitals. Obviously, the author referred to contemporary Geographers, about whom we do not know; but his medieval sources are likely to have included the following: Y§qut Hamavi (thirteenth century), Mu#jam al-buld§n; Abol-Q§sem b. #Ali Ibn Hawqal (tenth century), Kit§b surat al-arz, french translation by M. J. Goeje and G. Weit, Configuration de la terre, 2 vols. (Paris: 1964); #Abdoll§h Ibn Battuta (d. 1377), Rihla, English translation by H.A.R. Gibb, The Travels of Ibn Battuta, 3 vols. (Cambridge: Hakluyt Society, 1958-1971); Ibn al Faqih al-Hamad§ni, Kit§b al Buld§n, French translation: (Abrégé du Livre des Pays) by Henri Massé and revised by Ch. Pellat (Damascus: Institut Français du Damas, 1973). 36 #eyd al-azh§, or #eyd-e qorb§n (the Feast of Sacrifices) is observed on the 10th of the Islamic lunar moon of Zolhajjah.

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given that its full explanation requires an entire book, and that my aim here is to write down the statutes of a public hospital.37 The benefits of such a hospital are twofold. The first kind of benefit goes to soldiers, employees, homeless38 and the poor, and the second one is for the government itself, which I shall discuss in the second chapter. 37

Qav§#ed-e marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (lit. “rules of the state hospital”). Ghorab§ means people who are far from their homeland. It implies travellers and immigrants but especially those who had no home and could not afford accommodation while travelling. By ghorab§ va bich§reg§n, the author meant people who came to Tehran either to seek work or to beg. They were without any family who could protect them. In any case this passage indicates that the hospital in question had the same connotations as a hospice for homeless people. 38

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There are twelve benefits. It is evident that, of the natural sciences,39 the one that has self-evident usefulness and an unmistakable great purpose, the science, which is the indisputable helm of the globe, is medicine, desired by all people and agreeable to every taste. Nowhere in the inhabited world is medicine not glorified and the physician not considered noble [12]. [This is] because health is the greatest treasure and the most desirable goal of all nations. Its conservation when it exists and its recovery when it declines depend on this noble art. To tell the truth, even thinking about a doctor brings a patient comfort to his body and relief to his depressed mind. He who refuses the doctor[’s attendance] wise men consider ignorant and a denier of God’s precious wisdom. Therefore, he who has the greatest dignity and the most significant power displays greater consideration towards the doctor. Those amongst the persons of wealth and fortune who pass their life without a doctor[’s care] will leave sorrow, regret and remorse to their descendants. Therefore, as the king and other dignitaries of the state, at the time of illness in their family, endeavour to bring the most able and skilful doctors to the patient’s bed, it is incumbent upon those who are the benefactors of the army and the custodians [13] of their subjects, to do the same for the patients among these groups. Firstly, [it is incumbent upon them] not to be sparing with their resources and fortunes for the education of physicians. Secondly, they ought to appoint trained doctors to attend patients among the army and among the other subjects. Thirdly, they ought to prohibit unknown and unqualified persons, who are as harmful to the bodies of the patients as detrimental to their pockets, from providing medical treatment, because the physical and financial damage they cause to them [the patients] is greater than that which bandits and highway robbers create: “A thief pillages the highway at night, what you do is daylight robbery.”40 39 Fonun-e tab§ye# (lit. branches of the natures). But the author does not explain what these natural sciences are. In the fourteenth century, $moli divided the sciences of nature into ten branches: tebb (medicine), kimiy§ (alchemy), simiy§ (talismans), #elm-e ta#bir (the science of interpretation), #elm-e far§sat (psychology based on physiognomy), ahk§m-e nojum (astronomy), khav§ss-e ashiy§’ (properties of things, including animals and objects), #elm-e heraf al-tabi#a (the natural sciences, including the art of veterinary medicine, cleaning clothes, agriculture and husbandry, etc.) #elm-e dam (the mastering of breath), and #elm-e vahm (imagination) developed in India. See $moli, Naf§yes al-fonun, vol. 3, pp. 109-365. 40 Dozd shab rah mizanad—to ruz-e rowshan mizani.

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What we have said brings to light several aspects of the benefits of the hospital. First, able and skilful doctors who can diagnose diseases with similar symptoms and who are capable of curing dangerous illnesses are very few and [almost] non-existent. Therefore, it is impossible to employ experienced and skilful physicians for all the regiments. Consequently, even if there is a doctor assigned to [14] a regiment, blunders and mistakes will usually occur in diagnosis and in medication, thus rendering treatment ineffective.41 It is therefore convenient to appoint [to a hospital] a sagacious and competent doctor who, in the case of an outbreak of dangerous diseases, attends patients carefully according to the rules of the art and implements rational treatment. Moreover, [if] a number of military doctors always reside at the hospital, when the need arises, they can certainly advise each other on diagnosing diseases, deliberate together carefully to find a cure and co-operate in treating and nursing the patients; [in this way,] they can provide, thanks to the Sh§h, a service to a simple soldier, that [ordinarily] is only accessible to very few [noble, wealthy] people in the country. The second benefit. Assume that within the regiment there is a skilled doctor who can diagnose diseases in the best way. Even so, the correct treatment outside [15] the hospital is impossible for various reasons. The most important [reason] is that he cannot supply medicine, because he is paid only thirty tomans per year to provide it, while if he wished to supply his patients in the regiment with medicine according to the [established] medical method, even one hundred or two hundred tomans would not suffice. Therefore, he would necessarily have to prescribe [drugs] which not even one per cent of the soldiers can afford, especially if the drugs are rare and expensive. And even if they [the soldiers] can afford it, a soldier does not know how to take medicine correctly so as to obtain a good result. He therefore could be risking his life in the hope of recovery, and many cases have occurred where poisonous medicines have been given to soldiers, who perished as a result. The worst is that the apothecaries of the capital

41 The general idea of the author is that there were very few able and skilled doctors and the majority of those working for the army were unqualified and therefore it was necessary to train doctors. But the rhetoric used to explain this idea is misleading and unclear. The literal translation of the above phrase is: “supposing that there is a special doctor within the regiment, mistakes...happen usually...but it is easy to appoint a sagacious and skilled doctor who, in the case...”.

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are so heedless and greedy that they sell defective and corrupt medicines to all42—even the noble of the city [16] are not immune from this situation. Our apothecaries43 give not the slightest thought to putting their medicines in some order! Only the superior authorities can do something to prevent so much harm from being incurred on the people. These needy people pay visiting fees (haqq al-qadam) and government taxes, and in exchange receive decomposed drugs; instead of reaping recovery, they suffer great loss. But in a public hospital this sort of damage cannot be imagined, because, thanks to the Sh§h, all of the expensive simple and compound drugs, tery§q§t,44 and essences in common use are selected and neatly stored in the pharmacy and can be provided when necessary. The third benefit. As we have seen, since the regiment’s doctor cannot provide the required drugs, which in the case of many patients are too expensive for them to afford, inevitably the disease grows worse. The physician alone is not sufficiant to ward off [17] most diseases; he needs the help of the pharmacy.45 [Without this,] the patient loses his strength, his illness is aggravated and this leads to his death. It is for this reason that, for example, most light agues and minor diarrhoeas evolve into dropsy and similar diseases and kill the patient. As we saw under the second benefit, thanks to [the endeavour of] the Sh§h, this 42

Bel§ tah§shi (lit. without exception). Atebb§-ye m§ (our doctors). The activities of a doctor and a pharmacist overlapped in the middle of the nineteenth century in Iran and it is noteworthy that our author, according to what he described in his treatise, was both a pharmacist and a physician. 44 Plural of teriy§q. From the poppy were derived various products, different in both quality and composition and used against different diseases. The most famous, teriy§q-e f§ruq (Electuarium Andromachi), was used as an antidote, since it could induce the person, who had swallowed opium in order to commit suicide, to vomit. Cf. Johan Schlimmer, Terminologie Médico-Pharmaceutique et Anthropologique Française-Persane (Tehran: Lithographie d’Ali GouliKhan, 1874), pp. 41 and 224. In Iran, every high-ranking physician composed his own formula with specific amounts of different components for different diseases. For example, against cholera, the recipe of Seyyed Mozaffar al-Din Shaf§’i comprised various elements including pill of snake, black pepper mixed with china root, rose petals, turnip seeds, etc... [According to Shaf§’i] it has to be used within six months of its production and its effect lasts up to sixty years. See #Aqili, Majma# al-jav§me# dar amr§z-e mofradeh-ye gheyr-e mokhtasseh (Calcutta: lithograph edition, 1275/ 1858-59), vol. 5, p. 207. 45 San§#at (art, industry) in this context means the art of pharmacy, because in the first part of the sentence the author mentions that in cases of serious disease the doctor alone (without drugs) cannot treat them. San§#at would also mean “practice” or “practical experience” versus “theoretical knowledge”, or #elm. 43

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vice has been completely removed in the hospital, with the result that they [the doctors] use all sorts of expensive drugs without restraint at the time of need.46 The fourth benefit. Since usually soldiers do not trust the doctor of their regiments, when they fall sick they seek another physician, resulting in much harm. One of the damaging results is that they become involved with quacks47 and plunge into the gulf of perdition, as has been witnessed many times. The fifth benefit. The soldier on campaign travels lightly, [whereas] in time of illness he inevitably needs a special diet and drugs [18] whose preparation requires dishes and the like; but, due to the lack of these utensils [on campaign], the preparation of medications becomes impossible.48 Thanks to the Sh§h, all types of food useful for patients and for the disabled are to hand in the hospital and are provided punctually without any difficulties or delays. Details of the food [in the hospital for lunch] are the following: Bread with broth (n§n §bgusht); bread with cedrat jam (n§n-morabb§ye b§lang);49 bread and pistachio jam; bread with cheese; bread with oxymel; bread with barberry jam; simple broth; almond pottage; delicious soup (§sh-e laziz); sholeh [soup consisting of rice, oil and vegetables]; pudding made with starch and cooled (yakh dar behesht); bread with kebab; fereni [a kind of pap or pudding made of ground rice, milk and sugar]; melon with sugar; harireh-b§d§m [a kind of pap made of flour, milk and almond]; harireh nesh§steh [pap made of rice and milk]; rice-milk; plum pottage; egg yolk; soup of lentil and vetch; 46 This sentence is in the past perfect implying that “the vice” has been removed. We should, however, bear in mind that while the aim of this treatise is to write down the statutes of the public hospital, it is a panegyric and therefore praises the Sh§h for the realization of the rules that in reality were not fully, or even partially, implemented. Consequently many verbs in the past, indicating accomplished works, could also be translated as the future tense. We can thus translate this sentence as follows: “if thanks to the Sh§h this vice is completely removed [the doctors] will use all sorts of expensive drugs without restraint at the time of need”. 47 J§hel§n-e tabib-surat (lit. ignorant people who look like physicians). 48 The Persian sentence is grammatically incorrect and for this reason its literal translation is somehow unintelligible: “Since the soldier on campaign carries few things, in time of illness he inevitably needs a special diet and drugs the preparation of which requires dishes and the like and due to the lack of these utensils [on campaign], the preparation of medications becomes impossible.” 49 B§lang or b§drang (a variety of the citron or lemon). The Iranians sometimes eat its fresh pulp with sugar, but they also transform it into a delicious compote. See Schlimmer, Terminologie médico-pharmaceutique, pp. 139-140.

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decoction of chickpeas; pomegranate soup; barberry soup; tamarind soup; sour milk soup; simple soup;50 young chicken soup;51 pear and sour orange; water-melon juice. For supper, in addition to what was mentioned for lunch: [19] pilau with egg yolk or with meat; chelow [cooked rice] with camomile and behesht (?); chelow with plums. In addition to all of these, if necessary, dishes of any sort should not be spared. And if the need of further nutriment [for the sick] arises, kebab of young chicken, of partridge and the juice of meat as well as quality wines like those from Europe, such as brandy, port and madeira,52 should be served. The sixth benefit. The soldier, because he travels lightly, has no bed-clothes except for a quilt, and most soldiers do not even have a quilt. During illness, when the constitution and the temperament of both the feeble and the strong become fragile, bed-clothes are vital for preserving the body from ephemeral fever or sore muscles,53 because the slightest cold air54 transforms a minor illness, which can be cured by a bowl of warm soup and the process of perspiring,55 into such a serious disease [20] that it becomes absolutely untreatable. In the opinion of this slave of the court,56 it is for this reason that many people die 50 The handwriting is hardly legible. If the reading §sh-e som§q is correct, it would mean “simple soup”. 51 Ab-e jujeh is a sort of broth made of a young chicken. 52 In the text, it is written “Madrid”, which seems a spelling error, or possibly this was how the fortified wine “Madeira” was pronounced in nineteenth-century Iran. 53 Tasarrof-e hav§. The literal meaning of this term is “the influence of air or a draught”, but in traditional medicine it denotes extreme lassitude, fever or sore muscles due to cold or fatigue. See Schlimmer, Terminologies Médico-pharmaceutique, p. 162; Francis Steingass, A Comprehensive Persian-English Dictionary (London and New York: Routledge, Iran University Press, 8th impression, 1998), p. 305; Alexandre Manuila and M. Nicoulin, Dictionnaire médical (Paris, Milan, Barcelone: Masson, 7th edn, 1996), p. 97. However, it seems that, for our author, tasarrof-e hav§ signifies simply a draught as he adds in this sentence that it transforms a slight fever into a serious illness. 54 As mentioned in the previous footnote, by tasarrof-e hav§ the author means cold weather. 55 #Araq-kardan (perspiration). 56 Bandeh-ye darg§h (slave of the court) means also servant of the court, which refers to the author. In the court milieu, this term was usually used by the high-ranking servants, including the Prime Minister. In Iran (especially after the introduction of Islam) and in the Ottoman Empire, some promising young boys (of aristocratic or, less often, unknown families) were brought up at the court and trained to serve the state. In the Ottoman Empire and during Safavid times in Iran, slaves taken from the Balkan countries or from Armenia and Georgia were also trained at court for the

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every year. Particularly in 1268 [1852-53], dysentery spread among the regiment of the tribes of Qazvin to such an extent that every day we had 200 sick people. Some of them, when their disease and weakness was most severe, and in the absence of bed-clothes, because of the draught,57 were attacked by pneumonia and their infirmity prevented blood-letting and, therefore, their treatment became impossible and their situation became terminal. But thanks to the Sh§hansh§h, there are plenty of bed-clothes and other necessities in the hospital, providing soldiers, in this respect, with comfort. The seventh benefit. One of the procedures in treatment is to ventilate the room58 and change the patient’s clothes. Everyone knows that a soldier [21] cannot change his clothes [frequently enough] and keep them clean. But the government authorities provide clothes, so that, according to the demand of doctors and the rules of the hospital, an attempt can be made to change and clean the soldiers’ clothes. The eighth benefit. It is evident that all diseases result from a disorderly diet and that most of them can be healed by medical device (tadbir-e san§#i ) and the administration of food according to the rule of the art.59 Since people such as soldiers are from the uneducated classes, in satisfying their desire to eat, they are similar to animals and never observe a diet. And at a time of illness, when the appetite for food is normally reduced, they remember their home cooking and long to eat §sh-e kashk (soup with diluted dried whey) and halva made of grape syrup.60 And their friends, who act as nurses, in order to satisfy the patient’s desires, try to acquire these foods and eat a couple of spoonfuls, while exclaiming [how good they are], so as to encourage the patient to eat more. No patient can escape from this calamity [22]; I remember many cases like this, and if I describe them extensively here it would be thought an exaggeration. However, in a royal hospital, this sort of blunder would not happen, [because] the

purpose of serving the state. Cf. William L. Cleveland, A History of the Modern Middle East (Boulder, San Francisco, Oxford: Westview Press, 1994), p. 48. 57 See notes 53 and 54. 58 Ta#dil-e hav§ literally means moderating the temperature. But in this context, the author implies regulating the temperature and humidity of the patients’ room by ventilation. 59 The original sentence is not intelligible. In order to understand this sentence better, it should be read as we have suggested in the Persian edition, footnote 10. 60 Halv§-ye dush§b.

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guard61 does not allow anyone other than the servants of the hospital to bring in food or drink. The ninth benefit. Since the majority of diseases have dangerous and frightening symptoms and occasionally a disease62 strikes in such a way that the patient collapses like a dead person, if in fact one does not endeavour to restore health immediately, the task would become very difficult within one hour. [So,] since doctors do not reside all the time with the regiment, the majority of these symptoms [diseases] send the sick soldiers to their death. But, at the public hospital, the day doctors and the night doctors observe every accident and event. Here I am obliged to relate one incident. When this least slave of the court of His Majesty was working round the clock at the hospital, [23] at midnight I heard the news of the death of one Mohammad #Ali belonging to the royal regiment.63 I was surprised, since at nightfall I did not anticipate such a critical state. I went to his bedside for a diagnosis and [at first] I found him already lost and his eyes and mouth closed. I decided, therefore, to return home, but I was plunged again into thought and asked about the circumstances of the incident. When it was described, I doubted [that he was dead] and conjectured that it was rather an apoplexy and, after some inspection, I demanded that he be unbound64 and began to meditate [upon this matter]. It was before sunrise that signs of life reappeared in him and hope and the promise of life returned to the eyes of the patient’s despairing brother. Within three days the treatment was completed and the sick man recovered. However, in the right part of his body, a slight paralysis was produced that I think, if he is still alive, he probably still has. [The number of cases ] in which the patient, at the moment of crisis, was supposed already dead and was mourned for loudly and, after becoming aware of the event, this least slave of the court cut short the lamentation [of the sick’s entourage by showing that the patient was alive], are not just one, two [24] or ten. God is aware of truth and falsity. The tenth benefit is the greatest one. In most seasons of the year, 61

About the guard, see below, chapter IX. #araz (lit. “onset, occurrence, accident, form, appearance”) but medically it means “symptom”. In traditional medicine, symptoms are taken to be the diseases themselves. Thus, in this text, #araz means “disease”, and not symptom in its modern sense. 63 fowj-e kh§sseh (special regiment), here meaning the regiment of the Sh§h or royal guard. 64 In the belief that he was dead, it seems that the sick soldier had already been prepared for burial. 62

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transmissible and contagious diseases65 like (dry) scab, typhoid66 and various diarrhoeas67 spread amongst the regiments of Tehran: from one person to a group of ten (daheh) and from daheh to dasteh (squadron) and from squadron to regiment and from one regiment to another, so that in this way the calamity ravages all the regiments. The opposite of this situation occurs when the commanders of the army and the generals of the regiments and even the lesser officers pay heed to the preservation of the soldiers from falling into these dangerous and complicated diseases in the following way. Every morning they call the rolls, and whoever seems tired and ill is sent by the commander of the daheh to the sergeant (vakil), then by the vakil to the $rdel-vakil and finally by the latter to the sergeant-major,68 and, when it becomes

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The terms used are: mosriyya (transmissible), ma#diya (from ma#da (or me#deh) stomach: relating to the digestive tract) and v§fida (contagious). As to the contagious connotation of ma#adiya, see below, footnote 67. 66 Motbeqa. We do not know to what the author was referring in considering motbeqa as a contagious disease. He might have been referring to Dr Polak’s lectures at the D§r al-Fonun, in which he explained that motbeqa was typhoid. In his book, also written in 1865, Polak translates motbeqa as typhoid or typhus. Cf. Jacob Polak, Persien, das Land und Seine Bewohner, Persian translation (Safarn§meh-ye Polak: Iran va Ir§ni§n) by Keyk§voos-e Jah§ngiri (Tehran: Kh§razmi, 1361/1982), pp. 427, 501. According to Avicenna, however, motbeqa was not typhoid but inflammatory continuous fever (Schlimmer, Terminologie medico-pharmaçeutique, pp. 192-197). Nevertheless, although our author confused different maladies, there is no doubt that he was talking about contagious diseases and probably about typhus which, as Schlimmer informs us, spread frequently among the troops at the end of the winter and the beginning of the spring (ibid., pp. 196-97). 67 Our author brings diarrhoeas under the heading of contagious diseases, probably considering that cholera was one of the variants of diarrhoea. This is an example of nineteenth-century physicians confusing dysentery and cholera. It might have been in response to this confusion that one of the traditional physicians of the Q§j§r period, Mirz§ Mohammad Taqi Shir§zi, wrote a treatise to distinguish cholera from diarrhoea. See Hormoz Ebrahimnejad, “Un traité d’épidémiologie de la médecine traditionnelle persane: Mofarraqon heyzeh va’l vab§ de Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi (ca. 1800-1873)”, Studia Iranica, 27 (1998), pp. 83-107. 68 Vakil-b§shi. These grades were introduced into the army probably in mid-nineteenth century, if not earlier, in order to modernise it. They are mentioned in the anonymous manuscript in 1857, (“On diseases commonly affecting soldiers in the barracks”, ca. 1857, Tehran, Library of Majles, MS 506, fols. 31-32). In a treatise, written in 1281/1864-5 by [the order of] Mohammad-Kh§n Q§j§r Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam (the minister of war), the grades of military personnel are set down in the following way: “sarb§z (soldier), sarjuqeh (corporal), vakil (sergeant), n§yeb2 (lieutenant), n§yeb1, sar-dasteh (captain), y§var (major), sarhang (colonel), sartip3 (general), sartip2, sartip1, amir-tum§n—or toman (commander of the Army, usually commander of a division consisting of 10,000 men), minister of war.” See “Ket§bcheh-ye q§nun-e nez§mi” (booklet of the rules in the

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certain that he is sick, they transfer him immediately to the doctor. It is by means of this wise management that the regiments have always [25] been preserved from the above-mentioned diseases, and this by itself is the greatest advantage of the hospital. For this reason, the heads of the victorious regime, including the ministers and the commanders of the countless troops, instead of neglecting to send patients to the hospital, should ask for its development.69 The eleventh benefit. When one of the regiments, resident permanently or temporarily in the capital, is sent on a mission, there are usually among its soldiers those who are in such bad health that they cannot move at all. And, since it is evident that these soldiers have no accommodation in the capital where they can rest and indulge themselves for a day or two, they die of their illnesses. A hospital provides them with shelter and a place of safety, so much so that at the present moment there are only a few victorious regiments [in Tehran] that have not yet enjoyed its many benefits. The twelfth benefit. During the spring and the equinox, when the ants and the snakes are active, paupers from all places and regions come to Tehran for work and other business70 [26] in order to earn some money and release themselves from the wretchedness of beggary. These people usually fall sick at the height of the heat and, weary, lonely, suffering and helpless, hide in the shadows of decaying walls. In spite of the fact that the hospital is neither well known nor well funded, every year about two or three hundred patients are treated and healed there, and with great rejoicing they pray God to increase His Majesty’s fortune and luck and then return home. It was strange that71

army), Tehran: National Library, MS 2979, pp. 43-45. Each grade was divided into several subgrades. The grade of vakil, for example, was composed of 1-vakil, 2-§rdelvakil, 3-vakil-b§shi. (See MS 505, p. 24.) Ardel was a servant sent to call out an army or a convict. (Dehkhod§, Loghatn§meh, vol. 1) Ardel-vakil would have been a grade between vakil and vakil-b§shi. 69 The term used is qar§r-e marizkh§neh (lit. establishing a hospital), but in this context it means the development of hospitals in general. 70 Here the author displays his skill in rhyming words with each other, as was the style of Persian writers, just for the purpose of saying that, with the end of winter, the poorest class of people pour into Tehran for work. 71 This is the literal translation of #ajab §nkeh. The author, by this expression, wants to give an example of the suffering sick poor who were in need of shelter and treatment. In this context, we can translate this passage as “among the regrettable things that happened to the poor people who went to Tehran for work is that some time ago some homeless…”.

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some time ago some homeless people were abandoned in the agony of death behind the wall of the hospital and no trace of the perpetrators of these acts was found. However, most of these abandoned ill people, thanks to the might of God and to the care of the Sh§h, recovered and went about their business. Some of these acts were committed by those who employed different contrivances to strip the helpless people of their belongings and then left them in that state. In sum, the benefits [27] of the hospital are manifold, and what we have mentioned above is enough to demonstrate this fact. II Benefits of the Hospital for the Sublime Government These benefits are also numerous, but we will confine ourselves again to describing only some of them by way of illustration. The first benefit. In our time, all governments in the world, weak or strong, with religion or without religion,72 acknowledge that the development of three institutions73 brings progress and education to the state74 and that every government that does not strive for the management and implementation of these important matters is doomed to misfortune. The first of them is the D§r al-Fonun [polytechnic],75 the second, the hospital, and the third, the library. Nowadays, in every country where these three important [institutions] are progressing, the nobles of that country boast of their endeavour. Therefore, it is worthy that the executives of the sublime government, in observance

72 By “state without religion” the author alludes to the non-Islamic countries in general and perhaps more specifically to European countries, such as France, where the fundamental law was lay and the state was separated from the Church. 73 The term used is k§r (work or career). The author uses three different words for explaining the same idea that implies institution: k§r, mohemm (important or principal) and shoghl (occupation, job). 74 Tarbiyat-e dowlat. In today’s language, one would translate this term “education of the country or the people”. But the literal meaning is more accurate here and closer to what the author meant in the nineteenth century, when the terms the government or the state were better understood by contemporaries than the terms “country” or “society” as we understand and express them today by “civil society” and “nation”. 75 The D§r al-Fonun was modelled on French polytechnics. It was not a university in the usual sense.

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of “you do to them as much as (or the same that) they do to you”,76 should try to strengthen the foundations of these three institutions without taking into account their other benefits;77 they should strive for the consolidation of each of these three institutions more than for any other78 in order to enhance the rank and dignity of their government [28] in the mind of others. The second benefit. To intelligent people it is no secret that the Europeans, who are completely fascinated by the outward beauty [of things] and even confine their view of the world to what can be perceived by the senses, consider that the development of the hospital unmistakably results in welfare and prosperity and believe that hospitals are the place where prayers are answered,79 and [therefore] they dedicate all their efforts and attention to this task. In fact, as the genuine traditions indicate, the realisation of the prayers of the patients is palpable and obvious [in the hospital] from both rational and traditional viewpoints.80 Therefore, if soldiers, thanks to His Majesty, 76 al zamuhum min haith al zamukum. This sounds like the saying from the Holy Testament: “Do unto others as you would have them do unto you”. The relevance of this maxim to the above paragraph is however hardly understandable. Perhaps the author wants to say that you should do at least what the others do in other parts of the world in relation to the hospital. 77 Bedun-e mollahezeh-ye digar fav§yed. This means there are many other benefits, which are not mentioned here. 78 Qav§#ed. Perhaps the author alludes here to the religious or other civil or individual rules traditionally important to the elite of the country. 79 Mahall-e ej§bat-e do#§ (lit. “the place where prayers are listened to and accepted”). In Islamic medical books there is a considerable chapter on the treatment of diseases by prayers and other supernatural methods. There are many hadis (or hadith, traditions reported from the Prophet and the saint Imams) according to which each do#§ (prayer) recited either from the Koran or from the sayings of the saints, was of special or general use in the cure of illnesses. #Ali b. V§#ez-e K§shefi in his book entitled $d§b al-as’h§b, devotes one chapter (b§b) to visiting the sick. Seven rules are explained in seven sections. In section six, K§shefi advises that the visitor should pray for the sick and the sick also should pray for the visitor. Because “the wish (or prayer) of a sick person is very close to being accepted.” In support of this statement K§shefi quotes a tradition of the Prophet that said: “when you visit a sick person ask him [or her] to pray for you because the prayer of the sick is as efficient as the prayer of the angels.” Cf. #Ali b. al-Hoseyn al-V§#ez al-K§shefi, “$d§b al ash§b” (Rules of etiquette of the companions), written or copied ca. 18th century, St Petersburg, National Library, MS хан 9, ff. 29-240 (see fols. 148-150). 80 #aqlan va naqlan. This expression alludes to the two main branches of Islamic sciences, ma#qul (object of reason) and manqul (knowledge based on what is derived from the traditions, sunna, of the Prophet and the first four caliphs). As the traditions refer to the life of the saints and especially of the Prophet, they were conceived as

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find relief in the hospital and, in both prosperity and poverty, pray for the prolongation of his life and his good fortune, the effect of those prayers will be realised in His Majesty’s prosperous life. In short, one can explain the reason for the good fortune81 of the Europeans and prove the wisdom of numerous traditions82 [about the hospital] by the following argument: the alliance of soul and body and the connection of that spiritual and luminous being [29] to this material and opaque form are based on order, good function83 and equilibrium of temperament. It is obvious that the more balanced the temperament, the finer the exultation of soul, and the greater the neglect and forgetfulness of the spiritual universe.84 [But] when one is ill, the temperament is corrupted and loses the harmony and integrity of its elements, while the soul, which, through the faculties85 and guidelines for the believers in their everyday life. But the term naqlan is used here for what is reported in history in general and in a broader sense it means “experience” of human society and not particularly the traditions of the saints. 81 Hosn-e ettef§q (lucky chance). Ettef§q means hazard, accident, luck, gathering, solidarity, society. This expression would also mean, in the author’s sense, “good social system” in Europe, resulting from, and/or in, the construction of the hospitals. 82 In fact this entire paragraph is a scholastic analysis and interpretation (estedl§l) —based on Islamic traditions (see the account of V§#ez-e K§shefi in footnote 79 above)—to elucidate how the Europeans have achieved wealth and well-being because of their belief that the development of hospitals contributes to their welfare and prosperity. 83 khedmat (lit. service). 84 mab§di-ye #§liyeh. The author means that in a state of health, physical comfort and well-being, mental jubilation causes the individual to forget or neglect the spiritual universe. This statement, however, is in contradiction with the previous sentence. 85 Qow§. In traditional medicine, the constitution of Man has seven components. 1. Elements (fire, air, water, earth); 2. Temperament, which is of nine sorts; 3. Humours (blood, phlegm, bile, melancholy); 4. Fundamental organs (such as bones, flesh, etc); 5. Spirit (natural, vital, psychic); 6. Faculties (the natural, the vital and the psychic); 7. Function (of attraction and of repulsion). See Cyril Elgood, “Tibb ul-Nabii or Medicine of the Prophet, being the translation of Tibb ul-Nabii of Al-Suyuti, and Tibb ul-Nabii of Al-Chaghh§ni”, Osiris 14 (1962): 33-192, pp. 49 ff. However, no clear distinction is made between Spirit, Faculties and Soul and, according to many sources, the human body has three components rather than seven: Organs, Spirit and Humours. (“Res§leh-ye #Em§d al-Din Mahmud”. Persian manuscript, WMS.Per.293 (A), The Wellcome Trust Library). The definitions of ruh (spirit) and qov§ (faculties) therefore overlap. The philosophical and medical connotation of spirit in GalenioIslamic medicine is based on Aristotle’s philosophy, but it is explained in different ways. Generally, ruh or “spirit” denotes a pure substance like a vapour that is produced in the heart and circulated throughout the body through the veins and nerves. The organs are animated thanks to the spirit. Although “spirit” is single and unique it functions differently according to the organ. For instance in the brain, it is at the origin of the faculty of rationality; while in the eyes, it produces the visual faculty, etc. See

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external and internal perceptions is plunged into material pleasure, ends its attachment to corrupted matter, and, as it reduces this dependency, it increases its connection to spiritual elements and realms of the soul. And, if in this situation, [the patient] receives from someone relief and tranquillity and implores God, from the state of [being in close relationship with] spiritual elements, to help and assist, because of this proximity [to spiritual elements], his prayer86 will be granted and the wishes of those who provide relief to the paupers will, like a seedling, come to fruition. The third benefit. If the hospital is set up properly, and the soldiers recognise the immense favour of His Majesty [30] towards the patients and see them resting on beds with bed-clothes in clean rooms and attended by the doctors, nurses and employees of the hospital, who treat them as their own brothers, these soldiers, thanks to the Royal grace, attain happiness and tranquillity, and soldiering and self-sacrifice for His Majesty will seem to them a small service and they will devote their earthly and eternal life to serving the government. The fourth benefit. It is obvious that, if one makes an effort in preparation of the equipment of the hospital and in its construction on the basis of medical canons and instructions of the art, and if the able doctors, thanks to His Majesty, do their utmost to treat the sick, mortality amongst the soldiers will decrease. This implementation of medical rules in preserving the health and in eliminating disease would increase day after day the power of the country and the population [31]. In this case, the subjects’87 general benefit will thus be furthered, since they would not suffer by providing soldiers. The fifth benefit. If rules for preserving health and eliminating illness become firmly established in the army, and if the affairs of the “Fehrest-e rashah§t al-fonun” (A table of the branches of knowledge), anonymous Persian manuscript, 1227/1812, St Petersburg, National Library, MS HC.529, fol. 38. According to Zakhirah-ye Kh§wrazmsh§hi, “spirit” is of three kinds: 1. “Natural spirit” resides in the liver and is carried through the veins to the other organs of the body; 2. “Animal spirit”, resides in the heart and is carried by the arteries throughout the body; 3. “Psychic spirit”, ruh-e nafs§nieh, resides in the brain and is carried by the nerves throughout the body. See Dehkhod§, Loghatn§meh, 8, p. 12311. 86 Ested#§ va estemd§d-e ruz-e mab§di (the prayer and the request he made initially or in the state of being close to the superior elements.) 87 Ra#yat (lit. “peasant”, “farmer”), but usually means “subject” and designates the population of cities and villages as well as the nomads and tribes who annually provided soldiers for the state.

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hospital are organised in due form, the state’s doctors will work on the treatment of patients from morning to evening and, with right discernment and perfect competence, diagnose diseases and distinguish symptoms and, in the case of similar diseases and contradictory signs, deliberate with each other in accordance with the canons of medicine and instructions of the art88 and write down the diseases’ causes and describe their characteristics as far as their discernment and experience allow them, and so increase their knowledge. [In such a way,] before long skilled doctors and masters of diagnosis [of the diseases] will appear in the country.89 After all, the Iranians were those who led the way in medicine for the elite and erudite of Greece. How can it be that nowadays the European doctors [32] are proud of having invented new methods and modern treatments, while the Iranians are still imitating the elementary [in medicine]? I hope that, if the officials of the sublime government pay the least attention to the army, Iranian medicine will be elevated and the art of our doctors90 will be approved by the elite and commoners alike and will shine in the traditions of [future] times. There are also other benefits for the description of which one needs audacity of pen and extensive discourse. For instance, the salary paid to the doctors of the army will not be a waste of money. In the past, about 200 individuals, on account of their medical and surgical services in the army, received stipends, including salaries, rations and fodder [for

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Q§nun-e #adli va nazm-e sen§#i (lit. “law of justice” and “order of the art”). By dastur al-#amal-e sen§#i or nazm-e sen§#i, he would mean the order set up for the practice of medicine, versus the state of anarchy in which everyone practises without training. The author believed that there was a just and right medicine practised by trained and skilled doctors and a false medicine practised by ignorant ones. Therefore, q§nun-e #adli would mean “just medicine”, or medicine based on the writings of the masters such as Galen and Avicenna. As we see throughout the text the author frequently uses the term “canon”, referring to both “Law” in general and to the Canon of Avicenna. The author also aimed to show the importance of the rules in order to distinguish official medicine from irregular medicine. In expressions such as q§nun-e daf#-e maraz (the rule of elimination of disease or “the art of therapy”), pp. 60 and 67, q§nun means “rule” of medical practice. Medicine was considered a science and an art with definitive rules that the physician should apply to its practice. There is also the term q§nun-e sehhat-e nez§m (p. 33), which refers to the rules of public health. 89 Dowlat-e #elliyeh (sublime government), here means both country and government. The project of our author was that the state should set up proper institutions and schools for medical education and bring medical practice fully under its control by training skilled doctors and employing them. 90 Tabib§n-e im§ni, literally means “religious doctors”.

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their animals]. Half of this number bore the title of doctor illegally91 and half of those who attended the review92 bore the title of doctor without deserving it. The remaining fifty individuals did not provide any service, except for seven or eight of them who accompanied the high-ranking93 officers and received perhaps [33] about 10,000 tomans from the state treasury for the cost of medicine, although not even one din§r94 of that amount was spent on the soldiers. But today, thanks to His Majesty, every doctor of the army is a source of service proportionate to his ability, which he progressively increases and for which he deserves to earn a higher salary.95 As to the cost of medicine, they receive payment for it only during their mission, and yet they spend it properly. If the rules of [public] health in the army are laid out judiciously, a pharmacy will be created and will buy medicine annually from the money hitherto wasted and will store the medicine and give it to doctors when the regiments set off for the campaign. Yet such medications should be used according to the rules, as will be mentioned below. In this way, medicine will not be wasted, but stored in a large pharmacy containing simple and compound drugs. This is one of the good deeds of the government of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, may God prolong his life96 [34] and bring it close to eternity. It is better to content ourselves with what we have enumerated so far as the benefits of the hospital. [However], against this opinion some would object that the construction of a hospital will result in annual 91

Esm-e bel§ rasm. S§n. It would mean that not all those who were supposed to be present in the regiments were always there, while they continued to receive their stipends. The division of these 200 individuals is unclear. Apparently 100 of them were more regularly present in the army and of these only fifty attended the review. Of this number only seven or eight, who were attached to the high-ranking officers, were skilled. See below footnote 95. 93 Ma#qul (lit. reflecting mind, reasonable). 94 A din§r was valued at a penny or less. 95 Sani# al-Dowleh, in his Mer’§t al-bold§n in which he indicates the events of each year, notes that in the fifth year of the rule of N§ser al-Din-Sh§h (1852), in order to prevent people without medical qualifications from signing up as regimental physicians, a rule was instituted that regimental doctors should be registered at the office of Dr Kazullani, the chief physician of the army, and should be appointed by him. See Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n E#tem§d al-Saltaneh (Sani#al-dowleh), Mer§t al-bold§n-e N§seri, 4 vols. (Tehran: 1295/1878), vol. 2, p. 76. About the importance of this measure in medical institutionalisation under the Q§j§rs, see Chapter Four, Part One. 96 (Lit. “his days and nights”). 92

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financial loss to the government. There are [in fact] two disadvantages in the creation of hospitals, which are rather minute in comparison with their benefits: The first one is that the physicians and the executives, the servants and the nurses at all times, and particularly at the outbreak of gastric,97 transmissible and contagious diseases, are exposed to the danger [of contagion], so that few of them escape from suffering the effects of these diseases. But the truth98 is that fear of danger while in the service of the government is typical of the idle and weak in nature. God knows that the position of those who serve the hospital, for God’s sake and for the reward of the next world, is a high one. Moreover,99 the preceding [35] and the ancient doctors prepared themselves as much as they could for these dangers and thought about how to fight them off. [Besides], whenever one [a doctor] is not overzealous in sensual desire and gluttony and respects the rules100 during his service at the hospital, then that individual remains safe from contamination, unless it happens that he treats smallpox.101 At the same time, doctors [also] receive benefits, which, if they 97

In the nineteenth century, gastric diseases, especially what traditional physicians called heyzeh, a kind of cholerin, frequently spread due to malnutrition and famine, so that it became vab§’i (epidemic). One of the traditional doctors, Mirz§ MohammadTaqi Shir§zi, argued that the heyzeh was not vab§’i even when it was widespread. On this subject see: Ebrahimnejad, “Un traité d’épidémiologie”, pp. 83-107. 98 Ens§f (lit. justice). 99 Sahl ast (lit. “it is easy, there is more.”) 100 Lit. “Whenever one is not greedy in sensual desire and gluttony and respects the q§nun-e sen§#i (rules of the profession) in entering and leaving the hospital...”. Q§nun-e sen§#i (lit. industrial rules) here means technical and administrative rules set up for managing the hospital. 101 tabib-e §beleh shavad (lit. “he becomes a small-pox doctor.”) The contagiousness of diseases was feared by many physicians and there are many discussions in traditional medical literature about it. Mirz§ Mohammad Taqi Shir§zi in his “T§#uniya” (Treatise on plague) criticised practitioners who avoided treating plague because of its contagiousness. Cf. “T§#uniya”, in Arabic, written in 1831-32 (Tehran: lithographed edition, 1866), Library of Majlis. About the question of contagion in Islam, cf. Lawrence Conrad, “A Ninth-Century Muslim Scholar’s Discussion of Contagion” in L. Conrad and D. Wujastyk (eds), Contagion: Perspectives from Pre-Modern Societies (London: Ashgate, 2000), pp. 163-177. It is also noteworthy that the question of the medical profession taking risk during epidemics is discussed as one of the areas of “negotiation” between medical institutions and states by Daniel M. Fox, “Medical Institutions and the State”, in William F. Bynum and Roy Porter (eds), Companion Encyclopedia of the History of Medicine (London: Routledge, 1993), vol. 2, pp. 1204-1230. See also Fox’s other article “The Politics of Physicians’ Responsibility in Epidemics”, in Elizabeth Fee and Fox (eds), Aids: the Burdens of History (Berkeley, London: University of California Press, 1988), pp. 86-96.

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consider intelligently, render all of the above-mentioned perils rather insignificant. As will be said in the [chapter relating to] qualities of doctors,102 one of the conditions and rules of the practice of medicine is being resident in the hospital.103 Those who are able to make sacrifices should beg for the favour of being able to enter and work at the hospital, [because there they will be able] to observe the method of treatment according to the relevant rules.104 To this they should devote approximately two years before deserving the title of doctor. Since, [in addition to what they learn at the hospital] in compensation for their service they receive from the state a remuneration, they must necessarily disregard the danger, as, according to the aphorism mol§zamat al-moluk, nisf al-soluk [36],105 they benefit from both [serving the king and obtaining financial reward]. The second disadvantage [of the hospital] is the anxiety and fear created in the soldiers, because the members of the regiment in the barracks, (especially) the sick ones, are not informed of the death of [one or more of] their fellows, while in the hospital, when a person dies, promptly all of the patients are informed and fear that they will be the next to die. Moreover, several regiments reside permanently in the capital, and their very ill members106 are always in the hospital. Once every few days and during epidemics even every day or every two days, a cadaver must necessarily be transported across the parade ground.107 Consequently, those in the regiment who are sensitive (ma#qulin) take one death for four and panic takes over the army. In truth, the dominance of terror, especially at the time of disease, produces a negative result. Avicenna says in his Canon: “The apprehensions, in and of themselves, agitate the humours”.108 [37] We have seen so many patients, in critical conditions, who, thanks to the artifice of the doctor and the enchantment of the nurse, deemed themselves healthy, occupied themselves with amusements and pleasures, and

102 Dar ows§f al-Atebb§. These are explained below, in chapter V and particularly in chapter VI. 103 Hozur-e m§rest§n. 104 Q§nun-e #adli (lit. just rules). 105 This literally means “attendance of the kings is half way”, or, by doing this the job is accomplished half way through. 106 Lit. “their heavy illness.” 107 Meyd§n-e mashq (drill-square). 108 Inn al awh§m anfusah§ taharruk al-akhl§t.

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were released from the grasp of illness and sat in the hands of health. [On the other hand,] we have many times observed that some people, with slight deviation in their temperaments, were dominated by panic and felt themselves ill and tired, and eventually gave up and joined the eternal world. But our ancient doctors, guided by their golden wisdom, have found the best precautions against this problem. If, thanks to His Majesty, the affairs of the hospital are set in order correctly, in the near future its fame will spread to such an extent that the sick person will come eagerly there of his own accord and when, thanks to the monarch, he recovers109 and returns to his regiment, he will stimulate his friends’ [interest in the hospital]. All of these works [mentioned above], thanks to the might of God and the government of His Majesty, will be, in the opinion of this least slave of the court,110 an easy task. [38] It is convenient to indicate here a summary of the rules for preservation of health in the army, so that they can be implemented, as they will be ordained. III On the appointment of the Chief Health Officer for the preservation of the health of civil society and of the army [For the society at large:] It is obvious that the development of the provinces and [maintenance of a sufficient] number of troops depend on the enforcement of regulations for the preservation of health and the warding off of disease. The more one endeavours to promote the rules [of public health] and strengthen their foundation, [the better] one provides relief for both nobles and commoners. For this reason, a capable superintendent and counsellor111 deserves to be appointed to this eminent position who, in accordance with his genuine character, would implement the above-mentioned task.112 He should appoint as many honest doctors as possible for the treatment of people in the 109

Lit. “becomes fat.” Bandeh-ye darg§h-e jah§niy§n-pan§h “this least slave of the court, refuge of the world.” 111 Lit. “counsellor who is looking for a signal and who is the harbinger of luck.” These qualifications, expressed in rhyme, seem superfluous to us, yet they serve a stylistic purpose in appealing to the poetic taste and meeting the literary requirements of the time. 112 Lit. “who looks at this eminent occupation according to the pure temperament 110

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provinces, the cantons and the towns, and not entrust the respected lives [of the subjects], which are in fact deposits [39] from God and confided to the monarch’s care, to ignorant people who pretend to be physicians. In such wise will he improve the provinces of their benefactor and remove the perils from the deposits of God [the subjects]. As to the army, the commander in charge of the preservation of health in the army in other countries is an officer of the rank of minister and commander. He must be an experienced person, knowledgeable and familiar with human customs, clear-sighted, of good moral conduct and of a generous nature; he should have an instinctive loyalty to the affable and tender-hearted monarch, and be anxious about human affliction and perdition and abhor even any molestation and harm of animals.113 If a person of such a pure temperament is elevated to this noble post, he will consider his position the greatest one, because health in security or, in other words, [40] health in the shadow of the monarch’s kindness, is in fact the greatest favour God can bestow. The chief officer [of the public health in the army] should necessarily hold a high position and recruit his assistants and employees from amongst righteous persons who are endowed with praiseworthy virtues and admirable ethical values and do not yield to fatigue and suffering and devote their days and nights to complete the conditions and requirements of this service. The number of his aides and subordinates, however,114 will be by necessity decided by His Excellency the minister of war. A hospital worthy of the name is necessary in every region or town where a regiment or a larger division of the victorious armies115 reside,

(fetrat-e p§k).” It is worth mentioning here that, in Islamic medicine, temperament, the second component of the human body, was of nine sorts. The most balanced temperament was that of the Prophet. Cf. Elgood, “Tibb ul-Nabii”, p. 49. 113 It was a usual tenet of classical Islamic law that while animals were at the disposal of mankind they must not be made to suffer. Hence Imam-Rez§ (766-819), the eighth Em§m of the shi#as, amongst other qualifications, was surnamed z§men-e §hu (the protector of the gazelles). In the Islamic period, physicians also treated animals, but the importance of their treatment came after that of non-Muslims, Muslims being given priority. See Issa Bey, Histoire des Bim§rist§ns, p. 90. 114 The term used is pas, which means “therefore.” In Old Persian there is no punctuation. The sentences are sometimes necessarily very long; but they can be separated by different prepositions, such as va (and), and pas (therefore) that indicate the beginning of the sentences and in this case, they do not have the force of their literal meaning. 115 In addition to different sorts of divisions like sav§reh (cavalry) and jam§#at

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either at times of war, inside or outside the citadels and in the hidden encampments or, at times of peace, for protecting the borders or waiting for a new mission or maintaining order in the provinces and preserving the cities [41] from sedition and malevolence or for the practise of techniques of drilling and guard duty. In addition, mobile hospitals are also instruments for the preservation of health for the temporary encampments.116 In every hospital established on the basis of the above-mentioned rules, the personnel—consisting of the commander, the chief physician,117 the doctors, the surgeons and the pharmacists, then the secretaries and nurses—should be recruited in proportion to the number of patients in the regiments. The regions of the sublime state where the construction of hospitals is necessary are the following: The D§r al-khal§feh of Tehran,118 the D§r al-saltaneh (the house of the dynasty) of Tabriz, the D§r al-dowlat (the seat of government)119 of Kerm§nsh§h, the D§r al-saltaneh of Espahan, the D§r al-#elm (the abode of science) of Shir§z, Bushehr, Mashhad, Kal§t, Kerm§n and the border cities of Rasht, #Arabest§n, Zoh§b.120 In each one of these places a suitable hospital, [42] according to the (infantry?), subdivided into several smaller groups (dasteh), under N§ser al-Din-Sh§h, there were ten tum§n (or toman) of various sizes and each tum§n was divided into several regiments (fowj). The first tum§n comprised eleven regiments, the second tum§n was formed of seven regiments, the third tum§n of ten regiments and so forth. At the head of a tum§n was an amir-tum§n and at the head of a regiment (commanding officer) was, according to its size and importance, an amir-tum§n, a sarhang or a sartip. Cf. E#tem§d al-Saltaneh, Appendix to Kheyr§t-e ehs§n (Tehran: Lithographic edition, 1304/1886), pp. 20-22. 116 Orduh§-ye moteharrek (lit. “mobile encampments”). 117 Ra’is-e mo#§lejeh (lit. “chief of treatment”). It is worth noting that, although our author was a traditional doctor and that from an institutional viewpoint hakim-b§shi was a key position in traditional medical system, the invention of the term “ra’ise mo#§lejeh”, which was synonymous with hakim-b§shi, might indicate an attempt at renewing traditional institutions. 118 D§r al-khal§feh (House of the caliphate) was the common term (sometimes alternating with p§-ye takht, the pillar of the throne) for the centre of political power from the time of the #Abb§sid caliphate (749-1258). Tehran was named the capital of Iran for the first time by the founder of the Q§j§r dynasty, $gh§ MohammadKh§n (reigned 1794-97). 119 Every major town was named after a particular characteristic. It seems that Kerm§nsh§h was named D§r al-Dowleh because Mohammad #Ali-Mirz§ Dowlatsh§h, son of Fath#Ali-Sh§h and one of the powerful Q§j§r princes, governed there from 1806 to 1821, when he died of cholera. 120 These three regions were called sarhadd (borders) because they were situated at the frontiers of the country: Rasht in the north, Zoh§b in the west and #Arabest§n in the south west.

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views of the commander-in-chief, should be constructed in order that the sick of the army can take repose. Among other places and cities where the construction of a hospital would bring considerable reward and great fame to the eminent government are the holy shrines [of Baghdad, Karbal§ and Najaf]. As in the holy shrine of Mashhad, in these saintly places, particularly in the sublime Karbal§, which is usually the abode of sick pilgrims, large completely equipped hospitals should be established, all the more because the construction of a hospital [in these places] is possible at the expense of pious foundations and without any expense to the government. The direction of these affairs should be entrusted to a sound chief officer in order that, when a soldier from a given regiment falls ill and his hospitalisation becomes necessary, the officer of the regiment of that soldier may remove him from his regiment and transfer him to the group under the health officer.121 Then he would send him to the hospital, accompanied by a sergeant (vakil) who will deliver him to the chief physician and receive a document signed by the health officer and bring it back to his commander. It is clear that the health officer and the chief physician will include the sick soldier in their own group and use their entire diligence for his care and medication. The chief physician in particular [43] should not allow [any] negligence whatsoever in providing the necessities for the tranquillity [of the sick soldier], since the least negligence in the health service would result in calamity and danger. Then, the chief physician should entrust the patient to one of his subordinates and receive a document indicating the situation of the sick [man] and archive it, as will be explained later. The Functionaries of the hospital: The Chief Health Officer, who is the director of all the Health Officers, The Chief of Medical Treatment, who is the “chief physician”122 and responsible for all matters of healing, The First Physician, who is entrusted with the treatment of humoral diseases, The Second Physician, who resides in the hospital by rotation, The Third Physician, who is assistant to the doctors in treatments, 121

K§r-farm§-ye #§fiyat, is a literal translation of the French officier de santé. It indicates the influence of the French system of public health. 122 Ra’is-e mo#§lejeh. See above, footnote 118.

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The First Surgeon, who performs the manual treatment, [44] The Second Surgeon, who is assistant in surgery, The Third Surgeon, who dresses wounds, The First Pharmacist, who manages the drugstore, The Second Pharmacist, who is assistant to the first pharmacist in compounding drugs, The Third Pharmacist, who distributes the drugs, The First Secretary (Mirz§), to whom are entrusted the records of the hospital,123 The Second Secretary, who supervises food preparation in the hospital and is entrusted with the foodstuffs, The Third Secretary, who is the keeper of funds and goods and the Assistant to the Supervisor (the Second Secretary), The First Nurse, who keeps accounts, The Second Nurse, who endeavours to improve the quality of materials and distributes medicine and food [to the patients], The Third Nurse, who takes care of the patients. Now, I shall explain separately the ethics, manners and duties of the health officers of the hospital [45], so that everyone will become aware of his responsibility and that the affairs of the hospital will be organised as desired. IV On the attributes, ethics and duties of the Chief Health Officer of the army I have taken the liberty in the [last] chapter to point out that the health officer should be knowledgeable, intelligent and naturally inclined in favour of human health and even avoid destroying animals of any kind. He should be honest, trustworthy, pious and possess the qualities essential for leadership and for implementing the rules of politics.124 The authorities of the Sublime state entrust the life of the victorious armies’ patients to a person of such qualities, upon whom the following duties are incumbent: The first duty: he must be very careful in the recruitment of his assistants and subordinates and exclude unworthy, extravagant and 123

pital”. 124

Another possible meaning is “who is responsible for the bureaux of the hosAhk§m-e siy§sat (lit. “political directives.”)

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irrational, untruthful, self-indulgent and mischief-making people [46] from the circle of the health officers. He should select his personnel from amongst the people whose qualities will be described below. Although he entrusts the Chief Physician with the hospital’s affairs, he should never neglect to supervise the patients and the health officers [himself]. Second duty: He should endeavour to implement the rules in the hospital, to put every person in his specific post and to make sure that his assistants and subordinates fill their positions without neglect and sluggishness; he should not forgive whenever he observes the least fault, especially if it causes damage to health. Third duty: he should go to the hospital for one hour every day and investigate [47] the work of his assistants and the pace of their labour. Fourth duty: he must keep records of the preceding day’s events and incidents in detail and report them in a separate journal for the authorities of the state. Fifth duty: he must assign a separate person to submit a list of the daily expenses of the hospital and to give a copy of that list to the cashier the next day.125 Sixth duty: he must examine and endorse the miscellaneous expenses registered in a separate record.126 Seventh duty: he should be informed of all the expenses of the hospital paid by the government. Eighth duty: as he finds it necessary to punish any misconduct in service, he should also keep the good employees happy by promises and [should] ask the authorities to reward and honour them if they render great services. Ninth duty: he must secure funding for the entire expenses of the hospital. Tenth duty: he receives [from the state treasury] rations and sala125

The literal meaning of the sentence is “he requires the list of daily expenses from a separate person and gives its side to the Cashier the next day.” By “side”, the author means the edge of the list, kept to make a duplicate of the record. (Also see the following footnote). 126 If the “daily expenses” of the fifth and the “miscellaneous expenses” of the sixth point are the same, these two points could be related and translated, therefore, as follows: “he (the Chief Health Officer) appoints a person who prepares the list of daily expenses of the hospital in two copies and, after having them verified and endorsed, delivers one copy to the cashier the next day.”

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ries [48] according to the rules established by the state, and pays his employees regularly so that they can work with tranquillity and without allowing anxiety about earning a living to prevent them from fulfilling their responsibilities. Eleventh duty: he organises the facilities for the patient’s leisure whenever necessary and orders replacement of utensils and materials when they are worn out, especially clothes and bed-clothes, observance of which [rule] is a must. Twelfth duty: whenever he notices cracks in the rooms, doors and walls of the hospital, he should order their repair. Thirteenth duty: he should sometimes visit food and drugs preparation unannounced, so that certain employees do not behave wickedly out of greed.127 Fourteenth duty: when complicated diseases appear, he should meet with the medical council128 and urge them to work with resolution and equity so as to preserve health in the barracks under their control. [49] Fifteenth duty: he should send a doctor to the barracks whenever it is necessary. Sixteenth duty: when epidemic and gastric129 diseases break out, he should make efforts to set up rules of health amongst the regiments. Seventeenth duty: when the troops set out for campaigns, the appointment of the doctor and the surgeon [to go with them] should be made by him with the advice of the Chief Physician. Also, all of the instruments for use in treatment should be prepared according to his orders with the interference of nobody else. V On the qualities, disposition and duties of the Chief Physician of the army As we mentioned above, this profession is one of the most important, because if one entrusts inexperienced and wicked doctors with the lives of paupers, one causes God’s displeasure. Therefore, the nobles of the government and the executives of the hospital and other grandees 127

In other words, “that some people do not steal”. Showr§-ye Atebb§. This indicates that before the formal establishment of the majles-e hefz al-sehheh (sanitary council) masterminded by the French physician Joseph Tholozan in 1868, some public health councils attached to the government existed. On this question see Chapters Two and Three of Part One. 129 For the epidemic form of gastric diseases see above, footnotes 67 and 97. 128

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are urged to pay careful attention to the curriculum vitae of the doctor, and especially the chief physician of the hospital, and to investigate their past occupations. [50] As [what he does at] present is isolated [and would give no evidence about his past], they should see what his endeavours and his words were [in the past].130 If he dedicated his past life and time to the study of the works of the great doctors, ancient and modern, if in his leisure time he does not find anything worse to do than reading books, they should form a good opinion of him. But if he has wasted his time otherwise, especially if he was a lover of wine or a gambler, they should not take any interest in him and should let him find another job. Yet, even of those who spent their life in studying medical treatises and books, they should assess their level of intelligence and their ready wit, to see what is the level of their comprehension of rational and empirical sciences;131 and what is their method of analogy and their aptitude for acquiring knowledge. If they find in him the ability of analysing and synthesising,132 [51] refuting (radd) and criticising (naqd), or strength of intellect in resolving difficulties and in understanding (rashf ) the rational sciences (ma#qul§t), then they should form a high opinion of him.133 But if, in spite of his life spent [in studying], they find him stupid, they should consider him unsuitable for work and ignore him. Even with his having spent his life in studying, in discussing and in perfecting [his knowledge of]

130

Lit. “they should see to what his endeavours and his words refer.” #olum-e #aqliyeh va fonun-e nazariyeh. Nazariyeh also means “theoretical” but in a medical context, it implies empirical knowledge. 132 Hall va #aqd. Another reading would be hall-e #aqd (resolving the intricacies). 133 The emphasis on these points relates to the curriculum of traditional education, which included all these branches of knowledge. #Aqili in his Khol§sat al-hekmat mentions that a doctor, in addition to medicine, must incorporate ten sciences, namely: the science of religious jurisprudence and traditions (#elm-e feqh va hadis); the science of ethics (#elm-e akhl§q); philosophy (#elm-e hekmat); logic (#elm-e manteq); natural science (#olum-e tabi#i, because medicine is a branch of natural science); geometry (#elm-e hendeseh, necessary in the study of forms and the size of the simple and compound organs as well as in anatomy and surgery); astronomy (#elm-e hey’at, allowing to learn about the four seasons in order to know the times of bloodletting, purging, vomiting...); astrology (#elm-e ahk§m-e nojum, for the influence of the stars and the times of bloodletting and other treatment according to the constellation of the planets); arithmetic (#elm-e hes§b, to calculate the measures of the compound drugs); the science of conjecturing and divination (#elm-e keh§nat va far§sat, enabling the doctor to learn about the patients based on their physiognomy and appearance, etc...) Cf. #Aqili, Khol§sat al-hekmat, p. 6-7. 131

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the principles of medicine; [even] with his inspiration, intelligence and shrewdness, they should see if he had discussions with the great masters, if he frequented the doctors’ offices and the hospitals. One should see how many patients, of all sorts of diseases, have been healed or perished under his hands; whether he has examined134 many patients and recited the [Koranic] verses: “turn to its right and to its left”.135 And [they should see whether they] find in him all sorts of knowledge and recite [the expression]: “All quarries are in the stomach of the onager.”136 Over and above these three features, which encompass all the qualities needed in medical practice, the [Chief Physician] should also have the godly quality of Christ and be tender [even] towards animals,137 so that he could, [like] the heavenly inspired,138 in addition to all his knowledge, [52] discern139 scientific truth.140 Only one or two such physicians are found in each epoch. Therefore, if there is no one who embodies these qualities, the doctor familiar with books is necessarily preferable to one who is not

134

Lit. “Turn the patients to this and to that side”. Nuqallabuhum z§t al-yamin va z§t al-shem§l. (Koran, sura al-kahf, verse 18). 136 va kull al-sayd fi jawf al far§ (lit. “every kind of game is in the belly of the wild ass”), means here “it covers everything”. Concerning the origin of this expression, see: Almayd§ni (d. 518/1124), Majma# al-amth§l, collection of proverbs, 2 vols., ed. Mohammad Muhi al Din #Abd al-Hamid (Cairo: Matba# al-sunna al-Mohammadiya, 1955), vol. II, p. 136. This expression was used in traditional education to describe the erudite who had a vast knowledge. Talking about the qualities of a physician in his Chah§r Maq§la (Four Discourses), Nez§mi-ye #Aruzi of Samarqand, a contemporary of Avicenna (or Ebn Sin§), mentioned that he “should master the books of Hippocrates, Hunayn b. Is’h§q, R§zi, Th§bit b. Qurra, Ebn Sin§ (etc.). And if he needs to dispense with all of these books, it suffices to master the Canon of Ebn Sin§ as it covers everything (va kull al-sayd fi jawf al far§’). See Nez§mi-ye #Aruzi-ye Samarqandi, Ahmad b. #Omar b. #Ali, Chah§r Maq§la, edited by Mohammad b. #Abdol-Vahh§b-e Qazvini, (Leiden: Brill, 1909), pp. 70-71. For the English translation of this book see: Nidh§mi-i #Arudi-i Samarqandi, Chah§r Maq§la (“Four Discourses”), translated into English by Edward Browne (London: Luzac, 1900), p. 110. 137 As we have seen earlier in this text, the author emphasises several times that the physician should be tender towards animals, let alone humans. Here he is drawing attention to the harshness with which physicians of the time carried out their treatment, often causing the patients more harm than good. 138 Molhem-e gheybi. It seems that the author here refers to Jesus Christ. 139 Biy§muzad (lit. learn, understand.) 140 #elm-e l§ribi (lit. indubitable science or knowledge). This sentence is hardly intelligible, unless one infers that by “indubitable science” the author means divine knowledge. In this case, by molhem-e gheybi (heavenly inspired) he refers to Jesus Christ endowed with #elm-e l§ribi. 135

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familiar with them, and the intelligent is better than the foul ignoramus. The doctor who is intelligent and explores the great physicians’ works is better that the others, even if in his observation and treatment at the hospital he is not very assiduous, as one cannot trust an illiterate and simple-minded person or a non-Muslim.141 What could result from the work of an illiterate and stupid person whose mind is not engraved by the experiences and sayings of [his] predecessors? Or, what would a person produce who passed his life in debauchery and libertinism? Of course, one cannot entrust such an unworthy person with the life of a respected individual, especially the life of many people, particularly when that individual’s life can give rise to many other lives. Therefore, the presence of a Chief Physician (hakim-b§shi) endowed with the above-mentioned laudable qualities in the highest degree is one of the requisite142 conditions [for the establishment of the hospital] of the government. [53] Let us now describe the duties of such a physician. If a physician in the hospital is endowed with the above-mentioned qualities he would know all the rules very well, but I shall explain them here as a reminder. The chief physician, in compensation for the knowledge (#elm) the blessed and exalted Lord has bestowed upon him and in return143 for the favour that His Majesty has lavished upon him, should never neglect the army’s patients, especially those who are admitted to the hospital, because the least carelessness could cost life. The verse, “the person who kills a believer purposely, his reward will be hell”,144 applies to him. The chief physician should, therefore, bring together with extreme diligence and attentiveness and with maximum prudence the means of treatment [as follows]: First: he should search for as many as possible of these physicians and surgeons; otherwise, he should recruit amongst men of science and of intelligence those whom he will train in a short time in the manner he desires. 141 Zemmi. In early Islam, a zemmi (dhimmi) was a person (usually a Christian or a Jew) who was tolerated by Islamic Law on the payment of an annual poll tax. This is not unrelated to the religious notion of purity and impurity, which is reflected in the understanding of health and disease in Islamic medicine. The fact that the Muslims considered the non-Muslim physicians to be impure, affected the doctor-patient relationship in those cases. 142 Maqbulah (lit. accepted, admitted). 143 Mennat (lit. obligation, grace, favour). 144 Va min yuqtilu mu’min§ mu#tamidan fajaz§’ahu jahannam (Koran: Sura al-nis§’, verse 93).

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Second: [54] he should never neglect drugs and foodstuffs, since without putting them in order, all of his efforts would dissipate and all his knowledge would become useless, especially concerning drugs, as the danger of their scarcity (noqs§n) or decomposition is great. The pharmacist should not be impious; his knowledge, comprehension, intelligence and trustworthiness should be almost equal to the qualities mentioned for the chief physician. Moreover, the pharmacist and the chief physician should collaborate145 with each other, so that danger will be removed and treatment will not cause peril. All of what has been explained about drugs is also relevant for foodstuffs. Third: when the minor and major conditions146 for medical treatment are prepared as he (the hakim-b§shi) desires and the patient, with the permission of the commander-in-chief of the army and in conformity with the rules of admission explained later, enters the hospital and is placed in a special room for diagnosis, the Chief Physician, accompanied by [other] doctors, should visit the patient [55] and carefully examine his situation, the symptoms and the reasons for the disease, and perform his observation according to the season, and the severity or benignity of the disease and on the basis of its differences [from] and resemblance [to other diseases]. Fourth: once he has diagnosed the disease, he should send the patient to a doctor or to a surgeon, according to their specialities, so that the surgeon or the doctor transfers the patient, wearing a number, to a special room for treatment. Fifth: he should never put the patients affected by gastric, contagious and transmissible diseases together with other patients in the same room. Also he should not give the clothes and the bed-clothes of the patients suffering from contagious diseases to the others. Sixth: he should screen the patients for whom there is no treatment in a special room, so that the other patients are not informed of the state of the dying patients, since fear of death aggravates illness. [56] After cleaning the bedclothes of the dead, he should expose them to air for several days. Seventh: at the beginning of each week, he should order the change of the patients’ clothes. Eighth: once every three months he should have the clothes thoroughly beaten.147 145 146 147

Jalis b§shand (lit. sit together). Ajz§’ va ark§n (details and principles). be zadan dahad.

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Ninth: he should register the number, name, age, birth date, place of birth and temperament of the patient as well as his disease, its causes and its symptoms, and note down every day the drugs and foods given according to the changes in symptoms and other conditions and preserve his notes. Every day, he should visit the patients in this way. Tenth: after the completion [of the above tasks], he should check the medications of each patient and hand them to a trustworthy nurse. Most of the drugs should be given to the patients in the presence of either himself, the duty physician148 or the physician who specialises in that disease.149 Eleventh: after the distribution of drugs, he should deal with the patients’ food. Twelfth: he should not automatically trust the duty physician, but should sometimes check the food unannounced, because the bad and the good reputation or the fame and the infamy of the hospital [57] reflect on himself. VI On the grade, qualities and duties of the hospital’s doctors The division of the hospital doctors into three grades is one of the just and reasonable regulations and its usefulness in the implementation of the rules of treatment and other principles is accepted by all nations. The First Physician150 is the mo#§lej (general practitioner). Whatever had been said about the Chief Physician applies also to him. He should at least be able to diagnose the diseases and to distinguish the symptoms. And this is possible once he has familiarised himself with the five branches of medicine151 by the careful study of reliable 148 Tabib-e nowbati. This was to ensure that no substitutions or blunder in giving drugs had been made. 149 Although according to the received idea medical specialization was common place in medieval Islamic medicine, reference to specialists treating particular diseases and keeping record on various stages of illness in traditional medical literature is extremely rare. In fact, the questions underlined in the ninth and tenth points represent a novelty in traditional medicine. 150 Tabib-e avval. 151 Fonun-e panj-g§neh. There were different branches of medicine, according to different authors. Our author does not mention what these branches were. In describing the duties of the surgeon (p. 63), he mentions four specialities: medicine, surgery,

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sources such as the Canon [of Avicenna (Ebn Sin§)] and K§mil al-san§#ah [of al-Majusi]. Although medicine can be learned in any language, yet the subtle points, marvellous style152 and elegant expressions that are observed in Arabic books enhance the keenness, intelligence and comprehension of the physician, [58] while medicine in the Persian language153 is declining and failing in the opinion of learned physicians. For this reason, Hunayn b. Is’h§q,154 who translated medical books from Latin, Greek, Hebrew, Chaldean [Syriac], Coptic and other languages into Arabic, is praised by the physicians, because these books in their original languages are not so accurate as in Hunayn’s version. On the other hand, Th§bit b. Qurra,155 who translated these books ophthalmology and pharmacy. $moli divided medicine into eight parts: 1. science of natural matters such as the elements of fire, water, earth, air and the temperaments; 2. science of anatomy; 3. science of health, disease and their symptoms; 4. science of preservation of health; 5. science of treatment by medicine and diet; 6. science of treatment by hand (surgery); 7. treatment of eyes (kahh§li); 8. pharmacy. Cf. Naf§yes al-fonun, vol. 1, p. 20. 152 Vosuq§t-e aniqeh. 153 Tebb-e f§rsi (lit. Persian medicine). 154 Hunayn b. Is’h§q (767-835), according to the Loghatn§meh of Dehkhoda and the D§yerat al-ma#§ref of Mas§heb, was an Iranian Christian born in Neysh§bur, north-east Iran, but his family emigrated to Hirah in Mesopotamia. Rez§ Qoli-Kh§n-e Hed§yat also believed that Hunayn was from Neysh§bur. Cf. Fehres al-tav§rikh, edited by AbdolHoseyn Nav§’i, M. –H. Mohadess (Tehran, Pajuheshkadeh-ye #olum-e ens§ni, 1373/1994, p. 66). However, no historical evidence sustains this assertion. Most likely he was a descendant of #eb§d, Arab tribesmen who once embraced Christianity and remained faithful to the Syrian Nestorian Church after the rise of Islam. Cf. Jam§l al-din alQifti, T§rikh al-hokam§, Persian translation of 1688, edited by Behin D§r§yee (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 1371/1992), p. 239; G. Strohmaier “al-Qifti” in EI, vol. 2, pp. 578-581. Hunayn studied medicine with Ebn M§sawayh. The Caliph al-Ma’mun appointed him to translate medical books from Greek and Syriac into Arabic and under the Caliph al-Mutawakkil, he was appointed chief physician to the court. He was a contemporary of Jebre’il (Jibril) Bokhtishu# who also worked in Baghdad. For Hunayn’s translation also see Lawrence I. Conrad, “Arab-Islamic Medicine” in Companion Encyclopaedia, vol. 2, pp. 676-727, see pp. 694-95; For Hunayn’s scientific work see collected and reprinted articles by Fuat Sezgin... [et al.], \unain ibn Is’ȧq (d. 260/ 873): texts and studies, (Frankfurt am Main: Institute for the History of Arabic-Islamic Science at the Johann Wolfgang Goethe University, 1996); Manfred Ullman, Islamic Medicine, translated by J. Watt (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1978). 155 Th§bit b. Qurra (834-901, or 211-288/826-900), a S§bi’an (star-worshipper) from Harr§n, was a mathematician who also wrote on medicine. The book of Zakhirah, Treasury (not to be confused with the Zakhirah-ye Kh§wrazmsh§hi of Gorg§ni), is attributed to him. Amongst the medical sources recommended to the students by Nez§mi-ye #Aruzi figures also Zakhirah of Th§bit b. Qurra. See above, footnote 136. See also Ibn Qayyim al-Jawziyya, Medicine of the Prophet, translated by Penelope Johnstone (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, The Islamic Texts Society, 1998), the Translator’s Introduction, p. xxix.

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as well as Hunayn’s Arabic translations, into Persian,156 although he was one of the erudite, is now considered, by the learned men, to be vile and disreputable, because, due to the inadequacy of the [Persian] language, some points have been omitted [in his translation]. In sum, the specialists in medicine know well that Arabic books boost the intellect and astuteness of the physicians. Although the illiterates157 would not accept this remark, it is evident that those who are unable to read the Canon cannot be practitioners.158 The Second Physician is the mod§vi (healer),159 who should also study the five branches of medicine, but he has not yet mastered the distinction among the diseases and recognition of [59] symptoms, and once the First Physician (mo#§lej) diagnoses the disease and provides him [the healer (mod§vi)] with indications (sar-reshteh), he should put the rules of [medical] science astutely into practice.160 The Third Physician is the mo#§ven (assistant) [of the mo#§lej (Practitioner) or First Physician], who has not completed the five branches but is intending to achieve this grade. He communicates the Practitioner’s prescription to the patient and the patient’s state to the Practitioner. The main benefit161 of these divisions resides in the following fact: currently in the Iranian provinces, the practitioners who can distinguish and recognise the causes [of diseases] are so few as to be—to 156 This is a blatant mistake by our author. Th§bit b. Qurra had not translated the Arabic books into Persian, but he had translated from Greek into Arabic. About his works and career see Lucien Leclerc, Histoire de la médecine arabe. Exposé complet des traductions du Grec, les sciences en Orient, leur transmission à l’Occident par les traductions latines, 2 vols. (Paris: Ernest Lereux, 1876), vol. 1, pp. 365-68; Ullman, Islamic Medicine, pp. 78 and 88; Mahmud Najm§b§di, T§rikh-e tebb dar Iran pas az Isl§m (Tehran: Tehran University Press, 2nd edition, 1397/1998), pp. 168, 271-281. 157 By illiterate, he would mean those who did not know Arabic, since mastering this language was a mark of scientific distinction. The stamp of “illiterate” would be accurate if one considers that almost all of those who had some level of education had to know Arabic. The negative comments of the author on Persian language seems to contradict his frequent references to the glory of Pre-Islamic Iran (see Part One, p. 52). 158 This sentence suggests that, in the author’s era, the Arabic language still remained very important despite the increasing number of Persian medical sources. It also indicates that either there were many illiterate practitioners or those who were not able to read Arabic medical sources were considered illiterate. 159 Mod§vi (lit. “the person who heals by the help of medicine”). 160 The other possible reading of this obscure sentence is “like the mo#§lej he should diagnose the disease and provide a clue [to the disease] and be strong in putting the rules of medical science astutely into practice.” 161 Asl-e maqsud (lit. “the main purpose or the main objective”).

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tell the truth—non existent. But if this order is respected, the mistakes in treatment will decrease. The other benefit [of this division] is that the doctors, in acquiring the art, endeavour to attain the stage of perfection, so that eventually there will be no difference between the mo#§lej, the mod§vi and the mo#§ven. The duties of the physicians of the hospital: They should arrive at work early in the morning and take charge of the responsibilities assigned to them. [60] First, they should be present at the bedside of the patients entrusted to them by the Chief Physician. Second, whilst the Chief Physician has the authority for treating all the patients, the doctors, surgeons and practitioners can only take charge of the patients assigned to them.162 Third, early in the morning doctors should administer drugs and meals appropriate to their patient unless they observe some unexpected symptoms163 during the illness. In such a case, they should ask the advice of the Chief Physician. Fourth, they should observe, according to the Canon, the symptoms during the illness and record in a report the prescribed drug and diet. They should also report on a numbered sheet164 the list of administered food and drugs together with the symptoms they observed on that day. If they have any doubt about it, they should consult other doctors. [61] They should write their daily report so clearly that any of the doctors who make the round of patients can understand the disease and define the treatment without needing to ask questions. Fifth, after prescribing drugs and diet, they should hand the daily record of foodstuffs to the Supervisor165 and the record of drugs to the Pharmacist, enabling them to prepare drugs and meals according to instruction. Sixth, every doctor should transmit his daily prescription to the duty physician. Once he has performed this task, he can occupy himself with other works at the hospital after informing the Chief Physician and the duty physician about it. 162 This sentence could be translated “…just as the Chief Physician has the entire authority for treating all the patients, the doctors, surgeons and practitioners can also have the entire authority for treating the patients assigned to them.” 163 #araz. 164 Lowhe-ye shom§reh. 165 N§zer. For this position see below, Chapter IX.

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Seventh, as has been said under the duties of the Chief Physician, every day one Doctor, one Surgeon and one Pharmacist should reside in the hospital. They are not allowed to leave the hospital for home until the time of the next shift. [62] They can have their lunch and dinner and other necessities provided by the kitchen of the hospital at the level of the [military] commanders’ portion. There are many obvious benefits from the doctors being resident at the hospital. For example, sometimes the malignant symptoms166 become so severe that, if it is not treated without delay, it will become fatal within an hour. Or some patients are not able to come to the hospital in the morning and they come at noon or during the afternoon. Or acute and severe disease sometimes occurs and the patient is [urgently] transported to the hospital. All these cases require that the three above-mentioned doctors stay at the hospital. VII On the qualifications and the duties of the surgeons of the hospital At times of war the presence of the surgeons is of the greatest necessity. Therefore, I shall provide here a description of the attributes and the virtues of the Chief Surgeon.167 As has been mentioned concerning the Chief Physician,168 [63] the Chief Surgeon should also be endowed with the same characteristics as those of the Chief Physician. It appears that this profession is one of the branches of medicine, even though science, knowledge and art169 are not here as valued as in medicine; however, trustworthiness, piety and knowledge of the experience and laws of the ancients are [a must].170 It is necessary that the surgeons

166 #av§rez-e maraziyyeh. As we mentioned above, the symptoms, #av§rez, were more talked about in traditional medicine than the diseases themselves and were usually mistaken for diseases. The term #av§rez-e maraziyyeh in this sentence means both the manifestation of disease and malignant symptoms or illness. 167 Jarr§h-b§shi. 168 Hakim-b§shi. The terms jarr§h-b§shi and hakim-b§shi are the only traditional terms employed in the text. 169 Honar. This term literally means “art and skilfulness” and has the same connotations as in the English “honour” and the French “honneur”. But although its general meaning in the text is the art of medicine, in this sentence, it implies rather ability and skilfulness. 170 This sentence is left uncompleted.

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spend their time in study, discussion171 and especially in observation, which is, in manual operations, the principal [pre] condition. In spite of this, surgery in Iran is in a worse state even than medicine is, because the masters of medicine have not soiled their mantle of knowledge with surgery and instead the rabble and ignorant have been inclined to this profession. For this reason surgery has declined, and this is in fact the fault of Hippocrates since, before him, the Chief Physician was at the same time physician, surgeon, ophthalmologist and pharmacist of a hospital. Hippocrates in consideration of [his] dignity and rank appointed three of his students [64] to these occupations [i.e., surgery, ophthalmology and pharmacy] and devoted his own work to the treatment of humoral diseases.172 Although the presence of surgeons in the hospitals at times of peace is not that indispensable, since the majority of wounds and ulcers in the time of peace are produced usually by humoral diseases for which the treatment is to balance the humours, sometimes manual operations are necessary, for instance, in extracting cysts and stones, in opening, piercing, trepanning173 and in cutting veins174 and polypody.175 Consequently, the presence of three surgeons in the hospital176 is necessary. As in the classifica-

171 Mob§heseh (lit. art of disputing and debating). This was probably what was called berierminus in the classical sciences in Iran and classified under the pre-Islamic (i.e. non-Islamic) sciences. Cf. $moli, Naf§yes al-fonun, vol. 1, p. 19. Berierminus should be a Persian word derived from the Greek “Perihermeneias”, the name of Aristotle’s work on interpretation. (I am obliged to Charles Burnett for the information about Aristotle’s book). 172 Obviously, the author refers here to a specific episode of Hippocrates’ life, but it is unclear which episode. Whatever the case may be, the statement of the author corresponds to one of the articles of The Oath: “I will not cut, even for the stone, but I will leave such procedures to the practitioners of that craft.” Cf. Hippocratic Writings, edited by G.E.R. Lloyd, translated by J. Chadwick et al. (London: Penguin Books, 1983), p. 67. 173 Bazl, operating with a trepan, an early type of trephine, a cylindrical surgical instrument especially used to cut a hole in the skull. Bazl in general means lancing, piercing, cutting. 174 Batr-e vesel. The author uses here the English term “vessel” for vein. Batr means cutting the artery by width and breadth. 175 Tashmir. If tashmir (polypody) is the right reading, the author has made a medical error, since polypody or polypodium is a large and widely distributed genus of ferns, of various forms, growing on moist rocks, old walls, and trees (Oxford English Dictionary). If the spelling is tamthir or tamshir, it is unrecognisable. Polyp would make more sense if that were what the author meant. 176 M§rest§n-e Solt§n, the hospital of the Sh§h, that is, the public hospital in the author’s sense.

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tion of the physicians, the first [surgeon] is the mo#§lej (practitioner), the second the mod§vi (healer), and the third one the mo#§ven (assistant or dresser). The practitioner is expert in all manual operations; the healer masters the operations in some cases and in others is a lesser associate of the practitioner; and the assistant should clean, put plaster on, and dress, the wounds. The duties of the surgeons are the same as the physicians’ ones. VIII [65] Qualities and duties of the pharmacists of the hospital In the treatment of humoral diseases, the need for a trustworthy doctor is obvious. But the need for a pharmacist is no less than that for a physician. Therefore, in every hospital the presence of two classes of professionals for treatment is required: the physicians, as was mentioned above, and the pharmacists in the same order [as for the physicians]. First, it is the pharmacist who knows the temperament and properties of all the drugs used at the hospital. He knows the rules for choosing, selecting, bottling, stocking and conserving the simple drugs and understands properly the laws of compounding, mixing and refining. He is well experienced in everything necessary in this art, such as washing, refining, simmering,177 decomposing, [66] rubbing, grinding and pounding (sahq-o sal§ya), peeling,178 talbib,179 distilling, melting, and cooking. As in the royal hospital,180 given the climate of Tehran, the essences which have appeared recently181 are not employed that much, so we really do not need the techniques of extracting essences and the like; but for what is now in use the endeavour will be made

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tarshih, brewing gradually. Taqashshar (to be peeled, skinned), but it must be taqshir (peeling). 179 Unknown word. Talbib means collar. It seems that this is a mistake and the author probably constructed this term from the word laban (milk) and it would mean “changing into, or extracting, milk”. 180 M§rest§n-e solt§ni that was usually called marizkh§neh-ye dowlati (state hospital). 181 Jowhariyy§t-e now-zohur. In the nineteenth century the word jowhariyy§t (essences) was used for the newly-introduced substances obtained by chemically altering their simple or compound components, although extracting the essence of plants, fruits or other substances was not unknown before the nineteenth century in Iran. 178

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to acquire the best ones.183 Honesty and piety of the pharmacist are amongst the requirements.184 The physician without the pharmacist [’s help] is like a man with only one hand, or like a barber without a razor, or like a blood-letter without a lancet. Whatever we have said about the qualities of physicians should also be observed for the pharmacist. For this reason, this least servant of the court185 has never entrusted the pharmacy of the hospital to someone else. Even when three of my relatives (including my brothers) entered in service [67] at the hospital to be sacrificed for His Blessed Majesty, I never neglected to come and inspect the drugs myself. I regret that I do not now have any trustworthy person for the pharmacy and, therefore, I have myself assumed the responsibilities of the First Pharmacist. [Tasks of the First Pharmacist are that he] should verify the simple drugs in use one by one according to the rules of pharmacy and preserve them from putrefaction and, at the time of compounding, have them blended [by his subordinates] in his presence in accordance with the laws of pharmacy. As to the Second Pharmacist, he also should know about the laws of the art of pharmacy186 and of what was mentioned about [the tasks of] the First Pharmacist; his task consists in the collection of drugs, their preservation and their division as well as in their mixture and compounding. But the tasks of the Third Pharmacist are [entirely] manual and consist in packing the medicines [68] and in taking them to those to whom they are to be administered. 183 This passage is very interesting in the light of the opposition of traditional medicine to the European drugs known as jowhariyy§t (essences). Once more we find our author mid-way between traditional and modern medicine. His traditionalist colleagues categorically rejected the use of essences. For example, Mohammad-Ja#far Astar§b§di, (“Safineh-ye Nuh” (Noa’s Arch), written ca. 1310/1892, Qom, Library of Ayatoll§h Mar#ashi, fol. 3), argued that “the European essences, extracted from European plants and herbs, are not suitable for Iran because of the different climate (§b va hav§) in Europe.” Our author in this passage shares Astar§b§di’s opinion, pointing out that “because of the climate of Tehran, the essences recently appearing are not used... and we do not need the science of extracting essences (#elm-e jowhar-keshi)”, though at the same time he advised that “the endeavour will be made to acquire the best ones.” 184 This apparent digression while talking about the techniques of pharmacy is not irrelevant to the subject. It indicates that honesty was regarded as a necessary prerequisite for preparing drugs, so that for instance the pharmacist did not defraud patients by introducing adulterated or cheap materials instead of the genuine ones. 185 That is, the author. 186 Qav§nin-e san§#at-e dav§s§zi.

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The duties of the pharmacists: Since the authorities of the sublime government have not yet ordered the construction of a pharmacy and the collection of the necessary drugs for the hospital, I have myself established a small pharmacy. Although I appointed my brother to be responsible for the drugs, in order to be diligent in this matter I personally control the pharmacy, so that no drug is bought without my superintendence and I supervise the composition of compound drugs (morakkab§t) as well as the production of essences ( jowhariyy§t),187 concentrates, juices and whatever can be produced in Tehran. Nearly all decoctions, syrups and tablets are made under my supervision. If the authorities of the sublime state order the construction of a drugstore, three classes of pharmacists would be appointed to run it. The benefits [69] of the state pharmacy are manifold, and the greatest of them is that, while during the expeditions of the army, the money paid to the doctors for drugs is misused, if this money is paid in proportion to the [required] drugs and if the list of the [consumed] drugs is checked by the officer [of the regiment], then all of the provided drugs will go to the soldiers. IX On the attributes and duties of the First Secretary who is the [financial] Inspector188 of the hospital The qualities described for doctors should also apply to the inspector of the hospital, including piety and faithfulness, since, in serving the preservation of health, treachery will be detrimental to the body. It is obvious that the duties of the First Secretary are to keep the accounts and the books of the hospital: First, the record of all furniture and equipment of the hospital such as bed-clothes and patients’ garments, [70] nurses’ clothes, beds, woven 187

See above, footnote 183. According to the subsequent description provided by the author, the moshref was responsible for the finances and accounts of the hospital. The division of duties and the description of grades given by the author using the old titles lead to confusion. For example, he uses moshref (inspector, observer or an officer in a treasury who authenticates accounts and writings) for the First Mirz§ but n§zer (supervisor, superintendent) for the Second Mirz§ (see below). 188

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floor mats,189copper utensils and other necessary vessels. Second, the book of miscellaneous expenditures for refurbishment of the buildings, repair of worn clothes and bed-clothes, repair and lining of copper utensils.190 Third, the book of daily costs of medicines, foodstuffs and so forth. Fourth, the book of treatment in which the daily records of doctors and surgeons are registered word for word. First duty. He should be present at the hospital at dawn. Once the doctors have finished visiting the patients, they should hand their journals of drug and foodstuffs, written separately, to the Pharmacist and to the N§zer [Supervisor or the Second Mirz§], all under the First Secretary’s oversight. Second [duty]. When the Second Mirz§ wants to supply the servants of the hospital with the victuals for [preparation of ] food, he should inform the First Secretary. Third [duty]. If he does not trust the duty physician and the Supervisor, he should be present during the distribution of food. Fourth [duty]. He should prepare the daily journal, [71] indicating the names of the regiments, the number of patients, a description of their diseases, the number of those present in the morning and in the evening, the number discharged after being restored to health, the number of those who have been admitted, the number of deceased and a description of other incidents that have occurred at the hospital, and the expenses of the day. Then he should have this journal sealed by the Chief Physician and should send it to the Health Officer. Fifth [duty]. He should duplicate daily whatever is recorded in the four [above-mentioned] books. Sixth [duty]. He should write down the expenses of the day and, after affixing his, the physician’s and the duty physician’s seals, deliver it to the Supervisor who, the next morning, should hand it over to the Health Officer, who will keep it for inspection. Seventh [duty]. At the beginning of each month, he should copy the data from the journals of the previous month onto a table divided

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Farsh-e hasiri. Utensils used for cooking were usually made of copper and then covered and lined on the inside with tin. The wearing away of the tin after a period of use was repaired by adding a new layer of tin. 190

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vertically into the number of the days of that month and horizontally into six parts. The first part for those present in the morning, the second for those present in the evening, the third for the admitted, the fourth for the deceased, [72] the fifth for the cured and discharged and the sixth for the expenditures. He should prepare two copies [of this document] and have them sealed by the Chief Physician and by himself. Then he should give one copy to the Health Officer and the other to the Supervisor [the Second Mirz§ or Secretary]. X On the ethics and duties of the Second Secretary, who is the Supervisor of the Hospital Whatever has been argued regarding the honesty and piety of doctors and other medical staff is, in the case of the Supervisor, of the first and foremost priority, as negligence and treachery with regard to the patients’ food will be detrimental to the body and will bring shame on the Chief Physician and on other practitioners. The duties of the Second Secretary are the following: First, he should store sufficient amounts of non-perishable drugs of all varieties, which are necessary for the hospital. Second, the stored items should be selected from amongst the best specimens of each material. Third, he should keep the drugs in clean and healthy premises and receptacles in order to [73] preserve them from putrefaction. Fourth, he should keep the warehouse sealed at all times. Fifth, he should be present every morning at the hospital before other functionaries. Sixth, since the practitioners prepare their journals late, he should have ready some victuals that are not perishable in one day, such as meat and vegetables, before the news191 [(the instructions of the physicians) arrive]. Seventh, once the journal of foodstuffs is received from the chief physician or the duty physician, he should deliver straight away the readied items to the servants [of the kitchen]. Eighth, he should give the items to the cook and the keeper of syrups192 in the presence of the duty physician and 191

The handwriting is akhb§r (lit. information, news). Sharbatd§r. This usually means “bar-keeper”, but in this context it means “the person in charge of the medicine chest or other syrups.” In the hospitals (or bim§rest§ns, a term also used in other Islamic countries) established during the Middle Ages, sharbatd§r meant pharmacist and sharbatkh§nah pharmacy. See: Issa Bey, Histoire des Bimaristans, pp. 84, 90. 192

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the First Mirz§. Ninth; he should give priority to the cuisine and the syrups. Tenth, he should prepare the meals of lunch and dinner as scheduled. Eleventh, at the time of a meal, once food and drink are ready, he should inform the duty physician. [74] Twelfth, since some patients who need purgatives do not have lunch, he should get their meals ready for serving in the afternoon. Thirteenth, when drinks, such as tea and coffee (brewed with cinnamon and ginger), juice of watermelon and so on, are required instead of a meal, they should be given at prescribed hours and in the presence of the second Mirz§. Fourteenth, he should be the first of the functionaries to enter and the last of them to leave the hospital. XI The duties of the Third Mirz§s (or the Cashiers)193 First, they should endeavour to keep the furniture of the hospital [in good condition]. Second, when some defects occur in the equipment, they should repair them themselves. Third, the cashiers should not store dirty garments and bed-clothes in the warehouse. Fourth, after having these clothes washed, they should carefully check them and whatever needs to be repaired should be given by them to the cleaners for patching. Fifth, if garments and the like are stored during a certain period without being used, they should aerate them. Sixth, they should inform the Second Secretary (n§zer) any time they notice some defect in the furniture and equipment.

XII [75] On the duties of the nurses in the hospital From the point of view of the public, working at the hospital and nursing the patients is quite difficult, because laymen think that all diseases are contagious and believe that whoever works in a hospital falls sick after a short period. As yet, the state authorities regarding the nurses have done no solid planning. [However,] I need to point 193 tahvild§r§n. However, in this context, the tahvild§r (cashier) mainly keeps utensils, furniture and other equipment, not money.

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out here that nursing is one of the main necessities and one of the most important conditions for treatment, to the extent that unless this matter is attended to it is unlikely that any proper treatment can be carried out. At the current hospital there are sometimes more than one hundred patients and, in case all of them are gravely sick, one nurse is needed for every two or three of them. And sometimes the inpatients are reduced to twenty [76] and in this case five or six nurses suffice. Therefore, as the eminent intention [of His Majesty] is to put in order the affairs of the hospital so that the sick soldiers can always come to the hospital, it is necessary that nurses be trained. The nurses should be divided into two categories: the first category should reside permanently at the hospital; the second group should be hired from amongst the regiments that send sick soldiers. The first category should be divided into three grades. In the first grade are the chef and cook. In the second position are those who prepare and distribute foods and drugs. The ventilation of the rooms also falls within their responsibility. The third rank pertains to those who clean the rooms and other parts of the hospital and wash garments and bedclothes. Amongst them there should be those who, by use of the trowel, make repairs [77] in order to keep the premises [neat and] sanitary. They should prepare fire, water and light for the patients and help those who cannot move. The duties of the chief nurse in the state hospital are the following:194 At dawn, after his first prayers, he should visit the kitchen to see whether the workers are present. Then he could say the remainder of his prayers195 in the patients’ rooms and, with the assistance of nurses, cause them to perform their prayers.196 Second, he should order the nurses to clean the rooms before the morning and the evening visits of the doctor as well as after lunch. Third, he should keep an account of the beds, so that when the doctor decides, for instance, that a patient should stay in the room reserved for typhus,197 he could say that, for example, the fifth bed in the second room is vacant. Fourth, during the distribution of meals he should visit the patients, [78] so that nobody inadvertently remains without food. [In the evening,] after he lights the lamps, he

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Lit. “Nowadays in the state hospital the director (chief nurse) whose order is obeyed by all nurses [has to do the following].” 195 ta#qib§t. 196 Far§yez (religious duties). 197 Motbeqa. About this question, see above, footnote 66.

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should visit the rooms. Fifth, he should make an inspection at the time of going to bed and designate the duty nurse for the night. Sixth, he must be present during the replacement of the duty nurse, so that the rooms of the patients with severe illnesses are never without a duty nurse. The patients should be under his supervision or control. XIII [79] On the duties of the guards of the hospital The office of guard of the hospital is an important responsibility, especially at the time of outbreak of contagious and epidemic diseases. Appropriate attention should therefore be paid to this question. It is not suitable frequently to replace the guards of the hospital, because getting used to the customs and habits of the hospital takes time. The duties of the guards are the following: First, the superintendent of the guards should be reasonable, honest and able to read and write. [80] Second, he should endeavour to protect the hospital’s gate in order to prevent people entering or leaving the hospital without permission. Third, he should appoint honest guards at every place where there is a depository for state property198 sealed by the Second Secretary. Fourth, at the time of the changing of the guard, he should show [the guard] the seals [in place].199 Fifth, as there will be established a pass or a ticket for [entering] the hospital, he should not permit people—except the functionaries of the hospital—to enter or leave [without this pass]. Sixth, if somebody under the pretext of illness comes to the hospital’s gate without a ticket, he should guide the solicitant to a special room, until the Chief Physician or the duty physician comes to examine him (her). Seventh, if a person arrives possessing a pass, he should lead him to wherever he needs to go. Eighth, he should not let the patients leave the hospital except in the early morning, when cured persons are discharged. Ninth, at the time of a patient’s departure, [81] he should be careful that he does not smuggle out any hospital property in his luggage. Tenth, he should do what is necessary to clean the outside of the hospital. Eleventh, he should appoint guards for day duty and night duty at the entrance to the latrines, so that nobody could relieve themselves in places other 198 199

Anb§r-e dowlati (lit. state depository). So that the guards could not claim that the seal was broken.

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than the designated toilets. Twelfth, when one of the personnel wants to leave the hospital at an unauthorised hour, he should ask the reasons for his leaving. Thirteenth, he should prevent the people from taking furniture or victuals and beverages out of the hospital without the permission of the Second Secretary. Fourteenth, after the Chief Physician and [other] employees leave the hospital, he should close the gate and entrust it to the guard-on-duty. In this way, he will be kept informed of the people who enter and leave the hospital. Oh God, how felicitously you bring things to their conclusion.

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PERSIAN TEXT

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Fig. 8. Manuscript 505 on the Establishment of Public Hospitals.

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‫]در ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ و ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن دوﻟﺘ>[‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺣ‪B‬ﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺮﺣﻤﻦ ّ‬ ‫ﺑﺴﻢ اﷲ ّ‬ ‫]‪ [1‬ﭼﻮن ﻫﻤﺖ واﻻ ﻧﻬﻤﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﻣﻌﻈﻢ ﻣﻠﻚ اﻟﻤﻠﻮك اﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ارﻜﻪ‬ ‫آرا‪ X‬ﻣﻠﻚ ﻋﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻼﻟﻪ ء واﻻ‪ X‬ﻫﻮﺷﻨﮓ و ﺟﻢ‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﺲ ﺷﺶ ﻃﺎق‪ ،‬ﺷﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻧﻪ ﺧﺮﮔﺎه‪ 1‬ﻓﺮاﺳﻼم‪ ،‬ﻧﺎﺻﺮاﻟﺪﻦ ﺷﺎه ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺰ ﻧﺼﺮه و ﻣ ّﺪ ﻋﺼﺮه ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ‬ ‫اﺮاﻧ‪B‬ﺎن ﻣﺼﺮوﻓﺴﺖ و ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﻄ‪B‬ﺮ ﺧﺴﺮواﻧﻪ اش ﺑﺎﺣ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮاﺳﻢ‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻒ و ﺗﺮوﺞ آﺛﺎر ﻣﻠﻮك ﻣﺎﺿ> ﻣﺸﻌﻮﻓﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻟﻬﺬا در اول ﺟﻠﻮس‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﻤﻨﺖ ﻣﺄﻧﻮس ﺑﺼﺮاﻓﺖ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻣﺒﺎرك ﺑﺘﺄﺳ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ از ﺟﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫اﺑﻨ‪B‬ﻪ ء ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ و ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ ﻣﺼﺪوﻗﻪ ء ﺑﺎﻗ‪B‬ﺎت و ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎت اﺳﺖ ﺣﻜﻢ داده و‬ ‫ﺣﺴﺐ اﻻﻣﺮ ﺑﺎﺗﻤﺎم رﺳ‪B‬ﺪه اﺛﺎﺛﻪ و ﺿﺮورﺎت آن ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آﻣﺪه و در ﻏﺎﺖ‬ ‫اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ]‪ [2‬اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻧﻈﺎم ﺑﻤﺮاﻗﺒﺖ و ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎز اﺷﺘﻐﺎل‬ ‫دارﻧﺪ‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﻮز ﻣﺒﺘﻨ> ﺑﺮ ﺑﻌﻀ> ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻼت ﺑﻄﻮرﻜﻪ از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﻨ>‬ ‫اﻟﺠﻮاﻧﺐ ﭘﺎدﺷﺎه دﻦ ﭘﻨﺎه ﺧﻠﺪ اﷲ ﻣﻠﻜﻪ اﻣﺮ ﺷﺪه ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎم ﻧﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪه ﺑﻮد ﺗﺎ اﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﻛﺎر ﺟﻼﻟﺘﻤﺪار ﺧﺪاﮕﺎن اﻋﻈﻢ‪ ،‬ﻋﻨﻮان دﺒﺎﭼﻪ ء وﺟﻮد و ﻫﻤﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨ‪B‬ﺎن‬

‫‪ 1‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺘﻮن ﻗﺪﻤﻰ ﻓﺎرﺳﻰ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﻧﻔﻮذ زﺑﺎن ﻋﺮﺑﻰ‪" ،‬گ" را "ك" ﻣ‪B‬ﻨﻮﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه ء اﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺣﺮف "گ" را ﺑﻜﺎر ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺒﺮد‪ .‬در ﻧﺘ‪B‬ﺠﻪ ﻟﻐﺎﺗ> ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ "ﺑﺰرگ"‬ ‫و "درﮔﺎه"‪ ،‬در اﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺎ ك آﻣﺪه اﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺎ ﺗﺼﺤ‪B‬ﺢ ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﻨ‪B‬ﻢ‪ .‬ﺑﻬﻤﺎﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ‪ ،‬ﻧﻘﻄﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬار‪ X‬اﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺴﺒ‪t u‬ﻬﻦ اﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪﻨﻤﻌﻨ> ‪t‬ﻪ ﺗﻤﺎﻣ> ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﺎ ‪t‬ﻠﻤﺎت و ﺣﺮوﻓ>‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ :‬و‪ ،‬واﻣّﺎ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ‪ ،‬ﻟ‪x‬ﻦ و ﺟﺰ آن ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﺷﺪه اﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﺑﺮاﻦ ﻣﺎ ﺑﻠﺤﺎظ ﺗﺴﻬ‪B‬ﻞ در‬ ‫ﺧﻮاﻧﺪن ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ﮔﺬار‪ X‬ﻣﺪرن را ﺟﺎﮕﺰﻦ ‪t‬ﺮده اﻢ‪ .‬ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ رﻋﺎﺖ ﻋﻼﻣﺎﺗ>‬ ‫ﭼﻮن ﺗﺸﺪﺪ و ﻫﻤﺰه ء اﺿﺎﻓﻪ را ﻧ‪x‬ﺮده اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻزم ﺑ‪B‬ﺎدآور‪ X‬اﺳﺖ ‪t‬ﻪ در اﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‬ ‫دﺳﺘﻮر زﺑﺎن ﻓﺎرﺳ> ﻗﺪﻢ ﺑ‪x‬ﺎر رﻓﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ً .‬‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ﻫﻤﺰه )ء( ﺑﺠﺎ‪) X‬ا‪ (X‬ﺎ )>( ﺑ‪x‬ﺎر‬ ‫رﻓﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ؛ ﮔﺎﻫ> ﺣﺮف اﺿﺎﻓﻪ ء "را" ‪t‬ﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺖ ﻣﻔﻌﻮل ﺑ‪B‬ﻮاﺳﻄﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑ‪x‬ﺎر ﻧﺮﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ‪t‬ﻪ ﻣﺎ در داﺧﻞ ] [ اﺿﺎﻓﻪ ﻣ‪xB‬ﻨ‪B‬ﻢ‪ .‬در ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ ﺟﺎﻫﺎ اﻦ ‪t‬ﻠﻤﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺴﺒ‪ u‬ﻓﺎرﺳ>‬ ‫ﭘﻬﻠﻮ‪ ،X‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> "ﺑﺮا‪ "X‬آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻧﮕﺎرش اﻦ ﻣﻘﺎﻟﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﻮن ﺑﻨﻈﺮ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ؛ ﺑﺎ اﻨﺤﺎل‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ ﻋﺒﺎرات ﺑﻔﺎرﺳ> ﺷ‪B‬ﻮا> ﭘﺮداﺧﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ اﻣﺎ ﺑﺮﺧ> ﺟﻤﻼت ﻧﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ آراﺳﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻠ‪x‬ﻪ از ﻧﻈﺮ دﺳﺘﻮر‪ X‬ﻫﻢ درﺳﺖ ﻧﺒﻮده و ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ X‬روﺷﻨ> ﻧﺪارﻧﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺳﺮاﭼﻪ ء ﻣﺠﺪ و ﻛﺮم‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺎر ﺟﻼﻟﺘﻤﺪار ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻر اﻛﺮم ﺑﺰﻋﺎﻣﺖ ﺳﭙﺎه‬ ‫و اﺳﻔﻬﺒﺪ‪ X‬ﺑﺎرﮔﺎه ﻋﻠﻢ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﻃﻦ و ﻇﺎﻫﺮ و ﻣﺪارك و ﻣﺸﺎﻋﺮ را ﺑﻨﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﺟ‪B‬ﺶ ﻧﺼﺮت ﭘﻨﺎه و ﺧﺼﺐ ﻋ‪B‬ﺶ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﻣﺼﺮوف ﺧﻮاﺳﺖ‬ ‫و ﭼﻮن ﻜ> از ﻣﻬﻤﺎت اﻦ ﻛﺎر اﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎم اﻣﻮر ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺖ ﻛﻪ آﺳﻮدﮔ>‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﻟﺸﻜﺮ و اﻃﻤ‪B‬ﻨﺎن ﺗﻨﺪرﺳﺘﺎن ﺳﭙﺎه ﺑﻨﻈﻢ آن ﻣﻮﻗﻮف اﺳﺖ اﺷﺎرت‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﻮد ﻛﻪ رﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ء در اﻨﺨﺼﻮص ﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ ﻣﻌﺮوض دارد ﺗﺎ ﺑﺪاﻧﺴﺎن‬ ‫ﻛﻪ اراده ء ﺧﺎﻃﺮش ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﮔ‪B‬ﺮد ﻗﺮار‪ X‬در اﻣﻮر آن ﺑﻨﻬﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻬ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﺧ‪B‬ﺮات‪ ،‬و از ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ء ]‪ [3‬ﺑﺎﻗ‪B‬ﺎت ﺻﺎﻟﺤﺎت‪،‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ آﻧﻬﻤﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﻓﺎﺪه ء اﻨﻜﺎر ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ آﺛﺎر ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﻣﺰاج اﻧﺴﺎﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ واﺳﻄﻪ ء ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻣﻘﺎﺻﺪ ﺟﺴﻤﺎﻧ> و ﻣﺼﺎﻟﺢ‬ ‫اﻤﺎﻧ> و ﻣﻌﺎرف رﺑّﺎﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ و از اﻨﺮو‪ X‬اﻨﻜﺎر ﻣﻄﻠﻮب ﻃﺒﺎﻊ و ﻣﻘﺒﻮل‬ ‫ﺷﺮاﻊ و ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺪه ء ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ دول و ﭘﺬﺮﻓﺘﻪ ء ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ء ﻣﻠﻞ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬و اﻨﻚ ﻓﺮﻗﻪ ء‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮓ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء اﺸﺎن ﺻﺮﻓﻪ و ﻏﺒﻄﻪ ء اﻣﻮر ﺧﻮد را ﻣﻌﺮوف و‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﻮر اﺳﺖ و ﻫﻤﮕﺎن داﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﮕﻤﺎن درﺎﻓﺖ اﻧﺪك ﺳﻮد از زﺎن ﺟﺎن‬ ‫ﻧ‪B‬ﻨﺪﺸﻨﺪ در ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ و ﻣﺴﺎﻟﻚ و ﻣﺪاﻦ و اﻣﺼﺎر و ﻗﺮاء و دﻫﻜﺪﺟﺎت‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﺑﺰرگ اﺳﺎس ﺑﺮاﻓﺮاﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ و از ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻫﺮ ﻚ ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎت و‬ ‫ﺧﺰاﻦ و ﻣﻨﻘﻮﻻت و دﻓﺎﻦ ﻓﺮو ﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫ‪B‬ﭻ دﻫﻜﺪه ء ﺑﺰرﮔ>‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪه ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ء در آن ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ﻧﺰد ﻣﺘﺘﺒﻌ‪B‬ﻦ اﺧﺒﺎر و ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻤ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫آﺛﺎر ﻇﺎﻫﺮ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬اﻨﻜﺎر اﺳﺘﻮار ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ آﺛﺎر از دوﻟﺖ ]‪[4‬‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ء اﺮان ﺑﺮﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ و ﺗﻘﻠ‪B‬ﺪ اﺸﺎن اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎن را‬ ‫آراﺳﺘﻪ‪ .‬درﻎ و اﻓﺴﻮس ﺑﺮ ﻧﺎم و ﻧﺎﻣﻮس ﻛﻪ ﺧﺪاوﻧﺪان ادراك و ﺗﻌﻠ‪B‬ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻮﻃﻨ‪B‬ﻦ اﻋﺪل اﻗﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎن ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ در ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻛﺎرﻫﺎ ﺗﻘﻠ‪B‬ﺪ‬ ‫اﺸﺎن ﻛﺮدﻧﺪ‪ ،X‬از ﻣﺮاﺗﺐ ادارك و ادب ﺑﺮﻛﺮاﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ وﺗ‪B‬ﺮدﻟﺪوز ﻃﻌﻦ‬ ‫را ﻧﺸﺎﻧﻪ و ﺳﺎﻛﻨﺎن اﻃﺮاف ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ اﺸﺎن را ﺑﻔﺘﻮ‪ X‬ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﻋﺒ‪B‬ﺪ و‬ ‫ﺧﺪم اﻧﺪ ﺑﺪﻦ ﻧﻮع از ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻠﻨﺪ آﺷ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫از ﻛﺘﺐ ﺳ‪B‬ﺮ ﻇﺎﻫﺮ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ از ﻋﻬﺪ ﭘ‪B‬ﺸﺪادﺎن ﺗﺎ زﻣﺎن اﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪X‬‬ ‫اﺳﻜﻨﺪر ﺑﺮاﺮان ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ در اﻣﺼﺎر و ﺑﻠﺪﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ در دﻫﺎت و ﺳﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ اﺮان ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎى ﺑﺰرگ ﻮﻛوﭼ‪ u‬ﺑﺮ اﻓﺮاﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮده و در‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺤﺮك‬ ‫وﻗﺖ ﺣﺮﻛﺖ اردوﻫﺎ ﻫﻢ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻬﺎ> ﻛﻪ آﻧﻬﺎ را ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‬ ‫ّ‬

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‫ﻧﺎﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻧﺪ‪ X‬از ﭼﺎدرﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﻮش ﺑﻨﺎ ﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻪ و ﺑﺪاﻧﮕﺎه ﻛﻪ اﺮاﻧ‪B‬ﺎن ﻛﻮاﻛﺐ‬ ‫ﺳ‪ّB‬ﺎره را وﺳﺎﻂ ﻓ‪B‬ﺾ و وﺳﺎﻞ اﻓﺎﺿﺎت ]‪ [5‬ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﺪاﻧﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻚ از آﻧﻬﺎ ﻧﺬر ﻛﺮده ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﺑﻨ‪B‬ﻪ و اﺛﺎﺛﻪ ء آﻧﺮا ﺑﺮﻧﮓ ﻣﺘﻌﻠﻖ ﺑﻪ آن‬ ‫ﻛﻮﻛﺐ ﻣﻠ ّﻮن ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺮدﻧﺪ‪ .‬و در ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ﺑﺰرگ ﮔﻮﺪ‪ 2‬ﺑﻮﻗﺘ‪B‬ﻜﻪ دارا ﺑﺠﻨﮓ‬ ‫اﺳﻜﻨﺪر ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﻤﻮد ﺳ‪B‬ﺼﺪ و ﺷﺼﺖ و ﺷﺶ ﺑﺎب ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻫﻤﺮاه‬ ‫ﺑﻮد ﻛﻪ ﻣﺨﺎرج و ﻣﺎ ﺣﻀﺮ و ﻣﻄﺒﻮﺧﺎت آﻧﻬﻤﻪ از ﻣﻄﺒﺦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه داده‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﺪ‪ .‬و ﻧﺪاﻧﻢ ﻋﻬﺪﺮا از ﻋﻬﻮد ﻗﺪﻤﻪ ﻛﻪ اﻨﻜﺎر ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ آﺛﺎر در اﺮان‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪاول و اﺳﺘﻮار ﻧﺒﻮده ﻣﮕﺮ آﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ از اﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪ X‬اﺳﻜﻨﺪر ﺑﺮاﺮان‬ ‫اﻧﺪﻛ> از روﻧﻖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﺎﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻮد‪ .‬و در زﻣﺎن اﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪ X‬ﻋﺮب ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻋﺠﻢ ﺑﺎ آﻧﻜﻪ ﺳ‪B‬ﺮت ﻣﻠﻮك ﻛ‪B‬ﺎن ﺑﻜﻠ> ﻓﺮﺳﻮده ﮔﺸﺖ ﺑﺎز در اﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ‬ ‫اﻦ رﺳﻢ ﺳﺘﻮده ﻣﺘﺪاول ﺑﻮد‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ از ﺗﺬﻛﺮةاﻻﻃﺒﺎ روﺷﻦ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪﻦ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن در اﺮان ﺑﻮده و ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﺑﺰرگ در ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻐﻮل ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺿ> ﺑﻮدﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ در ﻫﻤﺎن ﻛﺘﺎب ﮔﻮﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺘﺼﻢ ]‪ [6‬اراده ء ﺳﻔﺮ ﻣﻐﺮب زﻣ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﺮد‪ ،‬ﺑﺨﺘ‪B‬ﺸﻮع ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﭘ‪B‬ﺮ‪ X‬از‬ ‫ﻣﻼزﻣﺖ ﺧﻠ‪B‬ﻔﻪ ﺑﺎﻗ> ﻣﺎﻧﺪ و اﻓﻀﻞ ﺷﺎﮔﺮدان ﺧﻮد اﺑﻮﺳﻌ‪B‬ﺪ را ﺑﺎ ﭼﻨﺪﻦ‬ ‫ﺗﻦ از ﻣﻬﺮه ء اﻃﺒﺎء در رﻛﺎب ﺧﻠ‪B‬ﻔﻪ روان ﺳﺎﺧﺖ‪ .‬در وﻗﺘ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﺑﺨ‪B‬ﺸﻮع‬ ‫را ﺧﻠ‪B‬ﻔﻪ ﺗﻮدﻊ ﻛﺮد ﮔﻔﺖ‪ :‬ﺑﭽﻪ رو‪ X‬ﭘﺴﺮ ﺧﻮد ﺟﺒﺮﺋ‪B‬ﻞ را از رﻛﺎب‬ ‫دور ﺳﺎﺧﺘ> و اﺑﻮﺳﻌ‪B‬ﺪ را ﻫﻤﺮاه ﻣﺎ ﺧﻮاﺳﺘ>؟ ﺑﺨﺘ‪B‬ﺸﻮع ﻋﺮض ﻛﺮد‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺟﻨﺪﺷﺎﭘﻮر ﺑﺮ ﭼﻮن ﺟﺒﺮﺋ‪B‬ﻠ> زﺎد ﻣﺤﺘﺎﺟﺴﺖ‪ .‬از اﻨﻔﻘﺮه‬ ‫ﺑﻮاﺿﺤ> روﺷﻦ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن در آﻧﺰﻣﺎن ﭼﻨﺎن ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ و ﻋﻈ‪B‬ﻢ‬ ‫اﻟﺸﺄن ﺑﻮده ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ آﻧﺮا ﺑﺮ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﺳﻠﻄﺎن ﻣﻘﺪم ﻣ‪B‬ﺪاﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ وآﻧﺮا‬ ‫ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ ﺷﻐﻠﻬﺎ ﻣ> ﭘﻨﺪاﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ‪ .‬و ﻫﻢ در ﻋﻬﺪ ﻜ> از ﻋﺒﺎﺳ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﻮد ﻛﻪ‬ ‫رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ اﻃﺒﺎى ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ر‪ X‬ﻓﻮت ﺷﺪ و ﻛﺴ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﺑﺠﺎ‪ X‬او ﻧﺸ‪B‬ﻨﺪ ﻧﺒﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫اﻨﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﺑﺪاراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ داﺷﺘﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺧﻠ‪B‬ﻔﻪ در اﻦ ﺑﺎب ﺑﺎ وزﺮ ﺧﻮد‬ ‫ﺷﻮر ﻛﺮد‪ .‬ﻣﺸﺎراﻟ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ اﺑﻮﺳﻠ‪B‬ﻤﺎن ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ]‪ [7‬در اﻣﻮر وزارت‬ ‫‪2‬‬

‫در ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺎﻣﻪ ء ﺑﺰرگ اﻨﭽﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺗﺼﺮﻓﺎت ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺮد ﻋﺮض ﻧﻤﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ر‪ X‬ﺟﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﻌﻈﻤ> اﺳﺖ‬ ‫و ﻛﺴ> از ﻋﻬﺪه اﻨﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﺟﺰ اﺑﻮﺳﻠ‪B‬ﻤﺎن ﺑﺮ ﻧ‪B‬ﺎﺪ و ﭼﻮن اﻦ ﺳﺨﻦ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺰﺑﻮر ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ ﻧﺘﻮاﻧﺴﺖ ﺑﺪاﻧﻤﻌﻨ> اﻧﻜﺎر ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺷﻐﻠ> ﺑﺴ‪B‬ﺎر‬ ‫ﺑﺰرگ ﺑﻮد و ﭼﻬﻞ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺸﻬﻮر در زﺮ دﺳﺖ او ﻛﺎر ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺮدﻧﺪ و‬ ‫اﮔﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺮد ﻛﻪ وزﺮ اﻨﻤﺼﻠﺤﺖ ﺑﺠﻬﺖ دور ﻛﺮدن ﻣﻦ از درﮔﺎه‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺠﻮﺪ ﺑﺎور ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﻜﺮدﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪون اﻛﺮاه ﭘ> ﺧﺪﻣﺖ رﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻨﻚ ﺻﻮرت دﻓﺘﺮ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻛﺎﺷﺎن ﻛﻪ در ﻋﻬﺪ ﻣﺠﺪاﻟﻤﻠﻚ ﻣﺪﺗﻬﺎ در اﻦ‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﻨﻮ ﻧﺸﺎن ﻣﺘﺪاول ﺑﻮده‪ :‬در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻟ> دوازده ﻫﺰارﺗﻮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺪاﺧﻞ ﻣﻠﻜ> داﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﭼﻬﺎر ﻫﺰارﺗﻮﻣﺎن ﺑﻤﻮاﺟﺐ اﻃﺒﺎ و ﺳﺎﺮ ﻛﺎرﮔﺬاران‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮر ﺑﻮده و ﭼﻬﺎر ﻫﺰار ﺗﻮﻣﺎن ﺑﻤﻠﺰوﻣﺎت ﻏﺬا و ﻣﻌﺎدل آن ﺻﺮف دوا‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺎ آﻧﻜﻪ در اول ﺑﻨﺎء ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﻧﻮاع ادوﻪ ء ﻣﻔﺮده و ﻣﺮ ﻛﺒﻪ ﺑﻘﺪر‬ ‫ﻛﺎﻓ> در آﻧﺠﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ داﺷﺘﻨﺪ و ﺑﺮ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ دور دﺳﺖ اﻧﻬﺎء ﻛﺮده ]‪[8‬‬ ‫ﺑﻮدﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ وﻗﺖ ﺣﺪوث اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺰﻣﻦ و ﺻﻌﺐ ﻫﺮﮔﺎه ﻃﺎﻔﻪ ء ﻓﻘﺮا را‬ ‫اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﺪواﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﮔﺮان ﺑﻬﺎ و ﻋﺰﺰاﻟﻮﺟﻮد اﺗﻔﺎق اﻓﺘﺪ دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ء ﻛﺎﺷﺎن‬ ‫در رﺳﺎﻧﺪن آن ﻣﻀﺎﻘﻪ و ﻛﻮﺗﺎﻫ> ﻧﺨﻮاﻫﻨﺪ ﻛﺮد و ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ دوا ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻼﺗﺄﻣّﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎده ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ﺷﺎﺪ ﮔﻔﺘﻪ ء ﺳﻌﺪ‪» ،X‬ﺗﺎ ﺗﺮﺎق از ﻋﺮاق‬ ‫آورده ﺷﻮد ﻣﺎر ﮔﺰﺪه ﻣﺮده ﺑﺎﺷﺪ«‪ ،‬از اﻨﺤﻜﺎﺖ ﺎد دﻫﺪ و اﮔﺮﻧﻪ ﺗﺮﺎق‬ ‫را ﺑﺎ ﻋﺮاق ﭼﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﺳﺒﺖ؟ ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺗﺪاول ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن در اﺮان ﻗﺮﻧﻬﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫دراز و ﺳﺎﻟﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻓﺮاوان از آن آﺷﻜﺎرﺗﺮ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﮕﻮاه و ﺑﺮﻫﺎن‬ ‫اﻓﺘﺪ و ﺎ ﺧﻼف آن ﺑﮕﻤﺎن آﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﺎم ﻓﺎرﺳ> آن ﺑﺘﺨﻔ‪B‬ﻒ‪ ،‬ﻌﻨ>‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺪاول ﭼﻨﺪ زﺑﺎن اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﺐ آﻧﻜﻪ اﻣﺮوز ﺑﺘﻘﻠ‪B‬ﺪ اﺮاﻧ‪B‬ﺎن‬ ‫ﻧﺰدﻚ ﺑﻪ ﭘﻨﺠﺎه ﻫﺰار ﺑﺎب ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن در ﺳﻄﺢ ﻛﺮه ء ﺧﺎك ﺑﻨﺎ ﻧﻬﺎده‬ ‫اﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻜ> از آن در اﺮان زﻣ‪B‬ﻦ ]‪ [9‬ﻧﺒﻮد‪ .‬در ﻜ> از روزﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻮدﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘ‪B‬ﺮه زﻧ> از ﻬﻮد در ﻣﺮض ﻣﻮت وﺻ‪B‬ﺖ ﻛﺮده ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ و ﺳ> ﻫﺰار ﺗﻮﻣﺎن از ﺗﺮﻛﻪ ء او ﺻﺮف ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬ﻚ ﺑﺎب ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪ .‬و اﻟﺤﻤﺪﷲ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎدﺷﺎه ﺟﻮاﻧﺒﺨﺖ ﺑﺼﺮاﻓﺖ ﻃﺒﻊ ﻫﻤﺎﻮن ﺑﺪﻦ اﻣﺮ‬ ‫ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻓﺮﻣﻮده اﻧﺪ و اﻣ‪B‬ﺪوار اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺰود‪ X‬اﻦ اﺛﺮ در ﻫﻤﻪ ﺑﻠﺪان‬ ‫اﺮان ﻣﺸﺘﻬﺮ ﮔﺮدد‪ .‬و اﮔﺮ ﭘﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺴﺎﻫﻠﻪ از ﻛﺎرﮔﺬاران ﺳﺎﺑﻖ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن‬

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‫ﻧﻤ> آﻣﺪ اﻦ رﺳﻢ ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ ﻛﻪ زﻧﺪه داﺷﺘﻦ آﺛﺎر ﻣﻠﻮك ﺳﻠﻒ اﺳﺖ در اﺮان‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺪاول ﻣ> ﺷﺪ‪ .‬و اﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎه ﻫﺰار ﺑﺎب ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻛﻪ ﮔﻔﺘ‪B‬ﻢ ﻧﻪ ﺻﺮف‬ ‫ﺗﺨ‪B‬ﻞ و ﺗﺨﻤ‪B‬ﻦ اﺳﺖ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ارﺑﺎب ﺟﻐﺮاﻓ‪B‬ﺎ داﻧﻨﺪ ﻘ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﺶ‬ ‫از اﻦ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀ> از آﻧﻬﺎ دوﻟﺘ> و ﺑﻌﻀ> رﻋ‪B‬ﺘ> و ﻫﺮ ﻜ‪B‬ﺮا‬ ‫از آﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺨﺎرﺟ> ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﻪ روزﺑﺮوز ﺑﻤﺒﺎﺷﺮﻦ آﻧﻬﺎ ﻣ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ و ﻧﺬور و‬ ‫ﺻﺪﻗﺎت ارﻛﺎن دوﻟﺖ و آﺣﺎد رﻋ‪B‬ﺖ در آﻧﻬﺎ ﺻﺮف ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد و ﻫﺮ ﻜ>‬ ‫را ]‪ [10‬از آﻧﻬﺎ دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﺑﺰرگ و ﺧﺰﻨﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﺮ از ﻧﻘﻮد و ﻧﻔﺎﺲ‬ ‫اﻣﻮال ﻣﻮﺟﻮد اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺨﻮاﻫﻢ در اﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻨﻜﺘﻪ اﺷﺎره ﻛﻨﻢ ﻛﻪ ﭼﮕﻮﻧﻪ اﺮاﻧ‪B‬ﺎن از ﺻﺮف‬ ‫ﺧ‪B‬ﺮات ﻏﻔﻠﺖ دارﻧﺪ‪ .‬در ﻋ‪B‬ﺪ اﻇﺤﻰ ﻛﻪ اﻟﺒﺘﻪ دوﺴﺖ ﻫﺰار ﺳﺮ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ‬ ‫در داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد و ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﺼﻒ آن ﻋﻔﻦ و ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون رﺨﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ ،‬اﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ آﻣﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﺗﻘﺮﺮ ﻧﻤﻮد ﻛﻪ اﻣﺮوز ﮔﻮﺷﺖ‬ ‫در ﺑﺎزار ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺮ ادارك او و ﺳﺎﺮ ﻣﺮدم ﺗﻌﺠﺐ ﻛﺮدم! اﻣﺎ ﺑﻪ ادراك‬ ‫او ﻛﻪ ﺣﻮاﻟ> ﻣﺎ ﻫﻤﻪ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ ﺑﻮد ﭼﺮا ﻜ> را ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﮕﺮﻓﺖ‪ .‬و اﻣﺎ ﺳﺎﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮدم ﻛﻪ ﻜ> ﺑﺪاﻧﺨ‪B‬ﺎل ﻧ‪B‬ﻔﺘﺎده ﺑﻮد ﻛﻪ ﮔﻮﺳﻔﻨﺪ‪ X‬ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻣﺮﺾ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻢ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮا‪ X‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎز‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻊ ﻓﻘﺮا و ﻣﻠﺠﺄ ﻏﺮﺑﺎ و ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﮔﺎن اﺳﺖ و‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺎه ﮔﺎه ﺑ‪B‬ﺪﺳﺖ و ﭘﺎﺎن و از وﻃﻦ آوارﮔﺎن و ﻧﺬر و ﺻﺪﻗﺎت ﺧﻮارﮔﺎن‪.‬‬ ‫و ﭼﻮن ﻣﻘﺼﻮد از ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻦ اﻦ رﺳﺎﻟﻪ اﺮاد ﺑﻌﻀ> ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن و‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻗ‪B‬ﻢ ]‪ [11‬ﺑﻌﻀ> ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪاﺷﺘﻦ آن اﺳﺖ اﻧﺪﻛ> از آن ﺑﻄﺮﻖ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮدار ﺑﺎز ﻣ> ﻧﻮﺴ‪B‬ﻢ ﻛﻪ اﺷﺒﺎع اﻨﻤﻄﻠﺐ ﻛﺘﺎﺑ> ﻣ‪B‬ﺨﻮاﻫﺪ ﻣﺒﺴﻮط و ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻨﮕﺎرش ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ء دوﻟﺘ> اﺳﺖ‪ .‬و ﻓﺎﺪه ء آن ﺑﺮ دو ﮔﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻮر اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻜ> ﺑﺴﺮﺑﺎز و ﻧﻮﻛﺮ و ﻏﺮﺑﺎ و ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﮔﺎن ﻋﺎﺪ اﺳﺖ و‬ ‫دوﻣ> ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﻋﺎﺪ اﺳﺖ ﻟﻬﺬا آﻧﺮا اﺮاد در دو ﻓﺼﻞ ﻣ> ﻛﻨ‪B‬ﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺼﻞ اول در ﺑ‪B‬ﺎن ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌ> ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺮﺑﺎز و ﻏﺮﺑﺎ و ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﮔﺎن ﻋﺎﺪ اﺳﺖ‪ :‬و‬ ‫در آن دوازده‪ 3‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ از ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻓﻨﻮن ﻃﺒﺎﻊ ﻋﻠﻤ>‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻓﺎﺪه ء آن ﺑﺪﻬ> اﻻدراك اﺳﺖ و ﻋﻈﻢ ﻏﺎﺖ آن ﺑﻼ ﺷﺒﻬﺖ و ﻣﺴﻠّﻢ‬ ‫‪3‬‬

‫دواﻧﺰده ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ُﺳ ّﻜﺎن ﻛﺮه ء ﺧﺎك اﺳﺖ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻃﺐ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻄﻠﻮب ﻫﻤﻪ ء ﺧﻼﻖ و ﻣﻄﺒﻮع‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ء ﺳﻼﻖ اﺳﺖ و ﻫ‪B‬ﭻ ﻧﻘﻄﻪ ء از ﻧﻘﺎط ﻣﺴﻜﻮﻧﻪ ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻣﮕﺮ آﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﺪر‬ ‫اﻦ ﻋﻠﻤﺮا ﺟﻠ‪B‬ﻞ ﺷﻤﺎرﻧﺪ و ﺣﺎﻣﻞ آن ﻓﻦ را ﻧﺒ‪B‬ﻞ ﻣ> ﭘﻨﺪارﻧﺪ ]‪ [12‬ﭼﻪ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ ﻧﻌﻢ اﺳﺖ و ﻏﺎﺖ اﻟﻤﺮام ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﻣﻢ و ﺣﻔﻆ آن ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘ> و ر ّد آن ﺑﻮﻗﺖ زوال ﺑﺪﻦ ﻓﻦ ﺷﺮﻒ ﺑﺎز ﺑﺴﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬و اﻟﺤﻖ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ اﮔﺮ ﺑﺨ‪B‬ﺎل ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ راﺣﺖ ﺟﺎن ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر و آرام ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ‬ ‫و ﻫﺮﮔﺎه ﻛﺴ> اﻧﻜﺎر ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﺧﺮدﻣﻨﺪان او را ﺟﺎﻫﻞ اﻧﮕﺎرﻧﺪ و‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺮ ﺣﻜﻤﺘﻬﺎى ﮔﺮان ﺑﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﺮوردﮔﺎر ﻣ‪B‬ﻨﮕﺎرﻧﺪ و از اﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ را ﻋﺰت ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ و ﻗﺪرت رﺳﺎﺗﺮ‪ ،‬در ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ؛ و ﻫﺮ ﻛﻪ از اﻫﻞ ﺛﺮوت و دوﻟﺖ ﺑﺪون ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﮔﺬرد ﺣﺴﺮت و‬ ‫اﻧﺪوه و اﻓﺴﻮس و درﻎ آن روزﮔﺎران در دودﻣﺎن و اوﻻد ﻣ> ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘﺎدﺷﺎه و اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ در ﻫﻨﮕﺎم ﻋﺮوض ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬در‬ ‫ﺧﺎﻧﻮادﺷﺎن ﻛﻮﺷﺸﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺘﺮﻦ و ﻣﺎﻫﺮﺗﺮﻦ اﻃﺒﺎء را ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‬ ‫ﺑﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﭽﻨﺎن ﺑﺮ اﺸﺎن ﻛﻪ وﻟ‪B‬ﻨﻌﻤﺖ ﺳﭙﺎه و ﻧﮕﻬﺒﺎن ]‪ [13‬رﻋ‪B‬ﺖ اﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﺳﺰاوار اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ اﻦ ﻣﻌﻨ> در ﺣﻖ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران اﺸﺎن ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪارﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ا ّول آﻧﻜﻪ در ﺗﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ اﻃﺒّﺎ از ﺑﺬل ﻣﺎل و اﺜﺎر ﻧﻮال ﻣﻀﺎﻘﻪ ﻧﻔﺮﻣﺎﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫دوّﻢ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﺗﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ ﺎﻓﺘﻪ را ﺗﺨﺼ‪B‬ﺺ داده و ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬ﺳﭙﺎه‬ ‫و رﻋ‪B‬ﺖ ﮔﻤﺎرﻧﺪ؛ ﺳ‪B‬ﻢ اﺷﺨﺎص ﻣﺠﻬﻮل و ﻧﺎﻗﺎﺑﻠﺮا ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎل و‬ ‫ﺟﺎن ﺳﭙﺎه و رﻋ‪B‬ﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺰﻧﻨﺪ از ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﻨﻊ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪﻣﻪ اﺸﺎن ﺑﺮ ﻣﺎل‬ ‫و ﺟﺎن ﻣﺮدم ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ از راه زﻧﺎن و ﻏﺎرت ﭘ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪) .‬ﺷﻌﺮ(‪ :‬دزد‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ره ﻣ> زﻧﺪ ﺗﻮ روز روﺷﻦ ﻣ‪B‬ﺰﻧ>‪ .‬و از اﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﭽﻨﺪﻦ وﺟﻪ روﺷﻦ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻧﺨﺴﺘ‪B‬ﻦ آﻧﻜﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ و ﺣﺎذق ﻛﻪ آﻧﺮا ﻗﻮه ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ‬ ‫اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻪ و ﻗﺪرت ﻣﺪاواى ﻋﻠﻞ ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎك ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻢ و ﺑﺤﻘ‪B‬ﻘﺖ ﻛﺎﻟﻌﺪم‬ ‫اﺳﺖ و از آن ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ و ﺣﺎذق از ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﻓﻮاج‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﺨﻮاﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﻔﺮض آﻧﻜﻪ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ]‪ [14‬ﻓﻮج ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ اﻛﺜﺮ در ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ ﻣﺪاوا ﺧﻄﺎ ﺷﻮد و ﻓﺎﺪه ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﺘﺮﺗﺐ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﺑﺤﺼﻮل ﻧﻪ ﭘ‪B‬ﻮﻧﺪد‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻓﻄﻦ و ﻫﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺎر ﻣﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫آﺳﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ در زﻣﺎن وﻗﻮع اﻣﺮاض ﺻﻌﺐ ﺧﻄ‪B‬ﺮه ﺧﻮد ﺑﺪﻗﺖ ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ‬

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‫ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻧﻤﻮده ﻣﻮاﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺎﺟﺮاء ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟﻪ ﭘﺮدازد‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﻼوه ﺑﺮ اﻦ ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ از اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻧﻈﺎم ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﻧﺪر ﻣﻘﺎم‬ ‫دارﻧﺪ و اﻟﺒﺘﻪ در اﻣﺜﺎل اﻦ ﻣﻮاﻗﻊ در ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ اﻣﺮاض ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮر و در‬ ‫ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ اﺳﺒﺎب ﺑﺪﻗﺖ ﻏﻮر و در ﻣﺪاوا اﻫﺘﻤﺎم و ﺑﻪ ﭘﺸﺘ> ﻫﻢ ﺑﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر‪X‬‬ ‫و ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎردار‪ X‬اﻗﺪام ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﻨﻨﺪ و ﻛﺎر‪ X‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴ> را از وﺟﻮد ﻣﻤﻠﻜﺖ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺴﺮ ﺷﻮد ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه روﺣﻨﺎ ﻓﺪاه ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻜﻔﻨﺮ ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ دوم‪ :‬ﺑﻔﺮض وﺟﻮد ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺎﻫﺮ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻓﻮج و ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ‬ ‫ﻣﺮض ﺑﻮﺟﻪ اﺣﺴﻦ ﺑﺎز ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء درﺳﺖ در ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون ]‪ [15‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﭽﻨﺪﻦ ﺟﻬﺖ‪ .‬ﻋﻤﺪه آﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮد ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺘﻮاﻧﺪ از ﻋﻬﺪه ء دوا دادن‬ ‫ﺑﺮآﺪ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ آﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻰ ﺳ> ﺗﻮﻣﺎن ﻗ‪B‬ﻤﺖ دوا ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد و اﮔﺮ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬ﻓﻮﺟ> را ﺑﻄﺮﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن دوا دﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺻﺪ و دوﺴﺖ ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭻ‬ ‫وﺟﻪ ﻛﻔﺎﺖ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﻜﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻻﺑﺪ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻧﻮﺴ> ﺷﻌﺎر ﺧﻮد ﺳﺎزد و ﺳﺮﺑﺎز‪4‬‬ ‫از ﺻﺪ ﻜ> ﻗﺪرت ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ دوا‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً دوا‪ X‬ﻛﻢ ﺎب ﮔﺮان ﺑﻬﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫ﻧﺪارد و ﺑﻔﺮض ﻣﻜﻨﺖ و ﻗﺪرت ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ‪ ،‬ﻛﺠﺎ ﺳﺮﺑﺎز دواﺷﻨﺎس اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺨ‪B‬ﺮت دوا ﺑﮕ‪B‬ﺮد و از آن ﻧﺘ‪B‬ﺠﻪ ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮ ﺑﺮد؟ ﻻﺟﺮم در اﻣ‪B‬ﺪ ﻧ‪B‬ﻜ> ﺑﺪ‪X‬‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻨﺪ و ﺑﺴ> اﺗﻔﺎق اﻓﺘﺎده ﻛﻪ دواﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻛﺸﻨﺪه ﺑﺴﻬﻮ ﺑﺮﺳﺮﺑﺎز داده ﻧﻔﺴ>‬ ‫ﺑﻌﺒﺚ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﺪه ﺳﻬﻞ اﺳﺖ دوا ﻓﺮوﺷﻬﺎى داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﭼﻨﺎن ﺑ>‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎﻻت و ﺣﺮﺼﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ دواﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﻮﺳ‪B‬ﺪه ء ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺷﺪه را ﺑﻼ ﺗﺤﺎﺷ> ﺑﻤﺮدم‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻫﻨﺪ و از اﻦ واﻗﻌﻪ ﻣﻌﺎرف ﺷﻬﺮ ]‪ [16‬ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﻛﺮان ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺘﻨﺪ و اﻃﺒﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎ ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ در اﻧﺪﺸﻪ آن ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻻاﻗﻞ ﻗﺮار‪ X‬در اﻣﺮ دواﻫﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮدﺷﺎن ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﮕﺮ از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‪ 5‬اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ در اﻦ ﺑﺎب ﻋﻨﺎﺘ> ﺷﻮد‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻦ ﺧﺴﺎرت ﺑ‪B‬ﻜﺒﺎر ﺑﺠﺎن ﻣﺮدم ﻧ‪B‬ﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﮔﺎن ﺣﻖ اﻟﻘﺪم ﺑﻄﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻫﻨﺪ و ﺗﻨﺨﻮاه داده دوا‪ X‬ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﺑﻌﻮض ﻣ‪B‬ﺒﺮﻧﺪ و اﻛﺜﺮ ﻋﻮض ﺳﻮد زﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻣ> ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ! وﻟ> در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن دوﻟﺘ> اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺿﺮرﻫﺎ ﻣﺘﺼﻮر‬ ‫‪ 4‬واژه ء "ﺳﺮﺑﺎز" در اﻦ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> ﺟﻤﻊ )ﺳﺮﺑﺎزان( ﺑ‪x‬ﺎر رﻓﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ‬ ‫و ﻫﻢ ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> ﻣﻔﺮد‪ .‬ﺑﻄﻮر ‪t‬ﻠ> ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه در ﺑﺮﺧ> از ﺟﻤﻼت رﻋﺎﺖ ﺟﻤﻊ و ﻣﻔﺮد‬ ‫را در ﺻﺮف اﻓﻌﺎل ﻧﻤ> ‪t‬ﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 5‬در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺣﺒﺎب ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ آﻧﻜﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه‪ ،‬ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ادوﻪ ء ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻪ از اﻧﻮاع‬ ‫ﻣﻔﺮدات و ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎت و ﺗﺮﺎﻗﺎت و ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺎت ﻋﺰﺰاﻟﻮﺟﻮد و ﮔﺮان ﺑﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﺘﺨﺐ و ﭘﺎﻛ‪B‬ﺰه ﻣﻮﺟﻮد اﺳﺖ و ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج داده ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻮن ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻓﻮج ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺮض ﺷﺪ ﺧﻮد ﻧﻤ> ﺗﻮاﻧﺪ ﻫﺮ‬ ‫دوا ﻻزم ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ و ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ ﻣﺮﺿ> را دواﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﮔﺮان ﺑﻬﺎ ﻻزم ﺷﻮد ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﻗﺪرت ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ آن ﻧﺪارد‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮم ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻃﻮل ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺸﺪ‪ .‬و ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫در دﻓﻊ ]‪ [17‬اﻛﺜﺮ اﻣﺮاض ﻛﺎﻓ> ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﻤﺪد ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ دارد‬ ‫و رﻓﺘﻪ رﻓﺘﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ ﺑ> ﻗﻮت و ﻣﺮض ﺻﻌﺐ ﺷﺪه ﻛﺎر ﺑﻬﻼﻛﺖ ﻛﺸﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ اﻛﺜﺮ ﻧﻮﺑﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﺳﺒﻚ و اﺳﻬﺎﻻت ﺟﺰﺋ> ﺑﺪﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻣﻨﺠﺮ ﺑﺎﺳﺘﺴﻘﺎ و‬ ‫اﻣﺜﺎل آن ﮔﺸﺘﻪ و ﻣﺮﺾ را ﻋﺒﺚ ﻛﺸﺘﻪ و ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ از ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ دوم ﻇﺎﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد از دوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه اﻦ ﻋ‪B‬ﺐ از ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﻠ> ﺑﺮ ﺧﺎﺳﺘﻪ‪6‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ادوﻪ ء ﮔﺮان ﺑﻬﺎ را ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﺿﺮورت ﺑﻼﻣﻀﺎﻘﺖ ﺻﺮف‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﭼﻮن اﻛﺜﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ ﻇﻦ ﺑﻄﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻓﻮج ﺧﻮد ﻧﺪارﻧﺪ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻗﺖ ﺣﺪوث ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ دﮕﺮ ﺟﻮﻨﺪ و از اﻨﻜﺎر ﺧﺴﺎرت ﻫﺎ آﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻜ> آﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺟﺎﻫﻼن ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺻﻮرت دوﭼﺎر ﺷﻮﻧﺪ و ﺑﻮرﻃﻪ ء ﺑﻼ اﻓﺘﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎرﻫﺎ اﻨﻤﻘﺪﻣﻪ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻮن ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﺎﻣﻮرﺖ ﺳﺒﻜﺒﺎراﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻻﻣﺤﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﻪ ﺑﻌﻀ> ﻏﺬاﻫﺎ و دواﻫﺎ اﻓﺘﺪ ]‪ [18‬ﻛﻪ آﻧﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺴﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺎج ﺑﻈﺮف و اﻣﺜﺎل آن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﻧﺒﻮدن آﻧﻬﺎ ﺗﺪارك آن ّ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺮدد و ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه در ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﻏﺬﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻜﺎر ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران و ﻧﺎﺗﻮاﻧﺎن‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﺎﺪ در داراﻟﺸﻔﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪون زﺣﻤﺖ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻫﻤﻪ در وﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮد داده ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫و ﺗﻔﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻏﺬا ﺑﺪﻦ ﻗﺮار اﺳﺖ‪:‬‬

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‫در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "ﺑﺮﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه ‪t‬ﻪ اﺷﺘﺒﺎه اﻣﻼ> اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ و ﺳﺒﺮﺠﺎت‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﺎن آﺑﮕﻮﺷﺖ ﻧﺎن ﻣﺮﺑﺎ‪ X‬ﺑﺎﻟﻨﮓ‬ ‫ﻧﺎن ﺳﻜﻨﺠﺒ‪B‬ﻦ ﻧﺎن ﻣﺮﺑﺎ‪ X‬زرﺷﻚ‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻪ‬ ‫آش ﻟﺬﺬ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺮه ﺑﺮرو‪ X‬ﺷﻜﺮ و ﻧﺒﺎت‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧ>‬ ‫آش آﻟﻮ‬ ‫ﺷ‪B‬ﺮ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ‬ ‫آش اﻧﺎر‬ ‫ﻧﺨﻮد آب‬ ‫آش ﺳﻤﺎق‪8‬‬ ‫آش دوغ‬ ‫آب ﻫﻨﺪواﻧﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺎن ﻣﺮﺑﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺷﻮرﺑﺎ‪ X‬ﺳﺎده‪7‬‬ ‫ﺦ در ﺑﻬﺸﺖ‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺮه ﺑﺎدام‬ ‫زرده ﺗﺨﻢ ﻧ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺮش ﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫آش رزﺷﻚ‬ ‫آب ﺟﻮﺟﻪ‬

‫ﻧﺎن ﭘﻨ‪B‬ﺮ‬ ‫ﺷﻮرﺑﺎ‪ X‬ﺑﺎدام‬ ‫ﻧﺎن و ﻛﺒﺎب‬ ‫ﺣﺮﺮه ﻧﺸﺎﺳﺘﻪ و ﻧﺒﺎت‬ ‫ﺷﻠﻪ ﻣﺎش و ﻋﺪس‬ ‫آش ﺗﻤﺮ‬ ‫ﮔﻼﺑ> و ﻧﺎرﻧﺞ‬

‫ﻏﺬا‪ X‬ﺷﺎم‪ ،‬ﺳﻮا‪ X‬آﻧﭽﻪ در ﻧﻬﺎر ﺣﺎﺿﺮ اﺳﺖ‪ [19] :‬ﻫﺮ ﭘﻠﻮ‪ ،‬ﮔﺎﻫ>‬ ‫ﺑﺎ زرده ء ﺗﺨﻢ ﻣﺮغ و ﺑﻌﻀﻰ را ﺑﺎ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ؛ ﭼﻠﻮﺑﺎﺑﻮﻧﻪ و ﺑﻬﺸﺖ؛‬ ‫ﭼﻠﻮﻣﺴﻤﺎ‪ X‬آﻟﻮ‪ .‬وﺳﻮا‪ X‬آﻧﭽﻪ ﺗﻔﺼ‪B‬ﻞ داده ﺷﺪ ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻟﺰوم از ﻫ‪B‬ﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻏﺬا ﻣﻀﺎﻘﺖ ﻧﺸﻮد و ﭼﻮن ﺑﺘﻘﻮﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج اﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﺒﺎب ﺟﻮﺟﻪ‬ ‫و ﻛﺒﻚ و آﺑﮕﻮﺷﺖ ﺟﻮﺟﻪ و ﺷﺮاﺑﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﺧﻮب ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻀ> ﺷﺮاﺑﻬﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻧﮕﺴﺘﺎن از ﺑﺮﻧﺪ‪ X‬و ﺑﺮﻃﻮ و ﻣﺎدرﺪ ﺻﺮف ﻣ‪B‬ﮕﺮدد‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺷﺸﻢ‪ :‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎز‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﺳﺒﻜﺒﺎر‪ ،X‬اﻛﺜﺮ از ﺟﻨﺲ رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب‪،‬‬ ‫ﺳﻮا‪ X‬ﺑﺎﻻﭘﻮش‪ ،‬ﭼ‪B‬ﺰ‪ X‬ﻧﺪارد‪ ،‬و ﺑﻠﻜﻪ اﻛﺜﺮﺮا آﻧﻬﻢ ﻣ‪B‬ﺴﺮ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ و ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم‬ ‫ﺣﺪوث ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﺰاج ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻞ و ﻗﻮ‪ X‬ﺿﻌ‪B‬ﻒ ﮔﺮدد‪ ،‬رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب و اﻣﺜﺎل‬ ‫آن از ﻟﻮازم ﺣﻔﻆ ﺑﺪن از ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎت ﺗﺼﺮف ﻫﻮا واﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫اﻧﺪك ﺗﺼﺮف ﻫﻮا ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﺳﺒﻚ را ﺻﺪﻣﻪ ﺑﺰرگ رﺳﺎﻧ‪B‬ﺪه ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻚ ﻛﺎﺳﻪ آش ﮔﺮم و ﻚ ﺳﺎﻋﺖ ﻋﺮق ﻛﺮدن رﻓﻊ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﭼﻨﺎن ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻜﻢ‬ ‫ﮔﺮدد ]‪ [20‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻗﺎﺑﻞ ﻋﻼج ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﮕﻤﺎن اﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ء‬ ‫درﮔﺎه ﺑﻬﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺳﺎﻟﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻦ ﺗﻦ ﻫﻼك ﺷﺪه دﻓ‪B‬ﻦ ﺧﺎك ﮔﺸﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺨﺼﻮص در ﺳﻨﻪ ﻫﺰار و دوﺴﺖ و ﺷﺼﺖ و ﻫﺸﺖ‪ 9‬در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻓﻮج‬ ‫اﻼت ﻗﺰوﻦ ﻣﺮض ذوﺳﻨﻄﺎرﺎ ﺷ‪B‬ﻮع ﺎﻓﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﺪد ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻫﻤﻪ‬ ‫روز در ﺣﻮاﻟ> دوﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻮد و ﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﻦ آﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﻮدن رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب‬ ‫و اﻗﺘﻀﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮض در ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون ﻣﺎﻧﺪه ﺑﺘﺼﺮف ﻫﻮا در ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﻮت‬ ‫ذات اﻟﺠﻨﺐ ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ‪ ،‬ﺿﻌﻒ ﻗﻮت ﻣﺎﻧﻊ از ﺧﻮن ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﻮد‪ .‬ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﻮﺟﻪ اﻗﺪام‬ ‫‪8‬‬ ‫‪9‬‬

‫ﺷﺎﻣﻞ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ و ﺳﺒﺰﺠﺎت و ﺣﺒﻮﺑﺎت و ﺳﻤﺎق‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺮاﺑﺮ ﺑﺎ ‪ 1852‬ﻣ‪B‬ﻼد‪.X‬‬

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‫ﺑﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ و ﻛﺎر ﺑﺮ آن ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﮔﺎن ﺗﺒﺎه ﮔﺸﺘﻪ‪ .‬وﻟ> ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه‬ ‫رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب و ﺳﺎﺮ ﻣﺎﺤﺘﺎج ﺑﻘﺪر ﻟﺰوم در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ اﺳﺖ و‬ ‫از اﻦ رﻫﮕﺬر ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﻠ> آﺳﻮده‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﻜ> از اﺳﺒﺎب ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺗﻌﺪﻞ ﻫﻮا و ﺗﺒﺪﻞ ﻟﺒﺎس ﻣﺮﺿ>‬ ‫اﺳﺖ و ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ]‪ [21‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ داﻧﻨﺪ ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﻮﻗﺖ ﻗﺪرت ﺑﻪ ﺗﺒﺪﻞ‬ ‫و ﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻒ و ﭘﺎك داﺷﺘﻦ ﻟﺒﺎس ﻧﺪارد و ﻟﻜﻦ از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ ﻟﺒﺎس‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﺠﻮﺰ اﻃﺒﺎ و اﻗﺘﻀﺎ‪ X‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧ>‬ ‫در ﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻒ و ﺗﺒﺪﻞ ﻟﺒﺎس آﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻌ> ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ رﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اﻣﺮاض از اﺧﺘﻼل اﻣﺮ ﺗﻐﺬﻪ‬ ‫اﺗﻔﺎق اﻓﺘﺪ و در اﻛﺜﺮ اﻣﺮاض ﺗﺪﺑ‪B‬ﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻋ> و ﭘ‪B‬ﻤﻮدن ﻏﺬا ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻓﻦ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﻌ> ﺑﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﮕﺮدد‪ 10‬و ﭼﻮن اﻣﺜﺎل ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﺑﺠﻤﻠﮕ>‬ ‫ﻋﻮام و دراﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻔﺎ‪ X‬ﺷﻬﻮت اﻛﻞ ﻛﺎﻻﻧﻌﺎﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻫ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت ﭘﺮﻫ‪B‬ﺰ‬ ‫ﻧﻤ> ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ و ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻛﻪ زﻣﺎن ﺑﻄﻼن ﺷﻬﻮت ﻏﺬاﺳﺖ ﺎد از‬ ‫ﻏﺬاﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺘﺪاوﻟﻪ وﻃﻦ ﻛﺮده ﻃﻠﺐ آش ﻛﺸﻚ و ﺣﻠﻮا‪ X‬دوﺷﺎب ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﻜﻨﻨﺪ؛‬ ‫و دوﺳﺘﺎراﻧﺶ‪ 11‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺴﺎب ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎراﻧﺶ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت ﺧﺎﻃﺮش در‬ ‫ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻏﺬا‪ X‬ﻣﺰﺑﻮر ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ از ﺑﺮا‪ X‬زﺎد ﺧﻮراﻧ‪B‬ﺪن ﺧﻮد ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ‬ ‫ﻗﺎﺷﻘ> ﭼﻨﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺤﺴ‪B‬ﻦ و آﻓﺮﻦ ﻧﻮﺷﻨﺪ و از اﻦ ﺑﻠ‪ّB‬ﻪ ﻫ‪B‬ﭻ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬در‬ ‫ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺮﻫﺪ‪ [22] .‬و ﻣﺮا ﺣﻜﺎﺘﻬﺎ از اﻨﻮاﻗﻌﻪ ﺑﺨﺎﻃﺮ اﻧﺪر اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ اﮔﺮ‬ ‫آﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ را ﺑﺸﺮح ﻧﻤﺎﻢ ﺣﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺒﺎﻟﻐﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬وﻟ> در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧ>‬ ‫اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻧ‪B‬ﻔﺘﺪ و ﻗﺮاول ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه ﺟﺰ ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴ> را‬ ‫ﺑﺂوردن ﺟﻨﺲ ﻣﺎﻛﻮل و ﻣﺸﺮوب اﺟﺎزت ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻧﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻮﻧﻜﻪ اﻛﺜﺮ اﻣﺮاض را اﻋﺮاض ﺧﻄﺮه و ﻫﻮﻟﻨﺎك در ﭘ>‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و ﮔﺎﻫ> ﭼﻨﺎن ﻋﺮض ﺣﻤﻠﻪ و ﻫﺠﻮم ﻧﻤﺎﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ را ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻣﺮدﮔﺎن در اﻧﺪازد و اﮔﺮ ﻓ> اﻟﻮاﻗﻊ در ﺗﺪارك آن ﻓ> اﻟﻔﻮر ﻧﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪ 10‬اﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ را اﮔﺮ ﺑﻔﺎ رﺳ> ﻣﺪرن ﺑﺮﮔﺮداﻧ‪B‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮ ﻣﻔﻬﻮم ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ » :‬و ا‪t‬ﺜﺮ‬ ‫اﻣﺮاض ﺑﻪ ﺗﺪﺑ‪B‬ﺮ ﺻﻨﺎﻋ> و ﭘ‪B‬ﻤﻮدن ﻏﺬا ﺑﺮ ﻣﻘﺘﻀﺎ‪ X‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﻌ> ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﮕﺮدد«‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 11‬ﺑﺎﺪ "دوﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ" ﺎ "دوﺳﺘﺪاراﻧﺶ" ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻛﺎر ﺳﺎﻋﺖ دﮕﺮ دﺷﻮار ﮔﺮدد‪ .‬ﭼﻮن ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻓﻮج ﻣﻘ‪B‬ﻢ‬ ‫ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ‪ ،‬اﻛﺜﺮ اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺮض ﻣﺮﺾ ]را[ ﻫﻼك و دﻓ‪B‬ﻦ ﺧﺎك ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧ> ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ روز و ﺷﺒﺎن و ﺣﻮادث اﺗﻔﺎﻗ‪B‬ﻪ را راﺻﺪ و‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ اﺳﺖ و ﺑﺪﻨﺠﺎﮕﺎه از اﺮاد ﺣﻜﺎﺘ> ﻧﺎﮔﺰﺮ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪآن روزﮔﺎر‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ء درﮔﺎه ﺣﻀﺮت ﺷﻬﺮﺎر آﻧﺎءاﻟﻠ‪B‬ﻞ و اﻃﺮاف اﻟﻨﻬﺎر در‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ]‪ [23‬ﺳﭙﺎر ﺑﻮد‪ ،‬ﻧﺼﻒ ﺷﺐ ﺧﺒﺮ ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻦ ﻣﺤﻤﺪﻋﻠ>‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻣ> را از ﻓﻮج ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﺑﺸﻨ‪B‬ﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮن ﺳﺮﺷﺐ ﭼﻨﺎن ﺣﺎﻟﺘ> را دراو ﺣﺪس‬ ‫ﻧﻜﺮده ﺑﻮد ﺑﻔﻜﺮت اﻧﺪر ﺷﺪ و ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ واﻗﻌﻪ را ﺑﺒﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻦ او رﻓﺖ‪ .‬ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫را ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ و ﭼﺸﻢ و دﻫﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻪ ﺎﻓﺖ؛ اراده ء ﺑﺮ ﮔﺸﺘﻦ ﻛﺮد‪ .‬ﺑﺎز ﺑﺎﻧﺪﺸﻪ‬ ‫رﻓﺖ؛ ﻛ‪B‬ﻔ‪B‬ﺖ ﺣﺪوث ﻣﺮﮔﺮا ﺑﭙﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪ‪ .‬ﺗﻘﺮﺮ ﻛﺮدﻧﺪ؛ ﺑﺸﺒﻬﺖ اﻓﺘﺎد‪ .‬ﻧﺰول‬ ‫ﺳﺘﻜﻪ را ﺗﺨﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﻧﻤﻮد‪ ،‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ از اﻧﺪك ﺗﻔﺘ‪B‬ﺶ ﻘ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﺮد‪ .‬ﺑﮕﺸﻮدن ﺑﻨﺪﻫﺎ‬ ‫اﺷﺎرت ﻛﺮد و ﺑﺘﺪﺑ‪B‬ﺮ ﺑﭙﺮداﺧﺖ و ﻫﻨﻮز ﺳﭙ‪B‬ﺪه ﻧﺪﻣ‪B‬ﺪه ﺑﻮد ﻛﻪ آﺛﺎر ﺣ‪B‬ﺎت‬ ‫ﭘﺪﺪ ﺷﺪ و در ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﺮادر ﻧﻮﻣ‪B‬ﺪش ﻫﻤﻪ ﺗﻦ اﻣ‪B‬ﺪ و ﻧﻮﺪ ﺷﺪ و ﺑﻪ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫روز ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺗﻤﺎم ﺷﺪ و ﻣﺮﺾ ﻧ‪B‬ﻚ ﺳﺮاﻧﺠﺎم آﻣﺪ وﻟ> اﺳﺘﺮﺧﺎﺋ> ﺳﺒﻚ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ راﺳﺖ اﻧﺪرش ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪ ﻛﻪ ﮔﻤﺎﻧﻢ ﻫﻨﻮز اﮔﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﺑﺎ و‪ X‬ﻫﻤﺮاه‬ ‫اﺳﺖ‪ .‬اﻣﺎ آﻧﻜﻪ در وﻗﺖ وﻗﻮع ﺑﺤﺮاﻧﺎت ﻣﺮﺾ را ﻣﺮده اﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ و ﻧﻔ‪B‬ﺮ‬ ‫و ﻧﺎﻟﻪ ﺑﺮاﻓﺮاﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ و ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ء در ﮔﺎه از ﻣﻘﺪﻣﻪ آﮔﺎه و ﮔﺮﻪ ء‬ ‫اﺸﺎﻧﺮا ﻛﻮﺗﺎه ﻛﺮده‪ ،‬ﻧﻪ ﻚ ]‪ [24‬و ﻧﻪ دو و ﺳﻪ و ده اﺳﺖ‪ .‬اﺰد ﺗﺒﺎرك‬ ‫و ﺗﻌﺎﻟ> از ﺻﺪق و ﻛﺬب ﺳﺨﻦ آﮔﻪ اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ دﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﻛﻪ اﻋﻈﻢ ﻓﻮاﺪ اﺳﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ در اﻛﺜﺮ ﻓﺼﻮل اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺴﺮﻪ‬ ‫و ﻣﻌﺪﻪ و واﻓﺪه‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﺟﺮب و ﻣﻄﺒﻘﻪ و اﺳﻬﺎﻻت‪ ،‬ﺑﺪاراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن‬ ‫اﻓﻮاج ﻣﻨﺼﻮره ﻧﺰول‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ از ﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﻪ و از دﻫﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺘﻪ و از‬ ‫دﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﻔﻮج و از اﻦ ﻓﻮج ﺑﺪآن ﻓﻮج در ﮔﺬرد و از اﻦ رﻫﮕﺬر ﺑﻠ‪ّB‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤ‪B‬ﺎن اﻓﻮاج اﻓﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺨﻼف زﻣﺎﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺳﭙﺎه و‪ 12‬ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻧﺪﻫﺎن اﻓﻮاج‬ ‫ﺣﺘ> ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺴﺒﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﻫﻢ ﺧﺎﻃﺮ ﺑﻤﺤﺎﻓﻈﺖ اﻓﺮاد از ورﻃﻪ ء‬ ‫اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ اﻣﺮاض ﺻﻌﺐ و ﺧﻄﺮﻧﺎك ﺑﮕﻤﺎرﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺪﻦ ﻃﺮز ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ روز‬

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‫"و" در اﻨﺠﺎ ﻧﺎﺑﺠﺎ و زاﺋﺪ اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻃﺮف ﺑﺎﻣﺪاد ﺑﺤﺎﺿﺮ و ﻏﺎﺐ ﻓﻮج رﺳ‪B‬ﺪﮔ> ﻛﺮده‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ را ﻛﻪ ﺧﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻜﺴﺮاﻟﻤﺰاج دﺪﻧﺪ ﻓﻮراً دﻫﺒﺎﺷ> ﺑﻮﻛ‪B‬ﻞ‪ ،‬وﻛ‪B‬ﻞ ﺑﺂردل وﻛ‪B‬ﻞ و او ﺑﻮﻛ‪B‬ﻞ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷ> رﺳﺎﻧﺪه‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ از ﻘ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﺮدن اﺧﺘﻼل ﺣﺎل ﺑﻼ ﺗﺎﻣﻞ ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ و ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﺑﺪﻦ ﺗﺪﺑ‪B‬ﺮ اﻓﻮاج ]‪ [25‬از اﻣﺮاض ﻣﻔﺼﻠﻪ ﻣﺼﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪه اﻧﺪ و اﻦ ﺧﻮد ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ ﻓﺎﺪه ء ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‪ .‬و ﺑﻤﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﺎﺪ رؤﺳﺎ‪ X‬ﻧﻈﺎم ﻇﻔﺮ ﻓﺮﺟﺎم‪ ،‬از اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ و ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻر‬ ‫ﻟﺸﻜﺮ اﻧﺠﻢ ﻋﺪت‪ ،‬اﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎ‪ X‬ﻗﺮار ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻧﻪ آﻧﻜﻪ در ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎدن‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺾ ﺑﺪاراﻟﺸﻔﺎ ﺗﻬﺎون ورزﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺎزدﻫﻢ ‪:‬آﻧﻜﻪ ﭼﻮن ﻓﻮﺟ> ازاﻓﻮاج ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ و ﺎ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺑﺮﻦ ﺑﺠﺎﺋ> ﻣﺎﻣﻮر ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬اﻛﺜﺮ درﻣ‪B‬ﺎن آﻧﻬﺎ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﺑﺪﺣﺎل ﺳﻨﮕ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻮد ﻛﻪ اﺸﺎﻧﺮا اﺻﻼ ً ﻗﺪرت ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ و ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎز را‬ ‫در داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ و ﺳﺎﻣﺎﻧ> ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ دو روز‪ X‬ﻧﻔﺴ> ﺑﺮآرﻧﺪ و‬ ‫ﻫﻮﺳ> ﮔﺬارﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻻﺟﺮم در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ .‬و ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن اﻣﺜﺎل اﻨﻄﺎﻔﻪ‬ ‫را ﭘﻨﺎﮔﺎﻫﻰ و ﻣﺎﻣﻨﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ از اﻓﻮاج ﻗﺎﻫﺮه ﻛﻢ ﻓﻮﺟﻰ ﻣﺎﻧﺪه ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﻨﻘﺪر ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺑﺪﺸﺎن ﻧﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪه ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ دوازدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﺑﻬﺎر و اﺳﺘﻮاء ﻧﻬﺎر و ﺟﻨﺒﺶ ﻣﻮر و ﻣﺎر‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﮔﺎن از ﻫﺮ دار و دﺎر ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻋﻤﻠﮕ> و ﺳﺎﺮ ﻛﺴﺐ و ﻛﺎر ]‪[26‬‬ ‫رو‪ X‬ﺑﺪاراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ روز‪ X‬ﻛﺎر ﻛﺮده ﻣﺸﺘ> ﺳ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ آورده‬ ‫از ذل ﺳﺆال ﺑﺮﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬و اﻨﺎن در زﻣﺎن اﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪ X‬ﮔﺮﻣﺎ و ﺷﺪت ﺣﺮارت‬ ‫اﻛﺜﺮ اوﻗﺎت ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرو زار و زرد و ﻧﺰار ﮔﺸﺘﻪ در ﺳﺎﻪ دﻮارﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﺷﻜﺴﺘﻪ‪،‬‬ ‫درﻣﺎﻧﺪه و ﺧﺴﺘﻪ ﺑ> ﻛﺲ و ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﻣ> ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ وﺻﻒ ﻋﺪم‬ ‫اﺷﺘﻬﺎر و ﻧﻘﺪ اﻋﺘﺒﺎر ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﻟ> دوﺴﺖ ﺳ‪B‬ﺼﺪ ﺗﻦ در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻮاﺑ‪B‬ﺪه و ﺷﻔﺎ ﺎﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻫﺰار ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﻌﻒ ازدﺎد دوﻟﺖ و اﻗﺒﺎل ﺣﻀﺮت‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه دﻦ ﭘﻨﺎه را از درﮔﺎه آﮔﻪ‪ 13‬ﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎوﻃﺎن ﺧﻮد روﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﺠﺐ‬ ‫آﻧﻜﻪ در روزﮔﺎر ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻏﺮﺐ را ﺷﺐ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺖ اﺣﺘﻀﺎر در‬ ‫ﭘﺸﺖ دﻮار ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﻧﺪاﺧﺘﻪ و رﻓﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫ‪B‬ﭻ از ﻓﺎﻋﻞ آن ﻛﺎر‬

‫‪ .13‬آﻟﻪ ﺎ اﻟﻪ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬

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‫اﺛﺮ‪ X‬ﭘ‪B‬ﺪا ﻧﺸﺪه‪ .‬و ﻟﻜﻦ اﻛﺜﺮ آﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﻮل اﷲ و دوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﺷﻔﺎ ﺎﻓﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﭘ> ﻛﺎر ﺧﻮد رﻓﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ‪ .‬و ﺑﻌﻀ> را از اﻨﻬﺎ ﻗﺼﺪ ﻫﺎ ﺑﻮده ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﺪﺑ‪B‬ﺮات‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎرﻫﺎ را ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻪ ﻛﺮده و ﺑﺂﻧﺤﺎﻟﺖ اﻧﺪاﺧﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ‪ .‬وﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ]‪[27‬‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﺴ‪B‬ﺎر اﺳﺖ و اﻨﻘﺪر ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻧﻤﻮدار ﻛﻔﺎﺖ دارد‪.‬‬

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‫ﻓﺼﻞ دوم اﻣﺎ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻌ> ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﻋﺎﺪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫ﭘﺲ آﻧﻬﻢ زﺎد اﺳﺖ و ﻣﺎ اﻧﺪﻛ> از آﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎز ﺑﻄﺮﻖ ﻧﻤﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎز ﮔﻮ‪B‬ﻢ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ اول‪ :‬آﻧﻜﻪ در ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ دول رو‪ X‬زﻣ‪B‬ﻦ‪ ،‬ﺧﻮاه ﺑﺰرگ و ﺧﻮاه‬ ‫ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺧﻮاه ﺑﺎ دﻦ ﺧﻮاه ﺑ‪B‬ﺪﻦ‪ ،‬اﻣﺮوزه رواج ﺳﻪ ﻛﺎر را ﻋﻠﺖ ﺗﺮﻗ>‬ ‫و ﺗﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ دوﻟﺖ ﻣ> ﺷﻤﺎرﻧﺪ و ﻫﺮ دوﻟﺘ> ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻮ‪ X‬ﺗﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ و ﺗﺮوﺞ‬ ‫اﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﻐﺎﺖ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم اﻗﺪام ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ آﻧﺮا دﻟ‪B‬ﻞ ﺑ> دوﻟﺘ> ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻤﺎرﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫آن ﺳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﻜ> داراﻟﻔﻨﻮن و دوﻣ> ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن و ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻤ> ﻛﺘﺎﺑﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫و اﻛﻨﻮن در ﻫﺮ دوﻟﺘ> اﻦ ﺳﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻬﻢ در ﺑﺎﻻروﺴﺖ اﻋ‪B‬ﺎن آﻧﺪوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺪان ﻫﻤﺖ ﻓﺨﺮﻫﺎ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ و ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎﺗﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎرﮔﺬاران دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ را‬ ‫ﺳﺰاوار آن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺤﺾ ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت اﻟﺰﻣﻮﻫﻢ ﻣﻦ ﺣ‪B‬ﺚ اﻟﺰﻣﻮﻛﻢ در‬ ‫ﺗﺸ‪BB‬ﺪ ﻣﺒﺎﻧ> ﺳﻪ ﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪون ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء دﮕﺮ ﻓﻮاﺪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﻨﺪ و در اﺳﺘﺤﻜﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬اﻦ ﺳﻪ ﻣﻬﻢ ﺑﺮﺗﺮ از ﻫﻤﻪ ء ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﺳﻌ> ﻓﺮﻣﺎﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﺮﺷﺄ ن دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮد‪ [28] ،‬ﮔﻮدر ﺧ‪B‬ﺎل دﮕﺮان ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻔﺰاﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺪه ء دوﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺮ اﻫﻞ ادارك ﭘﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺪه ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﺮﻧﮕ‪B‬ﺎن ﺑﻜﻠ> ﺑﺮ ﺣﺴﻦ‬ ‫ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣﺸﻐﻮﻟﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺮاﺗﺐ ﻫﺴﺘ> را ﺑﺮ اﺣﺴﺎﺳﺎت ﻇﺎﻫﺮّﻪ ﻣﻨﺤﺼﺮ‬ ‫داﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬اﺛﺮ ﺗﺮوﺞ اﻣﻮر ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ را در اﺮاث ﺣﺴﻦ ﺣﺎل و ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ ﻣﺂل‬ ‫آﺷﻜﺎر و ﻣﺒ‪B‬ﻦ و ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺮا ﻣﺤﻞ اﺟﺎﺑﺖ دﻋﺎ ﻣ> ﺷﻤﺎرﻧﺪ و ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻫﻤﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫و ﻧ‪B‬ﺘﻬﺎ‪ X‬اﺸﺎن ﺑﺪﻨﻜﺎر ﻣﺼﺮوف داﺷﺘﻪ اﻧﺪ و ﺑﺤﻘ‪B‬ﻘﺖ اﺳﺘﺠﺎﺑﺖ دﻋﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻋﻘﻼ ًو ﻧﻘﻼ ً ﻣﺤﺴﻮس و ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه اﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ اﺣﺎدﺚ ﺻﺤ‪B‬ﺤﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ آن دﻻﻟﺖ دارد‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﭼﻮن ﺳﺮﺑﺎز در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺣﻀﺮت ﺳﻠﻄﺎن‬ ‫آﺳﻮده و ﻓﺎرغ ﺑﺎل ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ و در ﺳﺮا و ﺿﺮا ازدﺎد ﻋﻤﺮ دوﻟﺖ و اﻗﺒﺎل‬ ‫و ﺳﻌﺎدت روزاﻓﺰون اﻋﻠ‪B‬ﺤﻀﺮت ﻫﻤﺎﻮن ﺧﻮاﻫﻨﺪ‪ ،‬اﺛﺮ آن ﺑﺮوزﮔﺎر‬ ‫ﻓﺮﺧﻨﺪه آﺛﺎر ﻣﻠﻚ اﻟﻤﻠﻮك ﻋﺎﺪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ .‬دﻟ‪B‬ﻞ ﺣﺴﻦ و اﺗﻔﺎق ﻓﺮﻧﮕ‪B‬ﺎن ودﻟ‪B‬ﻞ‬ ‫ﻋﻘﻠ> اﺣﺎدﺚ ﻛﺜ‪B‬ﺮه و ﺑﺮﻫﺎن ﺣﻜﻤ> ﺑﻌﻨﻮان اﺟﻤﺎل آﻧﻜﻪ‪ :‬ﻣﺪار راﺑﻄﻪ ء‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺎ ﺑﺪن و واﺳﻄﻪ ء ﺗﻌﻠﻖ آن ﻣﺠﺮد روﺣﺎﻧ> ]‪ [29‬ﻧﻮراﻧ> ﺑﺮ اﻦ‬ ‫ﭘ‪B‬ﻜﺮ ﻣﺎد‪ X‬ﻇﻠﻤﺎﻧ> ﺑﻀﺎﺑﻄﻪ و ﺧﺪﻣﺖ و اﻋﺘﺪال اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ از ﻣﺰاج ﭘﺪﺪ‬ ‫آﻣﺪه و ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺰاج ﻣﺴﺘﻮ‪ X‬ﺗﺮ اﺑﺘﻬﺎج ﻧﻔﺲ ﺑﺮآن ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫و ﻏﻔﻠﺖ و ذﻫﻮش از ﻣﺒﺎد‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻪ زﺎدﺗﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم ﻣﺮض ﻣﺰاج‬ ‫ﻓﺎﺳﺪ آﻣﺪه از وﺣﺪت و اﻋﺘﺪاﻟ> ﻛﻪ در ﻋﻨﺎﺻﺮ ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪه ﺑﻮد ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون‬

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‫آﻣﺪن ﮔ‪B‬ﺮد و ﻧﻔﺲ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮﺳﻂ ﻗﻮ‪ X‬و ادراﻛﺎت ﺑﺎﻃﻦ و ﻇﺎﻫﺮ در ﻣﻠﺬات‬ ‫ﻣﻮاد ﻣﻨﻬﻤﻚ ﺑﻮد ﺗﻌﻠﻖ و ﺗﺪﺑ‪B‬ﺮ را از ﻣﻮاد ﻓﺎﺳﺪه ﻛﻨﺪن ﮔ‪B‬ﺮد و ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ از‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻠﻖ ﻛﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺮ اﺗﺼﺎل ﺑﻤﺒﺎدى ﻋﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻪ و ﻋﻮاﻟﻢ ﻗﺪﺳ‪B‬ﻪ ﻓﺰاﺪ؛ و ﭼﻮن در‬ ‫اﻨﺤﺎﻟﺖ از ﻛﺴ> آﺳﻮدﮔ> و اﺳﺘﺮاﺣﺖ ﺑ‪B‬ﻨﺪ و از ﻣﺒﺎد‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﺤﻀﺮﺗﺶ‬ ‫اﺳﺘﻤﺪاد ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺴﺒﺐ ﻗﺮب اﺗﺼﺎل آن اﺳﺘﺪﻋﺎ و اﺳﺘﻤﺪاد روز ﻣﺒﺎد‪ X‬اﺛﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ و ﻧﻬﺎل آﻣﺎل آﺳﻮده ﻛﻨﻨﺪﮔﺎن ﻧﻔﻮس ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎره را ﭘﺮ ﺛﻤﺮ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﺳ‪B‬ﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻮن ﻗﺮار درﺳﺖ در اﻦ ﻛﺎر داده ﺷﻮد و آﺣﺎد و اﻓﻮاج‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺖ ﻣﺮاﺣﻢ ]‪ [30‬ﺷﺎﻫﺎﻧﻪ را درﺑﺎره ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ و اﺸﺎﻧﺮا‬ ‫در اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﺎﻛ‪B‬ﺰه ﺑﺮ رو‪ X‬ﺗﺨﺘﻬﺎ و رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاﺑﻬﺎ ﺑﺎ ﭘﺎﻛ‪B‬ﺰه رﺧﺘﻬﺎ‬ ‫آﺳﻮده ﺧﻮاﺑ‪B‬ﺪه و اﻃﺒﺎ و ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان و ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎران ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺮا ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﺮادران در اﻃﺮاف و ﺣﻮاﻟ> آﻧﻬﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻨﺎﺎت ﺧﺴﺮواﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺮم دﻟ> و ﺗﻦ آﺳﺎ> ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺳﺎﻧ‪B‬ﺪه‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﺑﺎز‪ X‬و ﺟﺎن ﻧﺜﺎرﺮا در راه‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﭼﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﺑﺰرگ ﻛﻮﭼﻚ ﺷﻤﺎرﻧﺪ و در اﻧﺠﺎم ﺧﺪﻣﺎت دﻮاﻧ> ﻛﻮﺷﺶ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧ> و ﺟﺎوﺪاﻧ> ﺑﺠﺎ‪ X‬آرﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ء‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ :‬ﭘ‪B‬ﺪاﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮن در ﺗﻬ‪ّB‬ﻪ ﻣﻬﻤﺎت ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻮد و ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬آن ﺑﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺒ> و دﺳﺘﻮراﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺻﻨﺎﻋ> ﺑﺎﻧﺠﺎم آﺪ و اﻃﺒﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻫﺮ ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﻋﻬﺪ در ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻏﺎﺖ ﺑﺬل و ﺟﻬﺪ ﺑﺠﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫آرﻧﺪ اﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﺗﻠﻒ ﺑﺸﻮد‪ .‬و ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ در ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﺤﺖ و‬ ‫ازاﻟﻪ ﻣﺮض آن ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻃﺒّ> ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﮔﺸﺘﻪ روز ﺑﺮوز ﺑﺮﻋ ّﺪت و ﻗﻮت‬ ‫آﻧﻤﻠﻚ اﻓﺰوده و در اﻨﺼﻮرت ]‪ [31‬ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻛﻠ> ﺑﺮ رﻋ‪B‬ﺖ ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﻋﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪادن ﻋﻮض ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﻧﻘﺼﺎن ﻧﺒ‪B‬ﻨﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ و دﻓﻊ ﻣﺮض ﻧﻈﺎم ﻗﻮام ﮔ‪B‬ﺮد و‬ ‫ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻮن ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺣﻔﻆ ّ‬ ‫ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺪ اﻧﺘﻈﺎم ﭘﺬﺮد‪ ،‬ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺒﺎن دوﻟﺖ از ﺑﺎم ﺗﺎ ﺷﺎم‬ ‫در ﻣﺪاوا و ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻧﻈﺎم اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﻛﻨﻨﺪ و ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼ‪B‬ﺮت درﺳﺖ و‬ ‫ﺧﺒﺮت ﺗﻤﺎم ﺑﺘﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ اﻣﺮاض و ﺗﻤ‪B‬ﺰ اﻋﺮاض اﻗﺪام ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ و در ﺻﻮرت‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ء اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺘﺸﺎﺑﻬﻪ و ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﻣﺘﻨﺎﻇﺮه ﺑﺮ وﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﺪﻟ> و‬ ‫ﻧﻈﻢ ﺻﻨﺎﻋ> ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺷﻮر و در ﺗﺤﺮﺮ ﻋﻠﻞ و ﺗﻮﺟ‪B‬ﻪ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت ﺑﻘﺪر ﻋﻠﻢ‬ ‫و ﻋﻤﻞ ﻏﻮر ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﭘ‪B‬ﺪاﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮ ﺑﺼ‪B‬ﺮت ﺧﻮد ﻓﺰاﻨﺪ و ﭼﻨﺪان ﻣﺪت‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺬرد ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺒﺎن ﻧﻜﺘﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻦ و ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎن ﺣﺪس و ﺗﺨﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﺎﺷﻒ از ﻘ‪B‬ﻦ‬

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‫در دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬آﺧﺮ اﺮاﻧ‪B‬ﺎن در ﻋﻠﻮم ﻃﺐ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ راه‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪﮔﺎن داﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪان ﻮﻧﺎﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻓﺮﻧﮓ اﻣﺮوز ]‪[32‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺧﺘﺮاع ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﺟﺪﺪه و اﺑﺘﻜﺎر ﻓﻮاﺪ و ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎت ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮر ﻣﺒﺎﻫﺎت ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫و اﻨﺎن در ﺳﺮ ﺗﻘﻠ‪B‬ﺪ اوﻟ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﺠﺎ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ؟ اﻣ‪B‬ﺪوار اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ اﮔﺮ از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ اﻧﺪك اﻟﺘﻔﺎﺗ> ﺷﺎﻣﻞ اﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺷﻮد ّ‬ ‫ﻃﺐ اﺮان ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺎم و ﻫﻨﺮﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺒﺎن اﻤﺎﻧ> ﻣﺸﻬﻮد ﺧﺎص و ﻋﺎم و ﻣﺸﻬﻮر ﺳﻨﻦ‬ ‫اﺎم ﺷﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫و در اﻨﺠﺎ ﻓﻮاﺪ دﮕﺮ ﻫﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ در اﺮاد آﻧﻬﺎ ﺟﺴﺎرت ﻣﻘﺎم و اﻃﺎﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻼم ﻫﺴﺖ؛ ﻣﺜﻞ آﻧﻜﻪ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻧﻈﺎم ﻣﻮاﺟﺐ را ﺑ‪B‬ﻔﺎﺪه ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺒﺮﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ در‬ ‫زﻣﺎن ﺳﺎﺑﻖ ﻧﺰدﻚ ﺑﺪوﺴﺖ ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ و ﺟﺮاﺣ> در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻧﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮر‪ X‬از ﻣﻮاﺟﺐ و ﺟ‪B‬ﺮه و ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻖ درﺎﻓﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺮدﻧﺪ و ﻧﺼﻒ آﻧﻬﺎ اﺳﻢ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻼرﺳﻢ داﺷﺘﻨﺪ و ﭼﻨﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺎن ﻣ> آﻣﺪﻧﺪ ﻧﺼﻒ آﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻢ از ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺰ ﻧﺎﻣ> ﺑﻬﺮه ﻧﺪاﺷﺘﻨﺪ و اﻦ ﭘﻨﺠﺎه ﻧﻔﺮ ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺧﺪﻣﺘ> ﻧﺒﻮدﻧﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﮕﺮ ﻫﻔﺖ ﻫﺸﺖ ﺗﻦ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎن ﻣﻌﻘﻮل راه ﻣ‪B‬ﺮﻓﺘﻨﺪ و ﻣﺒﻠﻐ>‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺷﺎﺪ ]‪ [33‬ﻧﺰدﻚ ﺑﺪه ﻫﺰار ﺗﻮﻣﺎن ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﺪ از ﻣﺎل دﻮان ﺑﺎﺳﻢ ﻗ‪B‬ﻤﺖ‬ ‫دوا درﺎﻓﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﺮدﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ دﻨﺎر‪ X‬از آن ﺻﺮف ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﻧﻤ> ﺷﺪ‪ .‬وﻟ>‬ ‫اﻣﺮوز ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻧﻈﺎم ﻫﺮ ﻜ> ﺑﺎﻧﺪازه ء ﺧﻮد ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺧﺪﻣﺘ>‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ و رﻓﺘﻪ رﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮد ﻣ> اﻓﺰاﻨﺪ و اﺳﺘﺤﻘﺎق ﻣﻘﺮر‪ X‬ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ‬ ‫از اﻨﻬﺎ دارﻧﺪ و ﻗ‪B‬ﻤﺖ دوا ﻛﻪ ﺑﺠﺰ وﻗﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﮕ‪B‬ﺮﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ ﺑﺠﺎ‪ X‬ﺧﻮد‬ ‫ﺻﺮف ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ .‬و اﮔﺮ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﻈﺎم ﺑﺮ وﻓﻖ ﻋﺪل اﻧﺘﻈﺎم ﮔ‪B‬ﺮد ﺷﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﻗ‪B‬ﻤﺖ دوا ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺑﻖ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺗﻠﻒ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﺪ دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻨ‪B‬ﺎد ﻧﻬﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎل‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺎل آﻧﻤﺒﻠﻎ ﺑﺪوا داده ﺟﻤﻊ ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ و در ﻫﻨﮕﺎم ﺳﻔﺮ اﻓﻮاج ﻫﻤﺎن دوا ﺑﻪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ داده ﺷﻮد و آﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺮ وﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﺻﺮف ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن‬ ‫ﺿﻮاﺑﻂ ﻋﺮض ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ‪ 14‬از دوا در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺿﺎﻊ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻮد و ﭘﺲ‬ ‫از ﻣﺪﺗ> دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ء ﺑﺰرگ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ادوﻪ ء ﻣﺮﻛﺒﻪ و ﻣﻔﺮده در‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻜ> از ﻣﺤﺎﺳﻦ دوﻟﺖ ﻧﺎﺻﺮ‪ X‬ادام اﷲ اّﺎﻣﻪ‬

‫‪ .14‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﺎ‪" X‬ﺑﻄﻮر‪x‬ﻪ"‪" ،‬دراﻦ ﺻﻮرت"‪.‬‬

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‫]‪ [34‬وﻟ‪B‬ﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻪ و ﻗﺮن ﺑﺎﺑﻘﺎء واﻟﺪوام ﻣﺴﺎﻋ‪B‬ﻪ ﺷﻤﺮده ﻣ> ﺷﻮد‪ .‬ﺑﻬﺘﺮآﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫از اﺮاد ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪﻦ ﻗﺪر ﻛﻔﺎف رود‪.‬‬ ‫]ﭘﺎﺳﺦ ﺑﻪ ﻧﻈﺮﻪ ء ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻔ‪B‬ﻦ ﺗﺄﺳ‪B‬ﺲ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن[‬ ‫و از اﻦ ﻓﺎﺪه ﺟﻮاب آﻧﻜﻪ ﮔﻮﻨﺪ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ آﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻟ> ﻣﺒﻠﻐﻰ ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺿﺮر‪ X‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮ ﻣ> ﺷﻮد‪ .‬و ﺿﺮر‪ X‬ﻛﻪ در ﺑﻨﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺸﻬﻮد اﺳﺖ و ﻣﻌﻠﻮم دو ﭼ‪B‬ﺰاﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ در ﺟﻨﺐ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﻛﻠ‪B‬ﻪ‬ ‫آن ﻛﺎﻟﻤﻌﺪوم اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻜ> آﻧﻜﻪ اﻃﺒﺎ و ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان و ﺧﺪﻣﻪ و ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎران‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ و ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً در زﻣﺎن ﺣﺪوث اﻣﺮاض ﻣﻌﺪﻪ و ﻣﺴﺮﻪ‬ ‫و واﻓﺪه در ﻣﻌﺮض ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻛﺴ> از اﺸﺎن از ﻧﺘ‪B‬ﺠﻪ ء‬ ‫اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺰﺑﻮره ﻗﺮﻦ رﻧﺠﻪ و ﺷﻜﻨﺠﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬وﻟ> اﻧﺼﺎف آﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ در ﺧﺪﻣﺖ دوﻟﺖ از ﺧﻄﺮ اﻧﺪﺸ‪B‬ﺪن ﻛﺎر ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻄﺎﻻن و ﺳﺴﺖ ﻃﺒﻌﺎن‬ ‫اﺳﺖ و ﺧﺪا‪ X‬داﻧﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ء ﻛﺴﺎﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﺑﻤﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء رﺿﺎ‪ X‬ﭘﺮوردﮔﺎر‬ ‫و ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻣﺜﻮﺑﺎت اﺧﺮو‪ X‬ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻣ> ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ﺧﺪا‪ X‬ﺑﻠﻨﺪ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺳﻬﻞ اﺳﺖ‪ ،‬اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﺳﻠﻒ ]‪ [35‬و ﭘﺰﺷﻜﺎن ﻣﺎﺿ> ﺑﻘﺪر وﺳﻊ و‬ ‫ﻃﺎﻗﺖ‪ ،‬ﺗﺪارك اﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ و اﻧﺪﺸﻪ ء دﻓﻊ اﻦ ﺿﺮر ﻛﺮده اﻧﺪ و ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎه‬ ‫ﻛﺴ> ﺣﺮﺺ ﺑﺮ ﺷﻬﻮات ﻧﻔﺲ و رﻏﺎﺋﺐ‪ 15‬ﮔﻠﻮ و ﺑﻄﻦ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ و ﺑﺎ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن‬ ‫ﺻﻨﺎﻋ> ﻃﺮﻖ دﺧﻮل و ﺧﺮوج ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن را ﻣﺴﻠﻮك دارد از زﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺮاﺖ آﺳﻮده ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ آﻧﻜﻪ ﻗﻀﺎ آﺪ و ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ آﺑﻠﻪ‪ 16‬ﺷﻮد‪ .‬و در اﻦ‬ ‫ﺿﻤﻦ اﻃﺒﺎ را ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ﻧﻔﻌ> اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎه ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼ‪B‬ﺮت ﻧﮕﺮﻧﺪ آﻧﻬﻤﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﻄﺮ را آﺳﺎن ﺑﺒ‪B‬ﻨﻨﺪ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ از ﺷﺮوط و آداب ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ ﻜ> ﺣﻀﻮر‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن اﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ در اوﺻﺎف اﻻﻃﺒﺎ ذﻛﺮ ﻣ> ﺷﻮد‪ 17.‬و ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎه‬ ‫‪ 15‬در اﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "رﻏﺒﺎت" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 16‬در اﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "اﺑﻠﻪ" آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪ .‬اﻦ ﻛﻠﻤﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺘﻮاﻧﺪ ﻫﻢ اﺑﻠﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﻌﻨﻰ ﻧﺎدان‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﺷﻮد و ﻫﻢ آﺑﻠﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺟ‪B‬ﺢ ﻣﺎ ﺑﺮ ﺻﻮرت د ّوم اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 17‬اﺳﺘﺪﻻل ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه در اﻨﺠﺎ روﺷﻦ ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ‪ ،‬اﻣّﺎ ﭘﺎﺋ‪B‬ﻦ ﺗﺮ اﻦ ﻋﻠﺖ را ﺗﻮﺿ‪B‬ﺢ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻛﺴ> ﺎرا‪ X‬اﺜﺎر را داﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺪ در ورود ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﺸﺪ و‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺘﻬﺎ ﻛﻨﺪ و ﻛ‪B‬ﻔ‪B‬ﺖ ﻋﻼج را ﻣﻮاﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻋﺪﻟ> ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻧﻤﺎﺪ وﺳﺎﻟ>‬ ‫دو ﺑﺮ اﻦ ﺑﮕﺬارد‪ 18‬ﺗﺎ ﻧﺎم ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑﺮ آن ﺻﺎدق آﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎ‪ X‬آﻧﻜﻪ‪19‬‬ ‫اﻨﺎن ﺑﺎﻧﺪازه ء ﺧﺪﻣﺖ از دوﻟﺖ ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ﻫﻤ> ﺑﺮﻧﺪ ﻻﺟﺮم ﺑﺎﺪ اﻦ ﺧﻄﺮ‬ ‫را ﺳﻬﻞ ﺷﻤﺮﻧﺪ‪ 20‬ﺗﺎ ﺑﻤﻀﻤﻮن ﻣﻼزﻣﺔ اﻟﻤﻠﻮك ]‪ [36‬ﻧﺼﻒ اﻟﺴﻠﻮك‬ ‫در ﻫﺮ دو ﻧﺸﺎ‪ 21‬ﺑﻬﺮه ﺎب ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺿﺮر دوﻢ‪ ،‬واﻫﻤﻪ و وﺣﺸﺖ ﺳﺮﺑﺎز اﺳﺖ؛ ﭼﻪ اﻓﺮاد ﻓﻮج در‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺑﺎزﺧﺎﻧﻬﺎ از ﻣﺮدن ﺳﺎﺮﻦ ﺧﺒﺮ دار ﻧﻤ> ﺷﻮﻧﺪ و ﺳ‪B‬ﻤﺎ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران آﻧﻬﺎ؛‬ ‫وﻟ> در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﭼﻮن ﻛﺴ> ﻓﻮت ﺷﻮد در دم ﻫﻤﻪ ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻣﻄﻠﻊ‬ ‫ﺷﻮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬دﻫﺸﺖ ﺑﺮدارﻧﺪ و ﺧﻮد را ﺛﺎﻧ> اﺛﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﻣﺘﻮﻓ> ﻣ> ﺷﻤﺎرﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻋﻼوه‬ ‫ﺑﺮ اﻦ ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﭼﻨﺪﻦ ﻓﻮج در داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ اﺳﺖ و ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷ‪B‬ﻬﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﺳﻨﮕ‪B‬ﻦ آﻧﻬﺎ ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺟﺮم ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ روز‪ X‬ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫در وﻗﺖ ﺣﺪوث اﻣﺮاض ﺧﻄ‪B‬ﺮه ﻫﻤﻪ روزه و ﺎ ﻚ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﺟﻨﺎزه از‬ ‫آﻧﺠﺎ ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد و راه ﻧﻘﻞ از ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻣ‪B‬ﺪان ﻣﺸﻖ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻﺟﺮم ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﻓﻮج ﻜ> را ﭼﻬﺎر ﺣﺴﺎب ﻣ> ﻛﻨﻨﺪ و از اﻨﻤﺮﺣﻠﻪ ﺗﺮﺳ> ﺑﺪل اﻫﻞ ﻧﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﻧﺸ‪B‬ﻨﺪ و اﻟﺤﻖ اﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪ X‬وﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﻣﺮد ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ در ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺮض ﻧﺘ‪B‬ﺠﻪ ء‬ ‫ﺑﺪ دﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺷ‪B‬ﺦ ﺑﺰرﮔﻮار در ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻣ‪B‬ﻔﺮﻣﺎﺪ ان اﻻوﻫﺎم اﻧﻔﺴﻬﺎ ﺗﺤﺮك‬ ‫اﻻﺧﻼط‪ [37] .‬ﭼﻪ ﺑﺴ‪B‬ﺎر دﺪه اﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر ﺑﺪ اﺣﻮال ﺑﺤ‪B‬ﻠﻪ ء ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫و ﻓﺴﻮن ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﺧﻮد را ﺻﺤ‪B‬ﺢ اﻟﻤﺰاج اﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ و ﺑﺎﻣﺜﺎل ﻟﻬﻮ و ﻟﻌﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮد را ﻣﺸﻐﻮل داﺷﺘﻪ از دﺳﺖ ﻣﺮض رﺳﺘﻪ و در دﺳﺖ ﺻﺤﺖ ﻧﺸﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ‪ .‬و ﺑﺴﺎ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻧﻤﻮده اﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪك اﻧﺤﺮاف ﻣﺰاج ﺧﻮد را ﺑﺎﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪X‬‬ ‫وﻫﻢ رﻧﺠﻮر و ﺧﺴﺘﻪ داﻧﺴﺘﻪ و ﺑﺎﻻﺧﺮه ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﻮد ﺗﻮﻫﻢ ﻧﻤﻮده ﭼﺸﻢ از‬ ‫زﻧﺪﮔ> ﺑﺴﺘﻪ و ﺑﺴﺮا‪ X‬ﺟﺎوﺪ ﭘ‪B‬ﻮﺳﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﺗﺪارك اﻦ ﺿﺮر را‬ ‫‪ 18‬در اﺻﻞ "ﺑﮕﺬارﻧﺪ" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪“19‬ﭼﻪ ﺟﺎ‪ X‬آﻧ‪x‬ﻪ" ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> ﺑﻌﻠﺖ آﻧ‪x‬ﻪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 20‬در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "ﺷﻤﺮد" آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ء‬ ‫‪ 21‬اﻦ واژه داﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻣﻔﻬﻮم ﺗﺨﻤ‪B‬ﻨ> اﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ اﻧﮕﻠ‪B‬ﺴ>‬ ‫ﻣﺘﻦ رﺟﻮع ﺷﻮد‪.‬‬

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‫ﻫﻢ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﭘ‪B‬ﺸ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﺮﻫﻨﻤﺎ> رأ‪ X‬رزﻦ ﺑﻮﺟﻪ اﺣﺴﻦ ﻛﺮده اﻧﺪ و ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﺪوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﻗﺮار درﺳﺖ در اﻣﻮر ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن داده آﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪك روز‪X‬‬ ‫ﻧ‪B‬ﻚ ﻧﺎﻣ> آن ﺑﭙﺎﻪ ء ﺑﺮﺳﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ ﺑﺎﺻﺮار ﻛﻠ> و اﺑﺮام زﺎد ﺧﻮد‬ ‫ﻗﺼﺪ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻛﻨﺪ و ﭼﻮن از دوﻟﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺎر زﻣﺎﻧﻪ دﺳﺘﮕﺎه‪ 22‬ﭼﺎق ﺷﺪه‬ ‫ﺑﻤ‪B‬ﺎن ﻓﻮج ﺑﺮﮔﺮدد ﺗﺤﺮﻚ ﻫﻤﻪ ﺎران و دوﺳﺘﺎن ﻛﻨﺪ و اﻨﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺤﻮل‬ ‫اﷲ و دوﻟﺖ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﺑﺮ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ء در ﮔﺎه ﺟﻬﺎﻧ‪B‬ﺎن ﭘﻨﺎه آﺳﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪23.‬‬ ‫]‪ [38‬اﻛﻨﻮن ﺷﺎﺴﺘﻪ آن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ اﻧﺪك ﻣﺎﻪ ء از ﻟﻮازم آﺋ‪B‬ﻦ ﻧﮕﺎه داﺷﺖ‬ ‫ﺗﻨﺪرﺳﺘ> ﻧﻈﺎم ﻋﺮض ﺷﻮد ﺗﺎ ﺑﻬﺮ ﻃﺮز ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺮر ﮔﺮدد در اﻧﺠﺎم آن‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺪه آﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ رﻋ‪B‬ﺖ و‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ ﮔﺮا‪ X‬ﺣﻔﻆ‬ ‫در ﺑ‪B‬ﺎن ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺎﻫﻰ‬ ‫ﭘ‪B‬ﺪاﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ آﺑﺎد‪ X‬ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ و ﻋﺪت ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﺑﺮ اﻧﻀﺒﺎط آ‪B‬ﻦ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﺤﺖ‬ ‫و ﺗﻨﺪرﺳﺘ> و ﻗﺎﻧﻮن دﻓﻊ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻣﻨﻮط اﺳﺖ و ﻫﺮ ﻗﺪر ﻛﻪ در ﺗﺸ‪BB‬ﻊ‬ ‫ﻗﻮاﻧ‪B‬ﻦ و ﺗﻮﺛ‪B‬ﻖ ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎت آن زﺎدﺗﺮ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺷﻮد ﺳﺒﺐ آﺳﻮدﮔ> ﺧﺎص‬ ‫و ﻋﺎم ﮔﺮدد و ﭘﺲ ﺑﻬﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﻟﺤﺎظ ﻛﻔ‪B‬ﻠ> ﻛﺎﻓ> و ﻣﺸ‪B‬ﺮ‪ X‬اﺷﺎرت ﺟﻮ‪X‬‬ ‫و ﺑﺸﺎرت ﮔﻮ‪ X‬از ﺑﺮا‪ X‬اﻨﻜﺎر ﺳﺰاوار ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﻘﺘﻀﺎ‪ X‬ﻓﻄﺮت‬ ‫ﭘﺎك در اﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻧﺒ‪B‬ﻞ ﺑﻨﮕﺮد و ﺑﻘﺪر اﻣﻜﺎن درﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ و اﺎﻻت و‬ ‫ﺑﻠﺪﻦ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬درﺳﺖ ﻛﺎر ﺧﺪاوﻧﺪ ﻛﺮدار و ﮔﻔﺘﺎر ﺑﺮ ﻣﺪاوا‪ X‬ﻣﺮدم ﮔﻤﺎرد‬ ‫و ﻧﻔﻮس ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻪ را ﻛﻪ وادﻊ ﺣﻀﺮت ]‪ [39‬ﭘﺮوردﮔﺎرﻧﺪ و ﺳﭙﺮده ء‬ ‫ﺷﻬﺮﺎر در دﺳﺖ ﻣﺮدﻣﺎن ﺟﺎﻫﻞ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻤﺎ ﻧﮕﺬارﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ وﻟ‪B‬ﻨﻌﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﺧﻮد را ﻣﻌﻤﻮر و ﻣﻬﺎﻟﻚ را از ﺣﻮل و ﺣﻮش وداﻊ ﺣﻀﺮت ﻋﺰت‬ ‫دور ﮔﺮداﻧﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 22‬دﺳﺘﮕﺎه در اﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> ﻗﺪرت‪ ،‬ﺟﺎه‪ ،‬ﺟﻼل و اﺑﻬﺖ‪ ،‬و دوﻟﺖ ﺑﻤﻔﻬﻮم ﺑﺨﺖ‬ ‫و ﺑﺮ‪t‬ﺖ آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 23‬ﻋﺒﺎرت "ﺑﺮ ‪t‬ﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه" ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> از دﺪﮔﺎه اﻦ ‪t‬ﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 24‬در اﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ء زﺮ آﻣﺪه وﻟ> ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه رو‪ X‬آن ﺧﻂ ‪t‬ﺸ‪B‬ﺪه اﺳﺖ‪ » :‬و ﺑﻨﺪه ء‬ ‫درﮔﺎه در اﻦ ﺑﺎب رﺳﺎﻟﻪ ء ﻣﻌﺮوض داﺷﺘﻪ اﻣ‪B‬ﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺒﻮل اﻓﺘﺪ‪«.‬‬

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‫اﻣﺎ در ﻧﻈﺎم‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬و ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪارﻧﺪه ء‪ 24‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﻟﺸﻜﺮدر دول‬ ‫دﮕﺮ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻤﻨﺼﺒ> ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺰرگ ﻛﻪ او را در ﺳﻠﻚ وزرا و ﺳﺮداران‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮب ﻣ‪B‬ﺪارﻧﺪ و ﺑﺎﺪ ﻣﺮد‪ X‬ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ ﺧﺒﺮت و داﻧﺎ و ﺑﺼ‪B‬ﺮ ﺑﺮ رﺳﻮم‬ ‫اﻧﺴﺎﻧ‪B‬ﺖ‪ ،‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻨﺎ‪ ،‬دارا‪ X‬ﻋﻠﻢ اﺧﻼق‪ ،‬ﻣﻄﺒﻮع ﺑﺮ اﺣﺴﺎن‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﻤﻮل ﺑﺪوﻟﺘﺨﻮاﻫ>‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻄﺎن ﺳﻠ‪B‬ﻢ اﻟﻨﻔﺲ و رﻗ‪B‬ﻖ اﻟﻘﻠﺐ‪ ،‬اﻧﺪوﻫﻨﺎك از ﻣﺸﻘﺖ و ﻫﻼك اﻧﺴﺎن‬ ‫ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻛﺎره‪ 25‬اذّﺖ اﻧﻮاع ﺣ‪B‬ﻮان ﻛﻪ اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﭘﺎك ﭼﻮن ﺑﺪﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﺒ‪B‬ﻞ ﺳﺮاﻓﺮاز ﺷﻮد ﻣﻨﺼﺐ و رﺗﺒﻪ ﺧﻮد را ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ ﻣﻨﺎﺻﺐ ﺑ‪B‬ﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﻘ‪B‬ﻘﺖ ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﺑﺎ اﻣﻦ ﻌﻨ> ]‪ [40‬ﺻﺤﺖ در ّ‬ ‫ﻇﻞ ﻋﺎﻃﻔﺖ ﺷﻬﺮﺎر‬ ‫ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ ﻧﻌﻢ ﭘﺮوردﮔﺎر اﺳﺖ‪ .‬و ﻻﺟﺮم ﻓﺮﻣﺎن ﮔﺬار آن ﺻﺎﺣﺐ رﺗﺒﻪ‬ ‫و ﻣﻘﺎم ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ اﻋﻮان و زﺮ دﺳﺘﺎن ﺧﻮد را از ﻣﺮدم ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮﻛﺎر و ﻧ‪B‬ﻚ‬ ‫ﻛﺮدار و ﻣﺘّﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺧﻼق ﺣﻤ‪B‬ﺪه واﺧﻼق ﭘﺴﻨﺪﺪه ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آرد و ﺗﻦ ﺑﺮﻧﺞ و‬ ‫ﺗﻌﺐ داده ﺷﺒﺎﻧﻪ روز را ﺻﺮف ﺗﻜﻤ‪B‬ﻞ ﺷﺮوط و ﻟﻮازم اﻨﺨﺪﻣﺖ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﻋﺪد اﻋﻮان اﺗﺒﺎع و زﺮ دﺳﺘﺎن او ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ ﺿﺮورت از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ‬ ‫ﺟﻨﺎب وزﺮ ﺟﻨﮓ ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺎﻓﺖ و ﭼﻮن در ﻫﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﻞ و ﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫و ﺑﻠﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻮﺟ> و ﺎ ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ از ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﻧﺼﺮت ﻣﺂﺛﺮ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ در‬ ‫آﻧﺠﺎ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺷﺎﺴﺘﻪ ﻣﻘﺎم ﻻزم ﮔﺮدد ﺧﻮاه ﺑﺮوز ﺟﻨﮓ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن وﺎ‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون ﻗﻠﻌﻬﺎ و در اﻣﻜﻨﻪ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻓﺮﺻﺖ و ﺧﻮاه ﺑﻬﻨﮕﺎم ﺻﻠﺢ از ﺑﺮا‪X‬‬ ‫ﺣﻔﻆ ﺳﺮ ﺣﺪات و ﺎ اﻧﺘﻈﺎر ﻣﺎﻣﻮرﺖ ﺗﺎزه و ﺎ ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻧﻈﻢ وﻻﺎت و‬ ‫ﺷﺮ و ﻓﺘﻨﻪ و ﺎ ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺗﻌﻠ‪B‬ﻢ ﻓﻨﻮن‬ ‫ﺎ ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺷﻬﺮ ]‪ [41‬و ﺑﻠﺪ از ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻖ و ﻗﺮاوﻟ>‪ .‬و ﺳﻮا‪ X‬اﻨﻬﺎ در اردوﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺘﺤﺮك ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ X‬روان‬ ‫ﻫﻢ از ﻟﻮازم ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮن ﻣﺒﻨﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﻤﻞ ﺑﺮاﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ در ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ> و رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ و ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺒﻬﺎ و ﺟﺮاﺣﻬﺎ و دواﺳﺎزﻫﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫آﻧﮕﺎه ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪﻫﺎ و ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎرﻫﺎ ﺑﻘﺪر اﻧﺪازه و ﮔﻨﺠﺎﺶ ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬اﻓﻮاج ﻻزم‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و آﻧﭽﻪ در اﻦ دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ در آن اﻣﻜﻨﻪ‪ 26‬ﺳﺰاوار‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﺑﺪﻦ ﺗﻔﺼ‪B‬ﻞ اﺳﺖ‪:‬‬ ‫‪ 25‬ﻛﺎره )ﻧﺎﭘﺴﻨﺪ داﺷﺘﻦ ﻛﺎرى و روى ﮔﺮداﻧﺪن از آن(‪ ،‬در اﻨﺠﺎ ﻣﺨﺎﻟﻒ ﺑﻮدن‬ ‫ﺑﺎ اذّﺖ ﺣ‪B‬ﻮاﻧﺎت‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 26‬در اﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "اﻧﻜﻪ" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺪ اﺷﺘﺒﺎه اﻣﻼﺋﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫دارا اﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ء ﻃﻬﺮان‬ ‫داراﻟﺴﻄﻨﻪ ء اﺻﻔﺎﻫﺎن‬ ‫ﻣﺸﻬﺪ ﻣﻘﺪس‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ رﺷﺖ‬

‫داراﻟﺴﻠﻄﻨﻪ ء ﺗﺒﺮﺰ‬ ‫داراﻟﻌﻠﻢ ﺷ‪B‬ﺮاز‬ ‫ﻛﻼت‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ﻋﺮﺑﺴﺘﺎن‬

‫داراﻟﺪوﻟﻪ ء ﻛﺮﻣﺎﻧﺸﺎﻫﺎن‬ ‫اﺑﻮﺷﻬﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺮﻣﺎن‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺣﺪ ذﻫﺎب‬

‫ﭘﺲ در ﻫﺮ ﻚ از اﻦ اﻣﻜﻨﻪ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧ> ﻻﻖ اﻧﺪازه‪ [42] ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫را‪ X‬ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻر ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻨﺎ ﮔﺬارد ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻔ‪B‬ﻦ ﺳﭙﺎه آﺳﻮده‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫و از ﺟﻤﻠﻪ اﻣﻜﻨﻪ و ﺑﻼدى ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن در آن ﺑﺮاى دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ اﺟﺮ ﺟﺰﻞ و اﺳﻢ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻞ دارد‪ ،‬ﻋﺘﺒﺎت ﻋﺎﻟ‪B‬ﺎﺗﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺮﺳﻢ ﻣﺸﻬﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﻰ ﺑﻐﺎﺖ وﺳ‪B‬ﻊ ﺑﺮ اﻓﺮازﻧﺪ و ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺪس درآن اﻣﻜﻨﻪ ء ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺤﺘﺎج آﻧﺮا ﻣﻬ‪B‬ﺎ ﺳﺎزﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً در ﻛﺮﺑﻼى ﻣﻌﻠﻰ ﻛﻪ اﻛﺜﺮاً اﻗﺎﻣﺘﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﻏﺮﺑﺎى ﻣﺮﺿﻰ ﻣ‪B‬ﺒﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎ آﻧﻜﻪ‪ 27‬ﺑﺮاﻓﺮاﺷﺘﻦ داراﻟﺸﻔﺎ و ﻓﺮاﻧﻬﺎدن اﻦ‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎ از ﻣﻮﻗﻮﻓﺎت ﺧﺎﺻﻪ ء اﻦ اﻣﻜﻨﻪ ء ﻣﻘﺪﺳﻪ ﺑﺪون ﺿﺮر دوﻟﺘﻰ ﻣ‪B‬ﺴﻮر‬ ‫اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫و اداره اﻣﻮر اﻨﻬﻤﻪ را ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﺑﺎﺪ ﮔﺬاﺷﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺪان‬ ‫ﻏﺎﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ از اﻓﺮاد ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﭼﻮن از ﻟﺒﺎس ﺗﻨﺪرﺳﺘ> ﻋﺮﺎن ﺷﻮد‬ ‫ﺑﻄﻮرﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﺮ‪ X‬ﺑﻮدن او ﻣﺤﻘﻖ ﮔﺮدد از ﻫﺮ ﻓﻮﺟ> ﺷﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﻤﻨﺼﺐ‬ ‫آن ﻓﻮج ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﺑﺴﺘﺮﺮا ﻣﻮﻗﺘﺎً از ﻓﻮج ﺧﻮد اﺧﺮاج اﻧﮕﺎﺷﺘﻪ و ﺟﻤﻊ‬ ‫ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ داﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻓ> اﻟﻔﻮر ﺑﻬﻤﺮاﻫ> وﻛ‪B‬ﻠ> او را ﻫﺮ ﺟﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺎرﺳﺘﺎن آن ﻣﺤﻞ ﻓﺮﺳﺘﺎده ﺗﺴﻠ‪B‬ﻢ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻛﺮده ﺳﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻗﺒﺾ ﻧﻤﻮده‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﻬﺮ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ رﺳﺎﻧﺪه ﺑﺼﺎﺣﺒﻤﻨﺼﺐ ﺧﻮد ﺳﭙﺎرد‪ .‬و‬ ‫ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ آﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ و رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر را‬ ‫ﺟﻤﻌ> و ﺳﭙﺮده ء ﺧﻮد داﻧﺴﺘﻪ‪ ،‬اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺗﻤﺎم در ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ اﺣﻮاﻟﺶ ﺧﻮاﻫﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﻮد‪ .‬و ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ]‪ [43‬ﻛﻪ اﺻﻼ ًدر ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آوردن اﺳﺒﺎب‬ ‫آﺳﻮدﮔ> آن ﺗﻬﺎون ﺟﺎﺰ ﻧﺨﻮاﻫﺪ داﺷﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺎون در ﺟﺰﺋ‪B‬ﺎت ﺧﺪﻣﺎت‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﻣﻮﺟﺐ آﻓﺖ و ﻣﺨﺎﻓﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬آﻧﮕﺎه رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر را ﺑ‪B‬ﻜ>‬ ‫از زﺮدﺳﺘﺎن ﺧﻮد ﺳﭙﺮده ﺳﻨﺪ‪ X‬ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ اﺣﻮاﻻت آن ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫‪27‬‬

‫ﺑﺎ آﻧ‪x‬ﻪ ﺑﻤﻔﻬﻮم "ﺿﻤﻦ آﻧ‪x‬ﻪ"‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻌﺪ از اﻦ در ﺟﺪول ﺷﺮح ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻋﺪد ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‪:‬‬ ‫ﻛﻪ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ء ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺒﺎن ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ> و ﺟﻤﻠﻪ اﻣﻮر ﻋﻼﺟ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﺎ اوﺳﺖ‬ ‫رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺰاﺟ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﺎﺸﺎن ﺳﭙﺮده ﻣ> ﺷﻮد‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ا ّول‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﻨﻮﺑﺖ در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﻤﺎﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ د ّوم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎون اﻃﺒﺎ اﺳﺖ در اﺟﺮاء ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺎت‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺳ‪B‬ﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ اﻋﻤﺎل ﺪ ﺑﺎو ﺳﭙﺮده ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ]‪[44‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح ا ّول‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎون اﺳﺖ در اﻋﻤﺎل ]ﺪ[‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح د ّوم‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ و ﺷﺴﺴﺘﻦ زﺧﻢ ﺑﺎ او اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‬ ‫دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺪو ﺳﭙﺮده ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫دواﺳﺎز ا ّول‬ ‫ﺑﺮ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ و ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻦ ادوﻪ ﻣﻌﺎوﻧﺴﺖ‬ ‫دواﺳﺎز د ّوم‬ ‫ﺗﻮزﻊ و ﺗﻘﺴ‪B‬ﻢ دوا ﺑﺎ اوﺳﺖ‬ ‫دواﺳﺎز ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‬ ‫دﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎو ﺳﭙﺮده ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬ا ّول‬ ‫ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻟﻮازم ﻏﺬا ﺑﺪو ﺳﭙﺮده‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬د ّوم‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫ﺗﺤﻮﻠﺪار ﺟﺰء و ﻣﻌﺎون ﻧﺎﻇﺮ اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺣﺎﻓﻆ ﻟﻮﺣﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﺷﻤﺎره دارﻧﺪ‪28‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ا ّول‬ ‫ﻛﻪ در ﺗﻘﺴ‪B‬ﻢ دوا وﻏﺬا او اﺻﻼح ﻫﻮا ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎرﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ء د ّوم‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﺤﻤﻞ زﺣﻤﺎت ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﻫﺎ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎرﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ء ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‬ ‫اﻛﻨﻮن اﺧﻼق و اﻃﻮار و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن را ]‪ [45‬ﺟﺪا ﺟﺪا ﺷﺮح‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺪ داد ﺗﺎ ﻫﺮ ﻜ> اﻧﺪازه ء ﺧﻮد را داﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﮕﺎه دارد ﺗﺎ ﻛﺎر ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﺪﻟﺨﻮاه ﻧﻈﻢ‬ ‫ﮔ‪B‬ﺮد‪.‬‬

‫در اوﺻﺎف و اﺧﻼق و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﻧﻈﺎم‪:‬‬ ‫در ﻋﻨﻮان ﻓﺼﻞ ﺟﺴﺎرت ﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﻣﺮد‪ X‬ﺑﺎﺪ داﻧﺎ و‬ ‫‪28‬‬

‫در اﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "ﺷﻤﺎره اﻧﺪ" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺧﺮدﻣﻨﺪ‪ ،‬ﻣﺠﺒﻮل ﺑﺮﺣﺴﺐ ﺗﻨﺪرﺳﺘ> اﻧﺴﺎن ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻣﺠﺘﻨﺐ از ازﻫﺎق ﻧﻔﻮس‬ ‫اﻧﻮاع ﺣ‪B‬ﻮان‪ ،‬درﺳﺖ ﻛﺎر‪ ،‬راﺳﺖ ﮔﻔﺘﺎر‪ ،‬اﻣ‪B‬ﻦ و ﺑﺎ دﺎﻧﺖ‪ ،‬ﺟﺎﻣﻊ آداب‬ ‫رﺎﺳﺖ و ﻣﺠﺮ‪ X‬اﺣﻜﺎم ﺳ‪B‬ﺎﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ آن ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﺷﺨﺺ را اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ‬ ‫ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﺮﺟﺎن ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﻋﺴﺎﻛﺮ ﻣﻨﺼﻮره اﻣ‪B‬ﻦ ﻣ‪B‬ﻨﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪ .‬واﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ آن‬ ‫ﭘﺲ از اﻦ ﻗﺮار اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‪:‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ ا ّول آﻧﻜﻪ در ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آوردن اﻋﻮان و زﺮدﺳﺘﺎن ﺧﻮد ﻏﺎﺖ دﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺠﺎ‪ X‬آورد و ﻣﺮدﻣﺎن ﻧﺎ اﻫﻞ ﮔﺰاف ﻛﺎر ﻧﺎ اﻫﻞ دورغ ﮔﻮ‪ X‬ﻫﻮس ﭘ‪B‬ﺸﻪ‬ ‫و ﻓﺘﻨﻪ اﻧﺪﺸﻪ ]‪ [46‬را داﺧﻞ ﻣﻌﺮﻛﻪ ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻤﻨﺼﺒﺎن ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ اﺟﺰا و اﻋﻮان و زﺮدﺳﺘﺎن ﺧﻮد را از ﺟﻤﻠﻪ اﺷﺨﺎﺻ‪B‬ﻜﻪ اوﺻﺎف‬ ‫آﻧﻬﺎ در ذﻞ ﻋﺮض ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آرد و ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ اﻣﻮر ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن‬ ‫را ﺑﺮﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻌﻪ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺳﭙﺮد ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه از ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران و‬ ‫ﻛﺎرﮔﺬاران ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﻨﻤﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دوم آﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﻌ> درﺳﺖ در اﺟﺮاء ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎت ﻧﻈﻢ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻛﻨﺪ و ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺴ> را در ﺳﺮ ﺷﻐﻞ و ﻋﻤﻞ ﺧﻮد ﮔﺬارد و ﭼﻨﺎن ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ء اﻋﻮان‬ ‫و زﺮدﺳﺘﺎﻧﺶ ﺑﺪون ﺗﻬﺎون و ﺳﺴﺘ> ﭘ> ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﻣﺮﺟﻮﻋﻪ و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ‬ ‫ﻣﻘﺮره ء ﺧﻮدﺷﺎن ﺑﺮوﻧﺪ و ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎه از ﻛﺴ> ﺟﺰﺋ> ﺧﻼﻓ> ﺑﺒ‪B‬ﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺎﺋ> ﻛﻪ در ﻛﺎر ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ زﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ از او ﺗﺠﺎوز ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪29.‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ روز ﺳﺎﻋﺘ> ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ رﻓﺘﻪ ﺑﻜﺎر و ﻛﺮدار اﻋﻮان و اﻧﺼﺎر‬ ‫و ﺣﺮﻛﺖ و ﺳﻜﻮن اﺸﺎن ]‪ [47‬رﺳ‪B‬ﺪﮔ> ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ :‬وﻗﺎﻊ روز ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ را ﺟﺰﺋ‪B‬ﺎً و ﻛﻠ‪B‬ﺎً ﺑﺮوزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ‬ ‫ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺪ و روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ دﮕﺮ ﺟﺪاﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ ﻋﺮﺿﻪ دارد‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺨﺎرج ﻮﻣ‪B‬ﻪ ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ را ﻓﺮد‪ X‬ﺟﺪاﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ ﻛﻨﺎرش‬ ‫را ﺻﺢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺤﻮﻠﺪار ﺳﭙﺎرد‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺨﺎرج اﺗﻔﺎﻗ‪B‬ﻪ را ﻛﻪ در دﻓﺘﺮﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺟﺪاﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ و ﺿﺒﻂ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻛﺮده‪ ،‬ﺧﻂ ﺻﺢ ﺑﮕﺬارد‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻣﺨﺎرج ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ از دﻮان ﺑﺎزﺎﻓﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﺑﺎﻃﻼع‬ ‫و اﺳﺘﺤﻀﺎر اﺸﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫‪29‬‬

‫"ﺗﺠﺎوز ﻧ‪x‬ﻨﺪ" ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> "از ﺧﻼف او ﻧﮕﺬرد"‪.‬‬

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‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ در ﻫﻨﮕﺎم ﺧﻼف و ﺳﺴﺘ> در ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺗﻨﺒ‪B‬ﻪ و ﺗﻐﺬﺮ‬ ‫ﻻزم ﻣ‪B‬ﺪاﻧﺪ‪ ،‬در وﻗﺖ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮ ﺧﺪﻣﺘ> ﻣﺼﺪر آﻧﺮا ﺑﺎﻣ‪B‬ﺪ و ﻧﻮﺪ‬ ‫دﻟﺨﻮش دارد واﮔﺮ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺰرﮔ> ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪ ﻛﻨﺪ اﻧﻌﺎم و اﺣﺴﺎن از ﻗﺒﻞ‬ ‫اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ درﻎ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺨﺎرج ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن را ﺑﻄﺮﻖ اﻛﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﺟ‪B‬ﺮه و ﻣﻮاﺟﺐ ﻛﺎرﮔﺬاران ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺮا ]‪ [48‬ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﻣﻘﺮر دوﻟﺘ>‬ ‫وﺻﻮل ﻛﺮده ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ و ﺑﺎﺪ ﻗﺮار‪ X‬در اﻦ ﺑﺎب ﮔﺬارد ﻛﻪ ﺑﺘﻮاﻧﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺳﻮدﮔ> ﻣﺸﻐﻮل ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ و ﺧ‪B‬ﺎل ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﮔﺬران اﺸﺎن را از‬ ‫ﻣﺮاﻗﺒﺖ ﺧﺪﻣﺎت ﻣﺮﺟﻮﻋﻪ ﺑﺎزﻧﺪارد‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎت ﻓﺮاﻏﺖ ﻣﺮﺾ را ﺑﻬﺮ وﻗﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻻزم ﺑﺒ‪B‬ﻨﺪ در ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ‬ ‫آوردن اﺳﺒﺎب آن ﺳﻌ> ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺪ وﻫﺮ اﺳﺒﺎﺑ> ﻛﻪ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ و از درﺟﻪ اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻔﺘﺪ ﺑﺘﺒﺪﻞ آن ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ در ﺑﺎب رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب و ﻣﻠﺒﻮس ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮاﻋﺎت ﺟﺎﻧﺐ آﻧﻬﺎ از ﻟﻮازم ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دوازدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎه در ﺣﺠﺮات و اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن و ﺎ در و دﻮار‬ ‫آن ﺷﻜﺴﺘ> ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ ﺑﻪ ﺗﻌﻤ‪B‬ﺮ آن ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪B‬ﺰدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﮔﺎﻫ> ﺑﻐﻔﻠﺖ در ﺳﺮ دوا و ﻏﺬا ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺣﺮص‬ ‫ﻃﻤﻊ‪ ،‬ﺳﺎﺮﻦ را از درﺳﺖ ﻛﺎر‪ X‬ﺑﺎز ﻧﺪارد‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎردﻫﻢ‪ :‬در ﻫﻨﮕﺎم ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء اﻣﺮاض ﺻﻌﺐ‪ ،‬ﺑﺸﻮرا‪ X‬اﻃﺒﺎ داﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ در‬ ‫ﺷﻮد و اﺸﺎﻧﺮا ﺑﺎﻧﺼﺎف و ﺣﺰم اﻣﺮ ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎت ﺣﻔﻆ ّ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﺳﺮﺑﺎز ﺧﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ اﺸﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [49‬ﭘﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ وﻗﺖ ﻻزم ﺷﻮد ﻛﻪ در ﺳﺮﺑﺎزﺧﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺳﺮﻛﺸ>‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﺪ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺎﻧﺰدﻫﻢ‪ :‬در وﻗﺖ ﺣﺪوث اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺴﺮﻪ و ﻣﻌﺪﻪ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم درﺳﺖ‬ ‫در ﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻢ ﻗﻮاﻧ‪B‬ﻦ ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ ﺑﻤ‪B‬ﺎن اﻓﻮاج ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺪﻫﻢ‪ :‬در وﻗﺖ ﺳﻔﺮ و ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺳﭙﺎه‪ ،‬ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ و ﺟﺮاح ﺑﺼﻮا‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺪ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ و اﺸﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻟﻮازم ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﺖ ﺑﺤﻜﻢ او‬ ‫ﺟﺎر‪ X‬ﺷﻮد و ﻛﺴ> را در آن ﻣﺪاﺧﻠﻪ ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫در اوﺻﺎف و اﺧﻼق و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء ﻧﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺴﺎﺑﻖ ارﺷﺎت ﻛﺮدﻢ اﻦ ﺷﻐﻞ از اﻣﻮر ﻣﻬﻤﻪ و ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﻣﻌﻈﻤﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﭼﻪ ﻧﻔﺲ ﭼﻨﺪﻦ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣﺮدم ﺑ‪B‬ﭽﺎره را ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﺎ ﻛﺮده ﻛﺎر و‬ ‫ﻧﺎﺑﻜﺎر دادن ﻣﻨﺸﺎء ﺳﺨﻂ ﭘﺮوردﮔﺎر ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و اﷲ‪ .‬اﻋ‪B‬ﺎن دوﻟﺖ و ﻛﺎرﮔﺬاران‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ ء ﻣﻌﺎرف و اﻋ‪B‬ﺎن را ﻻزم اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ در ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺧﺎﺻﻪ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ اﺸﺎن ﻧﮕﺎه ﻛﻨﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ روزﮔﺎر ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ ء ﺧﻮد ]‪[50‬‬ ‫را در ﭼﻪ ﺻﺮف ﻛﺮده و زﻣﺎن ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﭼﻮن ﻣﻨﻔﺮد و ﻣﺘﺮوك ﺑﺎﻟﻄﺒﻊ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﻫﻤﺘﺶ و ﺣﺮﻓﺶ ﺑﭽﻪ ﻣﺮﺟﻮﻋﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻫﺮﮔﺎه روزﮔﺎر ﻋﺰﺰ و‬ ‫زﻧﺪﮔ> ﮔﺮاﻧﻤﺎﻪ ء ﺧﻮد را در ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻔﺢ ﻛﺘﺐ و ﻧﻮﺷﺘﺠﺎت اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﺑﺰرﮔﻮار از‬ ‫ﺳﻠﻒ و ﺧﻠﻒ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮده و ﭼﻮن ﺣﺎل ﻓﺮاﻏﺘ> ﭘ‪B‬ﺪا ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ از ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ء‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻛﺎر‪ X‬ﻧﺪارد‪ ،‬در ﻧﺰد او ﻧ‪B‬ﻜ> ﮔﻤﺎن ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬و ﻫﺮ ﮔﺎه روزﮔﺎر ﺧﻮد‬ ‫را ﺑﺠﺰ آﻧﭽﻪ ذﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺻﺮف و ﺿﺎﻊ ﻧﻤﻮده وﭼﻮن او را ﺑﺤﺎل ﺧﻮد‬ ‫ﮔﺬارﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺷﻐﺎل دﮕﺮ ﭘﺮدازد‪ ،‬ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ اﮔﺮ ﺷﺮاب ﻛﺸﺪ وﻗﻤﺎر ﺑﺎزد‬ ‫اﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻧﻔﻌ> ﻧﺰد او ﮔﻤﺎن ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬و ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻧﮕﺎه ﻛﺮد در ﺣﺎل ﻛﺴﺎﻧ> ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ در ّ‬ ‫ﺗﺼﻔﺢ ﻛﺘﺐ و ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ رﺳﺎﻞ اﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺮده اﻧﺪ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺪار‬ ‫ذﻫﻦ و ﻫﻮش و ﻓﻄﻨﺖ و ﺳﺮﻋﺖ اﻧﺘﻘﺎل آﻧﻬﺎ در ﭼﻪ ﭘﺎﻪ اﺳﺖ واو را‬ ‫در ادراك ﻋﻠﻮم ﻋﻘﻠ‪ّB‬ﻪ و درﺎﻓﺖ ﻓﻨﻮن ﻧﻈﺮّﻪ ﭼﻪ ﻣﺎﻪ‪ .‬ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ ﻗ‪B‬ﺎﺳﺎت‬ ‫را ﺑﺮ ﭼﻪ اﺳﺎس ﻧﻬﺎده و ﺗﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ اﻗﺘﺒﺎﺳﺎت را از ﭼﻪ ﻣﻘ‪B‬ﺎس ﮔﺸﺎده‪ .‬اﮔﺮ‬ ‫در او ﻗﻮه ء ﺣﻞ وﻋﻘﺪ ]‪ [51‬و ر ّد و ﻧﻘﺪ و ﻣﻠﻜﻪ ء ﻛﺸﻒ ﻣﻌﻀﻼت و‬ ‫رﺷﻒ ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻻت ﺑ‪B‬ﻨﻨﺪ‪ ،‬از ﮔﻤﺎن ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ ﺑﺎﻻﺗﺮ روﻧﺪ و ﻧ‪B‬ﻚ و ﺧﻮب ﻧﺰد او‬ ‫ﻘ‪B‬ﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪ .‬و اﮔﺮ ﺑﺎ وﺻﻒ ﺻﺮف ﻋﻤﺮ ذﻫﻨﺶ را ﺑﻠ‪B‬ﺪ ﺎﺑﻨﺪ ﻛﺎرش ﭘﻠ‪B‬ﺪ‬ ‫داﻧﻨﺪ و از آن رو‪ X‬ﺑﺮﺗﺎﺑﻨﺪ‪ .‬و ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﺑﺎ وﺻﻒ ﺻﺮف ﻋﻤﺮ در ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﺎت‬ ‫و ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﺎت و اﺗﻘﺎن ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ و ﺗﻮﻗﺪ و ذﻛﺎوت و ﻫﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺎر‪ X‬ﺑﺎﺪ دﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎ‬ ‫اﺳﺎﺗ‪B‬ﺪ‪ 30‬ﺑﺰرﮔﻮار ﻣﺠﺎﻟﺴﺖ ﻧﻤﻮده وراه ﻣﻄﺒﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺸﺤﻮن ﺑﺎ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران و‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺎت را ﺑﭽﻪ ﭘ‪B‬ﻤﻮده و از ﻫﺮ ﮔﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ ﭼﻨﺪﻦ ﺗﻦ در دﺳﺖ‬ ‫او ﻓﺮﺳﻮده و آﺳﻮده‪ ،‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﺑﺴ> ازﻦ ﺳﻮ‪ X‬ﺑﺪان ﺳﻮ‪ X‬ﮔﺮداﻧﺪه و‬ ‫آﺖ و ﻧﻘﻠﺒﻬﻢ ذات اﻟ‪B‬ﻤ‪B‬ﻦ و ذات اﻟﺸﻤﺎل ﻫﻤﻪ روزه ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه‪ ،‬ﻫﻤﻪ ﭼ‪B‬ﺰ‬ ‫‪30‬‬

‫در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ‪ :‬اﺳﺘﺎدﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻧﺰد او داﻧﻨﺪ و ﻛﻞ اﻟﺼ‪B‬ﺪ ﻓ> ﺟﻮف اﻟﻔﺮ‪ X‬ﺧﻮاﻧﻨﺪ‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﺪ ﺑﺎ اﻦ ﺳﻪ‬ ‫وﺻﻒ ﻛﻪ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ اوﺻﺎف ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ اﺳﺖ‪ ،‬ﺻﻔﺖ ﺧﺪا‪ X‬ﺗﺮﺳ> داﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ دل ﻧﺎزﻛﺶ ﺑﺎ ﺣﻮال ﺣ‪B‬ﻮاﻧﺎت ﺳﻮزد ﺗﺎ ﻣﻠﻬﻢ ﻏ‪B‬ﺒ> ]‪ [52‬ﺑﺎ‬ ‫ﻫﻤﻪ ء ﻋﻠﻤﺶ ﻋﻠﻢ ﻻرﺒﻰ آﻣﻮزد‪ .‬وآﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑﻬﺮ روزﮔﺎر‪ X‬ﻜ> دو‬ ‫ﺗﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ اﮔﺮ ﺟﺎﻣﻊ اﻦ ﻓﻀﺎﻞ ﻣﻮﺟﻮد ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﻀﺮورت ﻣﻤﺎرس‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ از ﻏ‪B‬ﺮ ﻣﻤﺎرس ﺑﻬﺘﺮ و ﻫﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺎر رﺷ‪B‬ﺪ از ﻧﺎدان ﭘﻠ‪B‬ﺪ ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮﺗﺮ و ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺧﺮدﻣﻨﺪ ﻫﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺎر‪ ،‬ﻣﺘﺘﺒﻊ ﻛﺘﺐ اﻃﺒّﺎ‪ X‬روزﮔﺎر ﺑﺎﺷﺪ از دﮕﺮان‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺘﺮ اﺳﺖ اﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ در ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ و ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر ﻛﻢ ﻛﺎر‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣﻰ و اﻣ> و ﺑﻠ‪B‬ﺪ و ذﻣ> اﻋﺘﻤﺎد را ﻧﺸﺎﻨﺪ‪ 31.‬و ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮن ﻛﺮدار وﮔﻔﺘﺎر ﭘ‪B‬ﺸ‪B‬ﻨ‪B‬ﺎن در ﻧﻔﺴ> ﻣﻨﺘﻘﺶ ﻧﺸﻮد‪ ،‬از ﻛﻮﺷﺶ ﻜﺘﻦ‬ ‫ﻋﺎﻣﻰ ﺑﻠ‪B‬ﺪ ﭼﻪ ﺧ‪B‬ﺰد؟ و ﺎ ﻛﺴ> ﻛﻪ روزﮔﺎرش را ﺑﻬﺮزه ﮔﺮى و ﺎ ﻟﻬﻮ‬ ‫ﻟﻌﺐ ﮔﺬارﻧﺪه ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ ﭼ‪B‬ﺰ اﻧﮕ‪B‬ﺰد؟ و اﻟﺒﺘﻪ اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﺎ اﻫﻞ را ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺘﺮﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﻛﻢ ﻧﺘﻮان ﻛﺮدن ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﺮ ﻧﻔﻮس ﻛﺜ‪B‬ﺮه و ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﻧﻔﺴ> ﻛﻪ ﺗﻨﻬﺎ ﺣ‪B‬ﺎﺗﺶ ﺳﺒﺐ ﺣ‪B‬ﺎت ﻋﺎﻟﻤ> ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ازاﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺑﻮدن‬ ‫ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﻋﻠ> درﺟﻪ ﺻﻔﺎت ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ> ﺣﻀﻮر ﻣﻌﺪﻟﺖ ﻇﻬﻮر ّ‬ ‫از ﺷﺮوط ﻣﻘﺒﻮﻟﻪ ء دوﻟﺘﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫]‪ [53‬اﻛﻨﻮن آﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺮ اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻻزﻣﺴﺖ ﻧﮕﺎرش ﻣ> ﺎﺑﺪ‪ .‬ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﻌﺪ از آﻧﻜﻪ ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺼﻔﺎت ﻣﺮﻗﻮﻣﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬او ﺧﻮد ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ‬ ‫را ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﺪ ﻟﻜﻦ در اﻨﺠﺎ ﺟﻬﺖ ﺗﺬﻛﺮه ذﻛﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ>‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺪ ﺑﺸﻜﺮاﻧﻪ ء ﻋﻠﻤ> ﻛﻪ اﺰد ﺗﺒﺎرك و ﺗﻌﺎﻟ> ﺑﺪو داده و ﺑﻤﻨّﺖ ﻧﻌﻤﺘ>‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ازﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺷﺎﻫﻨﺸﺎه ﺑﺪو‪ 32‬اﻓﺎﺿﻪ ﺷﺪه ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه از ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﻧﻈﺎم‬ ‫ﺧﺎﺻﻪ آﻧﭽﻪ داﺧﻞ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺷﺪه ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ دراﻧﺪك ﺗﻬﺎون ﻧﻘﺼﺎن‬ ‫ﺟﺎن ﻣﺤﺘﻤﻞ اﺳﺖ وآﻪ ء وﻣﻦ ُﻘﺘُﻞ ﻣﺆﻣﻨﺎ ﻣﺘﻌﻤﺪ اﻟﺠﺰاﺋﻪ ﺟﻬﻨﻢ ﺑﺤﺎل او‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺪ درﻏﺎﺖ ﺗ‪B‬ﻘﻆ و ﺑ‪B‬ﺪارى و ﻧﻬﺎﺖ ﺗﻮﻗﺪ و ﻫﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺎر‪X‬‬ ‫ﻟﻮازم ﻋﻼج را ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آورد‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 31‬در ﻓﺎرﺳ> ﻣﺪرن اﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺎﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪" :‬ﭼﻪ ﻋﺎﻣ> و اﻣ> و ﺑﻠ‪B‬ﺪ‬ ‫را اﻋﺘﻤﺎد ﻧﺸﺎﺪ"‬ ‫‪ 32‬در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "ﺑﺮ او" ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬

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‫ﺟﺮاح ﺑﻘﺪر ﻣﻘﺪور از آﻧﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻣﺮدم ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ آرد و‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ اول‪ :‬ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ و ّ‬ ‫در ﺻﻮرت ﻋﺪم اﻣﻜﺎن از ﺻﺎﺣﺒﺎن ﻋﻠﻢ و ﺧﺪاوﻧﺪان ذﻛﺎوت ﺟﻤﻊ ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺧﻮد ﺗﻮاﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪك ﻣﺪت اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ اﺷﺨﺎص را ﺑﺪﻟﺨﻮاه ﺗﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دوم‪ :‬از ﻛﺎر ]‪ [54‬دوا و ﻏﺬا ﺑﻬ‪B‬ﭽﻮﻗﺖ ذﻫﻮل ﻧﻜﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪون اﻧﺘﻈﺎم آﻧﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﺳﻌ‪B‬ﻬﺎ ﻫﺪر اﺳﺖ وﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ﻋﻠﻤﻬﺎ ﺑ> ﺛﻤﺮ و ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً در اﻣﺮدوا ﻛﻪ‬ ‫درﻧﻘﺼﺎن وﻓﺴﺎد آن ﺧﻄﺮ ﺑ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬واﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ دواﺳﺎز ﻧﺒﺎﺪ آدم ﺑ‪B‬ﺪﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺪ در ﻋﻠﻢ و داﻧﺶ و ادراك و ﻫﻮش واﻣﺎﻧﺖ ﻧﺰدﻚ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﺑﺂﻧﭽﻪ در اوﺻﺎف رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﺬﻛﻮر ﺷﺪ و ﺑﺎﺪ ﻫﺮ دو ﺑﺎ ﻫﻢ ﺟﻠ‪B‬ﺲ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﻄﺮ ازﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﺑﺮﺧ‪B‬ﺰد وﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﺨﺎﻃﺮه ﻧﺎﻧﮕ‪B‬ﺰد‪ .‬و اﻨﺠﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ دراﻣﺮ دوا ﻧﮕﺎرش ﺎﻓﺖ در ﻛﺎر ﻏﺬا ﻫﻢ ﺟﺎر‪ X‬اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ :‬ﭼﻮن اﺟﺰا و ارﻛﺎن ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ را ﺑﺪﻟﺨﻮاه ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺳﺎﺧﺖ و از‬ ‫ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﺳﭙﻬﺴﺎﻻر ﻟﺸﻜﺮ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﺂﻣﺪن ﻣﺮﺾ ﺷﺪ و ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮﻧﻰ ﻛﻪ درﺑ‪B‬ﺎن‬ ‫ﻋﻼﺣ ّﺪه ﺑﺮاى آوردن ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر ﻣﺮﻗﻮم ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻣﺮﺾ ﺑﻪ ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن داﺧﻞ‬ ‫ﮔﺮدﺪ و در ﻣﺤﻞ ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ از ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ ﻣﺮض وﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﻣﻨﺰل ﻧﮕﺎه‬ ‫داﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪ‪ 33‬ﺑﺎﺪ ﺑﺒﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻦ ﺳﺮ ]‪ [55‬ﻣﺮﺾ ﺧﻮد ﺑﻨﻔﺴﻪ ﺑﺎ اﻃﺒﺎ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ‬ ‫آﻣﺪه ﺑﺪﻗﺖ در اﺣﻮال و ﻋﻼﻣﺎت و اﻋﺮاض و دﻻﻻت ﻣﺮض او ﻧﻈﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﻨﺪ و ﻣﻮاﻓﻖ ﺣﺪت وازﻣﺎن وﺳﻬﻠﻰ وﺻﻌﺒﻰ و ﺗﻤﺎﺰ و ﺗﺸﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺮض‬ ‫ﻃﺮﻖ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﭘ‪B‬ﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪34.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮاﺣ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ :‬ﭼﻮن ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬را ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻛﺮد‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮﻛﺲ از اﻃﺒﺎ و ّ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣﻮاﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻋﺪه ء ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﭙﺮدﻧﻰ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺴﭙﺎرد ﺗﺎ او ﺑﺎﻗﺘﻀﺎ‪ X‬ﻗﺎﻧﻮن‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر را ﺑﻤﺤﻠّ> ﻛﻪ ﺳﺰاوار اوﺳﺖ ﻧﻘﻞ دﻫﺪ و ﺑﺸﻤﺎره در‬ ‫ﺳﺮﺟﺎ‪ X‬ﺧﻮد ﺧﻮاﺑ‪B‬ﺪن ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﻫ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه اﻣﺮاض ﻣﻌﺪﻪ وﻣﺴﺮّﻪ و واﻓﺪه را ﺑﺎ ﺳﺎﺮ اﻣﺮاض‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻚ اوﻃﺎق ﻣﻨﺰل ﻧﺪﻫﺪ و ﻫﻤﭽﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﻟﺒﺎس ورﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران‬ ‫را ﺑﻤﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬دﮕﺮ ﻧﭙﻮﺷﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺿﺎﺋ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﻣﺄﻮس اﻟﻌﻼج ﮔﺮدﻧﺪ ﻣﻨﺰل ﺟﺪاﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫‪33‬‬ ‫‪34‬‬

‫"ﻧﮕﺎه داﺷﺘﺸﺪ" و "ﻧﮕﺎه داﺷﺘﻨﺪ" ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫"ﭘ‪B‬ﻤﺎﺪ" ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﺗﺎ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران از ﺣﺎﻟﺖ ﻣﺘﻮﻓ> ﺑ‪B‬ﺨﺒﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ اﺳﺘ‪B‬ﻼ‪ X‬وﻫﻢ ﺑﺮﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر از‬ ‫اﺳﺒﺎب ﺗﺰاﺪ ﻣﺮض ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب ]‪ [56‬ﻣﺘﻮﻓ> را ﺑﻌﺪ ازﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻒ‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ روز ﺑﻬﻮا دادن ﻻزم داﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬در ّ‬ ‫اول ﻫﺮ ﻫﻔﺘﻪ ﻜﺒﺎر ﺑﺘﺒﺪﻞ ﻟﺒﺎس ﻣﺮﺾ ﺣﻜﻢ ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ :‬در ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻣﺎه ﻜﺒﺎر ﺑﺰدن دﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﻬﻢ‪ :‬ﺷﻤﺎره‪ ،‬اﺳﻢ و رﺳﻢ و ﺳﻦ وﻓﺼﻞ و ﺑﻠﺪ و ﻣﺰاج و ﻣﺮض و‬ ‫اﺳﺒﺎب و ﻋﻼﻣﺎت و اﻋﺮاض ﻣﺮﺿﻰ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر را ﺿﺒﻂ دﻫﺪ و دوا ]و[‬ ‫ﻏﺬا را روز ﺑﺮوز ﺑﺎ ﺗﺒﺪﻞ ﻋﻼﻣﺎت و دﻻﻻت‪ 35‬و ﺳﺎﺮ ﺣﺎﻻت ﺑﻨﮕﺎرد‬ ‫و ﺑﺪﻦ آﺋ‪B‬ﻦ ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﻫﻤﮕﺎﻧﺮا ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪارد و ﻫﻤﻪ روزه ﺑﺪﻦ ﻧﺴﻖ ﺳﺮﻛﺸ>‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ از ﻓﺮاغ ﺑﺴﺮ دوا‪ X‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران رود و دوا‪ X‬ﻫﺮ ﻚ از آﻧﻬﺎ را‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر اﻣ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﺴﭙﺎرد و اﻛﺜﺮ دواﻫﺎ در ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺧﻮد و ﺎ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> و ﺎ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ اﻣﺮاض دادن ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ از ﻗﺴﻤﺖ دوا ﺑﻐﺬا‪ X‬ﻣﺮض رﺳ‪B‬ﺪن ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دوازدﻫﻢ‪ :‬ﺑﺎﺪ ﺑﻌﻀ> روزﻫﺎ ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> ﻣﻄﻤﺌﻦ ﻧﺸﺪه ﺧﻮد ﺑﻨﺎﮔﺎه‬ ‫در ﺳﺮ ﻏﺬا ﺣﺎﺿﺮ آﻣﺪه ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪ‪ X‬و ﻧ‪B‬ﻜ> اﻣﻮر ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﻬﺮ ﺣﺎل ﺑﺮ او‬ ‫ﻋﺎﺪ و ﺑﺪ ﻧﺎﻣﻰ و ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻨﺎﻣﻰ ]‪ [57‬ﺑﻬﺮه ء او ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮدن‪.‬‬ ‫در ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ و اوﺻﺎف و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻣﺮﺗّﺐ ﺑﺴﻪ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ از ﻗﻮاﻧ‪B‬ﻦ ﺻﺤ‪B‬ﺢ ﻣﻌﻘﻮل اﺳﺖ و‬ ‫درﺿﺒﻂ ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻋﻼج ﺑﺎ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء اﺻﻮل دﮕﺮ ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ آن ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ‬ ‫دول ﻣﻘﺒﻮل‪.‬‬ ‫ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ اول اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ وﻫﺮﭼﻪ در اوﺻﺎف رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻋﺮض ﺷﺪه در ﺧﺼﻮص ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻاﻗﻞ آن‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺎدر ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ اﻣﺮاض و ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ ء اﻋﺮاض و اﻦ ﮔﺎﻫ>‬ ‫ﻣﻤﻜﻦ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻓﻨﻮن ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻪ ء ﻃﺐ را ﺑﺘﺤﻘ‪B‬ﻖ از رو‪ X‬ﻛﺘﺎﺑ> ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻞ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن و ﻛﺎﻣﻞ اﻟﺼﻨﺎﻋﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻧﻤﻮده ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬وﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ ﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻃﺐ‬ ‫‪35‬‬

‫در اﺻﻞ دﻻت ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه‪.‬‬

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‫ﺑﻬﻤﻪ زﺑﺎن ﻣ‪B‬ﺴﺮ اﺳﺖ ﻟﻜﻦ آن ﻧﻜﺎت دﻗ‪B‬ﻘﻪ ووﺳﻮﻗﺎت اﻧ‪B‬ﻘﻪ و ﻋﺒﺎرات‬ ‫رﺷ‪B‬ﻘﻪ ﻛﻪ درﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﺮﺑ‪B‬ﻪ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ اﺳﺖ ﺑﺮ ادراك و ذﻛﺎوت و ﻫﻮﺷ‪B‬ﺎر‪X‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻓﺰاﺪ ]‪ [58‬و ﻃﺐ ﻓﺎرﺳ> ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ داﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪان ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺳﺎﻗﻂ‬ ‫وﻫﺎﺑﻂ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬و از اﻨﺠﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺣﻨ‪B‬ﻦ اﺑﻦ اﺳﺤﻖ‪ 36،‬ﻛﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻓﻦ را از‬ ‫ﻟﻄ‪B‬ﻨ> وﻮﻧﺎﻧ> و ﻋﺒﺮاﻧ> و ﻛﻠﺪاﻧ> و ﻗﺒﻄ> و ﺳﺎﺮ زﺑﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﻌﺮﺑ> ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻛﺮد‪ ،‬ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ﺣﻜﻤﺎ ﺟﻠ‪B‬ﻞ اﻟﻘﺪر اﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻠّﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺰﺑﻮره در اﺻﻞ‬ ‫زﺑﺎن ﺑﺮاﻦ ﻣﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﻧﻜﺎت ودﻗﺎﻖ ﻧﺒﻮده‪ .‬وﻟﻜﻦ ﺛﺎﺑﺖ اﺑﻦ ﻗﺮه ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺰﺑﻮر را ﺑﺎ ﻛﺘﺐ ﻣﺘﺮﺟﻤﻪ ء ﺣﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﻔﺎرﺳ> ﻧﻘﻞ ﻛﺮده ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ اﻓﺎﺿﻞ‬ ‫ﺳﻔﻠﻪ و ﺳﺎﻗﻂ اﺳﺖ از آﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ ﻋﺪم ﻛﻔﺎﺖ زﺑﺎن ﺑﻌﻀ> از ﻧﻜﺎت ﺗﺮك‬ ‫ﺷﺪه و ﺣﺎل آﻧﻜﻪ از اﻓﺎﺿﻞ ﺑﻮده‪ .‬و ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ داﻧﺸﻤﻨﺪان ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮ ﺷﻨﺎﺳﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺘﺐ ﻋﺮﺑ‪B‬ﻪ ﺑﺮ ذﻫﻦ وذﻛﺎء ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑ‪B‬ﻔﺰاﺪ و اﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﻰ ﺳﻮادان اﻦ‬ ‫ﺳﺨﻦ از ﻣﻦ ﻧﭙﺬﺮﻧﺪ‪ ،‬و اﻟﺒﺘﻪ ﻛﺴﻰ ﻛﻪ ﻗﻮه ﻣﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﻧﺪاﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻧﺨﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ دوم ﻣﺪاوى اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ آﻧﻬﻢ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻓﻨﻮن ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻪ را ﺑﺪرس در‬ ‫ﻧﻈﺮ ﮔﺬراﻧﺪه و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻨﻮز ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﻔﺮﻗﻪ اﻣﺮاض و ﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ]‪ [59‬اﻋﺮاض‬ ‫ﻧﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪه وﭼﻮن ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﺗﺸﺨ‪B‬ﺺ ﻣﺮض ﻛﻨﺪ و ﺳﺮرﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ آن ﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫در اﺟﺮا‪ X‬ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﻗﻮم ﻣﻘﺘﺪر و ﺑﺎ ﺑﺼ‪B‬ﺮت ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ ﻣﻌﺎون اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ در ﻓﻨﻮن ﭘﻨﺠﮕﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ء درﺳﺖ ﻧﺪارد‬ ‫و ﻟﻜﻦ درﺗﺮﺻﺪ‪ 37‬آﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻗﺪم ﺑﺪان ﻣﻘﺎم ﮔﺬارد ﻛﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺘﻮاﻧﺪ واﺳﻄﻪ ء‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﻋﺮض اﻗﻮال و اﺣﻮال ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ و ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر ﺷﻮد‪ .‬و اﺻﻞ ﻣﻘﺼﻮد‬ ‫از اﻦ ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ آﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ‪ ،‬ﻛﻪ ﻣﻘﺘﺪر ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺘﻔﺮﻗﻪ وﺗﻌﺮﻓﻪ ء‬ ‫ﻋﻠﻞ‪ ،‬اﻣﺮوز در ﻣﻤﺎﻟﻚ اﺮان ﻛﻢ و اﮔﺮ راﺳﺖ ﺧﻮاﻫ> ﻛﺎﻟﻌﺪﻣﺴﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻟﻬﺬا اﮔﺮ اﻦ ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﺷﻮد اﻛﺜﺮ آﻧﻜﻪ در ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺧﻄﺎ ﻛﻤﺘﺮ اﻓﺘﺪ‬ ‫و ﻧﻔﻊ دﮕﺮ از اﻦ ﺑﻬﺘﺮ آﻧﻜﻪ اﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﻜﺴﺐ ﻫﻨﺮ ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺑﻤﻘﺎم ﺗﻜﻤ‪B‬ﻞ‬ ‫‪ 36‬در اﺻﻞ ﺣﻨ‪B‬ﻦ اﺳﺤﻖ آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ُﺮﺻﺪ اﺳﺖ اﺷﺘﺒﺎه اﺳﺖ و اﮔﺮ ﺑﻔﺘﺢ‬ ‫‪ 37‬در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﻣﺮﺻﺪ آورده ﺷﺪه ‪t‬ﻪ اﮔﺮ ﻣ ّ‬ ‫اول و ﺳ‪x‬ﻮن دوم اﺳﺖ ‪t‬ﻪ در اﻦ ﺻﻮرت اﻦ اﺻﻄﻼح از ﻧﻈﺮ دﺳﺘﻮر‪ X‬درﺳﺖ‬ ‫وﻟ> ﻗﺪﻤ> اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫رﺳﻨﺪ و ﺑﻌﺪ ازﻣﺪﺗ> در ﻓﻀ‪B‬ﻠﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ و ﻣﺪاو‪ X‬و ﻣﻌﺎون ﻓﺮﻗ>‬ ‫ﻧﻤ> ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن آﻧﻜﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ زود ﺑﺪآﻧﺠﺎﮕﺎه ﺣﺎﺿﺮ آﻨﺪ و ﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﻛﺲ را از آﻧﻬﺎ ﻛﻪ ﺷﻐﻞ ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ اﺳﺖ ]‪ [60‬ﻣﺸﻐﻮل اﻧﺠﺎم ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫اول‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ﻛﻪ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ ﺑﺪو ﺳﭙﺮده اﻧﺪ ﺑﺎﺪ ﺻﺒﺢ زود‬ ‫ﺑﺴﺮ ﺑﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻦ او ﺣﺎﺿﺮ آﺪ‪ .‬دوم‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‪ 38‬رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ در اﺟﺮاء آن‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح و ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﻫﻢ ﺑﻤﺮﺿﺎﺋ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺸﺎن‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻤﻮم ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻣﺨﺘﺎر اﺳﺖ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ و ّ‬ ‫ﺳﭙﺮده اﻧﺪ در آن اﻣﺮ ﻣﺨﺘﺎرﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﻀ‪B‬ﻜﻪ‪ 39‬ﺑﺎﺸﺎن ﺳﭙﺮده ﺷﺪه‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ زود دوا و ﻏﺬا‪ X‬آن را ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ ﻣﮕﺮ آﻧﻜﻪ در ﺳ‪B‬ﺮ ﻣﺮض‬ ‫ﻋﺮﺿ> اﺗﻔﺎق اﻓﺘﺎده ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻣﺘﻮﻗﻊ ﻧﺒﻮده از اﻧﺘﻘﺎﻻﺗ> ﻛﻪ اﻛﺜﺮ اﺗﻔﺎق‬ ‫ﻣ> اﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ در اﻨﺼﻮرت اﻃﻼع رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ را ﻻزم داﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪،‬‬ ‫اﻋﺮاض ﻣﺮﺿ‪B‬ﻪ را در ﺳ‪B‬ﺮ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن دﺪﻧﺪ ﭼﻮن‪ 40،‬دوا‬ ‫و ﻏﺬا‪ X‬آﻧﺮا ﺑﺘﺠﻮﺰ‪ 41‬ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﺮوزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺿﺒﻂ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ و ﺻﻮرت دوا و‬ ‫ﻏﺬا را ﺑﻠﻮﺣﻪ ء ﺷﻤﺎره ﺑﺎ ﻋﻮارض ﻣﺮﺿ‪B‬ﻪ ﻛﻪ در آن روزﺑﻬﻤﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪه ﻧﻘﻞ‬ ‫ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ و ﻫﺮﮔﺎه درﺟﺎﺋ> ﺗﺮدﺪ رأ‪ X‬ﺑﻬﻤﺮﺳﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎ اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬دﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﻮرت‬ ‫]‪ [61‬و ﻟﻮﺣﻪ را ﭼﻨﺎن واﺿﺢ ﺑﻨﻮﺴﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ از اﻃﺒﺎ ﺑﺪآﻧﺠﺎ ﮔﺬرد‬ ‫ﺑﺪون آﻧﻜﻪ ﺳﺆاﻟ> ﻧﻤﺎﺪ ﺣﻘ‪B‬ﻘﺖ ﻣﺮض وﺗﻔﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻋﻼج را ﻣﺸﺨﺺ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ از ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ دوا وﻏﺬا روزﻧﺎﻧﻪ ء ﻏﺬا را ﺑﻨﺎﻇﺮو روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ء دوا‬ ‫را ﺑﺪواﺳﺎز دﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ از ﻗﺮار دﺳﺘﻮراﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﺑﺤﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺮدن دوا و ﻏﺬا‬ ‫ﻣﺒﺎدرت ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ء دﺳﺘﻮراﻟﻌﻤﻞ ﻮﻣ‪B‬ﻪ ء ﺧﻮد را ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> ﺣﺎﻟ> ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻮن از آﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﻓﺎرغ ﺷﺪ و در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﮔﻤﺎن‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ دﮕﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺘﻮاﻧﺪ رﻓﺘﻦ ﺧﻮد را ﺑﺮﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ و ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ>‬ ‫‪ 38‬ﻋﺒﺎرت "ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ" ﺑﺎﺪ "ﻫﺮﭼﻪ" ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﺎ‪" X‬ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮر‪t‬ﻪ"‪ .‬در ﭘﺎﺎن‬ ‫‪ 64‬ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ "ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ" ﺑ‪x‬ﺎر رﻓﺘﻪ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻇﺎﻫﺮاً "ﻫﺮﭼﻨﺪ" در ﻓﺎرﺳ> ﻗﺪﻢ ﺑﻤﻌﻨﺎ‪ X‬ﻫﺮﭼﻪ‬ ‫و ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻄﻮر ‪t‬ﻪ ﺑﻮده اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 39‬ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺿ‪xB‬ﻪ آورده ﺷﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 40‬در ﭘﺎرﺳ> ﺟﺪﺪ اﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺒﺎﺴﺖ ﺑﺪﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ :‬ﭼﻮن اﻋﺮاض ﻣﺮﺿ‪B‬ﻪ‬ ‫را در ﺳ‪B‬ﺮ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﻣﻄﺎﺑﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن دﺪﻧﺪ‪ ،‬دوا و ﻏﺬا‪...X‬‬ ‫‪ 41‬در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺘﺠﻮز آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ء‬

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‫ﺟﺮاح و دواﺳﺎز‬ ‫رﺳﺎﻧﺪه ﭘ> دﮕﺮ ﻣﺸﺎﻏﻞ ﺑﺮود‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ و ّ‬ ‫ﻧﻮﺑﺘ>‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ در ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ذﻛﺮ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ ﻫﺮ روز ﺑﻨﻮﺑﺖ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح و ﻚ ﻧﻔﺮ دواﺳﺎز ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﻗﺎﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻜﻨﻔﺮ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ و ﻜﻨﻔﺮ ّ‬ ‫و ﺗﺒﺪﻞ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﺳﺤﺮ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮد واﺸﺎن ﻣﺎذون ﻧﺒﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺎ‪ X‬از‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون ﮔﺬارﻧﺪ ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺗﺎ وﻗﺖ ﻧﻮﺑﺖ ﻣﻼزم ﻣﻨﺰل ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬و ﻏﺬا‪X‬‬ ‫]‪ [62‬ﺷﺎم و ﻧﻬﺎر و ﺳﺎﺮ ﻣﺎﺤﺘﺎج از آﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ء ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺑﺎﻧﺪازه ء‬ ‫ﻏﺬا‪ X‬ﺻﺎﺣﺒﻤﻨﺼﺒﺎن داده ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻣﻨﺎﻓﻊ ﺑﻮدن اﻨﻬﺎ در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن آﺷﻜﺎر و ﺑﺴ‪B‬ﺎر اﺳﺖ از آﻧﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﮔﺎﻫ>‬ ‫ﻋﻮارض ﻣﺮﺿ‪B‬ﻪ ﭼﻨﺎن ﺳﺨﺖ ﻣ> آﺪ ﻛﻪ اﮔﺮ ﻓﻮر‪ X‬ﺗﺪارك ﻧﺸﻮد ﺑﻌﺪ‬ ‫ازﺳﺎﻋﺘ> ﻓﺎﺪه ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻀ> ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران را ﺣﺎﻟﺖ آﻣﺪن ﺑﻮﻗﺖ‬ ‫ﺻﺒﺢ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻮد؛ در ﻇﻬﺮ و ﻋﺼﺮ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺂﻨﺪ و ﮔﺎﻫ>‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮض ﺻﻌﺐ ﺣﺎد اﺗﻔﺎق ﻣ> اﻓﺘﺪ ﻛﻪ در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن آن ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﻘﻞ ﻣ‪B‬ﻜﻨﻨﺪ و اﻨﺠﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﻮدن ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ را ﻻزم دارد‪.‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮاﺣﺎن ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫در اوﺻﺎف و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح ﻗﺎﺑﻞ اﻟﺰم ﻟﻮازم ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ودراﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫در اوﻗﺎت ﺣﻮادث ﺟﻨﮓ وﺟﻮد ّ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاﺣﺒﺎﺷ> ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ .‬و ﭼﻮن در‬ ‫ﺷﺮﺣ> از اوﺻﺎف و اﺧﻼق ّ‬ ‫اوﺻﺎف ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ> ﺗﻔﺼ‪B‬ﻠ> رﻓﺘﻪ اﻨﺠﺎ ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﻋﺮض ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ]‪ [63‬ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح ﺑﺎﺷ> ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎوﺻﺎﻓ> ﻛﻪ در ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ> ﻣﺬﻛﻮر‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫ﺷﺪ ﭼﻪ اﻨﺼﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﭘ‪B‬ﺪاﺳﺖ ﺟﺰو ﻓﻨﻮن ﻃﺒّ‪B‬ﻪ اﺳﺖ اﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﻓﻀﻞ‬ ‫و ﺳﻮاد و ﻫﻨﺮ در اﻨﺠﺎ ﺑﺪآن ﭘﺎﻪ ﻣﻌﺘﺒﺮ ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ و ﻟﻜﻦ اﻣﺎﻧﺖ و دﺎﻧﺖ‬ ‫و اﻃﻼع ﺑﺮ اﻋﻤﺎل ﮔﺬﺷﺘﮕﺎن و ﻗﺎﻧﻮن ﭘ‪B‬ﺸ‪B‬ﻨ‪B‬ﺎن اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻻزم اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﺮ ﺧﻮد را ﺑﻤﻄﺎﻟﻌﻪ و ﻣﺒﺎﺣﺜﻪ و ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﮔﺬراﻧﺪه ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎً در‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﻛﻪ در اﻋﻤﺎل ﺪ ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ﺷﺮط ﺑﺰرگ اﺳﺖ وﻋﻤﺪه اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاﺣ> در اﻦ وﻻﺖ ﻣﺨﺘﻞ ﺗﺮ از ﻃﺒﺎﺑﺖ اﺳﺖ ﺑﻤﻮﺟﺐ‬ ‫اﻣﺮ و ﻛﺎر ّ‬ ‫آﻧﻜﻪ ﺧﺪاوﻧﺪان ﻓﻀﻞ و ﻫﻨﺮ داﻣﻦ ﺣﻜﻤﺖ ﺑﻠﻮث اﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﻧ‪B‬ﺎﻟﻮده‬ ‫اﻧﺪ وﺳﻔﻠﻪ و ﺟﻬﻠﻪ ﺑﺠﺎﻧﺐ آن ﻣ‪B‬ﻞ ﻛﺮده اﻧﺪ و ﺑﺪﻦ رو‪ X‬اﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﻗﻂ ﻣﺎﻧﺪه و اﻦ ﺧﻮد ﺟﺮﻤﻪ‪ 42‬ﺑﻘﺮاﻃﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ از او رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ اﻃﺒﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫‪42‬‬

‫اﻦ ‪t‬ﻠﻤﻪ درﺳﺖ ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﻧﺸﺪ‪ .‬ﻣ‪B‬ﺘﻮاﻧﺪ ﺟﺮﻣﻪ ﺎ ﺟﺮم ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻛﺤﺎﻟ> و دواﺳﺎز‪ X‬و او‬ ‫ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺟﺎﻣﻊ ﺑﻮد ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن ﻃﺐ‬ ‫ّ‬ ‫وﺟﺮاﺣ> و ّ‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺮاﻋﺎت ﺟﻼﻟﺖ ﻗﺪر‪ ،‬ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ از ﺷﺎﮔﺮدان ﺧﻮد ]‪ [64‬ﺑﺎﻨﻜﺎرﻫﺎ ﻧﺎﻣﺰد‬ ‫ﻛﺮد و ﺧﻮد ﻣﺘﺤﻤّﻞ اﻋﻤﺎل ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺰاﺟ‪ّB‬ﻪ ﮔﺮدﺪ‪ .‬و ﻫﺮ ﭼﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح ﺑﺪان ﭘﺎﻪ ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﭼﻪ اﻛﺜﺮ‬ ‫در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻬﺎ ﺑﺎوﻗﺎت ﺻﻠﺢ وﺟﻮد ّ‬ ‫‪43‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮوح و ﻗﺮوﺣ> ﻛﻪ ﺑﺤﺎﻟﺖ ﺻﻠﺢ ﺑﻬﻢ ﻣ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ ﻫﻤﻪ اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺰاﺟ‪ّB‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺤﺴﻮب ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺪ ﺑﺎﺻﻼح ﻣﺰاج ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﺷﻮد‪ ،‬و ﻟﻜﻦ ﺑﻌﻠّﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫ> اﻋﻤﺎل ﺪ ﻫﻢ اﺗﻔﺎق ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻓﺘﺪ‪ ،‬از ﻗﺒ‪B‬ﻞ ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون آوردن ﺳﻠﻌﻬﺎ وﺳﻨﮕﻬﺎ‬ ‫و ﺷﻜﺎﻓﺘﻦ وﺳﻮارخ ﻛﺮدن و ﺑﺰل و ﺑﺘﺮ وﺳﻞ‪ 44‬و ﺗﺸﻤ‪B‬ﺮ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﻻﻣﺤﺎﻟﻪ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاح ﺷﺎﺴﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺘﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ‪ 45‬اﻃﺒّﺎ‪،‬‬ ‫درﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺳﻠﻄﺎن وﺟﻮد ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ّ‬ ‫ﻜ> ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ و دوّﻤ> ﻣﺪاو‪ X‬و ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻤ> ﻣﻌﺎون ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ آﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺠﻤ‪B‬ﻊ‬ ‫اﻋﻤﺎل ﺪ ﻣﻘﺘﺪر ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ﻣﺪاو‪ X‬آﻧﻜﻪ در ﺑﻌﻀ> اﻋﻤﺎل ﺧﻮد ﺻﺎﺣﺐ‬ ‫ﻋﻤﻞ و در ﺑﻌﻀ> دﮕﺮ ﺷﺮﻚ ﺿﻌ‪B‬ﻒ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬واﻣﺎ ﻣﻌﺎون ﭘﺲ‬ ‫ﻛﺴ> ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺷﺴﺘﻦ و ﺑﺴﺘﻦ و ﻣﺮﻫﻢ ﻧﻬﺎدن زﺧﻤﻬﺎ ﺷﻐﻞ آن ﺑﺎﺷﺪ وﻫﺮ‬ ‫ﺟﺮاﺣ‪B‬ﻦ ]‪ [65‬اﺷﺎرت ﺷﺪ‪46.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻨﺪ در ذﻞ ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ اﻃﺒﺎ ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ ّ‬ ‫در اوﺻﺎف و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ دواﺳﺎزﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫در ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ اﻣﺮاض ﻣﺰاﺟ‪B‬ﻪ اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﻪ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ درﺳﺖ ﻛﺎر ﺑﺪﻬ> اﺳﺖ وﻟﻜﻦ‬ ‫اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﺪواﺳﺎز ﻛﻤﺘﺮ از ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ‪ .‬ﭘﺲ در ﻫﺮ ﻣﺮﺾ ﺧﺎﻧﻪ وﺟﻮد‬ ‫دو ﻃﺒﻘﻪ از اﺻﺤﺎب ﻃﺒﻘﺎت ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻻزم و در ﻛﺎر اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﻜ> ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﺑﺪان ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ ﻛﻪ ﻋﺮض ﺷﺪ و ﻜ> دواﺳﺎز ﻫﻢ ﺑﺮ ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣﺬﻛﻮر‪.‬‬ ‫اول دواﺳﺎزﻜﻪ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ ادوﻪ ء ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻠﻤﻪ ء ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺮا ﺑﻄﺒﻊ و ﺧﺎﺻ‪B‬ﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﺸﻨﺎﺳﺪ و ﻗﻮاﻧ‪B‬ﻦ اﺟﺘﺒﺎء‪ 47‬و اﻧﺘﺨﺎب و ﺗﺨﻔ‪B‬ﻒ و اﻧﺒﺎر ﻛﺮدن و ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪاﺷﺘﻦ‬ ‫‪ 43‬در اﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ "ﺑﻬﻤ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ" آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻧﮕﻠ‪B‬ﺴ> ﻣﺘﻦ رﺟﻮع ﺷﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 44‬در ﻣﻮرد ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻦ ﻋﺒﺎرات ﺑﻪ‬ ‫‪ 45‬ﺑﺘﺮﺑ‪B‬ﺖ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺷﺪه ‪t‬ﻪ اﺷﺘﺒﺎه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫‪ 46‬اﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﻧﺎﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺷﺎﺪ ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه را ﺑﺘﻮان اﻨﮕﻮﻧﻪ ﻋﺒﺎرت ‪t‬ﺮد‪:‬‬ ‫ﺟﺮاﺣ‪B‬ﻦ ﻫﻢ ﺻﺎدق اﺳﺖ‪".‬‬ ‫"ﻫﺮ آﻧﭽﻪ در ﻣﻮرد ﺗ‪x‬ﻠ‪B‬ﻒ اﻃﺒﺎ رﻓﺖ‪ ،‬در ﺑﺎره ّ‬ ‫‪ 47‬در اﺻﻞ ﻧﺴﺨﻪ اﺟﺘﻨﺎء آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﺮﺟﻤﻪ ء‬

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‫ادوﻪ ء ﻣﻔﺮده را آﮔﺎه ﺑﺎﺷﺪ و ﻗﻮاﻋﺪ ﺗﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ و ﺗﻤﺰﺞ و ﺗﺨﻠ‪B‬ﺺ را ﺑﺪرﺳﺘ>‬ ‫ادراك ﻛﻨﺪ وآﻧﭽﻪ در اﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ ﺑﻜﺎر آﺪ از ﻏﺴﻞ و ﺗﺼﻔ‪B‬ﻪ و ﺗﺮﺷ‪B‬ﺢ و‬ ‫ﺗﺠﺰﻪ و ]‪ [66‬ﺳﺤﻖ و ﺻﻼﻪ و ﺗﻘﺸ‪B‬ﺮ‪ 48‬وﺗﻠﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‪ 49‬و ﺗﻘﻄ‪B‬ﺮ وﺗﺬﻫ‪B‬ﺐ و‬ ‫ﻃﺒﺦ ﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻮ ﻣﺤﻜﻢ ﻛﺮده ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ﭼﻮن در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺳﻠﻄﺎﻧ> ﺑﻤﻼﺣﻈﻪ ء‬ ‫آب و ﻫﻮا‪ X‬داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ ﭼﻨﺪان از ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺎت ﻧﻮﻇﻬﻮر ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﻞ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫اﻣﺮوز ﺑﻌﻠﻢ ﺑﺠﻮﻫﺮ ﻛﺸ> و اﻣﺜﺎل آن ﭼﻨﺪان ﻣﺤﺘﺎج ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺘ‪B‬ﻢ و آﻧﭽﻪ را‬ ‫از ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺎت اﺳﺘﻌﻤﺎل ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﺳﻌ> درﺗﺤﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﺧﻮب آن ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ رﻓﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫و اﻣﺎﻧﺖ و دﺎﻧﺖ دواﺳﺎز اول از ﺟﻤﻠﻪ واﺟﺒﺎت اﺳﺖ و ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑﺪون‬ ‫دواﺳﺎز ﺑﻤﺜﺎﺑﻪ ﻜﺪﺳﺖ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺪا ﻧﺪارد ﺑﻠﻜﻪ ﺑﺪون دوا و دواﺳﺎز‬ ‫ﻓﺼﺎدﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﻧ‪B‬ﺸﺘﺮ ﻧﺪارد‪.‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮن ﺳﺮﺗﺮاﺷ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ اﺳﺘﺮه‪ 50‬ﻧﺪارد و ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ّ‬ ‫وﻫﺮﭼﻪ در اوﺻﺎف ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ اول ﮔﻔﺘﻪ اﻢ در ﺣﻖ دواﺳﺎز اول ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎﺪ‬ ‫ﻣﻠﺤﻮظ ﺷﻮد وﺑﺪﻦ ﻟﺤﺎظ ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ء درﮔﺎه ﻫ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ء ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎﻧﺮا‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻣّ‪B‬ﺪ دﮕﺮ‪ X‬ﻧﮕﺬاﺷﺘﻪ ‪.‬اﮔﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺳﻪ ﺗﻦ از ﻧﺰدﻜﺎن و ﺑﺮادراﻧﻢ در ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﻦ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ]‪ [67‬ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﻧﺪر ﺗﺼﺪق وﺟﻮد ﻣﺒﺎرك اﻋﻠ‪B‬ﺤﻀﺮت‬ ‫اﻗﺪس ﻫﻤﺎﻮن ﺷﺪﻧﺪ‘ ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﻤﺎﻧﻮﻗﺖ ﻫﻢ ﺧﻮد از ﺳﺮﻛﺸ> دوا ﻏﻔﻠﺖ ﻧﺪاﺷﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫واﻛﻨﻮن اﻓﺴﻮس از آﻧﺴﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭼﺮا ﻣﻌﺘﻤﺪ‪ X‬ﻧﺪارم ﻛﻪ درﺳﺮدواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﮕﺬارم‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﻟﺠﻤﻠﻪ دواﺳﺎز اول ﺧﻮد ﺑﻨﺪه ﺷﺪه‪ .‬و ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ آﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺎﺪ ادوﻪ ء ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻪ‬ ‫را ازﻣﻔﺮدات ﻜ> ﻜ> دﺪه ﻣﻮاﻓﻖ ﻗﺎﻧﻮن دوا‪ X‬درﺳﺖ ﺧﺎﻟ> ازﻋ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪارد و در زﻣﺎن ﺗﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑﺎز ﻣﻔﺮداﺗﺮا ﻫﺮ ﻜ‪B‬ﺮا ﺑﻘﺎﻧﻮن ﺻﻨﺎﻋ>‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻤﻮده در ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﺧﻮد ﺑﺘﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ رﺧﺼﺖ دﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫اﻣﺎ دواﺳﺎز د ّوم‪ :‬ﭘﺲ اوﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻣﻄﻠﻊ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ از ﻗﻮاﻧ‪B‬ﻦ ﺻﻨﺎﻋﺖ دواﺳﺎز‪X‬‬ ‫ﺑﻬﺮﭼﻪ در اول ﮔﺬﺷﺖ‪ :‬از آﻧﻜﻪ ﺟﻤ‪B‬ﻊ دوا و ﺣﻔﻆ و ﺗﻘﺴ‪B‬ﻢ آن ﻫﻤﻪ در‬ ‫دﺳﺖ دواﺳﺎز دوّﻢ اﺳﺖ وﺗﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ و ﺗﻤﺰﺞ دوا ﻫﻢ ﺑﺎ او ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮدن‪.‬‬ ‫و اﻣﺎ دواﺳﺎزﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ :‬ﭘﺲ ﻛﺎر اﻦ ﻃﺒﻘﻪ اﺟﺮاء اﻋﻤﺎل ﺪاﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ در‬

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‫در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺗﻘﺸﺮ آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﻣﻔﻬﻮم اﻦ واژه داﻧﺴﺘﻪ ﻧﺸﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﻀﻢ اﻟﻒ و ت‪.‬‬

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‫دواﺳﺎز‪ X‬ﺑﻜﺎر ﻣ> آﺪ و ﻫﻤﭽﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﺴﺘﻦ و رﺳﺎﻧﺪن ]‪ [68‬دواﻫﺎ ﺑﺼﺎﺣﺒﺎﻧﺶ‬ ‫ﺑﺪﺳﺖ اﻨﻄﺎﻔﻪ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮدن‪.‬‬ ‫و اﻣﺎ ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ دواﺳﺎزﻫﺎ‬ ‫ﭼﻮن از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﺗﺎ اﻣﺮوز ﺑﺴﺎﺧﺘﻦ دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ و ﻓﺮاﻫﻢ‬ ‫آوردن ادوّﻪ ء ﻣﺴﺘﻌﻤﻠﻪ ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺻﺎدر ﻧﺸﺪه و ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ء‬ ‫درﮔﺎه ﺧﻮد ﻣﺨﺘﺼﺮ دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ا‪ X‬راه اﻧﺪاﺧﺘﻪ و ﺑﺎ آﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺮادرم درﺳﺮ‬ ‫ً‬ ‫اﺻﻼ‬ ‫دواﺳﺖ ﺑﻌﻠﺖ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم در اﻣﻮر دوا ﺧﻮد ﺑﻌﻤﻞ دوا ﻣ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪون ﻣﺸﺎﻫﺪه ء ﻛﻤﺘﺮﻦ دوا ﺧﺮﺪه ﻧﻤ> ﺷﻮد و ﻣﺮﻛﺒﺎﺗﺮا اﻛﺜﺮ ﺧﻮد ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ‬ ‫ﺗﺮﻛ‪B‬ﺐ ﻣ> ﺷﻮد و ﺟﻮﻫﺮﺎت و ﺧﻼﺻﻪ ورﺑﻮب آﻧﭽﻪ در داراﻟﺨﻼﻓﻪ‬ ‫ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻨﺶ ﻣﻤﻜﻦ اﺳﺖ ﺧﻮد ﻣﺒﺎﺷﺮ ﻋﻤﻞ اﺳﺖ و اﻛﺜﺮ ﻣﻄﺒﻮﺧﺎت و اﺷﺮﺑﻪ‬ ‫وﺣﺒﻮب ﺑﺎﻃﻼع اﻦ ﺑﻨﺪه ﺳﺎﺧﺘﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﮕﺮدد‪ .‬و اﮔﺮ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﭽﻪ از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫دوﻟﺖ ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ ﺣﻜﻢ ﺑﻪ ﺑﻨﺎ‪ X‬دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮد اﻟﺒﺘﻪ دواﺳﺎز درﺳﺖ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺴﻪ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ در ﺳﺮآن ﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻪ ﻣ> ﺷﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫و ﻣﻨﻔﻌﺖ ]‪ [69‬دواﺧﺎﻧﻪ ء دوﻟﺘ> ﺑﺴ‪B‬ﺎر اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﺑﺰرﮔﺘﺮﻦ آﻧﻬﻤﻪ اﻨﻜﻪ‬ ‫در وﻗﺖ ﻣﺄﻣﻮرﺖ اﻓﻮاج ﻛﻪ ﻗ‪B‬ﻤﺖ دوا ﺑﺎﻃﺒﺎ ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺪر ﻣ‪B‬ﺮود و ﻟﻜﻦ ﻫﺮﮔﺎه ﺑﺎﻧﺪازه دوا ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ ﺷﻮد و ﺻﻮرت ﻣﺼﺮف‬ ‫دوا از ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑﺘﺼﺪﻖ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ ﺷﻮد ﻫﺮﭼﻪ دوا ﻣﺮﺣﻤﺖ‬ ‫ﮔﺮدد ﺑﻜﺎر ﻧﻮﻛﺮ ﺑﺮﻣ> ﺧﻮرد‪.‬‬ ‫اوﺻﺎف و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬اول ﻛﻪ ﻣﺸﺮف ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ درذﻞ اوﺻﺎف اﻃﺒّﺎ ﺷﺮح داده آﻣﺪ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻣﺸﺮف ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﻢ ﺑﺪان اوﺻﺎف ﻣﺘﺼﻒ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ از ﺗﻘﻮ‪ X‬و دﺎﻧﺖ و راﺳﺖ ﻗﻠﻤ> ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬﺷﺖ؛ ﻛﻪ در ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﺣﻔﻆ ﺻﺤﺖ‪ ،‬ﺧ‪B‬ﺎﻧﺖ زﺎن ﺟﺎن آرد و ﭘ‪B‬ﺪاﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ ﻧﻮﺴﻨﺪه ء اول‪ 51‬ﺣﻔﻆ ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﺎت ودﻓﺘﺮﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺪ ﻣﺸﺎراﻟ‪B‬ﻪ ا ّول دﻓﺘﺮ اﺳﺒﺎب و اﺛﺎﺛﻪ ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﻪ ﺻﻮرت‬ ‫آن ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﺷﻮد از ﻗﺒ‪B‬ﻞ رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب‪ ،‬ﻟﺒﺎس ﻣﺮﺾ ]‪ [70‬و‬ ‫‪51‬‬

‫ﻣﻨﻈﻮر ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬ا ّول اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫ﻟﺒﺎس ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎران و ﺗﺨﺖ و ﻓﺮش ﺣﺼ‪B‬ﺮ و ﻣﺴ‪B‬ﻨﻪ آﻻت و ﺳﺎﺮ ﻇﺮوف‬ ‫ﻣﺎﺤﺘﺎج‪ .‬د ّوم‪ ،‬دﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﺨﺎرج اﺗﻔﺎﻗ‪B‬ﻪ ازﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﺗﻌﻤ‪B‬ﺮات اﺑﻨ‪B‬ﻪ و اﺻﻼح‬ ‫ﻛﺮدن ﭘﺎرﻫﺎ‪ X‬اﻟﺒﺴﻪ و رﺧﻮت و رﺧﺖ ﺧﻮاب و ﺳﻔ‪B‬ﺪ و ﺗﻌﻤ‪B‬ﺮ ﻛﺮدن‬ ‫ﻣﺴ‪B‬ﻨﻪ آﻻت‪ .‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﻣﺨﺎرج ﻮﻣ‪B‬ﻪ از ﺑﺎﺑﺖ ﻗ‪B‬ﻤﺖ دوا وﻏﺬا و آﻧﭽﻪ ﺑﺪﻨﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ ،‬دﻓﺘﺮ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ﻛﻪ روزﻧﺎﻣﻬﺎ‪ X‬اﻃﺒﺎ و ﺟﺮاﺣ‪B‬ﻦ ﺑﻌ‪B‬ﻨﻪ درآن‬ ‫ﺛﺒﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫ﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ اول‪ :‬ﺻﺒﺢ زود در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﻮد و ﭼﻮن اﻃﺒّﺎ از‬ ‫ﺑﺎزدﺪ ﻣﺮﺿ> ﻓﺮاﻏﺖ ﺎﻓﺘﻨﺪ و روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ء دوا و ﻏﺬا ﺟﺪاﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺪواﺳﺎز و ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﺳﭙﺮدﻧﺪ اﻨﻜﺎرﻫﺎ در ﻣﺤﻀﺮ او ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬دوم‪ :‬ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺨﻮاﻫﺪ ﻣﺎﺤﺘﺎج ﻏﺬا را ﺑﺨﺪﻣﻪ ء ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن دﻫﺪ ﺑﺎﻃﻼع او ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪:‬‬ ‫اﮔﺮ اﻃﻤ‪B‬ﻨﺎن ﺑﻄﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> و ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻧﺪاﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﺑﺎﺪ وﻗﺖ دادن ﻏﺬا ﺧﻮد‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ :‬روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ء ]‪ [71‬ﻮﻣ‪B‬ﻪ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ اﻓﻮاج و‬ ‫ﻋﺪد ﻣﺮﺿ> و ﺗﻔﺼ‪B‬ﻞ ﻣﺮض وﻋﺪد ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺻﺒﺢ و ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺎم وﻣﺮﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﭼﺎق ﺷﺪه‪ 52‬و وارد و ﻣﺘﻮﻓ> و ﺳﺎﺮ اﺗﻔﺎﻗ‪B‬ﺎت ﻛﻪ درﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ واﺿﺢ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ وﻣﺨﺎرج آن روز را ﻗ‪B‬ﺪ ‪t‬ﺮده ﺑﻤﻬﺮ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ رﺳﺎﻧﺪه‬ ‫ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﺻﺤﺖ ﺑﻔﺮﺳﺘﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ :‬ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ دردﻓﺎﺗﺮ ﭼﻬﺎرﮔﺎﻧﻪ ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻮﻣ‪B‬ﻪ ﺛﺒﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺸﻢ‪ :‬ﻣﺨﺎرج آن روز ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ را ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ ﺧﻮد و‬ ‫رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ و ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﺮده ﺑﻨﺎﻇﺮ دﻫﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺑﺼﺢ ﻛﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪X‬‬ ‫ﺻﺤﺖ رﺳﺎﻧﺪه ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻣﺤﺎﺳﺒﻪ ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪارد‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ :‬درﻏﺮه ء ﻣﺎه روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ء‬ ‫ﻣﺎه ﮔﺬﺷﺘﻪ را در ﺻﻔﺤﻪ ا‪ X‬ﻛﻪ ﻃﻮﻟﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮﻋﺪد اﺎم ﻣﺎه ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‬ ‫و ﻋﺮﺿﺶ ﻣﺸﺘﻤﻞ ﺑﺮ ﺷﺶ ﺟﺪول در ﻫﺮ روز‪ :‬ا ّوﻟ> ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻦ‬ ‫وﻗﺖ ﺻﺒﺢ و د ّوﻣ> ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮﻦ وﻗﺖ ﺷﺎم و ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻤ> ﺑﺮا‪ X‬وارد‬ ‫وﭼﻬﺎرﻣ> ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻣﺘﻮﻓ> و ﭘﻨﺠﻤ> ]‪ [72‬ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﺷﻔﺎ ﺎﻓﺘﻪ و ّ‬ ‫ﻣﺮﺧﺺ ]و[‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻤ> ﺑﻀﺒﻂ ﻣﺨﺎرج ﻧﻮﺷﺘﻪ‪ ،‬دو ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﺑﺪﻦ ﻃﺮز ﺗﻤﺎم ﻧﻤﻮده ﺑﻤﻬﺮ‬ ‫رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ رﺳﺎﻧﺪه وﺧﻮد ﻧ‪B‬ﺰ ﻣﻬﺮ ﻛﺮده ﻜ‪B‬ﺮا ﺑﻜﺎرﻓﺮﻣﺎ‪ X‬ﻋﺎﻓ‪B‬ﺖ و‬ ‫دوﻣ> را ﺑﻨﺎﻇﺮدﻫﺪ‪.‬‬

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‫ﭼﺎق ﺷﺪه ﺑﻤﻌﻨ> ﺑﻬﺒﻮد ﺎﻓﺘﻪ‪ .‬در ﻣﺘﻦ ﺧﺎق ﺷﺪه آﻣﺪه ‪t‬ﻪ اﺷﺘﺒﺎه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫در اﺧﻼق و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬دوم ﻛﻪ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ در ﺑﺎب اﻣﺎﻧﺖ و دﺎﻧﺖ ﺑﺎﻃﺒﺎ و ﺳﺎﺮﻦ اﺛﺒﺎت ﺷﺪه در اﻨﺠﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﻮﺟﻪ اوﻟ> واﻟ‪B‬ﻖ اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺗﻬﺎون و ﺧ‪B‬ﺎﻧﺖ در ﻏﺬا‪ X‬ﻣﺮﺾ ﻣﻮرث‬ ‫زﺎن ﺟﺎن وﻣﻮﺟﺐ روﺳ‪B‬ﺎﻫ> ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ> و اﻃﺒﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺞ اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬ ‫وﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ او از اﻦ ﻗﺮار اﺳﺖ‪ :‬اول‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ از ﻫﺮﺟﻨﺲ ﻛﻪ در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻻزم ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻮد و ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪن ﺿﺎﻊ و ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻤ> ﺷﻮد ﺑﻘﺪر ﻛﻔﺎﺖ اﻧﺒﺎر ﻛﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫د ّوم‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ اﺟﻨﺎس اﻧﺒﺎر‪ X‬آن از ﻫﺮ ﺟﻨﺲ ﻧﻮع اﻋﻠ> آن ﺟﻨﺲ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫در ﺟﺎ و ﻣﻜﺎن و ﻇﺮوف ﺻﺎﻟﺢ اﻧﺒﺎر ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ از ﻓﺴﺎد ]‪ [73‬ﻣﺤﻔﻮظ‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ اﻧﺒﺎرﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﺧﻮد ]را[ ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﻣﻤﻬﻮر ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪارد‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﺧﻮد ﺑﻬﺮ ﺑﺎﻣﺪاد و ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ]از[ ﺳﺎﺮ ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺷﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠ‪B‬ﻦ دﺮ روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀ>‬ ‫ﺿﺮورﺎت را ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪن ﻜﺮوزه ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ از اﺧﺒﺎر‪ 53‬ﻣﻘﺪار‪X‬‬ ‫ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﮔﻮﺷﺖ و ﺳﺒﺰﺎت‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‬ ‫و ﺎ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ء ﺣﻮاﻟﻪ ء ﻏﺬا ﻣ‪B‬ﺮﺳﺪ ﺑ‪B‬ﺪرﻧﮓ اﺟﻨﺎس ﻣﺤﻮﻟﻪ‬ ‫را ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺨﺪﻣﻪ ﺳﭙﺎرد‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﭙﺮدن اﺟﻨﺎس ﺑﻄﺒّﺎخ و ﺷﺮﺑﺘﺪار ﺑﺎﺪ‬ ‫در ﻣﺤﻀﺮ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> و ﻣﺸﺮف ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻤﻄﺒﻮﺧﺎت و ﻣﺸﺮوﺑﺎت‬ ‫ﻗﺒﻞ ازﻫﻤﻪ ﻛﺲ ﻧﮕﺎه ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬دﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ و ﻣﻘﺮر ﻏﺬا‪ X‬ﻧﻬﺎر و ﺷﺎم‬ ‫را ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﺮدن ﻓﺮﻣﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن وﻗﺖ ﻏﺬا رﺳ‪B‬ﺪ و ﻣﻄﺒﻮﺧﺎت و‬ ‫ﻣﺎﻛﻮﻻت ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺷﺪ ﺑﻄﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> اﻋﻼم دﻫﺪ‪ [74] .‬دوازدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻀ> ﻣﺮﺿ> را‪ ،‬ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﻣﺴﻬﻞ ﺧﻮارﻧﺪﮔﺎن‪ ،‬ﻏﺬا‪ X‬ﻧﻬﺎر ﺑﻮﻗﺖ ﻧﻬﺎر‬ ‫ﻧﺒﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﻏﺬا‪ X‬آﻧﻬﺎ را در ﭼﺎﺷﺘﮕﺎه ﺣﺎﺿﺮ داﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﻌﺪ ازﻇﻬﺮ ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺳ‪B‬ﺰدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﻀ> ﻣﺸﺮوﺑﺎت ﻛﻪ ﺑﻌﻮض ﻏﺬا ﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻫﻨﺪ ﻣﺎﻧﻨﺪ ﭼﺎ‪ X‬و ﻗﻬﻮه ء‬ ‫دارﭼ‪B‬ﻨ> و زﻧﺠﺒ‪B‬ﻞ و آب ﻫﻨﺪواﻧﻪ و اﻣﺜﺎل آن ﺑﺎﺪ در وﻗﺘﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﻘﺮر‬ ‫ﺑﺤﻀﻮر ﺧﻮد ﺑﺪﻫﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎردﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ اول ﻛﺎر ﭘﺮدازان ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪاﻧﺠﺎ داﺧﻞ ﺷﻮﻧﺪ وآﺧﺮ اﺸﺎن ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﺧﺎرج ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮﻧﺪ‬ ‫‪ 53‬ﻣﻨﻈﻮر از اﺧﺒﺎر روزﻧﺎﻣﻪ ء ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠ‪B‬ﻦ اﺳﺖ‪ .‬اﻦ ﺟﻤﻠﻪ ﺑﺼﻮرت دﮕﺮ‪ X‬ﻫﻢ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﺘﻮاﻧﺪ ﺧﻮاﻧﺪه ﺷﻮد‪t ،‬ﻪ در اﻦ ﺻﻮرت ﻣﻌﻨﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺘﻔﺎوﺗ> ﺑﺪﺳﺖ ﻣ‪B‬ﺪﻫﺪ‪" :‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﻤﺎﻧﺪن‬ ‫ﻜﺮوز ﺎ ﺑ‪B‬ﺶ ﻓﺎﺳﺪ ﻧﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻮد از اﻧﺒﺎر ﻣﻘﺪار‪ X‬ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪".‬‬

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‫ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﻣ‪B‬ﺮزا‪ X‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ ﻛﻪ ﺗﺤﻮﻠﺪاران‬ ‫اول‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ در ﻧﮕﺎﻫﺪار‪ X‬اﺳﺒﺎب ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن ﻏﺎﺖ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﺑﺠﺎ‪ X‬آرﻧﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫دوم‪ ،‬ﺑﻮﻗﺖ اﺗﻔﺎق اﻓﺘﺎدن ﻋ‪B‬ﻮﺑﺎت در ﺗﺤﻮﻼت ﺧﻮد زود ﺑﺘﻌﻤ‪B‬ﺮ آن‬ ‫ﻛﻮﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪B‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺗﺤﻮﻠﺪاران اﻟﺒﺴﻪ و رﺧﺘﺨﻮاﺑﻬﺎ ]و[ اﺷ‪B‬ﺎء ﭼﺮك و ﻧﺎﭘﺎك‬ ‫در اﻧﺒﺎر ﺿﺒﻂ ﻧﻜﻨﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ ،‬ﺑﻌﺪ ازﺷﺴﺘﻦ اﻦ اﺟﻨﺎس ﺑﺪﻗﺖ رﺳ‪B‬ﺪﮔ>‬ ‫ﻛﺮده ﻫﺮ ﭼﻪ اﺣﺘ‪B‬ﺎج ﺑﺘﻌﻤ‪B‬ﺮ دارد ﺑﺠﺎﻣﻪ ﺷﻮﺎن دﻫﻨﺪ ﺗﺎ وﺻﻠﻪ ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮن ﻣﺪﺗ> رﺧﺖ و اﻣﺜﺎل آن ﺑﺠﻬﺖ ﻧﺒﻮدن در اﻧﺒﺎر ﻣﺎﻧﺪ آﻧﻬﺎ را ﺑﻬﻮا‬ ‫اﻧﺪازﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن در ﺗﺤﻮﻼت ﺧﻮدﺷﺎن ﻧﻘﺼ> ﺑﻬﻢ رﺳﺪ ﻓ> اﻟﻔﻮر‬ ‫ﺑﻨﺎﻇﺮ اﺧﺒﺎر ﻛﻨﻨﺪ‪[75].‬‬ ‫در ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎران ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ و ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر‪ X‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران در ﻧﻈﺮ ﻣﺮدم اﻧﺪﻛ> دﺷﻮاراﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﺑﻌﻠّﺖ آﻧﻜﻪ ﻋﻮام ﻫﻤﻪ ﻧﺎﺧﻮﺷ‪B‬ﻬﺎ را ﻣﺴﺮ‪ X‬ﻣ> داﻧﻨﺪ و ﭼﻨ‪B‬ﻦ ﻣ‪B‬ﺪاﻧﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫ﻫﺮ ﻛﺲ ‪t‬ﻪ در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﺧﺘ‪B‬ﺎر ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ﺑﺎﻧﺪك ﻣﺪت ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر ﺷﻮد‪ .‬و‬ ‫ﺗﺎ اﻣﺮوز از ﺟﺎﻧﺐ اوﻟ‪B‬ﺎ‪ X‬دوﻟﺖ ﻗﺮار ﻣﺤﻜﻤ> درﺑﺎب ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﻧﺮﺳ‪B‬ﺪه‪.‬‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺪ ﻣﻌﺮوض دارد ﻛﻪ وﺟﻮد ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر از ﻟﻮازم و ﺷﺮوط ﻣﻬﻤّﻪ ء ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑﺪون اﻧﺘﻈﺎم اﻦ اﻣﺮ ﺑﺎور ﻧﺘﻮان ﻛﺮدن ﻛﻪ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ ء درﺳﺖ‬ ‫اﺗﻔﺎق اﻓﺘﺪ و ﭼﻮن در ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ء ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﮔﺎﻫ> ﻋﺪد ﻣﺮﺾ زﺎده ﺑﺮ‬ ‫ﺻﺪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد‪ ،‬ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤﻪ آﻧﻬﺎ ﺳﻨﮕ‪B‬ﻦ وﺑﺪﺣﺎل ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮﻧﺪ ﻣﻌﻠﻮم اﺳﺖ‬ ‫ﻛﻪ در اﻨﻮﻗﺖ ﻻاﻗﻞ دو ﻧﻔﺮ اﻧﺘﻬﺎ ﻫﺮ ﺳﻪ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻚ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﻣ‪B‬ﺨﻮاﻫﺪ‪ .‬و‬ ‫ﮔﺎﻫ> ﻋﺪد ﻣﺮﺾ ﺧ‪B‬ﻠ> ﻛﻤﺘﺮ ﻣ‪B‬ﺸﻮد ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻫﻢ ]‪ [76‬ﻣ>‬ ‫ﺷﻮد و اﻨﻮﻗﺖ ﭘﻨﺞ ﺷﺶ ﻧﻔﺮ ﻛﻔﺎﺖ ﻣ> ﻛﻨﺪ‪ .‬ﻟﻜﻦ ﭼﻮن اراده ء ﻋﻠ‪B‬ﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺮ آن ﻗﺮار ﮔﺮﻓﺘﻪ ﻛﻪ اﻣﺮ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﻨﺘﻈﻢ ﮔﺮدد و ﻣﺮﺿﺎ‪ X‬اﻓﻮاج‬ ‫ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﺑﻤﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ آﻨﺪ‪ ،‬اﻨﻮﻗﺖ اﻧﺘﻈﺎم ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر واﺟﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ .‬و ﺑﻬﺘﺮآن‬ ‫اﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر دو ﻗﺴﻢ ﻗﺮار دﻫﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻜ> آﻧﻜﻪ ﻫﻤ‪B‬ﺸﻪ ﻣﻘ‪B‬ﻢ ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ ،‬دوﻣ> آﻧﻜﻪ ﻧﻈﺮ ﺑﻘﻠﺖ وﻛﺜﺮت ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران از ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن اﻓﻮاﺟ> ﻛﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ‬ ‫ﻣ‪B‬ﻔﺮﺳﺘﻨﺪ آورده ﺷﻮد‪.‬‬ ‫‪54‬‬

‫در اﺻﻞ ﺧﻮاﻧﺪ آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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‫اﻣﺎ ﻃﺎﻔﻪ ء ا ّول‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺪ ﺑﺴﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ﻣﺮﺗﺐ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ :‬ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ء اول‬ ‫ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺖ و ﻃﺒﺎخ اﺳﺖ؛ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ دوﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻪ در ﺗﺮﺗ‪B‬ﺐ و ﺗﻮزﻊ ﻏﺬا و‬ ‫دوا ﻣﻌ‪B‬ﻦ اﻧﺪ و ﺑﺎﺸﺎن اﺳﺖ اﺻﻼح ﻫﻮاﺋ> اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ؛ ﻣﺮﺗﺒﻪ ء ﺳ‪B‬ﻢ ﻛﺴﺎﻧ>‬ ‫ﻫﺴﺘﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ در ﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻒ و ﭘﺎك ﻛﺮدن اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ و ﺳﺎﺮ اﻣﻜﻨﻪ و ﺷﺴﺘﻦ رﺧﻮت‬ ‫و اﻟﺒﺴﻪ و رﺧﺘﺨﻮاﺑﻬﺎ و در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎن اﻨﻬﺎﺳﺖ ﻛﺴﺎﻧ‪B‬ﻜﻪ ﺑﺎ ﻣﺎﻟﻪ وﮔﺬاﺷﺘﻦ و‬ ‫ﺑﺮداﺷﺘﻦ ]‪ [77‬ﻣﻮﺟﺒﺎت ﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻒ ﭘﺮدازﻧﺪ و ﻫﻢ آﺗﺶ وآب و ﭼﺮاغ از‬ ‫ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻣﺮﺿ> ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﻛﻨﻨﺪ و در ﻧﻘﻞ و ﺣﺮﻛﺖ ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران اﻣﺪاد ﻧﻤﺎﻨﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫و اﻣﺮوز در ﻣﺎرﺳﺘﺎن دوﻟﺘ> ﺳﺮﭘﺮﺳﺘ> ﻛﻪ ﺣﻜﻤﺶ ﺑﺮ ﻫﻤﻪ ء ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎران‬ ‫روان ﺑﺎﺷﺪ وﺗﻜﻠ‪B‬ﻒ اوﺳﺖ ﻛﻪ ﺻﺒﺢ ﺑﻌﺪ ازادا‪ X‬ﻓﺮض ﻧﺨﺴﺖ ﺳﺮ‬ ‫ﺑﺂﺷﭙﺰﺧﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺸﺪ ﻛﻪ ﻋﻤﻠﻪ ء ﻣﻄﺒﺦ در ﻛﺎر ﺧﻮد ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﻨﺪ‪ .‬آﻧﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﺗﻌﻘ‪B‬ﺒﺎت ﺧﻮد را در اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﺮﺿ> ﺑﺨﻮاﻧﺪ و ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران را ﺑﺪﺳﺘ‪B‬ﺎر‪X‬‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﺑﺮ ﮔﺬاردن ﻓﺮاﺾ اﻧﮕ‪B‬ﺰد‪ .‬دوﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎراﻧﺮا ﭘ‪B‬ﺶ ازﺑﺎزدﺪ‬ ‫ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﺑﺴﺤﺮ ﮔﺎه‪ ،‬ﺷﺎم و ﺑﻌﺪ ازﻧﻬﺎر ﻫﻢ ﺑﭙﺎك ﻛﺮدن اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﺑﺮ اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ‬ ‫ﺑﺮاﻧﮕ‪B‬ﺰاﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺣﺴﺎب ﺷﻤﺎره ء ﺗﺨﺘﻬﺎ ﺑﺪﺳﺖ او ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼﻮن ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ‬ ‫ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﻣﺮﺾ ﺑﺎوﻃﺎق ﻣﻄﺒﻘﻪ ﻣﺜﻼ ﺑﺒﺮد‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ او دﻻﻟﺖ ﻛﻨﺪ ‪t‬ﻪ ﺗﺨﺖ ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‬ ‫ﻣﺜﻼ ً در اوﻃﺎق دوﻢ ﺧﺎﻟ> اﺳﺖ‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ ،‬ﻫﻨﮕﺎم ﺗﻮزﻎ ﻏﺬا ﺳﺮﻛﺸ>‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﻛﻨﺪ ]‪ [78‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺴﻬﻮ وﻧﺴ‪B‬ﺎن ﻜ> در ﻣ‪B‬ﺎﻧﻪ ﺑ> ﻏﺬا ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑﻌﺪ از‬ ‫ﮔﺬارن ﭼﺮاغ‪ ،‬ﺳﺮﻛﺸ> اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬در وﻗﺖ ﺧﻮاب ﺳﺮﻛﺸ> ﻛﻨﺪ‬ ‫و ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> ﺷﺐ را ﺗﻌ‪BB‬ﻦ ﻧﻤﺎﺪ‪ .‬ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ در وﻗﺖ ﻋﻮض ﻛﺮدن‬ ‫ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> ﺣﺎﺿﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﻫ‪B‬ﭽﻮﻗﺖ اوﻃﺎﻗﻬﺎ ‪t‬ﻪ ﻣﺮﺾ ﺳﻨﮕ‪B‬ﻦ‬ ‫دارﻧﺪ از ﭘﺮﺳﺘﺎر ﺑ‪B‬ﺪار ﺧﺎﻟ> ﻧﻤﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎران ﺑﺪﺳﺖ او ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪[79] .‬‬ ‫در ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ ﻗﺮاوﻻن ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﻗﺮاوﻟ> ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺧﺪﻣﺖ ﻣﻬﻤّ> اﺳﺖ ﺧﺼﻮﺻﺎ در زﻣﺎن وﻗﻮع اﻣﺮاض‬ ‫ﻣﺴﺮﻪ و واﻓﺪه‪ .‬ﭘﺲ ﺑﺎﺪ در اﻦ ﺑﺎب اﻫﺘﻤﺎم درﺳﺖ ﺑﺸﻮد و ﻫ‪B‬ﭽﮕﺎه‬ ‫ﻋﻮض ﻛﺮدن ﻗﺮاول ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻻزم ﻧ‪B‬ﺴﺖ ﭼﻪ اﻧﺲ ﺑﻌﺎدات و رﺳﻮم‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻣﺪﺗ> ﻣ‪B‬ﺨﻮاﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫و ﺗﻜﺎﻟ‪B‬ﻒ از اﻨﻘﺮار اﺳﺖ‪ :‬اول‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﻣﻨﺼﺐ ﻗﺮاوﻻن آدم‬ ‫ﻣﻌﻘﻮﻟ>‪ ،‬اﻣ‪B‬ﻦ و درﺳﺘﻜﺎر و ﺻﺎﺣﺐ ﺳﻮاد ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪ [80] .‬دوﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﺎﺪ در‬

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‫‪persian edition of manuscript 505‬‬

‫ﺧﺼﻮص ﺣﻔﻆ دروازه ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ اﻫﺘﻤﺎم ﻛﻨﺪ ﭼﻨﺎﻧﻜﻪ ﺑ> اﺟﺎزت ﻣﻘﺮر‬ ‫ﻛﺴ‪B‬ﺮا ﺑﺪرون آﻣﺪن و ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون رﻓﺘﻦ رﺧﺼﺖ ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪ّB‬ﻢ‪ ،‬ﺑﻬﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻛﻪ‬ ‫اﻧﺒﺎر دوﻟﺘ> و ﻣﻬﺮ ﻧﺎﻇﺮ دارد ﻗﺮاول درﺳﺖ ﮔﺬارد‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎرم‪ ،‬در ﻋﻮض‬ ‫ﻛﺮدن ﻗﺮاول ﻣﻬﺮﻫﺎ را ﻧﺸﺎن ﺑﺪﻫﺪ‪ .‬ﭘﻨﺠﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن از ﺑﺮا‪ X‬ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ‬ ‫ﮔﺬرﻧﺎﻣﻪ‪ 55‬ﻛﻪ ﺑﺎﺻﻄﻼح ﺑﻠ‪B‬ﻂ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻗﺮار ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺷﺪ‪ ،‬ﺑﺪون ﮔﺬرﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﺴ> را ﺟﺰ ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ رﺧﺼﺖ دﺧﻮل وﺧﺮوج ﻧﺪﻫﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫ﺷﺸﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن ﻛﺴ> ﺑﺎ دﻋﺎ‪ X‬ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎر‪ X‬ﺑﺪروازه ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﺎﺪ و ﮔﺬرﻧﺎﻣﻪ‬ ‫ﻧﺪارد او را ﺑﺎوﻃﺎق ﻣﻘﺮره ﺑﺮده ﺑﻨﺸﺎﻧﺪ ﺗﺎ ﺣﻜ‪B‬ﻢ ﺑﺎﺷ> ﺎ ﻃﺒ‪B‬ﺐ ﻧﻮﺑﺘ>‬ ‫ﺑﻤﺸﺎﻫﺪه ء او ﭘﺮدازد‪ .‬ﻫﻔﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﭼﻮن ﻛﺴ> ﺑﺎﮔﺬرﻧﺎﻣﻪ ﺑ‪B‬ﺎﺪ او را ﺑﻬﺮ ﺟﺎﺋ>‬ ‫ﻛﻪ ﻣ‪B‬ﺨﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑﻠﺪ ﺷﺪه ﺑﺮﺳﺎﻧﺪ‪ .‬ﻫﺸﺘﻢ‪ ،‬ﺳﻮا‪ X‬وﻗﺖ ﺳﺤﺮ ﻛﻪ وﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺧﺺ‬ ‫ﻛﺮدن ﺷﻔﺎ ﺎﻓﺘﮕﺎﻧﺴﺖ‪ ،‬ﻛﺴ> را از ﻣﺮﺿ> ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون رﻓﺘﻦ ﻧﮕﺬارد‪ .‬ﻧﻬﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫وﻗﺖ ﻣﺮﺧﺼ> ﻣﺮﺾ اﮔﺮ ]‪ [81‬ﺑﺴﺘﻪ وﺧﻮرﺟ‪B‬ﻦ داﺷﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ ﻣﻼﺣﻈﻪ‬ ‫ﻛﻨﺪ ﻛﻪ ﭼ‪B‬ﺰ‪ X‬از اﺳﺒﺎب ﺑﺎ آن ﺑﺪر ﻧﺒﺮد‪ .‬دﻫﻢ‪ ،‬در ﻟﻮازم ﺗﻨﻈ‪B‬ﻒ ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون‬ ‫ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﺑﻜﻮﺷﺪ‪ .‬ﺎزدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬در ﻣﻌﺒﺮﻫﺎ‪ X‬ﺑ‪B‬ﺖ اﻟﺨﻼء ﻗﺮاول ﺑﺮوز و‬ ‫ﺷﺐ ﺑﮕﺬارد ﺗﺎ ﻛﺴ> ﺳﻮا‪ X‬ﻣﻜﺎﻧﻬﺎ‪ X‬ﻣﻘﺮر ﺑﺪﮕﺮ ﺟﺎ ﻧﻨﺸ‪B‬ﻨﺪ‪ .‬دوازدﻫﻢ‪،‬‬ ‫ﭼﻮن از ﺧﺪﻣﻪ ء ﻣﺮﻀﺨﺎﻧﻪ ﻛﺴ> ﺑ‪B‬ﻮﻗﺖ ﺧﻮاﻫﺪ ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون رود از ﺳﺒﺐ‬ ‫رﻓﺘﻦ ﺑﭙﺮﺳﺪ‪ .‬ﺳ‪B‬ﺰدﻫﻢ‪ ،‬اﮔﺮ ﻛﺴ> ﺧﻮاﺳﺘﻪ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ اﺳﺒﺎب و ﺎ ﻣﺄﻛﻮل و‬ ‫ﻣﺸﺮوﺑ> ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون ﺑﺒﺮد‪ ،‬ﺑﺪون اﺟﺎزت ﻧﺎﻇﺮ‪ ،‬ﻧﮕﺬارد‪ .‬ﭼﻬﺎردﻫﻢ‪ ،‬ﭘﺲ از‬ ‫ﺑ‪B‬ﺮون رﻓﺘﻦ رﺋ‪B‬ﺲ ﻣﻌﺎﻟﺠﻪ و ﻛﺎرﭘﺮدازان ﺑ‪B‬ﻤﺎرﺧﺎﻧﻪ‪ ،‬دروازه را ﺑﺴﺘﻪ‬ ‫ﺑﻘﺮاول ﻧﻮﺑﺘ> ﺳﭙﺎرد ﻛﻪ ﺑﺪﻦ روش از آﻨﺪه و روﻧﺪه ﻣﺴﺘﺤﻀﺮ ﺑﺎﺷﺪ‪.‬‬ ‫واﻟﻠﻬ ّﻢ ﺧ‪B‬ﺮ اﻟﺨﺘﺎم‬ ‫‪55‬‬

‫در ﻧﺴﺨﻪ ﮔﺬارﻧﺎﻣﻪ آﻣﺪه اﺳﺖ‪.‬‬

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glossary

251

GLOSSARY Most of the terms included in the list below have been translated or discussed throughout the text. The following list, which includes some additional ones, is far from being exhaustive. It is provided here to familiarize the readers with the general and some specialized concepts and technical terms used in this volume. In this list we have been selective particularly with regard to medical terms because most of them cannot be translated accurately by one or two English equivalents, and need to be thoroughly explained. For instance, various kinds of homm§ or tab (fever) have been interpreted and translated by different authors who are far from unanimous. We have mentioned those about which there is less disagreement. $beleh: smallpox Advieh (pl. of dav§): medicaments Akhl§t (pl. of khelt): humours #Al§j: treatment, cure Amir: commander, governor, prince, the chief military officer of a province #$mm: public, transmissible, epidemic Anb§r: warehouse, prison And§m (#ozv): organ $q§: master, chief #Araq: sweating #Araz: accident, symptom #$rezeh (pl. #Av§rez): illness, or symptom (s) of a disease Ark§n: elements #Atab§t: the thresholds, referring to the holy cities of Najaf, Karbal§, S§mara and K§zemzin in Iraq Ay§lat (ey§lat): governorate general, district, province Bandeh: slave, servant Bandeh-ye darg§h: employee of the court, minister Bey or Beg: lord, chief Bim§rest§n: abode of the sick, hospital Bim§ri: illness, indisposition Bohr§n: crisis Boq#eh (boq#ah): mausoleum Caliph: leader of the Sunnite community, Caliphate (Khil§fat): the rightly guided succession

252

glossary

D§’ al-fil: elephantiasis, tubercular elephantiasis Daftar: register D§nesh: knowledge, science, learning D§r al-shif§ (see D§r al-shaf§) D§r al-shaf§: abode of healing, a hospital Darg§h: palace, court D§ru: medicine, medicament D§rus§z: pharmacist D§ru-ye qeyy: vomitif Din: religion, faith (often in name compound, such as N§ser al-Din, victory of religion Div§n: chancery, office, government council, also a collection of poetry or prose Do#§: prayer Dowlat (Dowleh): state, government, dynasty. It means also luck and fortune Dowlati: of the state, public #Elm: science, knowledge #Erq al-nes§’: nevralgic sciatic Es’h§l: intestinal catarrh Estesq§’: dropsy Faqih: jurist Farangi: Frankish, common term to designate A52Western Europeans Farm§n (firman): decree, issued by the Sh§h or the ruler Fasd: bloodletting Feqh (fiqh): jurisprudence Fowj: regiment (in the army) Gomrok: custom Gomroki: duties Hadith: tradition, recorded saying of the Prophet or the Imams Haj§mat: cupping Hajj: pilgrimage to Mecca Hakim: philosopher, physician Hakim-b§shi: chief physician Hamm§m: bath Haqq ol-qadam: in medical practice, consultation fees Hasba (hasbeh): measles Hasbeh: typhus Hav§: air Hav§-ye #afan: miasmatic air

glossary

253

Hefz al-sehheh: hygiene, public health Hekmat: science, as opposed to san§#at (art) Hess-e b§ten: internal sense Hess-e z§her: external sense Heyzeh: dysentery, diarrhoea Hijra (Hegira); emigration, flight, withdrawal Hojreh (hojra): a room in madrasa, or in caravanserai Homm§: fever Ibn (Ebn), usually abbreviated (b.): son of Ilkh§n: leader of a ribe Imam: leader. In Shiite religion, the infallible leader of the Twelver shi#a community Jadari (jadri, jodori): small-pox J§me#: Comprehensive, comprising all details, the principal Mosque in a city, University Jarab: dry scab Jarr§h: surgeon Jarr§h-b§shi: chief surgeon Jarr§hi: surgery Jowhar: substance, as opposed to #araz (accident) Joz§m: Tubercular leprosy. See (D§’al-fil) Kabir: the Great Kadkhod§: head of a ward, mayor of a city or village Kahh§li: Ophtalmology Kal§ntar: overseer of the wards of a city , mayor Ket§bcheh: booklet, treatise Khafaq§n-e qalb: palpitation of the heart Kh§neh: house, court Kh§ss, kh§sseh: land or army belonging to the crown Kh§ss: individual, non-transmissible, non-epidemic Khelt (pl. akhl§t): humour, mixtio Laqab: court title, court position Madrasa: theological college Majles (majlis): an assembly, a council, a parliament, a congress Majles-e hefz al-sehheh: sanitary council Majma#: digest, confluent Maktab: traditional primary school Malek: king, prince M§lek: landowner

254

glossary

M§liy§t: tax, especially the land tax Mam§lek: realms, provinces Maraz (pl. amr§z): illness M§rest§n (see bim§rest§n) Marizkh§neh: abode of the sick, hospital Mashvarat, mosh§verat: consultation Masjed (Masjid): mosque Mellat: community, nation Mellati: national Mez§j: physical temperament Mirz§: son of prince, title used before the name of any gentleman, a clerk Mo#§lej: medical practitioner Mo#§lejeh: treatment Mohreqah: remittent bilious fever Molk: kingdom Monajjem: astrologer Monshi: a secretary, a clerk Mos’hel: purgative Mostowfi al-Mam§lek: financial secretary of the state Motawalli: administrator of a waqf Motbeqah: continual fever, typhus Mullah: member of the religious classes Nabz: pulse N§zem: a regulator, a superintendent N§zer: a supervisor, an intendant Nazleh: catarrh, influenza Nazmiyyeh: police, prefecture Nazr (plural, nozur§t): a vow, devoting by vow Nez§m: order, military service, army Nez§m-e jadid: the new order, the new military organization in the Ottoman Empire and Q§j§r Iran Nowbeh: ague, aguish fever Ordu: troops, an army, a regiment, a camp Parast§r: nurse Parast§ri: nursing Pezeshk: physician Pezeshki: medicine Qalb: heart Qan§t: a subterranean water canal Q§nun (Canon): law, usually non-religious law

glossary

255

Qar§b§din: therapeutic Qeyy: vomiting Qods: Holiness, sanctity Qow§: (plural of qowvvat): faculties Qovvah (qovveh): see Ruh Qovvah-ye nafs§niyeh: vital spirits Ra#§y§ (plural of ra#yat): peasants, subjects Ra’is: leader, director Rish-sefid: grey-beards, senior, leader Ruh: pneuma, spirit Ruzn§meh: journal, gazette Sadaqa (sadaqeh): voluntary almsgiving (see nazr) Sadr: government official in charge of the religious endowments and institutions under the safavids (1501-1722) Sadr-e A#zam: chief minister under the Q§j§r San§#i, industrial, pertaining to art, skilled San#at: art, industry Sarb§z: soldier Sard§r: commander, generalissimo Sarkeshikchi-b§shi: the chief of the royal guards Sekanjebin: oxymel Sepahs§l§r: commander of the army Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam: commander-in-chief of the army Seyyed (sayyid): one claiming descendance from the Prophet through his daughter Fatima (#Ali’s wife) Shaf§: healing Sh§h: king Sharbat: syrup Sharbatd§r: pharmacist Shar#i: in accordance with the Sacred Law Shari#at: the Sacred or religious Law Shi#a: party of #Ali, the son-in-law of the Prophet and the first Imam of the Shi#as (656-661 A.D.) Sirat (sirah): biography of the saints and of the kings Solt§n (Sultan): power, authority, ruler, sovereign in Turkish dynasties Sonnat (sunna): custom, practice of the Moslem community Sonnati: traditional Sorkhak: measles Tab (see also homm§): fever Tab-e d§yem: continual fever Tab-e deqq: hectic fever

256

glossary

Tab-e khelti: humoural fever Tab-e nowbat: intermittent fever Tab-e nowbeh: malaria Tadbir-e san§#i: skilled treatment, medical insight Tarbiyat: discipline, education Ta’rikh (T§rikh): history, chronicle Tashrih: descriptive anatomy Tassarrof: possession Tassarrof-e hav§: the influence of air or a draught T§#un: plague Tebb (tibb): medicine Tebb-e jadid: modern medicine Tebb-e qadim: traditional medicine Tebb-e un§ni: Greek medicine Toman (tum§n), unit of currency, equivalent to 1000 din§r; division of an army of 1000 men under the Q§j§r and before Tuyul (tiyul): land assignment, fief #Ulam§ (ulema, plural of #§lem, man of science): the religious scholars in Islam Un§ni: Greek Vab§: cholera Vab§’i: epidemic Vakil: agent, representative, sergeant (in the army) Vazir (vizier): minister Waqf (pl. owq§f): pious endowment, land or property set aside for religious or charitable purposes Zahr: poison Z§t al-janb (bars§m): pleurisy Z§t al-riya: pneumonia

index of names

257

INDEX OF NAMES #Abb§sid Caliph al-Ma’mun (813-833), 15. #Abb§sid Caliphate 20, 22, 23, 28, 77, 80, 145-147, 171 #Abb§s-Mirz§ 33-35, 40, 45, 68 #Abd al-Malek b. abi #Osman (known as Khargush) 76 #Abd al-Razz§q 26, 237 #Abdol-Karim-e Tabib-e Tehr§ni 103107, 113 Abol-Hasan Mirz§ (prince) 71, 80, Abol-Q§sem Mohammad-e T§yefi 23 Abu Mus§ Ash#ari 22, Abu-Soleym§n (Mohammad b. T§her Sajest§ni) 147-148 Achaemenids 14 Ackerknecht, Erwin 115, 119 Afgh§ni (or Asad§b§di), Seyyed Jam§l al-Din 8 Afsh§rs (tribe) 33 $gh§ Mohammad-Kh§n-e Q§j§r 36, 5355, 88, 107, 144, 159, 171 Ahmad-Sh§h (regined 1907-1911) 69 Ahmed Issa Bey 15, 24, 146 Ahw§z 18 #Al§ al-Hokam§ 107 Aleppo 18 Alexander (of Macedonia) 146 Al-Fihrist 22 #Ali b. Rabb§n-e Tabari 21 #Ali b. Mus§ al-Rez§ (see also Em§m-Rez§) 69 #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Nafisi N§zem al-Atebb§ 59, 73 #Ali-Asghar-Kh§n-e Amin al-Solt§n 90, 91, 94 #Ali-Kh§n-e Q§j§r 102 #Ali-Qoli-Mirz§ E#tez§d al-Saltaneh 58 Al-Majusi 84, 85, 181 Al-Mansur, Caliph #Abb§ssid (754-775) 19, 23, 145-147 Al-Maqrizi (1364–1442) 22 Al-Moqtadar, Caliph #Abb§ssid (608-932) 23 Al-Mo#tazed, Caliph #Abb§ssid (892-902) 23 Al-Walid, Caliph Omawid (705-715) 22, 23

Amin al-Atebb§ 94, 127 Amin al-Solt§n 90, Amir-Kabir: see Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n 33, 35, 144 Amir-tum§n 159, 171 Anatolia 24 Antioch 17, 18 Anushirvan-Mirz§ Ziy§ al-Dowleh 72 #Aqili-ye Shir§zi, Mohammad-Hoseyn 119, 238. Arabest§n (Khuzest§n) 73, 171 Ardel-vakil 160 Ardeshir (226-240) 17 Armenia 79, 156 Artiller Square (meydan-e tupkhaneh) 59 Ashtor, E. 25, 78 $shurada (in the Caspian) 66 Astagahrdaya 21 Astar§b§d 36, 129 Astar§b§di, Seyf al-din #Ali b. Mohammad-Ja#far 95, 129, 187 At§bek 27 Aurealius 19 Aurelian 17 Avicenna (Ibn Sin§) (Ebn Sin§) 58, 84, 85, 132, 159, 165, 168, 177, 181 Ayyubids 28 Azarb§ij§n 33-35, 73, 77, 79, 107, 110 $zar Faranbagh 15 #Aziz-Kh§n-e Sard§r-e Koll 64 #Azod al-Dowleh Fan§ Khosrow 23, 24, 27, 147 #Azodi Hospital 23, 24, 81 Baghdad 13, 15, 19, 22-24, 28, 81, 146148, 172, 181 Bahr§m-Mirz§ Mo#ezz al-Dowleh 55, 56, 59 Balkan countries 156 Balkh 76 B§md§d, Mehdi 38, 40, 54, 58, 69, 71, 73, 101 B§st§ni P§rizi, Ebr§him 74, 239 Bernard, Claude (1813-78) 5, 128 Beth Lapet 18 Bichat, Marie-François-Xavier (17711802) 115

258

index of names

Bim§rest§n El Atiq 27 Bim§rest§n El Mansuri 27 Bim§rest§n El Nuri 27 Bim§rest§n of Marw 24 Bim§rest§n-e #Azodi 24 Bim§rest§n-e Mansuri 81 Bim§rest§n-e Sin§ 58-69 Bim§rest§n-e nuriyeh (Nuriyeh Hospital) 74 Boqr§t al-Hokam§, Mehdi Malek-Afzali 92 Broussais, François J. Victore (1772-1838) 115 Brujerd 149 Bukhtishu# (see Bokhtishu#) 135 Burgess, Edward 35 Bushehr (Bushir) 36, 73, 171 Buyid (dynasty) 23, 147, 148 Byzantine Empire 16, 19, 20, 23 Byzantine Hospital 27 Byzantium 20, 22 Cabanis, Pierre (1757-1808) 125, 130132 Calcutta 26, 146, 154 Caliph al-Mansur 19, 146, 147 Caliph al-Mutawakkil 181 Caliph #Omar b. Khatt§b (r. 634-44) 22 Caliphate 8, 24, 25, 171 Canon of Avicenna 84, 181 Caravanserai 13, 25, 76-78 Carr, Dr 11, 95 Caspian Sea 36, 37, 73, 76 Caucasus 9, 33, 76 Central Asia 14, 76 Charaka 21 Cheshmeh-#Ali 52 China 19, 129, 136, 154 Chomel (August François) 129 Christy, Henry 25-26 Cloquet, Dr Ernest (1818-55) 102 Clot-Bey, Bartelemy 87 Ctesiphon (or Tespon, or Tisphun) 18 Cullen, William 116 Damascus 18, 22, 23, 27, 146, 15 D§nesh (journal) 66-68, 74, 110, 128 Daqiqi-ye Tusi (d. ca. 980) 146 D§r al-Fonun 7, 36, 40, 59, 60-63, 65-68, 71, 86, 92, 97-99, 101-103, 105-107, 110, 113-114, 117, 121-123, 125-129, 136, 159, 161

Darius III (D§r§) 14, 146 Darius the First (AD 500-450) 19 Dehkhod§, #Ali-Akbar 15, 143 Delhi 106, 123 Democedes 19 Deylamid (Buyid) dynasty (932-1055) 23, 24 Dezful 17 Dodge, Bayard 13, 243, 246 Dr Albo 68 Dr Cherebnin 121-122 Dr Dixon 121-122 Dr Ilberg 59, 68-69 Dr John Cormick 34 E#tem§d al-Saltaneh 33, 38, 52, 56, 58, 60, 62-63, 66, 71, 72, 76, 86, 93, 94, 96-98, 102-103, 113, 117, 166, 171 Egypt 6, 28, 87, 115 #Er§q-e #Ajam 149 #Er§q-e #Arab 149 Espahan 24, 171 #Eyn al-Saltaneh, Qahrem§n-Mirz§ S§lur 72, 96, 102, 105 Fath#Ali-Sh§h 40, 52, 54, 72, 171 Ferdows al-hekmah 21 Ferdowsi, Abolq§sem (ca. 941-1020) 21, 35, 145-146 Fereydun Adamiyyat 38, 45, 52, 60-62, 65, 97, 110 Firuz§b§d 17, 23, 26, 44 Foucault, Michel 119 Fraser, James 37 Firuz-Sh§h Tughluq 26 Galen 94, 103, 105, 120, 165 Gallagher, Nancy 6, 127 Ganjeh 76 Georgia 34, 81, 156 Gh§z§n 75, 78 Ghaznavids 148 Goa 26 Gowharsh§d 71 Great Britain 31 Greece 165 Grisolle, Augustin (1811-69) 99, 101, 121 Guil§n 22 Gutas, Dimitri 17, 20 Haj Mirz§ Habiboll§h Tonek§boni 9394

index of names H§ji $q§-B§b§ (Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§ 38, 40, 43, 93, 113, 159 H§ji Mohammad Ja#far 98, Hakim al-Mam§lek 71, 80, 89, 99, 124 Hakim-b§shi 51, 108 Hakim-Mo’men 106 Hakims (in India) 94, 123, 127 Hamarneh, Sami 18, 23-24, 27, 78 Hamed§n 99 Haramel (or Haoma) 24 Harireh-b§d§m 155 Harrison, Mark 103, 106, 126 Harun al-Rashid 19, 21-23 Harvey, William 119 Hasan-Kh§n 86 Hippocrates 84, 87, 94, 103, 177, 185 Hospital in Amaysa 24 Hospital in Jundishapur 15-19, 22 Hospital in Kaseri 24 Hospital in Manisa 24 Hospital in Sivas 24 Hospital La Charité 131 Hospital Razavi 73 Hospital St. Thomas 58 Hospital Vaziri 68, 74 Hunayn b. Is’h§q (d. 873) 85, 177, 181 Hushang (Pishd§diy§n king) 14, 143, 145 Ibn al Faqih al Hamed§ni 18, 20, 150 Ibn al-Jawzi 27 Ibn al-Nadim 22 Ibn al-Qifti 15, 19, 24 Ibn Bayt§r 24 Ibn Khallik§n 15 Ibn Manduya 24 Ilkh§nid 32, 75, 77-80 Ily§s, Sharaf al-Din 78 Imam Hoseyn 72 Imam-Rez§ 58, 69, 71, 170 India 19, 20-23, 26, 34, 94 , 95, 96, 103, 106, 121, 123, 126-127, 134, 136, 148, 152 Iraj-Mirz§ (Prince) 40 Iraq (see #Er§q) 71-73, 81, 117, 147-149 Is§ b. M§sah 24 Ispahan 79, 149, Istanbul 25, 26, 46, 58 Jabril (Gabriel) Bokhtishu 17, 19, 146147, 181 Ja#far Barmaki 19, 21, 23

259

Jam, Jamshid, (Pishd§dian king) 14, 143, 145 Jaubert, Amédé 33, 37 Jerusalem 18 Jesus Christ 147, 177 Jondish§pur 146-147 Jorj§ni (or Gorg§ni), Esm§#il 105, 181 Jundish§pur (see Jondish§pur) 15-19, 22 Jundish§pur Hospital 16-17, 19, 22 Jundishapur’s academy 16, 18 Kal§t 73, 171 Kalila va Demna 21 Karbal§ 71, 73, 172 K§sh§ni 102 Kazullani (or Casolani) 65, 97-98, 114, 166 Kerm§n 72, 74, 76, 79, 171 Kerm§nsh§h 59, 72, 79, 117, 149, 171 Kesr§ (Khosrow) Anushirv§n 15, 18, 19, 20, 22, 135 Ketabcheh-ye gheybi 48 Khamseh (Zanj§n) 73 Kh§nq§h (convent) 76 Khayy§m, #Omar b. Ebr§him (d. ca. 1122) 143 Khor§s§n 58, 69, 71, 80, 110 Khosrow I Anushirv§n (531-579) 15-16, 20 Khuzest§n / Khuzist§n (Susiana) 17-18, 22, 73, 149 Khw§razm 24 Koran 32, 162, 177-178 Kordest§n 73, 76 Kurd 33, 64 Conrad, Lawrence 16, 17 Loghman al-Dowleh 104 Luff Dr 59 Madras Presidency 26 Mahbubi Ardak§ni, Hoseyn 60 Mahmud-Kh§n-e Kal§ntar (the Mayor of Teheran) 37, 46 Majd al-Molk 148 Mal§yer 149 Malcolm, Sir John 34 Marizkh§neh-ye dowlati 29, 36, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 66, 70, 72, 74, 75, 78, 81, 82, 99, 120, 121, 123, 132, 150-151, 160, 186 Marw 24

260

index of names

Mashhad 36, 58, 69, 71-73 , 75, 77-81, 93, 171-172 McChesney, Robert 76 Mesopotamia (949-983) 23 Miller, Timothy 16, 27, 79 Mirz§ #Abdol-Karim-e Tabib 103, 106107, 113 Mirz§ #Abdoll§h Tabib 122 Mirz§ Abol-Q§sem-e Hakim-b§shi-ye Solt§n al-Hokam§ 102 Mirz§ Ahmad-e Hakim-b§shi-ye K§sh§ni 102 Mirz§ #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Kerm§ni (see also #Ali-Akbar-Kh§n-e Nafisi) 91 Mirz§ #Ali (Doctor), #Ali b. Zeyn al-#Abedin-e Hamed§ni 91, 99, 105 Mirz§ #Alinaqi-Kh§n 114 Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Kerm§ni 52 Mirz§ $q§-Kh§n-e Nuri 46, 52, 54, 61, 69 Mirz§ Asadoll§h K§shi 94 Mirz§ Bozorg-e Far§h§ni 34 Mirz§ Bozorg-e Qazvini 39 Mirz§ Ebr§him-e Tabib 113 Mirz§ Farh§d 86 Mirz§ Hoseyn-#Ali Sheykh al-Atebb§ 113 Mirz§ Hoseyn-e Afsh§r 107, 114, 117, 129 Mirz§ Hoseyn-Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh 53, 58, 72 Mirz§ Is§ Vazir 68 Mirz§ Ja#far Kh§n-e Moshir al-Dowleh 69, 71, 80 Mirz§ K§zem-e Rashti (Malek al-Atebb§ & Filsuf al-Dowleh) 92-94, 38, 40, 92, 113, 132 Mirz§ K§zem-e Shimi 121-122 Mirz§ Mahmud-Kh§n-e Kal§ntar, (Mayor of Tehran) 37 Mirz§ Mohammad Hoseyn-e Zak§’ olMolk-e Forughi 44 Mirz§ Mohammad-e Tabib (doctor) 42 Mirz§ Mohammad-Hasan-Kh§n-e E#tem§d al-Salataneh 53-54, 97, 102 (Mirz§) Mohammad-Kh§n-e Q§j§r (Sarkeshikchi-b§shi & Separs§l§r-e A#zam) 53-55, 92, 107, 144 Mirz§ Mohammad-Taqi Shir§zi Malek al-Atebb§ (see also: H§ji $q§-B§b§) 38, 40, 43, 93, 113 Mirz§ Mohammad-Vli (Hakim-b§shi-ye Nez§m) 51

Mirz§ Mus§ S§veji (Fakhr al-Atebb§) 115 Mirz§ Nosrat-e Tabib 125 Mirz§ Rez§ Doctor 101, 121 Mirz§ Rez§ Kerm§ni 96 Mirz§ Seyyed Ali Tafreshi 86 Mirz§ Taqi-Kh§n Amir-Kabir (Far§h§ni) 33, 35, 61, 66, 144 Mirz§ Vali Ordu§b§di 103 Mirz§ Yusof-Kh§n-e Mostash§r al-Dowleh 48 Mirz§ Zeyn al-#$bedin-e K§sh§ni-ye Mo’ta-men al-Atebb§ 103 Mohamad-Kh§n-e Kerm§nsh§hi 59 Mohammad #Ali-Mirz§ (governor of Kerm§nsh§h) 171 Mohammad R§zi-ye Kani Fakhr al-Atebb§ 116 Mohammad-Sh§h 35, 40 Mohit-e Tab§tab§’i, Mohammad 48, 105 Mo#in al-Atebb§ 107 Moll§h Mohammad-e Qoboli 94 Mongol 5, 22, 25, 28, 77, 89, 148, 149 Moshir al-Dowleh 58, 69, 71-72, 74 Mostowfi, #Abdoll§h 59, 89-91 Mo#tamed al-Atebb§ (Mirz§ #Ali Doctor) 92, 93, 99, 101 Mo#tasem (Caliph #Abb§ssid) 145, 146, 171 Mozaffar al-Din-Sh§h (1896-1906) 59, 68-69, 108, 154 Mokhber al-Dowleh 59 Najaf 71, 73, 172 Najm al-Saltaneh (1854-1932) 68 Najmi, N§ser 36-37, 59 Naser al-Din-Mirz§ (the prince-goverment of Azarb§ij§n 35 N§ser al-Din-Sh§h 33, 35, 40-41, 46, 5256, 58-60 , 62, 71, 81, 89-91, 93-94, 96, 107, 117, 143, 166, 171 Nazar-$q§ (General) 107 Newton 119 Neysh§bur 24, 74, 76, 93, 110, 181 Nez§mi-ye #Aruzi-ye Samarqandi 177 Nidana 21 Nuroll§h-Kh§n 74 Ummayyad 22-23 Ottoman Empire 6, 25-26, 29, 31, 78, 89, 94, 126, 135-136, 156 Pahalvi 21

index of names Paracelsus, Theophrastus Philipus … (1493-1542) 119, 128 P§sh§-Kh§n-e Amin al-Molk 53 Persian Gulf 22, 36, 66, 73, 79 Perzoes (or Borzoe) 21-22, 135 Pinel, Philippe (1745-1826) 115, 120 Pishdadiyan dynasty 14, 143, 145 Polak (Dr) Eduard Jacob 37, 50, 61, 6366, 72-73, 77 , 105, 107, 113-114, 117, 129, 159 Prince E#tez§d al-Saltaneh 33, 58, 60, 62-63, 66, 71-72, 76, 86, 93-94, 9697, 102-103, 166, 171 Purd§vud, Ebr§him 148 Qazvin 39, 62, 149, 159, 177 Qov§nlu 53-54 Rafsanj§n 74 Rahmat-e Shir§zi 105 Rashid al-Din (Gh§z§n#s minister) 75 Rashidi Hospital 23 Rasht 36, 38-40, 73, 76, 79, 116, 171 Rayy 13, 24, 147-148 R§zi (Abubakr Mohammad b. Zakariy§) 5, 6, 132, 177 Seyyed Razi 121 Rez§ Qoli-Kh§n-e Hed§yat 65, 181 Russia 9, 31, 33, 52, 66, 121-122 Ruzn§meh-ye #elmi 67, 98-99, 123, 125, 132 Ruzn§meh-ye mellati 40, 42 Ruzn§meh-ye v§q§ye#-e ettef§qiyyeh (see also RVE) 37, -38, 42, 51, 60-65, 82, 97, 102 Sabzeh-meyd§n (Green Square) in Tehran 62 Sa#d b. Zangi (governor of F§rs) 149 Sa#di (Mosharraf al-Din b. Mosleh al-Din #Abdoll§h) 149 Safavid Empire (1501-1722) 32 Safavid owq§f 77 S§leh b. Nasr b. S§lum 126 Sanandaj 76 Sani# al-Dowleh (E’temad d. Sdtaneh) 9798, 166 Saunders, J. J. 20, 80 Sayyid Abu’l-Vaf§ 78 Schlimmer, Johan 7, 33-34, 66, 105-106, 118, 120, 154-156, 159 Schneider Dr 108 Seljuqs 15, 24, 146, 148

261

Sepahs§l§r-e A#zam 53-56, 58, 69, 72, 81, 144, 159, 255 Serena, Carla, 60, 67, 82, 91-92 Sh§h-Khosrow I (see also Khosrow I Anushirv§n) 15-16, 20 Sh§h-n§meh 145-146 Shahri, Ja#far 69, 72, 96, 107 Sh§hrokh the Timurid (d.1457) 71 Sh§h’s Mosque (in central Tehran) 42 Sh§hsavan 33 Sh§pur b. Sahl 22 Sh§pur I (240-270) 16-17, 19-20 Sh§pur II (309-379) 18 Shari#ati, #Ali 32 Sheykh Abol-Hasan Mirz§ 71, 113 Shir§zi 24, 38, 40, 72, 171 Shrine of Sh§h #Abd al-#Azim 96 Sin§n b. Th§bit 146 Sir Seyyed Ahmad-Kh§n 123, 125 Solt§n Mahmud Seljuqid 15 Susruta 21 Syria 16-17, 27-28, 181 Tabriz 24, 36, 67, 72, 74, 77, 171 Tafreshi, Mirz§ Mohammad 110 Tamerlane (1369-1404) 24-25 T§#uniya 167 Tehran-e N§seri 66 Tehran 1, 5, 7, 13, 15, 19, 21, 33-35, 3738, 40-48, 50, 52-69, 71-72, 74, 79, 8384, 89, 93, 96-99, 101-103, 105-110, 113, 116-117, 120-121, 123, 127, 132, 143, 145, 147-148, 151, 154, 159-160, 166-167, 171, 181, 186-188, Th§bit b. Qurra 177, 181, 182 The Prophet 32, 145, 162-163, 170, 181, 252, 255 Tholozan, Joseph Désiré 6, 7, 39-40, 46, 96, 101, 105, 114, 121-122, 1 24, 175 Tigris 23 Tunisia 6, 94, 127 Vesalius, Andreas (1514-64) 126 Van Andel 125, 133-134 W§#ez-e K§shefi, #Ali b. 162-163 Wellcome Trust xi, xii, 1 Werner, Christoph 74, 77, 80 Willem de Blécourt 10, 134 Woolwich Arsenal 62 Yahya b. Kh§led-e Barmaki 23 Ya#qub-e Laith (867-79) 76

262

index of names

Yazd 74, 79 Zachariah of Mitylene 16 Zagros 17, 149 Z§heriya owq§f 77 Zakhira (of Th§bit b. Qurra) 181

Zakhira-ye Khw§razmsh§hi 164, 181 Zandkhusra 18 Zarand 24, 76 Zell al-Solt§n (governor of Teheran and Minister of War) 108 Zoh§b 17, 73, 149, 171, 186

index of subjects

263

INDEX OF SUBJECTS Alcohol 45 Alq§b (see also Court titles) 90-93 Anatomico-patological (medicine, idea) 113-114, 129 Animal spirit 164 Apoplexy 158 Aristotle’s philosophy 163, 185 $sh-e kashk 157 Assimilation 20, 32, 114, 127-128, 132 Astrology 176 Astronomy 16, 105, 152, 176 Authority 32, 34, 54, 80-81, 91-92, 94, 127, 135, 183 Ayurvedic medicine 103, 123, 136 Bacteriology 116, 132 Bedside medicine 82, 87, 96, 120, 158, 183 Brandy 156 Central Sanitary Council 110 Charitable (institutions, acts) 13-14, 28, 72, 74-77, 79, 80-82, 144, 256 Charity 13-14, 28, 72, 74-77, 79-82, 144 Chelow (cooked rice) 156 Chief physician (hakim-b§shi) 40, 54, 64, 83, 88, 94, 102, 104, 105, 107, 117, 171, 178-179, 184 China root 154 Chinese medicine 129, 136 Cholera 5, 7, 10, 35, 37-38, 40, 42-43, 46-47, 68, 96, 109-110, 115-118, 129, 154, 159, 171 Choleric fever 115, 117 Cholerin 117, 167 Christian Hospital 28, 82 Clinical school 115, 130-131 Colonial domination 126-127 Constitutional Revolution (1905-1909) 31, 62 Contagious 36, 38, 44, 47, 116, 159, 167, 179, 191, 193 Contagious disease 38, 44, 159, 167, 179 Court medicine 89, 94, 109, 111, 127, 136 Court titles (see also Alq§b) 89-92, 94

Daheh 159 D§r al-shaf§ 25-26, 28, 69, 71-72, 7475, 77-81 Dasteh 159, 171 Davalu branch of Q§j§r 53-54 D§nkard (or Dinkard) 15 Development of the Q§j§r state 88, 108 Dysentery 157, 159 Ed§reh-ye nazmiyeh (the prefecture) 41 Educational reform 35, 44, 67 Electuarium Andromachi 149, 154 Ephemeral fever 156 Epistekon 27 Epidemic of plague (in 1877) 121 Epistemological (study, change, evolution) 11, 114, 119, 133 Epistemological integration of modern medicine 135 Epistemology of medical modernization 11 Epistemology 11, 135 Essencial fever 115 Estedl§l 163 Faith healing 10, 97 Fereni 155 Fever 7, 26, 116, 118, 128, 132 Firm§n 54, 91-92 Fonun-e panjg§neh (in medicine) 84, 152, 180 Fowj-e kh§sseh 51, 158 French Revolution 130 Galenico-Islamic (concept, medicine, knowlage) 18, 21, 42, 86, 115, 118121, 129 Greek medicine 19-22, 123 Greek sciences 20-22 Hadith 162 Healer 96, 182, 186 Health officer 47, 83, 86, 110, 169, 172, 174, 189-190 Hectic fever (tab-e l§zem) 115 Heyzeh 117-118, 159, 167

264

index of subjects

Hippocratic medical knowledge 21, 95, 116 Hippocratic Oath 95 Hospice 16, 28, 74, 79, 127, 151 Hospital experience 120 Household Medicine 10, 96 Humoral medicine 7, 22, 84, 114, 118, 132 Humours 84, 131, 144, 163, 165, 185 Ilkh§ni 32, 75, 77-78, 80 Indian Medical Service 121 Institutional (reform, change, modernization) 8, 11, 32, 87, 88, 113, 114, 121, 136 Institutionalization of medicine 97, 108, 136 Institutionalization process 11 Integration 20, 32, 88, 93, 97, 135 Intellectual areas of medical change 11, 87, 115 Internal dynamism (in traditional medicine) 31, 49, 116 Islamic democracy 49 Islamic government (of Iran) 48, 137 Islamic philosophy 20 Islamic shari#at 45 Islmaic renaissance 132 Jowhariyy§t (essences) 186 –188 Justinian legislation 79 Laqab 40, 90-94 Lashkar-nevis 57, 88 Legitimacy 76, 135 Madrasa 13, 24, 72, 76, 78, 90, 95, 99, 105, 123 Majles-e tanzim§t (executive council) 48 Modern public hospital 29 Madeira 156 Ma#qul va manqul 162 Medical discourse 6, 116 Medical historiography 5-6, 79, 91, 126, 129, 134 Medical modernization 1, 11, 29, 41, 8789, 109, 113-115, 121, 135, 136, 141 Medicine as science 120 Medieval Christian Hospital 28, 82 Medieval Islamic Hospital 13, 19, 23, 29, 81, 86 Military reform 9

Ministry of Hygiene 111 Minister of war 50, 53, 54, 57, 69, 73, 83, 88, 108, 144, 159 Miras-e Farhangi 74 Mirz§ (secretaries or scribes) 83-84, 171 Modern Hospital 8, 16, 29, 58-59, 74, 86, 136 Modern medicine 1, 6-7, 11, 32, 42-43, 71, 97, 99, 101-103, 105, 107, 109, 110, 256 Modern technology 11, 136 Modern Western science 5, 8, 130 Mohreqah 118 Morabb§-ye b§lang 155 Moshref (inspector, controller) 27, 8586, 188 Mosques 13, 76, 127 Maraziyyeh 184 Matowalli 27 Mu#tazilites 80 N§n §bgusht 155 National Assistance 111 Nationalism 52 Natural spirit 164 N§yeb 159 N§yeb al-Saltaneh (the governon of Teheran) 98 N§zer (supervisor in the Hospital) 27, 68, 85-86 , 183, 188-189, 191 Neo–Hippocratic (medicine, idea) 7, 115, 129 Nestorian Christians 19 Nosokomos 27 Nurse 57, 83, 85, 108, 157, 164, 167-168, 171, 173, 180, 188, 191-193 Nursing 85, 153, 191-192 Officier de santé (health officer) 47, 83, 86, 110, 172-174, 189-190 Ophthalmology 26, 84, 181, 185 Opium 45, 149, 154 Ordu 56-57 Owq§f (plural of waqf) 17, 27-28, 58, 72, 74-78, 80-81 Paris Clinical School 115, 130-131 Pathology 7, 101, 107, 121, 123, 129 Perihermeneias 185 Periodic / intermittent fever (tab-e d§yereh) 118, 128 Pharmacy 22, 23, 27, 42, 50, 56, 63, 84,

index of subjects 86, 154, 181, 187-188, 110, 149, 166, 185, 190 Physiology 118, 123, 128-129 Pilau 156 Pistachio jam 155 Plague (epidemic) 10, 37, 42, 43, 109110, 116, 118, 121, 167, 256 Polytechnic 60, 61, 86, 161 Port (a wine) 156 Power structure 32, 33, 34, 107, 135 Practitioner 10, 96, 105, 114, 130, 167, 180, 182-183, 185-186, 190 Prison 44 Professionalisation of medicine 10, 91 Psychiatry 27 Public health 34-38, 40-43, 45-49, 55, 63, 67, 83, 95, 109, 111, 132-134, 144, 165-166, 169-170, 172, 175 Public Hospital 7, 9, 29, 36, 50, 58, 65, 82, 88, 108, 144, 151, 154-155, 158, 185, 196 Putrid fever 118 Qan§t 76, 254 Q§puq (gallows) 62 Qaw§m (administrator) 27 Qow§ 163, 255 Ra’is al-Atebb§ 89, 91-92, 101, 121 Rational sciences (ma#qul§t) 15, 176 Realms of the soul 164 Regiment 33, 51, 55-57, 77, 83, 98, 153155, 157-160, 166, 168-172, 175, 188189, 192, 252, 254 Revolution (1979) 32, 103 Rikas (the ushers at the royal court) 38 Sanitary councils (or majles-e hefz al-sehheh) 9-10, 34, 36, 40-41, 43-44, 46, 83, 93, 98, 110-112, 121-122, 128, 132, 175, 192, 253 Sarb§z 159, 255 Sar-dasteh 159 Sarhang 159, 171 Sarjuqeh 159 Sarkeshikchi-b§shi 53-54, 144, 255 Sartip 159, 171 Sasanid Iran 17, 22 Sasanid period 15-17, 20, 23 Saydal§ni 27 Scab 159, 253 Scientific revolution 5

265

Senses 130-131, 162 Sensory perception 130 Sensualism 130-132 Shar§bd§r (keeper of syrups) 27 Sharbatd§r 190, 255 Sharbatkh§neh 27, 190 Shiite shrines 73, 81 Sholeh 155 Shrine 58, 69, 71, 75, 76, 78, 96, 172 Smallpox 34, 68, 47, 167, 251 Solt§ni 106 Spirit (ruh) 163-164, 255 Spiritual Universe 163 Spiritual elements 164 Sporadic cholera 118 Squadron 159 State Apparatus 90-91, 108, 135 Surgery 7, 27, 42, 64, 79, 84, 86-87, 120, 125, 173, 176, 180-181, 185, 253 Sympathic fever 115 Symptom (disease) 86, 107, 116-118, 158, 165, 180-182, 251 Syrian Nestorian Church 181 Tadbir-e sen§#i 157, 256 Takiyyeh 74 Tashrih 84, 256 T§#un 256 Tazkerat al-Atebb§ 146 Temperament 131, 156, 163, 169-170, 180-181, 186, 254 Tery§q (theriac) 149 Tery§q§t (compound drugs) 42, 84, 149, 154, 166, 176, 188 Theoretical transformation 11, 32, 113, 114, 118, 126 Theriac (see Tery§q) 149 Timurid sources 77 Tobacco 45 Toman (as money) 45, 57, 148-149, 159, 166, 256 Toman / Tum§n (as military unit) 148, 159, 171, 256 Traditional institutions 119, 127, 171 Transmissible cholera 117 Tunisian 6, 94, 127 Turco-Mongols 148 Typhoid 38, 47, 64, 101, 118, 128, 159 Typhus 33, 65, 159, 192, 252, 254 Un§ni medicine 103, 123, 125, 136, 256

266

index of subjects

Vab§ 117, 159, 167, 256 Vakil 159, 169, 172, 256 Vakil-b§shi 159, 169 Vodka 45

Western institutions 135-136 Western medicine 6, 66, 95, 102-103, 106, 121, 123, 126-128, 135 Western public health 47

Waqf (charitable endowment) 28, 77 Waqf-e kh§ss 75 Western drugs 41-43, 84, 98-99 Western hospital 28, 79 Western influence 31, 44, 48, 88, 123, 132, 135, 136

Xenodocheion 16 Zemmi 178 Zoroastrian religion 15, 21-23, 135, 145 Zoroastrianism 22