Liturgical Illuminations: Discovering Received Tradition in the Eastern Orthros of Feasts of the Theotokos

DOCTORAL DISSERTATION INTERNATIONAL MARIAN RESEARCH INSTITUTE UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON PONTIFICAL THEOLOGICAL FACULTY “MARIANUM” ROME ________________________________________________

Virginia M. Kimball

LITURGICAL ILLUMINATIONS: DISCOVERING RECEIVED TRADITION IN THE EASTERN ORTHROS FOR FEASTS OF THE THEOTOKOS

Submitted to the Faculty of the International Marian Research Institute of the University of Dayton and the Pontifical Faculty of Theology “Marianum” in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree Doctor of Sacred Theology Specialization in Marian Theology Director of Thesis Reverend Bertrand Buby, SM

AuthorHouse™ 1663 Liberty Drive Bloomington, IN 47403 www.authorhouse.com Phone: 1-800-839-8640

© 2010 Virginia M. Kimball. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or transmitted by any means without the written permission of the author. First published by AuthorHouse 1/19/2010

ISBN: 978-1-4490-7212-4 (sc) ISBN: 978-1-4490-4239-4 (e)

Library of Congress Control Number: 2010900653 Printed in the United States of America Bloomington, Indiana This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Nihil obstat: Johann G. Roten, S.M., Ph.D., S.T.D., Director Vidimus et approbamus: Bertrand A. Buby, S.M., S.T.D., Revisor Thomas A. Thompson, S.M., Ph.D., Revisor Daytonensis (USA), ex aedibus International Marian Research Institute, et Romae, ex aedibus Pontificiae Facultatis Theologicae Marianum, die 8 Decembris 2006

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Acknowledgments This doctoral dissertation would not have been possible without the support and encouragement given by my family and the patient direction from the International Marian Research Institute and its faculty. The time and effort that this doctoral dissertation required was substantial and I sincerely thank all those who made it possible. I particularly am grateful to my husband, Dean, and our children: Cheryl, Laurence, Lucia, Mary Louise, Thomas, Maura, John, Elizabeth and Katrina, and my grandchildren -- all who consistently urged me to continue and finish the project. I want to express my gratitude to the members of the faculty at the International Marian Research Institute at the University of Dayton, in Ohio. Fr. Bertrand Buby S.M. served as my director and spiritual mentor. I am grateful to Fr. Johann Roten SM, Director of the Institute and Fr. Thomas Thompson SM who were readers of my dissertation. I also wish to thank Fr. Luigi Gambero SM, of the Marianum in Rome, who gave me initial encouragement and suggestions for beginning this research. In addition, I appreciate the effort by Fr. Theodore Bobosh, an Eastern Orthodox priest who was also a reader. Finally, I wish to thank Ms. Susan L. Fall, a former student of mine and now good friend, who offered editorial assistance in proof reading and help in preparing the manuscript for printing. This project has been, for me, a spiritual journey. From the time I was a small child, I have had a love for Mary, the mother of Christ. She led me to Catholicism and now to Eastern Orthodoxy. She is the mother of all. I see her hand in my life and I believe that she guided me in this research. Virginia M. Kimball 4 Wayne Road Westford, Massachusetts 01886 June 2003

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LITURGICAL ILLUMINATIONS: DISCOVERING RECEIVED TRADITION IN THE EASTERN ORTHROS OF FEASTS OF THE THEOTOKOS TABLE OF CONTENTS PROLOGUE Illumination of Received Truths, Tradition Methodology Architecture of the Study Lex credendi – Tradition, Architecture chart

9 10 11 16

CHAPTER ONE INTRODUCTION (Justification for examining Orthros) Looking to Liturgical Sources for an Illumination of Doctrine Feasts of the Theotokos Pope John Paul II, Reference to “richness in eastern liturgy” Contemporary Study of Eastern Liturgical Texts “Liturgical Theology” versus “Theology of the Liturgy” Patristic Writers Liturgy of Orthros: definitions and structure General Background on the Daily Hours Method to Examine Liturgical Texts Context Lex orandi, Lex credendi Introduction to Other Sources Icon Biblical References Patristic Writings Translation Authorship Rationale for Contextual Analysis Architecture of the Study Context of Time Methodology of Examining Each Liturgical Text

19 20 21 23 31 40 42 47 58 58 65 73 73 76 78 81 88 93 94 96 98

(Review of Existing Literature) Ancient Sources, Collections and their Study Albert Ehrhard Josef Jungman SJ Karl Krumbacher Hippolyte Delehaye, Bollandiste

101 104 105 107 108

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Contemporary Work on Orthros 110 George Guiver 110 Robert Taft 111 Paul Bradshaw 118 Historical Background and Commentary, Monks of Mt. Athos 120 Byzantine Catholic Translations and Commentary 125 Festal Menaion and Other English Translations 125 CHAPTER TWO ANNUNCIATION, NATIVITY AND SYNAXIS, HYPAPANTE Feast of the Annunciation, Introduction The synaxarion Authorship Translation Interrelationship with Other Sources Biblical Apocryphal Patristic and Conciliar Documents Icon Context, Feast Day, Calendar, Shrines Lex Credendi, Tradition Synaxis, December 25 Authorship Translation Interrelationship with Other Sources Biblical Apocryphal Patristic and Conciliar Documents, Icon Context The synaxarion Lex Crededendi, Tradition Hypapante, The Meeting Authorship Translation Biblical Writings Apocryphal Writings Patristic and Conciliar Documents Iconography Context Synaxarion Illuminations the Texts Evoke Appendices

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127 131 133 136 138 139 149 157 179 187 205 230 231 234 234 234 235 237 238 240 243 248 249 250 250 252 253 256 257 261 265 269

CHAPTER THREE DORMITION / ASSUMPTION Introduction Authorship Menaia and the Synaxarion Apocryphal Sources Translation Hymnographers Interrelationship with Other Sources Patristic Writings Conciliar Considerations Bible Iconography Context and Social Location Liturgical Book, the Synaxarion Lex Credendi, Tradition Mysterium a silentio Appendices

275 285 290 296 300 304 305 306 324 331 346 357 365 371 372 380

CHAPTER FOUR FOUNTAIN OF THE FOUNTAIN Introduction Authorship, Biography Nicephorus Xanthopolous History and Writing of Texts Determining Original Authorship Contextual Analysis Sources of the Liturgical Texts English Translation The Synaxarion Interrelationship with Other Sources Patristic Documents Other Liturgical Texts Conciliar Texts Biblical Writings Meaning of the Icon Symbols Used Context and Social Location Connection to Easter Outside Eastern Orthodoxy Shrines Analysis of the Synaxarion Lex Credendi, Tradition The Spring, Fountain The Well

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405 405 408 410 412 412 413 414 417 418 422 426 430 442 444 446 448 449 452 454 457 458 462

The Source The Fish Theological Term Mystical Meaning of Pigi Illuminations Appendices

463 463 465 468 469 476

CHAPTER FIVE VIRGIN OF PROTECTION, BLACHERNAE Introduction The Veil Relics Feast Days, Constantinople Expanding of the Tradition Authorship Translation Interrelationship with Other Sources, Councils Patristic References Mary as “source of the Source,” Eve-Mary Liturgical Texts Related Liturgical Themes of “Protection” Biblical References Iconography Context in Time Western Appreciation of the Eastern Churches Feast and Its Elements The Synaxarion Illuminations Lex Orandi, Lex Credendi Appendices

484 485 486 488 489 491 495 496 503 505 514 522 530 533 536 548 549 550 561 569 582

CHAPTER SIX CONCLUSIONS, ILLUMINATIONS (Guidelines for Valid Use of Lex Orandi, Lex Credendi) General Observations Theological Analysis of Symbol in Marian Feasts Overall Theological Illuminations Principles for Lex Orandi, Lex Credendi, theological illuminations Recapitulation

591 598 612 616 619

BIBLIOGRAPHY Bibliography Endnotes

623 635

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PROLOGUE

The Rationale Liturgical Prayer embraces received truths Let us all who seek grace, praise with one accord the true living and endlessly flowing source, the most divine Spring, which pours forth its streams most abundantly. So much does it pour forth with healings daily unto all of us, men, women and children -- by comparison, a river's streams are regarded as nothing. In the course of our lives, we all are deeply longing -- with faith let us cup water in our hands and draw forth from the Spring inexhaustible and immortal strength in all truth which clearly covers the hearts of the pious with the dew of the morning. So with our lips let us cry …You are the comfort and solace of the faithful flock, O Maria! 1 1. Illumination of received truths, Tradition Roman Catholic and Orthodox theologies have always insisted there are two sources for revelation: Holy Scripture and Tradition. 2 The purpose and methods of this thesis are to identify illuminations of Marian doctrine found in eastern liturgical texts, texts that reveal centuries-long prayer and hymns describing the mother of God in anthropological and mystical ways. The method of this thesis rests on an observation of spiritual experience in prayer and prayer life, which demonstrates Christian faith in its praxis, and identifies this belief as doctrine embraced in Tradition. References to the Virgin Mary in the Bible are few but powerful. This work will explore liturgical texts in much the same way that biblical texts are studied, through recognition that liturgical texts are also generated from source material in the earliest Christian times

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and are themselves the fruit of Tradition. This Tradition will be viewed as a canon of received truths concerning the Mother who bore God. In content, these texts are always founded in and directly related to Holy Scripture – the Hebrew Scriptures and the New Testament. Olivier Clement, a contemporary Orthodox theologian, describes Tradition in the following way: … a 'pneumatic' anamnesis which, beyond the often too human objectification of the texts, reveals the unity and meaning of the Scriptures and shows forth Christ who recapitulates and fulfills them. 3 Catholic theologians of the 20th century, Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler, in a theological dictionary, describe revelation as possessing two different aspects, existing in intermutual relationship: An "historical, personal and verbal revelation" which enables "man to hear and embrace this personal self-disclosure of God as God." 4 The other aspect is "God's self-revelation in the depths of the spiritual person … not knowledge but a consciousness." 5 Rahner and Vorgrimler, then, in the second aspect, see that God communicates with humanity in the living experience of being Christian -enfolding spirituality, which is from the beginning in biblical time the prayer experience. Rahner then gives reason for a contextual study of the liturgical texts which will thereby identify the environment of prayer and its wording, and in the process avoid proof-texting or text-negating of these symbols of spiritual experience. 2. Methodology The approach in this theological study is to explore ancient eastern liturgical texts in context with a careful theological analysis that will provide a new illumination for Marian Theology. (It should be noted that eastern theological thought usually does not refer to the term "Marian Theology," seeing Theotokos and all doctrine concerning her as

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christology, and more truly a collective experience of the mystery of Christian life in relation to the Theotokos). At first, it might be expected that this study of eastern liturgical texts is meant to form a bridge between East and West. A bridge, however, merely joins two separate entities leaving them still independent, autonomous and apart. The methodology that will be used is symbolized by a tree, where East and West are understood to have common roots, a living organism with many branches unified in their origin and nourished by the same flow of living waters. The tree, as also in the biblical image of “the tree,” draws life from the waters of the River of Life (Psalm 1). Metaphorically, these roots draw from the waters of life in Christ and subsequently bear fruit which is new life. The fruits of this new life include an understanding and embrace of Theotokos. In this study, these fruits will be perceived to mean illuminations of doctrine about Mary. The doctrines are discovered in prayer experience, the liturgical prayer being like a cup holding Tradition. For example, it was demonstrated that a major feast in the East, "Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain," immediately follows Pascha in the liturgical cycle, and stands as the pivotal feast of new life found in Christ that flows from his mother. It reveals that Theotokos is always the vessel of new life, her Son. She is the source of the Source, the fountain of the Fountain. It is appropriate to symbolize, then, the exploration and illumination of liturgical texts in the metaphor of a tree. The tree of life -planted alongside the river of life that is Christ -- sends roots into the stream and draws every illumination of God's communication of life to humanity. The mystery of God’s gift of life is related always to this image of the tree and the lifegiving waters in and through Holy Scripture from the garden of Genesis to the city of Zion in Revelation. Following biblical metaphor, the drink of eternal life leads to glory, receiving Christ -- light in the darkness. "In him was life, and the life was the light of men (John 1: 4 RSV)." In drinking from the waters of eternal life, in which the roots are

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planted, the faithful receive Christ who is the light of the world. This is "theological illumination." 3. Architecture of the study Using the metaphor of the tree, this study itself will be formulated as a tree. The roots of the tree tap into the waters of Life, the Source -- God's living Essence, identified as mysterium a silentio. First to be examined will be the lower branches of the tree -- written sources, which along with the iconographic, conciliar, and patristic sources majestically provide the tree's growth from which the upper branches spring. The Introduction establishes a justification for examining liturgical texts as a source for illumination, as they directly refer to these branches of the tree. The study could not begin, however, until sources for these liturgical texts have been identified, which includes consideration of the history of work that was accomplished over many years in collecting and studying the texts, and also recognizing the difficulties that comes in studying these texts. Growing from the realization of years spent by scholars in accumulating and cataloguing the ancient liturgical texts, the overall study begins. We see that the branches of the tree represent a structure for theological analysis and selected texts, where all branches are parts of the whole living organism of the tree, and wherein each set of branches can be systematically examined in the following ways: 1) Authorship; 2) Workable translations; 3) Inter-relationship with biblical writings, apocryphal sources, and patristic and conciliar documents; 4) Determination of the context as it is situated in the liturgical festal cycle; and 5) Extraction of the lex credendi - lex orandi to determine the ongoing (and repetitive) cycle of received truths, which is tradition.

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With reflection on the prayer experience found in these ancient liturgical texts, the method demonstrates how the whole of the tree sprouts from the mysterium a silentio, wherein an embrace of the mystical is passed along, generation to generation, and expressed repeatedly in the hours of Christian prayer. St. Basil of Caesarea in writing on Tradition (tradition Latin, para,dosij Greek), explains that there will always be "written sources" and the "inexplicit form (mustikw/j)" found in kergyma. Among the doctrines and teachings preserved by the Church, we hold some from written sources, and we have collected others transmitted in an explicit form (mustikw/j) from apostolic tradition. They have all the same value. For if we were to try to put aside the unwritten customs as having no great force, we should be transforming the kerygma into mere words. 6

The chapters in this thesis explore major feasts of the Theotokos as found in Orthros, the Morning Prayer in the Daily Hours of the Eastern Church over the centuries. In conclusion, the final chapter provides a summary of the illuminations encountered. Feasts to be examined: ¾ Annunciation, Day After Nativity, and Presentation of the Child in Temple: Genesis, Synaxis of the Virgin, and Hypapante ¾ Dormition, Koimesis, of the Virgin Mary ¾ Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain, Zoethokos

Pigi

¾ Virgin of Protection, Skepi

The chart below indicates the tree architecture of this liturgical theological method: where branches of the tree alone do not reveal the tree in its wholeness nor the fullness of the living Source flowing in them. It does, however, provide illuminations of the silent mystery. In the ancient hymn that begins the gospel of John, we find that Christ in mystical language is the light: “What has come 13

into being in him was life, and the life was the light of all people. The light shines in the darkness and the darkness did not overcome it” (John 1: 3-5). The mystical equation of Christ with light is then introduced: “The true light which enlightens everyone, was coming into the world” (John 1: 9 NRSVOxford Annotated). Christ is “truth,” the truth and very essence of life, and Christ is “light” that enlightens, therefore the “truth” is “the light.” The symbol of the tree in its wholeness -- with each part fitting to every other part as a single living organism -- metaphorically is like the Mystical Vine where Christ is the vine and all the faithful are the branches, a living organism in the world now fed by a “silent mystery.” This figurative tree for my study is an icon showing faith rooted in the waters of Christ, a silent mystery resting in the hearts of Christians and lived in the cycle of time, accessed through the spirituality of daily prayer. Each of the five branches of the tree studied are: 1) Authorship; 2) Translation; 3) Inter-relationship with other sources; 4) Context of the texts in relationship to time and social location; 5) Tradition and the lex orandi, lex credendi; and finally 6) Illuminations of the mysterium a silentio. This method corresponds to the four senses of interpretation of Holy Scripture – literal, moral, anagogical, and typological. The literal sense parallels the obvious task of determining authorship and finding a translation for the liturgical texts – in order to take the texts at face value. The moral sense is demonstrated in the very experience itself of the Daily Prayer as Paul had encouraged in his words to "pray always." St. Paul urges constant prayer in order to be sanctified by God, to enter into the presence of Christ’s sustaining love: thereby instructing the faithful to “pray constantly” (1 Thessalonians 5: 17). The latter senses, anagogic and typological, are key in liturgical texts and evidenced in each branching element of the study, bearing revelation -- carried in the hearts of the faithful as the community prays. These are obviously encountered in the inter-relationship with other sources and the study of context, social location of the

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generation of the texts themselves. The relationship to time, however, draws on the deeper mystical meaning in God's revelation itself, which is the Ineffable, Timeless God communicating in "time." Climbing every branch, one encounters the hidden mystical meaning at every juncture. Often, the liturgical texts utilize typology, a means to study symbols and the mystical meanings via parallels and metaphorical comparisons, lex credendi and the resulting illuminations. All in all, the liturgical texts are in their reality an encounter with the living God and an embrace of the mysterium a silentio.

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LEX CREDENDI … TRADITION Determining the ongoing reception of truth: Extracting elements while allowing for mystical expansion. CONTEXT … in relationship to time Morning Hours represent: The brightness of morning time, a new day of life, an experience of “new creation.” The synaxarion which is: anamnesis, Christian memory. The history of the feast. Shrines. Placement of ritual, location. Devotional activities. Text in liturgical season, Examples: Fountain at Easter, Assumption at year end. The particular Service Book Calendar relevance. INTER-RELATIONSHIP WITH OTHER SOURCES Icons. Biblical writings. Apocryphal writings. Patristic and conciliar documents. TRANSLATION Comparison of ancient Greek texts with contemporary Greek and English texts. English translation - the sources. AUTHORSHIP Known hymnographers. Anonymous writing.

[The trunk of the tree with its branches above.]

mysterium a silentio 16

Looking ahead … Imbued with allegory, parallelism, mystery, and symbol, the liturgical texts are clearly and primarily spiritual, revealing truths through typological and anagogical elements. In the close relationship of liturgical texts to the Bible, early Christian writing, and homiletics, the texts utilize a multiplicity of symbolic models, paradigms, and metaphors that are devices meant to describe and embrace the mystery of the faith. These are evidently generated from the Christian experience of prayer. Therefore, carefully and step by step we will examine the the triad of the Incarnation feasts - Annunciation, Nativity, and Hypapante; and Dormition; and two significant feasts describing spiritually the role of Mary -- Virgin of Protection and Virgin of the Fountain: discovering in all the liturgical elements of these feasts an illumination of the mystery of faith, received truth concerning the mother of Christ, all of them embraced in the mysterium a silentio.

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Chapter One

Introduction The Orthros, Morning Prayer in the eastern Daily Hours , offers a full and rich source for discovering an illumination of Marian doctrine. Specifically, in this thesis, the method of searching the Orthros for the major feasts of the Theotokos will reveal a vast treasury of insights into Christian tradition that complements the meager biblical sources concerning the mother of Christ. As a starting point, justification for the study is found in the words of Pope John Paul II. First will be an introductory description of Orthros that demonstrates how the cycle of prayer represents a cycle of time. This cycle of prayer was instituted in the tradition of first Christians in the manner of Jewish prayer: daily recitation of the Psalter with reflections of Christian response in chanted hymns and short reading responses. In this chapter, the method of contextual theological study will be shown to explicate a means of determining received truth, corresponding to the axiom, "lex orandi, lex credendi." I. Justification for Examining the Orthros A. Looking to liturgical sources for an illumination of doctrine There is a rich source of mystical theology of the Virgin Mary in the ancient eastern Orthros, Morning Prayer of the Daily Hours. 7 With liturgical reform following the Council of Trent, many of these ancient mariological liturgical sources have been gradually forgotten. However, in contemporary times, Pope John Paul II has urged an awareness of the rich Marian tradition that still exists in the eastern liturgical prayer. In the memory of the beloved pope of recent memory, ecumenical studies and discussions about devotion to the Virgin Mary and a better understanding of the culture of the mother of Christ can be discovered in this theological analysis. This study investigates Orthros of six major Marian feasts: Annunciation; Nativity; Meeting of the Lord; Dormition;

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Virgin of Protection; and Virgin of the Spring, Life-giving Fountain, -- all found in the festal cycle of 11 major Marian feasts: 1) [December 9]

6) [July 2] Depositing of Sacred Garment Our Lady of Blachernae Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

Conception of the Theotokos [September 8] Nativity of the Theotokos Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

7) [September 1] (not in this study) Our Lady of Miasini Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

2) [March 25] Annunciation Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

8) [August 15] Koimesis - Dormition, Assumption Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

3) [November 21] Presentation of the Virgin in Temple Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

9) [October 1] Virgin of Protection, Skepi (Virgin of the Veil) Included in the Horologion (Ancient Greek Hymn) “Champion Leader” Included in the Menaion

4) [December 26] Second Day of the NativitySynaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion 5) [February 2] Meeting of Our Lord, Presentation of Child Jesus, Purification, Hypapante (considered in the cycle as a Feast of Our Lord) Included in the Horologion Included in the Menaion

10) [Friday after Pascha] Virgin Theotokos of the SpringLifegiving Fountain Included in the Pentecostarion 11) [August 31] (briefly mentioned in this study) Our Lady of Chalkoprateia Included in the Menaion

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In the ancient and eastern tradition, Christian life itself is “composed of cycles” and this cycle of life in God’s time is celebrated in the cycle of prayer. 8 The Morning Prayer is the longest of the Daily Hours and uniquely contains the synaxarion, a text generated from ancient tradition which describes the feast. No one has ever examined, in a theological, systematic and consistent fashion all the Morning Hours of the Marian feasts as they interrelate with the cycle of time. B. State of the Question 1. Pope John Paul II refers to the richness in Eastern Liturgy There abides within the liturgical tradition of the ancient Eastern Church a rich deposit of the faith with significant material about the Virgin Mary. In particular, the Morning Hours, Orthros, of the Divine Office for the Feasts of Virgin Mary in the Greek Orthodox tradition (shared in many ways with other eastern orthodox and Byzantine Catholic traditions) presents a comprehensive collection of prayers, hymns, readings, and the unusual synaxaria (plural of synaxarion) - found only in the Orthros. At the exhortation of Pope John Paul II, there is now greater understanding that liturgical texts of the East can provide illumination for the depositum fidei. Pope John Paul II created a theological milieu where critical textual examination of the mariological and spiritual elements in the eucology of the ancient eastern orthodox Divine Liturgy could lead to a growth in spiritual, linguistic and academic issues, aiding the study of Mariology for Catholic theologians and contributing to the ecumenical discussions between East and West. For instance, he pointed to richness in the liturgical texts of the eastern liturgy in Ut Unum Sint: Speaking of the Churches of the East, the council [Vatican II] acknowledged their great liturgical and spiritual tradition, the specific nature of their historical development, the disciplines coming from earliest times and approved by the Holy Fathers and ecumenical

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councils, and their own particular way of expressing their teaching. 9

This is a clear and open directive to explore “the liturgical and spiritual tradition” within the ancient eastern liturgy. It should be noted that Pope John Paul II exhorted Christian churches to beg for grace to build up the Church in union with Christ through hope in the Spirit – in a manner by appealing to God in the way of the Virgin Mary, the Hodegetria (the woman who shows the way), who is filled with the presence of “the Spirit” (Luke 1:35). Evidently, John Paul II believed that with firm intention of healing ecclesiological scars of the historical past, it would be the Hodegetria who will bring the divided members of the Church to Her Son, which will be true unity. And should we ask if all this is possible, the answer will always be yes. It is the same answer, which Mary of Nazareth heard: With God nothing is impossible. 10

Also, Pope John Paul II included this same idea in pastoral talks, “Light of the East,” and “Toward the Third Millennium.” Specifically, he recognized the spiritual richness in “the Christian East” and the transmission of Christian truth and tradition via the liturgy: This sense of the inexpressible divine reality is reflected in liturgical celebration, where the sense of mystery is so strongly felt by all the faithful of the Christian East. 11

In lieu of the themes set for three years prior to the millennium, Pope John Paul II in Tertio Milennio Adveniente looked to the Virgin Mary as the person who can point to her Son – who, in turn, can lead all ultimately to unity: “Mary, in fact, constantly points to her Divine Son and she is proposed to all believers as the model of faith which is put in practice.” 12 It is a common deposit of faith (depositum fidei) that we look to when we examine the liturgy of the ancient East. In the spirit of Ut Unum Sint, John Paul II discusses the work of Saints

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Cyril and Methodios who “labored to translate the ideas of the Bible and the concepts of Greek theology in the context of very different historical experiences and ways of thinking.” 13 The deposit of faith, embedded in a diversity of cultures remains there to be embraced and then carried to other peoples. 14 By examining the “form” of liturgical prayer, we will discover in the manner of time and experiential faith this “meaning of truth.” This can become a remarkable tool in evangelizing ourselves ecumenically to recognize there are, indeed, common sources of spiritual experience in the ages past that can serve as a tool for unity in contemporary times. John Paul II described divisions of the past as “deplorable.” “What is needed is a calm, clear-sighted and truthful vision of [the relationship of east and west church].” 15 As a unified body of Christian believers, we can now look back at the ancient liturgy for the roots of tradition and teaching on the Virgin Mary, a font of wisdom, which often has been strangulated and cut off during times of division. The Second Vatican Council’s decree on Ecumenism, Unitatis Redintegratio [#3] stated that baptized members of the Eastern Churches “are properly regarded as brothers and sisters in the Lord by the sons and daughters of the Catholic Church.” 16 In dialogue with churches of the East, John Paul II noted: Speaking of the Churches of the East, the Council acknowledged their great liturgical and spiritual tradition, the specific nature of their historical development, the disciplines coming from the earliest times and approved by the Holy Fathers and Ecumenical Councils, and their own particular way of expressing their teaching. The Council made this acknowledgment in the conviction that legitimate diversity is in no way opposed to the Church’s unity, but rather enhances her splendor and contributes greatly to the fulfillment of her mission.17

2. Contemporary Study of the Liturgical Texts The mission of Theotokos is consistently represented in the eastern liturgical texts as mediation. The initiative in her life,

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as well as in all Christians who cooperate with the will of God, is directly related to the mission of the Son of God in the world. Mediation is linked with mission, and depends on it. O'Carroll stated clearly: The mission of Theotokos in the world is her "participation in the deification of humankind through the incarnation." 18 Examination of the ancient liturgical texts, then, is undertaken with the understanding of finding the fullness of the mission of Theotokos, always carried out in mediation. Set in the cycle of time, this fullness is comprehended in terms of the inter-relatedness of events in the human life of Mary. No feast stands alone. It is in the interrelatedness and repetition in which tradition is identified. The context of the texts lends meaning to understanding the mission of Theotokos. As an example, in reference to the cycle of time, the Feast of the Dormition (Assumption) is perhaps the oldest and only “exclusively” Marian feast in antiquity. From this feast emerges an illumination of the purpose of God for her and for humanity, in eschatalogical terms, for the now and the future in the plan of God, the economia. Assumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary (Aug. 15; solemnity). This feast, the oldest exclusively Marian celebration, remains her most important day in the year – “her Easter.” 19

The Byzantine Feast of Hypapante, “the meeting,” observes the Purification of the Virgin Mary in the temple following childbirth. In Coptic liturgy, this is referred to as the “Feast of the Presentation of the Christ Child in the Temple,” and in Armenian tradition, “The Entry of Our Lord into the Temple.” 20 O’Carroll’s Marian encyclopedia notes the establishment of the Feast of Hypapante in Rome as one of four feasts relating to the “person of Mary.” This is “the meeting of the Infant Jesus and Simeon," called the "Presentation of the Lord," as well as later "the Purification of the Blessed Virgin Mary,” with Purification dating from the end of the 4th century in Jerusalem. It was known as the Feast of Hypapante, which was celebrated in Rome from the 7th century (between 640 and 649 AD). 21 The Feast of the Dormition

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known in Jerusalem “from about 430” was accepted in Rome about 650 AD. 22 The Feast of the Assumption, therefore, appears to be recognized before the Feast of the Purification, later known as Hypapante, in Jerusalem. Therefore, Fr. Daley notes the Feast of Dormition, or Assumption, as the oldest solely Marian feast. The antiquity of these feasts leads the theologian closer to the apostolic age and more intimately into discovering tradition. If we conceive of the New Testament writings as embracing sources and tradition that predated the texts, then it is reasonable to understand that these early liturgical texts had their own earlier sources and tradition from whence they came. In examining the theological and spiritual elements of these liturgical texts of Orthros, readings and prayers directly related to the founding of the first Marian feasts, the material will demonstrate new and refreshing relevance to many of the critical Marian teachings of contemporary theological thought about Mary. As noted, it is work that must be accomplished via liturgical theology utilizing a method of analyzing the texts in terms of a cycle of time, social location, and literary form. The contextual method to be used is a Sitz im Leben exegetical style, borrowed from biblical literary criticism, which involves an evaluation of "the historical situation and the aims of the community that the various [literary] 'forms' serve." 23 The method takes account of the life of the community from which the texts emerged. Liturgical theology begins from the very same standpoint of Christian faith and experience. A Christian who prays is able to be truly a Christian who serves because he has the vision of God and of His Kingdom. Prayer is, among other things, the motivation and the contemplation of that vision. Our Christian prayer is both the exercise of our faith and the nourishment of our faith. 24

Liturgical theology offers the tools for illuminating liturgical text. Analysis of liturgical texts in terms of the cycle of time, as will be demonstrated, reveals illuminations that can be

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treasured by theological investigation -- always in lieu of liturgical time unfolding God's glory in the economia. These illuminations are all founded on the opening of salvation through cooperation with the will (economia) of God by Theotokos, her mission, demonstrated over and over again in the feasts: a. Mother who bears Christ, Theotokos, Ever-Virgin; b. Mary in relationship to the created world, Annunciation, Mother of the Church (understood to be the Mystical Body of Her Son); c. Theotokos in her continuing relationship to Christ, is Protection, Mediatrix; d. Mary as mystic, her relationship to Christ and the Spirit of God, Font and Advocate; e. Mary's life and its final end as a demonstration of the destiny of all in the eschaton, Virgin of the Koimesis, Sign of the Promise of Resurrection, Queen crowned in glory of God (giving eschatological hope to all).

Liturgical reform inspired by Vatican II, and carried out in subsequent years, identified the important need to recapture the value of eastern liturgical texts. Pope John Paul II urged this rediscovery of the richness in eastern liturgical prayer, which is related to the rediscovery of the value of the Daily Hours. Contemporary liturgical theologians such as W. Jardine Grisbrooke, Robert F. Taft, SJ, Paul F. Bradshaw, and importantly, the late eastern theologian Father Alexander Schmemann (d. 1983), have diligently worked on finding spiritual meaning and theological import in the ancient texts of the eastern Divine Hours. The Divine Office, in its interior meaning and necessity to the human-divine relationship, is directly associated with the natural rhythms of life, known to contemporary liturgical scholars as the “liturgy of time.” 25 Grisbrooke acknowledges the critical work in this field by Alexander Schmemann. 26 Theologically, the fundamental element of liturgical spirituality of the early Church in the Daily Hours of prayer, and as it has continued in eastern daily prayer, connected strongly to Hebrew concepts, is “a strong and balanced eschatology,” something that Grisbrooke says was lost in the evolution from pre-Constantinian Christian liturgy to the

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post-Constantinian era. 27 Themes of the Divine Hours, as they evolved from early Christian prayer ritual, can be described essentially in a typology of “light” and “experience in prayer”: 1) light, as it is connected to creation, the human condition, and resurrection, represented in the Genesis creation accounts and in the prologue to the gospel of John, and 2) prayer, as it represents in various ways the Christian experience and life. In our terms, this means that the "light" which is the mysterium of God is encountered in the liturgical prayer. Let us turn to the vast treasury of liturgical text material that exists as a deep well of mystical theology to be explored for Marian content. This treasury is now available due to years of meticulous collection and cataloguing. The work first began when monks (mostly Greek Orthodox and Russian Orthodox) on Mt. Athos identified ancient texts in the libraries of their monasteries (now 19 active monasteries are on this peninsula in Greece). In addition, Scholar Spyr Lambros of Cambridge University conducted extensive cataloguing in the 1900s. The work was continued by Albert Ehrhard; Karl Krumbacher; the Bollandists and, in particular, Hippolyte Delehaye, a Bollandiste. These magnificent efforts now make possible evident extensive research that can be carried out to determine the theological and mystagogical value of the texts. Liturgical theologian J. A. Jungmann encouraged this work of examining the vast compendium of texts that have been identified and collected over 30 years ago: The task is to illuminate, within the period mentioned [early Christianity], the history of kerygma against the background of the history of dogma. To this end, apart from the field of liturgy and Christian art, the whole sphere of ecclesiastical literature belonging to the period would have to be examined, especially homiletic and spiritual writings, even including the fragments of correspondence. The present outline is designed to encourage younger men to undertake more detailed work, the aim of which would be to make the minutiae of historical study serve a higher theological purpose. 28

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As previously stated, this study will be more than a search for texts “to prove” certain dogmatic claims, but a Sitz im Leben style method and analysis that reveals the meaning according to Christian life. Contextual study, however, involves more than just course - or form-criticism. It also requires the search for another point of reference besides the text itself, whether this is a further document or archaeological remains or whatever, so that any conclusion drawn may be based not upon the unsubstantiated testimony of one witness but upon some form of triangulation. 29

In this study of Orthros, the Sitz im Leben method determines the context of the liturgical texts in the same fashion as biblical exegetes use this manner of biblical literary critical form. The method is used to explore the liturgical text’s relationship to evidence behind the text, the human environment at the time of authorship, relevance to biblical text, homiletic material, and iconography. The study here is meant not to be exhaustive of all these elements, but to demonstrate how such studies can be undertaken and what they can reveal. According to Grisbrooke, the operating theological principle in the divine office is “transformation of time”: … the primary purpose of the divine office is not simply adoration and supplication on behalf of all redeemed creation, but specifically adoration and supplication on behalf of all redeemed creation within the context of the transformation of time. It is for this reason that there is an intrinsic relationship between the office and the times of its celebration, and that this relationship demands expression in the structure and content of the office. 30

According to Grisbrooke, the intent of daily prayer, reading of the psalms and their responses, and the built-in interdependence of the office with its festal celebrations has always been known to provide a rich living tradition that identifies the expression of faith. 28

The Pontifical Biblical Commission in its 1993 document on the Interpretation of the Bible speaks of the interaction between biblical exegesis and theological research, and the critically important relationship of exegesis to the living faith of the community. Since Orthros is and was so intrinsically a part of Christian life, theological research of the liturgical texts provides a study of text in living context, much like biblical exegesis conducted in what is now named “social location.” Exegesis produces its best results when it is carried out in the context of the living faith of the Christian community, which is directed toward the salvation of the entire world. 31

In this same document, the statement is made that “the historical-critical method is the indispensable method for the scientific study of the meaning of ancient texts.” 32 Of course, this magisterial document is referring to the ancient texts of the Bible. But it clearly explains the value of Sitz im Leben as a method for study of ancient texts that can also be applied to the liturgical text. The document suggests that this method was developed at a time when “historical-critical exegesis could often seem to be something which simply dissolved and destroyed the text.” 33 The narrow sense of the method known as Sitz im Leben stands in the history of the biblical historicalcritical methods as a determination of the setting of the biblical text. Paradoxically, one of those settings could be liturgical. In applying the term Sitz im Leben to this study of the texts of Orthros, it may be more appropriate to use this term understanding that it is a method to examine sociological and cultural anthropological elements of the liturgical texts. Like the biblical texts, these methods can illumine the ancient liturgical texts: It follows, then, that the human sciences – in particular, sociology, anthropology, and psychology – can contribute toward a better understanding of certain aspects of

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biblical texts. It should be noted, however, that in this area there are several schools of thought, with notable disagreement among them upon the very nature of these sciences. That said, a good number of exegetes have drawn considerable profit in recent years from research of this kind. 34

In applying the genre of studying the context of the ancient liturgical texts, by using a Sitz im Leben-type method, we will see that this method looks at the text in “social location,” a process that utilizes sociological understanding and anthropological focus. The sociological point of view has had a role in the history of exegesis for quite some time. The attention which form-criticism devoted to the social circumstances in which various texts arose (sitz im leben) is already an indication of this: it recognized that biblical traditions bore the mark of the socio-cultural milieu which transmitted them. In the first third of the 20th century, the Chicago School studied the socio-historical situation of early Christianity, thereby giving historical criticism a notable impulse in this direction. In the course of the last twenty years (1970-1990), the sociological approach to biblical texts has become an integral part of exegesis. 35

The social and cultural anthropological issues in examining the liturgical text are, then, the methods that will be used in this study of the Orthros to identify Marian theological content, within the context of time and living experience of the Christian community. The work of collecting, identifying, and classifying ancient texts has been monumental. Now is the time to examine these texts … to look into the “meaning of time.” It is the purpose of this thesis to discover contextual theological meaning and mystagogy in the ancient Orthros.

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3. “Liturgical Theology” versus “Theology of the Liturgy” As theologians who study the Virgin Mary turn to liturgical sources, specifically analyzing the liturgical sources in relationship to the homilies and writings, there is an added insight that emerges – one which is liturgically dramatic and mystical in its embrace of tradition. This new dimension complements and deepens the compendium of theological knowledge often only stated in dry doctrinal terms. Details found in the eucology, prayers, and synaxarion (daily, anonymous commentary on the feast) illumine many theological claims. In turn, these liturgical expressions are themselves theological, a mystical theology that enters into the very essential life of being Christian. This can be seen when one understands the delineation of meanings between “liturgical theology” and “the theology of the liturgy,” as developed by Alexander Schmemann. 36 It will be the claim of this thesis to see, therefore, the ancient Orthros as a brilliant display of tradition, as lex credendi carried in continuum and throughout Christian experience permeating its lex orandi, from the very origins of Christian beginnings. The treasure of tradition, in turn, reveals a full illumination of faith deeper and wider than the constriction of a defined dogma. a. Tradition A theological consideration of the word, “tradition,” is necessary in beginning the mariological analysis of liturgical texts. A text from Athanasius (d. 373 AD), the Alexandrian bishop, demonstrates a 4th century understanding of the word, “tradition”: All his efforts purpose to substantiate the “very tradition, teaching, and faith of the Catholic Church from the beginning, which the Lord gave, the Apostles preached, and the Fathers kept” (Ep. ad Serapion I, 28). Against the rationalistic tendencies of his opponents he establishes the priority of faith over reason. The latter cannot be the judge in metaphysical matters. By reason man is unable to

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investigate his own nature and things on earth, not to speak of the divine and ineffable nature (In illud: ‘Omnia mihi tradita sunt’ 6). 37

“Tradition,” therefore, is that which comprises the faith and teaching of the Church that Jesus gave to the Apostles and then that faith and teaching was passed along by the Fathers (and we could add – the Mothers) of the Church. Although Athanasius cannot see “reason,” alone, as a means to discover the truth about God, he appears to rely greatly on the experience of faith as an authority. Later, Cyril of Alexandria is willing to combine a more scientific approach in addition to the experience of faith: It seems that he [Cyril] consciously and purposely extended the long established practice of adducing “proofs from Scripture” to include also “proofs from the Fathers”. He did not invent this method. It had been used before. But nobody so far had employed it with such technical skill and perfection. It is certainly his merit that from now on Patristic testimony stands with Scriptural as authority in theological argumentation. 38

Here, definitively, “tradition” becomes the authority of theological science. Does “patristic testimony” refer, in a narrow sense, to the homilies, tracts, and letters of the Fathers - only? Or does it embrace their mystical reflections, often described in poetic, metaphorical ways, found in hymns, antiphons, and poetic prayer composed often by the very same authors? The reception of liturgical prayer, handed down in the same manner as scriptural and Patristic texts from the apostles, points to a broader “tradition” of the Christian experience that is equally authoritative. Gregory of Nyssa, the Cappadocian who allowed more allegiance to ratio theologica than Basil or Gregory of Nazianzus, describes “tradition” as embracing a full knowledge and experience passed on by the Fathers: He [Gregory of Nyssa] is convinced that he should make use of reason to substantiate as far as possible even the deepest mysteries of revelation. However, in all these attempts to penetrate faith with mind, he lets himself be

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guided by the tradition of the Fathers: “If our reasoning be found unequal to the problem, we must keep for ever firm and unmoved the tradition which we received by succession from the Fathers (Quod non sint tres dii, MG 45, 117).” 39

To compare these Patristic perspectives on “tradition” as the continuance of the “very tradition, teaching and faith” derived from Christ through the apostles, Alexander Schmemann regards the “life of the Church, the public act which eternally actualizes the nature of the Church as the Body of Christ,” 40 not to be limited merely to single “aspect” of the Church but that which “embraces, expresses, inspires and defines the whole Church, her whole essential nature, her whole life.” 41 He quotes Louis Bouyer, in this sense: “The Christian religion is not only a doctrine … it is a public action or deed.” 42 Schmemann views contemporary liturgical renewal as “the fulfillment” of the Church in her “divine-human plenitude.” 43 In saying that “tradition” was “given” to the apostles and the apostles “gave” it to the church, and that doctrine embraced in tradition is a community action, a clear determination can be made that truths of Christianity are embraced in the liturgy. These truths of faith are handed on. The tradition of the early Fathers was not “handed down” but delivered to the faithful, in the sense of “handing over,” as explained by Patrinacos. The derivation of meaning in the Greek word, para,dosij, implies, in its New Testament meaning, that which “is transmitted” rather than a “transmission.” 44 The verbal root indicates the “delivery” of Christian teaching, as in St. Paul (i.e. 1 Corinthians 11:2). Then, by Holy Tradition (with capital T) the aggregate of truths of the faith is signified; these were originally orally transmitted by Christ and the Apostles to the members of the Church and, after that, taught in their entirety by the Church. These truths have been partially formulated and stated by the Ecumenical Councils, and by minor synods validated by the former; they have also been circulating in the common faith and conscience of the Church and

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have been included in later dogmatic and symbolic texts, in the writings of the Fathers and in the liturgical books of the Church. 45

b. Liturgy of the Hours: a source of illumination and its value When Roman Catholic theologians wished to search for the authority to proclaim the dogma in the 1950s, they turned to patristic homiletic and liturgical material. Several scholars have carefully chronicled the history of this search. Walter Burghardt, SJ, considered the significance of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary in an English text, soon after the 1950 papal definition of the dogma, when he claimed: [The dogmatic definition of the Assumption had] implications for the Christian understanding of original sin and its effects, for the precise modalities of Mary’s coredemptive function, for a rounded appreciation of her Assumption. It even has eschatological import; for a solution of the problem would cast light on the role of death in the Christian economy. 46

Burghardt’s work was built on and following in the riches of the vast and comprehensive research accomplished, among others, by Martin Jugie (1878-1954). Now, in the new millennium, we see an urgency to explore these very same themes in terms of Christian life and a renewal of spirituality and unity in Christ. In a 1989 dissertation study on the Assumption, Fr. Paul E. Dugan concluded, among other issues, that Marian devotion “indicates” some beginning points that “may guide” doctrinal study of Mary: Marialis cultus indicates some orientations for Marian devotion that may also guide the doctrinal presentation of the mystery of Mary, and consequently the study of the mystery of the Assumption. Marialis cultus stresses that devotion to Mary must be trinitarian, christological, ecclesial, and therefore pneumatological, a specific emphasis on the role of the Holy Spirit. 47

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A comprehensive work by Simon Claude Mimouni again demonstrates the vast resources to be examined in the ancient sources for the Assumption doctrines. 48 The comprehensive cataloguing and study of ancient texts of Orthros, such as these concerning Mary’s Assumption, alone, now await the examination of theologians, particularly the work of mystical theologians in search of the values within teaching that relate to Christian life. Mimouni considers, at length, the possibility of religious value in the historical texts he has assembled. He recognizes, without doubt, the “social location” of the many liturgical texts as they evolve following the Council of Chalcedon and the tension with the monophysites. It is the tradition of the liturgies, he admits, which demonstrates the tradition emerging in diverse liturgical places concerning, first, “the memory of the Theotokos” and, from that, important insights into the “Dormition” and Mary’s resurrection: Au total et d’une manière générale, l’évolution liturgique est difficile a saisir: les fêtes apparaissent et disparaissent sans qu’on puisse toujours clairement comprendre les raisons de ces mouvements. La liturgie est un domaine aussi vivant que mouvant, qui répond a des motivations rituelles, pastorales et catechetiques. On l’a maintes fois constate et on aura encore l’occasion de le constater : en matière liturgique il faut tenir compte des disparitions provoquées par les conflits doctrinaux issus du concile de Calcédoine. On a en effet profite des grandes catastrophes survenues a la suite des invasions des perses sassanides et des arabes islamiques pour imposer la liturgie dite “byzantine” aux dépens des liturgies plus anciennes dont seules les Églises périphériques, arménienne et géorgienne, ont conserve traces. 49

Roman Catholic "mariology" is understood to be the theology of Virgin Mary, but most effectively mariology must be seen by all Christians as related directly to christology, ecclesiology, pneumatology, and spirituality. Philip E. Yevics, staff member at the Office of Religious Education of the Byzantine Catholic Diocese of Passaic, New Jersey, has commented: “Marian devotion can lead us to a greater understanding of our relationship to Christ and the Church and 35

teach us something about the nature of God.” 50 According to Very Rev. Alexander Schmemann, Mariology “properly understood is a kind of ‘criterion’ for Pneumatology." 51 I am convinced that Pneumatology and Mariology are organically connected in the experience of the Church and therefore must be connected in her theology. If indeed it is the Holy Spirit who reveals Mary to us, it is Mary who in a unique way is the revelation in the Church of the Holy Spirit. I am further convinced that the contemporary and confused interest in the Holy Spirit, valuable and promising as it is, will not lead to His genuine rediscovery unless it becomes at the same time an interest in the most spiritual one; that the Mariological decline will not be overcome unless Mariology is no longer viewed as a devotional department of the Church, but is integrated into Pneumatology. 52

With this argument, it is a natural conclusion that pneumatology concerning Virgin Mary and the Holy Spirit can be understood in the Church embraced and experienced in the mystical aspect of the Divine Hours. One can look to the liturgical text for more than dogmatic statements, but an experience of mariology (truly embracing Christ as she leads us to Him) and pneumatology, based in the context of time and cycle. In the past, theologians have relied for theological work to be founded mainly on scripture, magisterial documentation, and the writings of theologians - looking to the liturgy as a source for confirming theological claims. This would be what Schmemann has called “theology of the liturgy.” It is, however, liturgical theology that is “first of all and above everything else, the attempt to grasp the 'theology' revealed in and through liturgy.” 53 Here, the delicate difference between studying liturgy as an object or “theology of the liturgy,” as Schmemann terms it, and looking into and experiencing the theology as “liturgical theology” builds the rationale for this examination of the liturgy of the Morning Hours. Orthros, as it reveals the theology of the Roman Catholic defined dogma of

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the Assumption, through liturgy is – in reality – pointing to a “received truth.” This perspective can be applied to other ancient Marian feasts. Schmemann explains: … the “essence” of the liturgy, or lex orandi is ultimately nothing else but the Church’s faith itself or, better to say, the manifestation, communication and fulfillment of that faith. It is in this sense that one must understand, it seems to me, the famous dictum lex orandi est lex credendi. It does not imply a reduction of the faith to liturgy or cult, as was the case in the mystery cults in which faith was aimed at cult itself, [which] had its saving power as its object. 54

In contrast to this superficial regard of liturgy, the liturgical sources are a living experience of what Virgin Mary's Assumption means to Christian life: Nor does it mean a confusion between faith and liturgy as in the case of the liturgical piety in which the ‘liturgical experience,’ the experience of the ‘sacred,’ simply replaces faith and makes one indifferent to its ‘doctrinal’ content. Nor finally does it indicate a separation of faith and liturgy into two distinct ‘essences’ whose content and meaning are to be grasped by two different and independent means of investigation, as in modern theology in which the study of liturgy constitutes a special area or discipline: ‘liturgiology.’ What it means is that the Church’s leitourgia, a term incidentally much more comprehensive and adequate than ‘worship’ or ‘cult,’ is the full and adequate ‘epiphany’ - expression, manifestation, fulfillment of that in which the church believes, or what constitutes her faith. It implies an organic and essential interdependence in which one element, the faith, although source and cause of the other, the liturgy, essentially needs the other as its own selfunderstanding and self-fulfillment. It is, to be sure, faith that gives birth to, and ‘shapes,’ liturgy, but it is liturgy, that by fulfilling and expressing faith, ‘bears testimony’ to faith and becomes thus its true and adequate expression and norm: lex orandi est lex credendi. 55

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The liturgy, therefore, is not something that is wrapped around the belief but a very source from which we can see what was and is believed. It is not a product of a liturgical author who is trying to decorate the faith with beautiful and poetic ideas alone. It is the product of oral tradition and belief. But then liturgical theology - and I cannot overemphasize this - is not that part of theology, that ‘discipline,’ which deals with liturgy ‘in itself,’ has liturgy as its specific ‘object,’ but first of all and above everything else, the attempt to grasp the ‘theology’ as revealed in and through liturgy. There is, I maintain, a radical and indeed irreducible difference between these two approaches to liturgical theology whose task then obviously depends on whether one opts for one or the other. 56

c. Contemporary failure to look at liturgical texts: example It becomes apparent then, that we are addressing the issue of “tradition” and how it can be distinguished from legend, Christian imagination, later accretions, impact of secular or late philosophical thought such as gnosticism, romanticism, or deliberate propaganda for later disputed issues whether religious or political. It has been claimed that a definition of the Assumption dogma by the Catholic Church could have been sponsored by a rise in Marian apparitions - “a cry of the heart from the poor women and children who were their recipients.” 57 Or, Sally Cunneen proposes, “as civil society grew increasingly hostile to evidence for the supernatural, such accounts of Mary’s presence were far more compelling to most believers than church decrees.” 58 She pre-empts these comments with a false statement. “There were many arguments for the Assumption, though none of them were biblical or apostolic.” 59 When we look at the report released in February 2005 by the Anglican and Roman Catholic participants in ecumenical discussion (ARCIC), we learn that they were willing to agree that the dogma of the Assumption can be accepted on both sides as typology of what is biblical and apostolic. Cuneen refers, only, to the existence or “hints,” 38

as she calls them, that people in the early church had incorporated a belief about the Assumption “into the liturgical calendar, as well as in legends and art, since the fifth century.” 60 She tells us that it was the “tradition of popular belief” on which Pope Pius XII based his decree. First of all, we have established that a liturgical tradition is one and the same as an apostolic tradition. Isn’t it understood that what is carried in the liturgy is the continuation of “tradition”? Since we do not have a signed and sealed document from the 2nd or 3rd century, or even the 1st century, does that mean a truth of Christianity could not have been passed along in the apostolic tradition and prayer life of early Christians? After all, the telling of the Virgin Mary's death event claims that all the apostles were there. And if we deny that oral tradition of apostolic origin cannot pass along for four centuries, does this not negate what we so blithely accept for tradition in the formation of the Pentateuch? Treasured experiences of God and God’s revelations can be, and have been passed along for generations and generations in the past; why was this not possible in the first four centuries of Christianity? Additionally, the work of the persecutions in the first three centuries may have taken its toll on public writings concerning the God-bearer. How then, do we determine what “tradition” is? Much information concerning the Virgin Mary is found in the apocrypha and yet these are troublesome sources for theological work. By determining the voice of tradition, one can consider with more certitude the ongoing tradition of spiritual details of Koimesis and its theological meaning in the economia, as the continuing liturgical tradition exemplifies. One significant result will be to establish that the facts of the dogmatic claim in 1950 on the Assumption of the Virgin Mary along with spiritual illumination that has been transmitted not only in the early homilies and teachings of the Church, but also in the contemporary worshiping Church with faith flowing from apostolic tradition, still proclaiming a group of treasured details that illuminate the proclaimed dogma by the Roman Catholic Church in 1950. As Stephen Shoemaker’s careful

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research has demonstrated, there are diverse and expansive traditions concerning the Virgin Mary’s dormition and assumption, so details will never be completely sorted out and stamped as perfect history. He allows for a “synchronic coesxistence of a variety of traditions,” 61 while regarding the Palm traditions (a whole generation of texts) as “betraying clear evidence of a significant prehistory that the other narratives lack.” 62 He suggests thorough studies of the early Dormition sources in contextual comparison with the apocrypha, and even ancient Jewish apocrypha. At the completion of his expansive study of the ancient sources of the Dormition tradition, Shoemaker concludes: Finally, it is hoped that the antiquity of the earliest Dormition narratives will do much to erase a frequent prejudice of early Christian studies against attributing much significance to the veneration of Mary before the council of Ephesus. 63

4. Patristic writers The synaxarion (the anonymous daily commentary on the feast day, usually generated by holy monks living in ancient monasteries where Christian knowledge was treasured and preserved), corresponds directly to the belief of the faithful – noticeably also expressed by the liturgical writings of early Patristic writers and sometimes anonymous authors, while giving details that have no other known authority other than coming from the hand of dedicated monastics. The early Patristic homilies reveal thoughts on Mary, which blossomed also in poetry and acclamations in daily prayer. Fr. Brian E. Daley SJ, in his work on the early patristic homilies on the Dormition of Mary, comments: The roots of that branch of early Christian literature seem to lie not only in early references to Mary’s role in the Christian Mystery by such writers as Justin and Irenaeus, or in popular early narratives of the pre-history of Jesus’ life, such as the Protoevangelium of James, but also - more immediately - in the rich theological rhetoric of St.

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Ephrem’s Syriac hymns and verse homilies on Mary, from the mid-fourth century, and in the corpus of Greek works attributed to Ephrem. As Greek preachers in the cities of the Byzantine Empire began more and more to make Mary the subject of their reflections, in the early decades of the fifth century, their style came to show a celebratory, poetic character rarely met with in earlier homiletics, even in the most highly-wrought festal orations of St. Gregory of Nazianzus or St. Gregory of Nyssa. 64

Fr. Daley includes in his translation of early patristic homilies 65 the writings of: a. John, Archbishop of Thessalonica - metropolitan of the city, 610-649 AD; b. Theoteknos, Bishop of Livias - counted at the Council of Ephesus, 431 AD; c. Modestus, Archbishop of Jerusalem, died 634 AD; d. Andrew of Crete, born in Damascus, 660 AD; e. Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople - served as patriarch, 715-730 AD; f. John of Damascus, “lowly monk and sinner, servant of the servants of Our Lord Jesus Christ, of the Old Lavra [Mt. Athos],” died 749/753 AD; g. Theodore the Studite, born 759 AD. All of the homilies collected in Daley's volume correspond with the Orthros of the Feast of the Dormition. This is an example of the correspondence of received truth in patristic homilies on a certain feast, but also how they relate to the liturgical texts. Patristic preaching co-exists and, in fact, is embedded in prayer and worship. The “celebratory, poetic character” is paralleled in contemporary liturgical text. “Apostolic tradition,” according to Meyendorff, including liturgical and sacramental traditions served in Byzantium as “a living framework for the understanding of Scripture.” 66 He describes the Byzantine theological approach to “tradition” as encompassing Christian life with wisdom from the past:

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In its very conservatism, Byzantine theology relies on internal and experiential criteria, which, like life itself, imply change, but also fidelity to the past. Neither change nor conservatism, however, is an end in itself. A tradition which is reduced to the preservation of concepts and formulae excludes the progress of life and is insensible to the Christian virtue of hope: in their paschal hymns, and at each Eucharistic liturgy, the Byzantines never stopped hoping for “a more perfect communion” with God in the Kingdom to come. But this very progress for them was possible only if one would avoid the pitfalls of “novelties,” inconsistent with the “apostolic” foundations of the faith, given once and for all in Scripture and the original kerygma of the eyewitness of Jesus. 67

This humble tradition proclaims and enhances the understanding of who the magnificent saint, the Theotokos, truly was as her life unfolded the plan of God. C. Liturgy of Orthros: definitions and structure 1. Definition of key terms relating to the Divine Hours The Divine Hours, also known as the Divine Office, was first developed in the ancient days of the Church as an extension and amplification of the Hebrew hours of daily prayer and praise for God. Jews who followed the Way of Christ gathered according to Hebrew fashion and repeated the daily reading of psalms along with traditional prayers. Paul Bradshaw identifies five actions, which the Mishnah warns cannot be “performed communally without the presence of a quorum of ten adult males,” stating that scholars feel these were the main elements of the Sabbath synagogue service at that time. These elements, he suggests, indicate the functional elements of Jewish communal prayer even though they were not always included in the same service: 1) the recitation of Shema; 2) recitation of the Tefillah; 3) the priestly blessing; 4) reading from the Torah; and 5) reading from the Prophets. 68 Other aspects of connections between Jewish and Christian 42

daily prayer will be explained later, in respect to the method of analysis of early liturgical text. Although scholars debate the actual number of daily prayer hours for Jews prior to and during the time of Christ, the known factor is that the earliest Christian prayer was patterned after Jewish prayer periods. However, concerning the 1st century, scholars generally agree that a tradition of daily prayer filled the life of early Christians, beginning with three times per day. Two trends which incorporated 1) the repetition of temple sacrifice and prayer in the temple and synagogue at appointed hours of the day, and 2) the desire of early Christians to pray without ceasing (1 Thessalonians 5:17), later grew into the traditions of 1) the Cathedral Office, and 2) the monastic hours of prayer. The traditional and long-lived Greek or Byzantine liturgy of daily prayer and petition is a combination of these two trends. 69 Originally the word, “liturgy,” which derives from the Greek leitourgia, referred to a “sense of cultic or priestly ministry” as understood in Hebrew scripture, 70 but “liturgy” later meant for the developing Christian community a kind of communal prayer, seen in classic Greek usage as the work (ergon) of the people (laos) - by the people for God and by God for the people. 71 The work of the people in the Divine Liturgy of the Eucharist was directly connected to a growing cycle of celebrations of major feast days and commemoration of saints, again indicating the interdependence of time and prayer and worship. The liturgical year is divided into a cycle that represents the life of Christ and celebration of the events of His life along with a celebration of the lives of saints. To this day, the eastern liturgical cycle mimics the Jewish year, beginning in September and ending with August. In the eastern tradition, Lent is a time of preparation – prayer and fasting -- that precedes Easter, Christmas, and the Feast of the Koimesis. This calls to mind the practice of prayer and fasting before major festivals even in other religious traditions, such as Islam. The prayers of eastern Vespers preceding Koimesis - traditionally celebrated every night

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for the two weeks before the Feast as part of the Lent before Koimesis - are also part of the totality of Divine Hours. Orthros has the greatest number of readings and is the longest prayer hour of the day, including the Psalms, hymns of the Hebrew Scriptures, poems by Christian writers, and Bible readings. The Latin, medieval tradition of Morning Prayer, is actually a combination of two “orders” or prayer hours of earlier times, prayer of the Early Dawn (Lauds) and Matins Proper - separated now by the reading of Psalm 50. The usual English translation of Orthros is the Latin word, "Matins." Orthros, in the Greek tradition, often represents a similar conflation of prayers of the night and earliest hours past midnight, all combined as prayer for the morning.. An unusual Order of Midnight, Mesonycticon, is infrequently recited between Compline and early dawn Matins. 72 The synaxarion, an element found only in Orthros, as mentioned earlier, is a commentary relating various elements of background for the event of the Feast, information about the saint of the day or the event of the day passed along by anonymous notes. It is a commentary set off in the Greek Menaion in a separate section to be read by the priest and deacon, evidently intended to provide information for homiletics. It is also sometimes read aloud in monastic celebration. The cycle of the Divine Office of the ancient eastern Greek Orthodox liturgical tradition is demonstrated in the Me,ga `Wrolo,gion by Bartholomew of Imbros, a hieromonk of the Monastery of Koutloumousiou on Mount Athos, which was originally compiled in 1832, and was corrected and sanctioned in 1857 by the Patriarchate in Constantinople. This Great Horologion has become the standard publication until the present day. The synaxarion found in Orthros in contemporary liturgical books for August 15 is almost word-for-word the same as that attributed to 7th century liturgist Andrew of Crete, indicating a steady tradition at least from that time. In certain ways, it is different in details from the apocrypha, concerning the Dormition of the Virgin. This evidence will be considered

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in detail in the later section on the Orthros of the Dormition. Although not part of the eucology and readings, the synaxarion is directly related to the mystery and truths of the feast and indicates a traditional source for the day’s readings, prayers and petitions. It is in the balance of these elements where theological tradition becomes evident within the context of the Christian experience in liturgy. 2. Description of liturgical books - sources of Marian texts Today there is a vast collection of ancient Christian liturgical daily prayers and readings, collected in various liturgical books of the eastern orthodox and eastern rite Catholic churches. 73 It is meaningful to see Orthros in relationship to these collections because this Morning Prayer is understood to set the theme and tone of celebration of the liturgical day. Theological meaning is drawn from the interrelationship of these service books. The various service books that include prayer to Theotokos, and all the liturgical hymns and prayers of the Eastern Church, include: the Horologion, the Euchologion, the Hieratikon, Ocotechos, Triodion, Pentecostarion, Menaia, Evangelion, Psalterion, Typikon, Parakliti, and Katavasiae. a. Horologion - a liturgical book called “The Order of the Hours,” including the invariable texts of the order of the services; psalms appointed for prescribed times of prayer day and night; fixed hymns and prayers of the daily cycle; and prayers for Matins and Vespers; here we will find the foundation of all liturgical prayer including Marian liturgical texts 74 used for all festal days. 75 b. Euchologion - a liturgical book that forms a supplement to the Horologion; it contains services of Vespers and Orthros; Liturgies of St. John Chrysostom, St. Basil, and Presanctified Liturgy (the most ancient Euchologion is that of Serapion of the 4th century); 76 the euchologion contains special prayers for the appointed feasts. 77 c. Hieratikon - a priest’s liturgical book which also contains directives concerning gospel readings at various

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feasts pertaining to Christ and Virgin Mary; that provides rubrics and directions for liturgical services. d. Octoechos - a cycle of eight musical tones for prayers that begin on the Sunday after Pentecost, following in eight-week cycles until the fourth Sunday before Great Lent (eight + tones, O , ktw, + +Hcoj); also called the Parakletike which originally consisted mainly of works composed by Orthodox theologian and hymnographer John of Damascus. 78 e. Triodion - a service book for the period of three Sundays before Great Lent, and ending Holy Friday in Great Lent which includes the ancient Prayer of St. Ephraim 79 and the Akathistos Hymn. 80 f. Pentecostarion - the service book of variable prayers, hymns, and readings from Easter Sunday to the first Sunday after Pentecost; here is found the Feast of the Lifegiving Fountain on Friday after Easter. 81 g. Menaia - a collection of 12 monthly books (each called a Menaion) containing variable parts for the immovable feasts and special hymns and prayers for feast days during each particular month; which contains tradition on the lives of the saints arranged in liturgical festal order. 82 Much of the material for several of Marian feasts comes from apocryphal writings. 83 h. Evangelion - the book containing biblical readings used for liturgical services, Sundays, daily services and feast days. i. Psalterion - contains the psalms used in the recitation of the Divine Office, divided into 20 parts (kathismata), each of these parts divided into three (stases) - each kathismata contains an average of nine psalms and each stasis three psalms (stasis refers to standing). j. Typikon - the book of rubrics which sets out the order of how the services for the Proper of the saints and the Holy Season will be celebrated. k. Parakliti - hymns for Sunday; see: Octoechos. l. Katavasiae - hymns before readings.

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3. General background on the Divine Hours Recently, the Greek Horologion has been translated into English by the monks of the Holy Transfiguration Monastery in Brookline, Massachusetts. This follows a comprehensive English translation they had just completed of the Pentecostarion. Currently, they are in the process of an English translation of the entire Menaion. In the Prologue to these volumes, the monks tell us of the value of these liturgical translations when they deem that the liturgical books are a “divine university”: This holy book is filled with the "waters of piety," and blessed are they that partake thereof. The liturgical books of the Church are a divine university wherein we are schooled in the things of God. They contain the divine vision and the ascents of the heart and mind of God-bearing Fathers. They reveal to us the deep meaning of the redemptive acts of God which we celebrate in the feasts. They set for us a banquet that we might partake and be filled. 84

For centuries the liturgy - the Divine Hours and the Divine Liturgy - were considered to be the catechism of faith. Along with the symbolic actions in these ancient liturgies, which were usually also connected with the tradition of an icon, the faithful were brought to the richness of faith, the experience of being Christian. Much like the magnificent Gothic architecture, stained glass windows, and medieval illuminations of scripture and Book of Hours in Europe, the liturgy served to instruct and sanctify the faithful. Now, in contemporary times, the monks of this American monastery are urging the faithful to study and familiarize themselves with the liturgies. This is the reason the Transfiguration Monastery, which dedicates itself to a very strict form of “orthodoxy,” set out to undertake such a vast project as these translations. It [the liturgical book] should be studied privately as spiritual reading, so that one would be better acquainted with the hymns when they are chanted in church.85

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Understanding that the liturgies were assembled and written by those of the past who may have experienced “divine vision” and a mystical embrace of the faith, the monks encourage the lay people, priests and deacons of today to “enter into the mysteries of faith.” 86 In many ways, the overall eastern orthodox tradition is called the secret of contemporary days because its members have not only kept the riches hidden in ethnic customs and language, but they themselves have accepted services with long periods of readings and liturgical actions they no longer comprehend nor understand. The riches that lie therein, in the eyes of these monks, other monastics, and scholars have been hidden even from the Orthodox faithful: For even though we have not reached the spiritual level to have divine vision - theoria - and ascents ourselves, yet through the hymnology of the Church and the homilies of the Fathers, we have both vision and hearing and are able in part to experience and taste the things of God. Through the eyes and hearts of the Fathers we are able to enter into the mysteries of faith. 87

Dominic F. Scotto TOR, in his work of liturgical renewal for the Roman Catholic Church, described the importance of the Liturgy of the Hours, communal prayer in its reform after Vatican II. He reflects on the loss to the body of the faithful over the centuries of this ancient form of prayer: For many centuries, the Church had, at least on the practical level, almost completely lost sight of the Liturgy of the Hours as a public act of worship of the whole Christian community. It became commonly known as the breviary, or priest’s daily prayer book, in effect the exclusive, and principally private prerogative of the clergy and religious. 88

Scotto quotes Archbishop Anibale Bugnini, former secretary of the Sacred Congregation for Divine Worship: The awareness of the Liturgy of the Hours as something belonging essentially to the whole Church has,

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regrettably, hardly been in evidence for many centuries. It had come to be considered as the preserve of religious and clergy. Liturgical services however are not private functions, or reserved to groups of elites; they are celebrations of the Church which is the sacrament of unity. They pertain to the whole body of the Church in different ways according to the diversity of holy orders, functions, and degrees of participation. As can be seen from the very structure of the Hours, with their psalm readings, hymns, responsories and prayers, they are designed for celebration in common. Individual recitation came in only when this

communal celebration was not possible. 89 Scotto concludes, therefore, that: Consequently, in the midst of the great liturgical renewal effected by the Second Vatican Council, one of the most significant liturgical reforms has been the rediscovery of the Liturgy of the Hours as a prayer for all the People of God. 90

It is a rediscovery of the spiritual treasury of liturgy generally regarded as originating in the 5th century. Following the peace in the Roman Empire and the end to Christian persecution, and after the Council of Ephesus, the tradition and reverence to the Theotokos came to fruition in the liturgy. Msgr. J.D. Crichton, a scholar in the history of liturgy, recognizes the importance of ancient liturgical texts: The origins of the greater feasts of Mary are to be found long ago in the fifth century in the eastern part of the great church that was still undivided. With one exception, the churches of the east and west still celebrate those feasts. As I have indicated in various places of the book, the contribution of the eastern churches to Marian liturgy is very considerable. 91

Clearly, the liturgical texts do provide a magnificent source for the theologian, and especially the theologian studying the Virgin Mary. Schmemann describes a rupture between theological

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study and the liturgical experience as a chronic disease, suffered by theologians in the West. He quotes J.M. Dalmais OP who openly addressed the question in 1948: “Theology did not know how to embrace the whole wealth of tradition, and to the present day worship is studied in school either as a part of canon laws, or in connection with the history of ecclesiastical institutions.” 92 Schmemann also notes that Orthodox authors in the 19th century involved in a "school" of dogmatics "somehow overlooked the liturgical witness of the Church.” 93 It was not a total exclusion with an occasional reference here and there to the liturgy, but: … the whole spirit of their system and method excluded a living interest in liturgics, in a search for those elements in the Church’s liturgy which could operate as an independent and indeed theological ‘standard of measurement’ in the task of expounding the Church’s faith. 94

Therefore, we see that both Eastern and Western Christians need to remember the Divine Hours and see them as a way to experience the life of the Church, the mystery and mysticism that is embraced in the tradition. Translation of the texts into English is one step, but the continuation of faithful attending services recognizing the tradition and faith of ancient liturgy will be the life force of the contemporary expression of Christian life, or spirituality. a. Connection to Jewish Prayer The first disciples of Jesus were Jews, and their mode of prayer fashioned itself in daily praise and invocation, a theory introduced above. St. Paul insisted there should be … prayer without ceasing (Thessalonians 5:17), inferring that it is prayer that makes us who we are in Christ. 95 Some liturgical scholars claim the development of the Daily Hours is a direct tie to the continuation of Jewish daily prayer 96 and others state that no such connection can be definitively stated. 97 Bradshaw sees no difficulty in relating early Christian texts to the Jewish background:

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It is true that contact between Jews and Christians did not end after 70 C.E., and there is evidence for some continuing links down to at least the fourth century: some of the early Fathers were clearly influenced by Jewish sources, and John Chrysostom tells us that some ordinary Christians were attending both synagogue and church, though it is not clear how widespread, geographically or chronologically, this practice was. 98

Whether or not the concrete connection can be made between Jewish daily prayer and the evolution of daily prayer in the Christian community, it cannot be denied that the spirit and tradition of Jewish spirituality - i.e. celebrating and communicating with God in the context of time - permeated the post-Constantinian liturgical texts. 99 The Hebrew theological tradition, a prayer rooted in time and expectation, provides a context for connecting religious image to the writings of Hebrew scripture, i.e. “waters of life,” “light in darkness,” and “bodily resurrection.” This is the methodology to be used in this thesis. Research conducted prior to 1960 by Aileen Guilding established a relationship of the ancient Jewish lectionary system with the Gospel of John. This correspondence can be only asserted in a contextual framework. The scholar need be familiar with and tutored in rabbinic studies, which Guilding acknowledges. 100 Establishing that John's gospel describes Jesus teaching in the synagogue, the Temple and the Temple environs, Guilding's work establishes that the evangelist employed a system in the gospel arranged around the Jewish liturgical year. 101 Considering the connections made between the lectionary system of the fourth gospel and the inherent mystical corollaries, one can examine in the same method the connections between the ancient liturgy and the Hebraic lectionary systems and symbols. As an example, we see the connection between John 14 and the Jewish celebration of the New Year. In the gospel, the public ministry of Jesus is nearing its end. It appears that an exegesis of verse 31 by Cyril of

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Alexandria echoes Jewish lexicons for Exodus and Deuteronomy: Cyril of Alexandria interpreted the words [in John 14:3] to mean "Arise, let us remove from death unto life, and from corruption unto incorruption", and this admirably suits the themes of the whole chapter and of the Feast of the New Year -- the journey to heaven, the Father's house; Jesus as the forerunner, the Way; his promise to come again and receive his disciples to himself. It seems possible that the words owe something to the influence of the New Year lections from Exodus and Deuteronomy. In Exodus, Moses pleads for God's presence with his people as they set out on their journey to the promised land. In Deuteronomy, the people are encouraged to arise and depart, and Joshua (Jesus) is the chosen leader who will go before them and cause them to inherit the land (Deuteronomy 3:28). It would seem that the words depend on the theological thought and the lectionary background rather than on any historical reminiscence. 102

Can it be said that a connection to the Jewish lectionaries, parallel accounts in the Hebrew Scriptures, was the mode of expression used which originally permitted the unspeakable mystery of Christ to be explained and was then added to the liturgical prayer? As we move on to examine the Marian feasts, we will consider the example of the powerful connection of the Dormition of Mary as represented in an "exodus," as well as other mystical connections such as the transferal of the Ark of the Covenant to Jerusalem, images all to be found in the Hebrew scriptures. Scholars like Kurt Hruby demonstrate the Judaic context that gave birth to early Christian prayer and holy text. In 1971, he clearly posits this point of view in comprehensive German research. More and more, as the inter-relationship of early Christianity and Judaism is studied, contextual aspects point to the importance of environment and embrace that which determines the handing along of spiritual tradition. 103 In pursuing the contextual inheritance of the early Church fathers,

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Hruby explains the connection there may have been between Judaic context and the tradition inherited in early Christianity. 104 This research continues in the work of John Bowman, which considers the infusion of Spirit into the written Torah, something called memra -- a voice of God. In the past, says Bowman, scholars have been "too quick to identify Memra in the Targums with the Messiah on the basis of Jn 1:1ff." 105 But, then again, "Others have been too quick to regard Memra as a fill word or a sort of buffer word to blunt the edge of biblical anthropomorphism." 106 These positions, according to Bowman, are no longer tenable. Understanding how God communicates with humanity (perhaps what we will later establish as mysterium a silentio), it is necessary that God communicates by "His Word." One is reminded of Elijah on Horeb. Yahweh was not in the wind and fire, i.e. He was not communicating with him thereby but in the still small voice. 107

And the research goes on. In 1998, William Horbury carries the investigation to ends with great implications for the study of liturgical text. Referring to D.K. Falk's study of the Book of Acts which looks at prayers of the Jerusalem church -apparently prayer before the destruction of Jerusalem, Horbury concludes that such study relates directly to Christian adoption of Jewish prayer. In the study of Jewish prayer, work of this kind on New Testament and patristic writings can perhaps stand beside the line of inquiry which has found adoption of Jewish prayer in Christian sources, notably in the prayers of 1 Clement, the Didache and the Apostolic Constitutions. This line has been followed recently in G. Glazov's argument that the recitation of Ps 51:15 -- in petition for the opening of the lips -- before the Tefillah lies behind its appearance in Christian morning prayer, even though he judges that its Jewish use will not have been fixed until the third century. 108

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b. Orthros in the Menaion relates to “meaning of time” Leaving the history of daily prayer to others, this theological study will be situated within the context of time, and time to come. The structure of the liturgical year is not incidental. The Christian calendar “has obviously a vital theological significance and many theological implications. Day by day the Church looks back to its past,” a sanctification of time living within the dimension of sacred memories, and looking at the same time to the future. 109 The flow of time is interrelated to the past, the present and the future as the covenant of Christ flows out from the Hebrew covenant, and as Christian memories are collected and culminate in the Eucharist: This paradoxical coincidence of Past and Presence constitutes the distinctive and unique characteristic of the Christian ‘memory’, which reaches its culmination in the Eucharistic anamnesis or ‘commemoration.’ 110

The interrelationship of all liturgical texts demonstrates the necessity of knowing all the liturgical elements in eastern prayer services. The Menaion and its cycles of saints’ lives, the Horologion and the seasonal books of the Triodion, Octoechon, and Pentecostarion are all inter-linked theologically and more specifically, in a way of mystagogy. This fact, in itself, gives rise to the theological import of all signs, symbols, and mystical text. Some scholars attribute the rise of the Cult[ure] of Mary, following Constantine’s embrace of Christianity for the Roman Empire, as an implantation of Virgin Mary into the cult of goddess and royal divinity, called by some as “Byzantium’s bequest to the Theotokos.” Like bright colored shards in the kaleidoscope, the functions of the goddesses, the imperial deity taken from the court, and the humble maiden of Luke’s gospel recombined themselves into a uniquely Constantinopolitan creation, the Theotokos. 111

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This theory is upside down in terms of the concept of Christian anamnesis. The argument by Limberis is comprehensive in asserting connections between actual phrases in secular and pagan poetic literature and the liturgical text of the 4th century onward. The conclusion, however, is to be challenged with vigor. The memory of the “humble Virgin” is true enough, but the theological tradition is that the choice of her as “Mother of God” turned the cosmos around, from death to life – in true historical reality, not mere legend or myth. The deeply mystical and poetic imagery of 4th century writers was then chosen by Christian poets and hymnists as a perfect match for the memory of this young woman’s role in salvation history. It was not an effort in any way, as Limberis claimed, to make Theotokos into a goddess. The body of believers in the world, the Church in its communal prayer, as distinguished from personal prayer, continues the memory, the unseen truth experienced in the past and celebrated together into the future. Prayer is intrinsically subordinate to sacraments. It is possible only on the basis of our sacramental incorporation into the Body of Christ, through Holy Baptism. Accordingly, the ultimate ‘encounter’ is realized also in a sacramental way, in the mystery of the Holy Eucharist. All ‘private devotions’ must be consciously directed towards this sacramental goal. 112

A contemporary author, Stephen Benko, examines the ancient cults and claims a continuing element that perpetuates the feminine archetype of God in Mary in terms of goddess worship. He does, however, refer to “tradition” in its best definition, but then appears to negate any “tradition” that existed from the earliest of times, for example, in the sense of Mary as queen: Tradition can be ascertained from the works of the church fathers and other ecclesiastical authors and from the liturgy, the official form of public worship in which the church gives expression to what it believes. Neither of these goes back much beyond the Middle Ages as far as the queenship of Mary is concerned, which means only

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that this truth, which was implicitly always in the apostolic deposit of faith, became explicit gradually. Thus, magisterium, scripture, and tradition are all utilized to support the thesis, which thus can be viewed as a truth revealed by God. 113

First, Benko admits that the title, “queen,” never has been directly defined by the Church but remains a concept to most who are aware of its existence in the magisterium. 114 One of Benko’s major claims appears to be a comparison of Mary to the early Greek and Roman goddesses. What is the function of Mary in her capacity as queen? The Greek and Roman goddesses were in charge of all female functions, presiding over marriage, childbirth, and similar issues. But what is Mary doing as a queen and what is the extent of her authority? In popular piety simple believers still turn to her with the same problems our pagan ancestors brought to their goddesses, and it is a common homiletic device, even among Protestants, to refer Mary as the paragon of wife and mother. 115

Benko is obviously onto a difficult theological question. From what perspective do we call Virgin Mary “queen”? And, yet, he admitted “tradition” is seen in the works of the church fathers and other church authors, as well as from the liturgy. Why is this not sufficient as a source for the elements of faith? It seems not only confusing, but also weak to thrust such a title of the goddess on the Virgin Mary. In fact, he notes a visit of John Paul II to the Black Virgin of Czestochowa when the icon was bedecked with a queenly crown and robe. Strangely, he compares this to the pagan idea that queens must be materially endowed: This seems to be the way devoted followers of the goddess, from pagan to modern times, can best express their love for the one they sense to be alive behind her material likeness. A queen, after all, must have wealth. 116

In truly examining the ancient patristic and ecclesiastical writings, it would be obvious that such a devotional care of an

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ancient icon is not reference to the material grandeur of a pagan goddess but an iconographic detail opening the eye of the believer to the glory and beauty of the virgin’s relationship to all holiness, which mystically is beyond all description and human detail. It is critical to ask if the theological argument at the center of the Cult[ure] of Mary in Byzantium was involved in a deliberate attempt to make the Virgin a pagan image and mode. Or, had the Theotokos always been remembered for her cooperation in humanity receiving new life, and were allusions to her status as “Queen” and “Source of Life" (goddess images) magnificent images that Christians could re-appropriate to represent how Mary was a source of life in the kingdom of God? What is remembered by the Christian apostolic tradition is her role in time and God’s salvation, which for the ancient liturgists was nicely expressed in the pagan mystical poetic phrase. Care must be taken, however, not to diverge into a false corollary, but to see the use of magnificent pagan hymns converted to a new Christian meaning. c. Elements of Orthros: The beginning of day; the beginning of a feast; and the beginning of new time The general plan for Orthros incorporates elements that stem from the most ancient Christian worship, including: the reading of Psalms, statement of adoration of God in the Great Litany, response to the psalmic claim that “God is Lord,” psalter readings and prayer units with poetic responses, communal blessings of God, hymns and prayer litanies, recognition of Virgin Mary’s “magnifying” the Lord, a gospel, psalm of repentance (Psalm 50), more prayers, songs (odes), and litanies, the synaxarion, and then concluding prayers, songs and litanies – all surrounding the theme of the festal day. 117

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D. The Method to examine liturgical texts In examining liturgical texts, the method to determine Marian theological content is different from extracting datum from homiletic or apologetic writings. First of all, then, realizing the difficulties in handling liturgical text will facilitate different methods of examination of text that need to be employed. The challenge of doing this involves: 1) an exegetical-type examination of the text in considering the context or social location of its origin; 2) identification of the remembered Christ experience and life given by Christ to the body of the faithful, the elements of faith, lex credendi; 3) determination of the interrelationship of liturgical texts with biblical, patristic, and iconographic sources; 4) presentation of a translation and realization of the inherent difficulty presented by translating; 5) determination of authorship. Therefore, the following issues that direct the study, outlining its limitations are: - The context of the liturgical text is understood; - elements of faith (lex credendi) deriving from the tradition of the church are identified in the liturgical form; - an interrelationship in time with biblical, patristic, and iconographic sources is established; - translation when needed is offered; and - authorship is determined where possible.

1. Context Once the persecutions of early Christian years ebbed and finally abated, there was a significant flowering of liturgical texts, beginning in the 5th – 6th centuries. Without persecution, the Christian faithful were free to express the experience of Christ and His church, and liturgical prayer ushered forth. However, due to the philosophical, political and social condition of the times – as always happens in human history –

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the faith was vulnerable to the thinking of philosophical schools and the ever-present heretical claims. For the sake of hyperbole and description of a mystery which is impossible to put in human words succinctly as believed truths, sometimes the ancient liturgical text, especially concerning the Virgin Mary, can take on the sound of ancient mystery cults and goddess worship. As an example, in Chrysostom’s Divine Liturgy, the theotokion (a hymn to the virgin) that always follows the Holy Anaphora, grants incredible hierarchical position to the Virgin Mary, praised and above all the hosts of angels. She is described as “ever blessed” meaning “ever filled with joy,” and “most pure” meaning she is filled with holiness, and unless the theotokion is understood in its placement immediately after the eucharistic miracle to mystically represent the Hebrew young woman who was a critical person in “mother of God” we see it means she is not a goddess. God’s plan -- the vehicle for Christ’s incarnation, there easily can be a misunderstanding and a distortion of her humanity: It is truly right to bless you, Theotokos, ever blessed, most pure, and mother of our God. More honorable than the Cherubim, and beyond compare more glorious than the Seraphim, without corruption you gave birth to God the Word. We magnify you, the true Theotokos. 118

However, understood in its context, this prayer beautifully enters the mystery of Mary as panagia, the theological sense of “all holy” and “immaculate” – in the meaning of “without sin,” filled with God’s presence which is to be filled with joy. Gnostic thought suggested a distant and misty place of the spirit, and this sense has permeated the liturgical texts in some phrases in the liturgical texts; but the texts must be understood not in the gnostic direct sense, but in a poetic sense of describing the indescribable work of God. Lavish wording may be the reason, in the past, that many theologians have shunned the liturgical texts for theological content. However, understanding the richness in mystical theology, the texts can be visited in the necessary sense of context, which leads to entering the mystical sense.

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The influence of gnosticism on early Christian text must be addressed carefully, recognizing that Christians were exploring the event and experience of Christ for its mystery and spiritual truths. The term “gnosticism” has been applied in vast and differing senses, so the use in this study will be directed to the comments of D.H. Tripp: 'Gnosticism' is presently used in two senses: either of a single putative pre-Christian religion, semi-clandestine, dualistic, syncretistic, influencing early Christianity towards mysticism, dualism, sacramentalism and cultic secrecy; or collectively of a diverse assortment of largely unrelated groups and schools of thought contemporary with early Christianity and partly growing out of it. Although the former use, once prevalent, is still current, and it is true that certain ‘Gnostic’ or ‘gnosticizing’ trends (claims to a gnosis or insight hidden from ordinary mortals; hostility to Jewish origins and heritage; world-denial) indeed occurred across the spectrum of such groups, it is methodologically preferable to examine them separately or under distinct classes. 119

Tripp identifies two senses of gnosticism, and views the overall impact as representing a general need in Christian life for mystery. The two groups include 1) “Cults of Power,” 120 and 2) those isolated groups set out to distort and cut themselves apart from the church and synagogue, 121 along with Gentile CounterChurches. 122 In studying the liturgical texts, one cannot avoid the impact of gnosticism. Again, Tripp claims it is the natural need of Christians in exploring the spiritual realm. Gnosticism, in both senses, has been credited with affecting Christian worship at many points; all that is sure is that it prompted the Great Church to affirm its belief in God as Creator and to interpret its rites more explicitly (the fourth-century adoption of cultic secrecy is too late to be due to this influence; it is more likely to be an imitation of the social convention of the Hellenistic cities with regard to the mysteries.) More significant than ‘Gnosticism’s real or supposed influence are its symptoms

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of popular and minority needs that standard Christian practice does not always satisfy. 123

The best method for recognizing and understanding how to see the text in context would then be to establish a rule of thumb, a benchmark of faith while then being willing to appreciate the expression of mystical experience. The theologian should not be afraid of studying the description of religious experience by those living their faith in the cycle of dry facts, but be willing to examine and be open to the deeper sense of God’s abiding love, again, emphatically, which human language can never adequately describe. In this sense, the theological study is more precisely an examination of the text in terms of mystical theology. In reference to the Liturgy of the Mass, Edward Kilmartin SJ, presents a theological study of the liturgy built on trinitarian theological elements: The mystery of the liturgy has a Trinitarian structure in its execution and content. From this axiom it can be concluded that a systematic approach to the theology of the liturgy has the task of demonstrating how the liturgy can be conceived as a realization of the economic Trinity. In other words, the identity between the mystery of liturgy and the mystery of the economic Trinity is the fundamental principle that should guide the attempt to work out a systematic elaboration of the theology of worship. A theology of worship must be concerned with showing how this real identity is to be understood and what consequences follow from this. 124

Kilmartin insists that “the reduction of the theology of liturgy to the theology of the Trinity is not only possible, it must be the goal of any theology of Christian worship.” 125 The idea of the theology of liturgy as theology of the Trinity is not a new idea, he says. However, he admits there have been very few attempts to work out this theology of the liturgy in a systematic way. This, then, is the goal of his first volume. There does, indeed, always exist a reference to the Trinity in considering liturgical prayer.

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…the integration of a Trinitarian theology, so that it serves as more than a marginal aid to the understanding of the Christological and pneumatological dimensions of the liturgical event, frequently remains unfinished business. 126

In discussing the theology of the liturgy in terms of Trinitarian theology, Kilmartin identifies the Holy Spirit as the One in whom “the encounter with Christ is effected.” 127 In the consideration of liturgical text as mystical theology, this centering on the Holy Spirit is the determining method: The Spirit, whom Christ bestows on the Church, is the principle of the life of faith. In this sense, the Spirit may be called the “soul” of the Church. This implies that the establishment, maintenance, and growth of the Church depend on the communication of the Holy Spirit. But the idea that the Spirit is the soul of the Church should not be understood to imply that the Church can be called “sacrament of the Spirit”. As “soul of the Church”, or the ultimate depth of the life of faith of the Church, the Spirit resists corporealization. What is corporealized is the effect of the work of Christ. However, the Church is the place of the working of the Spirit, who conforms the Body of Christ to its Head. 128

The body of Christ, therefore, is “corporealized” in the Church. The agent is the Spirit and, concurrently, is active in the body as the spirit of liturgy … the work of God and the response of the people in the work of the worship. In regard to the formulation of an “inter-relationship between Christ, the primordial sacrament of the Triune God, and the Church, the comprehensive sacrament of Christ,” Kilmartin offers the following: At this juncture, the subject of pneumatology should be introduced; for the sharing in the mystery of Christ takes place “through one and the same Spirit”(1 Cor 12:13). The Spirit is the principle of sanctification in the individual and corporate life of the Church. The Spirit is the bond of union between the primordial sacrament Jesus Christ and the Church. In virtue of the

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presence of the Holy Spirit, the church is a mystery intrinsically related to the mystery of the incarnation. The Church is like the mystery of the incarnation in that the social structures of the Church serve the Spirit of Christ, just as the humanity of Jesus serves the divine Word as organ of salvation. The church has its own proper function of the Spirit. This social reality is sacrament, made so by Christ, who shares his life-giving Spirit with his disciples, and through his Spirit makes his Body, the Church, the social organ of communication of the Trinitarian life. … In the Trinitarian approach to liturgy, the God whom Christians encounter in the worship of the Church is the Triune God. The Trinitarian God does not stand behind the risen Lord, who is present to his community assembled in his name. Rather the risen Lord is present to the assembly as its Head “in the Spirit.” The Spirit, whom Christ possesses in fullness, whom Christ promised to his Church, is possessed by the holy assembly. The one Spirit, in Christ and in the Church, is the personal agent through whom the Lord is united to his Church, the personal source of divine power by whom the Lord is personally present, uniting the worshipping assembly to his eternal worship. 129

Therefore, to search for the mystical theology in a liturgical text, one can examine the mystery-references without a fear of gnostic philosophy superseding the Christian tradition. Some scholars will continue to reject the mystical quality and insist that the development of liturgical texts fell victim to the practices of mystery religions or mystery cults. These cults were associated with pagan cults and their sites. 130 But, D.H. Tripp sees these individual cults and their practices as the human need to probe “the deepest issues of life and death, whether in nature or in the individual.” 131 And he warns that one must not readily interpret a distortion of Christian traditions by these cults, as claimed by some scholars. Christianity knew no secret rites, until the fourth century; even at that stage, when various decorative features like those of the mysteries were added to Christian rites, it is not certain that any corresponding theological changes

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were made at any profound level. Suggestions that Christian worship in the fourth century was deeply influenced or its nature seriously altered, by the mysteries of other pagan cults run the risk of reading back into the mysteries elements of later Christian usage which much later became the subject of controversy. 132

Of all Christian studies, the phenomenon of worship has the opportunity for examining the anthropological aspect of Christian life. According to J.D. Crichton, critical studies were conducted to adapt “methods of phenomenology” to studies that were limited or “obscured by an imperfect philosophy.” 133 Worship is, says Crichton: … a religious phenomenon, a reaching out through the fear that always accompanies the sacred to the mysterium conceived as tremendum but also fascinans, because behind it and in it there is an intuition of the Transcendent. 134

However, even though worship addresses the Transcendent, it is, at the same time, “profoundly human.” Ritual grew around the human events of life: birth, marriage, and death. The sacred and the rite are not imposed on the profane and the ‘natural’. Rather, the great events of life were regarded as in some sense mysterious, not wholly under human control, and the rite is witness to the need of people to refer to these events to a higher power on which they felt dependent. But these events were important at the purely human level. … But rite also enabled people to relate to the community of which they were part. 135

Still, there remains a dislike of the term, “mystery,” by many who are examining liturgical texts for theological content. As stated, they fear that it relates to the mystery religions and is not precise. On the other hand, modern liturgical theologians value the term as representing evidence of the living faith, thereby preserving the tradition, and demonstrating spirituality. The Church, the mystical body, celebrates the presence of Christ in the mystery of Christ:

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The Church in the celebration of the liturgy is declaring its faith that Christ the Redeemer is present and active, and humanity through its involvement in the celebration can make encounter with the living God who comes to it in symbol, sacrament, and in a word in mysterio’. We can respond with the whole of our being, with mind and body, with our senses, in word and song and movement. “Perhaps the whole matter of the liturgical mystery can best be expressed by saying that it is in the concrete (symbolic) and manifold expression of God’s presence and action in Christ among his people now.” 136

2. Identifying lex credendi In the patristic age, a time when liturgical texts were composed, the expression of faith was understood implicitly as the memory of the presence of Christ in Christian life. The patristic texts refer to a source, an argument that is invisibly understood, and an awareness of gospel that is collectively understood by the praying community. Schmemann sees that the patristic church and liturgical texts embody a well-accepted starting point, an assumption that is always present. He sees modernity’s ignorance of the inherent meaning in the liturgical text, “as in the case of the lex orandi: the epiphany and the experience by the Church of herself and her faith,” and he observes that “one may look [at patristic texts and liturgical material] without seeing and listen without hearing.” 137 One may produce more or less interesting, more or less scholarly monographs on the patristic “idea” or “doctrine” of this or that, and give the impression that the Fathers were primarily “thinkers” who, as today’s theologians, worked exclusively on “biblical texts” and “philosophical concepts.” What this approach ignores is precisely the ecclesiological and liturgical context of patristic thought. And it ignores – and here is the crux of the matter – because by western scholarly principles, techniques, and criteria adopted long ago by our theologians as the only valid ones – this context is not immediately perceivable. The Fathers very seldom explicitly refer to it, their “texts” do not mention it and

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the patristic scholar respectful of texts and of “evidence” cashable in the form of “footnotes” is, in virtue of his very method, unable to perceive it. There are theologians extremely well read in patristics and utterly convinced of their own traditionalism who, for example, denounce as non-patristic and non-traditional the idea of the organic connection and interdependence between ecclesiology and Eucharist because the “texts” do not formally evidence this idea. And, of course if theological inquiry is a priori limited to “texts” -- be they scriptural, patristic or even liturgical – these theologians are right. But the real meaning of this argumentum a silentio is different. For the Fathers this connection is not something to be theologically established, defined and proved, but the source making theology itself possible. They rarely speak of the Church and of liturgy in explicit terms because for them they are not an “object” of theology but its ontological foundation, the epiphany, the reality, the selfevidence of that to which then in their writings they “bear testimony.” 138

When the patristic hermeneutics are not “acknowledged, rediscovered, and practiced,” Schmemann notes, “the scrutiny of the most traditional ‘texts’ [including liturgical texts] will, alas, remain as irrelevant for our liturgical situation as in the past.” 139 Therefore, the study of liturgical texts looks for lex credendi in the lex orandi. It will be, according to Schmemann, liturgical theology which has to bring together the liturgy, theology and mystical experience of the Christian: We need liturgical theology, viewed not as a theology of worship and not as a reduction of theology to liturgy, but as a slow and patient bringing together of that which was for too long a time and because of many factors broken and isolated – liturgy, theology and piety, their reintegration within one fundamental vision. In this sense liturgical theology is an illegitimate child of a broken family. It exists, or maybe I should say it ought to exist, only because theology ceased to seek in the lex orandi its source and food, because liturgy ceased to be conducive to theology. We must learn – and it is not easy

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– to ask of the liturgy the right questions and for this we must rediscover – and again it is not easy – the genuine lex orandi of the Church. 140

Examining the liturgical texts is then involved in finding the genuine prayer expression (lex orandi) and carefully asking the “right questions” to rediscover the tradition. In the very revisiting of the ancient liturgical texts, there will be refreshing rediscoveries of the lex credendi. Carefully, the text will be examined independently in this sense and then can be compared, for example, with more developed post-Tridentine theological disciplines of Roman Catholic theology: biblical theology, systematic (Marian) theology, patristics, and theology of the liturgy. 141 Herman Wegman claims that the liturgical experts often forget the “sense of faith among church folk,” adding: “What has now for some time belonged to the normal tool kit of the church historian is still mostly absent from that of the liturgical researcher.” 142 In fact, he critically attacks current liturgical renewal since Vatican II: The attention devoted to the assembly is imaginary: “the faithful” are discussed as they ought to be, not as they are. The liturgical renewal of the Roman Rite effected since the Second Vatican Council is impressive, but the commentaries on that renewal circle around the liturgy as ens in se, without any critique arising from a history of popular mentality. The study of worship by the liturgical scholars deals with the superstructure and not the infrastructure. This is precisely my objection against this sort of research: it is too limited, too narrowly “churchly”, too hierarchical both in intention and in execution. 143

He notes that several German Roman Catholic scholars agree with his concern, noting the work of Angenendt 144 and Vorgrimler: 145 One can say that both writers [Angenendt and Vorgrimler] object to purely “liturgical” approaches and to unambiguous explanations (in this case) the Roman

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Rite, which go on as if the lex orandi had no importance. 146

Here is the problem that Wegman identifies: how to “distinguish what theology and the theologians have contributed in worship from what has come from the piety of the faithful?” 147 He looks for a method to touch and identify the lex orandi, which in turn will lead to the identification of the lex credendi. Wegman’s answer to the problem is to “attempt a theological re-evaluation of the cult of the saints” 148 through study of the calendars (i.e. the Menaion in the ancient East) and devotion to the saints. This kind of study points directly to employing the methods to theology of the Virgin Mary. The cult[ure] of the Mary is at the heart of the “cult of the saints.” It is in this matrix that the “piety of the faithful will be related,” 149 he claims. Therefore, faced with the former problem described above in identifying the context and then searching for the lex credendi, Wegman suggests: The thesis from which I work is this: in spite of the current desacralization of nature and cosmos surrounding humanity, the cult of the saints has been continually present in the mentality of the faithful, even when it has been forced into a somewhat cryptic form by the didactic violence of high-church liturgical instruction. Thus I present here not an historical but a theological contribution, in which theology lets itself be counseled by the piety of the people. My theological thesis is this: the devotion to the saints through the ages makes it apparent that, besides the apostolic succession, there

is surely a second and not less important pillar of the church: the “successio sanctorum,” the coherent array of evangelical witnesses and prophets. This succession, based on the sequela Christi, can be of decisive significance for an ecumenical ecclesiology. It can unite where the other form of succession has up to now divided the churches. 150

By examining the life of the Virgin Mary, as it is expressed in lex orandi, a deepening vitality comes to Marian Theology. The “holiness of the church” is sustained in the successio sanctorum:

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… which is in fact the only phenomenon capable of giving concrete form to the confession of faith in the holiness of the church. Where is the holiness of the church shown? Not in the writings of the theologians but in the vitae of the saints. 151

Wegman urges the theological discussion to take on “flesh and blood to the confession of a holy church.” 152 The dry bones, of the church so to speak, are enlivened with the Spirit of God, where the Spirit “has transformed the church into a church of saints, re-created with the breath of life.” 153 It is the “realized experience of holiness” by the men and women of history that gives “living and positive proof" of the faith’s theological tenets, credo sanctum ecclesiam. 154 Therefore, using Wegman’s method, the lex credendi can be identified by the holy lives of the body of Christ in the world, and in the case of Marian liturgical texts from the calendar of Marian feasts, even more so: The credal confession of the holy church is no freefloating pronouncement, but is filled with the life stories of people who have been sanctified and graced by God through the ages. 155

To this, he adds an important methodology, which this study finds most relevant to the study of ancient liturgical texts concerning the Virgin Mary. It is recognition that the history of God with humanity as it is experienced is truly ongoing and unified. In the ancient church, the best way to address and describe this mystery was through the use of typology. This method, says Wegman, was the tool in patristic use “in which past, present and future were united in all-embracing confession of Christ, the same yesterday, today and forever (Hebrews13:8).” 156 The delicate and problematic issue here, as Wegman states, is to identify whether the liturgical textual accounts of the lives of the holy men and women were influenced by the liturgy. … the Creed, the liturgy, and hagiography have all confessed the unity of salvation history. It is entirely possible (though it would require further research to

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clearly affirm) that the vitae have been influenced by the liturgy, for in the liturgy the typology of saving events and persons (Moses and the exodus, Elijah, Samuel, King David, Solomon) play an enormous role. What is certain is that a network of biblical allusions and exempla are found in hagiography, and that the imitation of biblical figures is of great importance. Does this explain the fact that in not a few Christian calendars persons from the Hebrew Scriptures are presented for veneration? In any case, the Moses/Peter typology, which C. Pietri has extensively described, is no exception. 157

This brings to mind the Eve/Mary typology, the liturgical reference of Virgin Mary in ancient texts to the Burning Bush, the Three Young Men in the Furnace, the Ark of the Covenant, Theotokos and the cloak of protection, and the Fountain of Life. But for determining the lex credendi in the vita of the Virgin Mary, as expressed in liturgical texts, the debate is moot. If the liturgical texts are interpreting the life of a saint in terms of the creed, liturgy and hagiography, in any event, they are all expressing salvation history. In the method that Wegman describes for examining the liturgy, we could describe the Virgin Mary as prophet, where: … vitae see the saints as imitators of exemplary figures from the Hebrew scriptures (Moses the precursor, Elijah the wonder-worker, etc.), then we may summarize this entire image with the word “prophet.” 158

In looking to the ancient liturgical text, the theological analysis identifies a living, breathing experience of the faith. The vita of the Virgin Mary, found in the collection of liturgical texts is then identified according to the successio sanctorum, as described by Wegman. 159 Aidan Kavanagh also expresses a similar conviction. He states: “The liturgy, being essentially something done and therefore seen, forms its participants on the deepest levels.” 160 The liturgy is the window to the mystery of Christ as experienced by the faithful: 70

… the liturgy’s ability to form its participants into a richly common way of seeing the world and the mystery at its heart weakens [when “overblown rhetoric” takes over], yet another motive for community coherence is lost, and the root metaphor of Christ’s Body becomes a source of dispute or mere speculation. When the imagination of Christians goes flat, enculturating the metaphor becomes impossible, and the force of the mystery manifested drains away. 161

Here, Kavanagh is urging the use of textual scenes and imagination to help worshipers enter into the mystery, experienced communally by Christians. This contemporary lack of imagination in liturgy parallels Schmemann’s concern that modern day liturgical experience sees a separation of lex orandi from lex credendi. Without any hesitation at all, Schmemann directly addresses the need of knowing and understanding the lex orandi: the “experience of the Church is primarily the experience given and received in the Church’s leitourgia -- in her lex orandi.” 162 The term leitourgia, which is much more “comprehensive and adequate than ‘worship’ or ‘cult,’ is the full and adequate ‘epiphany’”: 163 -- expression, manifestation, fulfillment of that in which the church believes, or what constitutes her faith. It implies an organic and essential interdependence in which one element, the faith, although source and cause of the other, the liturgy, essentially needs the other as its own self-understanding and self-fulfillment. It is, to be sure, faith that gives birth to, and “shapes” liturgy, but it is liturgy, that by fulfilling and expressing faith, “bears testimony” to faith and becomes thus its true and adequate expression and norm: lex orandi est lex credendi. 164

There is reference to the importance of the phrase, lex orandi est lex credendi, in the Dictionary of Theology of Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler. They note that the phrase leads to a "theological principle that the liturgy is a norm of faith, a witness to the infallible belief of the (praying) Church." 165 The

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term is found originally, they say, in the Indiculus de gratia Dei (D246). However, a clarification is given to distinguish this "proposition." On the one hand, "the liturgy does not expressly affirm a credal statement or obviously presuppose it." 166 On the other hand, the liturgy does not "propose matters to be believed that are not divinely revealed." 167 The authors suggest a resolution to this paradox: "The sense of the passage [in the Indiculus] is that the necessity for asking God's help in prayer proves our duty to believe in the necessity of grace." 168 Nicholas A. Jesson has also explored the relationship of liturgy and theology as inherent in the concept, lex orandi, lex credendi, as “symbiotic disciplines.” 169 Jesson carefully reviews the hesitancy on the part of many theologians to embrace the concept which is credited to Prosper of Aquitaine, a contemporary of Augustine. Jesson describes the source of the phrase and the context in which it was used. In a closing statement in an argument against the Pelagians, Prosper established that “‘the order of supplication determines the rule of faith’ – [as it] is found in Latin as: ‘ut legem credendi lex statuat supplicandi.’” 170 Jesson then reviews the arguments of Geoffrey Wainwright and Paul DeClerk. 171 Critically, using both these scholars to understand the phrase, Jesson concludes: “The principle here is that ‘the liturgy which may serve as a doctrinal locus is the liturgy understood as a total ritual event, not simply a liturgy reduced to its verbal components.’” 172 At the final conclusion of his paper, Jesson argues three points: 1) “Liturgy is service”; 2) “Liturgy is tradition. Properly understood, liturgy is more than the liturgical text and rubrics, it is the whole ritual act, it is the dramatic expression and experience of symbolic meaning. … This tradition provides a normative source for the theological reflection upon the religious experience”; and 3) Liturgy shares a symbiotic relationship with theology. The liturgy is the visible expression of the primordial religious experience that is simultaneously articulated theologically.” 173 In ecumenical terms, the problem that will arise is obviously which “liturgy” the theologians are now going to explore. If it should be that some of the ancient liturgical texts and patristic

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writings were not seen in context, perhaps the theological tradition may have been misinterpreted. Careful steps continue to be need in examining this powerful concept of lex orandi, lex credendi. 3. Inter-relationship to other sources a. The icon The lex orandi, lex credendi axiom can be extended to other forms of spiritual experience. The ages-old tradition of icons is yet another source for discovering the law of faith that is lived and prayed. Just as the words of liturgical text flow from the heart and evidence the lived faith of the Body of Christ in the world, so also the ancient tradition of icons. Linking the liturgical use of icons with the actual liturgical texts, contemporary to them, indicates even more deeply the mystery of faith they represent. Icons, according to George Maloney, grow out of incarnational theology. Christ was the true icon of God, the window to the revealed truths of Christianity. Early Christian theologians, who were also persons of deep prayer in oneness with Jesus Christ risen, taught that the law of prayer (lex orandi) comes out of the revealed truths which Christians believe in and act upon (lex credendi). They evolved an entire Christian incarnational theology from the two basic truths revealed by God in Holy Scripture by focusing especially upon their doctrine of image and likeness. 174

Christ becomes the “way of moving into the invisible presence of the all-transcendent Source of all being, God, Trinity.” 175 Like Christ, the icon communicates the unseen through sacred materials. The study of an icon, for instance, associated with a feast of the Virgin Mary, reveals in many ways the essential lex credendi. St. John Damascene visualized the icon in an incarnational manner. Just as the Virgin embodied the Incarnate Christ, in her body, the icon can embody the mystery of the Divine in its material. When the liturgical text is

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examined for theological content, it will parallel the theology of the attending icon. The Melkite Catholic Archbishop Joseph Raya provides a fine explanation of how an icon reveals the law of faith: In an icon, all the elements of nature are represented and transformed into a vision of God. The mineral world is represented by chalk and alabaster, which is covered by paint and by jewels and precious metals which adorn the icon. The plant world is represented by the wood on which the icon is painted. The animal world is represented by the egg with which the paint is mixed. And even the human world is represented by the relics of the saints which are added to the paint. This amalgamation of all the elements of creation in the icon is an assertion of, and emphasis upon, the indwelling holiness of the entire created world which participates and shares in the redemption of Christ. 176

Maloney describes the icon as “an inscape, a leading through matter into a fuller participation, or at least experience, of the Incomprehensible One.” 177 Since the tradition of eastern icons is a window to faith, explanation of an icon associated with the Marian liturgical text is a necessary parallel source. In Eastern Christianity art and theology go together. They cannot be separated. Both art and theology express the deepest inner feelings of the heart. Art and theology articulate God’s living revelation, but art does it in a visible, plastic way. An icon is a picture of a sacred subject which is painted on a panel of wood. The surface beneath is prepared with a mixture of powdered alabaster and glue beneath which linen is sometimes stretched. Colors are laid on, using the yolk of an egg as medium. 178

Looking back into ancient times, we see the Church in the origins of Christianity expressing the faith in scripture, liturgy and iconography. To explore more deeply the definition of the word, “icon,” it is certainly the most helpful to look at the writings of St. John Damascene (c. 676 - c.754 AD), considered to be one of the most authoritative patristic writers on the concept of “icon.” He was moved to explore and then state

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the theological defense of icons due to the horror of iconoclasm that was occurring in his time. Alongside his writings are the texts of the Second Council of Nicea in 787 AD, which explain the symbolic nature of the icon: The icon is an image or representation of a real sacred person or event. The Greek word “eikon,” from which the English word “icon” is derived, means “image”, “likeness,” “representation.” Hence, when an Orthodox Christian honors and venerates an icon, he does not honor or venerate the wood, paint, or other materials of which it is made, but the original or prototype, which it represents. The prototype thus honored and venerated is, in the last analysis, God, for God created man according to His own image. 179

In writing about holy icons, St. John Damascene, himself, describes them as passing along apostolic tradition: That the Apostles handed down much that was unwritten, the Apostle of the Gentiles says in these words: Therefore, brethren, stand fast and hold the traditions which you have been taught of us, whether by spoken word or by epistle (2 Thessalonians 2:15). And to the Corinthians he writes: “Now I praise you, brethren, that you remember me in all things, and keep the traditions as I have delivered them to you (1 Corinthians 11: 2).” 180

Apostolic tradition, as St. John Damascene describes it in terms of Paul’s writings, is more than textual descriptions. All the things remembered, in a sense like Hebrew anamnesis of God and God’s works, is expressed in iconography. And, likewise, iconography can be examined in identifying the context of the liturgical text. Often, in the case of Marian icons, an icon is historically contemporary to or contemporary with the origin of a feast. The “writing,” as it is often expressed, of an icon expresses the lex credendi in relationship to the lived experience of that faith, the liturgy. In reference to icons, the Second Council of Nicea describes “tradition passed on” as something that is “received.”

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From this writing and through the words of John Damascene, we can establish that there is a “received tradition” that finds itself expressed in ways other than Holy Scripture and specific documents. For thus the teaching of our holy Fathers, that is, the tradition of the Universal Church, which from one end of the earth to the other has received the Gospel, is strengthened. Thus we follow Paul, who spoke in Christ, and the entire divine Apostolic company and the holy Fathers, holding the traditions which we have received. 181

Icons, as expressions of apostolic tradition, then become parallel sources for determining the apostolic tradition; and, therefore, assist in establishing a lex credendi in and through experience in the associated liturgical text. b. Biblical references It is imperative to examine each biblical reference in the liturgical text undertaken for theological study. The biblical text in liturgical setting demonstrates a certain redaction because of its use and accompanying strophes composed to respond to the texts. At least from the 4th century on, daily prayer was structured around the psalter. Earlier than this period, in the first three centuries of Christianity, scholars are uncertain in what way scripture readings were central to daily prayer, according to Paul Bradshaw: Written texts seem to have been virtually unknown in the early centuries, and ancient writers rarely quote the content of their prayers. From what evidence there is, however, it appears that praise and thanksgiving leading to petition and intercession for others were the main elements – as structure that corresponds to early Jewish patterns of prayer. 182

As the liturgical text developed, more and more words were written relating the Virgin Mary to: 1) images in the Hebrew Scriptures, and 2) to inferences drawn from the New

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Testament writings. The selection of biblical texts and, then, the poetic response woven around them indicates the social location of the liturgical text. This integration of biblical text and the liturgical response will be important to the method in analysis of liturgical texts. An extensive use of the apocrypha appears in liturgical texts, as they do in the developing iconography. The Protoevangelium of James often provides details in the Marian feasts, particularly the Feast of the Presentation in the Temple and the Nativity. It is necessary to be aware of spiritual details found in the apocryphal texts that then parallel the mystical theology found in the liturgical texts, as they also are found in the icons. Often, scholars of art history refer to not only the apocryphal sources but the liturgical text when analyzing a specific icon, or even a painting of later Christian times (i.e. Medieval European, Renaissance, Baroque, and later art pieces.) One method of finding the lex credendi of the liturgical text will be to find which theological elements are consistent throughout the parallel sources: the Bible - directly stated or implied, the apocryphal writings, the iconography, the patristic writings, and the conciliar statements. For each theological concept drawn from the liturgical text, a composite will be drawn for each of these other sources. Most importantly, it is necessary to align the liturgical text with the iconographic tradition and then reference these to the biblical text, and patristic and conciliar sources. See the following diagram of this method: _________________________________________________ Received Truths Liturgical texts

Bible texts Patristic writings Conciliar statements

Icon

The Deposit of Faith

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As an added note, it is interesting to observe that the Roman Catholic conciliar statements concerning icons tell us that the icons are always consistent with the Bible and tradition: One of the traditions which we thus preserve is that of making representational paintings, which is in accord with the history of the preaching of the Gospel, as confirming the real and not merely imaginary incarnation of God the Word (Logos), and as contributing to our good in other ways. For those things which illustrate each other also emphasize each other. 183

c. Patristic writings and conciliar documents Yet another consideration in the textual analysis of liturgical texts is to compare a collection of liturgical texts attributed to a particular patristic writer and a homily on the feast attributed to that same person. In the case of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, two homilies by Andrew of Crete (b. 660 AD) - as translated into English by Fr. Brian Daley – differ in approach from the synaxarion of the Feast of the Dormition in the Orthros of the Menaion that carries Andrew’s name. Questions that pose themselves are: 1) Why this different approach? 2) Can the lex credendi of Andrew’s homilies be reconciled with the lex credendi of the synaxarion? 3) Is it possible that the synaxarion of the Orthros attributed to Andrew is actually older than 600 years? 4) How are Andrew’s homilies a meditation on the essential core of tradition surrounding the falling asleep and resurrection of Virgin Mary?

Although this will be examined later in greater detail in this study, here is an example of the apparent variant approaches, beginning with a homily on the Dormition attributed to Andrew.

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St. Andrew of Crete: Homily I [3.] If only we, too, illumined by this present feast of light, could be found worthy of the supernal glory of that light above all light, and could see the mystery clearly for ourselves! If only we could receive at least a modest ray of mystical initiation and express ourselves clearly, even if we are incapable of doing justice to that ineffable life of hers! These are unknowable realities. But at least we can learn, as far as we are able, the meaning of the rites we attend today. Come then, dear initiates of the Word, fellow lovers and gazers after Beauty! I appeal to you, with a great, exalted cry: let me spread out its meaning, still hidden in its symbolic wrappings, for your contemplation! Let me show you all its inner loveliness, surpassing the rays of the sun in its brilliant beauty!184

Andrew sees this feast as a celebration of Virgin Mary’s mystical knowledge of God and the way her experience relates to all Christians. It is Andrew’s petition for Christians to see there is a depth and glory of experience of God that can be attained in the actual living of Christian faith. Specifically, he says, there is knowledge of the glory that can be experienced in celebrating the Feast of the Dormition. He describes the Christian experience as a human way of seeking and attaining "Beauty.” The treasure received is a hidden glory and brilliance, realized in the meaning, understanding, through the participation in the feast. Now let’s look at the liturgical commentary of Orthros for the feast of the Dormition, attributed also to Andrew.

Orthros Synaxarion, attributed to Andrew of Crete And through (her) desire about departing to Sion, she went up to the (mountain olive garden) Mountain of Olives to pray with sincerity in (her) usual way because (she) always went up on this mountain to pray. Speaking in these conditions, what happened? At this particular time, the unexpected happened. Trees around the mountain bowed down by themselves, and like lively servants, and being fitting, they paid complete respect to the Queen. 185

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Virgin Mary realizes that she is going to die and is anxious to rejoin her Son. As is her custom, she leaves her house and goes up to the Mountain of Olives to pray. To pray “with sincerity” indicates that she has an ability to pray to God from the depths of her being. The "conditions" meant that Mary was able to direct prayer to God in a deeply mystical way. Then the commentary notes that the unexpected happened. Noted this way, it is almost expectable that the unexpected happened. The detail describing trees bending down to the Virgin sounds very strange. At least, it shows that all of creation metaphorically bends to the mother of Christ and God’s plan for her, as represented in palm tress (known in the near-eastern early culture to represent eternal life.) As in the Tree of Life described in Genesis, and tree that represents a righteous person in Psalm 1, and the trees by the River of Life in Revelation, there is a scriptural tradition connecting God’s lifegiving, in the present and continuing into the eternal. Virgin Mary, facing her earthly death, is the woman who has provided new life, new creation to the world, and God’s creation gives acknowledgment to her life. Virgin Mary’s contact with the fullness of life in God will be recognized as she is taken to her Son in Heaven as a life of brilliance, glory, the “beauty” which Andrew refers to in his homily. Not only do the patristic homilies reinforce the identification of lex credendi in the liturgical text and commentary, but they illumine one another as well. Yet, Orthros uses a deeply mystical scenario to explain what Andrew rhetorically asks for in his homily. The question would be, “Why doesn’t he propound on the mystical details found in this Morning Prayer of his day?” Several answers can be offered, none which can be answered by this study since they refer to historical dating and analysis of the Greek and lingual usage: 1. 2.

Was the tradition of the Menaion’s Feast of the Dormition attributed to Andrew later, after his time? Is it possible that Andrew knew the tradition of the synaxarion of Orthros for the Feast of the Dormition and was merely

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3. 4.

urging his listeners to reflect on it, assuming this received tradition was common knowledge? Did Andrew follow his own advice and seek the mystical meaning, later writing this commentary? Is Andrew the author of this commentary, which he just didn’t happen to mention in his two homilies?

d. Translation The roots of the ancient Greek language, the early Christian tongue and original language of the Bible’s New Testament derive, it is thought, from the Attic dialect and Ionic literary language of the 5th BC, which eventually evolved in a mixture into the language of Hellenistic Koine. Koine was close to the spoken dialect and was regarded as a non-literary language. This means that, lacking a structured grammatical system, full knowledge of the grammar and syntax of Koine Greek involves knowledge of the more ancient roots. For this reason, students of Koine Greek and of the Greek Bible need a knowledge of classical Greek if they are to carry their studies beyond the elementary level or into areas broader than a very specific problem

may delimit. 186 In biblical Koine Greek, there are certain characteristics that appear consistently: In the discussion of the nonliterary Koine attention was called to some of the outstanding characteristics of the popular Greek language in the NT period. Practically every one of the characteristics listed there for the Koine is valid also as a characteristic of the Greek NT. In addition to these, attention may be called to the following usages in the NT. 187

The koine period which extends from 330 BC to the emergence of Byzantium under Constantine, 330 AD, was used in the translation of the Hebrew Scriptures in the Septuagint translation, often thought to have been quoted by Jesus. Koine is “also the vehicle for New Testament scriptures.” 188

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Scholarly studies of the Greek language have brought the realization that in every era of its history this language, as any language, has been used for literary and formal discourse on the one hand and, on the other, as a vehicle for ordinary speech, letter-writing, and the like – a vernacular. For example, in certain of the plays of Aristophanes words were used which were found nowhere else in Greek literature until they were seen again in the non-literary koinh,. They had been in the vernacular all the while. 189

The Byzantine period follows, from Constantine to the fall of Byzantium in 1453, and the evolution of the Greek language appears to be a “continuation of the koinh,.” 190 A pure Attic style of the classical period of Greek antiquity persevered in the society. … the copious writings of the Church Fathers and of the commentators upon classical authors and of the encyclopaedists and historians were for the most part in literary koinh,. 191

This tells us that words and phrases of the 5th century liturgies, where no doubt many date back to even earlier sources, contain lingual elements as found in scripture. The study of ancient liturgical texts could take on fascinating lingual studies in terms of word relationships to biblical traditions, but this study cannot approach that aspect. Identifying the various stages can date texts and word uses in each stage. This study cannot approach that aspect either. It will not attempt to date textual material but rather depend upon translation already published or accomplished by the author through knowledge of koine Greek. Just as the translation of the biblical text takes on interpretation, the translation of ancient liturgical text can as well. This study will not address, except in particular phrases, the broader problem of textual criticism in relationship to translation. In addition, this study will not attempt to date the manuscripts but will work with the approximate dates provided by translators.

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It is interesting to note that the eastern churches, themselves, are finding a pressing pastoral need to bring English texts to the worshipping faithful, along with the need to provide liturgical texts to other non-Orthodox traditions in Christianity: In Great Britain, in the United States, Canada, and Australia, there are today many thousands of Orthodox Christians – and before long their total number will be reckoned in millions – whose primary language is English, and who can no longer fully understand services performed in Greek, Slavonic, Romanian, or Arabic. In most parishes, however, the chief language used in public worship is still that of the Mother Country. Without translations which they can consult at home or take to church, these English-speaking Orthodox are being spiritually starved, cut off as they are from a full participation in communal prayer. … Nor, in the third place, is it the Orthodox alone who need such translations. Never before has the Orthodox Church possessed so many friends in other Christian communions: and by far the best way in which these non-Orthodox can come to understand the faith and life of Orthodoxy is by sharing in its liturgical worship. Abstract explanations are not enough: as Philip said to Nathanael, ‘Come and see’ (John 1:46). Only too often, however, these friends of Orthodoxy have been deterred by the sad lack of adequate translations. 192

Translators of The Festal Menaion, however, find the task difficult: We are deeply conscious of its many defects. We have made every effort to provide a text that is dignified and accurate; but the task of translating the Orthodox service books is beset by formidable difficulties, and it is impossible to hope for anything that approaches perfection. Greek liturgical poetry at its best combines a marvellous beauty of language with a rigorous precision in theological expression. Much of that beauty and that precision is inevitably lost in the translation from Greek to English, and no one can be more vividly aware of this

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than the translators themselves. On many occasions we have been tempted to give up in discouragement. But always one thing has led us to persevere – our knowledge that on the practical level there is an urgent and specific need for English texts. 193

This translation problem is much like the translation problem in rendering the Greek biblical text of the New Testament to a vernacular. Any kind of innuendo communicated in the koine text, puns, or acrostic structures are impossible to fully represent in translation. No attempt [in the Menaion] has been made to reproduce the acrostics which abound in the Greek canons, and all allusions to these acrostics have therefore been omitted. 194

By “rigorous precision in theological expression,” this commentary indicates that there is a communication of theological thought imbedded in the liturgical text that is sometimes difficult, albeit impossible, to translate. In this study of the liturgical text, every effort will be made to point out such instances. The translators of this Festal Menaion state they have worked hard to merely translate and not abbreviate or edit the texts. 195 Many times in contemporary use, the liturgical texts are shortened, but this may result in a loss of theological content. Having established the need for translation of the Greek liturgical texts, the translators of The Festal Menaion state the manner in which they chose a text to translate: The basis of our translation is the original Greek: this has been compared everywhere with the Slavonic, and at times with the Romanian. The edition of the Menaia that we have normally employed is that issued at Athens by the publishing organization Phos, under the auspices of the ‘Christian Union of Young Workers’ (12 volumes, 1960-61). On occasion we have adopted alternative readings found in the edition published at Rome by the Press of the Propaganda (6 volumes, 1888-1901); or else

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we have followed the older Orthodox editions printed at Venice in the last century. 196

The next problem of translation of liturgical texts is the handling of biblical references. A decision has to be made which biblical text will be implemented. So far as the general style of our translation is concerned, after much experimenting we decided to take as our model the language of the Authorized Version (The King James Bible). This, we realize, is a controversial decision. Many of our readers will probably feel that, if the liturgical texts are to come alive for people today, they must be rendered in a more contemporary idiom. To this it must be answered that the Greek used in the canons and hymns that are here translated was never a ‘contemporary’ or ‘spoken’ language. The Byzantine hymnographers wrote in a liturgical style that was consciously ‘artificial’, even though it was never intentionally obscure or unintelligible. As we see it, the language of the Authorized Version is best adapted to convey the spirit of the original liturgical Greek. We do not dispute the necessity for more modern translations of Scripture, and their great value – in certain contexts: but for our present purpose it was the Authorized Version that provided what we most required. For three centuries and more the Authorized Version, and along with it the Anglican Book of Common Prayer, have provided the words with which English-speaking peoples throughout the world have addressed God; and these two books have become a part not only of our literary but of our spiritual inheritance. So long as certain archaisms of language and construction are avoided, the English of the King James Bible is still easily understood. 197

In studying the liturgical text for its theology, it is imperative to know which biblical translation is used, and in some cases, reference can be made to other biblical translations when making a theological analysis of the liturgical text. By consulting more than one biblical translation, the original meaning of the Greek New Testament text or the Hebrew Scriptures can be incorporated. The translators themselves admit that adhering to one English translation of the Bible

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presents many problems. One Greek word, for instance, can have many different levels of meaning and changes within the context of a phrase. They follow the work of St. Jerome who translated in his Vulgate epistles the word, evdokein, in ten different ways. To defend this idea of finding various meanings for one Greek word, the translators cite Monsignor Ronald Knox who says words are “living things, full of shades of meaning, full of associations.” 198 Quoting from the Authorized Version in the translation of liturgical texts becomes problematic because the general use of the Orthodox Church would be the Septuagint. This version often differs from the Authorized Version. And, they admit, no satisfactory English translation of the Septuagint as a whole exists. In their translation, then, they compromise. They use the Authorized Version for complete Psalms or long lessons from the Hebrew Scriptures. When the liturgical text includes a single verse, between stichera and in other places, they translate the Greek directly. The translators, here, have found only one translation useful: The Ferial Menaion or the Book of Services for the Twelve Great Festivals and the New Year’s Day, translated by N. Orloff, in London in 1900. It was meant as a literal, academic translation and is not at all suitable to be used for worship. Other translations of short extracts that are mentioned include: The Service Book, by Miss I.F. Hapgood and Divine Prayers and Services by Father Seraphim Nassar. In addition, the translators 199 refer to academic work 200 that had been done on the translation of various liturgical canons. Most of the Marian feasts to be studied are found in The Menaion. However, the Feast of the Life-giving Fountain is found in the Pentecostarion. In the latest English translation from the Greek by monks of the Holy Transfiguration Monastery in Boston, MA, in 1990, it is noted that early liturgical texts were written by hand and gradually collected, never having any “uniformity of organization” until after the 14th century. Various editions of the Pentecostarion were published until one critical edition was produced in 1836 by Bartholomew from Imbros, a monk of the Monastery of Koutloumousiou on Mt.

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Athos, in 1836 in Venice. “This edition is the one which became general among the Greek-speaking Churches and is the prototype for all later editions, including ours.” 201 It is interesting to note that Bartholomew regards the Pentecostarion as the second service book ever to be printed, the first being the Psalter … the earliest catalogued, printed edition dates to 1568. It is thought that the Pentecostarion used in Slavic countries was based on an edition prior to Bartholomew. In the English translation of the Pentecostarion, the monks also note the difficulty of translation. They delete notes by Bartholomew on the history of printing but include his historical and textual notes. They decided to not translate and, in fact, omit the synaxaria (which this study is including) because, they argue that there is no need to translate them, or even include them, because they are not read aloud. Also, the gospel readings for Orthros are not included in this new English translation because they are found in another service book. The monks also note the impossibility of recreating the acrostics found in the liturgical canons, when translating the liturgical Greek. 202 In addition, they have attempted to try and recreate a translation of the hymns and poetry in meter where the liturgical text indicates the need. This is difficult to do without sacrificing meaning. This was a problem encountered centuries ago by Saint Cyril and Saint Methodios when they took Greek liturgies to the Slavic countries and translated them: We felt encouraged in this direction by the example of Saints Cyril and Methodius; according to Obolensky, these two missionary Saints translated the services of the Church into Slavonic after the pattern of the original prosomia. They resorted to a textually defensible paraphrase in order to conform the Slavonic to the Byzantine meter, thereby foregoing a literal translation. The detailed studies of the musicologist Milos Velimirovic confirm Obolensky’s opinion. The successors of Saints Cyril and Methodius, on the other hand, translated very literally and even preserved the word order of the original, abandoning any attempt at reproducing the meter. It must be said that, inasmuch as

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English averages a far lower number of syllables per word than Slavonic and boasts a decidedly larger vocabulary, it is far easier to render the Greek in a metered English version than it must have been to do the same in Slavonic. 203

The need to massage the words and create a meter for the text in the process of English translation must be realized when going back to the text for precise theological meaning. It is only in the Greek that the poetry and hymns can most precisely describe by their sound and rhythm a meaning that is not found in the forthright wording of the text. This, itself, adds to the mystical meaning and the experience of the ongoing lex credendi found in the lex orandi. As an example, consider how poetic expression adds to the mood of reverence and depth of meaning in the following ode: Come, let us drink a new drink, not one marvellously brought forth from a barren rock, but the Source of incorruption, which springeth forth from the grave of Christ, in Whom we are established (Heirmos of Ode Three of the Canon of Pascha, specifically sung in the Morning Hours of the Feast of the Lifegiving Fountain, celebrated on the Friday after Pascha – repeating the memory of singing it on Pascha). 204

e. Authorship Mother Mary and Kallistos Ware note in the Menaion that authorship is difficult if not impossible to determine in liturgical texts. Those texts, which are identified with an author, usually by an acrostic in the poetic form, are not absolutely certain: In particular, the attributions of authorship given at the head of the canons and of other compositions are frequently open to question. In the present edition these traditional attributions are for the most part retained, although we recognize that many of them must be viewed with caution. 205

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This leaves us with the question: “Are the texts useful for theological consideration if the authorship is ambiguous or uncertain?” To answer this question, one could refer to biblical texts and point out that the text is considered “inspired” and containing revelation even though the attributed authorship in many cases is considered by scholars to be ambiguous or uncertain. This understanding should also apply to the ancient liturgical text. In many cases, holy men and women not desiring notoriety composed the poetry and hymns written for worship in ancient times. For example: Hymns were written for the services of the church in order to distinguish and celebrate the season of Pentecost. Eventually the texts proper to the season were collected into books for convenient use. The manuscript collections were not uniform in content or name. 206

The writings were offered to God, to the monastic community, to the church for the honor and glory of God … not the glory of the author. For this reason, it is understandable why authorship is sometimes hard to determine. And, as the manuscripts were collected, it is feasible to see that they could come under the name of an abbot or be attributed by others to a particularly holy person. And, then in later centuries, authors were known and definitely identified. And it is also obvious that even though a particular author is known that that person utilized source materials for what they wrote. For example, 14th century Kallistos Xanthopoulos consulted folios in Rome when he wrote the service for the Life-giving Spring. According to notes given in the Pentecostarion, there is a list of known authors of hymns found in this service book who “flourished before the tenth century,” their names placed over the hymn or found in the acrostic of the poetic form. 207

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In the period of formation of the liturgical text collections, beginning with the early Christians who prayed daily as Jews, it is unclear what was prayed or how the early liturgical texts came into being. What they actually said when they prayed at these hours is not easy to determine. Did. 8.3 prescribes the use of the Lord’s Prayer – which is hardly surprising – and this is supported by Tertullian (De Or. 10), but what else was added is less certain. Written texts seem to have been virtually unknown in the early centuries, and ancient writers rarely quote the content of their prayers. From what evidence there is, however, it appears that praise and thanksgiving leading to petition and intercession for others were the main elements – a structure that corresponds to early Jewish patterns of prayer. 208

In the 4th century a dramatic change occurred and Christian prayers to Mary began to flourish. Although scholars agree that the custom of daily prayer of the Jews flowed into daily Christian prayer, as stated before, none can say when, or how, or what prayers. With the development of monasticism, gradually the monastic prayer develops and the hymnody and poetry are collected, as stated. And either parallel to this, or evolving a little later (Bradshaw vs. Taft), is the development of the cathedral office – prayer of the church faithful in the local basilica. All along the way, holy monks are continuously composing liturgical text. By the end of the fourth century monks in or near urban centers outside Egypt had carried the evolution of the Liturgy of the Hours three steps further: 1) they had filled out the daily horarium by creating common synaxes or formal liturgical hours – the “little” or “day” hours of terce, sext, none [Note: Matins was one of the first Hours to be established much earlier as noted by Egeria] – at the traditional fixed times of Christian private prayer; 2) they effected a synthesis of monastic and cathedral usages by adopting elements of cathedral morning prayer and evensong, while retaining the continuous monastic psalmody at the beginning and end of the monastic order of the day; 3) they introduced a new office, compline, as

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bedtime prayer, thus duplicating vespers in both the cathedral and pure monastic cursus. 209

This indicates that there is an evolving process for the Daily Hours and, in this case, the structure appears, according to Taft, to be: “continuous monastic psalmody, light ritual with hymn of light, Ps 140 with incense, and intercessions.” 210 To this skeleton in a later period, and maybe already at this time, other elements such as antiphons, responsories, lessons, canticles, were added. 211

It is not necessary here to go into more details of evolution as Taft and others have traced it in the areas of Egypt, Antioch, Cappadocia, and Palestine. The detail important to a theological study is to see that such liturgical texts and canticles were generated from a monastic environment which gives them an authenticity. In studying these liturgical texts for the Marian feast days, a critical English translation will be compared to ancient 5th to 11th century texts. There will be no attempt to determine the dates of the manuscripts used but to accept the scholarship that precedes it. The main thrust of this study is to look at contemporary Orthros and where it appears loyal to the more ancient text will be considered the text of tradition, the lex credendi passed to the modern generations via liturgical prayer and spirituality. In many ways this textual study parallels biblical textual criticism. The starting point is not to extract texts and discard where it is impossible to identify authorship. Instead, similarity of contemporary liturgical texts to ancient texts will be considered the ground base for theological consideration. The spiritual fullness in biblical text is discovered in contextual analysis. The same will hold true for the liturgical text. In an address to the Mariological Society of America in 1994, Monsignor M. Francis Mannion endorsed the cultural linguistic model, which is an experiential-expressive framework for understanding how "religious reality is mediated." 212 The

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"experiential-expressive framework" had its origins in Schleiermacher and Kant, but became troublesome in the arena of Catholic education because it was "generally anti-doctrinal" and paid "little attention to the systematic and detailed transmission of the information of faith." 213 According to Mannion, Catholic catechetics has, at times, also exhibited a trend to devotionalism that was too personal and introspective. In that sense, it was "fatally flawed by its lack of connection to the spiritual tradition and the constellation of saints, narratives, piety, and sanctifying exercises" that constitutes the Christian tradition. 214 At times, catechetics did reach beyond the formal strictly doctrinal methods when it included "Bible reading; spiritual reading; the study of faith; household rituals, prayers and symbols; faith-inspired works of charity; fasting; examination of conscience; retreats and spiritual direction." 215 Mannion suggests that a good solution may be a method described as the "cultural-linguistic model" based on George A. Lindbeck's thought that religious reality is "a kind of cultural and/or linguistic framework or medium that shapes the entirety of life and thought." 216 Described by Clifford Geertz, it is "a matter of a religious symbol system mediating, shaping and effecting religious experience." 217 In conclusion, Mannion decides that "becoming a Christian is a matter of learning, interiorizing and practicing the scriptures, doctrines, sacraments, prayers, moral wisdom, spiritual writings, and communal protocols of the church." 218 This applies well to the study of ancient liturgy, especially the Menaion and all that relates to Theotokos, for discovering the illuminations of faith. In short, the symbol system is constitutive of religious experience and not derivative of religious experience, as experiential-expressivism holds. 219

Mannion's theory directly relates to the thesis of this study: The cultural-lingusitic paradigm is able both to reorient and enrich ecclesial understanding of the formative operationality of liturgical worship. … It is through the

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liturgy and sacraments that Catholic Christianity constructs its culture and establishes, maintains and advances its attitudes, outlooks, responses and motivations in the face of the complexities of creation, history and culture. The Christian shape of the world is constructed in the liturgy, and the character of the world to come is imagined, symbolized and set forth. … The liturgy is not merely the gratuitous symbolic celebration of worshipful experience; it is the divinely ordained cultural-linguistic mediation of that experience and the very possibility of that experience. 220

E. Rationale for contextual analysis In the examination of the liturgical texts of Orthros, therefore, utilizing the methods of liturgical theology, the results will not reveal new datum or new proofs of dogmatic claims. Results will be a new perspective to add to that of the extensive work of systematic theology concerning Virgin Mary and those implications. Liturgical Theology will look intently at the experience of Christian life, expressed ritually in the context of time. The expectation of an analysis of the texts using liturgical theology will yield a deepening and more mystical understanding of the person of Mary and her relationship to the Church. As Schmemann claims, mariology is the criterion for pneumatology. There is an organic connection between the experience of the Church and the work of the Holy Spirit, which reveals Mary, especially via the ritual of Christians at prayer. Through the liturgy and its texts the liturgical theologian comes to know Mary who, then in turn, reveals the vital life of the Church through the work of the Holy Spirit. In this sense, Aidan Kavanagh addresses the true value of liturgical theology: From what emerges most directly from an assembly’s liturgical act is not a new species of theology among others. It is theologia itself. Nor is it inchoate and raw, despite the fact that it is always open to endless further specification and exploitation by human minds. 221

And, Kavanagh quotes the following from Alexander Schmemann:

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[The liturgy] is not an 'authority' or a locus theologicus; it is the ontological condition of theology, of the proper understanding of kerygma, of the Word of God, because it is in the Church, of which the leitourgia is the expression and the life, that the sources of theology are functioning precisely as sources. 222

1. Architecture of the study Looking again at the architecture of this method, as introduced in the Prologue, we can see how all branches of this metaphorical tree shape method are fed by and reveal, in the experience of Christian prayer and worship, illuminations of the received tradition of faith, deriving from the ever present power of God in a mystery of silence. As stated before, the various branches are fruits of the flowing forth from the tree's roots, themselves drawing from the Source of life in and with God. Refer to the chart on page 16. The five branches on the chart, arranged in the typology of a tree where branches draw from the mysterium a silentio below represent major areas of investigation: a. authorship b. translation c. inter-relationship with other sources d. context of the texts in relationship to time and social location e. tradition and the lex credendi f. illuminations of the mysterium a silentio which can be revealed

As mentioned earlier, each of these, then, corresponds to the four senses used in interpretation of Holy Scripture – literal, moral, anagogical, and typological. The literal sense parallels the obvious task of determining authorship and finding a translation for the liturgical texts – in order to take the texts at face value. The moral sense often is totally absent in liturgical text because Christians at prayer are not attempting to extract a

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code of living but are worshipping God, in the doxological sense. Kevin W. Irwin explains this sense: Most authors today suggest a doxological understanding of the liturgical act. The notion of doxology, intrinsic to the act of worship and therefore to liturgical theology, should be reflected in the language of systematic theology. This is to suggest that theology ought to be oriented toward praise and the acknowledgment of God in prayer rather than an attempt to describe sacred realities in an overly cerebral way. What is operative in this approach to theology is the important notion of mystery. Through both theology and liturgy the mystery of God is acknowledged and experienced. 223

Thereby, the characteristic elements of prayer are praise, thanksgiving, and petition, not the eliciting of didactic moral issues. Exegetes detect this profound sense of mystery, for example, in study of the New Testament Book of Revelation. The latter senses, anagogic and typological, are key to liturgical texts. Imbued with allegory, parallelism, mystery, and symbol, the liturgical texts are clearly spiritual and anagogic. In their close relationship to early Christian writing and homiletics, the liturgical texts are characterized by the use of typologies, symbolic models, and paradigms … devices meant to describe and embrace the mystery of the faith. At the outset, it was stated that this liturgical theological consideration of the liturgical text would illumine the received truths concerning Virgin Mary. They are: a. Virgin Mary, the Theotokos, her relationship to God as bearer of God’s Son Liturgical theology provides the Christian memory of the woman who bore a son, who was the Son of God, born of a woman (Galatians 4:4). b. Virgin and her relationship to the body of the faithful

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The liturgical text will reveal the dialogue, the communication with the Mother and through the petitions of the faithful, her own communication with the Body of the Church in the world, her intercession. Mediation will be seen as her mission in the economia of God. c. Virgin Mary and her relationship to the Holy Spirit In the intimate connection of mariology and pneumatology, the ever present eschatology emerges -- the promise of life and glory offered by the Son of God to every Christian and evidenced in the person of Mary. d. Virgin Mary as fully human and God’s agent The Spirit of God as agent of life and agent of Christ’s incarnation is discovered in the liturgical text. The works of God (leitourgia) are revealed in the ritual experience and through the poetic, metaphorical texts. e. An anthropology of Virgin Mary, especially the promise of Christian destiny In Christian memory, Mary is remembered as the human person who knew God in her body and in a highly mystical prayerful relationship. She is the first to experience the plan of God meant for all. God planned for her to bring all sons and daughters of God to the Son … in a motherly fashion. 2. The context of time After working through necessary details such as authorship, translation, and relationship to other Christian sources, it becomes critically apparent that the truths of the faithful, the lex credendi, directly flow from prayer, lex orandi, rooted in the context of time and social location. Social location is the most helpful element for the liturgical theologian to utilize in identifying the mysterium a silentio. The following aspects must be considered to establish the context in terms of time:

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a. Which service book includes the particular Marian feast under study; how that service book relates to the whole of the liturgical cycle which reveals meaning for the feast; and how this reveals a “transformation of time,” sometimes directly related to the more ancient Christian calendar, the Julian calendar (used in the early formulation of feasts). b. Determination of the major ancient shrines connected to the Marian feast, which many times contribute to understanding the origin of the liturgical texts. c. Knowledge of the history of the feast and its locus of origination. d. Regard for the synaxarion, often an anonymous writing, that carries details of the feast in narrative form. e. Understanding the pivotal role that Morning Prayer plays in relationship to the entire day’s feast – announcement of themes in early morning which represents the start of a new day in the Kingdom of God with Virgin Mary nurturing the faithful to new creation. The context reasonably rests firmly upon inter-relationship with other sources. Often the literary form of the text reveals a relationship to the other sources built into poetic and prayerful reflection: a. The literary uses which inform the liturgical text, as an example – the use of acrostics in the original Greek (which can indicate authorship) or particular poetic devices, such as assonance and meter (imbuing the text with mystical contemplation); b. Evaluation of the parallels that exist with patristic writings, biblical, and apocryphal texts, and iconographic tradition.

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These parallels indicate a continuing tradition, the evidence of lex credendi. When these steps have been accomplished, appeal to the mysterium a silentio, as described by Schmemann, is revealed. The entire Christ event was not put into words of scripture. In fact, the words of scripture were, indeed, drawn from the memory of those who experienced the life of Jesus and his mother. Terms of this experience can be described spiritually as: piety, divine vision, ascents of the heart and mind. These experiences are difficult to put into words. One of the best human devices to “describe” the experience of God is the metaphor. To explore the metaphor of these liturgical texts, therefore, is to enter into the mysterium. There are no words to “define” a mysterium and the liturgical text is the best way to meditate upon the truths embedded in them. Can anyone “define” the truths in each of the parables offered by Jesus, or definitively describe in words the truths of the beatitudes? The work of the liturgical theologian is to reflect, carefully identify the parallels with dogma, and then to suggest – and only suggest – the illumination that is revealed. Although the methodology has been described as an ascent to the illumination of text, it is also evident that there is a circular or modular effect in the underlying relationship of these components. As the sensus plenoir of scripture embraces an ever-building salvation history, an ever self-revealing economia of God projected eschatalogically to an end time culmination, there is – at the same time – an inner correspondence and ever present encounter with the living God at every step. For example, every element of an icon is related inherently to the theological elements of the liturgical text. And, one finds that the lex credendi elements of the liturgical text fit without wrinkle into the foundation of the biblical writings. The liturgical theologian, therefore, must reject any correspondence that contradicts received faith (tradition).

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3. Arriving at a “methodology” of examining each liturgical text Grisbrooke identifies the Divine Hours revealing “light” and the experience of “prayer” – communication with God. This connects so nicely with Judaic theology – that God is life, and God must, as humans know God’s nature to be – establish a communication and physical integration in human existence. The recognition of a spiritual memory embraced through ages and ages of Christian experience show that through these “glimpses” came to be described as “light” and “prayer.” The liturgical theologian considers the symbol of light as it reveals God’s creation, including the person of Mary and her relationship to creation, and the value of prayer as the true experience of God and the deeper mystical realities that cannot be described adequately but only known by Christians. Christian historians tell us that the first monks of the desert, and the monasticism which evolved, was a spiritual attempt to live out the Christian martyrdom, witnessing to the call of poverty of spirit and love of others and love of God. The life was not a codified life, full of rules, which directed a blind obligation to the law. Instead, it was developed and meant to be communication with God, and daily encounter with the Living Presence. The prayer and ritual of the Orthros that emerged became then the true reception of what was known and taught in apostolic fashion. It became the framework of a remarkable memory. The daily encounter then emerged as an actuality of Christ’s words to the rich young man: “give up everything and follow me.” In other words, give up the attachments and the importance of human desires. The purpose of monasticism flowed into the tradition of the liturgical text. Liturgical prayer became the "Divine University," as the monks of Brookline’s Transfiguration Monastery call it, of knowing and growing in God, like the person of Mary.

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The “chronic disease” of contemporary systematic theologians may be to shy away from texts that are mystical, to avoid the mysterium a silentio, and to deny the importance of the deeper aspect of the mysterium tremendum. In contemporary times, people have returned to the possibility of Mary as the goddess. They ask if the archetype of the virgin goddess, the divine mother of a divine and human son, could be the totality of a person of Mary, as Benko and Limberis suggest. This is a human energy directed in the wrong direction, possibly human scholars seeking divinity for the mother of Jesus as mirror, reflection of self-conceived imagery, rather than the miraculous work of God. The work of the liturgical theologian will be to carefully and prayerfully examine the liturgical texts for the mysterious silence of the God-human passion and love message received by apostles, treasured in Christian memory, and living until the end of time in the cycle of daily liturgical prayer. The value of the synaxarion, embedded in Orthros, is in some ways useless to the systematic theologian. Its origin or authorship is often unknown, and its details appear many times as legend. But the liturgical theologian looks again. The placement in the morning liturgical prayer is important as a new day of prayer is initiated, offering a metaphorical description of the saint’s vita. In the examination of each of the liturgical texts for each Marian feast, the synaxarion will be considered in terms of the whole of the festal texts. In studying the texts of Orthros in context, lex credendi -the treasured mystery at its depths, experienced by the faithful in continuity and in silence through the ages -- will emerge and enlighten this theological analysis. The reason and method for undertaking a theological analysis of the ancient Morning Hours, Orthros, is now established. As Mannion concluded: "In all areas of development, the Latin church would do well to look both to the Catholic and Orthodox East for inspiration and guidance." 224 Initially, here is a review of the important elements to be

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considered: 1.context; 2. light and prayer as they are revealed (lex orandi); and, 3.spiritual (illuminations) of received Marian truths II. Review of Existing Literature In preparing to execute this method of theological analysis of the ancient Orthros texts for the Feasts of Theotokos, it is first necessary to review the source materials, representing a vast compendium of material that has been gathered over a long period of time. In many cases, the scholars undertaking this task have sought to establish historical relevance and inter-dependency of the many sources. Recognition of the importance of these liturgical texts began with the work of Albert Ehrhard, Josef Jungmann, Karl Krumbacher, and the Bollandistes. In contemporary times, George Guiver, Robert Taft, and Paul F. Bradshaw are recognized for their efforts. In the East, great strides are being taken to catalogue texts hidden for years in eastern monasteries, and subsequently to translate the Greek texts of liturgical services for Theotokos into English for use in the American Orthodox and Eastern Rite Catholic churches. A. Ancient sources - collections and their study Once aware of the broad scope of source materials related to the Divine Hours, and especially Orthros, we see that the Morning Prayer of the Feast of Koimesis, and the morning hymns and readings, which are included in both the Horologion and the Menaion, offer a wealth of theological illuminations. We begin by looking at the work of scholars and their appreciation of liturgical texts and, in particular, the collection of ancient Orthros in chronological order of the publication of these catalogues and commentaries. German scholars were the first to work on the massive task of exploring and accumulating compendiums of ancient texts, and then cataloguing them. An important catalogue edited by Albert Ehrhard (first volume edited in 1937) has

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become the foundation for all later work. In the Foreword, Ehrhard notes this compendium (to be carried out over several years) is an extension of work begun by Adolf von Harnack, which covered years designated as Greek martyrology for the first three hundred years of Christianity. 225 A more recent treatment of this cataloguing was carried out by Karl Krumbacher, a professor at Munich University, who edited a collection of references covering the historical period 527-1453 AD, conducted under the direction of A. Ehrhard and H. Gelzer. He notes in the very first page of Volume I that his specific purpose is to present these varied references in order that further and deeper analysis and investigation can take place. 226 Liturgist Josef A. Jungmann SJ, is an author of vast material on liturgy, including Pastoral Liturgy, first published in English in 1962. In this work, he notes an emerging liturgical revival on well-founded Church tradition, which establishes the rich connection that can be made between liturgical sources and tradition. He writes in his 1960 introduction from Innsbruck that his view is pastoral. Here, we see an establishment of the ability to find a living and reliable source of tradition in liturgy. He traces in the opening pages a brief history of Christian spiritual life: After the Christological battles had been fought out, the history of dogma ran into a placid phase interrupted by nothing greater than minor episodes such as the appearance of the Adoptionists and later, of Berengarius. And yet within the limits marked out by dogma there were taking place unobtrusively, certain shifts of accent and changes of viewpoint having consequences so wide that they have left their mark on all subsequent ages right down to our own times. 227

Jungmann states, as mentioned earlier in this paper, that homiletic and spiritual writings must be examined in the dialectic between “kerygma” and “dogma.” In the tension between these two elements, we discover in the early Middle Ages a world of ecclesiastical literature surrounded by art and 102

music, which Jungmann indicates may be the ongoing heart of spirituality in the church, necessary for study. Later, in Jungmann’s discussion, he refers to an earlier 1926 work by Abbot Ildefons Herwegen in which he distinguished that devotional life in the early patristic period was more mystical and was closely related to the community, as a body of Christ, while the emerging early Middle Ages appeared to shift to a more personal embrace of Christian life in medieval Europe: … in the early period mystery predominates – the world of grace, what is objective and corporate: in the Middle Ages the emphasis is laid more and more upon human action and moral accomplishment, upon what is subjective and individual. 228

In addition to translation of various texts of the Divine Hours, another substantial source, the Analecta Bollandiana, filled with information concerning the history and cataloguing of early texts, has been developed over the years by the Society of the Bollandists in Belgium. Bollandists formed a religious society to collect, preserve, and translate ancient sources. It has become a tradition for this society to study hagiography, writings about the saints, for more than 350 years. The Société des Bollandistes began recording information about the history of saints and associated texts in 1643 AD, with the publication of their first volume, Acta Sanctorum, a collection of ancient and medieval lives of the saints in 68 volumes, inspired by the earlier work of Fr. Herbert Rosweyde’s publication in 18 folio volumes of the lives of the saints. Since then the Society has continued the work of their member, John Bollandus (d.1665), collecting and translating texts in Latin, Greek, and Oriental languages. 229 In particular, the work of Bollandist H. Delahaye has contributed the most recent significant understanding of ancient texts of the Orthros. Beyond this work of collecting and cataloguing begun in Germany and Belgium, one has to look to individual catalogues of various monasteries and libraries for lists of texts and menologies (collections of the liturgies for the festal days

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and saints in particular). The thrust of this study will concentrate on early Hellenistic texts found in the tradition of liturgical writings, commentaries, and homiletics of the early Church including John of Thessalonika, Holy Modestus of Jerusalem, Andrew of Crete, Germanus of Constantinople, John of Damascus, Theodore the Studite, and Symeon the New Theologian, from which comes the first compendious collections of menologies known as the Metaphrasta. The following German and Belgian catalogues of early Christian literature demonstrate the vast expanse of this literature and the manner in which liturgical sources are categorized and treated. 1. Albert Ehrhard In 1937, Albert Ehrhard edited a major compendium of early texts generated from the ongoing tradition and continuance of early writings and homiletic literature of ancient Christian communities such as Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem and the Greek Church. In English, we understand Ehrhard’s book title of the first volume to be: The Tradition and Continuation of Holy Writings and Homiletic Literature of the Greek Church, from the beginning to the end of 1600 years. The volume begins with an outstanding list of the places where source material is to be found, including libraries, monasteries, and museums. 230 In essence, the work is meant to accumulate and assess elements of religious texts in various historical periods, beginning with the oldest attempt to do such gathering and commentary on texts by Eusebius of Caesaerea. 231 The work, then, is to accumulate and catalogue, more than an effort to enter into the early texts theologically. The work begins with collections of prayers, readings, and commentaries on the martyrs (in early Christianity, a saint or one who witnessed to the faith was considered a “martyr.”) It was a natural evolution, then, to move to collecting and cataloguing all religious texts, including liturgies, homilies, religious writings and teachings. 232

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Following the first section of the oldest religious writings and homiletic material, Ehrhard begins a section including the earliest manuscript collections for the Greek church year and the Byzantine calendar of feasts, “Das griechische Kirchenjahr und der byzantinische Festkalender.” Immediately, we find references to early Triodion and Pentecostarion service books. In this section, we encounter reference to the early feasts of the Menaion, particularly with reference to the oldest feast dedicated entirely to Virgin Mary, The Feast of Koimesis on August 15. 233 2. Josef Jungmann SJ In 1961, Josef Jungman SJ, discussed how Greek influences in early Christian spirituality and its liturgies are different from early medieval developments in the West. The East, he notes, was reeling from the intense early christological debates: “This factor is the reverberation of the christological disturbances which the Greek Orient suffered … the chief factor which explains the difference between the Byzantine world and the Greek world of primitive Christianity.” 234 The inclusion in the emerging Byzantine liturgy of numerous allusions and prayers to Theotokos can be attributed to a reaction resulting from: … the tremors from the disturbances of that age when the relation between Nature and Hypostasis in Christ and in God was defined, and the dogma of the QEOTOKOS was pronounced. From now on the God-bearer has an assured and honoured place in piety. 235

Here, we have to come to differ with the honorable Jungmann. Does the East burst forth in the early Middle Ages with an extensive spiritual awareness of Theotokos because it was defined and seemingly, as connoted, the emergence of a “new” tradition? Or, conversely, shouldn’t it be stated that the flowering of liturgy in the Greek indicated a long-held and revered understanding of Theotokos that abided throughout the controversies but was sublimated because of the importance of

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that conflict? For instance, in the argument of continuing tradition on the dogma of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, researchers delved back into the patristic writings and then continued in tracing the tradition throughout the Byzantine homiletic and liturgical material. Does this not argue that they understood it was a continuing tradition? Jungmann refers to a unique characteristic of Byzantine liturgy as “a moving expression of the sense of individual sinfulness and nothingness.” 236 Is this not the sense of the early Christian martyrs as they fell to the hands of executioners: were they not depending totally on the power and happiness promised by God? Does not the word “martyr” mean witness to the power of God in face of a situation where the person has no power of his or her own? Jungmann states: “Confessor means the same as ma,rthj and it is only a linguistic convention which uses it only to denote those confessors who have remained alive after confessing Christ.” 237 The very first feast day celebrations, he notes, of “those who have confessed Christ by a holy life” 238 began graveside, such as is the oldest tradition concerning Theotokos. All the cycles of feasts of saints, he adds, reflect one main principle, “the feasts of the Christian year all have to do with the Christ-event… .” 239 If anamnesis of the saints’ lives as confessors is central to feast day celebrations in principle, then individual prayers and readings on those feast days must follow the same principle. It seems clear that this is the orientation of the vast collection of memories and prayers concerning Theotokos that emerged in the Byzantine liturgy. In fact, Jungmann comes to the conclusion in the section quoted above, that the Mary cult that developed in the East was a zealous rebuttal to heretical attackers after the Council of Nicea. He envisions the Mary cult itself departing from a christological centricity thereby corrupting into a tradition of remembering the saints and their holy lives as the only connection to Jesus. And so it becomes intelligible how in the liturgical prayer of the Byzantine liturgy, in the place where of old Christ stood as Mediator of self-offering to God, now Mary appears in such fashion that, commemorating her and all

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the saints, the congregation lay themselves in Christ’s hands. 240

Although there was a most significant shift to including many, many prayers and responses to Theotokos, Jungmann's analysis is not justified. He indicates that devotion to Mary replaced the central understanding of Christ as the sole mediator. Was not the definition of the Marian dogma of “Theotokos” recognition of faith in the Christian church from the beginning? Would it not have been based on continuing tradition? In the controversy, today, of the need to define Mary as Mediatrix, it has become evident that theologically she has no more or no less position than claimed by the very earliest of Church Fathers. The early Byzantine liturgy, of which he speaks, always placed her alongside the focus on her Son as mediator. This is particularly demonstrated in "Theotokos, the Life-giving Fountain." The theological meaning of the liturgical position of the many theotokions in praise of her is meant to 1) show that through her the Son came into the human realm, and 2) due to her close connection as mother she becomes the one human tie to the mystery of Christ. 3. Karl Krumbacher In 1970, Karl Krumacher served as editor of a critical catalogue and commentary of ancient Byzantine texts referenced as the work of A. Ehrhard and H. Gelzer, the primary text mentioned above which collected and identified in German most of the early liturgical references of the early church. Krumbacher describes the first four hundred years of Christianity’s patristic literature as having no particular objective foundation for classification. 241 Under the rule of Justinian, a new period in liturgical expression began, he notes. Krumbacher implies that Christianity began to look for a liturgical standard. The literature gathered has been put under the general heading of “patristic” including the time from Christ until the very first collections were undertaken. 242 The collection of holy writings from this early period of “Patrology”

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includes material in the following categories: Theological Literature, Dogmatic and Polemic, Exegesis and Homiletics, and Mystical and Holy Writings. 243 Concerning the significant importance to the texts to be selected in this study, we examine Krumbacher's discussion of literature that evolved into the Byzantine codices including liturgical material for the Feast of the Dormition and Assumption of Mary. In this discussion, we see reference to the collection of writings about the saints, the synaxarion. 244 4. Hippolyte Delehaye, Bollandiste Hippolyte Delehaye is well known for his significant work on early collections of liturgical materials, work he conducted in the spirit of the society called the Bollandists. The Société des Bollandistes is well known for its publication, Analecta Bollandiana, a journal of critical hagiography, offering its 188th volume in 1998. The Bollandists, themselves, articulate the important claim that “hagiographical studies have never taken such an important place as in recent time.” 245 In 1886, the Société des Bollandistes published the first volume of its series, Subsidia hagiographica, a collection of monographs and repertories of texts and catalogues of manuscripts. Fr. Hippolyte Delehaye directed the publication of a critical commentary on the Martyrologium Romanum in 1940. He edited a collection of the Synaxary (an hagiographical collection of material about saints arranged according to the liturgical cycle) and a “repertoire of the lives of the saints” known as Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, first published in 1895 with a second edition published in 1909. This work points to the validity of studying the synaxaria. A 1997 volume published posthumously, Synaxaires byzantins, ménologes, typica, is of great interest with work completed by Fr. Hippolyte Delehaye, Bollandiste. It includes gathered studies and work done by Fr. Delehaye, who died in 1941, with an Avant-propos by F. Halkin. 246 Halkin explains that Delehaye’s work demonstrates the value of the ancient menologies, the difficulties of conflicting manuscripts and the problem of lost originals. He

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attributes Delehaye with the critical identification of ancient menologies and their associated problems - consistent collections, authorship, and the evidence of lost manuscripts through a lifetime of work that spanned over 80 years. 247 In the posthumously published work, Delehaye has offered a translation and analysis of the Synaxary of Sirmond, published in the 17th century, as it relates to the earlier Menaion of Symeon Metaphrastes. This study helps to identify the difficulty of studying the early Greek hagiographical writings while, at the same time, indicates the value of ongoing tradition. Delehaye himself wrote that an inventory of the Greek hagiographic documents including the menologies is hard to identify, if not lost altogether. 248 Therefore, according to Delehaye in a study of the later 17th century writings of Sirmond, the authorship and history of the development of the menologies presents a complex problem with many lost texts. Therefore, these massive compendiums and collections of ancient texts under the direction and editorship of Ehrhard, Krumbacher, and the Bollandists, and especially Delehaye, present a multitude of sources of spiritual material that are hard to pin down, categorize, and follow in specific historic ways. This facet will be discussed later in this paper as it relates to the theological study of the Orthros. Delahaye establishes the undeniable fact that it is nearly impossible to determine a strong claim for the total content of the church’s menology in ancient times, such as the menology attributed to Metaphraste, while at the same time seeing there was an ongoing tradition of collecting the saints’ lives. He explains that the manuscripts of the Greek synaxaria (collection of the lives of the saints) are numerous but do differ more or less profoundly from the ones composed after local usage and accumulating remnants across the ages. However, he goes on to state that: when the important ones are not there, it is the well-identified model of the synaxaria that carry on the tradition. In other words, he points out that these traditions disappear and then reappear. Historically, it is impossible to keep track of them, but the evidence shows there is a consistency of tradition. In his study of the 1900 Synaxarion of

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Sirmond, he is attributing great credence to an ancient orientation to all it contains. 249 B. Contemporary work on Orthros Contemporary work with liturgical texts has not, in particular, focused even on the Orthros, but investigates origins and attempts to assign dating to extant texts. More and more scholars appear to come to the realization that the ancient liturgical texts are valuable for their theological content. 1. George Guiver In the formative days of Christianity, daily prayer kept the body of Christ in the world alive. And it is the tremendous sense of “belonging” that empowered the ongoing opening of the realm of God in the world. Therefore, with a contemporary renewal of interest in daily prayer, perhaps due to a deepening and yearning thirst for spirituality, there appears a vibrant return to the corpus of early liturgies like those collected by the editors described above. George Guiver, a member of the Community of the Resurrection and Liturgy Tutor at the College of the Resurrection in Mirfield, England, describes the most compelling entity in the formation and endurance of daily prayer, or the Divine Office. Community, he says, generated from a sense of belonging and is the foundation of Christian life. Christians “… learned that the Kingdom of heaven itself was their inheritance. ‘Once you were no people, but now you are God’s people (1 Pet. 2.10).’” 250 There were no New Testament, no church, no buildings, no precedents to turn to in solving unexpected problems, no way of foreseeing misunderstandings, wrangles and dilemmas that would arise. This is the situation out of which Christian liturgy was born, very far from the serene, idealized picture we sometimes imagine. 251

And, then, after an initial period of zeal and formation, the energetic presence of daily prayer abated and eventually there

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came a plea for a return to “praying unceasingly.” It was the ever-daily task to keep turning toward God. Out of necessity for mutual building-up and growth in the life of Christ, there was an evolution of disciplines framed within the form of daily prayer. Although Guiver admits, as do most modern liturgical theologians, that the exact evolution of daily prayer is extremely difficult to track, overall it is abundantly apparent that the daily discipline of prayer was of prime importance, and the formation of daily prayer became a discipline for keeping on track spiritually. It thereby provided a deposit of faith, an ongoing tradition of Christian truths found in the experience of daily prayer. The initial gusto could eventually fizzle out. So we hear calls to persevere, to pray without ceasing, to conserve by frequent prayer the flame of faith. Christians are to strain forward like the athlete, lest they should slip back. As enthusiasm began to lose its head of steam, discipline stepped in for the husbanding of spiritual resources, and to provide structures for what enthusiasm could not indefinitely maintain. The evolution of disciplines within the Church was related to a powerful sense of belonging. 252

2. Robert Taft Among contemporary liturgical theologians, few study the Liturgy of the Hours in the East and West as comprehensively as Robert Taft. He notes: “Surprisingly, in spite of its importance in the liturgical life of the Church, especially in religious and clerical life, there has been relatively little written of late on the theology or spirituality of the Divine Office.” 253 Unlike some of his predecessors, such as Dom Gregory Dix and those who followed in his thinking, Taft doesn’t see the theology of the cycle of daily prayer as a separate “sanctification of time,” distinct from the “eschatalogical” Eucharist of the Lord’s Day. 254 He sees integration, interdependence, and a theological foundation in the meaning of daily prayer discipline:

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For the hours take their meaning not from the Eucharist, nor from Christian daily life as opposed to an otherworldly eschatological expectation, nor from the natural cycle of morning and evening, nor from personal devotion and edification as distinct from the work of the community. Rather, they take their meaning from that which alone gives meaning to all of these things: the paschal mystery of salvation in Christ Jesus. This is the basis of any theology of Christian worship that takes, as it surely must, the New Testament as its starting point. 255

Taft insists that the value of the liturgy lies in its deep theological content. The constant telling of the Christ event in the early years of the primitive Church formed a kind of Sitz im Leben - a term borrowed from biblical scholars, not only in the emerging New Testament but also in the liturgy. He claims: “what we do in the liturgy is exactly what the New Testament itself did with Christ: it applied him and what he was and is to the present.” 256 He asks: “Do not both New Testament and liturgy tell us this holy history again and again as a perpetual anamnesis?” 257 The Apostolic Church left us more than a book. Liturgical prayer is the continuation of knowing Christ and who he was, and at the same time it is the continuation of being with Christ and in Him. Is this not “tradition”? This is why the Apostolic Church left us a book and a rite, word and sacrament, so that what Christ did and was, we may do and be, in him. For this reason, sacred history is never finished; it continues in us. 258

Taft explains that the Divine Office is associated with the Church as the Mystical Body of Christ in the world, with Christ as the head of the Mystical Body, providing a constant presence in Heaven. So the Jesus of the Apostolic Church is not the historical Jesus of the past, but the Heavenly Priest interceding for us constantly before the throne of the Father (Rom 8:34; Heb 9:11-28), and actively directing the life of his Church (Rev 1:17-3:22 and passim). 259

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Taft explains the connection of the priestly prayer of Christ with the Liturgy of the Hours. Since it is our vocation to enter into this salvific event and live that Christ-life of priestly praise and glory, the Church, as his Mystical Body, associates herself with the eternal priestly prayer of her head. In so doing she truly participates in the salvific praise of Christ, according to the theology of Vatican II. 260

This concept is stated in the theology of Vatican II’s Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, where, like a bride and a bridegroom, it is a communication of love between God and humanity, an intercourse of experience of one another, through the unceasing prayer of the Church: Christ Jesus, high priest of the new and eternal covenant, taking human nature, introduced into this early exile that hymn [the prayer of the people] which is sung throughout all ages in the halls of heaven. He joins the entire community of mankind to Himself, associating it with His own singing of this canticle of divine praise. For He continues His priestly work through the agency of His Church, which is ceaselessly engaged in praising the Lord and interceding for the salvation of the whole world. This she does not only by celebrating the Eucharist, but also in other ways, especially by praying the Divine Office. … It is truly the voice of the bride addressing her bridegroom; it is the very prayer which Christ Himself, together with His body, addresses to the Father. Hence all who perform this service are not only fulfilling a duty of the Church, but also are sharing in the greatest honor accorded to Christ’s spouse, for by offering these praises to God they are standing before God’s throne in the name of the church, their Mother. 261

The theology here is quite clear. There is a mystical relationship between Christ and His body in the world, so His prayer is theirs, and their Divine Office is His. Moving from this theological point, we come to see the relationship of the Virgin Mary to the faithful, where she is not only a member of the body, but she is also the mother of the body. Thereby, she is

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mother of the Church and mother of the members. The prayer of the Divine Office reveals her own prayer to God and to her Son, but also her prayer as a member of her Son’s body. It reveals who she is, in all the truth and tradition that liturgy remembers in anamnesis, the collective remembering of the faithful. Taft sees worship as a sharing in the reality of life where the believer sees the world “as a place where God’s love is active and given to each person in a unique way … worship, then, is not a department of life; it is life itself.” 262 When we speak of this reality of life, do we not speak of the revelation, the tradition of truth that we inherit in the ritual we continue? “All true Christian liturgy is a celebration of that reality.” 263 Is not “reality” of life, a sharing in the life of God as members of Christ’s mystical body in the world, a sharing in the continuing treasure of truths? Thus the offices at the beginning and end of the day are but ritual moments symbolic of the whole of time. As such they are a proclamation of faith to the world and partake of our mission to witness to Christ and his salvation. They are also a praise and thanksgiving for this gift of salvation in Christ. Lastly, they are our priestly prayer, as God’s priestly people, for our needs and those of the entire world. 264

For Orthros, there is a consistent sense of pivotal symbolism used throughout the Christian message: God is Light, the emerging light coming into the world of darkness, the mystical understanding of morning as the meeting point of human and God emerging in the human realm. Taft notes that these symbols “have remained an integral part of the fabric of Christian daily prayer.” 265 We understand Virgin Mary as one who, as a Jew, knew daily prayer. Although complex in its evolution, the liturgical scholars all agree that daily Christian Hours are connected to the ancient Hebrew Daily Hours of prayer, as previously stated. As Virgin Mary prayed she came to know God and issued her response of trust in God. She

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came to know God and all of God’s works in prayer. In like manner, using the biblical analytical term, Sitz im Leben, we can ritually become like her and come to know Christ and his mother. Taft refers this line of thought to the writing of Jean Danielou: The whole of Christian culture consists in grasping the links that exist between Bible and liturgy, gospel and eschatology, mysticism and liturgy. The application of this method to Scripture is called exegesis; applied to liturgy it is called mystagogy. 266

The Divine Hours become a school of prayer, or more exactly, a school of living Christianity: “one must be a person who prays and whose life is penetrated with the Scriptures.” 267 Taft explains: And the Fathers and monks of the early Church, in their meditation on this ever-repeated story, know that they were Abraham, they were Moses. They were called forth out of Egypt. They were given a covenant. They knew the wandering across the desert to the Promised Land was the pilgrimage of their life, too. The several levels of Israel, Christ, Church, us, are always there. 268

Following this line of thought, then, when we read and participate in the prayer and meditation of those early Fathers and monks in the tradition of the Hours, do we not see them and ourselves become Mary? This becomes a rich and mystically deep source for theological reflection on Virgin Mary. In Taft’s Beyond East and West, he traces the development of the liturgical office, which will be described in the following section. But, importantly, he includes some considerations on the theology of the Liturgy of the Hours. Although most contemporary scholars, such as Taft, see a connection between various hours of prayer during the day with the custom of prayer for Jews in the first century, there is a complicated and often puzzling development in the history of

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the Hours including the essence of both monastic and cathedral prayer. Although an earlier scholar, Gregory Dix, identified the connection, later others have distinguished and refined his work. Taft describes daily prayer as a “tradition of daily prayer that existed before anyone ever heard of monasticism.” 269 According to Taft, earlier scholars differentiated between the Liturgy of the Eucharist as being “eschatological” and the Liturgy of the Hours as a “sanctification of time.” Early writers of the Church “explicitly relate the symbolism of morning, evening, and night prayer to the Second Coming of Christ and to the resurrection of the body at the Last judgment." 270 Without any doubt, the Orthros for Koimesis relate to eschatology. In these early sources, it is clear that the hours take their meaning not from daily life as opposed to an otherworldly eschatological expectation, nor from the natural cycle of morning and evening, nor from personal devotion and edification as distinct from the worship of the community. Rather, they take their meaning from that which alone gives meaning to all of Christian worship and life: the paschal mystery of salvation in Christ Jesus. All liturgy is a celebration of Christian life, and the same is true of the Liturgy of the Hours. It is no more, no less than a common celebration of what we have become in Christ. 271

This forms a critical basis for understanding the theology in the Orthros. When one understands that the Liturgy of the Hours is “a celebration of Christian life,” one understands that the tradition, the ongoing revelation is carried contextually in Christian life. Just as the early holy men were called “theologians” on the basis that they were men of prayer and renowned for their experience of God, the Liturgy of the Hours provides a living witness to the living faith. Taft insists that: … the earliest tradition of non-eucharistic public pryaer had nothing to do with theories of ‘sanctification of time,’ with kairos and chronos, with a liturgy of ‘time’ or ‘history’ as distinct from the ‘eschatalogical’ Eucharist. Rather, the morning office dedicates the new day to God, and the

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evening office at the close of day leads us to reflect on the hours just passed, with thanksgiving for the good they have brought and sorrow for the evil we have done. 272

Taft sees the Liturgy of the Hours as a “proclamation of the salvation received in Christ, a song of praise and thanksgiving for the gift, and a cry of hope in its final fulfillment.” 273 This “proclamation” becomes a source for theological reflection. The “proclamation” in the Byzantine form of Liturgy is often stated in continuing themes of “darkness and light; the darkness of sin overcome by the illumination of the risen Christ.” 274 The icons declare this light, the glory of the kingdom, by continually immersing the subject matter in golden glow. Within the Orthros, the glory of the light of Christ overcoming the darkness of sin is expressed often poetically and through mystical reflections. Equally important liturgically is that these realities are not just affirmed pro-forma, in a ho-hum sort of way. They are shouted and chanted and hymned. They are woven into a scenario of poetry and procession, movement and rest, darkness and light, smoke and symbol and song, so that the casual visitor is often a bit overwhelmed, and would be moved to say, ‘Why, they really believe all that!’ And, indeed, they do. The Vatican II Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy (no. 2) calls the liturgy ‘the outstanding means by which the faithful can express in their lives and manifest to others the mystery of Christ and the real nature of the true Church.’ A concrete example of what this means can be seen on any Sunday in the Eastern tradition, where liturgy permeates the everyday lives of the people in a way that has long ceased in most other traditions. 275

Historically, therefore, the Liturgy of the Hours demonstrates the life of Christians and the faith among them. The Liturgy of the Hours has always been an outstanding expression and manifestation of God's truths, providing knowledge in a living manner through the mystery of Christ.

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3. Paul F. Bradshaw In his work, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, Paul F. Bradshaw describes a changing view on how and whether this form of worship developed collectively, which becomes a divided opinion on the early history. He explains that, for many scholars of the past, the Divine Office was “generally understood as being essentially a new development of the fourth century.” 276 They knew, he says, that Christians of the early centuries did regularly pray at fixed times of the day as related to the hours of prayer for Jews of that time. But those scholars understood this practice as “private prayer,” different from a fixed rotation of daily prayer such as the Divine Office. Early scholars went so far as to claim that the regular prayers of these early Christians had no relationship at all to Jewish prayer customs and, in particular, had no connection to such observance by the Apostles. 277 Bradshaw demonstrates that “eventually scholars were persuaded to take much more seriously the possible Jewish roots of the office,” 278 crediting the work of C.W. Dugmore in The Influence of the Synagogue upon the Divine Office, published for the first time in 1944. Despite this scholarship, Bradshaw then explains that more recent scholarship denies the case for public worship before the 4th century. It becomes a more complex problem of distinguishing which prayers derived from early Christian assemblies and which derived from monastic tradition. It was the work of Anton Baumstark who labeled the two categories of early Christian worship as “cathedral” and “monastic.” 279 Others since Baumstark have refined his classifications. Juan Mateos divided the category of “monastic office” into “desert monastic” (as from Egypt) and “urban monastic” (“arising in Cappadocia and Syria and being a hybrid of the other two types”); while Robert Taft has suggested a further refinement within “urban monastic” (“offices which were fundamentally monastic in character but had absorbed some cathedral elements and those which had their origin in a cathedral pattern and had added certain monastic elements”). 280

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Bradshaw, himself, has worked to reconsider the connection of these 4th century patterns of prayer with the preceding Christian tradition. He argues that “a line of continuity can be traced from early Jewish patterns of daily prayer through primitive Christianity to the post-Constantinian practices examined by scholars.” 281 Bradshaw concludes that the oldest pattern of daily prayer is “threefold.” Edward Phillips, his student, established that the threefold daily prayer was “indeed widespread, if not universal, custom in the early Church,” 282 structured naturally according to the rhythm of a day or the Roman Empire division of a day into third, sixth and ninth hours. Two traditions conflated into one as encountered in 3rd century Africa. 283 According to the lifestyle needs of monastic prayer or the cycle of public prayer of the cathedral, the traditions then adopt various new and different patterns, historically. From this possibility, a continuous tradition is identified concerning the content of these daily prayers, despite varying and developing methods of structure in daily prayer. This liturgical tradition provides a theological base for considering the liturgical content as representing the ongoing tradition of the church body. Warning scholars about the difficulty in tracing the historical development of liturgical practice, as well as the relationship between liturgical practices in various centers of Christianity, Bradshaw argues that it is problematic sometimes to claim a continuum for certain liturgical activities and practices. But for the purposes of theological study of liturgical sources, Bradshaw gives us a principle concerning liturgical texts that is important. Knowing the true nature of any given document is “vital to its correct interpretation, and the temptation to ‘proof-text’ sources must be resisted as much here as in biblical study.” 284 Material in the texts must be considered in terms of how they are used and the intent of their inclusion. This is the reason that textual study of liturgical works requires finding other points of reference. To

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demonstrate this method, let us look at how we will approach the study of the Orthros in the following way: a. Comparison of the Orthros to contemporary homilies; b. Comparison of the Orthros to iconography; and c. Comparison of the Orthros to the archaeological remnants of those locations that have been identified as burial shrines of the Virgin.

Through recognition of content about a feast that is within homilies, within iconography, and within shrines themselves, we may establish a continuum of mariological tradition. 4. Historical background and commentary by the monks of Mt. Athos in Greece The major source of liturgical text, as stated above, derives from the monastic tradition. Earlier origins, in the very first two centuries of Christianity, point to connections with Jewish daily prayer. After the peace of Constantine, monastic communities began to produce spiritual prayer and hymns, where the original monks were more recluse and alone. For, as we shall see in later chapters, the true story of the development of Christian worship seems to have been a movement from considerable differences over quite fundamental elements to an increasing amalgamation and standardization of local customs. The beginnings of this trend can already be seen in the second century CE, but it gathered much greater momentum in the fourth, as the Church expanded, as communication – and hence awareness of differences – between different regional centres increased, and above all as orthodox Christianity tried to define itself over against what were perceived as heretical movements; for in such a situation any tendency to persist in what appeared to be idiosyncratic liturgical observances was likely to have been interpreted as a mark of heterodoxy. 285

Taft agrees. A unification of rites occurred during the 2nd to 4th centuries AD, a process of “selective evolution” of church

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order and ritual. 286 The more urban monastic communities were not so much a new invention as “a conservative preservation of a very traditional style of prayer and spirituality.” 287 As the peace of Constantine grew, some Christians became lax and relished in the freedom of the new lack of persecution. A distance grew, says Bradshaw, between these Christians and those in the monastic communities. It became work for the monasteries to safeguard the treasures of earnest Christian life. In contemporary study of liturgy, often scholars scour the history and texts of early medieval Europe. However, in studying the origins of the eastern Hours, it is important to note the continuing monastic tradition on Mt. Athos, on the peninsula of Chalkidiki in Greece. Let us look, for a moment, at the history of Mt. Athos. It has particular significance to Marian studies due to the legend of its origin. Although no substantial historical facts exist or are lost into the shadow of past time, and the story of its origin never documented in any biblical or non-biblical source, the story of this peninsula -- to this day the home of 21 monasteries – intrigues the mind … especially one which can accept the mystery of tradition. The “holy mountain,” as it is affectionately called by native Greeks, is the Greek peninsula which extends from the northern shoreline of eastern Greece as the northernmost of three fingerlike peninsulas reaching into the Aegean Sea, rising in altitude at its end in a very high mountain. According to legend, the Virgin Mother herself discovered this place and asked her Son in heaven to designate it as a locale for those dedicated to Christian life. Legend reveals to us how the Mother of God became celestial patron and protectress of Mount Athos. According to one tradition, the Virgin Mary, accompanied by St. John the Evangelist, was on her way to visit Lazaros in Cyprus, when a sudden storm arose and her ship was carried by a violent wind to Athos. They are said to have come ashore close to the present monastery of Iveron. There the Holy Virgin rested for a while, and, overwhelmed by the beauty of the place, she asked her Son to give her the Mountain, despite the fact that the

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inhabitants were pagans. In response, a voice was heard saying: ‘let this place be your inheritance and your garden, a paradise and a haven of salvation for those seeking to be saved’. Thus the Holy Mountain was consecrated as the inheritance and garden of the Mother of God. 288

Although lost to documented history, it is interesting to note that the synaxarion of Orthros on the feast day of Lazarus tells this very same story. Lazarus, after being risen from the dead, was in danger of attack by non-believing Jews after the crucifixion, death, and resurrection of Christ. He fled to Cyprus to live more safely. The synaxarion relates the trips that Virgin Mary made to visit him on Cyprus. The little legend described above appears in a travel book sold in the region of Chalkidiki but it is corroborated by a scholarly work by Andrew Simonopetritis in 1969. He notes in his telling of the legend the historical fact that the statue of Jupiter once stood at the top of the mountain, hailing it as the holy mountain for ancient religious traditions. He adds more details to explain how the mountain and peninsula took on the name “holy” in relationship to the personal attention of the Virgin Mary: And in the book “Amartolon Sotiria” (Sinner’s Salvation) by the Cretan teacher Agapios, it is said that when the ship carrying the Virgin Mary approached Mt. Athos, Jupiter’s statue at the top of the mountain fell and became crushed to pieces in thunderous noise, while simultaneously the statues of all the pagan temples in Athos fell and broke to pieces. And the peak of Mt. Athos and all the trees and the houses bent forward and thus offered worship to God’s Mother who had reached the port of Clemes (Clementos). Then the inhabitants of Athos, seeing this excellent and supernatural miracle believed and became Christians.” 289

There is an interesting connection between the entry of Christianity here, via an apostolic mission of the Virgin Mary, and the presence of pre-Christian goddess cult.

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Also the scholarly Monk Athanasios or Spyridon Lavriotis, a physician, says in his pilgrimage book published in 1936 (pp. 19-20): “Athos had been predistinated [predestined] by the divine Providence to be a place for Virgins, and at the town toward the end of Athos, Akrathos, there were priestesses serving rural Diana, as is shown on the front view of the table in the Holy Monastery of Meghisti Lavra, which table is decorated by an immense ear carved in marble, a votive offering in the middle of a frame with the following inscription: “Nevris’s votive offering to rural Diana”. This reverent priestess, Nevris, dedicated a carved ear to goddess Diana, out of gratitude. Below the ear there is a big fresso [fresco] presenting the Annunciation to the Virgin Mary. On the left the Archangel Gabriel offers the lily to the virgin Mary, while on the right the Mother of God occupies the place of Diana who, holding her distaff, leaves and symbolically abandons her crown for the Madonna, as if saying: “as a precursor of God’s Mother, I no longer hold any place here, since the Lady and patron of Athos has come”. 290

Here, the legend begins to mix with artifact and more substantial tradition. Throughout the region, today, there is a common understanding that the Holy Mountain belongs to Panagia. Within the confines of the Lavra monastery, the tradition perseveres: The fact that is a tradition following which our Lady and God-mother visited Athos – and nobody should doubt – is further proven in the L 66 and L 31 codes of Lavriotiki (Meghisti Lavra) Library reading as follows word by word:“ When the Apostles cast the lots in order to know where each one should go and preach the gospel, the Virgin Mother also deemed to request a lot for Herself, so that she should not remain without a share in the preaching; and the lot thus fell upon Her to leave for Iberia. And when She was ready to leave, the Archangel Gabriel appeared and said to Her: virgin God-mother, Jesus Christ, born of You, thus commands, You don’t leave Judea’s land, that is Jerusalem, because the places assigned as your lot is not Iberia, but Macedonia’s peninsula called Mount Athos which shall be blessingly

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illuminated in the light of Your face. When therefore the virgin Mary reached Athos, shouting and confusion and a great uproar were heard from all the idols in Athos; and from these cries such things were heard : ‘You, Apollo’s men, get all to Clemes harbour and welcome Mary, the Great God’s Mother.’” 291

The need to study these accounts and decide their veracity is irrelevant in this study. The only point here to be considered is the very strong tradition that the monastic movement on Mt. Athos is connected intimately to an intense spiritual devotion to the Mother of God. The sense of the tradition is clearly stated in the following quote: “That is why everyone justly calls it our Virgin Mary’s Garden and Orchard,” by Kaesarius Dapontes. 292 The story of Mt. Athos and its monasteries begins in the 9th century and is accompanied by a long list of miraculous happenings almost always in reference to the Virgin Mary. 293 The exact date of the first monastic settlement on Athos cannot be determined and beginnings are shrouded in myth and legend. History does tell us that monks from Athos participated in the Council of 843 AD and after that names begin to surface to which real historical detail can be added. 294 The monasteries continued to be built, representing large communities who lived together in huge compounds and smaller communities living high in the hills in sketes, and still others who lived as hermits alone and away. It is undeniably a fascinating phenomenon still vital today. For the modern liturgical theologian the sources in these monasteries present vast possibilities about entering the mystical tradition of the Virgin Mary. Many of the textual documents have been arduously catalogued and copied. Most of them are available in the Patristics Institute in Thessaloniki, Greece, housed in the Monastery of Vlatadon upon the acropolis of the city. Most of the catalogues housed there are also available in specialized libraries, such as Harvard University

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in Massachusetts and the Dumbarton Oaks collection, a Harvard University library, in Washington, D.C. 5. Byzantine Catholic translations and commentary It should be noted that an exceptional aid in reading the ancient Orthros in English is afforded by a relatively newly translated set of the Menaion by Sophia Press, the Byzantine Catholic diocese, Melkite, of Newton Centre, Massachusetts. It is noted in the frontispiece that these translators “extensively consulted” the work of Fr. Deacon Denis Guillaume and excerpts from Byzantine Daily Worship. These books are designated as “Service Books of the Byzantine Churches.” These books have been released gradually over a period of 30 years, beginning in the mid 1960s. There is no commentary at all, merely a translation of the Vespers and Orthros for each day. 6. The Festal Menaion and other English translations A modern English translation of The Festal Menaion published by St. Tikhon's in Pennsylvania includes articles of explanation about the Menaion and liturgical texts of the Menaion: a. Birth of the Theotokos on September8; b. Exaltation of the Cross on September 14; c. Entry of the Theotokos into the Temple on November 21; d. Christmas Eve and the Feast of the Nativity including the Synaxis on Dec. 26; the Holy Theophany of the Lord on January 6; e. Hypapante on February 2; f. Annunciation on March 25; g. Transfiguration of the Lord on August 6; h. Dormition of the Theotokos on August 15. 295

Narthex Press produces an English translation of the monthly Menaion for Sundays, released seasonally. 296 These have become popular with Eastern Orthodox churches that are now experiencing a more urgent need for liturgical materials in

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the vernacular language. This translation positions the Greek text and the English translation in side-by-side columns on each page. It references the English translation of the Septuagint Psalms from the Authorized Version by Jose M. Vinck and Leonidas C. Contos. As mentioned previously, the monks of Holy Transfiguration Monastery in Boston have translated several liturgical service books from the Greek: The Horologion, The Pentecostarion, and currently they are completing The Menaion for the entire liturgical year, a monumental task.

In Review When seeing the massive numbers of texts that have been catalogued and arranged in historical sequence, it is almost staggering to know that little work has been done in theological analysis of these many liturgical texts -not in terms of searching for proof texts but identifying a greater mystical aspect of liturgical theology. One observation that emerges in considering the contemporary work on the Daily Hours, and specifically the Orthros, sees the work of Guiver, Taft and Bradshaw (although individual scholarly opinions exists among them on details such as the development of cathedral and monastic traditions) converging with the translations and commentaries from the East (such as the work of Kallistos Ware and Mother Mary). Those who are translating the Greek texts do so in the received tradition of eastern liturgy. The work of the western scholars mentioned corroborates the approach of the Greek translators and commentators in identifying a tradition of faith in the texts. This is already self-indicative of the value seen, in both East and West that lies within the liturgical texts.

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Chapter Two "Annunciation" (Eu,aggelismou/ ) "Synaxis of the Virgin, Day after Nativity" ( `H Su,naxij th. Qeoto,kou) "Hypapante" The Meeting ( `H `Upapanth. Tou/ Kuri,ou h`mw/n `Ihsou/ Cristou.)

The feasts the Annunciation, Synaxis of the Day after Nativity, and Hypapante are inextricably joined to one another, describing a pivotal moment in time when God offered redemption and, in turn, humanity accepted. It begins with a prophetic moment when God revealed the plan of salvation to a young, trusting Hebrew woman, named Miryam. The Virgin Mary agreed, thereby combining in her very body and total being being the source of physical and eternal life that was the incarnation sent as Son by Almighty God, Yahweh. In the unique invitation and salvation to humanity, Mary accepted God’s plan and a new creation was born. In ancient tradition, there were two stages in the account of God's messenger Gabriel pursuing the young Hebrew woman with the invitation of salvation. Tradition, or perhaps it is legend, tells us the messenger first came to young Miryam at the well in Nazareth (the Pre-Annunciation). Running in fear, the angel pursued her and then there was the encounter at home. The liturgical text of the Feast of the Annunciation takes us directly to the scene where Gabriel hurries to her home, persisting in delivering the message to her. The dialogue between the angel and Miryam of Nazareth, where the young woman probes God's proposal and the very possibility of its reality, demonstrates that she has had a direct "meeting" with the mystery of God. She wonders about being pregnant without knowing a man, and she questions how and why the glory of God will descend in this fashion to humanity. In essence, it is humanity "meeting" God who has proposed reconciliation with mankind, and a recapitulation of the original relationship between God and humanity. Virgin Mary's acceptance represents humanity accepting the "meeting."

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In being Theotokos, the one who bears God's Son, thereby being mother of the Incarnate Christ, Virgin Mary is intrinsically the mother of humanity. In the fashion of the liturgical Synaxis after the day of a feast, the most appropriate manner to celebrate the role of Miryam and all the mystery of the Nativity represents, one can only repeat the account of what happened. The Orthros does exactly this in the Feast of the Synaxis of the Nativity, indicating there is little to explain the event because of its deep, deep mystery. But, repeating the details of the Nativity with a concentration on the mother is yet another opportunity to enter into the mystery of Christ's birth to discover the mystery as it includes the young virgin. The Orthros of the Synaxis gives us only one final kontakion attributed to Romanos. In this hymn, he describes the mystery of the new union: "Today the invisible Nature is joined to mortal man, coming forth from the Virgin." 297 Over and over in this trilogy of feasts, the word "today" is used, indicative that it measures time, and the ineffable God's appearance in creation in the realm of time, a poetic choice of words indicating the mystery of God's incarnation continuing in the present in the life of the faithful. God and humanity are once again together, a "meeting" that brings shalom, wholeness of men and women with God in a new realm of life on earth and into eternity. The third of this trilogy of feasts is, itself, called "the meeting." Simeon, the aged priest awaits his death, but has been promised by God a vision of eternity in the coming of the Savior to earthly life. On one level, the "meeting" is Simeon's own encounter with immortality, with the messiah he awaited. At the same time, with the details of Miryam and Joseph fulfilling the Law in bringing sacrifices to the Temple, it is on another level a "meeting" of man and woman with God. The fact that the "meeting" takes place in the Temple is a clear indication that the point of encounter is in God's space and time revealing god’s ultimate plan. We have dynamic reciprocal movement of God in humanity's direction and humanity's movement toward God. This mutuality in the process of recapitulation is seen as follows: 1) God sends the angel messenger with an offering of reconciliation. 2) Miryam accepts after first objecting and asking questions. 3) Miryam and Joseph approach the Temple with their Child. 4) Simeon awaits the Lord and recognizes "the meeting."

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5) The ritual initiation of the Child in the Temple is an intersection of God's movement toward humanity and humanity's movement toward God. On many levels, the trilogy of feasts in their close relationship and even constant repetition and re-articulation of images and phrases celebrate the coming of God into the human realm and "the meeting" between humanity and God's incarnate presence in the world. I. Feast of the Annunciation A. Introduction Luke's Gospel begins with a startling announcement that the ever-loving God of Israel, the One who gives and sustains life, will enter the human realm, working a longexpected miracle of new creation. This concept of "announcement" is not new to Israel. It is Angel Gabriel who is understood to be the messenger of God who had instructed Daniel (Daniel 8:16 RSV); who then precedes the "annunciation" to Miryam," 298 the young woman in Galilee; and by an "annunciation" to childless Zechariah, priest in the temple. Joseph, the espoused husband of Miryam, also experiences an "annunciation" from an angel, visiting him in a dream, and comforting him in his doubt. At Nazareth, it is an angel who reveals the new and remarkable event that is about to happen (Matthew 2:20-22 RSV). Throughout Israelite history, God had made other announcements such as the everimportant one to Abraham and Sarah that they would conceive a child (Genesis 15 RSV). God promised that Abraham's progeny would one day populate the earth: "Look toward heaven, and number the stars, if you are able to number them … So shall your descendants be (Gen 15: 6 RSV)." This direct reference to man and woman's commission to be partakers in God's creation and ongoing life, given in Genesis 1:26, 299 points prophetically to the future new creation of shalom, promised by God. The prophet Isaiah embraced a prophetic sense of new life by way of announcement, perhaps not understood even in fullness by the prophet, stating that a young woman not yet

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taken in marriage would be mother of a son who himself would be Immanuel, "God with us (Isaiah 7:14 RSV)." Again, a barren couple receives an "announcement" from God that one of the Judges would see his wife conceive and bear a son. It is the continuing form of "annunciation": "Behold you are barren and have no children; but you shall conceive and bear a son (Judges 13:3 RSV)." These remarkable "annunciations" were known and recognized when Miryam of Galilee told her cousin Elizabeth of a stunning visit from God's messenger. God's "annunciations" are held in special memory. As an example, we learn that Miryam burst forth with memory of Hannah in a song of blessing when visiting Elizabeth. This indicates that both Miryam and Elizabeth had vivid memory of God's work in the past. It was Eli, the priest of the temple, who brought an "annunciation" to the weeping and sorrowful Hannah that she would bear a son, the great king for Israel, Samuel. In Luke's account, we see the profound mystery that Miryam and her cousin are experiencing, both women embracing the economia of God, captured in Miryam's Magnificat, sung in the memory of Hannah. The songs of Hannah and Miryam speak of the wonder of these announcements of God bringing new life through remarkable loving ways. 300 The ancient Orthros, however, give us a unique insight into the annunciation of the angel to Miryam of Galilee. Research on the Orthros has introduced the understanding of Theotokos as source of the Source. The "dismissal hymn" that stands predominantly at the start of Orthros, proclaims the significance of the feast, and casts the moment of the young woman's encounter with the mystery of salvation. The apolytikion, the dismissal hymn, is a summary of the entire liturgical celebration of Orthros for the Feast of the Annunciation. It is a window of illumination into the importance of the event -- God who is the "eternal mystery" comes into the human realm as the "Son of the Virgin." It is in that moment when the young Hebrew woman Miryam

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embraced the will of God and demonstrated the joy she experienced in God’s gift of new creation. Today is the crown of our salvation and the manifestation of the mystery that is from all eternity. The son of God becomes Son of the Virgin, and Gabriel announces the good tidings of Grace. Therefore, let us also join him and cry aloud to the Theotokos: Hail [more meaningfully -"Rejoice"], thou who art full of grace, the Lord is with thee. 301 Sh,meron th/j swthri,as h`mw/n to. Kefa,laion( kai. tou/ a,pV aiw/noj Musthri,ou h` fane,rwsij o` Uio.j tou/ Qeou/( Uio.j th/j Parqe,nou gi,netai( kai. Gabrih.l th.n ca,rin euvaggelizetai) Dio. suvn auvtw/ th Qeoto,kw boh,swmen Cai/re Kecaritwme,nh( ov Ku,rioj meta. sou/) 302

The synaxarion The synaxarion in Orthros of the Feast of Annunciation on March 25 presents the interesting legend that the event of this singularly important "annunciation" begins at a well. The symbol of water illumines the life-giving God, beginning in Genesis with the rivers of life flowing from the Garden of Life, continuing in the Psalms, and elucidated by Jesus in his discussion with the Samaritan woman at the well. We find that the biblical use of the word, "well," proclaims metaphorically a meeting place, "the place of an epiphany (showing forth)," a place to settle conflict (in this case between humanity and God), and a ritual place for man to meet and be espoused to a woman. 303 The well, then, is the place of encounter between God and the young human woman, an epiphany in the context of betrothal and engagement; the locus to begin salvation and recapitulation; and the place of espousal -- between Christ and humanity. In the early centuries of Christianity the faithful understood the integral meaning of water as a symbol of God's grace that flows to and through the Virgin. Once established, the first celebrations of the Feast of the Annunciation were

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held with important processions in honor of Theotokos at Blachernae. Blachernae had direct connections to the spirituality of the Theotokos of the Life-Giving Fountain at Pigi, in the environs of Constantinople, portraying even the virgin herself as a well. The importance of young Miryam receiving the first contact with Angel Gabriel at the town well in Nazareth may be more than folklore. In Constantinople, Patriarch Germanos I (668-742 AD), and his successors established a celebration of the Annunciation at the church of Blachernae. 304 In this chapter, we will examine several feasts that are closely interlocked and represent the joy-filled relationship of young Mary with God in the mystery of salvation. We begin with the Annunciation, move to the Synaxis of the Virgin, celebrating the young woman who gave birth to God's Son, and culminate with the "announcement" of Simeon at the first open "Meeting" of God with mankind at the Presentation in the temple. First, we will move through the branches of our tree architecture in consideration of the Feast of the Annunciation. Then the same movement will be used to ponder the related feasts. Before beginning this process, a humble confession must be made of the inadequacy that exists in probing these great feasts of Christian mystery in such a confined way. Perhaps it will suffice to claim that this study can only open the mechanics of this kind of exploration of the liturgical text, realizing that the findings at this time cannot be complete. B. Examining the branches of the tree In order to elicit the illuminations of the silent mystery of God as experienced in a Christian life of prayer, the feast of the Annunciation is the most important place to begin. Utilizing the architecture of the study, we will travel the branches of the tree to collect the silent mystery that fruits out at all levels and which together unveil illuminations of the lex

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credendi of Christian life as it was experienced through the formative ages of the cult of the Virgin Mary and her feasts. 1. Authorship A study of Virgin Mary, the Theotokos, written and compiled by Holy Apostles Convent in Buena Vista, Colorado, examines biblical, patristic, and liturgical sources in an attempt to collect together the Holy Tradition on the life of the mother of Christ. The poetic hymnographers named in this work associated with the liturgical text of the Feast of the Annunciation are John of Damascus and Theophanes, whose compositions correspond to homilies and writings by Ephrem of Syria, Cyril of Jerusalem, Cyril of Alexandria, Photios, and later Gregory of Palamas. 305 We find direct reference to the authorship of Theophanes and John of Damascus in the Greek Menaion. Specifically, in the Orthros, the first hymn displays an attribution to the poet, John the Monk, and is a canon arranged as an acrostic in alphabetical order. 306 This is an interesting factor since it may indicate some connection with the tradition of the hymn known as the Akathist, a connection which will be explained later in the discussion of the historical origins of the Feast of the Annunciation. John of Damascus was born in 676 AD, a son in a wealthy family, which meant he was privileged to receive academic training. It should be noted, also, that his brother Kosmas, later known as "the Hymnographer" also received this fine education, and like his brother (by adoption), was a monk. 307 His father was a "logothelete" and an advisor to the "vizier" (a minister of the state). 308 The family was ArabChristian and his family was responsible for the financial administration of the caliphate, the Islamic controlled area in which they lived. 309 This was the first career that John took up for himself, as well, but he then resigned from political life about 716 AD and went to live in the Mar Saba monastery, eventually becoming a monk. His writing in defense of icons, directly opposing the iconoclastic emperor in power, is well

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known. In them is a defense of representing beauty and mystery in faith that can also be applied to the high literary value of his liturgical, poetical compositions. His writings against iconoclasm led to his official condemnation, which occurred five years after his death (749 AD) at the Council of Hieria in 754. The reputation of John of Damascus was repaired and a confirmation of the truth in his writings was stated at the Second Council of Nicea in 787 AD. Among his vast poetic, liturgical works was also a revision of the Octoechoes, the established cycle of eight weekly tones which now form the core of Byzantine worship. The most famous of the writings of John of Damascus is The Source of Knowledge, an early and perhaps the first attempt at systematic theological thought. 310 At this point, realizing the interconnection between the words, "source" and "fountain," as will be seen in the discussion of the Feast of the Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain, one should take careful note to see that the Greek title of John's theological work is Pege 311gnoseos (The Fountain of Knowledge). It is a work, possibly in two versions, which primarily addressed a refutation of heresies including defense against Islam and defense of icons. In it is a well-known Orthodox creed, Expositio Fidei. 312 This is an interesting factor to consider in relationship to the attempt in discovering illuminations of faith in the liturgical texts. This very early attempt at systematic theology came from a man who not only led the holy life of a monk, experiencing Christ daily in monastic life, but also from a man who demonstrated in his poetry an appreciation of the mystical, spiritual values that ultimately enlighten doctrine. This, in itself, is a fair defense for arguing that the liturgical experience (prayer) reveals the "law" of faith, lex orandi, lex credendi. In addition, the title it carries refers to a "fountain of knowledge." The only direct reference of authorship by Theophanes, given in the Greek Menaion for Orthros on the Feast of the Annunciation, is found at the very conclusion in eichos "b" of the last sticho. 313 However, some sources attribute inclusion of liturgical text by Theophanes in the section previously noted as written by John of Damascus, a factor not identified in the

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Greek Menaion. 314 The Festal Menaion, translated and edited by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, notes that there may be evidence enough by scholars to attribute Canticles Eight and Nine to John the Monk and the remainder of the Canon to Theophanes. 315 Concluding Orthros, we find a Great Doxology, prayer litanies, and the Prayer of Ephrem, which is attended three times by deep prostration in prayer position, whereby the faithful traditionally kneel completely prone on the floor on both knees. 316 These concluding elements, however, are not found in many of the contemporary editions of the Greek Menaion. Theophanes lived a little over 100 years later than John of Damascus and came to be called "the Confessor" and the "Chronicler." He, too, had been highly educated and was related to a Macedonian royal family. Although married, he and his wife founded two monasteries and began living the monastic life only two years after their marriage. He, also, loved icons and became interested in writing history. His sources "are now lost, and his is the most complete extant history of VIIth and VIIIth century Byzantium," which includes a description of the Arab siege of Constantinople in 674-678 AD. 317 Perhaps the most reliable English translation of the original Greek liturgical text for Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation is the one prepared by Mother Mary of the Orthodox Monastery of the Veil of the Mother of God, Bussyen-Othe, France, and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, in 1998, which corroborates the authorship of the main kanon of the liturgical service to John the Monk of Damascus, and the closing hymn to Theophanes. 318 Overall, we have to conclude that the Greek Menaion follows the ancient tradition of authorship and the major kanon is an interesting alphabetical acrostic that is poetically set up as a dialogue between the Virgin Mary and the angel, as will be explained later.

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To make abundantly clear the voluntary character of her choice, the Canon [kanon] for the Annunciation takes the form of a dialogue between the Virgin and Gabriel. Mary's doubts are set forth with the utmost directness, we see all her incredulity and her embarrassment; and this is done in order to make clear that she acted in full freedom, consciously and deliberately accepting the will of God. When, on this and other feasts, the Orthodox Church shows honour to the Mother of God, it is not just because God chose her but also because she herself chose aright. 319

2. Translation In discussing authorship, the source of good English translations has been mentioned. The translation and commentary prepared by Mother Mary and Kallistos Ware is helpful for background and understanding of the liturgical texts. These translators state their intention for the English rendition, a reiteration from the first chapter of this thesis: Without translations which they can consult at home or take to church, these English-speaking Orthodox are being spiritually starved, cut off as they are from a full participation in communal prayer. 320

Specifically, the sources for the translation of this Festal Menaion must be known, since certain phrases may become key to an illumination, or pivotal in an interpretation. Mother Mary and Kallistos Ware acknowledge a previous English translation, The Ferial Menaion or the Book of Services for the Twelve Great Festivals and the New Year's Day, translated in 1900 and now out of print. In translating Greek texts to English, as in translation of the biblical texts from the original languages, there is always a need to reframe and offer a translation that is understood in the contemporary context (actually a translation from one historical environment to another). The translator of this 1900 edition was N. Orloff, a scholar at King's College in London. He utilized a direct translation, literally translating in the fashion most dedicated to the meaning of each and every word. This

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makes the translation "accurate" but awkward for worship, losing the esthetical nature of the original that, indeed, would be a necessary component of the prayer experience. He [N. Orloff] was translating into a language not his own and, as so often in such a situation, the resulting English version is so eccentric in style -- and at times altogether grotesque and ludicrous -- that it cannot decently be used in public worship. 321

A popular Service Book, of Miss I. F. Hapgood, which was widely used in the Orthodox Church of America, is actually a collection of extracts from the original liturgical texts of the Great Feasts. Also, another adapted version is the collection, Divine Prayers and Services, by Father Seraphim Nassar, which includes texts from Orthros but usually omits many of the the canons (kanon). This is problematic because the canons are the vessel of the original liturgical construction. So, for this reason, translators returned to more primary works, the most important of which, they say, was La prière des églises de rite byzantin, by E. Mercenier, F. Paris and G. Bainbridge, published 1947-53. 322 The translation of the March Menaion in the series of Service Books of the Byzantine Churches 323 provides a continuous English rendition of the liturgical texts, allowing the Englishspeaking person an opportunity to reflect and meditate on the prayer texts as they proceed. The Transfiguration Monastery in Brookline, Massachusetts promises a full English translation of the Menaion, as mentioned previously. With all these English translations, however, it should be noted that it is difficult to follow and participate in a service in the original Greek (or even Russian) with a solely English translation. An English translation alone without the associated Greek (and Russian) texts nearby to compare, becomes difficult should the celebrant and cantors decide to intersperse the original language in wellknown hymns and prayers. It also means a loss in much of the sound and rhythm of the original language, itself a spiritual factor.

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There is a useful English translation of the Orthros on Sundays of the liturgical year, published by Narthex Press in Northbridge, California, which sets up the translation opposite the page of the original Greek. However, this volume will only contain the Orthros of the Marian feasts when they fall on Sunday, published year by year for parish use. Otherwise, Narthex has published an Orthros for weekdays with English and Greek, side by side, in several volumes under the direction of Fr. Spencer T. Kezios. Fr. Kezios clearly states the purpose: A major teaching tool of the early Christian Church was the inclusion of the tenets of the faith in its hymns. This is true of the hymns glorifying God and even the Psalms of David; in them all we are instructed in God. We learn of His Providence, of His love and mercy, and of His saints, as we glorify His greatness. … Though we celebrate the Divine Liturgy on those days, unless we hear the hymns of Vespers and especially those of the Orthros, we miss that which leads us to insights, history and the importance of the Holy Day being celebrated. 324

There are various independently published translations, often done by a priest for his own parish, often subsequently adopted by other parishes, which provide Greek-English texts; but these have not been done in any kind of unilateral translation. 3. Inter-relationship with other sources The Annunciation Feast, integrally related to all other celebrations of the Virgin Mary, has vast implications and interconnectedness with sources concerning the mother of Christ. Directly, the event is taken up again and again by almost all Christian writers. In the formation of the feast's liturgical texts, the central issue surrounds the account of the angel's message to Mary, her subsequent consideration of God’s proposal, and her resulting cooperation with the will of God. The parallel patristic texts most often reflect admiration for the

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"yes" of Virgin Mary, while giving less attention to the dialogue that Mary had with the angelic messenger. The iconographic tradition does represent this dialogue by often portraying the young Hebrew woman as afraid, in awe, or resisting the call. In addition, the icons often reveal a tradition of the preannunciation, which heightens the sense of awe or fear the young woman may have experienced: first encountering the angel at the well, rushing away to her home, and then encountering the angel again as he pursued her in her flight. There is no mention of this pre-annunciation tradition in the Orthros. The pivotal point in the Orthros concerns the questioning and resulting consent of Virgin Mary. In a deeper spiritual way, in the form of a liturgical conversation, the faithful people -- as an ecclesia encountering the announcement – are invited to enter into the mystery of Mary’s response. a. Biblical writing There are references to both Hebrew Scriptures and the New Testament in the Orthros, utilizing the Psalms -- the heart of the Daily Prayer for morning, in the first place -- as a revelatory writing expounding the event of the Incarnation. In this section, we will examine the major texts from the Hebrew Scriptures, arranged in order of appearance in the texts of Orthros, and then the New Testament references. Clearly, there is an intermeshing of these texts indicated in the hymns, underscoring the prophetic aspect of the psalms and passages of Hebrew scriptures of ancient times. 1. Hebrew Scriptures Characteristic throughout patristic writings, many biblical images are used to form a number of typologies to represent the Theotokos. These typologies are duplicated in the icons. "Today the proud insolence of the serpent is brought low (Genesis 3:1-5 RSV)."

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The narrative recalled in the very first chants of Orthros (following the readings of the Psalter -- normally read daily in the morning) orient the feast in its very function to open the new creation, to bring low the pride of the serpent which convinced the first man and woman to sin. "Give the king thy justice, O God, and thy righteousness to the royal son!" (Psalm 72:1 LXX). God is the One who will break down the barriers built up by mankind, and thereby deliver the poor, provide for those in need, and extend God's realm around the earth. These are the very things that Mary's Magnificat later describes in praising God's work of redemption, when the Incarnation has been realized. In this messianic psalm, "Christ Himself is the true Solomon, the peacemaker who will make the two (Jews and Gentiles) one, and will break down the dividing wall of hostility." 325 There are other significant characteristics of this psalm which place it in the category of a "messianic psalm," such as the allusion to wise men bearing gifts to the King's son (verses 10 and 11 LXX). The canon, attributed to John "the Monk" of Damascus, opens with an allusion to the faithful approaching God, as did the Virgin, with "words." "Let the words of my mouth and the meditation of my heart be acceptable in your sight (Psalm 19:14 LXX)." This relates directly to Paul's injunction for "constant prayer." A conversation with God has been opened up, mystically connected to God’s plan to send a Son, who is, indeed, the “Word.” This very same canon continues with a reference to David's praise of God carrying out the plan of salvation in Mary, by "striking the harp of the Spirit." This phrase certainly

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may hearken back to Ephrem of Syria, clearly touching on the very presence of mysterium a silentio. Striking the "harp of the Spirit," in memory of King David, speaks of an ongoing and unfolding mystery of God. Ephrem described himself as playing "three harps." You have baptized me in the faithful names, And you have handed me the glorious harps. … Since I have no [more] voice, sing in me that I may sing for you. 326 Here is the introductory theme, which Ephrem developed, in three subsequent hymns, hymns that we will examine later in looking at contextual parallels. Immediately, the first canticle moves to the address of Psalm 45, a wedding psalm which tradition connects to the Virgin Mary. "My heart overflows with a goodly theme; I address my verses to the king; my tongue is like the pen of a ready scribe (Psalm 45:1 RSV)." The liturgical text states: "Hearken, O Daughter, to the glad voice of the Angel [messenger from God, the king]." 327 Psalm 45 (44 LXX), verse 9, is always sung in the preparation of the bread and wine for the Divine Liturgy in the eastern liturgy, when the priest commemorates the Theotokos (with symbolic marks etched 328 into the eucharistic bread). 329 Now moving to Canticle Three of the Canon, we see a significant reference to Theotokos as "living and plentiful fount." 330 As explained, this title refers directly to Psalm One and the righteous person who is like a tree planted alongside life-giving water. Genesis 49:10 is the messianic verse that speaks of the one who will replace the line of power from Judah (also a cross reference to Numbers 24:17):

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“The scepter shall not depart from Judah, nor the ruler's staff from between his feet, until he comes to whom it belongs; and to him shall be the obedience of the peoples (Gen 49:10 RSV).” Canticle Four continues the messianic theme. God will come "in a swift cloud," 331 a reference to Isaiah: "Behold the LORD is riding on a swift cloud and comes to Egypt; and the idols of Egypt will tremble at his presence (Isaiah 19:1 RSV)." In the words of the Theotokos, in the same canticle, we see the well-known reference to a messiah born of a young woman (Isaiah 7:14). Next, in the response of the angel, Virgin Mary is compared to the burning bush of Mt. Sinai: "And the angel of the LORD appeared to him in a flame of fire out of the midst of a bush; and he looked, and lo, the bush was burning, yet it was not consumed (Exodus 3:2 RSV)." When the power of God comes upon Virgin Mary, she will not be consumed, but instead become the "Burning Bush" of the Incarnation. In the angel's closing statement for this hymn, Gabriel describes the coming of Christ upon Virgin Mary, as "dew upon the fleece." 332 This metaphor comes from a story early in the Hebrew Scriptures, when Gideon asks for a sign from God that deliverance will come. If God sends dew upon a fleece of wool, then Gideon knows that God's power is with him. “And it was so. When he rose early next morning and squeezed the fleece, he wrung enough dew from the fleece to fill a bowl with water (Judges 6:38 RSV).”

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Also, in Canticle Four, there is a similar image, and the hymnist uses the messianic psalm again, this time linking the image to the Book of Judges. “May he be like rain that falls on the mown grass, like showers that water the earth (Psalm 72:6 RSV).” The rain showers (again, the element of "water") represent a deliverance of all who toil to live in arid and lifeless lands, for the messiah issues in a new creation filled with life both physical and spiritually eternal. Canticle Five concludes with the angel remarking about the promise to David that his descendant would come to the throne. “The LORD swore to David a sure oath from which he will not turn back: ‘One of the sons of your body I will set on your throne (Psalm 132: 11 RSV).’" This is immediately followed by the angel's reference to "the only excellency of Jacob." 333 Psalm 47 begins: "Clap your hands, all peoples!" When we remember that original Christian prayer was certainly derived from the Hebraic sense of daily praying the Psalms, it is remarkable that in Orthros the hymnists can so skillfully weave together the prophetic voice of the Psalms with the Christian mystery found in the Annunciation. “He chose our heritage for us, the pride of Jacob whom he loves. Selah. God has gone up with a shout, the LORD with the sound of a trumpet (Psalm 47: 4-5 RSV).”

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Canticle Six opens with an Irmos, the faithful remembering the three day burial of Jonah within the belly of a whale, Jonah 1:17. 334 There is a direct correlation here to Matthew 12:40. 335 The canticles of the Orthros for this feast move to the important mention of not only the Incarnation, but also the eventual death and resurrection of Christ, made possible by Virgin Mary's "yes" in the first place. In this canticle, the angel reminds Virgin Mary about God's promise to Abraham (Genesis 22:18 RSV): "And by your descendants all the nations of the earth bless themselves, because you have obeyed my voice." There are two elements here: 1) the nations of the earth will "bless" themselves with the new gifts of God, but 2) it has all come about through one person's obedience. The tie to Virgin Mary is obvious. The hymnist closes the canticle by an affirmation of the Mother of God with all the faithful "clapping hands." For reference, let us see similar joy in the psalms, again the foundation of Orthros in the beginning. Clap your hands, all peoples! Shout to God with loud songs of joy! (Psalm 46:1 RSV) Canticle Seven begins with the liturgically popular three young men in the fiery furnace. This, too, is a metaphor that is used for explaining the mystery of the Incarnation. Just as the holy fire did not consume the burning bush on Mt. Sinai, so it was for the three young men in the furnace. The story begins with Chaldeans approaching powerful Nebuchadnezzar and complaining that certain Jews did not adore the golden image, carrying a punishment of being thrown into a burning fiery furnace. So, in a rage, the king commands three by the name of Shadrach, Meshach and Abednego to be brought before him.

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They tell him they will not fall down to worship the golden image at the call of the "horn, pipe, lyre, trigon, harp, bagpipe and every kind of music (Dan 3:15 RSV)." They then challenge the king with a claim that the One God "is able to deliver (verse 17)" them from the furnace. Full of fury, the king orders the furnace to be heated "seven times more (verse 19)" than usual. The furnace was so hot that the men who delivered the three young men into the flames were themselves killed. The remarkable intervention of a being from Heaven then takes place. The king asks his counselors: "Did we not cast three men bound into the fire (verse 24)?" He points out, "But I see four men loose, walking in the midst of the fire, and they are not hurt; and the appearance of the fourth is like a son of the gods (verse 25)." King Nebuchadnezzar interprets this being to be an angel sent from on high (verse 28). The early Christian community, on the other hand, interprets this to be Christ. Then Nebuchadnezzar came near to the door of the burning fiery furnace and said, "Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, servants of the Most High God, come forth, and come here!" Then Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego came out from the fire. And the satraps, the prefects, the governors, and the king's counselors gathered together and saw that the fire had not had any power over the bodies of those men; the hair of their heads was not singed, their mantles were not harmed, and no smell of fire had come upon them. Nebuchadnezzar said "Blessed be the God of Shadrach, Meshach, and Abednego, who has sent his angel and delivered his servants, who trusted in him, and set at nought the king's command and yielded up their bodies rather than serve and worship any god except their own God (Daniel 3:2628 RSV).

This powerful account took its place in liturgical text, over and over again, as a vision into the mystery of Christ and his mother. Her body is like the bodies of the three young men, in the presence of a powerful fire whose force would eliminate any creaturely form, a metaphor for the power of God itself. But life was sustained here by Christ, the One who was in the beginning "with God," and "was God (John 1:1 RSV)." This is

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not only the prophetic prelude to Christ's incarnation, but an event illuminating how Virgin Mary's womb contained the allpowerful Christ. God's care of people is realized as a constant sustenance described as "dominion," a care of life reminiscent in meaning to the commission given to humanity in Genesis 1: 26 ff. The concept is repeated again in the Psalms where humanity is given "dominion," loving care over the creation: "Thou hast given him dominion over the works of thy hands (Psalm 8: 6 RSV)." In the New Testament, doxologies in Timothy and Peter describe God's ultimate dominion over all: As each has received a gift, employ it for one another, as good stewards of God's varied grace: whoever speaks, as one who utters oracles of God; whoever renders service, as one who renders it by the strength which God supplies; in order that in everything God may be glorified through Jesus Christ. To him belong glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen (1 Peter 4:11 RSV). 336

This sense of "dominion" as care and provision for life is understood to flower in the Theotokos who embraces in flesh the God who saved these three young men. An ancient hymn is placed into the mouth of King Nebuchadnezzar, who promulgates a tolerance for the One God, the hymn itself stating this mystery of "dominion": “How great are his signs, how mighty his wonders! His kingdom is an everlasting kingdom, and his dominion is from generation to generation (Daniel4:3 RSV).”

Also, in Canticle Seven, we find the angel referring to Virgin Mary as "the holy mountain" 337 and the sanctuary of the Temple. The "holy mountain" refers to the location where God communicated with Moses, where the Lord descended in fire. "And Mount Sinai was wrapped in smoke, because the LORD descended upon it in fire; and the smoke of it went up like the smoke of a kiln, and the whole mountain quaked greatly (Exodus 19: 18 RSV)." Here, we see the same metaphor for

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the divine presence in fire and power which is then related to the Incarnation, which came to dwell in the womb of Virgin Mary. It is not surprising to see that her being, her body, is also seen as the tabernacle of the Temple, where few were allowed to go. "And let them make me a sanctuary, that I may dwell in their midst (Exodus 25:8 RSV)." First, God entered in presence in the Ark of the Covenant in the tent of meeting while the faithful lived in the desert. The glory of God is found in Solomon's temple, and Virgin Mary is seen to be, in her being, this holy place. When Solomon had ended his prayer, fire came down from heaven and consumed the burnt offering and the sacrifices, and the glory of the LORD filled the temple. And the priests could not enter the house of the LORD, because the glory of the LORD filled the LORD's house (2 Chronicles 7:1 RSV).

Canticle Eight reiterates the same biblical themes as previous canons, but in Canticle Nine we walk into a multitude of images and mystical realities from the Hebrew Scriptures that collectively suggest the magnificence of the Incarnation mystery without any human specificity to detract. The Orthros becomes a celebration of the Theotokos, Ark of God, just as David danced with the return of the ark from enemy hands. "Let no profane hand touch the living Ark of God …" 338 sings the text (Canticle Nine). The opening Irmos describes "every mortal born on earth," in procession with torches and "in spirit leap for joy." 339 It is the joy of King David when the Ark is returned to Jerusalem: And it was told King David, ‘The LORD has blessed the household of Obed-edom and all that belongs to him, because of the ark of God.’ So David went and brought up the ark of God from the house of Obed-edom to the

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city of David with rejoicing; and when those who bore the ark of the LORD had gone six paces, he sacrificed an ox and a fatling. And David danced before the LORD with all his might; and David was girded with a linen ephod. So David and all the house of Israel brought up the ark of the LORD with shouting, and with the sound of the horn (2 Samuel 6: 12-16 RSV).

It is with this joy and actual dancing exuberance, that the composer of these canticles sums up the Feast of the Incarnation, in a sense, all dancing before the new Ark, the Virgin Mary in the Annunciation. She is "the living ark of God" (Canticle Nine). 340 - The Images that emerge from the scriptural allusions In conclusion, the hymnist tells us straightforward that the "Holy Scriptures speak of thee mystically" (Canticle Nine). And then we have a list: (1) She is Jacob's ladder, Genesis 28:12 RSV; (2) She is the burning bush and the fire on Mt. Sinai, Exodus 3:2; (3) She is the "spiritual mountain" in Daniel 2:34; (4) She is Isaiah's "mother of God," Isaiah 7:14; (5) She is the fleece that Gideon saw, Judges 6: 38; (6) She is sanctuary of the temple, by David, Psalm 95:6 & Psalm 131:8; (7) She is the gate, Ezekiel 44:2.

The Exapostilarion reiterates the event with a highly theological explanation and then yet another recounting of the images from Hebrew scripture: (1) The bush, Exodus 3: 2 RSV; (2) The lamp, Exodus 25:31; (3) Jacob's ladder, Genesis 28: 12, 17; (4) Ezekiel's gate, Ezekiel 44:2; (5) The divine chariot, Isaiah 19:1; (6) The cloud, Exodus 16:33; (7) The temple, Daniel 2: 34-35; (8) The gold vessel, Exodus 26:1;

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(9) The mountain, Exodus 25:23; (10) The tabernacle and the table of the Holy of Holies, Exodus 25: 23-26; and (11) The release of Eve, Genesis 3: 15-17.

All in all, this is quite a collection of parallels, which, in total, provide a paradigm of interlocked and revealing illuminations of the mystery of God. The final hymn of Theophanes summarizes: "Today is revealed the mystery that is from all eternity (Second Tone, end of Orthros)," 341 explaining that the mystery is present in each and every event and image found in the Hebrew scriptures that precede the Annunciation. What else can creation do? The hymnist answers: "rejoice" and "exult" in the mystery. - Influence of Hebrew Scriptures on the apocryphal writing Mention should be made of the biblical influences concerning the Protoevangelium of James, a text that relates to the Feast of the Annunciation, as will be described later. Scholars who have conducted a detailed analysis of this major apocryphal writing often see that it appears as a dubious source for Christian knowledge of the Annunciation, and have identified apocryphal writing as an apparent construction highly dependent on several writings from the Hebrew Scriptures. J. K. Elliott claims that the Protoevangelium of James finds its "inspiration" and "sources" in the birth narratives in Matthew and Luke (which is obvious), and in the "Old Testament," stating specifically that "1 Samuel in particular seems to have served the author of PJ as a source." 342 He doesn't go further to explain why he states this, or in what way the account in PJ mimics 1 Samuel. One can only read between the lines of his claim and suppose that there is a correspondence between Mary and Samuel in the call from God, and between Hannah and Mary in both being given a child as a gift from God. Looking carefully at 1 Samuel, it is seen that the writing combines source material from two periods, or noted as "early 149

source" and "late source," as well as intermittent other material as interludes. As R. Laurentin noted, the song of Hannah in her exultation over becoming pregnant, found in 1 Samuel 2:110, appears so parallel to Mary's Magnificat that it might be a paraphrase, where the 1 Samuel passage is attributed to the "late source" (8th to 7th century BC). 343 Samuel's call by the LORD, in chapter three, could be seen to influence the Annunciation account, this also attributed to the "late source." However, if the author of the Protoevangelium of James is totally constructing a fictional story perhaps for polemic reasons, 344 it seems that other accounts in the Hebrew scriptures of women who begged for a child would be as important if not more important: Hannah and other stories of mothers wanting a child Hannah Sarah Rebekah Rachel The mother of Samson Manoah's wife

1 Samuel 1 and 2:1-11 Genesis 17:16-19 Genesis 25:21-25 Genesis 29:31; 30:22-24 Judges 13:2-5

[Note: the husband of Hannah was Elkanah] One interesting detail taken up by Elliott concerns the naming of Mary's mother, Anna. He says scholars are not settled over the absolute historicity of this name, and he claims that there is no certainty about this particular name used in the Protoevangelium of James. The name of Mary's mother, Anna, may have come from Luke's birth story, but the figures of Hannah, Samuel's mother, Susanna in the additions to Daniel, and Manoah's wife in Judges 13 have been models for Anna. 345

Secondly, the name of Mary's father, Joachim, comes under much the same scrutiny. The name, Joachim or Joacim, takes form in various ways rooting back to the Hebrew, Joah,

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xawy, yahu or "brother." In the post-exilic period, the name is associated with the son of a high priest, or with priesthood in general. 346 Coincidentally, Joakim is the name of Susanna's husband (Susanna 1:1 RSV). Elliot argues that since it is apparent that "the popularity of the LXX version of 1 Samuel and of the story of Susanna in the second century AD seems evident," 347 the name of "Joachim" as the father of Mary is uncertain as a fact, even insinuating it is a concoction. However, using much the same arguments, if truly the name of Mary's father was Joachim and he was either priest or son of a priest, so more would be the disgrace at childlessness. At what point do we trust the tradition and the possibility that a name such as "Joachim" had great prestige and popularity due to its spiritual meaning? Do we conclude that Mary's name is doubtful because it is used so frequently in the New Testament and is a replication and religious reverence for the sister of Moses, Miryam? This study would conclude that tradition on such things as a person's name in the genealogy of Christ must be important and would be carefully remembered. If we start to discount the historicity of people whose name is reminiscent of those before them, then we may have to strip the entire biblical text. The name "Jesus," for instance, is related to the Hebrew Yeshua, or Joshua. Does that make his name problematic? In reading and reflecting on the Book of Susanna, in parallel with the Annunciation account, it is obvious that the story is an account of a woman of great beauty, a mother (verse 30) and beloved to her family, who trusts in God (verse 42). Her name, in Hebrew, means "lily" 348 which is an image utilized in artistic imagery for Virgin Mary, much later in the western tradition. But, perhaps this coincidence indicates the reality of the symbol. There is the issue that Susanna is a virtuous woman accused of an illicit sexual encounter. Could this have been on the minds of the writers of Protoevangelium of James? The young prophet in the story who comes to the aid of Susanna is Daniel, whose name in Hebrew means "God has judged." If the story of Susanna was seen by these second/third century writers of

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the Apocrypha as a metaphor of the Annunciation, it sets up an interesting parallel: Susanna/Mary = a woman of life, a woman who trusts in God, one who is wrongfully understood, a tender flower (lily) unblemished by sin Daniel/representative of God = one who is God's judge, one who helps make right Daniel/angel = one who answers the question of "how can this be?"

All in all, the biblical sources found in 1 Samuel, Judges, and Susanna are important roots to embracing the mystery that the account of the Feast of the Annunciation hopes to suggest. The "late source" in 1 Samuel appears to be focused on an interpretation of the life of Samuel, and the "early source" considers the importance of David, connected to Luke's importance for Davidic descent of Jesus. In more detail, if there was some internal struggle between first century Christians over the importance of Davidic descent, perhaps the corollary Elliott sees in the Protoevangelium of James would make more sense. But that is not the issue here. The issue is to identify which elements of the Annunciation account can be considered a part of tradition, meaning the received truth concerning the event. 2. The New Testament The allusions to the New Testament in the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation are direct and obviously gospeloriented. The probing of the mystery was left to the allusions from Hebrew scripture. These are woven around the event, illuminating the memory of when the Holy Spirit of God came to Mary. - The Gospel is Luke 1: 39-49, 56. It is interesting to note that this same gospel is read for the Birth of the Virgin Mary on September 8, which may in turn indicate that there

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was intimate connection between these feasts in the earliest of Christian ages. Some might say that this reading is used three times (on the feasts of the Nativity of the Virgin, September 8, on her Entrance into the Temple, November 21, and for her Dormition, August 15) because there are no direct biblical texts to use. However, the sense portrayed by the liturgical authors, through the extensive use of typology and metaphor, clearly demonstrate the deep currents of tradition that can only be expressed as unilaterally related to what is revealed in Luke’s gospel. The only way to “understand” the mystery is to contemplate again and again, in a kind of spiritual garnering of images, a silent mystery that informs all the other Marian feasts and constantly abides in both the Hebrew Scriptures and New Testament. - The canon itself by John the Monk is structured as a dialogue between Angel Gabriel and the Virgin, as noted. In a sense, the faithful are re-living the moment, hearing, and perhaps if an icon is present, "seeing" the moment recreated. This is the notion of daily prayer, albeit inherited from the Judaic prayer mind, that the holy events of salvation history such as the Exodus can be remembered and in such a way, reexperienced. The dialogue returns and returns to the Virgin's question, "How can this be?" The organic center of the prayer of the faithful perpetually carries this question, "How can it be?" Again, it is in the paradigm of mystery remembered from the Hebrew Scriptures that any understanding is offered. And in John the Monk's hymn, these illuminations are offered by the angel. The movement of prayer begins with the spirit of God acting through Abraham, Moses, Daniel, King David, Ezekiel, and other images and moves dramatically in Canticle Seven to Pentecost and the descent of the Holy Spirit of God. The "descent" is, of course, suggested in the action of the Holy Spirit of God coming upon Mary, a sudden action and sudden celebration of life as the ancient Jews saw in the celebration of fertility suddenly appearing in Spring, at the root of this festival.

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The fruition is of the Spirit of Life. But it has moved, in the blowing wind of creation -- if you will, as it moves silently in this Orthros for those who can sense its crescendo. Theotokos remarks to the angel: The descent of the Holy Spirit has purified my soul and sanctified my body: it has made of me a Temple that contains God, a Tabernacle divinely adorned, a living Sanctuary, and the pure Mother of Life. 349

How much clearer can it be that the Spirit of God that permeates all of creation is the Living Source of Life? In biblical Greek, the term pneuma means literally “breath,” that which is living but immaterial. Spirit is used in three ways in Scripture. (1) The Holy Spirit is one of the three Persons of the Trinity (John 4:24; 20:22). (2) The angels are called spirits (Ps 104:4). (3) The human spirit possesses the intuitive ability to know and experience God (Rom. 8:16; 1 cor. 2: 10-12). 350

Christ is the New Creation and the purity and sanctity of the body of Theotokos is as vessel, as temple, as un-consumed burning bush because she holds the un-seeable and awesomely powerful God. The “hidden essence” of God, an Energy of Life, can never be “seen” directly but experienced, as Moses is told in Exodus. “You cannot see my face; for man shall not see me and live” (Exodus 33: 18-23.) Christ is described as the Author of Life, for “His divine power has granted to us all things that pertain to life and godliness” (2 Peter 1: 2-4.) Further, Christ explains to the woman at the well that He is: “the resurrection and the life” (John 11:25.) In the Incarnation, this moment of sanctification by the Holy Spirit of God as Christ takes up residence in Mary, takes us to the tabernacle, making it a Bridal Chamber, thereby calling upon the final conclusion in Revelation (whether intended here in the liturgical text or not is hard to say). There is no longer a temple lit with candles and adorned with golden rings. It is Christ himself who is the Light. 154

And I saw no temple in the city, for its temple is the Lord God the Almighty and the Lamb. And the city has no need of sun or moon to shine upon it, for the glory of God is its light, and its lamp is the Lamb (Revelation 21:1-23 RSV).

Perhaps this is what the angel means when he sings forth: I see thee as a Lamp with many lights and as a Bridal Chamber made by God. As an Ark of gold, O spotless Maiden, receive now the Giver of the Law. 351

If we move to the letter to the Hebrews, we can envision that the heavenly sanctuary is found in Jesus, born in the Virgin's womb. "But Christ came as High Priest of the good things to come, with the greater and more perfect tabernacle not made with hands, that is, not of this creation (Hebrews 9:11 RSV)." The mystery is impossible to completely embrace. This may be why the ancient hymnists of the Orthros and composer or composer’s sources of the Akathist hymn leave it all to the paradoxical phrase, "Bride Unwedded." The meeting of Christ and humanity in the New Tabernacle not made of human hands, therefore Christ placed in the womb of the Virgin can be nothing more than a marriage of God and humanity in the nymphe anymphete. - The end of the Exapostilarion -- at the conclusion of the canon attributed to John the Monk -- takes us to the mystery expressed in Psalm 19. The One whom the world cannot contain (much less a Virgin's womb), and whose light and power "shone forth" before the morning star, is then understood as the light that was before light came or comes to the world. Hail, Thou shalt conceive in thy womb Him whom the world cannot contain, who yet shall be contained in thee; and thou shalt be the bearer of Him who shone forth from the Father before the morning star. 352

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Therefore, the New Testament account stands firmly on the foundation of Hebrew scripture, and the liturgical text brings them remarkably together: The heavens declare the glory of God; and the firmament shows His handiwork. … In them He has set a tabernacle for the sun, which is like a bridegroom coming out of his chamber … (Psalm 19: 1, 4b-5 LXX). 353

- The gospel reading in Orthros is straightforward, from Luke 1: 39 to 49, along with verse 56, which is obviously the account of the Visitation. In some ways, this is curious. In the cycle of time, why does the account of the Visitation precede the account of the Incarnation? The hint may be found in the fact that this same gospel reading is read on the Feast of the Birth of the Theotokos on September 8. Verses 39 to 49 read: In those days Mary arose and went with haste into the hill country, to a city of Judah, and she entered the house of Zechariah and greeted Elizabeth. And when Elizabeth heard the greeting of Mary, the babe leaped in her womb; and Elizabeth was filled with the Holy Spirit and she exclaimed with a loud cry, "Blessed are you among women, and blessed is the fruit of your womb! And why is this granted me, that the mother of my Lord should come to me? For behold, when the voice of your greeting came to my ears, the babe in my womb leaped for joy. And blessed is she who believed that there would be a fulfillment of what was spoken to her from the Lord." And Mary said, "My soul magnifies the Lord, and my spirit rejoices in God my Savior, for he has regarded the low estate of his handmaiden. For behold, henceforth all generations will call me blessed; for he who is mighty has done great things for me, and holy is his name… (Luke 1: 39-49 RSV)."

Verse 56 reads: "And Mary remained with her about three months, and returned to her home (Luke 1: 56 RSV).” Just as 156

the entire Orthros appears to attempt to enter the meaning of the event, this gospel reading looks to Luke's text and finds that the encounter between Elizabeth and Mary may tell us something. The babe "leaping in the womb" of Elizabeth demonstrates that God is within Mary's womb. When Mary's greeting "came to her ears," the Spirit moved in revealing to Elizabeth what had taken place. Mary's Magnificat, also, begins the "explanation." Her soul -- in Hebraic terms, the very being and spark of life, which is her being (nefesh) is "magnified" and thereby "expanded" to encompass the Transcendent God. In this mystery, her spirit rejoices. What more could she say? Humble, and of "low estate" -- only human, she holds within her body the holy One. Generations will call her "blessed," righteous, happy, the human who has been filled with grace, God's truest gift of Life itself. In the saying of a good story, "Show rather than tell," this gospel reading takes the faithful into the discourse of Mary and Elizabeth. The added verse, verse 56, leaves the faithful once again in the human domain with Mary staying with her cousin and then returning home. This central demonstration of "who" the young virgin named Mary truly is, and what has been accomplished in her being, is then also celebrated on the feast of her birthday. Her identity is found in her acceptance of the will of God and the awe-filled event that then occurred. All of this is accompanied, in the Bible readings of Orthros, by Psalm 50, calling the people to realize that God has come and will now call to judgment all those who do not also respond as did the Virgin of Nazareth. The New Testament readings in Orthros, then, bring us to encounter Mary and her pregnancy, as did Elizabeth, and then to stay with Mary in faith as the mystery of the Incarnation is revealed. - Apocryphal writing The apocryphal writings, which have been mentioned in connection with the other feasts of Virgin Mary, are "works that in their title, form, and contents resemble books of the Old Testament and New Testaments, but are not accepted in the

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biblical canon." 354 In the sixth century, the Decretum Gelasianum provides the first list of apocrypha. It included apocrypha in the form of books in the Hebrew Scriptures and the New Testament. The New Testament apocrypha included writings that appeared similar to New Testament writings in the genre of gospels, acts, letters, and apocalypses. Some are as old as the second century, but they are intermeshed with Gnostic and Manichean influences. 355 Three New Testament style apocrypha provide the major treatment of the Annunciation, particularly in two principal works, the Protoevangelium of James and the Infancy Gospel of Thomas. These two works are known to have inspired other later writings including the story of Joseph the Carpenter. In addition, other apocryphal writings followed, which touch on the event, including Pseudo-Matthew, an Arabic infancy gospel, an Armenian account, and many Latin infancy traditions. 356 Although there are many inconsistencies in details among the various writings, and even within the two primary works themselves, these writings inform us with certain elements of Christian tradition concerning the Feast of the Annunciation. It has long been understood by scholars (who have translated, prepared critical editions, and analyzed these writings) that the accounts were shaped by certain theological and apologetic "tendencies." 357 Mostly, they have been recognized for their narrative and biographical details, many of which are found in the iconographic and later art traditions. Many scholars feel they were merely human attempts to fill a void in bibliographic detail in the New Testament. According to Oscar Cullman, Christian curiosity and imagination probed two particular periods of time – (1) the three days between the death and resurrection of Christ and (2) the life of the Virgin Mary -- her own bibliographic history and her motherhood, the early infancy and childhood of Jesus. 358 The fascinating question that comes to mind is: "What details in these apocryphal writings can be included as part of 'tradition' and which should be left to mere legend and spurious accounts once promulgated by heretics?" It is apparent that the early iconographic tradition, in the course of "sacred image" --

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in a sense a form of canon, embraced some of the same details and yet ignored others. In the same way, the liturgical texts of Orthros utilize some of the same details and very obviously ignore others. Utilizing the principle of lex orandi, lex credendi, it can be argued that one can identify the "tradition" by contextually comparing not only the apocryphal writings, the iconographic tradition, the liturgical texts, but also the conciliar writing and orthodox patristic positions. Even doing this, there still may be gnostic and Manichean effects on understanding the early life of Virgin Mary, but the issues become clearer. This, again, is related to the question posed in this thesis. Are the liturgical texts -- the hymns, prayer responses, and readings filtering the early information and giving us the "received truths"? Can we stand by our lex orandi, lex credendi claim? Some scholars studying these apocryphal texts see them as polemics arguing the gnostic view, or as opposition against basic teachings such as the claims of Celsus (ca. 170 AD). Celsus claimed the birth of Christ resulted as the natural union of a young woman, Mary, with her husband, the village carpenter, Joseph. This meant the details and the Annunciation represented a christological argument directly involving the pregnancy and birth of Christ. According to Elliott, who bases much of his work on M.R. James, the dominant theological concerns of the "canonical birth stories" include: fulfillment of the prophecy, the Davidic descent of Jesus, the Bethlehem-Nazareth problem, the divine birth of Jesus and the relationship between John the Baptist and Jesus. 359 These details are less in importance in the apocryphal stories. However, they too appear to have been collected from earlier sources, much like the process of writings in the New Testament. In this sense, the Protoevangelium of James (PJ), in particular, appears to be a kind of "midrashic exegesis of Matthew and Luke." 360 In the PJ, Virgin Mary is an important and influential character. The importance of this apocryphal writing, however, may be seen in the multiplicity of earliest extant Greek manuscripts, 100 in number,that can be traced back to the 3rd century. These, then, gave birth to many

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other extant texts found in Syriac, Ethiopic, Georgian, Sahidic, Old Slavonic, Armenian, and Latin versions of PJ. 361 Scholars have identified the Syriac version as being more liberal in its details and the Ethiopic actually adding varied parts not present in the earlier Greek texts. It is important to note that in Latin versions, Jerome took great effort to take out information about Joseph that related he was a widower and had children before betrothal to Mary. This is, evidently, the start of a tradition in the western tradition of Christianity that states Joseph was a virgin. The subsequent Latin versions then tend to continue this detail. The eastern tradition continued with the PJ. It has validity there because Origen refers to it as the Book of James. It did appear on the list of the Gelasian decree but the author is understood to be James the Less (Mark 15:40 RSV), according to Elliott. Therefore, the terminus ad quem for PJ comes with the death of Clement 362 who referred to its writing in 215 AD and the death of Origen 363 in 254 AD. However, due to the identification of Syrian links, such as the seeming reference to virginity in partu in Ignatius and a link with the Odes of Solomon, scholars have little problem seeing the writing of PJ rooted to sources in the second century. 364 Therefore, what does all this speculation about dating mean to the PJ being related to the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation? We are looking for the mysterium a silentio, the lex credendi, and, therefore, the relationship of many details in the PJ can now be viewed as true "illuminations" if, and only if, they appear to be supported in the entire context of the 2nd to the 5th century when we have the Council of Ephesus clear on the Marian details in faith. In brief, now, we will summarize the actual elements found concerning the Annunciation in PJ. Elliott uses the translation made by Tischendorf, which is a composite text of eighteen manuscripts, including material from various sources as they were assembled into one work. Here, we give the section on Annunciation, beginning with the pre-annunciation scene at the well:

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And she took the pitcher and went out to draw water, and behold, a voice said, "Hail, highly favoured one [Luke 1:28], the Lord is with you, you are blessed among women." And she looked around to the right and to the left to see where this voice came from. And, trembling, she went to her house and put down the pitcher and took the purple and sat down on her seat and drew out the thread. And behold, an angel of the Lord stood before her and said, "Do not fear, Mary; for you have found grace before the Lord of all things and shall conceive by his Word." When she heard this she considered it and said, "Shall I conceive by the Lord, the living God, and bear as every woman bears?" And the angel of the Lord said, "Not so, Mary; for the power of the Lord shall overshadow you; wherefore that holy one who is born of you shall be called the son of the Most High. And you shall call his name Jesus; for he shall save his people from their sins." And Mary said, "Behold, (I am) the handmaid of the Lord before him: be it to me according to your word [Luke 1:31]." 365

This is the entirety of the account of the Annunciation in the major apocryphal writing. It consists of the following elements, which we will then look for in the complete context of liturgical texts of the Feast of the Annunciation – alongside the patristic writings, the Councils, iconographic tradition, and liturgical text: 1) The scene at the well; 2) Reference to Mary's weaving of a purple veil for the temple sanctuary; 3) The words of the angel; 4) Mary's questioning and the angel's responses; 5) Mary's acceptance.

Looking at the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation, we find only the following elements, which may be an illumination on the central mystery of this event: 1) The words of the angel; 2) The questioning by Mary and the angel's responses; 3) Mary's acceptance of God's will.

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The missing elements are not only missing from Orthros but also all the hymns and prayers of the feast day. The eucology appears to be a commentary on the mystery, finding ways of entering the event. The emphasis of the entire Orthros revolves around entering the mystery of the greeting of the angel and Mary's response, but shows it to be impossible to completely "understand." We see this clearly in the angel's statement upon the virgin's questioning: "O Virgin, thou dost seek to know from me the manner of thy conceiving, but this is beyond all interpretation." 366 The details of the pre-annunciation at the well and the weaving of the purple for the temple veil are included in the iconographic tradition, entering later in the Christian ages. They pose an interesting question concerning their exclusion from the liturgical prayer of Orthros. With this exclusion, we can believe the liturgical texts focus on the remembered central truths. The greeting of the angel is repeated and repeated and yet no distinction is made in two separate encounters between Mary and the angel, the first at the well and the second at her home. The angel recognizes Mary’s fear, which could be corroborated with her flight from the well to the home. In the details of the iconographic tradition, the angel is seen “hurrying” or “flying” to Mary as she weaves, perhaps indicating the angel “pursues” her. In any event, the pre-annunciation account is not contradictory to the liturgical texts of Orthros, or the account in Luke. c. Patristic and conciliar documents - Patristic writers Needless to say, since the event of the Annunciation celebrates the awesome incarnation of the Transcendent One, it is one of the most important events in salvation history. Therefore, the list of patristic references would take up at least a book. For contextual consideration in reference to the liturgical texts, we will look at various samplings from different categories of patristic writings -- letters, homilies, tracts, and hymns.

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First, in the earliest of Christian ages, let us see a statement by Irenaeus concerning the Annunciation. Just as Adam had been created by the Word of God from the unworked and virgin earth, so also the Word of God created flesh for Himself from a virgin womb when the Son of God became the new Adam, so as to correct the fall into sin of the first Adam. 367

Again, stated in the paradigm of the Eve/Mary parallel, there is embedded and woven within this theological construct the root mystery demonstrated at the very heart of the Orthros themes (the angel's announcement, Mary's trust in God, and the news of the Incarnation). Eve was seduced by the word of the [fallen] angel and transgressed God’s word, so that she fled from him. In the same way, [Mary] was evangelized by the word of an angel and obeyed God’s word, so that she carried him [within her]. 368

As seen in this passage, the patristic fathers utilized parallelism as a theological tool. Observing this, the passage is clearly a theological consideration on the issue of the Incarnation, and thereby should be regarded as a tract or a polemical writing. Cyril of Jerusalem, interested always in the Davidic descent of Jesus as it related to soteriology, warns those who hear of the Incarnation but foolishly conclude that human terms can explain it. At the same time, he is refuting detractors who try to derive error from Paul’s description “born of a woman.” Cyril defends the fact that Christ is born of a “virgin” and theologically substantiates that this is the same concept as “born of a woman.”

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Let us abhor those also who say that the Savior’s birth was of husband and wife; who have dared to say that He was the child of Joseph and Mary, because it is written, And he took unto him his wife.369

Again, this writing is an apologetic, defending the basic tenet of faith as written in the gospel. Again, unlike the liturgical text it does not probe the silent mystery of faith but is involved in defending foundational Christian truth amidst theological controversy. Ninth century Photios continues work on the Eve/Mary parallel, the well known theological issue concerning salvation. Obviously, this question that sparked theological consideration, delved into the soteriological issue of how and when salvation began. Verily, the betrothal of the Ever-Virgin is the foundation and groundwork of our salvation … With good reason does humanity bear itself proudly and rejoice; for upon receiving the news of a marriage contract with the Lord, it casts off the shameful yoke of slavery. 370

Photios represents a logical deduction here, using rational thinking, that the Annunciation is seen as a “marriage contract with the Lord.” Sin and the darkness of the world is treated as “a shameful yoke of slavery,” a phrase understood in a theological manner as humanity’s “sin” – an inference comparing a people enslaved and prohibited to have full life, akin to the Israelites in Egypt. Now, let's focus on the patristic writings that are specifically contemporary to the apparent age that generated the liturgical texts. By the 4th century, the apologetics have intensified because of heated christological debates. Athanasius constructs an essay on the Incarnation that can be seen to both defend the faith but also suggests how the mystery is to be encountered in reflection on the Incarnation:

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For this purpose, then, the incorporeal and incorruptible and immaterial Word of God entered our world. 371

In considering God as “incorporeal and incorruptible and immaterial,” Athanasius establishes the mystical base of the Incarnation event. Cyril of Jerusalem - Mystagogical catechesis Fourth century Cyril of Jerusalem, consecrated bishop in 348 AD, composed extensive instruction for people intending to be baptized. The material he wrote for these catechumens, referred to as illuminandi, included instruction on the mysteries of Christian life, the sacraments, and the teachings of Christianity. It should be noted that the nature of the term, illuminandi, bears witness to the purpose of this liturgical study, which is to identify the "illuminations." Faith can be intellectually taught, but it was ultimately the experience of mystery that was discovered in living a Christian life. This was the whole philosophy of catechesis before baptism in the early ages of the Church. During Cyril's life, some worried about his affiliations with Arian thought. However, the fact that he suffered numerous accusations by Arians when he defended the Nicene faith "removes any doubt about his orthodoxy." 372 In 381 AD, he took part in the first Council of Constantinople where the struggle over christology took place, and the issue of the role of a human mother who bore God's Son was key. According to patristic scholar Luigi Gambero, the beauty of Cyril's catechetical instructions and "their mariological value" is revealed in these instructions given to "fourth century catechumens as they prepared for baptism." 373 Before the Council of Ephesus, the term "Theotokos" was not widely used, but Cyril uses it once in his instruction, bearing witness to its theological value in describing the mystery of the Incarnation. The heavenly Father bears witness through the Son; the Holy Spirit bears witness, descending bodily in the form of a dove; the archangel Gabriel bears witness, bringing

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the glad tidings to Mary; the Virgin Theotokos bears witness to him; the blessed place of his manger bears witness on his behalf. 374

In this, we see a different language and treatment than is found in the liturgical hymns and prayers of Orthros. It can be seen that the theological considerations seek explanation where the liturgy remembers and reflects on the dialogue Virgin Mary has with the angel, representing in many ways our dialogue with the mystery and with God's will. Gambero selects one more passage concerning the Incarnation, which he describes as "a splendid synthesis of the theology of the hypostatic union." 375 Cyril describes Mary's womb as a "virginal bridal chamber," 376 an image utilized in the liturgical text. It is theological language parallel to the deeply mystical refrain, "nymphe anymphete," bride unwedded -- a term concluding the set of praises to the Virgin in the Orthros and repeated many, many times in the associated Akathist hymn as will be explained. In words of the angel, praise is given to the Theotokos in an Ikos following Canticle Six of Orthros: Hail, thou Womb of the divine incarnation. Hail, thou through whom the creation is made new: Hail, thou through whom the creator becomes a newborn child. Hail, thou Bride unwedded! 377 Cai/re( Cai,re( Cai/re( Cai/re(

gasth.r e~n qe,ou sarkw,sewj) di~ h/j neourgei/tai ov Kti,sthj) di v h/j Brefourgeitai o Kti,sij) Nu,mfh avnu,mfeute)

Nativity Hymns of St. Ephrem It is believed that hymn writers were inspired by the mystical writings of Eprhem of Syria, a theologian and poet who lived early in the 4th century (ca. 306 - 373 AD). He is thought to have been born a Christian and spent most of his life in Nisibis where he served as a deacon. Later, he moved to Edessa and perhaps traveled widely, possibly actually meeting Basil the Great and Gregory of Nyssa. In the traditional icon,

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Ephrem is depicted as a monk with a "scant beard," indicating his asceticism, and appearing also in a late post Byzantine scene as a corpse laid out on a bier awaiting burial by brother monks, showing a relationship to Mary. 378 Many scholars (except for J. Grosdidier de Matons, 1977) think that Romanos, the wellknown hymnist, found many of his themes and imagery in the work of Ephrem. This establishes Ephrem as the father of liturgical compositions that were to form the framework for Orthros. Although it is difficult to trace exact replications of his theology and imagery, much of which is greatly mystical, Ephrem's work in phrases and symbol is easily recognized. Ephrem's importance for the history of Syriac literature and for the history of Christianity in the Syriac-speaking context is immense. His hymns, incorporated early into the liturgy, have remained central in both the East and West Syrian liturgical traditions. From this paramount position they have exerted a formative influence on all aspects of ecclesiastical life. The literary and hymnic forms that he used, some of which he may have invented, became the standard forms of all subsequent Syriac literature and hymnography. … Despite uncertainty over the precise lines of his contact with Greek culture, not only a concept of orthodoxy but also many philosophical presuppositions and literary forms analogous to those of Greek Christian theological literature are to be found in his work, and through him they descend in the Syriac heritage. … According to Sozomen the translation of his works into Greek had begun even during his lifetime, and in the following centuries they were translated into virtually every language known to Christianity. 379

Ephrem's hymns on the Nativity are filled with a vast number of symbols that probe the mystery, yet we find that his biblical origins remind us of the biblical imagery listed in the hymns of Orthros on the Feast of the Annunciation. He highlights the prophecy of the Hebrew Scriptures, particularly the way Jesus will be recognized as a king, like Solomon: "The great exaltation of his mother is the result of his choice of her." 380

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Let His mother worship Him; let her offer Him a crown. For Solomon's mother made him king and crowned him. For of all created women, He was most pleased with me, (and) He willed that I should be mother to Him, and it pleased Him that He should be a child to me.381

An interesting detail appears in Ephrem's Hymn 5 on the Nativity where the lyrics resound with questions and reflections on the Incarnation mystery. It ends with Virgin Mary asking a rhetorical question on how she will nurse the holy Child, and in paradoxical language. How shall I open the fount of milk for You, the Fount? How shall I give sustenance to You, the All-sustaining, from Your [own] table? How shall I approach with swaddling clothes the One arrayed in streams [of light]? 382

First, this resounds with the theme of Pigi, the Theotokos of the Life-giving Fountain, the Fountain of the Fountain. And yet, it varies with the idea of a mother nourishing at her breast the very One who is the All-sustaining source of Life itself. Secondly, it is possible that a remnant of this idea remains in the Orthros, found at the very end of the hymn. John Chrysostom, representing the thought of the Antiochenes Gambero describes John Chrysostom as "the greatest representative of the Greek-speaking Syrian Christians" 383 who was greatly influenced by shaping Marian doctrine in Antioch. Chrysostom’s embrace of the humanity of the virgin, however, is disconcerting to Gambero. It may be here that a divergence in understanding the person of this young woman begins to appear. Chrysostom regards the young woman as "an ordinary woman, with ordinary qualities and weaknesses," 384 a position representative of thinking in Antioch but troublesome for "settings such as Alexandria," 385 and later western thought. Chrysostom proposes a reason why Virgin Mary was told of the

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Incarnation in advance of her pregnancy. He describes her, as a young woman who may have worried that there was something so wrong with her that the condition would cause her to drown or stab herself rather than endure disgrace. For those of the 5th century, who regarded this young woman as "an ordinary woman," attention naturally became focused on the dialogue between Mary and the emissary of God. The faithful relate more directly to her as "an ordinary woman" which then makes the dialogue more critical. Any person, indeed, is then invited into the mystery. This may explain why the hymns of St. John of Damascus, in the Orthros of this Feast of the Annunciation, are arranged like a dynamic exchange between the angelic messenger and Mary. It is, indeed, probing the very awesome meaning of the message and what impact it will have on humanity as well as the young woman herself. Of course, looking at tradition is important. At this juncture, do we picture the young woman who is righteous and placing trust in Yahweh, and who does accept the will of God, to be merely a pawn in the plan of things -- or a human being with will and emotions? Critically, we look to the liturgical lex orandi, lex credendi and measure it up against the context. It is important not to dismiss the liturgical texts as antique and no longer applicable. Mary's dialogue with the angel is dominant in the Orthros, and paralleled in the Akathist, a hymn in modern times endorsed by Pope Paul VI and Pope John Paul II with enthusiasm. If Christians participate in these liturgies and experience the mysterium, they come away with an understanding that young Mary was human in every way but accepting of the magnificent graces offered to and through her. Just as Mary heard and accepted God’s mystery, the faithful hear and experience the mystery of God in the liturgy. Gambero tells us that "John Chrysostom perceives that the utterly mysterious conception of Jesus resists every attempt at rationalization." 386 Certainly, it can be said that this is the sole impact of the liturgical hymns and prayers of the feast's Orthros. Chrysostom attempts to describe the mystery of the Incarnation in his Homily on Matthew:

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Based on all these proofs and on many others besides, we establish that Jesus came forth from us and from our human substance and that he was born of the Virgin's womb, but how this happened we do not see. So do not pry into the mystery, but humbly accept what God has revealed, and do not be curious about what God keeps hidden. 387

This leads us to understand the overall purpose of the Daily Prayer of the Church. Rather than challenge how the mystery of the Incarnation happened, Orthros is the opportunity to enter into the illumination where the truths of God's plan find light in our faith and reside in the heart. The language of the homily is so strikingly different from the language of hymns and prayer of the same period of time. It is critical that theologians see this contrast and realize that the mind must operate and ask questions but the answers ultimately lie in the mysterium a silentio. At this point, it is important to see that the "tradition" continues to be embraced as expressed in the liturgical text. The Fathers of the later Byzantine ages repeat again and again the same mystery and encourage this important encounter with Christ. John of Damascene - 8th century theologian Sampling patristic writing at the end of the period of early Greek theologians, we move to John Damascene, who died about 750 AD, author of canons in the Orthros for the Feast of the Annunciation. According to Gambero, "His Marian doctrine may be considered a complete and substantial synthesis of patristic faith and teaching about the mystery of the Mother of God." 388 Along with numerous hymns and poems, John Damascene composed four homilies that were Marian, one on the Nativity. Gambero interprets the writings of John the Monk to endorse perfection at birth for Mary, both the absence of sin but also the inheritor of great spiritual grace.

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One of John's favorite images for Mary rested in the symbol of Jacob's ladder, also seen in his hymn in Orthros for the Annunciation. To-day the living ladder, through whom the [203] Most High descended and was seen on earth, and conversed with men, was assumed into heaven by death. To-day the heavenly table, she, who contained the bread of life, the fire of the Godhead, without knowing man, was assumed from earth to heaven, and the gates of heaven opened wide to receive the gate of God from the East. 389

Not only does John of Damascus refer to the angels descending to Mary's Assumption at her death in his first sermon on the Dormition, but in the third sermon he refers to the "ladder" as the way that God descended to mankind. This is clearly a reference to the image of Jacob's ladder. In the Orthros, the image of Jacob's ladder is one among a multitude, listed to probe the mystery: The Holy Scriptures speak of thee mystically, O Mother of the Most High. For Jacob saw in days of old the ladder that prefigured thee, and said: "This is the stair on which God shall tread." Therefore, as is meet, dost thou hear the salutation: "Hail, thou who are full of grace: the Lord is with thee." 390

It is a interesting to note that when John the Monk writes his apology concerning the icons depicting the Incarnation, his apologetic tone is didactic, and it, too, is different in literary style from the poetic hymns he composed, used for prayer in liturgical text. Christ our Lord, who became incarnate for us. "Yes, O Lord, we adore all that belongs to Thee, and we take to our hearts Thy Godhead, Thy power and goodness, Thy mercy towards us, Thy condescension and Thy Incarnation. And as men fear touching red-hot iron, not because of the iron but because of the heat, so do we worship Thy flesh, not for the nature of flesh, but through the Godhead united to that flesh according to substance." 391

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In conclusion, John of Damascus describes the core of the matter quite succinctly in his poetic hymn text, in the words of the Angel: O Virgin, thou dost seek to know from me the manner of thy conceiving, but this is beyond all interpretation. The Holy Spirit shall overshadow thee in His creative power and shall make this come to pass. 392

In other words, contextually the truth explored in tradition via the prayer text of the Orthros has been constructed in a special poetic way that does not delve into didactics, apologetics, or polemic defense. Here, again, we see that this poses a challenge to those theologians who see the hymns of the liturgical text of Orthros as a developing Marian cult merely intended as ecclesial defense of truth. 2. Language on Incarnation - Early Church Councils As noted before, there is a difference between the apologetic and polemic approach of the Councils and their documents in defense of Christian tradition and the more mystical language of liturgical texts. However, in order to appreciate the language of Orthros, it is necessary to embrace the context of faith as stated in the Councils contemporary to liturgical writings. Before probing the mystery, faithful Christians begin with knowledge of the event and the revelation of God that surrounds the event. The doctrinal descriptions of the Annunciation, for example, begin with embracing what, in fact, happened and what the message of the angel provided. Through the clear didactic conciliar statements, the faithful know the rudiments of faith. From that point on, just as Mary's question, "How can it be?" was answered with a promise that the Holy Spirit would overshadow her, in the liturgy the faithful experience in prayer and hymns the living Spirit of the mystery of the Incarnation.

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Council of Ephesus, 431 AD Although the term, theotokos, is known to have been in existence before the Council of Ephesus, it is at this Council that the reference to the theological concept of Mary as the woman "who bore" the Christ became standardized. In the christological debate, it became important to clearly distinguish this -- the mother who "bore Christ" from the mother who was the "mother of God" in the sense of a goddess. We confess, then, our Lord Jesus Christ, the only begotten Son of God, perfect God and perfect man, of a rational soul and a body, begotten before all ages from the Father in his Godhead, the same in the last days, for us and for our salvation, born of Mary the Virgin, according to his humanity, one and the same consubstantial with the Father in Godhead and consubstantial with us in humanity, for a union of two natures took place. Therefore we confess one Christ, one Son, one Lord. According to this understanding of the unconfused union, we confess the holy Virgin to be the Mother of God [Theotokos] because God the Word took flesh and became man and from his very conception united to himself the temple he took from her. 393

Council of Constantinople, 553 AD It is quite clear when one reads the actual texts of tracts from the first Ecumenical Councils that the technical theological language is far different from the milieu of liturgical prayer texts. The language seems sometimes rigid, dry, and even harsh. Obviously, it takes this form due to its polemic and apologetic nature, written in a sense as defense in time of attack. In the case of the Councils of Ephesus and Constantinople, there had been rigorous and dangerous heretical attacks on the faith. The harsh tone of commanding "anathema" for those who could not conform to the known truths is understandable. There is a place and a time for all tones of language. It does, however, indicate a genre of language that does not breathe with God's living spirit. For

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instance, the statement on Incarnation in The Capitula of the Council of Constantinople, 553, indicates a striking contrast with liturgical poetry and hymns. If anyone shall not confess that the Word of God has two nativities, the one from all eternity of the Father, without time and without body; the other in these last days coming down from heaven and being made flesh of the holy and glorious Mary, Mother of God, and always a virgin, and born of her: let him be anathema. 394

How different this is in tone, but not meaning from the corresponding hymn by Theophanes in the Orthros: Today is revealed the mystery that is from all eternity. The son of God becomes the Son of man, that, sharing in what is worse, He may make me share in what is better. … O Thou who in Thy merciful compassion wast made man, our God, glory to Thee. 395

3. Prayer/hymn text – The Akathist The Akathist, an early Christian hymn, whose absolute authorship and definitive origin of composition are unknown, is a lengthy mystical poem wrapped around the mystery of the Annunciation and the glory of God's Incarnation. At the very outset, it is clearly seen that the mystery of Christ in the plan of God is revealed in the Annunciation and Incarnation as a defining moment of salvation and the foundation for a new relationship between God and mankind. This event then is demarcated foundationally in the Akathist as the nucleus of defining not only the action of God but also who the mother of God truly is and what her role will be. The hymn itself replicates a structure of dialogue -- the approach of the angel and the subsequent discussion with Virgin Mary, and mystically the "dialogue" between humanity and God in which God offers salvation that takes place within the earthly realm and in the temple of a young woman's body.

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It is difficult to establish the actual date of composition of the Akathist. It is possible that the core of the hymn's prayers and petitions were poetically constructed from a tradition of petitions to the Theotokos that pre-dated the hymn version, which comes down to the present time from the 7th century. In this sense, the text of the Akathist comes to be regarded in much the same way as the history of the biblical texts, meaning that its parts were drawn from a variety of earlier sources. Gambero describes the Akathist as "undoubtedly the most beautiful, the most profound, and the most ancient Marian hymn in all Christian literature." 396 The major tradition of the East attributes authorship to Romanos the Melodist, of the 6th century. 397 On the other hand, Egon Wellesz points out that there appears a series of additions to the original. He contends that the Prooemium (prologues) of the Akathist were composed at a later date -- one on the occasion of the remarkable military retreat by attacking Arabs in 719 AD. And, he points to scholarship that connects the poetry of Romanos to Proclus and the writings of Ephrem the Syriac. The most striking prototype of the Akathistos, however, is the dialogue between Mary and Gabriel in the eleventh Oratio de Laudibus Mariae by Proclos of Constantinople (d. 447). 398

It is a similar dialogue that we find in the Orthros on the Feast of the Annunciation, pointing to the technique utilized by mystical poets to construct this living opportunity for the faithful to enter into the mystery of the Incarnation. The lyrics give evidence that the liturgical text borrows lines from the very poets -- Proclus, Ephrem, and Romanos. Wellesz concludes that Romanos constructed his poetic kontakion based on earlier source material: "His greatness can be seen from the treatment of the material which he has taken over from his forerunners, and in that respect Romanos surpasses all Byzantine hymnwriters." 399 As it is known and sung today, the service consists of two parts with 24 strophes, arranged as an acrostic

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corresponding to the Greek alphabet. The subtle illumination of using such alphabetic arrangement may be to indicate that the Annunciation provides the entire truth of God's revelatory action of salvation. The first part of the Akathist is founded on the event of the Annunciation and childhood of Christ. The second part is theological, and refers to the Incarnation and dual nature of Christ, praising Christ and the Virgin. The chairetismoi in the Akathist, known as an extended hymn-sermon, are salutations to the Virgin. They constitute "a compendium of Byzantine Mariology." 400 As noted, the organization of the Akathist centers on the Annunciation. It includes a series of salutations (chairetismoi) to the Virgin along with invocations of her help in times of crisis. The hymn is remembered as a hymn of thanksgiving for the Virgin Mary’s protection: … recollection of the all-night vigil during which, according to tradition, the Akathistos Hymn was first sung in thanksgiving for the lifting of the Avar siege of Constantinople in 626.

It is known to have been sung at times when the city of Constantinople was threatened by invaders. One can conclude that perhaps it became popular in liturgical prayer due to its apparent effectiveness in those times of crisis. The hymn itself is a complex poem or Kontakion with an introduction or Kukulion followed by twenty-four stanzas of which the first letters of the beginning words form an acrostic of the letters of the Greek alphabet. Characteristic of the hymn are the many salutations to the Virgin with the refrain, Hail, Bride Unwedded following the odd stanzas, and the Alleluia refrain following the even stanzas. The Annunciation and Christmas are the subjects of the stanzas (these two feasts were not observed separately in the early church). Because the people sang the hymn in church standing, on the night the siege was broken, it has been known as the "Akathistos" or the hymn sung not sitting. 401

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Even analysis of the biblical text of the Annunciation reveals a dual nature in the Annunciation account -- the actual dialogue of the angel with Virgin Mary and yet also the deeper mystical event that is unfolding, the full meaning of which is limited by human language. Ignace de la Potterie describes this "literary problem": Authentic exegesis comprises two moments: to analyze the text as text, with every possible detail, but in order to pierce to the very soul, thereby seizing the "spirit," the profound life of the text in the light of faith. 402

The method that de la Potterie describes is a method of modern exegesis summed up in this phrase: "per philologiam ad theologiam," "from philology to theology"; or in other words, "from letter to spirit." It appears that the texts of Orthros attempt to accomplish this kind of exegesis. Alongside the account of the angel's dialogue with the Virgin Mary, and her subsequent obedience to the will of God, both the Akathist and the Orthros proceed with chairetismoi, statements, and praises, full of joy. As de la Potterie notes, the biblical account of the angel's greeting uses the Greek word, chaire. 403 In the tradition of the Septuagint, this infers a "messianic joy," where there is the sense that Virgin Mary is Daughter of Zion, "the new city of the presence of God, the eschatological tabernacle of the presence of God among people." 404 The patristic Greek homilies resound with this idea, which is also evident in the Byzantine liturgical texts. It is an understanding that the greeting, which is replicated over and over, is an invitation to joy. The multiplicity of the term, "rejoice," in the Akathist hymn is also sung repeatedly in Orthros. The angel addresses the young Mary: The Biblical Text: And he came to her and said, "Hail, O favored one, the Lord is with you! (Luke 1: 28 RSV)" The Akathist: The Archangel was sent from Heaven to say

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"Hail" to the Theotokos (one of many instances using chaire in the hymn). 405 ?Aggeloj prwtosta,thj ourano,qen epe,,mfqh eipei/n th/ Qeoto,kjw to Cai/re

Orthros, Feast of the Annunciation: The mighty captain of the companies of angels drew near to the city of Nazareth and announced to thee, O Undefiled, the coming of the king and Lord of the ages, saying to thee: 'Hail, blessed Mary, thou wonder past speech and beyond understanding, who are the restoration of mortal men.' 406

In the first Ode of the Orthros, there is an interesting replication of the first Ode in the Akathist: The Akathist: I shall open my mouth, and filled with Spirit, I shall speak to the Queen Mother; and I shall be seen gladly rejoicing, and shall sing with delight all Her marvels (ta. qau,mata). 407 The Orthros, Feast of the Annunciation: I shall open my mouth and the Spirit will inspire it, and I shall utter the words of my song to the Queen and Mother: I shall be seen radiantly keeping feast and joyfully praising her conceiving. 408 `Anoi,xw to. sto,ma mou( kai/ plhrwqh,setai Pneu,matoj( kai. lo,gon evreu,xomai th/ Basili,di Mhtri, kai/ ovfqh,somai( faidrw/j panhguri,zwn kai/ a?sw ghqo,menoj tau,thj th.n Su,llhyin) 409

Many of the texts in Orthros, on Feasts of the Holy Theotokos, begin with a similar invocation, built no doubt on the Psalms, which refer to "opening the mouth," thereby suggesting a dialogue, an exchange, an institution of relationship with God. I am the LORD your God: Who brought you out of the land of Egypt; Open your mouth wide, and I will fill it (Psalm 8:10 RSV).

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The exact same wording appears on the Feast of the Dormition, with only a substitution of the final "word." I shall open my mouth and the Spirit will inspire it, and I shall utter the words of my song to the Queen and Mother: I shall be seen radiantly keeping feast and joyfully praising her Dormition. 410 `Anoi,xw to. sto,ma mou( kai/ plhrwqh,setai Pneu,matoj( kai. lo,gon evreu,xomai th/ Basili,di Mhtri, kai/ ovfqh,somai( faidrw/j panhguri,zwn kai/ a?sw ghqo,menoj tau,thj th.n Koi,mhsin) 411

Therefore, in all of this, we see that this hymn in Orthros is attributed to John of Damascus. 412 Yet, we see it appear in the Akathist, which indicates at least that it was composed by Romanos or appeared in one of the sources he employed. And, also, we see it and the sense of God filling our mouth with wisdom in the Psalms (Psalm 81:10; 19:14; 49:3; and 145:21 RSV). Mystically speaking, therefore, when the faithful respond to the invitation of joy that is offered in the Annunciation, in praying the Orthros there is an intention that through the words of our mouth the faithful will encounter the Word in all the words of the liturgical hymns and prayers. Icon tradition of the Annunciation Consistently in Christian tradition, there has been the understanding that an icon is in many senses, like the biblical text, a representation of the "word of God." John of Damascus defended this concept by stating: "The word is to the hearing what the image is to the sight." 413 Therefore, alongside the claim of finding elements of Christian mystery in liturgical texts, it is seen that the iconographic tradition runs parallel, if not intimately connected to, the known truths expressed in daily prayer. The icon of the Annunciation in its development exhibits many of the textual elements, including the detail of a pre-Annunciation at the well found in the Protoevangelium of James. Then, the examination of the contextual 179

synchrony of the Orthros of the Feast of Annunciation with the iconographic tradition of the Annunciation icon provides a defensible confirmation of discovering lex orandi, lex credendi, since both are intended to reveal the illuminations of God’s mystery. Henry Maguire presents a clear connection between the art of rhetoric existing in Byzantium and the elements of religious Byzantine art. His work describes the link that exists between "verbal eloquence and the visual arts" in the Byzantine church tradition. We see this same principle in the hymns by John of Damascus in the Orthros of the Annunciation, where he borrows from an earlier work of the late 5th century neoplatonist, Pseudo-Dionysius. Just as John of Damascus finds the sacred in an icon, we see him building a framework for expressing the mystical in liturgy. It was at that time that the term, eikon, assumed broad recognition as a way of reflecting on "the invisible world of the spirit." John of Damascus endorsed Christian painting as having "the same means and ends as Christian writing." 414 The question that comes to mind is what "writing," or “datum,” it is that informed the tradition of Christian art or iconography. The relationship, evaluated by Maguire, is one that begins with the biblical images and then as the rhetoric develops so does the artistic image. Through the art of rhetoric the signs of the Christian mystery were explored: … the cross is a symbol of the Passion, and it [only] hints at the manner in which He who suffered bore the passion; to do this they borrowed many techniques that had originated in rhetoric. 415

Basically, in the communication of truths, language is the primary conduit. But the exploration of the mystery in those truths is then probed, in Byzantium, by tools of rhetoric and, at the same time, in the developing iconographic themes. This process falls into three major phases:

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In the first phase, the early Church fathers applied a convention of pagan rhetoric to the Christian context, and saw painting that "knows how to speak from the wall" primarily as a means of instruction. In the second phase, during the iconoclastic controversy, the defenders of images elaborated upon the statements of the Fathers, and made the relationships between art and writing an important argument against their opponents. Finally, by the twelfth century the linking of art and eloquence had lost much of its force in polemic, but lived on as a convention in Byzantine literature. 416

In reference to the very central theological event of the Annunciation, the interaction of rhetoric and image reveals the ongoing embrace of mystery. The tools of rhetoric, as Maguire describes them, include: 1) description, which is many times an ebullient profusion of imagery surrounding a given concept; 2) the device of probing the reality of a concept by considering its antithesis, finding truth in paradox or in the balance of opposites; 3) the use of hyperbole to investigate the deepest of meanings; and 4) the dialogue of a lament which looks at the past, present and future of an event. In the iconography of the Annunciation, then, it is the use of description in a multitude of images and the lament that will traditionally describe the event. A popular topic for description among Byzantine authors was Spring and all its fertility. This naturally offered great possibility for describing the Annunciation as an ekphrasis (detailed description) of Spring. The rationale for the description of Spring most naturally connected to the date of the feast, March 25. For Byzantine writers there was a divine logic lying behind the coincidence of the Annunciation with the renewal of nature. … God became man on the very day of the year on which he had made man [according to 6th century homilist Anastasius of Antioch]; Adam was redeemed on the anniversary of his creation. … The feast's association with spring encouraged Byzantine authors to embroider their praises of the Annunciation with the imagery of the season. 417

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As an example, an 8th century homily attributed to John of Damascus "termed the Virgin more fragrant than the lily, and the rock from which gushed the fountain of life." 418 These images of the lily and fountain of life from the rock are seen as deriving from clearly biblical origins, the rock in Exodus, Isaiah's prophecy of the flowering rod, and the lily in the Song of Songs. As favorite images of Spring were collected, representing the fertility of new creation in the Incarnation, among the most prominent was the tree. In the earliest of images of the Annunciation, Virgin Mary is often portrayed at the well of Nazareth with her pitcher for getting water, and often seated weaving with the purple thread. Nearby is a tree and then later in the images the tree or trees would sometimes appear in roof gardens, even with birds in the branches. 419 This brings us to one of the most famous Annunciation icons, the Annunciation in the collection at Mt. Sinai 420 (see APPENDIX I, at the end of this chapter). This icon has a profundity of living images, including a river teeming with sea life, the Virgin with the thread, and the tree in the background. Maguire describes it: At the left we see Gabriel approaching with a running step; he is splendidly attired in a gold robe that swirls around his body as if the material were endowed with a writhing energy of its own. The angel stares with an intent, one might almost say troubled expression at the Virgin, who is shown on the right, sitting on a sumptuous gold throne and holding the purple wool in her hands. In front of the two figures runs a stream with an irregular, indented bank. An extraordinary variety of creatures can be observed in the water, including a swordfish, an octopus, and a fish leaping above the water. We can also see herons and ducks in the river, while on the land we find other birds flapping their wings or bending their necks to preen themselves. Behind the Virgin rises a tall, ethereal building that is painted entirely on gold. On a flat roof to the right there is a little garden with trees and a few smaller plants; two of the trees give the appearance of cypresses swaying gently, as if blown by a breeze. Another tree affords a perch to two birds in its upper

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branches. Above this garden, at the top of the building, we can see two more birds, probably storks, sitting in a nest that is precariously balanced on the ridge of the gabled roof. The whole scene is suffused with a warm golden light that colors the earth, the sky, the buildings, and even the figures themselves. The source of this illumination is suggested by the golden arc that appears in the sky at the top of the painting, and from which a dove symbolizing the Holy Spirit descends to the Virgin along a burnished ray of light. 421

In this example of an illumination of the Spring description, Maguire indicates that the iconography took up a consistent theme of imaging new life, a springtime for creation. In comparison to the liturgical texts, the images are more restrained and tend to refer directly to biblical allusions. The elements, for instance, of the Mt. Sinai icon can be divided into two categories: 1) truths of the event and 2) ekphrasis or vivid and embellished description. The descriptive mode embraces the detail of the liturgical text in the central poignant elements. If we compare the details of the Mt. Sinai icon to the details in the liturgical text of Orthros, we can identify a mutual agreement on the revelatory issues, and a clear embellishment that took place in the hands of the iconographer. Therefore, we have cohesion on the suggested mystery of the Annunciation event, but variation or elaboration in communicating the event, where the liturgical text is much less apt in this case to embellish like the iconographer has done. But the artist has not distorted the revealed truths, but merely explored them by his use of descriptive symbolic embellishment (see below).

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DETAILS OF THE MT. SINAI ICON The liturgical text of Orthros from the Festal Menaion.

The icon

The Liturgical Text of Orthros

The angel comes running, urgently

Gabriel flew down from the vault of heaven and came to Nazareth

His gold robe

The mighty captain [signified by gold] of the companies of angels drew near

The troubled Virgin

Mary answered: "How can I bear a son?”

Virgin's gold throne, the purple wool

(No mention in the Orthros)

The stream [Only the "fount" is mentioned.]

O Mother of God, thou living and plentiful fount

The irregular bank of the stream Water creatures -- swordfish, octopus, and fish

(No mention in the Orthros)

The warm golden light [Gold symbolizes the Kingdom of God which is “at hand.”]

He who sits in glory upon the throne of the Godhead, Jesus the true God, is come in a a swift cloud, and with His pure hand He has saved those who cry: Glory to Thy power, O Christ.

The dove

(No mention in the Orthros)

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The correspondence then demonstrates the value of contextual analysis, an approach that again displays that the developing Marian cult in image and liturgical text is not a polemic in its purest intent, but an exploration of the mystery. Another technique of rhetoric that influenced early iconography, according to Maguire, was the art of antithesis. Opposition of ideas was used to demonstrate the mystery of an event. Here, art pieces would be lined up in opposition demonstrating the related theme. John of Damascus used this technique in a sermon when he described the Virgin of the Annunciation: "Hail, because you have borne a baby, [who is] the fashioner of babies and upholder of the universe. … May you rejoice, O Lady Mother of God, through whom the uncreated is created." 422 We find this technique subtly used in John's hymn: The Theotokos asks the angel, "How can He whom nothing can contain, upon whom none can gaze, dwell in the womb of a virgin whom He Himself has formed"? 423 And, it is in opposition, or perfect paradox that we find the liturgical response, Virgin Mary is the "bride unwedded [nymphe anymphete]," a phrase that defies direct translation because of its antithetical lingual construction. In the rhetorical device of lament, we find the central character of our Morning Prayer structure. The lament was a rhetorical way to probe the depths of human emotion. In a widow's lament, she wailed the pathos of the lost husband, remembering his past and the relationship they had before he died. Or the mother lamented over a fallen son. They were also a way rhetorically to explore human character. This device which was so popular in Greek secular literature found a particular genre in Christian writing. The theme of Mary's lament at the death of her son has a long history in Greek literature, extending from the sixth century to the present day. In the Byzantine period the laments of the Virgin often echo the conventions of character study and of speeches for the dead that had been codified by later antique rhetoric. Thus, in the

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Byzantine laments, we find the present contrasted with the past, when Mary juxtaposes the death of Christ with his miraculous birth, and the present contrasted with Mary's lost hopes for the future, when she recalls the promises made by Gabriel at the Annunciation and the visit of the three kings. 424

In similar fashion, the question and answer device appears to have become the way of exploring in lament fashion the dimensions of the angel's greeting to Mary. With allusions to prophecy and images of the Hebrew Scriptures, and symbolic images of Virgin Mary as temple and ark, the language in art and liturgical text swirl with probing of the mystery. In a rather intriguing study of the Annunciation image, "The Annunciation from the Right," Don Denny accumulated a list of all the well-known artistic images from throughout Christian history and then proceeded to catalogue them. His thesis, at the outset of the study, states that the position of the angel coming from the right "in a broad historical view, indicates a tendency to emphasize the subservience of the Annunciate to the will of God, to minimize her prestige, authority, and glamour within the mystery of the Incarnation," 425 He clearly states: "So far as I know, no single theological doctrine bears directly upon the question of whether this Annunciation should be from the right or left." 426 Strangely enough, at the conclusion of his study, Denny states that his study "has been largely confined to a descriptive level although some reference to the doctrinal meanings of this iconography has been indicated." 427 Here, he appears to contradict himself. He notes that throughout the history from early Christian ages until the end of his study in the 16th century he observed a number of variants, but a predominant connection between the Annunciation from the right and an understanding of the lowliness of the person Mary. He attempts to explore this as a representation of the young woman and God's power. This would be, unquestionably, a theological issue. Perhaps, the strongest aspect of this study of the Annunciation icon, a study that is often quoted, is the

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treasure Denny created, in the first place, in getting together all references to the Annunciation image and icon in one place. At the same time, without a reference to the ongoing tradition of Christianity, in and about who Mary was and her response to God, it demonstrates loud and clearly the difficulty in evaluating the sacred image in a strictly polemical or historical manner. Following the author's study from start to finish, it appears that the image of the Virgin and the angel in multiplicity across the ages appears merely to represent a human concoction. The period in which the Annunciation from the left supplants the Annunciation from the right is the period in which there develops an increasing concern with and devotion to the Virgin and a comparison of individual images from this early period, using iconographic evidence within the images, shows those representations in which the Annunciation is from the left displaying a heightened degree of honor for the Annunciate. How is this reversal of position related to the growth of Mary's prestige? The Annunciation as most often depicted, with the angel in some way advancing toward the Annunciate, is a narrative scene. 428

There is also, admits Denny, upon the suggestion of Professor Charles Sterling at Princeton, the possibility that the direction of the scene changes with the direction of the written word, Hebrew thereby reading from right to left and the western, European languages from left to right. If this is the case, then "the original impetus for depicting the Annunciate at the right was a desire to conform to the flow of the narrative rather than to honor the Annunciate." 429 4. Context Assembling all contextual elements related to the Feast of the Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos on December 26, Orthros texts call forth a vast and ancient array of history and tradition. The inter-relatedness of the Infancy feasts Annunciation, Nativity, and Synaxis demonstrates the

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importance of the coming of God into the human realm. Both the Feast of the Nativity and the Feast of the Synaxis of the Theotokos on the next day, use the same synaxarion. In the history of the origin of the feasts, all three appear to have been linked in their early history as being celebrated in a single or cojoined feast. Also, mystically connected to the entrance of the Almighty God into human time, the structure of the cycle of time in the liturgical arrangement of feasts was originally designed to probe the mystery of connection between salvific events. For example, just as the Annunciation was set nine months before Christ's birth on December 25 within one liturgical year, the Feast of the Annunciation was placed at the end of Lent just prior to Great Holy Week to correspond to the death and resurrection of Christ as linked acts in the redemption. a. History of the Feast - originally related to the Nativity Feast The feast of the Annunciation is celebrated on March 25, customarily understood to be nine months before the Birth of the Lord on December 25. In the East, namely Syria, Constantinople, and probably parts of Asia Minor, the observance of the Annunciation event was included in celebrations that preceded the Feast of the Nativity, "on the first or second Sunday before Christmas; this preparatory Sunday is attested in Constantinople before 431 AD." 430 Later, in 560 AD, Emperor Justinian I claimed that March 25th must have been the historical date of when the angel came to Virgin Mary with the Annunciation. Emperor Justinian regulated the celebration of the feasts of the Nativity on December 25 and Presentation of Jesus in the Temple on February 2, with reference to the Annunciation occurring on March 25. 431 On the other hand, the development of the feast day for Annunciation came about for different reasons in Antioch in the sixth century and then to Jerusalem and all of Christendom afterward because of the relationship of the Annunciation event to the conception of John the Baptist. Figuring the conception

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of John the Baptist with the Fall equinox placed the conception of Jesus with the Spring equinox six months later. This caused the birth of Jesus to fall on December 25, near the winter solstice. In addition, since March 25 was considered the day of Crucifixion, having the conception on March 25th would make the life of Jesus fall in a "perfect cycle." Something less than whole would be considered "imperfect," at that time. 432 There is a record of the emperor taking part in a procession to the column of Constantine on the feast of the Annunciation, with Divine Liturgy celebrated in the Church of the Chalkoprateia, followed by great feasting in the palace. 433 Therefore, the history of the feast, from both developmental patterns, is directly related to the Nativity, not only since its earliest celebration was connected to the day of the Feast of the Nativity, but then later due to symbolic calendar relationships. b. In relationship to time: the calendar issue Since the date of the Feast of the Annunciation was originally set in a symbolic way relevant to the seasonal calendar, as explained above, there also occurs an obvious importance that the celebration of the feast usually falls within the period of Great Lent. This significant coincidence demonstrates that the beginning of salvation in the Annunciation is conjoined with the completion in the crucifixion and resurrection ("It is finished …" John 19:30 RSV). There is again a "perfect" unity in the calendar cycle, which represents the entire cycle of salvation within one liturgical year. Julian and Gregorian Calendars Having understood the above principle, it is of further interest to see how the celebration of the Feast of the Annunciation, connected to Great Lent, is affected by the change from the Julian calendar to the Gregorian calendar. 434 A study of the difficulty posed in the change from Julian calendar to Gregorian calendar (or sometimes described as "the

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new Julian calendar) clearly demonstrates the inherent intention of liturgical text to demonstrate the relationship of events in salvation history with the cycles of time. Aimed at creating a dynamic interconnection between all of life's events by patterning them after the Holy Scriptures, the Church Calendar has never contradicted scientific developments, but has, rather, always and in every way, served as an invaluable aid to those seeking God. The Church calendar functions as a spiritual chronometer set to the rhythm of Scriptural events, especially those of the New Testament. Of all the books that have been or will be written, from the day of creation until the Day of Judgment, only those of the Orthodox Church speak with authority of a mastery over time: "He Who is above and beyond all time, since He created time, was willingly formed as a Babe from thee, O Virgin." 435

In modern times, all the Western Christian churches and most of the Eastern Orthodox churches observe the Gregorian calendar, except for monasteries and a minority of parishes that still cling to the Julian calendar (such as monasteries on Mt. Athos in Greece and the Russian Orthodox Church Outside Russia). All Eastern Orthodox churches follow the Julian calendar from the Triodion (Three Sundays in Preparation for Great Lent) to Pentecost. This is the reason that the Paschal full moon since the time of the First Oecumenical Synod has been appearing earlier and earlier, with respect to its appearance in 325. At that time, Nisan 14 coincided with the vernal equinox; now it is lagging behind the vernal equinox by about ten days. In other words, the earliest paschal full moon at the time fell on March 21 (Old Style [calendar]), while it now falls on March 18 (Old Style). Likewise, this lagging behind the vernal equinox can be observed in the Julian Calendar: in 325 it fell on March 21 (Old style), while today it falls on March 8 (Old Style). The amazing thing is that the Nicene Paschalists succeeded in linking the two calendars -- inexact in themselves, so that ultimately they obtained a nineteen-year cycle which is of great scientific merit, one that unerringly reckons, even to this day, the

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lunar phases and their connection with the vernal equinox. 436

However, most of the Eastern Orthodox Churches celebrate the Feast of the Annunciation according to the new calendar (Gregorian calendar), always on March 25, which can skew the connection with the Great Pascha. [Annunciation is] one of the five Marian Great Feasts, and with the Hypapante, one of two not based on New Testament apocrypha, the Annunciation is only one of the 12 fixed Great Feasts that can fall in Lent, Holy Week, or the week after Easter; if in Lent, it has an afterfeast of but one day, and if in Holy or Easter Week, this metheorta is suppressed entirely. 437

The Fathers of the Church at the Council of Nicea attempted to reconcile the feasts of the Christian tradition with the Jewish calendar, the calendar itself being so connected to the events of salvation. The comprehension of the cycle of feasts having an interrelationship in the cycle of time is a primary principle. Our Holy Mother, the Orthodox Church, has prudently warned us against altering Her Festal cycle by using in many of the Troparia and Kontakia of the Great Feast the significant word "today": "Today the Virgin giveth birth to Him Who is transcendent in essence …"; "Today is the fountainhead of our salvation …"; "Today is the prelude of God's good will …"; "The one who was once barren, today giveth birth to Christ's Forerunner …" From a superficial, literal standpoint, the word "today" is anachronistic when used in these hymns, but from a deeper theological perspective, it resolutely emphasizes the immutable nexus of a Feast with its appointed day of celebration. 438

Coincidence with Holy Week However, if an Eastern Orthodox Church is following the new calendar for the Feast of the Annunciation, the occurrence of the feast will be totally distorted from the

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original scheme of relating its celebration in conjunction with Holy Pascha. By disturbing this mystical bond connecting the historical past with the liturgical present, the New Calendarists violate not only canonical requirements, but also mock the Divinely-ordained order of events in the life of the Church. 439

Those who follow still the Old Calendar and all its claims to theological meaning see that the only solution to "fixing" the liturgical cycle will be to create a whole new Menaion. This, if it is necessary to continue with the Gregorian calendar for Christian unity, would reestablish the original thinking of those who created the liturgical cycle. Furthermore, if the "New Julian" reformers were entirely consistent in their striving for chronological exactitude, it would be necessary for them to compose a new Menaion, in which the traditional dates of the Church Feasts, as we have shown, would no longer have anything in common with the contemporary Menaion. [In attempting to do this, say the Old Calendarists, the formers of a new Menaion would find it impossible, if maintaining the connection to the lunar cycles and that connection to Pascha.] 440

Therefore, the negative argumentation that is taking place between Old Calendar and New Calendar adherents points directly to the fact that originally the Feast of the Assumption was planned in the "cycle of time," related directly to the ancient Hebraic sense of religious feasts having seasonal ambience. As human beings, we respond to the seasons of the year, the activity of nature and the length of days, the slowing down or springing forth of growth, all which can lend meaning to living the Christian experience. The New Calendarist Churches, however, have completely abolished this unique concelebration of salvific events. 441

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The controversy clearly displays in an unspoken way the mystery of God's salvation, demonstrated in the conjunction between the time of God's Incarnation and the completion of Christ's mission on earth in the Resurrection. As an example [of this important relationship of feasts], let us consider the fact that, following the "New Julian" [Gregorian], the Feast of the Annunciation can never take place during Great Week or coincide with Pascha. This latter occurrence, when Pascha falls on March 25 (Old Style) [Julian], the Feast of the Annunciation, the Orthodox Church has celebrated from antiquity with special liturgical joy, calling it "Kurispa,sca," "the Lord's Pascha." The New Calendarists thus deprive themselves of a uniquely Grace-filled liturgical event, and the same is true concerning other Feasts. 442

The reason why many Greek Orthodox Churches continue to observe the Feast of the Annunciation on the new calendar date of March 25 is its relationship to Independence Day in Greece, yet the celebration has shifted from the concurrence of the religious feast day and the day of political independence, which indeed, actually occurred while Greece still followed the Old Calendar. 443 (This is similar to the connection between Oxi Day in Greece and the observance of the Feast of the Virgin of Protection.) The secular stance of being granted freedom as a nation has been connected to the freedom granted humanity in the Annunciation event. During Great Lent all Eastern Orthodox churches celebrate according to the Julian Calendar (defined at the Council of Nicea) but, most Greeks, according to modern custom, celebrate Greek Independence Day and the Feast of the Annunciation according to the Gregorian calendar. There is a conflict, then, in celebrating the secular observance of Greek Independence day according to the Gregorian calendar which was adopted politically in Greece nearly fifty years ago, alongside the spiritual meaning of the liturgical year. The disruption that has occurred has everything to do with a violation of the holiness of the "cycle of time" in liturgical life, but at the same time demonstrates the intention of those who originally constructed

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the liturgical cycle in patristic ages. Some may find this discussion of liturgical season and time to be useless, or irrelevant to modern day life. The context, however, of the early emerging practice of daily prayer was set, itself, within Hebraic custom. It cannot be denied that there is an experienced connected between the lengthening days after the winter solstice that makes a person “feel” new life is emerging and Spring is coming. c. The Synaxarion In contemporary Greek Menaion service books, the synaxarion recounts the background tradition for the Feast. These synaxaria, previously described, usually are startling in their correspondence to the synaxaria of ancient liturgical Menaion collections. This anonymous writing, completely unattached to any particular authorship but probably attested through the ages by anonymous monks, describes the tradition embedded in the Christian memory of the Annunciation event. The wording of this synaxarion is filled with highly theological words, providing an opportunity in itself to probe the very mystery this little background piece provides. Knowing that it is not a spoken or prayed text, but only provides an inkling of the tradition that under-girds the very Orthros texts themselves, it is remarkable to see the depth of theology that a synaxarion can contain. My own Greek translation of the synaxarion for the feast of Annunciation follows after this traditional one found on the Greek Orthodox Archdiocesan website: (see Greek original in the APPENDIX II): On this day we celebrate the Annunciation of our most holy Lady Theotokos and ever Virgin Mary. Our benevolent and charitable God, Who always takes care of the human race as an affectionate father, saw that the creature which His hands had made was being tyrannised by the devil. Man was being carried away by the passions of vice and was subject to idolatry. So, God decided to send his only-begotten Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, in order to redeem us from the devil's hands. However, He wanted this mystery to remain hidden both from Satan

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and from the heavenly Powers. This is why he sent Gabriel and with the provision of his oeconomia the holy Virgin Mary was born and kept pure, who was worthy of such a great mystery and universal good. So, the Angel came to the town of Nazareth and told her: "Hail, thou that art highly favoured, the Lord is with thee." Some other words followed and finally the Virgin said to the Angel: "Behold the handmaid of the Lord; be it unto me according to thy word." Immediately after these words she supernaturally conceived in her immaculate womb the Son and Word of God, His wisdom and power which as substance, with the overshadowing of the Word of God Himself and with the coming of the Holy Spirit upon her. Since then all the mysteries of the Word of God for our salvation and redemption were accomplished according to His oeconomia. 444

This particular translation is based on the Greek synaxarion for the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation, and yet elements of this translation indicate a slight variance from what is seen in the Greek, albeit an ancient Medieval Greek. One could say that the translation indicates a predilection for the theology that has developed over the ages, particularly in reference to the Virgin's "immaculate womb," and her condition of being "born and kept pure." In another place, the statement appears to be added to the Greek Menaion version, after Gabriel's announcement, "'Hail, thou that art highly favoured, the Lord is with thee,'" namely the phrase, "Some other words followed and finally the Virgin said to the Angel." Perhaps, the monks who are translating the ancient synaxarion are thinking of the extended dialogue that takes place in the Virgin's conversation with Gabriel as represented in the hymns of the Orthros. If this conversation was remembered in Christian memory as holy tradition, then the canonicity of this conversation should be represented in the translation of the synaxarion. However, there is also the possibility that the synaxarion that they are translating is found in another collection of synaxaria and not the Greek version included in the liturgical Greek Menaion. With some courage, the author now presents yet another translation of the synaxarion found in the Greek Menaion

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(and noticeably not translated in the English version of The Festal Menaion, translated by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Ware). In translating Greek, there are phrases, which can be interpreted in different ways due to the lack in the ancient language of particular word order. The reader will be asked to bear with the free translation, but take notice of the theological possibilities in using different English translations for key phrases. O loving and saving God, always concerned for the human family that belongs to you, as loving Father watching what your hands modeled -- a humanity enslaved under the devil, suffering shame and abiding in idolatry -- you willed to send [to humanity] your Only Son, our Lord Jesus Christ, a savior from the power of the devil. When God willed to not only hide the Incarnation from Satan but also the heavenly powers, God selected Archangel Gabriel, a being of glory. God assured this mystery through the holy Virgin upon whom the Holy Spirit was emptied out upon as holy essence so that [she] was beautiful (and fitting). And the angel came into the city of Nazareth, and said to her, "Rejoice, young woman found to have gifts divinely given by God, the Lord is with you." She said this, "And how is this for me?" The angel answered, "The Holy Spirit will take hold of you, and the power of the Most High will overshadow you." And she said, "Behold, the servant of the Lord, may it happen upon me according to what you say." And together with the word of the Archangel, she became pregnant in an extraordinary [way] -- the Son and Word of God in her tender and holy womb. This wisdom and divine essence woven into her, she was overshadowed and taken hold of by the Holy Spirit. This is the mystery of the Word of God according to God's plan [that took place] for the sake of our salvation -- being set free from [our enslavement … to darkness without God.]

First, in translating the action of God that will be announced by Angel Gabriel, it seems that the Holy Spirit will come upon Virgin Mary as planned in the economia of God, making her truly holy, immersing her in a "holy essence." Her beauty is that of a truly righteous person -- understood as beautiful and radiant 196

with God's glory because of her fullness in God, her righteousness in terms of the Hebraic concept of holiness, to be filled with light. Where the translation of the monks describes the Virgin's womb as "immaculate," I have used a translation closer to the root meaning of the Greek word. avcra,ntw gastri.

holy womb

There are two words here of interest. The first is gastri. (gastri, womb). When looking at the Greek Interlinear New Testament, which uses the wording of the Novum Testamentum Graece, 26th Edition, it is noticeable that there are two words for "womb," used in the Annunciation account and the account of the Visitation passage that immediately follows. Luke 1:31 (RSV) uses the word gastri, where the young virgin will conceive in her womb. In the biblical reference, there is no adjective to describe Mary's womb. Also, again, in Luke 1:42 and 1:44, the account of Mary's visit with her cousin Elizabeth, the word "womb" is used twice but is a different word, koili,a (keelia), which is better translated "belly." The word, gastri., does not appear in any other NT book and, therefore, may be peculiar to Luke's writing or source. It is intriguing to think that tradition tells us that Luke was a physician and this might be the reason for a more exact term for "womb" to describe the Incarnation where the venacular term is used to describe Elizabeth's condition. (Even today, common language speaks of a pregnant woman having "a baby in her belly"), but a doctor would be more precise and speak of her womb, or even more precisely her uterus. Also, the word, avcra,ntw, is often translated "immaculate." As a woman, the mother of many children, I would ponder in my heart and life experience what an "immaculate" womb might be. Surely, in the Hebraic concept, a womb that has been the shelter for a previous pregnancy is not considered "stained." If the term, "immaculate," is meant to mean "pure," then again as a mother and a woman I 197

question what in the world that means. On the other hand, understanding the context of the Annunciation biblical passage, the theological understanding of the word seems more appropriately "holy," meaning that her whole being, her belly/womb, and her whole body is overshadowed with God, the power of life and becomes a holy space. In my translation, I have taken the liberty to try and indicate that her womb was not the womb of a "multipara," but indeed was a "tender" womb, one such as that like a "tender" lamb. The etymology of the word, avcra,ntw, is derived from “ avcrantoj( [crai,nw] undefiled, immaculate, Plat.,” 445 meaning derivation from a word that was used in Plato. In translating the liturgical text, then, it is necessary to see the meaning of the word in terms of its true biblical, theological meaning. One does not want to run into the error of envisioning the young woman's womb as only a reflection, a concept apart from the young woman's physical womb that was washed in the power of life by God. When looking for the exact word for "womb" in Greek, it is demonstrated that there is no precise word. The literature of the Bible records a strange combination of frankness and reticence in its discussion of sex. This was due partly to powerful sex taboos and partly to the limitations of the Hebrew language and the peculiar nature of Hebrew psychology. … The language is poetic and imaginative; the psychology is that of the whole man, who manifests his total self through each of his physical acts. … In addition to the euphemism "feet" to identify the female sex organs, a general term translated "nakedness" is also found. It is used in the context of shameful exposure, especially of woman's sex organs (Lev. 18:6-19; 20:17-21; I Sam 20:30; Lam 1:8; Ezek. 16:37; 23:10, 29). In Leviticus this word occurs in the phrase "uncover the nakedness of" and connotes sexual intercourse which is preceded by exposing the woman's sex organs (cf. Isa. 3:17). … The LXX uses the term aidoi/on, "private parts," as a more precise translation of the Hebrew. The idea of disgraceful nakedness is indicated by the Greek gumnoth,j (Rev. 3:18). 446

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We can draw from this discussion, and the reticence of precise sexual language, that Luke is working within the context of a Hebraic outlook. However, as mentioned, tradition says that Luke was a physician, and perhaps in terms of the Annunciation event, he wished -- or the tradition wished -- to use a word distinguished from the more generic word, "belly" (koili,a ). And in this regard, it is interesting to note that the word koili,a is derived from a word that means "large cavity of the body," in turn derived from the word koi/loj, referring sometimes to boats made from hollowed-out trees, or places lying in a hollow or valley. Two words are connected in the term koilo-ga,stwr, meaning "hollow-bellied, or hungry" in the Greek of Aeschylus. 447 To trace the true biblical meaning of the term, womb, we turn to the Hebrew idea that the womb was a place of shelter, like a little home for the child to develop. This is interesting in that the liturgical text develops the womb of Mary as a sacred place, a holy temple. Most often in the Bible womb refers to that place inside a woman where a child originates and develops. Most often as well, references to the womb involve the power of God at work in that unseen, mysterious place. The womb is the place of God's originating or not originating life, the secret workplace of the Almighty. 448

It is also exciting to see that the other strong biblical meaning of "womb" has to do with the "fruit" which will be a gift of God. It is no wonder that the patristic writers considered the psalms to be messianic, prophesying the plan of God in Christ. It is in this spirit that the Orthros are built upon meditations and illuminations that flow in the Spirit from the Psalms. The other image often associated with the womb is fruit, as in Deuteronomy, when Moses tells the people that the fruit of the womb will be blessed if they obey and cursed if they do not (Deut 28:4, 18). The image communicates first of all the process of growth that culminates in maturity and separation from the source of life. But fruit

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also bears witness to the goodness and sweetness of life itself, a gift of God to be relished and enjoyed to the full. One of the evocative passages in the Bible is the statement that "the fruit of the womb" is God's reward to the people (Ps 127:3 RSV). 449

Even though the synaxarion of the Feast of the Annunciation is derived from an anonymous tradition -probably passed on by holy monks with no desire for recognition -- we see that the word for "womb" is that used by Luke in the very Annunciation scene and in no other place in the NT. Also, we gain a sense that the Hebraic idea of "womb" connotes a place that holds the child, the work of God, and that Mary's womb was then overshadowed by the life-giving power of God, making her womb and, indeed, Mary herself, "holy." This whole discussion of Mary's "womb" presents the basic fundamental debate over understanding whether the young virgin became "holy" during the event of the Annunciation when her womb received the Infinite God or she was already "immaculate," perfect and unstained before the action of the Annunciation. This theological question stands at the center of the two terms, "panagia" (all holy) and "Immaculate Conception," generally the two disparate understandings of East and West. Also, included in this debate is the term "kecharitomene," which is the way the angel Gabriel describes the virgin before the words initiating Christ’s human conception are spoken. In this special description of the young virgin, the only time this form of the verb is used in the NT, there is an affirmation that Mary has been "transformed by the grace of God." 450 Eventually the Church theologically describes young Mary of the Incarnation as a pure and sinless person before the event on the argument of "appropriateness," since it is only fitting in that she is going to be the mother of God's Son. However, in the translation offered by the Orthodox monks of Transfiguration Monastery, the Virgin was "born and kept pure." The central word in the translation on this matter is prokaqarqh/nai. Interestingly, there is no "born and kept

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pure" in the Greek synaxarion as it reads in the Menaion. Therefore, the mystery of God abides in this question. Was the virgin "made holy" or sinless from her own birth before her pregnancy, at the moment of her pregnancy, or just prior to her pregnancy? The liturgical text does not directly provide us with an answer. d. Shrines - Two churches in Nazareth Important in our contextual analysis of the liturgical text are the two sites at which there is history, albeit very ancient tradition, that record the story of the Annunciation. Nazareth was a small agricultural village during the Hellenistic and Roman periods, situated at a slightly higher elevation in the hilly region of lower Galilee. At least since the 4th century, it has been known as the city of the Annunciation. Today, there are two churches there -- the Church of St. Gabriel, an Orthodox shrine, that covers the ancient well; and the Church of the Annunciation, a Roman Catholic Church excavated and rebuilt in 1960-1968 by Franciscans. The new Franciscan Church was built upon the ruins of two interconnected ancient churches, including a grotto claimed to be the spot of the angel's visit to the home of Mary. Archaeology carried out by the Franciscans indicates that the home where Mary lived was built in or around a cave, which was a common way to build homes in the time of Christ. Excavations at Nazareth have uncovered the remains of a basilica dedicated to the Virgin (later the Annunciation) and dated to the beginning of the 5th C. Below the basilica were fragments of a synagogue. Egeria saw at Nazareth only "a big cave in which Mary had lived" incorporating an altar, and a garden "in which the Lord used to dwell." The Piacenza Pilgrim indicates that in his time the house of Mary was a basilica. He describes the area as exceptionally fertile. 451

The Piacenza Pilgrim in 570 AD, evidently saw two churches in Nazareth. The observance of the Annunciation

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centered on two locations -- the well in the center of town and the home of Joseph where Mary was living. He saw two churches that correspond to the Church of Gabriel and the Church of the Annunciation or perhaps the Church of St. Joseph and the Church of the Annunciation. 452

Through the ages, these sites were under constant embattlement, beginning with the Arab conquest in the 7th century, and reaching almost complete destruction following the Crusader conquests of the 11th century. A new "Crusader cathedral" was built in the 12th century near the cave in the center of town (believed to be the home of Joseph and Mary). This site was destroyed by earthquake in 1170 AD, but after repairing the cathedral, the Crusaders were driven from the town. Further invasion and destruction took place in the 13th century, although pilgrims in this period were allowed to visit the grotto. Roman Catholic care for the sites did not come until the 18th century. In 1730, the Franciscans obtained a firman (decree) from the Ottoman sultan allowing them to build a new church on the site [Crusader cathedral and grotto]. This structure was enlarged in 1877, and then completely demolished in 1955 to allow construction of a new basilica. Before the start of actual building, a thorough archeological investigation of the site was carried out by the Studium Biblicum Franciscanum (Jerusalem). 453

In the liturgy of the Orthros, there is no concern over two Annunciation events (Proto-annunciation at the well and Annunciation at the home of Mary). We see a reference to the Virgin as fountain, the rest is left to tradition outside the liturgical text. O Mother of God, thou living and plentiful fount, give strength to those united in spiritual fellowship, who sing hymns of praise to thee. 454

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The strong symbolism, however, that comes in the 4th and 5th centuries connecting the Virgin Mary to the fountain/source/well may surely have its origins in the possibility that she encountered the angel at the town well and then ran to her home. This can very well be corroborated by the sense of fear, questioning, and hesitancy we see in her ensuing conversation with Gabriel in her home, as it is so centrally demonstrated in Orthros and in the iconographic thematic. Church of the well, only well in the town As mentioned, only the apocrypha and iconographic traditions articulate the coming of the angel to Mary at the well. But the liturgical text does allude to her as the fountain of life, with no specific mention of two events, especially the coming of the angel at the well. In fact, the liturgical text does not identify the site at all. However, the existence of a shrine at the well in Nazareth dates back to the 5th century, indicating a tradition surrounding the location from even earlier time. In a contextual sense, this informs the liturgical and iconographic texts and their descriptions. In the small town of Nazareth, to this day, there is only one town well. It is said, then, that there can be no mistaking which well young Mary would have visited daily to fetch water. The climate and the rainfall are favorable to vegetation, but the town has always been handicapped by possessing only one spring which must be supplemented by cisterns. 455

This well centers in the apocryphal account, 456 and is commemorated in the history of the shrine built at the holy well of Nazareth, continuing to offer a spiritual tradition of richness. Besides the mention of the well in the Apocrypha, St. Jerome also alludes to the pre-annunciation at the well in his writing to Eustochium in 400 AD.

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History tells us that shrines were not built in the town of Nazareth until the 4th century, but excavations in the 20th century by Franciscans indicate that pilgrims came from all over the world to the site, documented by an inscription, "For Conon, Deacon of Jerusalem." 457 Pilgrims to Nazareth in the Byzantine period were also shown a cave with a spring from which Mary drew water (possibly the spring beneath the present Greek Orthodox Church of the Archangel Gabriel), and the "synagogue" where Jesus read from Isaiah. 458

Some scholars consider the site at the well to be the most authentic possibility of actual locale of the Annunciation, while other shrines have grown up around other rationale: Although various traditional holy places are shown as connected with the gospel accounts, the only one which may be authentic and go back to the time of Jesus is Mary's well. Other shrines are at the Church of the Annunciation, the House of Joseph, the Synagogue Church, the Mensa Christi (Table of Christ), the Church of Gabriel, and the Marionite Church of the Precipice. 459

The one truth these many locale traditions provide is the comfort that there was an event and it was worth maintaining Christian memory of its deep importance. The home where Mary lived The Franciscans have provided web pages 460 that describe all this activity and include clear pictures of the present basilica and archaeology that was undertaken. Photos of the excavation results of 1955 are intriguing. They show how the residents of Nazareth at the time of Jesus constructed homes in caves and perhaps even dug into the limestone for shelters and cavities for other purposes. Excavations in fact not only revealed the sanctity of the site but also the remains of the ancient village of

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Nazareth with its silos, cisterns and other cave-dwellings. No construction survived the impetus of time. 461

There is one detail, graphically demonstrated on the Franciscan web page that connects these ancient sites to the liturgical texts, the sense of prayer life that evidently the early 5th century pilgrims witnessed. In the architectural foundations the archaeologists discovered various forms of graffiti and one of them is remarkable. Scratched on the base of a column appeared the Greek characters XE MAPIA (read: Ch(air)e Maria). Translated as: "Hail Mary." Recalling the angel's greeting to the Virgin, this inscription is the oldest of its kind known to us. It was written before the Council of Ephesus (431) where devotion to Mary received its first universal impulse. Other graffiti, all jealously [spelling used] conserved at the adjacent museum, confirm the Marian nature of the shrine. One in Armenian reads "beautiful girl" (referred to Mary) and another one in Greek reads "on the holy site of M(ary) I have written." 462

The "XE MAPIA" graffiti appears on the base of the column, believed to once be a church-synagogue where a devout pilgrim carved his memorial prayer to the Virgin. It is included in a small square area on the base of the column along with other scratchings. 5. Lex credendi … tradition a. Sampling of the liturgical texts Eastern Orthodox theologians will state that faith is taught in liturgy. Roman Catholic Marian theologians, however, sometimes are reluctant to search the liturgical texts for doctrines in this theological manner. It requires patience to appreciate how the community of faithful has actually prayed for centuries. An illumination of the faith is, however, encountered humbly and often times with surprise and joy, but

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the analysis requires sensitive appreciation of cultural origins that may seem quite unfamiliar. 1. "Holy" and "undefiled" After the first reading in Orthros from the Psalms, the sessional hymn follows, painting the scene where Gabriel approaches the little town of Nazareth and announces God's plan to the young betrothed Jewish woman. A key word appears that should be studied in detail, the word acrante, translated here as "undefiled." The mighty captain of the companies of angels drew near to the city of Nazareth and announced to thee, O Undefiled (acrante ), the coming of the King and Lord of the ages, saying to thee: "Hail, blessed Mary, thou wonder past speech and beyond understanding, who art the restoration of mortal man." 463

The word, acrante, translated in this fashion can be easily misunderstood as "immaculate," leading to the concept that the biblical passage and the ensuing early Church Fathers, as well as the Liturgy, are using a term that can be used as the foundation of the phrase, "immaculate conception." Care should be taken, however. Virgin Mary was a young Jewish woman and if she had relations with Joseph, even in betrothal, she would not be "defiled." (It is clear from Matthew's birth narrative passage that Joseph was extremely perplexed by Mary's pregnancy, therefore demonstrating that he was not the father.) In Hebraic culture, pregnancy was considered to be a blessing from God. In the etymology of the word, acrante, the verbal root is cra,w, and in one form of Greek, means to touch slightly. 464 In this sense, the young Hebrew woman, Miryam of Nazareth, had not been "touched" at all, meaning she had not yet "been with a man." In a later form of Greek, in the writing of Euripedes and Aeschelus, the term takes on the meaning of "undefiled," in the sense of never having physical relations with a man which would have meant a defilement of her body. Therefore, it is important to see that words do evolve in a

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cultural context and the early biblical sense, usually expressed by the early Church Fathers, is different from a later interpretation and use. In the very next tonal part of the same hymn, the Virgin is described as "undefiled" (acrante) and "spotless" (semnh,). The word, semnh,, has a more exact meaning of "revered, august, and holy." 465 According to the Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, this word is used in the New Testament by Paul and is related "to human conduct." Paul, "urges his readers [in Phil 4:8] to ponder and practice what is serious and noble and worthy of reverence." 466 In the writing of the apostolic fathers, the word, semnh, continues with the same sort of meaning -the word in Clement "denotes worthy, honorable, and disciplined conduct… A Christian attribute is denoted by the terms in Hermas." 467 Perhaps, then, the intention of the poet in this hymn is to describe the young woman as truly holy and worthy of God's action. Care must be taken to conduct exegesis rather than eisegesis on such phrases. Today all creation greatly rejoices, for the Archangel says unto thee, "Hail, Blessed art thou, O Pure (semnh,), and Holy (acrante), Undefiled and Spotless (pana,mwme - all blameless 468)." 469

The descriptions "undefiled," "spotless," and "holy" all appear in translation to be used interchangeably and more truly should mean "holy" and totally righteous. The sense of a "virgin undefiled" should be understood as a later idea, perhaps influenced by Hellenistic society in tension with the original Hebraic concept. The important aspect of Hebraic and biblical culture connoted in these terms involves Jewish laws of purity. There was a unique biblical understanding of "pure and impure"/"clean and unclean" that was quite different from the emerging Hellenistic culture, one that modern society inherited and still maintains.

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The context for this important biblical image is a complex portrayal of what is clean and unclean. To appreciate the image we must rid ourselves of many of our ideas of what is unclean and therefore requires cleansing since these tend to be only hygienic. 470

Overall, biblically there are two elements held in tension with one another: the holy and the common, clean and unclean. There were two dynamically related pairs of contrasts in the OT: between the holy and the common, and between the clean and the unclean. Both the clean and the unclean are subdivisions of the common. The common, in other words, is itself not in principle unclean, even in a fallen creation. But it can be defiled, thus requiring cleansing. There were some realities that could not be undefiled or cleansed, such as certain animals and death. 471

It is "death" that Jesus overcomes, because of His power as God. In the New Testament, we see that "Jesus emphasizes moral rather than ceremonial purity, focusing on the heart of the separation between humankind and God." 472 In the biblical meaning of "purity," it is God who takes action. Purity is related to righteousness, the presence and acceptance of God's gifts of life. The distinction between pure and impure is made by God and maintained according to his instructions. Associated with God's holiness, purity is intimately related to divine election (note the theme of becoming unclean and being cut off from the people of God (Lev 5:7), divine presence and divine blessing. 473

Miryam, the young Jewish woman, responded to the call and action of God and, therefore, became truly holy, filled through "divine election" with "divine presence and divine blessing." In understanding the liturgical text, therefore, it makes more sense to maintain the biblical understanding and the use of the terms relating to "pure and impure," and "clean and unclean," which were intended by early Christian patristic writers. In the evolution of the word, later influenced by Greek philosophy, 208

there is the sense of "impurity" as a physical violation of the person, a meaning that lays the groundwork for the idea of Mary as the "immaculate conception," meaning more that she had been privileged by God and had never sinned and never been violated physically. This idea of Mary as “immaculate” is not the meaning found in the liturgical texts of Orthros. She is “immaculate” because of her holiness, her proximity to God’s presence and God’s physical reality within her body and then as her son. There is yet another word used in the liturgical text to connote "pure." The sessional hymn ends by using the word agnh,n, and the translators use two terms, "holy" and "pure." The word, agnh,n, is translated as "full of religious awe." 474 The Old Testament origin of this word indicates "what awakens awe" where it is used in a cultic sense in Maccabees, for "inner disposition" in Proverbs, and for chastity in Maccabees. 475 It is an uncommon term in the New Testament, but stands for "moral purity, innocence (2 Cor 7:11 RSV), and chastity (2 Cor 11:2 RSV)." 476 If the word is translated "pure," it should be understood as moral purity, innocence and one who is chaste (or untouched). Again, it does not imply that young Miryam had received any nature out of the ordinary, but that she was holy and close to God, in fact filled with God's presence. 2. "Joy" and all its ramifications The most dynamic aspect of the Annunciation is a call to "joy." The address of the Virgin, cai/re, the description that Gabriel gives of her person, kecaritwme,nh (kecharitomene), and the joy, cara,n, are significant elements operative in this event. In the midst of the sessional hymn, we find the whole world addressing the Virgin as "filled with grace." Dio. kai. kata. pa,nta bow/me,n soi) Cai/re hv kecaritwme,nh)

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Therefore with all the world we cry aloud to thee: Hail, thou who are full of grace. 477

The vital Greek word, kecaritwme,nh (kecharitomene), appears in this form only once in the New Testament. In this fact alone, it stands out as an exceptionally important word. The root word is cara, "joy, delight." 478 Theologically, it is critical to see what this word, "joy," means. Specifically, in Luke, the word describes the core experience of salvation. The group is common only in Luke, which refers to joy at finding what is lost (15:5ff), at one's name being written in heaven (10:20), at the coming of the savior (1:14), and at the acts of Jesus (13:17). The mood of the people is one of joy in 18:43, as is that of the disciples after the ascension in 24:42. 479

In the related word, charis, meaning "grace," there is no occurrence in Matthew, Mark, and only once in John. In Luke, charis "characterizes the good news in Luke 4:22" and charitoo, a related word meaning "to show grace" and "to bless," is a term that "occurs in the NT only in connection with divine charis (Lk 1:28)." 480 The key theological question is: “What is Luke telling us?” A revealing clue is found in the root word, "joy." God, the life-giver, brings salvation to a humanity separated from God, and "joy" is found in recapitulation of what was lost. The closeness to God, the grace or gifts of God, and the light in the darkness were lost. To regain them is "joy," and joy, itself, is being united with God. This is why the better translation of caire, is "rejoice," better than "hail" which remains either a mere "hello" or a singular honor of Mary as person. It is her "joy" that will be shared that the liturgical text recognizes. In reference to the angel's salutation in Luke 1:28, de la Potterie finds: … it is interesting to verify that in the Septuagint the formula "Chaire" always appears in a context where Zion is invited to the messianic joy in the perspective of the future (Jl 2:21-23; Zp 2:14; Zc 9:9; cf. Lm 4:21). In the announcement to Mary, the angel utilizes the formula

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which the prophets employ to invite the eschatalogical Zion to rejoice in the salvation which God accords her. 481

Clearly, the biblical account indicates that Mary is "the eschatalogical tabernacle of the presence of God among people." 482 De la Potterie goes on to point out that in the tradition of the Greek Fathers of the Church, and in particular, the Byzantine liturgy, "the words of the angel have been almost universally understood and explained as an invitation to joy." 483 He cites the homily on the Annunciation by Sophronios. 484 The theme of "joy" appears to reverberate throughout Luke's gospel. The vision of the glorious city of Jerusalem, so many times described in the messianic prophecies, is depicted here as being realized in the person of Mary. It is within the divine dwelling of the Daughter of Zion, the holy city of Jerusalem -here in the womb of Mary, the new Daughter of Zion -- that God himself will be present henceforth. Related to the word joy, we move on to kecharitomene. De la Potterie, in his examination of this word, is careful to note that the action of God's grace has brought about a change in Mary, at a moment BEFORE the overshadowing of the Holy Spirit, understood to be the beginning of her pregnancy. The verb utilized here by Luke (charitoun) is extremely rare in Greek. It is present only two times in the New Testament: in the text of Luke on the Annunciation (Lk 1:28) "kecharitomene," and in the Epistle to the Ephesians (Ep 1:6), "echaritosen." In both cases a form of the verb "charitoo" is used. The verbs in "oo" are causative; they indicate an action which effects something in the object. Thus, for example, "leukoo" to whiten; "douloo" to reduce to slavery, to enslave; "eletheroo," to render free, to free. These verbs, then, effect a change of something in the person or the thing affected. Thus, the radical of the verb "charitoo" being "charis" (=grace), the idea which is expressed is that of a change brought about by grace. [Note: there is a particular, singular form of the word kecharitomene.] In addition, the verb used by Luke is in the past perfect participial form. "Kecharitomene" signifies then, in the person to whom the verb relates, that is, Mary, that the action of the grace of God has already brought about a change. It does not tell us how that

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came about. What is essential here, is that it affirms that Mary has been transformed by the grace of God. 485

The very heart of the theological issue presented here has no clear resolution. De la Potterie himself admits differing in opinion with Raymond Brown and Joseph Fitzmyer. They claim the state of kecharitomene applies to the grace of the pregnancy, which is about to happen. De la Potterie, on the other hand, says: That appears impossible to us. … Here, as we have pointed out, the perfect passive participle is used by Luke to indicate that the transformation by grace has already taken place in Mary, well before the moment of the Annunciation. 486

Relying on the biblical text in Luke alone may never resolve the theological dispute. On the other hand, if there is truth in the tradition of Daily Prayer from the earliest of times, the interpretation of the word, kecharitomene becomes more obvious. Admittedly, all will probably agree, it is the mystery of God at work. But in Judaic terms, she is the righteous person who is "pure," having been found receptive of the divine presence. This does not have to be a special singular gift -- given to Mary alone, but a purity inherent in her human nature and embraced a total holiness of person. It is helpful to note the context in which the liturgical text is constructed -- demonstrated by 4th century Athanasius. He leaves God's preparation of Mary for the pregnancy to the Holy Spirit, and does not elaborate on time or method. He, the Mighty One, the Artificer of all, Himself prepared this body in the virgin as a temple for Himself, and took it for His very own, as the instrument through which He was known and in which He dwelt. Thus, taking a body like our own, because all our bodies were liable to the corruption of death, He surrendered His body to death in place of all, and offered it to the Father.487

Here, we see more obvious allusions to the Hebraic meaning of "pure" and "impure." God offered His body to cleanse 212

humanity of the "impurity" for which there was no purification ritual -- the impurity of death. "The law of death, which followed from the Transgression, prevailed upon us, and from it there was no escape." 488 To prepare the Virgin's body, as a temple of God’s very own, God then dwelt in her body. The time and method of preparation is left to mystery. For this purpose [to save us from death], then, the incorporeal and incorruptible and immaterial Word of God entered our world. … He took our body, and not only so, but He took it directly from a spotless, stainless virgin, without the agency of human father -- a pure body, untainted by intercourse with man. 489

The details of this account are found only in tradition. The Lucan account launches us into the mystery, and the account by Athanasius comments on the purpose of the Incarnation, to save humanity from death. But it is the ongoing prayer of the faithful that will illumine the mystery in any case. And that is exactly what the remainder of the Morning Prayer heralds -- a mystery that even the Virgin herself must probe in a conversation with the angelic messenger. 3. Questions - the Canticles Canticle One begins with the first illumination in probing the mystery of Incarnation, hearkening in its wording to the mysticism of Ephrem: "O Lady, striking upon the harp of the Spirit (lu,ran tou/ Pneu,matoj) …" 490 Believers call upon the Most Holy Theotokos claiming that the angel "discloses to you joy (cara,n) past telling." 491 In this first canticle, the Angel declares: "For thou, O Most Pure hast found grace (csra,n) before the Lord (evnw,pion Kuri,ou - face to face with the Lord ) such as no other woman ever found." 492 The Theotokos asks the angel, "Tell me clearly, how shall I conceive, who am a virgin maid?" 493 The angel's answer is the only confirmation any theologian can ever expect: "O Lady: for when God wills, strange wonders are easily accomplished." 494

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The appeal to the Virgin in Canticle Three (Canticle Two appears to have been lost), looks to the Theotokos as a "living and plentiful fount" (afqoroj phgh, - a term sometimes translated "uncorrupt"). 495 The Theotokos asks again: "But do you make plain to me how I, being a virgin, shall bear Him?" 496 The Angel points to the work of the Holy Spirit as the operative of the mystery. O Virgin, thou dost seek to know from me the manner of thy conceiving, but this is beyond all interpretation. The Holy Spirit shall overshadow thee in His creative power and shall make this come to pass. 497 Zhtei/j par ` evmou/ gnw/vai Parqe,ne( to.n tro,pon sullh,yewj th/j sh/h( all ` ou/toj anermh,neutoj) to. Pneu.ma de. to. "Agion dhmiourgw/ duna,mei soi( evpiskia,san evrga,setai)

The next statement of the Theotokos in the dialogue is interesting. She thinks of Eve's mistake and notes that she is fearful of the angel's salutation as perhaps a similar tempting. The question that comes to mind is this: If Virgin Mary was preserved from sin, would she even consider this possibility? In this, we perceive the normal human nature of a young woman aware of her own possible fallibiblity. My mother Eve, accepting the suggestion of the serpent, was banished from divine delight [th/j qeiaj evzwstra,kistai, - literally "banished from the Divine"]: and therefore I fear thy strange salutation, for I take heed lest I slip. 498

Canticle Four continues with the question and answer dialogue between the Virgin and the angel. The mystery of the Incarnation, as described in the Irmos, portrays Christ who "comes in a swift cloud and with his pure hand He has saved those who cry." 499 The "swift cloud" 500 is an allusion to Isaiah 19:1 (RSV): “Behold, the LORD is riding on a swift cloud and comes to Egypt.” This passage in Isaiah is also known as a

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possible reference to the Holy Family's flight to Egypt to escape Herod's desire for the death of the Holy Child. This is followed by a reference to God saving all those who cry to the Lord, perhaps a veiled reference to the Exodus. Then, once again, the dialogue picks up with the Virgin's questioning. She speaks of knowing the prophecy but still poses the query: "I long to know how the nature of mortal men shall undergo union with the Godhead?" 501 Mary acknowledges that she shares the same human nature as all "mortal men." The Angel answers this probe by comparing her to the "burning bush" unconsumed. Then there is a statement added that she "shall remain ever-Virgin (aveipa,rqenoj)." 502 Since these canons were written by John of Damascus and/or Theophanes, the statement here of Virgin Mary as "everVirgin" traces that truth back to the 7th and 8th century respectively for these authors, with the strong possibility that the tradition dates back, at least, to Ephrem or even earlier in the liturgical realm. With further study of sources, similar to biblical study of the synoptic gospels, it might be possible to demonstgrate that John and Theophanes are not the first to think of Mary as “ever-virgin.” In addition, a study of the 7th and 8th centuries of icons of Theotokos explores this same theme, an example of contextual analysis where one form of revelatory exposition (i.e. the icons) informs another revelatory exposition (i.e. the liturgical texts). This is the very way that the method proposed in this thesis attempts to find the illuminations of lex orandi, lex credendi. Canticle Four closes when we hear the angel comment that "strange wonders are easily accomplished" 503 by God, when God wills to do so. The questioning continues in Canticle Five. The only answers the angel can provide allude to the prophecies and parallelism with David and Jacob. Finally, in Canticle Six, the Theotokos decides to accept "the glad tidings" and admits: "I am filled with divine joy (peplh,rwmai cara.n). For thou dost speak to me of joy, a joy without end." 504 Here, we see the word "joy" used three times. From a literary point of view, this

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accentuates the importance of the concept. It is "joy" that Mary perceives and embraces. The angel then corroborates what has just occurred: "Divine joy (hv cara. Qeomh/tor) is given to thee, O Mother of God." 505 Next, the Theotokos introduces the concept of an Eve/Mary parallel. "Through me may the ancient due be rendered up in full." 506 Again, a correspondence that is found in the Eve-Mary parallel developed in Justin Martyr and Irenaeus and others. At last, the angel agrees and confirms the mystery of God's plan which is headed for completion: God promised to our forefather Abraham that in his seed the Gentiles would be blest, O pure Lady; and through thee today the promise receives its fulfillment.507

After Canticle Six, there is a refrain of joy, wording that directly parallels the Akathist hymn. It can be said that it is here that the faithful truly enter into the spirit and embrace of "joy," singing out to her and calling for her to rejoice with them: "Hail, thou through whom joy will shine forth." 508 This is a further evidence of why the translation could be better translated as: "Rejoice!" Sequentially, the next canticles take a different tact. The dialogue is complete. These appear to have been written by a different poet, as noted -- possibly only these two attributed to John of Damascus. To this day, Theotokos is addressed as "All-Pure," 509 but here the word is pa,nagne. 510 Translated simply as "all-hallowed," 511 the word represents an important understanding of "holiness," of being in a holy presence, beginning in the Hebrew culture of the Old Testament, which then evolves into the idea of purity and holiness of person, in the Christian life as described in the New Testament. Originally Canaanitic, the root qds has a basic cultic reference. The ground around the burning bush is holy (Ex 3:5), as are Gilgal (Josh. 5:15), the temple (Is 58:13), offerings (1 Sam 21:5-7), and tithes (Dt. 26:13). The adjective may be applied to persons and even to God; this

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produces an ethical association. The verb is versatile, denoting the expressing of a state of holiness (Is. 5:16), or setting in a state of holiness (Ezek. 36:23), or declaring holy (Ex 19:10), or entering a state of holiness (Josh 3:5), or being dedicated. 512

Although there is no way to directly trace our liturgical text to these Hebraic foundations other than to assume that Mary of Nazareth obviously was living in a Jewish world, there are essential aspects to note about the connection in meaning of the Greek word to its Hebrew ancestry. When we see the early Christian Fathers and the poets of the liturgical texts consistently picturing the young Virgin as the "burning bush," the temple, and the one who has direct relationship to the All Holy, we see that she is a person in the place of the Holy, directly experiencing the Holy, and dedicated to the plan of the Holy. In the New Testament context, we go to the "holy life of Christians," the added aspect of holiness in a moral living context. Therefore, the ancient cultic embrace of "holiness" takes on the importance of “ethics” and morality – as a result of being in the presence of holiness – and moves to the "ethical" relationship now very real in the Christian world between the Holy and humanity. Christians are to offer themselves as holy sacrifices (Rom. 12:1). As a result the cultic impinges on the ethical, and purity is stressed (cf. Mt. 5:8). The mutual service of love gives expression to this (Gal. 5:13; Rom. 15:25; 16:2). … Holiness here has a moral content and stands opposed to impurity, especially in Gentile sexuality (Acts 10:14; Eph. 5:5). Its cultic reference keeps it from being mere morality. Holiness in this sense is a principle of judgment (1 Cor 6:2). Believers will judge -- hence faith may itself be called holy (Jude 20). 513

If the biblical Christian view of "holiness" described above, is taken in totality, asdescribing the Virgin Mary as pan-hagia, then we can say that the holiness -- the purity -- of the Theotokos resides in all the following elements:

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a) The offering of herself is a holy sacrifice - the cultic centrality of her obedience. b) Her purity is her absolute abandonment to God. c) Her mutual service to God and to humanity is evident. d) The cultic sense of purity is not merely her sinless-ness. e) Her faith is called holy, for she is the one who prays in the Holy Spirit, resides in the love of God, looks forward to the mercy of her Son that leads to eternal life (Jude 20).

In the New Testament, the holiness of the ekklesia is found to reside "on an OT basis… Holiness is by the calling of grace in Christ (Rom 1:6; 1 Cor 1:24; Phil 1:1), not by nature." 514 It can be argued theologically here, based on the etymology of the biblical sense of hagios that the Virgin Mary's "all-holiness" results from the experience she has of the Holy One and the resulting "service of love" that the immersion in the grace of the Holy Spirit inflames in her. Her "nature" is not premanipulated by God, but her human "nature" becomes fulfilled, alive, emblazoned with the power of God's love and life-giving. In these contexts, then, we read the opening greeting of the angel in Canticle Seven: Hail, O Lady, hail, O most pure Virgin; hail, thou vessel wherein God is contained, hail, thou candlestick of the Light, the restoration of Adam and the deliverance of Eve, holy Mountain, shining Sanctuary, and Bridal Chamber of immortality. 515 Cai/re de,spoina( Parqe,ne) Cai/re pa,nagne( cai/re docei/on Qeou/) Cai/re lucni,a fwto,j) `Ada.m hv ana,klhsij) Euaj hv lu,trwsij) Oroj agion( perifane.j agiasma) kai. numfw/n aqanasi,aj) 516

The Theotokos, in the lines of Canticle Seven, comprehends that it is the Holy Spirit of God who has "purified" her, making her a "Temple (nao.n) that contains God, a tabernacle divinely adorned, a living Sanctuary, and the pure Mother of Life." 517 The dialogue of the angel and the Virgin demonstrates the very

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meaning of "holy" and "pure" that is found in Hebrew biblical tradition. The concluding phrase here, zwh/j agnh.n Mhte,ra, translated "the pure Mother of Life" can be seen to use the same word root, meaning "holy and sacred." 518 The idea of Virgin Mary as "bridal chamber made by God," the hallmark of the entire Akathist hymn (thus perhaps relating it to the composition of Romanos), appears to summarize the mystical illuminations of the Annunciation. In this translation of The Festal Menaion, there are also other related cultic mystical symbols: "Lamp with many lights"; "Ark of gold"; and "spotless Maiden." 519

In Canticle Eight, the poet is eliciting the image of the three men in the furnace, who were plunged into a fiery blaze but were never consumed, again suggesting the immersion into the power of God that the Virgin Mary experienced. In an echo of the first seven canticles, we see a repeat of the same key concepts, the experience of trust in God and being in the presence of God: The mystery of the Incarnation -

"joy" (hsqhn), 520

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the difficulty in understanding ( vUpe.r lo,gon te kai. ennoian( sarkou,menon w.j oi,den ek sou, dio kai. cai,rwn bow/, "beyond words and understanding, in ways that He alone knows, He shall take flesh of thee),521

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the resulting image of the young woman as a temple of the Divine (skhnou,tw 522 evn evmoi o` Qeo,j). 523

After Canticle Eight, that appeared to echo the dialogue of the angel and the Virgin, Canticle Nine takes the form of a megalynarion. It, too, retains the same themes: "Let every mortal … in spirit leap for joy (cara.n);" the Virgin is the "living Ark of God"; the cry of joy by the faithful resounds in "Hail, thou who art full of grace: the Lord is with thee (Cai/re

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Kecaritwme,nh ov Ku,rioj meta. sou/)." 524 After a rather strange inquiry, "How dost thou give milk, O pure Virgin?" 525 the canticle ends with the familiar list of biblical parallels, evidence of the mystery in the Virgin who becomes the place of the dwelling of the Divine. The Orthros ends with the exapostilarion, repeating the arrival of "the captain of the angelic hosts sent by God Almighty to the pure Virgin ( `Agnh.n kai. Parqe,nou)." 526 The position of this final hymn, so designated as written by Theophanes, wraps up the focal point of the feast: "Today is revealed the mystery that is from all eternity," and it notes the "joyful greeting whereby our sorrow is assuaged." 527 It is the "compassion" of Almighty God that comes upon the Virgin and, in turn, to all humanity. It is interesting also to note that the Gospel reading for Orthros is not the expected section of Luke 1: 28-35 but the Visitation to Elizabeth in Luke 1: 39-49, 56, thereby linking the Feast of the Annunciation to the Feast of the Visitation. The Gospel is the same as that of the Orthros of the Feast of the Birth of the Theotokos on September 8. From ancient times, there is an intimate and cohesive relationship between the Feasts of the Virgin. On the Feast of the Annunciation, the account of the Virgin's visit to Elizabeth is yet another illumination of the Annunciation event. The Orthros texts thereby are aware of the Incarnation, the result of the announcement of God’s call to the Virgin Mary. It is her cousin, Elizabeth, who articulates the mystery: "Blessed is she who believed, for there will be a fulfillment of those things which were told her from the Lord (Luke 1:45 RSV)." The liturgical choice to read this Gospel in the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation serves to illuminate the mystery of the Incarnation. b. Illuminations that these texts evoke We begin by once again examining the detailed analysis on the Incarnation by Athanasius where he describes God's

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action in the Incarnation in taking a human body "for His very own": He [God] took our body, and not only so, but He took it directly from a spotless, stainless virgin, without the agency of human father -- a pure body, untainted by intercourse with man. 528

We could derive from the English translation here, namely the phrase "spotless, stainless virgin," that Athanasius is saying God transformed the nature of the Virgin. In context, however, the liturgical canticles of Theophanes and John of Damascus are reminiscent of the Hebraic tradition, where God is the "The Holy One, Artificer [inventor of life] of all," the One who prepared her body by and in the mystery of the Incarnation event, by calling her into the holy presence of God and calling her to kenotic holy life. This concept is Hebraic in the manner of Genesis: "So God created man in his own image, in the image of God he created him; male and female he created them (Genesis 1:27 RSV)." God makes man and woman in the image of God's self, and therein Mary is made body and soul according to God's design. If the Virgin's body was "purified," thereby free of death and sin, then Athanasius could not say that God took a body that was, like all others, "liable to the corruption of death." The subsequent statement of Athanasius can corroborate this: This He did out of sheer love for us, so that in His death all might die, and the law of death thereby be abolished. … This He did that He might turn again to incorruption men who had turned back to corruption, and made them alive through death by the appropriation of His body and by the grace of His resurrection. Thus He would make death to disappear from them as utterly as straw from fire. 529

If it can be understood that "corruption of death" here is "impurity" in the Hebraic context, then Christ subjected his own being to the body of humans who were yet "impure" but would find "incorruption" in his act of redemption. This

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appears to follow the very same mindset and theological illumination of the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation. Virgin Mary becomes the Ark of the Covenant, the physical abode for the Unfathomable God. She responds to the angel's announcement with fear, questioning and with some selfeffacement. This creates a remarkable theological question: at what point in time is the Virgin found to be holy and "undefiled" and then what is the result when the power of the Holy Spirit comes over her? Has some remarkable change in Miryam's human nature, affected by God, taken place before the angel arrives? Or, is the Virgin a virtually "pure" young woman, dedicated to prayer and concerned with loving acts who then is invited to enter into God's plan of salvation, and like all humanity to become alive through Christ? 1. She is holy, pure, worthy, blameless The Orthros of the Feast celebrates a remarkable mystery of the Incarnation through the dialogue of Virgin Mary and Angel Gabriel. Mystery is acknowledged by the angel when the Virgin asks how it can be done. The answer, "anything is possible with God" must suffice. We begin with a tradition that shows the young Hebrew woman alarmed when visited by a messenger from God -- whether there was an initial preAnnunciation event at the well, or not. If we group the descriptions of the young woman, found in the Orthros canons, described as "undefiled and most pure" and see them in biblical terms we then have an anthropological sketch of the young woman.

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- Greek liturgical term

acrante

- English

-Theological meaning

undefiled untouched still a virgin

She has not yet been with a man, a man has not yet "known" her. -------------------------------------------------------------------------agnh,n holy and pure In the sense of full of religious awe moral purity, moral purity, pure there is divine innocence election, divine chaste presence, divine blessing. -------------------------------------------------------------------------semnh, revered The Virgin is known august for her holiness; holy she is worthy, worthy, righteous, a servant disciplined of the Lord, faithful -------------------------------------------------------------------------pana,mwme all blameless No one can find fault with her. _________________________________________________ Examining all these aspects from the liturgical text as a whole, we meet the young Hebrew woman, Mary, who has not yet known a man -- simply stated she has not experienced conjugal relations with Joseph, her betrothed. The term, "undefiled," would have no meaning in her situation, unless it meant she had not experienced being violently raped and taken outside of her betrothal by another man. It appears that the better translation would have been "untouched" or a "betrothed bride not yet known by her husband in the marriage bed." She was holy and "pure" in the sense of righteousness, a person fully worthy of God's gifts. She was innocent and chaste. This character of her person would have called attention to her lifestyle and commitment, as a person faithful to God and

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disciplined in God's way. All of this would have meant that as a young woman, she was "blameless." She is seen as a moral and ethical person who deeply trusts God. In totality, one could take this profile and claim she was, indeed, a mystic and a prophet in the very deepest Hebraic sense. Perhaps, as Moses was addressed and said to have “found favor” in the eyes of the Lord, the angel may have called upon this young woman as "having found favor with God" in her righteousness. The LORD said to Moses, "I will do the very thing that you have asked; for you have found favor in my sight, and I know you by name." And he [Moses] said, "Show me your glory, I pray." And he [the LORD] said, "I will make all my goodness pass before you, will proclaim before you the name, 'The LORD'; and I will be gracious to whom I will be gracious, and will show mercy on whom I will show mercy (Exodus 33: 17-19)." 530

Is this not confirmed in the case of young Mary of Nazareth? She sings in her Magnificat: My soul magnifies the Lord, and my spirit rejoices in God my Savior, for he has looked with favor on the lowliness of his servant. … for the Mighty One has done great things for me, and holy is his name. His mercy is for those who fear him from generation to generation (Luke 1: 46-50 NOAB).

There is a direct parallelism between the call of Moses and his response, with the call and response of Virgin Mary. The LORD stated in both cases show how Moses and Mary have "found favor"; each is individually known by God by name; each has experienced or will experience the mighty works of God; and each expresses gratitude for God's "mercy." The following biblical excerpts demonstrate this parallelism. EXODUS: The LORD said to Moses, "I will do the very thing that you have asked; for you have found favor in my sight, and I know you by name" (Ex. 33:17 NOAB).

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LUKE: For he has looked with favor on the lowliness of his servant. … for the Mighty One has done great things for me (Luke 1:48, 49 NOAB). EXODUS: And [I, the LORD] will show mercy on whom I will show mercy (Ex. 3:19 NOAB). LUKE: His mercy is for those who fear him from generation to generation (Luke 1:50 NOAB).

b. Joy The verses of Luke are interspersed with greetings of joy, the joy that the Virgin Mary herself experienced and the world experiences with the gift of God's life given to the womb of Mary, the new Ark. The constant acclamation of caire,, points emphatically to joy. In fact, we can say that the environment of joy celebrated is the gift of God's presence and offering of renewed relationship. Joy and God's gifts of grace -or sharing in God's gifts -- are celebrated and rejoiced. Several commentators have correctly observed that not only the beginning -- the Annunciation to Mary -- is an appeal to joy, but that a message of joy redounds throughout the Infancy Narrative of Luke. 531

It appears the liturgy of Orthros invites the faithful again and again to "rejoice together in joy" with the Theotokos. Understanding that the early Christian liturgy embraces the Book of Psalms as messianic, we see the idea of "joy" as an eschatological conclusion. 532 When the LORD restored the fortunes of Zion [perhaps understood to be the return from exile], we were like those who dream. Then our mouth was filled with laughter, and our tongue with shouts of joy; then it was said among the nations, "The LORD has done great things for them." The LORD has done great things for us, We are glad (Psalm 126:1-3 RSV).

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According to biblical studies of the textual language, "OT joy culminates in eschatology. High points in the prophets carry the call: chaire." 533 The noun "chara," joy, is found in a group of words "common only in Luke, which refers to joy at finding what is lost (Luke 15:5ff), 534 one's name being written in heaven (10:20), 535 at the coming of the Savior (1:14), 536 and at the acts of Jesus (13:17 537). 538 Related to this noun, "chara," is the word "charis," grace. Again in Acts 6:8, the word charis is utilized by Luke to describe Stephen as a man filled with God's Spirit which enabled him to show forth God's power. 539 To fully understand the two phases of the Annunciation event that describe the state of Mary when the angel arrived and the action that God promises will happen: 1) the young virgin is found to have favor with God, to be found in grace (kecharitomene); and 2) she is overshadowed by the power of the Holy Spirit. In Luke 1:35 (NOAB), "The angel said to her, 'The Holy Spirit will come upon you, and the power of the Most High will overshadow you; therefore the Child to be born will be holy; he will be called Son of God.'" As a figure of speech, the phrase "the power of the Most High will overshadow you" means that "God is put for the power manifested by Him," 540 as a metonymy of the subject -- an archaic explanation that means that the word "God" is directly related to the nature of God which is "power." "Metonymy is a figure by which one name or noun is used instead of another, to which it stands in a certain relation. … Thus, it will be seen that Metonymy is not founded on resemblance, but on relation." 541 There are four categories of Metonymy, the third of which describes the Metonymy of the Subject, when the subject is put for [used as] something pertaining to it: as the possessor for the possessed; the thing signified for the sign." 542 (This reminds us of the meaning of "real symbol.") The explanation of this particular phase, in reference to its grammatical construction, is that: "the Highest shall overshadow thee; and His power, which is infinite shall be put forth upon or manifested in thee." 543 In other words, Mary will be in relationship to, and in possession of the person of God in the Holy Spirit, to whom she is now so closely connected. Therefore, in terms of Luke's theology, it is

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the presence of the Holy Spirit that brings the Theotokos joy. It is the presence of the Holy Spirit that surges in joy in the community. And, as seen in the liturgical format (the chaire, "rejoices") and emphasis in the Orthros, it is joy that Virgin Mary has found, complete joy and presence of the Holy Spirit that overcomes her, and joy that the faithful sing in liturgical canticles, as they begin to experience themselves and grow in the fullness of the Holy Spirit of God. If, indeed, the song of joy that Mary sings forth when she visits her cousin Elizabeth can be found related to the Song of Hannah, there is an interesting correspondence of words pointing to the nature of this "joy." In the Magnificat, Mary sings forth: LUKE: My soul (yuch,) magnifies the Lord, and my spirit (pneu/ma) rejoices in God my Savior, for he has looked with favor on the lowliness of his servant (Luke 1:46-48 NOAB).

The word (yuch,) is considered in the Hellenistic world as the place of God's residence in the person. And the word (pneu/ma) 544 is the power, a dynamic presence of God that gives life. These are directly comparable to Hannah's song: 1 SAMUEL: My heart (ybl) exults in the LORD; my strength (ynrq) is exalted in my God (1 Samuel 2:1 NOAB).

The word (ybl ), 545 my heart, is the Hebraic idea of the seat of empowerment -- the energy of life given to the person, the place where Yahweh resides in the human. In this direct parallelism, note that the New Testament equivalent by Luke, then, changes from "heart" to "soul." And the Hebrew word (ynrq), 546 my "horn" or my "strength" is the power given by God. Clearly, there is deep theology in this parallel. In Hannah's song, her strength is derived from and in God. Creative power of God is intimated by the celebration of pregnancy. In Mary's song, there is a particularly mystical

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statement: "My spirit rejoices in God my savior (Luke 1:47 NOAB)." Through the parallelism with the Old Testament hymn of Hannah over receiving life, we see Mary is saying that her "spirit" (pneuma) -- the power of her own life given to her by God is rejoicing in God her savior, namely the Christ, her son, a relationship existing in the warmth of the Holy Spirit of God. It is God's life which gives her life. This young woman, Mary, now sings in utter joy in the full presence of the Incarnate God because the Spirit of God resides in her body. There is a relationship between her life spirit and the Presence in her who is the Fullness of the Holy Spirit of God. The scene moves, then, from Mary being found holy, having found "favor with God," like Hannah … to an experience of the Eternal Life coming within her by the power of the Holy Spirit of God. All of this is found in the illuminations of the Orthros, of the Feast of the Annunciation. There are definitively two stages in the event in the biblical account: At first, there is recognition of the Virgin's holiness, worthiness, and state of not having yet been touched by her husband, nor yet by God; and secondly, the promise of the angel that "The Holy Spirit will come upon you, and the power of the Most High will overshadow you; therefore the child to be born will be holy (Luke 1:35 RSV)." To embrace this mystery, the Orthros incorporates hymns that celebrate the joy: moving from the angel's sudden appearance, to his message, and then to Mary’s questioning, and finally then to her acceptance and the hymnographer’s comment on the remarkable work of the Holy Spirit of God that has just happened. A schematic of these two stages are shown in the following:

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Paradigm of the Annunciation - Stage One

Mary is found to be holy, worthy, untouched.

God still resides separate from humanity.

Paradigm of the Annunciation - Stage Two

The Holy Spirit of God has come upon Virgin Mary. She is the Ark, her womb shelters and nourishes the God of the Heavens. In the first drawing, Mary is a young woman, found to be trusting of God, holy, worthy, and untouched by a man. God still resides hidden a part from humanity. In the second drawing, the Holy Spirit of God has overshadowed Mary. She is now an Ark of God because her womb shelter and nourishes the God of the Heavens. 2. Conclusion The mystery revealed in the illuminations of the early Orthros will have to be seriously considered in relationship to the later dogmatic embrace of the person of Virgin Mary as "Immaculate Conception" that develops in Catholic theology. Catholic theologians have found the terms, "immaculate" and

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"pure" in the Eastern liturgical text. However, it is important to be clear on the origin and evolution of these words. The liturgical texts relate to the Hebraic context and the biblical account. A most important illumination that comes from the liturgical tradition places the event in a celebration of joy and recognition that God's mystery was begun in the womb of young, holy Mary. And nothing is impossible with God. Grace is the basis of justification and is also manifested in it (Rom. 5:20-21). Hence grace is in some sense a state (Rom. 5:2), 547 although one is always called into it (Gal. 1:6), and it is always a gift on which one has no claim. 548

In addition, there is a sense that salvation begins with the realization of the angel's words. Salvation is demonstrated publicly at the birth of Christ and the visit of the Magi. Again, there will be a revelation of God's Son having come into the human realm at the meeting, in the Feast of the Hypapante. At the Feast of Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos, the Mother of Christ is recognized as the one who gave birth to the Savior. In the ancient liturgical texts of Orthros, God's plan of salvation is described -- God's invitation to the young Hebrew woman asking her to cooperate with the in-breaking of salvation, new life in the creation. Her response to God's question is first a deliberation with Gabriel over the details so she can come to understand and then her agreement with the economia, later celebrated in her Magnificat. The conception and birth of Christ is "the beginning" hv ge,nnhsij of new life, showing that salvation "has come." II. The Synaxis, December 26 In consideration of the Incarnation, in looking at the early Orthros, it is important to notice always that there is an interconnection between feasts. The Synaxis of the Feast of the Nativity, the day that follows the Nativity, is considered a Marian feast. In the cycle of liturgical time, the recognition of

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people who play a major role in a particular feast are then commemorated. SYNAXIS (Gk. su,naxij; Slavnoic, sobor). A title applied, among other things, to certain commemorations falling on the day immediately after a Great Feast, and honouring some personage closely connected with the theme of the Feast itself (e.g. the Mother of God on 26 December; St. John the Baptist on 7 January; the Archangel Gabriel on 26 March). Not every Great Feast is followed by a Synaxis. In a more general sense, 'synaxis' means an assembly for worship. 549

Primarily, the Orthros of the day after the Feast of the Nativity is dedicated to the Most Holy Theotokos, but includes mostly canons from the feast of the Nativity itself. The Feast of the Nativity (hv ge,nnhsij - the Beginning) celebrates the Birth of Jesus and is recognized as one of the Twelve Great Feasts first in the Western Church but considered part of the cycle by all Christians by the 5th century. In the East Jesus' birth was originally commemorated at Epiphany, but the Nativity was celebrated in Antioch and environs by 376, in Constantinople by 380, and in Asia Minor by the end of the 4th C … [It has] a following SYNAXIS 26 Dec.; and an after feast of six days. …Byz sermons for the Nativity stress that it celebrates not a past event but the ever-present mystery of salvation first manifested in Jesus' birth. 550

The interconnection of feasts that are christological and those that are Marian are indistinguishable, since the very personhood of Virgin Mary is related to her participation in the Plan of God. As noted, the celebration of Christ's birth first resided in the celebration of Epiphany, the "showing forth" of the Savior Jesus. A. Authorship Like all other hymns and prayers of the ancient Orthros, authorship is hard to pin down. All we have is the tradition,

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often so noted in the festal lectionary. Orthros of the Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos, has a hymn attributed to Romanos the Melodist after Canticle Six. Remembering the traditional tale that it was on Christmas that Romanos received his special charism to compose liturgical poetry and hymns, we find the kontakion of Canticle Six in the Orthros from the Feast of the Nativity, which notes Romanos as author. Today the Virgin gives birth to Him who is above all being, and the earth offers a cave to Him whom no man can approach. Angels with shepherds give glory, and Magi journey with a star. For unto us is born a young Child, the pre-eternal God. The Ikos: Bethlehem has opened Eden: come, and let us see. We have found joy in secret: come, and let us take possession of the paradise that is within the cave. There the unwatered Root has appeared, from which forgiveness flowers forth; there is found the undug Well, whence David longed to drink of old. There the Virgin has borne a Babe, and made the thirst of Adam and David to cease straightaway. Therefore let us hasten to this place where now is born a young Child, the preeternal God. 551

After Canticle Six of the Orthros (remembering that the Canticles are repeated from the Feast of the Nativity), there is yet another kontakion attributed to Romanos. The same theme of "pre-eternal God" is then repeated in the Orthros of the Synaxis of the Nativity: He who before the morning star was begotten without mother of the Father, is today without father made flesh upon earth of thee. A star announces the good tidings to the Magi, while angels with shepherds sing the praises of thine undefiled child-bearing, O thou who are full of grace. 552

Romanos attempts to describe the "pre-eternal" God in terms of the morning star, a God unbegotten who is born into flesh without a father. His use of the star relates to the Epiphany, demonstrating the tradition of the East to celebrate Nativity in

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relation to the public showing of the Child to the world. Theotokos is described as "undefiled" and "full of grace," terms we have considered previously. The ongoing plan of God that emerges throughout the Hebrew Scriptures is now revealed in Mary. Hymns by Cosmas and John of Damascus are repeated, a repetition reminiscent of the need to dwell in the mystery of the Nativity. Authorship for the hymns repeated from the Feast of the Nativity includes St. Cosmas and St. John of Damascus. These canons, then, comprise the canticles in the following way: Two Canons are used: the first by St. Cosmas in eight troparia, including the irmos, and the second by St. John of Damascus in six, likewise including the irmos. The two irmoi are then repeated as katavasia at the end of each canticle. Before the troparia we say, Glory to Thee, our God, glory to Thee. 553

St. Cosmas (sometimes transliterated "Kosmas") was born in Damascus about 675 AD. He was the adopted brother of St. John of Damascus, and through his lifetime, also like John, he defended icon veneration. He lived as a monk in the lavra of St. Sabas and was made bishop of Maiouma, near the Gaza about 734 AD. He was known for writing hymns, and scholars see that his work was highly influenced by Gregory of Nazianzus and Romanos. 554 After the canons, following the exapostilarion, there is a tonal response attributed to Andrew of Jerusalem and another by St. Germanos. The concluding tonal response of the Orthros of the Nativity is attributed to John the Monk. Andrew of Jerusalem, so noted in The Festal Menaion, is actually Andrew of Crete. Andrew -- originating from Damascus about 660 AD, was tonsured in the Monastery of the Holy Sepulchre, in Jerusalem at about age fifteen. Later, he was sent to Constantinople to attend on missionary duties for the orphaned and poor, and there he remained. "Andrew is often considered the creator of the new genre of the KANON that replaced the KONTAKION." 555

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Germanos I was the Patriarch of Constantinople who died in January 730 AD. Among other theological writings and essays, he was also a hymn writer. (Some scholars have attributed the Akathist hymn to Germanos.) In a sermon on the Annunciation, he utilized the dialogue between Gabriel and Mary, "in which protagonists converse on different stylistic levels, the archangel being majestic and the Virgin simple and naïve,” 556 a characteristic which may tie his authorship to the Akathist. Also, this connects these authors to the dialogue style by Germanos that occurs in the Orthros of the Feast of the Annunciation. . They were contemporaries but Germanos was born 25 to 45 years earlier (the dates of the life of Germanos are uncertain). It appears that the dialogue between the Virgin and Angel Gabriel was a way for hymnists to probe the mystery of the Annunciation and the birth of Christ. B. Translation As we have found with other texts of the Orthros, there are a few English translations to be found. These are the upcoming English translations of the Menaion by the monks of Transfiguration Monastery in Brookline, Massachusetts. In addition, there are some private translations can be found on the worldwide web. The most scholarly translation is found in the edition prepared by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware. 557 Since most of the hymns and prayers for the Orthros of the Synaxis are the same as those for the Feast of the Nativity, translations in English of the Orthros for the Nativity are more available. C. Inter-relationship with other sources 1. Biblical writing Again, since the Orthros of the Synaxis repeats the hymns and prayers of the Feast of the Nativity, it is obvious that the foundational biblical sources are the birth narratives of Luke and Matthew. However, the hymnographers loved to

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construct metaphorical parallels with the Hebrew Scriptures, as has been demonstrated for the other feast days. There are allusions, for example, to the Psalms, Exodus, Genesis, Micah, Isaiah, Habukkuk, Numbers, Judges, Daniel, 2 Kings (2 Samuel), and Ezekiel. In addition, there are constant references to other New Testament writings, such as the letters of St. Paul. Since the intention of this discussion on the Synaxis is merely to demonstrate the inter-relationship of Marian feasts, and the importance then of this Synaxis to the Feast of the Annunciation, we will leave an in-depth study of these biblical allusions to another time. 2. Apocryphal writing It is clear that Orthros of the Feast of the Nativity and the subsequent Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos do not refer directly to the Protoevangelium of James. There are no references in the hymns that cannot be traced to the biblical birth narratives, except for the detail of the birth occurring in a cave. The "cave" becomes a part of tradition not recorded in the gospel. It is attested not only in the liturgical text but in a discourse by Gregory the Theologian and a comparison constructed by Gregory of Nyssa that contrasts the "birth of Christ in a cave and the spiritual light shining forth in the shadow of death that encompasses mankind." 558 The Gospels say nothing of the cave: we know of it from Tradition. The oldest written evidences of it [the cave] date from the IInd century: St. Justin the Philosopher in his dialogue with Trypho (about 155-160), quoting from the Gospel of St. Matthew adds, "since Joseph could find no room in which to stay in that village, he established himself in a cave not far from Bethlehem." 559

From the Orthros for the Synaxis, repeated from the Feast of the Nativity, we have in the Second Canticle (attributed to John of Damascus):

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A star she wed plainly to the Magi. The Word that was before the sun, who has come to make transgression cease. They saw Thee wrapped in swaddling clothes, within a poor and lowly cave, Who sharest all our sufferings, And in joy they gazed upon Thee, who art at once both man and Lord. 560

Therefore, the liturgical content of the Feast of the Nativity and subsequent Synaxis is quite different from the Feast of the Dormition, which needs to rely so strongly on tradition, where, of course, details also appear in the Apocrypha. For the Nativity and the Synaxis, the hymnographers prefer to probe the mystery via parallelism with the Hebrew Scriptures. For example, see the constant allusion to the Exodus, God's miracle of pulling back the waters to give Israel life like his miracle of coming on earth in the flesh; and the sea monster that spit out Jonah like the womb of Mary produced the Son of God. Of old the Master that works wonders saved His people, Making the watery wave of the sea into dry land; And now of His own will has He been born from a Maiden. 561 The sea monster spat forth Jonah as it had received him, like a babe from the womb: while the Word having dwelt in the Virgin and taken flesh, came forth from her yet kept her uncorrupt. 562

Therefore, it appears the "cave" is the only detail added from tradition to biblical tradition in the liturgical text for the Nativity and Synaxis. This suggests the possibility of an important symbol, rooted in a possible actual reality, that Christ was born in a cave (as often used at Christ’s time to shelter animals.) The cave is an essential element in the Nativity icon – mystically tying together Christ’s birth and the symbol of the cave as the realm of Hades, the human vulnerability to death, the place of the dead. In other words, Christ who is the light, in reality the Source of life, appeared in a world of darkness and death. Primarily, the magnificent hymns of Nativity and the

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Synaxis are explorations into this mystery via biblical parallelism. 3. Patristic and conciliar documents The multitude of the patristic writings and much of the deliberation at the Councils -- particularly the councils of Ephesus and Chalcedon, involved consideration of the Incarnation and the woman who bore the Savior. As mentioned, St. Athanasius undertook a lengthy consideration of the Incarnation. The Akathist prayer-hymn, as described before, centers on the Incarnation event. Other notable writings on the Incarnation include Cyril of Alexandria, Cyril of Jerusalem, Ephrem, Germanus, Gregory of Nazianzen, Gregory of Nyssa, Ignatius, Irenaeus, John Chrysostom, just to note a few. 563 4. Icon Likewise, it would be impossible to completely list the icons of the Nativity, but it must be pointed out that there is a tradition on how the Theotokos is portrayed which parallels the liturgical texts. Elemental themes of the Nativity icon can be seen in a 15th century icon of the Novrogod iconographic school. 564 (See APPENDIX III.) "The classical iconography of the Nativity of Christ, which we see in the icon reproduced here, has its prototype on the Vth and VIth century ampullae, in which pilgrims used to bring home from the Holy Land oil from the lamps burning in sacred places." 565 The scene depicted in the icon traditionally places Virgin Mary at the very center, in front of the cave, with the Child swaddled in a manger, usually an ox and an ass looking on (Luke 1:3). Usually, the Virgin is lying on a red, oval mat slightly turned away from the cave. Added to this scene can be shepherds approaching on one side, magi on the other side. In a level above, there can be choirs of angels singing and even a representation of the power of Heaven coming down as a stream of light. At the lower level of the icon, below the cave,

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can be seen Joseph in one corner and midwives bathing the newborn in the other lower corner. Joseph is placed at a distance from the event to demonstrate he is not the biological father. Looking at the icon of the Nativity of Christ, the first thing that draws our attention is the position of the mother of God and the place She occupies. In this "festival of re-creation" she is the "renewal of all born on earth," the new Eve. 566

This central point of the icon has the same important meaning as the liturgical texts of Orthros. As, indeed, a "festival of recreation," she is the one who bears new life to the world. Today the invisible Nature is joined to mortal men, coming forth from the Virgin. Today the infinite Essence is wrapped in swaddling clothes at Bethlehem. Today God leads the Magi by a star to worship Him, and with gold and frankincense and myrrh they foretell His threeday burial. Therefore we sing: O Christ our God, made flesh of the Virgin, save our souls. 567

There appears to be a unifying expression of faith concerning the Nativity and the Virgin's role within the event that shows forth in the Orthros of the Feast of Nativity and Synaxis, replicated and confirmed in the tradition of iconography from earliest times. D. Context This branch of the examination of this feast is particularly significant, due to the remaining traditions concerning sites of Christ’s actual birth in Bethlehem. 1. History of the Feast As noted above, the Feast of the Nativity did not become firmly established everywhere until the 5th century, although records show it was celebrated in the region around

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Antioch, in Constantinople, and in Asia Minor by the end of the 4th century. Once peace entered the Roman Empire for Christians with Constantine, the feast rapidly became a grand imperial celebration. Byzantine sermons show that the celebration of the Nativity was not an observance of a past event, "but the ever-present mystery of salvation first manifested in Jesus' birth." 568 No longer were the emperors considered to be divine or hold powers of divinity, but there was no hesitation to demonstrate their affinity to the ever present mystery of God's power. The Nativity was also one of the most heavily charged days of the imperial ceremonial, filled with receptions, visits of dignitaries and factions, promotions, the veneration of relics, honors rendered with CANDLES at various sanctuaries, all done in solemn procession, the final one to Hagia Sophia, where the emperor joined the patriarch in the narthex and made the LITTLE ENTRANCE [procession with the Holy Gospel, representing in the Divine Liturgy the entrance of Christ into Jerusalem] with him. The day's ceremonies continued with various visits in the company of the patriarch. 569

2. In relationship to time - God's work involves people Again, as mentioned above, the Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos is a celebration that follows the day after the Feast of the Nativity. The Synaxis tradition of celebrating the major person involved in the event of a feast day on the day following the feast day demonstrates, in this case, the way that God enters into human time and realm. It is a celebration of the person who has perceived the mystery of God's plan and accepted God's will. This celebration of the Most Holy Theotokos who bore the Son of God offers all the faithful a spiritual opportunity to enter into Mary’s act of love. It is an act of God's love, which is poured forth, and an experience of how the nature of love can enliven all of the cosmos.

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Today Christ is born of the Virgin in Bethlehem. Today He who knows no beginning now begins to be, and the word is made flesh. 570

3. The Synaxarion There is no special synaxarion for the Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos. The lengthy synaxarion for the Feast of the Nativity, no doubt, suffices for the celebration on December 26. There is a short commentary on “Joseph the Betrothed” and his dream instructing him to take his family to Egypt. In addition, the feast day celebrates others including Euthemios the confessor. Below, we will give a summary of the elements found in the synaxarion for the Feast of the Nativity, as they are intended to relate to the Theotokos. The original Greek text from the Greek Menaion will be found in APPENDIX IV. The English translations usually do not translate the synaxarion in full. It is not found in The Festal Menaion we are using for the English translation. These anonymous ancient commentaries were probably written by monks centuries ago, thereby providing some insight into the original tradition of the feast. In Orthros of the Feast of the Nativity, there are actually two synaxaria -- one on the Nativity and a subsequent one on the Visit of the Magi. This is easy to understand since, as mentioned, historically the earlier feast was that of the Magi and this indicates that two traditions of separate feasts have joined. Here is a translation of the synaxarion for the actual Nativity, which is to be considered only as an approximation to capture the primary words and essential meaning in the synaxarion’s commentry: Knowing that the Loving God, moved with compassion, became a human being against [to come and counter] the tyranny of the devil; and sent the Archangel Gabriel saying to the Theotokos, "Rejoice, young woman who has found favor with God (kecharitomene), the Lord is with you." And straightaway the Lord, the Son and Word of God was conceived in the ritually pure and holy Mother.

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And after nine months had passed of the pregnancy, when Caesar Augustus declared a plan for all and sent Quirinius to Jerusalem (Luke 2:2), and created a census in Bethlehem. Joseph went up (to Bethlehem) along with her (Mary) to the registration in Bethlehem as a guard [for her protection], and he saw it was time for the Virgin to give birth. Not finding a place to stay, because of the crowds, he discovered a poor cave, and in that place she gave birth to our Lord Jesus Christ and it was there he spent his [early] childhood. Recalling the irrational [unlikely] manger where she placed her child, the future deliverance of humanity in the created order came.

4. Shrines – Nativity in Bethlehem On April 2, 2002, the shrine celebrating the Lord’s birth came into the news when, during the Mid-East conflict, Palestinians, including 50 armed fighters, “entered and occupied the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem, one of the holiest shrines of Christianity.” 571 The world at large appeared concerned that this ancient holy site would be damaged during this siege while Israeli soldiers and war weapons surrounded the shrine. With a sigh of relief the world learned at the time of the release of the soldiers within, that no serious damage had occurred. However, there was some question how this could have even taken place. “Throughout history, churches, mosques and other places of worship have frequently provided refuge to the tired, the hungry, the blameless, and the persecuted.” 572 In Christian tradition, Constantine authorized churches “to grant shelter to fugitives.” 573 The Christian Councils of Toledo (638 and 681 AD) broadened the categories of those entitled to protection and established a safe haven around churches – a radius of 35 steps – within which the seizure of offenders was prohibited. 574

It was fortunate to learn that the most ancient part of the site, believed to be a first century holy site constructed over or near the cave where Jesus was born, had not been damaged.

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Bethlehem, in the hill country of Judah, was originally called Ephrath in Genesis and Ruth, 575 Ephratah in Micah, 576 Beth-lehem-judah in 1 Samuel, 577 and the City of David in Luke. 578 It is known as the place where Rachel died – she was the wife of Jacob and mother of Joseph and Benjamin. Also, east of Bethlehem were the fields where Ruth was gleaning. Bethlehem is known as the birthplace of King David, the location where he was anointed, and the site of the well that supposedly provided water when he was in the cave of Adullam. 579 From the 4th century, Bethlehem was "revered … as Jesus' birthplace." 580 The history of the Church spans many centuries. The early Christian period -- which ended with the destruction of many sacred shrines in the Holy Land in 529 AD -- began when Emperor Constantine ordered Bishop Makarios of Jerusalem to build three edifices. One was situated in Bethlehem in honor of the Nativity; the second in Jerusalem for the Resurrection; and a third on the Mount of Olives to mark the Ascension of Jesus. These three buildings can be seen in an apse mosaic in St. Pudenziana's in Rome. Constantine's church was burnt down in 529 AD, during the revolt of the Samaritans. 581 Today's church was built by Emperor Justinian after the demise of the original site in 529 AD. It is interesting to note that 100 years after Justinian built the new church, Sophronius described it in the following way: I would go with a heart filled With all the fervour of holy love To the little town of Bethlehem Where the king of all things was born. With my heart dancing I would enter Those most sacred halls, The four most admirable arcades And the elegant three-fold apse. Gazing at the numerous pillars Gleaming with gold, A work decorated with marvellous art, I would dispel the clouds of care.

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I would gaze at the coffered ceiling With its brilliant stars of gold: From these marvels of works of art The grace of heaven shines forth. 582

In 614 AD, an army from Persia was bent on ruining the churches of the Holy Land but did not enter the Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem because the mosaic above the door portrayed the Magi, their ancestors. Traditionally, in early Christian art, the magi were portrayed looking like Zoroastrian priests. 583 In the Crusader period, in the 12th century, there was extensive redecoration done which included the extensive addition of mosaics and paintings on the many pillars. Today, the Grotto of the Nativity is accessed by two Crusader Gothic doors on either side of the ancient cave sanctuary. Well-known is the star formation that marks a spot on marble where Christ is supposed to have slept in a little manger. Parts of a mosaic on the wall above, damaged heavily in 1873, were constructed around the traditional motifs of the Nativity icon - The Child and Theotokos in a cave; Baby Jesus in a manger with the ox and the ass looking on; the midwives to the lower right; Joseph and the stranger to the lower left; shepherds at mid-levels approaching from the left; and above angels in a flurry across a golden sky. 584 E. Lex credendi … tradition At the risk of sounding repetitive, and yet in many ways it is the spiritual way of the Liturgy of the Hours to repeat, we will examine the heart of the Orthros for the Synaxis of the Nativity for more indications of the mystery of faith in this feast. As an Orthodox Christian stands in church, hour by hour, during the vigil of some Great Feast or at the services on an ordinary day, he hears the same necessary and saving truths continually underlined, now in one way and now in another. In this fashion the theological significance of the different mysteries of the faith is

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deeply and indelibly impressed upon his mind, almost becoming second nature. … As the Fathers expressed it, we [Orthodox] are the 'logical sheep' of Christ. And at the same time all genuine theology must be a living theology -- not an abstract exercise of the reasoning powers, but a vision of God's kingdom, attained first and foremost through liturgical celebration. 585

It is the continuing experience of prayer and chanting that ultimately provides an experience of spiritual insight. The illuminations that flow forth from the liturgical text in Orthros reveal a kind of theological understanding which is experienced in a spiritual, mystical way. "The core of Orthodox tradition is to be found in the service books: lex orandi lex est credendi -- we express our faith in our prayers." 586 Therefore, once again we look to see what can be found in the Orthros of the Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos. Because the prayers of Orthros of the Nativity are repeated, it is obviously all involved with the birth of Christ, the christological event of God coming in the flesh. But at the center of this event is the remarkable mystery of Christ's mother and her bearing of God into a hurting and sinful world. The repetition of the hymns and prayer texts of the Nativity reveal Mary’s significance – she is the mother of all. 1. Sampling of the liturgical texts In the sense of a community singing together in praise and glory of the Miracle of the Nativity, the opening sessional hymn resounds with the familiar phrase later known in a Western Christmas carol: "O Come all ye faithful, and let us behold where Christ is born …" (Deu/te idwmen pistoi,( pou/ evggennh,wh o` Cristo,j) avkolouqh,swmen loipo,n). 587 The reality of this miracle is announced: "Where God so wills, the order of nature is overcome" (opou Qeo.j de. bou,letai( nika/tai fu,sewj ta,zij( w,j ge,graptai). 588 The miracle is indescribable. Nature, as humanity knows it is "overcome," God has entered in. The chasm created with the Fall of Adam and Eve has been "overcome" by God. In this act of God,

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Christ is the new Adam and, in parallel, Theotokos is the new Eve. She bears Life itself into the world, a Life that is the inbreaking of glory. "Christ comes from heaven, meet ye Him. Christ is on earth, be ye exalted." 589 This is the theme stated in the Eve-Mary parallel, utilized and developed in patristic homiletic and hymn compositions throughout the centuries. In Canticle Six, we discover an interesting phrase, "For being Himself not subject to decay, He preserved His Mother free from harm." 590 The context is a parallel to Jonah and the whale, inferring that Christ came forth from his mother with no harm to her body. This would indicate that Christ's healing power saved the Virgin's body from wounding in the birth. Instead of interpreting that the Virgin had some kind of goddess-type body that did not endure any of the human pangs of birth, as Christ did not escape the pain of crucifixion, there may have been a power of loving healing afforded her body as she gave birth. It is only something to consider. The mystery of the birth is recounted again in the katanasia: "Our Saviour, the Dayspring from the east, has visited us from on high, and we who were in darkness and shadow have found the truth, for the Lord is born of the Virgin." 591 As stated, this central sense of the mystery is repeated and repeated, over and over by one poet, and then reiterated by other poets, works no doubt collected over the years. The conclusion of Orthros in the concluding kontakion of the Synaxis, as described previously, sums up the mystery of the Incarnation, joined with the event of the visit of the Magi. Today the invisible Nature is joined to mortal men, coming forth from the Virgin. Today the infinite Essence is wrapped in swaddling clothes at Bethlehem. Today God leads the Magi by a star to worship Him … 592

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2. Illuminations that these texts evoke The Synaxis of the Most Holy Theotokos reiterates the centrality of the Feast of the Nativity to reveal the significance of Mary as human mother who gave birth to Jesus: A young child, the pre-eternal God (kontakion of the feast): this is the supreme and crucial meaning of Christmas. Without ceasing to be what He is from all eternity -- true God -- One of the Trinity yet became truly and entirely man, born as a baby from a human mother. 593

The focus on the Most Holy Theotokos in the Synaxis is clear. She is commemorated as the "human mother" who accepted the will of God and bore God's Son. The mystery turns itself over and over, in Marian feast after Marian feast. How is it possible that the young woman can be pregnant without knowing a man? How is it possible that the "infinite Essence" can dwell within her? How has God taken upon Himself the form of a child? There is no rational answer. The questioning of the Virgin as it is related in the poetry of the hymnographers, in biblical parallel after biblical parallel, probes and explores the mystery which is of God. It is only in the heart of faith that the community can "know" and be illumined. In the following diagram, the process whereby the Infinite and Ineffable God entered into the human realm is diagrammed.

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_________________________________________________ The Infinite and Ineffable God

Earthly realm

Earthly realm Virgin

Mary

The Theotokos - The woman who bore God's Son Humanity In terms of a human pregnancy, we know scientifically that the child exists in utero as a separate living system, surrounded by the amniotic fluid and receiving nutrients through a delicate capillary system of cells. The fetal child, in this sense, is carried by the mother and she is biologically a conduit for the new life. [We must grant, of course, that this was not the first century understanding of a pregnancy, but interesting to note that the concept of Theotokos connects nicely with modern science.] From this diagram, we see that Virgin Mary is a conduit through whom the Infinite God takes on an incarnate body, where the Infinite God is “Father,” thereby God dwells in Mary in much the same way all human life abides in his or her mother fetally, both in presence in her body and yet quite distinct in person. For Christ, this is the initiation of an abiding presence to humanity.

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III. Hypapante ( `Upapanth,), The Meeting February 2 The Feast of Hypapante, humanity's "meeting" with God, is intimately related to the feasts of Annunciation, Nativity, and the Synaxis, as noted. As the feast days of the Theotokos evolved, it is important to see their origin is truly generated from the christological celebrations. His Grace Bishop Demetri, speaking at the First Biennial Antiochian Archdiocese Clergy Symposium in July 1978, described the development of the feast days and services to the Theotokos: The feast days dedicated to Mary were among the last to develop. Dom Gregory Dix concludes that the feasts of the Virgin came about more slowly due to the lack of relics which would spur the development of commemorations, as had been the case with the martyrs. Even the two earliest feasts of the Virgin -- the Annunciation and the Presentation of Christ were originally feast days of our Lord. 594

The Presentation of Christ in the Temple, or in its mystical meaning – “the meeting,” of God and mankind, Hypapante in Greek, is another example of a Christ-centered feast, which commemorates His mother. In the Western Church, the feast is better known as the Purification, relating to the Jewish requirement of law that requires a child is dedicated in the Temple 40 days after birth. "This feast forms the conclusion of the Nativity sequence, which opened some eighty days earlier with the beginning of the Christmas fast." 595 The event is based on Luke 2:22-38, when Mary and Joseph brought the child to the temple in Jerusalem. According to Mosaic law, Mary the mother was required to make sacrifice in the Temple for her purification, forty days after giving birth. Hypapante is included in the Cycle of Twelve Feasts of Byzantium.

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A. Authorship The Festal Menaion and the Greek Menaion indicate the authors of the liturgical texts as Kosmas the Hymnographer alongside the poetry and kontakion of Romanos. Although we have described the life and writings of Romanos and Kosmas, we will take yet another brief look again at the biographical background for Kosmas. Born in Damascus about 675 AD, he died 752 AD. Adopted and thereby the brother of John of Damascus, he was educated in Constantinople alongside his brother. He was a monk at St. Sabas and elected bishop of Maiouma in the region of Gaza about 734 AD. 596 Contemporary documents demonstrate that Kosmas, like his brother John, defended icons, and was influenced by Gregory of Nazianzos and Romanos. Like Ephrem and the mystical symbolism used in Syriac style, Kosmas loved mystical imagery. Kosmas liked to use cosmic images (abyss, fire, clouds) and sharp contrasts; his language teems with archaic words -- all leading to an impression of lofty solemnity. 597

It is important to notice that both Romanos and Kosmas wrote poetic canons and kontakia long after ecclesial history records the origin of the Feast of Hypapante. In terms of the history of the feast, we see a celebration for the first time in Jerusalem in about 384 AD, in conjunction with a forty-day period after Epiphany. This is approximately 300 years before the hymns of John of Damascus, Kosmas and Romanos. One could ask, are there any remnants from the earlier prayers and hymns to be found in the composition of these hymnists, commemorating the Presentation? Since the feast day in Jerusalem was integrated with a celebration of the birth and the baptism of Christ, there might have been few, if any, special hymns. Or, Kosmas and Romanos may have tapped the tradition of if it existed. It is a probably impossible to determine how these source materials specifically interrelate. The megalynaria (a series of short verses usually starting with the term, "magnify") of Canticle Nine, however, appear totally different in form from the other canticles of the Canon of

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Kosmas and might represent a different strand of tradition. Translators of The Festal Menaion point out that the dialogue in this section differs between the Greek and Slavic traditions. This question requires further research. B. Translation Again, the most reliable English translation of the Orthros of the Feast of Hypapante appears to be that of The Festal Menaion, translated by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware. At this time, it might be said that for the benefit of all non-Greek speaking people, these magnificently mystical opportunities for encountering the mystery of Christ and his mother should be made more easily available to all in English. It is, however, a task to translate accurately and at the same time poetically, as has been discussed. C. Inter-relationship with other sources The most obvious inter-relationship in this feast appears to be the direct link to the biblical account in Luke 2: 22-38. There is minimal mention in the apocryphal writings -in the Gospel of Matthew and the Protoevangelium of James. References to patristic writings and the Councils are many so only a few examples will be given. There is the usual crossreference to the iconographic tradition, as well. 1. Biblical writing Luke is the only evangelist to directly record the event of the Theotokos approaching the Temple to offer a sacrifice to Yahweh in thanksgiving for giving life (Luke 2:22 -38). Raymond Brown seems to think that Luke made a mistake concerning the purification of Mary and the presentation of the Child in the temple, forty days after birth. Brown claims that there should have been two events in regards to the Temple, one for the Virgin to be purified according to the Law of Moses, and the other requiring Joseph to make an offering.

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Brown makes reference to the prescription in the Torah for the woman who has given birth to a firstborn to go to the Temple on the 40th day and offer a sacrifice for redemption after having passed through impurity with bleeding, according to the Mosaic code. The ritual of the purification of the mother, forty days after birth, is found in Leviticus: [The Word of Yahweh to Moses.] If a woman conceives, and bears a male child, then she shall be unclean seven days; as at the time of her menstruation, she shall be unclean. And on the eighth day the flesh of his foreskin shall be circumcised. Then she shall continue for thirtythree days in the blood of her purifying; she shall not touch any hallowed thing, nor come into the sanctuary, until the days of her purifying are completed. But if she bears a female child, then she shall be unclean two weeks, as in her menstruation; and she shall continue in the blood of her purifying for sixty-six days. And when the days of her purifying are completed, whether for a son or for a daughter, she shall bring to the priest at the door of the tent of meeting a lamb a year old for a burnt offering, and a young pigeon or a turtledove for a sin offering, and he shall offer it before the LORD, and make atonement for her; then she shall be clean from the flow of her blood. This is the law for her who bears a child, either male or female. And if she cannot afford a lamb, then she shall take two turtledoves or two young pigeons, one for a burnt offering and the other for a sin offering; and the priest shall make atonement for her, and she shall be clean (Leviticus 12:2-8 RSV).

The first born, says Yahweh, belongs to God, and is redeemed by the offering of the father: [The word of Yahweh to the people.] Consecrate to me all the first-born; whatever is the first to open the womb among the people of Israel, both of man and of beast is mine. … You shall set apart to the LORD all that first opens the womb. All the firstlings of your cattle that are males shall be the LORD's. … Every first-born of man among your sons you shall redeem (Exodus 13: 2, 12-13 RSV.)

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If one reads these two passages carefully, it does not appear to agree with Brown's claim. Certainly, Luke would have been familiar with the Law, but more than that, there is no reason to think that while they feared Herod's wrath in appearing in public, the offerings of both Mary and Joseph could have been offered simultaneously, and perhaps even were doing it this way for their own safety. However, knowing that both the Virgin Mary and Joseph approached the Temple for a blessing for this new Life, it is doubly meaningful to see that both Symeon and Anna are adding themselves to the blessing. It is all evidence of response and respect in accordance with the Law, showing the prophetic reality of God's in-breaking into humanity, a true "meeting." The emphasis biblically, then, is not on the ritual purification of Christ's mother, although that is important, but on the mystery that is apparent -- God's presence in the human reality of the physical world. 2. Apocryphal writing There are but two references, however brief, in the apocryphal writings. It is quite obvious that in this feast the liturgical texts do not relate to or depend at all on the apocryphal tradition. The first is found in the Protoevangelium of James in the very closing section. It records only that after the death of Zacharias, the lot fell to Symeon to take his place. Only one sentence is added to this fact: "Now it was he to whom it had been revealed by the Holy Spirit that he should not see death until he had seen the Christ in the flesh." 598 Nothing more or less is said. Brief mention is made in the Gospel of Matthew, a brief addition to what the Protoevangelium states about the Presentation, but little more. It is so little, in fact, that the contemporary English translation does not bother to include it, other than a mention in the outline. 599

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3. Patristic and conciliar documents The Ecumenical Councils denouncing the Arian and Nestorian heresies are all about who Christ truly is. The recognition of the Savior, the Child who is at one time both human and the promised Savior, is the central message of the feast. This relates directly to the christological claim of the councils of Nicea, Ephesus, and Chalcedon. Ephrem "Most of the New Testament materials on which Ephrem's meditation is based are drawn from the infancy narratives of the gospels of Matthew and Luke." 600 At the core of the Nativity hymns, Ephrem looks for those who testified to the reality of the Child Jesus. In these examples, he includes the prophets, Simeon and Anna. From Hymn Six, we see this testimony: 12. Into the holy Temple Simeon carried Him and sang a lullaby to Him, "You have come, Compassionate One, having pity on my old age, making my bones enter into Sheol in peace. By You, I will be raised out of the grave into paradise." 13. Anna embraced Him; she placed her mouth upon His lips, and [then] the Spirit rested upon her lips, like Isaiah whose mouth was silent [until] a coal drew near to his lips and opened his mouth. 14. Anna was aglow with the spirit of His mouth. She sang him a lullabye, "Royal Son, despised son, being silent, You hear; hidden, You see; concealed, You know; God-man, glory to Your name." 601

Ephrem introduces the idea of Simeon singing a "lullaby" to the Child. It is a Nunc Dimittis (Latin words for the opening phrase), a song that appears to embrace an idea of the connection of living and dead in the New Life that Jesus

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represents. Ephrem sees the act of Simeon blessing God with the young Child as an affirmation that the Child, Christ, offers resurrection and redemption. This is coupled with the affirmation of Anna. The detail of kissing the Child on the mouth is not found in biblical accounts or the texts of Orthros of Hypapante. However, they introduce the idea of "meeting" between God and humanity. Mouth is a major biblical image, occurring over three hundred times. It refers literally to physical openings. Wells (Gen 29:2-3), sacks (Gen 42:27), caves (Josh 10:18) and baskets (Zech 5:8) all have mouths of this sort. … Much more often, however, the mouth is viewed metaphorically as an opening into the inner person, a window through which the soul may be viewed. 602

It is then by a kiss on the mouth that the aged prophetess, so righteous and trusting in God, "encounters" the Living God. In Hymn 26, Ephrem links the stages of creation in the Seven Days with the in-breaking of the Savior. At the end of this hymn, he portrays the day of purification of Christ as the "Purifier of all." 13. The First-born, Purifier of all, on the day of His purifying purified the purification of the first-born and was offered. The Lord of offering was in need of offerings to make an offering of a bird. By His birth were completed the archetypes: He came and paid the debts by His descent; by His resurrection He ascended and sent treasures. 603

It is interesting to see that the images chosen in these poetic hymns were not reiterated in the poetic canons and prayers of the feast's Orthros. They do, however, indicate the way that 4th century Ephrem, father of many liturgical images, regarded the Hypapante event. 604

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Romanos The kontakion for the feast of Hypapante on February 2 is one of the most well known hymns of Romanos. He uses the feast to warn Christians in Constantinople against the danger "of falling into heresy concerning the person of Christ." Scholars have attested that the third prelude of his long kontakion and the first stanza are instituted as the kontakion and ikos of the feast. 605 Again, in this verse from the Prelude, we see the concept of the Virgin's womb sanctified by God, in the blessing by Simeon, and the image of God's in-breaking into the human world offering salvation: Prelude 3. You sanctified a virgin womb by your birth, and fittingly blessed Symeon's hand. You have come now too and saved us, O Christ God, But give peace to your commonwealth in times of war, and strengthen its rulers, whose friend you are, only Lover of mankind. 606 Let us run to the Mother of God if we wish to see her Son being brought to Symeon. From heaven the bodiless ones are amazed as they look on him and say, "Wondrous and marvellous, incomprehensible, ineffable are the things we now see, for the One who created Adam is being carried as a babe. The Uncontainable is contained in the arms of the elder. He, who is in the uncircumscribed bosom of his Father, Is willingly circumscribed in flesh, but not in Godhead, The only Lover of mankind.” 607

In The Festal Menaion, we find the very same kontakion with a somewhat differing translation: [Following Canticle Six] Thou who hast sanctified by Thy birth a virgin womb and fittingly blessed the hands of Simeon, Thou art come, O Christ our God, and on this day hast saved us. Give peace to Thy commonwealth in time of battle and strengthen the Orthodox people [in the original the word was "kings"] whom Thou hast loved, O Thou who alone lovest mankind.'

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[The Ikos follows.] Let us run to the Theotokos, desiring to behold her Son brought to Simeon. The bodiless powers, looking at Him from on high, were filled with amazement, saying 'Now we see wondrous and most marvellous things, past understanding and past telling. He who created Adam is carried as a babe. He who cannot be compassed is compassed by the arms of the Elder. He who rests uncircumscribed in the bosom of His Father, is voluntarily circumscribed in flesh but not in divinity, He who alone loves mankind. 608

What does Romanos have to say? Prelude 3 is interesting theologically. It is the birth of Jesus that sanctifies the womb of the Virgin. The statement does not say, "You sanctified the Virgin's womb for your birth." It is the birth of the Savior that brings new life to the created world. In this train of thought, and in a paradigm, the virgin's womb is "sanctified" in parallel to Symeon's hand being "fittingly blessed." It is a physical healing and repair that Romanos conceives if we follow the context of the prayer to its end. In the first stanza, Romanos describes the faithful "running" to the Mother of God in order to "experience" the offering of the Virgin's Son in the Temple. Even the angels are amazed in this meeting, according to Romanos, quoting the reaction of the Jews upon seeing Jesus heal a paralytic (Luke 5:26). It is an opening up of divine life. God who is the "uncontained" is now embraced in time and place by humanity. Romanos draws a rhetorical antithesis of circumscription between the "bosom of the Father" and God who has "willingly [been] circumscribed in the flesh.” Again, it is a miracle that cannot be explained, but perceived in illuminations that come forth from Christian prayer and experience. This is why Romanos begins, "Let us run to the Mother of God." There is here an interesting comparative detail as found in the ancient hymn, Sub Tuum Praesidium, where the faithful run in haste to Mary for help. Iconography The biblical foundation of the event forms the basis not only for the liturgical tradition, but also for the iconographic

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depiction of the feast. The icon 609 (See APPENDIX V), like others, has certain features that appear throughout the centuries and inform the tradition. The first known representations of the Presentation of Christ in the temple are found on a mosaic in Santa Maria Maggiore (Vth century) and on an enamelled cruciform reliquary in the Lateran Museum (end of Vth or beginning of VIth century). The iconography of the feast of the Hypapante was definitely established in the IXth and Xth centuries, and remains almost unchanged. 610

The scene takes place in a location indicating the Temple. Either the Mother holds the Child, and is presenting him to Symeon the aged Priest, or Symeon is holding him. Probably due to the biblical and liturgical texts that describe Symeon taking the Child in his arms, it is most common to see that pose. It would appear, as in the biblical text of Luke, that the purification ritual for Mary is almost forgotten. 611 The idea of the Holy of Holies, before which the baby Jesus is presented, is most often represented -- as it is in many other icons, as a table and drapery, or a canopy. Joseph is usually seen somewhat in the background or behind Mary carrying the offering -- two turtledoves or two pigeons. The number "two" is taken to represent the duos of Old and New Covenants, or the ecclesia of Israel and the ecclesia of Gentiles, coming together as one offering to God for life. Anna, the prophetess, is often seen praying and lifting her eyes to God (Luke 2:36). Symeon, around whom many legends grew, is considered to be a prophet who receives the first unique insight, the first real look at God’s mission, of God coming into the human world. The icon usually makes it clear that the "meeting" is yet another mystery, unexplainable and yet present always to ponder and explore. In the "meeting" of the infant Christ with aged Symeon of the Temple we have a collection of

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antithetical elements to consider, all meeting one another in the moment: * The Infant meets an aged man at the end of his life; * The Giver of Life can now promise unending life for Symeon and all humanity who singularly and collectively face death; * The King of All comes as a humble member of a faithful family, without fanfare; * God from on High is presented for blessing to the priest of the Temple -- the God of the Temple comes to the Temple; * An offering in the ritual of the Torah is presented in the name of the Giver of Life; * The Mother who has "found favor with God" comes forward for ritual purification; * The Mother, who herself was a Temple for the Maker of All, now approaches the Temple for her blessing; * Symeon's Nunc Dimittis fits the old man's expectations of "seeing the Christ" while the Child grows to try and convince the people of Israel to let their eyes "see" and their ears "hear"; * Completion of the Law of Moses, requiring the mother to come forward for a Blessing of Life (purification - to be made clean) is the Mother who carried within her womb the Source of Life; * The fulfillment of the deepest sense of God's Law in the Hebrew Scriptures becomes fulfilled in the Small Child who was prophesied.

From these elements, found in the icon and also in the liturgical prayer of the Orthros, many illuminations emanate. The icon differs from the liturgical tradition, however, in that it can present more than one event at a time. Together, the icon and the liturgy present a dual sense of the mystery. The Orthros brings the Word for the faithful to "hear" and experience, while the icon in a parallel way brings the Word for the faithful to "see." Therefore, there appears to be an iconographic tradition that indicates an overlay of the Mosaic requirements: the father's sacrifice; the mother's purification; and the Child's presentation. In the context of seeing it all together, the lex credendi has more meaning.

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D. Context Since the reference in the Orthros is so biblical, there is little to establish outside in the context, other than to see how the interpretation of the event becomes established. The deepest meaning of the feast appears to reside in its repetitive echo of the mystery in the Incarnation and Nativity of Christ, its relationship unified to the other feasts of the Annunciation, Nativity, Synax, and Visit of the Magi. 1. History of the Feast The Diary of Egeria contains the first reference to this feast, in the 4th century, connecting it to the community in Jerusalem. The document recalls a procession, a homily, and the celebration of the Liturgy. Originally, the feast was celebrated on February 14, forty days after the Epiphany, a feast in early days that celebrated both the Nativity and the Baptism of Christ. In 518, Severos of Antioch called Hypapante a recent Palestinian innovation not celebrated in either Antioch or Constantinople. Justinian I decreed its celebration throughout the empire. There is some confusion concerning the date on which the feast was celebrated in Constantinople. Under Justinian it was 2 Feb [according to M. van Esbroeck], but in 602 the riot that broke out against Emp. Maurice during his procession to Blachernai to celebrate the feast apparently took place on 14 Feb [according to M. Higgins]. 612

In Egeria's Diary of a Pilgrimage, by a 4th or 5th century Spanish traveler to Jerusalem, the celebration of Hypapante was well established. "It is the consensus of contemporary scholarship that Egeria was a consecrated virgin, writing most probably to a group of fellow religious." 613 Her account may also be the earliest evidence for the existence of the feast. "The church of Jerusalem observed it as the Christ-centered feast of Hypapante, the meeting of the Messiah with Simeon, and not as the Marian

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feast of the Purification." 614 It is in Egeria's Chapter 26 that we find the account: The fortieth day after Epiphany is indeed celebrated here with the greatest solemnity. On that day there is a procession into the Anastasis, and all assemble there for the liturgy; and everything is performed in the prescribed manner with the greatest solemnity, just as on Easter Sunday. All the priests give sermons, and the bishop, too; and all preach on the Gospel text describing how on the fortieth day Joseph and Mary took the Lord to the temple, and how Simeon and Anna the prophetess, the daughter of Phaneul, saw Him, and what words they spoke on seeing the Lord, and of the offering which His parents brought. Afterwards, when all ceremonies have been performed in the prescribed manner, the Eucharist is then celebrated and the dismissal is given. 615

Although Egeria says that the Presentation of Jesus in the temple occurred "on the fortieth day," the Gospel does not actually state this. 616 Acutally, notably we will find that this detail is found in the synaxarion of the feast. 2. In relationship to time The feast of the Hypapante, the meeting of the Lord with humanity, is now established on February 2. According to a medieval tradition of a procession with candles on the feast day, the celebration can also be called Candlemas. Credit for this origin is given to a recently discovered site in the Holy Land called the Church of the Seat of Mary (Kathisma). If one visits the web site, there is a photo that can be seen of the mosaic floor found showing a tree of life. This presents a most impressive contextual statement in parallel with the liturgical texts. 617 Evidently, the church and a monastery were built by the wealthy widow Ikelia when Juvenal was bishop of Jerusalem, about 422 AD. They were built at a location halfway between Jerusalem and Bethlehem and remembered as the "resting place" of Virgin Mary on her way to register for the census. Connected to the site was a holy well, and it is believed that it provided refreshment for travelers along the road. All of 260

this is recorded by Theodosius, a monk who perhaps lived at the monastery there. It was evidently here that Ikelia might have begun the tradition of lighting candles in a procession held in observance of the Nativity and Presentation. Theodosius evidently wrote a booklet about Holy Places visited by pilgrims, about the year 530 AD. However, it was in writing by Cyril of Scythopolis where the account of Ikelia is described. "The matron Ikelia, besides being known for this foundation, was also known to have begun the custom of lighting candles on the Feast of the Presentation." 618 All of this was then subsequently approved by Bishop Juvenal (Bishop from 422 AD to 458 AD) who credits Ikelia with the building of numerous churches in and around Jerusalem. In terms of the cycle of time, the Feast of the Purification is directly linked to the Temple, and the prescription in the Law of Moses for presentation of sacrifices, lamb or bird, forty days after the birth of the first born son or daughter. The time of the feast, then, is prescribed by the time of the celebration of the Annunciation and the Nativity, as explained. E. The synaxarion The synaxarion of the Feast of Hypapante is straightforward, presenting the same scenario as seen in Luke. Again, since the synaxaria are usually not translated into English from the Greek service books of the Menaia, the author offers an approximate translation. The original Greek will be found in APPENDIX VI. It should be mentioned that many Synaxaria, meaning a collection of descriptions of the feasts of the liturgical year, give only abbreviated versions of the feast's background and meaning. These are to be delineated from that which appears in the actual Greek service books, and which show evidence of being a tradition originally written anonymously but preserved through the centuries.

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Forty days after the Lord and Savior became human, from the holy ever-virgin who had not been with any man, Our Lord Jesus Christ was presented to the priest on that day, in the place of worship, alongside the all-holy Mother and Joseph the just and most righteous before God. This was according to the practice written in the Law. And when Symeon, of old age, who was the priest, who remained under the [care of] the Holy Spirit awaiting his death, held the Lord Christ in his arms and blessed the Lord proclaiming, "Now, I, your servant, may die, Lord my ruler. Just as according to your word, with what I have seen my life on earth is over in exchange for endless life in heaven.” According to this summary, the event that took place in the holy house of the place of worship, Our Lady, the Theotokos, and the ever-virgin Maria, is really the same one worshipped in Blachernae. 619

Here, once again, the central theme of the feast appears to be Symeon’s expectation and then realization that Christ – the giver of “endless life” has appeared. There is a fascinating connection of the Virgin’s role in presenting Christ in the Temple, with the Virgin portrayed at Blachernae, a connection that we will see later in the discussion of the Feast of the Theotokos of Protection. F. Shrines - The Temple There is no central shrine connected to this feast, other than the Temple of Jerusalem. Of course, with its destruction in 70 AD, Christians then known as members of "The Way" had only Christ as their temple. Perhaps in many ways, this feast would have meant far different things to them. The paradox of Christ being presented to the Temple, when relatively soon the Temple was destroyed, could only have established the fulfillment of His own words for the believers. He did, indeed, become the Temple. The Marian dimension of the feast, so connected to the Annunciation and the Nativity, highlightsan illumination to be found in the paradox of the Temple that was the Virgin's womb and the Temple which man had destroyed.

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G. Lex orandi credendi, lex credendi ... tradition It is particularly in this feast that we can perceive the limitations of leaving faith to an apologetic of doctrines alone. At first consideration, the biblical account and liturgical texts that developed appear simply as a story of Mary and Joseph fulfilling the Law of Moses and a nice prophetic little piece about Symeon recognizing the Christ. But the level of believing penetrates much deeper and abides more profoundly. We embrace the Mother and her protector husband, Joseph, humbly approaching the Temple – perhaps risking their lives since they harbor the child whom Herod wants to kill -- to carry out the Jewish law. At the same time, as in all of life, we see and know the implications that make the account more human, not simple, and more divine by offering endless possibilities of who God is who has come on earth to humanity. 1. Sampling of the liturgical texts Throughout this discussion on the Feast of Hypapante, there have been examples from the text of Orthros. The kontakion of Romanos forms a keystone to the experience of "running to the Theotokos" suggested in the Ikos. It is there we see the epitome of paradoxes. * "He who created Adam is carried as a babe." * "He who cannot be compassed is compassed by the arms of the Elder." * "He who rests uncircumscribed in the bosom of his Father, is voluntarily circumscribed in flesh but not in divinity.” * "He (who is both human and divine) who alone loves mankind." 620

The Canon of Kosmas, as demonstrated, also responds to the event chronicled in Luke, through more paradox embedded in metaphors of the Hebrew Scriptures. "Let the clouds drop with rain: for Christ the Sun, riding upon a swift cloud, is carried by pure hands as a babe into the temple." 621 263

There is one key phrase at the center of the Canon in Canticle Four. It resounds with the theme we found in Annunciation -- the gift of "joy" that is the gift of God's presence, His coming into the human realm as a gift of joy to be experienced. Christ is the "consolation of Israel," but this consolation is "joy." The canticle sings: “O Simeon, receive with joy Christ in age a babe, the Consolation of God's Israel." 622 We see the mystery of God's unfolding revelations to humanity that the believer must "see." Seeing who Christ truly is will be the challenge for Israel. The Elder, having seen with his eyes the salvation that was come to the peoples, cried aloud unto Thee: 'O Christ that comest from God, Thou are my God. 623

We have here the core. Christ, the Almighty One who is "Artificer" of the universe appears as a humble little baby to Symeon. The old man has approached with the eyes of faith and embraces the promise of life that never ends. This is and will be the eternal call of love to humanity. The one detail, Symeon's words to the Mother "And a sword shall pierce your heart," are found in only one canticle of Orthros. 624 Yet, they are surrounded by the paradox of death becoming eternal life, of suffering becoming glory, of fire that will be bearable. Perhaps the most penetrating illumination is, once again, that humanity, living in darkness and death, has met salvation which is Life. He that is Life, God the Word, has here become a little child: and He shall be the fall of the disobedient and the rising again of all those who sing with faith. 625

Is this not the purpose of Christ? God's economia, the plan to mend the chasm of death into which mankind walked, is played out humbly and clearly in Hypapante.

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God the Word has come as a little child, the sign of life itself in a human world. His life will be the recapitulation for the disobedience of the first parents. Those who "see" will rise again and again to sing in faith. It should be noted that the Nunc Dimittis, sung by Symeon, is now chanted almost daily in Eastern Evening Prayer. Lord, now lettest thou thy servant Depart in peace, According to thy word; For mine eyes have seen thy salvation Which thou hast prepared In the presence of all peoples (Luke 2: 29-32 RSV).

To this, the concluding verse by Germanos represents the faithful responding to the sight of Symeon. We see in the arms of the old man the one who is to deliver humanity from its own passions and darkness. O Christ our God, who hast been pleased to rest this day in the arms of the elder as upon the chariot of the cherubim, from the tyranny of the passions now deliver us who sing Thy praises, and save our souls. 626

The feast of Hypapante is deeply mystical also. It is a feast of the public sight of the God Incarnate and the vision of those who prepared and expected him. He is the One who has come, and He is salvation. 2. Illuminations that these texts evoke Hypapante is a feast celebrating those who live in the Spirit of God and thereby can "see" the truth of Christ. The Ineffable God is now incarnate. The illuminations are told in paradox. The deepest truths of God can only be probed in this fashion. The following diagram indicates how God’s communication is a dynamic, living action, received and then acknowledged.

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_________________________________________________ God communicates with humanity as "Word"

Symeon, Anna who "see" and "hear" They recognize the "Word" has arrived. _________________________________________________ Again, it should be mentioned that the Feast of Hypapante includes details of Mary and Joseph carrying out Mosaic Law; an old Symeon who knows well the prophetic promises of Hebrew scripture and tradition; and the presentation of the infant Jesus to the Temple according to the prescription of law. Biblical textual scholars appear to question the validity of all this happening at one time. The gift of the liturgical text is to shift attention to the mystery and meaning of this early event in the life of Jesus, rather than debate a question that can probably never be adequately answered. The illumination suggests that salvation has indeed begun and has been recognized within the framework of Hebrew expectation and Law. 3. Conclusions - The "illuminations" Each of these feasts has provided illuminations in the texts of the three closely related feasts of the Annunciation, the Synaxis of the Nativity and the Hypapante, Meeting of the Lord with humanity. Since the nature of the liturgical cycle is to provide a continual repetition of interconnected truths, there is a resulting overall embrace of the christology and mystery of salvation in the feasts of the Theotokos celebrating the Incarnation in the Annunciation, the reflection on the Nativity with interest in God's plan for Mary in the Synaxis, and the mother's participation and witness of the "meeting" in Hypapante. The following diagram demonstrates these highly interrelated feasts:

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Annunciation Mary questions the angel. God sees her holiness and trust. God communicates the plan: she is to bear Christ. God promises redemption (everlasting life) for Israel, for all people of God Nativity God, the Author of Life communicates God’s presence as the Incarnate, a Child of Mary’s womb. All creation, rich and poor, famous and humble, approach and will approach the Child. Theotokos is the mother of all.

Hypapante Mary carries out the ritual law in trust. Joseph carries out ritual law as protector. The Child is brought to the Temple. Symeon sees what God has sent, and confirms the reality. Those who trust in God and know the promise of new life see the God of love and salvation in Christ.

It all appears to be a conversation of love between God and humanity. To mend the chasm of separation between God and humanity, God acts out of love. It is the young woman found in God's favor, found to be holy and pure, found to recognize God's will, found to be totally trusting in Yahweh’s love and therefore full of joy herself, who is approached by God's messenger. In fear and wondering, she accepts. It is then God's action in coming into the world of humanity, constrained in time and duration, to show love for the creatures He made. Nothing comes into existence except through him (John 1:3.) Christ dwells in the womb of the young mother. She gives birth and the world receives the gift of love once again and everlasting life with the Author of Life. Salvation has occurred. In the encounter, when Mary and Joseph approach the Temple in righteousness and humility, the faithful "see" the intersection of a vast myriad of miraculous meetings of God and the human world. It is a meeting on two planes -- a meeting with Symeon and a meeting of the Divine with the world. It is all told in paradox and biblical imagery. It all speaks of the river of life that flows beneath, beyond, and below for all to drink, the silent mystery.

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In review The most significant illumination represented in the celebration of the Incarnation and birth of Jesus, emerging from the liturgical texts of Orthros, is the nature of God's gift of life, which is in pure essence the dynamic of "joy." The key word coined in Luke's gospel, kecaritwmene (kecharitomene), offers a treasury of insights into the meaning of God's gift of life and presence, a charism given as "grace," "a blessing," a sharing in divine "joy." The gifts are offered to humanity as an experience of God, a sharing in the presence of eternal life in glory, mankind and God once again discovering one another and sharing love. Miryam's willingness to participate in God's invitation of redemption is expressed in terms of the compassion of God. As Theotokos, she bears the "Good News" into the world -- a "birth" of "true life," "good" because it is a realization of new joy that is finally available to those who trust God (in his mother) and will root themselves in God's Providence by being led to God's Son by the mother. In regarding Mary as "holy" and "undefiled," we see that Orthros presents her as the source of the Source, the woman who embraced and embraces in her being a true joy.

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Appendix I Mt. Sinai icon of the Annunciation (See page 182)

Appendix II Synaxarion Feast of the Annunciation (See page 194)

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Appendix III Nativity Icon (See page 237)

Appendix IV Synaxarion of the Nativity and Synaxis of the Theotokos (See page 240)

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Nativity Synaxrion (on left)

Synaxis of the Theotokos (on right)

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Appendix V Icon for Hypapante (See page 257)

Appendix VI Synaxarion forHypapante (See page 261)

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Chapter Three “Dormition of the Theotokos” Koi,mhsij th/j Qeoto,kou The feast of Koimesis, the Dormition of the Theotokos, is considered by most contemporary Marian scholars to be the oldest feast of the Virgin Mary, originally an observance of Christ's mother falling asleep in the Lord, her birthday into Heaven. However, this feast – alongside the feast of the Annunciation – is key to understanding the vocation and life of the Theotokos. It reveals the plan of God, the eschatological conclusion for humanity which is embodied in the falling asleep of Christ’s mother. The liturgical prayers of Orthros for all Marian feasts repeatedly present Theotokos as the woman who accepted God's will and -- in her person -realized the gifts of Christ's new creation. Mystically, her life and falling asleep in the Lord thereby demonstrate the promised fullness of faith that comes from this new creation. The Virgin Mary, mother of Christ and our mother, realized the fullness of life and grace through the life, death, and resurrection of the Son of God whom she bore. She bore Life itself, and by God's plan she continues as the vessel of new life for all who are born into Christ through faith and baptism. I. Introduction In this section, we examine a liturgical source, the feast day celebrating the death and resurrection of the Theotokos, which dramatically reveals illuminations of the mysterium a silentio. In the Greek tradition (both Eastern Catholic and Greek Orthodox), this feast is called Koimesis, the Dormition or "falling asleep” of the Virgin Mary. In a recent work which presents an English translation (apparently for the first time) of a collection of the “earliest extant theological interpretations of the story and the liturgical celebration of Mary’s Dormition,” the author Brian E. Daley SJ, notes that the roots of patristic reflections on Virgin Mary are found in the writings of Justin, Irenaeus, the apocryphal writings, St. Ephrem’s mystical poetry, and collections of verse homilies. 627 According to Daley, reflections on Virgin Mary began to flower in the Greek 275

homiletics in the early 5th century, when the style took on a “celebratory, poetic character.” The style appeared to be liturgical in tone, inviting faithful to participation in the mystery. Most strikingly, perhaps, early fifth-century preachers on Mary tended to invite their hearers not just to think about her, but to participate in celebrating the glories of her person and her role in the story of salvation, both by direct exhortation and by evoking lists of striking Biblical epithets and Old Testament images in a kind of poetic catalogue directly applied to her. 628

Daley lists orators of the mid-5th century who utilized this new style. They were Proclus of Constantinople, Hesychius and Chrysippus of Jerusalem, Basil of Seleucia, and Cyril of Alexandria – all reflecting the earlier intense and mystical poetic writing of Ephrem. It was a burst of mysticism, originating in the far eastern realms of Syria, now arriving in the Hellenic world which influenced its spiritual context for centuries to come. 629 In this 5th century milieu of liturgical-style oratory, or perhaps we can say an introduction of mystical theology into preaching, we find that the lex credendi in the hymns and prayer texts fully illumines a theology of Mary rooted in the christological sense of the economia of God. Much of the research carried out by scholars has described the early history of Christianity as a time immersed in christological controversy for the first 400 years, followed by the development of a “cult of Mary,” an era beginning in the 4th century and burgeoning through the 6th century. They connect the "cult of Mary" historically to the culmination of the christological debate and reason that, for the purpose of polemics, Marian liturgical texts blossomed forth. However, Daley’s analysis indicates that the homiletics were utilizing mystical theological sources from Syria, rather than originating in homiletics bursting forth as apologetics surrounding the christological debates. In examining the origins of the Feast of Koimesis and its contextual

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setting, it is interesting to note a theological relationship to the Councils of Nicea and Chalcedon. Interconnection is an important element in liturgy, but theological analysis must always take care not to yield totally to the context of historical narration. Liturgical theology usually maintains that there is an ongoing embrace of the mysteries of the faith from apostolic times (mysterium a silentio), and the bursting forth of Marian liturgical texts in profusion is due not only to human debate. All the factors of context need to be considered and, even then, no one can know for sure the reasons why the cult of Virgin Mary emerged as it did in this 4th-5th century. Factors in context include: x

x x

Spiritual confirmation of Virgin Mary’s motherly relationship to the church which appears in other feasts relating Marian phenomena including visions and mystical experience by certain key people – phenomena occurring in multiplicity during the 4th-5th centuries and onwards in Byzantium (celebrated in feasts such as: Life-giving Fountain and Virgin of Protection/Blachernae); The heritage of tradition from the time of Christ, now articulated in the face of controversy; The consideration of christology at the time.

At the very beginning of the 4th century, Constantine's mother, Helena (b. ca. 250-257, d. 333 AD), took an active role in Marian cult activity -- arranging for the transferal of the Virgin's belt to Blachernae outside Constantinople. 630 Although the details of this legend are lost to antiquity, the implication that devotion to the Theotokos grew and evolved into the turn of the 5th century is undeniable. Soon after the Christian Empire was established under Constantine, emblematic icons of the Virgin of holy waters (hagiasma) were favorites in the courts of the emperors and their families. Sometime later, early in the fifth century, Pulcheria (399-453 AD) took charge of her brother's empire (Theodosios II) in 414 AD, when she was 15, and became known for her devotion to the Virgin. Throughout her life she was responsible for establishing a Marian cult, including the soros, a building attached to the

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basilica, which she arranged to be constructed to house relics of the Virgin's clothing. 631 These and other activities served to establish a spiritual cult of the Theotokos. For example, at the site where the devotion of the Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain (Pigi) developed, Emperor Leo (ca 400 - 474 AD) had claimed to experience a healing through the intercession of Virgin Mary when, as a young man, he encountered an unexplained occurrence at the springs near Constantinople. The phenomenon that Leo experienced at Pigi, with all its later healings and spirituality relates directly to the later phenomena at Blachernae (dated to sometime between the 5th and 10th centuries). All of these events engendered the emergence of shrines and churches built all over the Byzantine Empire in remembrance of the motherly care of Theotokos. In the case of the Pigi shrine, for years after Leo and Justinian, many claimed healings at the Spring of Pigi, and accounts of miracles continued for centuries. The question emerges: Was it solely the Council of Ephesus (431 AD) that brought attention to the Virgin, or was it this emerging devotion that has continued through the ages until modern times that provides groundwork for theological consideration? Stepping aside from the ancient world, for a moment, let us consider the emergence of periods of Marian cult later in history. Can it be said that these periods follow particular phenomena -- visions and apparitions that often occur in times of difficulty? This is a study that has never been done: in fact the theologian shies away from such "personal" phenomena. But if we argue that the context of faith, the experience of the believers, and the mysterium a silentio must be respected … then the Marian theologian needs to take a new look at the influence of phenomena on spiritual experience and, in turn, what this means to a mystical theology concerning Mary, mother of Christ. One can ask if it was significant that the absolute explosion of Marian legends and folklore with accompanying intense Marian devotion followed the Black Plague which ravaged Europe, beginning in the mid 14th century. One can ask if the 16th century account of the apparition of the Virgin at

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Guadalupe to Juan Diego had anything to do with the hope it gave for establishing Christianity among the native peoples who were horribly oppressed and miserably poor and establishing care for the emerging church of the Americas? And, finally, one can ask if there is any direct connection between the many, many apparitions of the Virgin Mary in the 20th century to the world conflicts of war, oppression and secularism. Would we be naïve to believe that when the Virgin has appeared around the world to strengthen faith and offer sustaining care to humanity, that the event is connected to horrendous events around the world such as: 1) wars of ethnic cleansing in Medjugorje, Yugoslavia; 2) political unrest and rebellion in Betania, Venezuela; 3) oppressive civil war and starvation in ostensibly non-Christian Kibeho, Rwanda; and 4) the environment of threatened nuclear warfare that exists in Naju, Korea where the Virgin has also appeared? It is possible to draw the conclusion that Marian cult results from spiritual experience of individuals, which in turn involves masses of believers who turn to God for help. No one doubts this explanation regarding the ancient hymn to the Theotokos who protects the people, “the Champion.” Theologians in the past have found opportunity to expound on Marian theology only in the shadow of such Marian phenomena, usually rejecting or ignoring the spiritual sense of the faithful community. Like Lourdes, Fatima has interest for the theologian as a focus or meeting-point of the sentiment of the faithful, and as a Marian center which has prompted significant papal pronouncements. It was at the end of an address to a gathering at Fatima, on the occasion of the Silver Jubilee of the Apparitions (31 October, 1942), that Pius XII first pronounced the act of consecration of the world to the Immaculate Heart of Mary. On May 13, 1946, the same Pope delivered a lengthy address to pilgrims at the shrine on the theme of Mary's royalty. Paul VI's Apostolic Constitution, Signum Magnum (13 May, 1967), was issued on the Golden Jubilee of the Apparitions, when the Pope visited Fatima. 632

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Pope John Paul II publicly recognized Marian spirituality by making personal pilgrimages to these sites of Marian phenomena, such as Lourdes, Fatima and Medjugorje and in his writing. In his theological work, he often concluded with a tribute to the Virgin Mary, such as in the Gospel of Life. 633 In our modern age, the rising interest in Mary, a true "Mary cult," demonstrates that debate and polemics concerning Marian dogma would tend to follow the development of Marian cult, rather than inspire it. The Feast of the Dormition, in particular, sits at the apex of Christian faith – all of its aspects interwoven with every truth of Christian life and promise, expressed also in the recurring interconnection of hymns and liturgical text with other feasts. For example, the Incarnation of Christ celebrated in the Feast of the Annunciation, announces a promise of received life, a promise that the conclusion of human life for Christians will be an entry into eternal life. This promise, after the gift of life as given in love in the death and resurrection of Christ, is realized in his mother, then her death immediately represents her own journey to be with her son forever, and becomes as well the hope for believers and their journey … a promise that will last until the end of time. The conclusion of Virgin Mary’s life on earth and her journey to Heaven is shared by all other disciples, a promise to be taken to Christ forever. Daley points out the theological ramifications. Although he is specifically looking at the homiletic material, his comments apply to the liturgical text of the same context. The intense mystical and participatory dimension of the texts – as mentioned above – takes the faithful into an experience of the mystery of God’. More than any other body of ancient Christian oratory, these sermons are invitations to personal and corporate involvement in a religious act. Perhaps the reason this particular feast called forth such distinctive homiletic efforts was that the speakers saw their task at the Dormition festival as itself distinctive: perhaps they realized that what was being celebrated there was not so much a particular aspect of Biblical teaching or Church dogma, as a wider, more comprehensive sense of the

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implications of Christian salvation; perhaps they saw that the admittedly mythic traditional story of Mary’s Dormition was really a statement of the Church’s impassioned hope for humanity itself, as called in Christ to share, beyond death, the glorious fulfillment of the life of God. 634

Proceeding through the liturgical analysis, interconnections with other sources become apparent: homiletic material, apocrypha, iconography, biblical reference, and conciliar statements. Examining them all becomes a powerful centrifuge, spinning down illuminations of the truth, revealing the stream of mysterium a silentio, God's presence and life-giving. In 1950, after mentioning the embrace of faith in liturgical prayer, Pope Pius XII appealed to a "spring" of tradition in his dogmatic promulgation of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary: However, since the liturgy of the Church does not engender the Catholic faith, but rather springs from it, in such a way that the practices of the sacred worship proceed from the faith as the fruit comes from the tree [certainly here he has Psalm 1 in mind], it follows that the holy Fathers and the great Doctors, in the homilies and sermons they gave the people on this feast day, did not draw their teaching from the feast itself as a primary source, but rather they spoke of this doctrine as something already known and accepted by Christ's faithful. 635

This statement points out the source of Light, the “spring” from which mystery flows. It is interesting to note the etymological derivation of the word, “disciple,” as it occurs in biblical Greek: the person who has “learned” the truth. Understanding this word demonstrates how we can pinpoint the origin of a believed mystery held in silence. The New Testament word for "disciple" in Greek is mathetes, which denotes that learning God’s truth is deep and which we can imagine is then hard to communicate. 636 Although this word appears infrequently in

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the New Testament, it is also related to the word, didaskein, which suggests in John “the presence of direct inspiration or revelation.” 637 In early Christianity, the word used was didaskein, indicating the lessons of faith were taught and then learned … and involved commission – carrying the news of this new experience of God to others. 638 There is a stark difference of the meaning of “disciple” in comparison to the contemporary understanding that the disciples of Jesus were merely "followers." The disciples truly were more than those who heard words and accepted them as ideas, seeing them merely as teaching a rule to live by. They were those who "learned" the truth of what Jesus said, who Jesus was, and were then abiding and living in the joy of what Jesus meant. Being a "disciple" involved dedication and commitment to the truth that Jesus is, truly, God among us. It was an actual participation in the mystery of the economia of God. Inherently then, disciples embraced and carried on what had been “learned” … not only in the written documents but in the hearts of those who believed and treasured Jesus as the Messiah – in the words of prayer and the elements of religious iconography. Matthew 10: 37-39, 42 RSV “He who loves father or mother more than me is not worthy of me; and he who loves son or daughter more than me is not worthy of me; and he who does not take his cross and follow me is not worthy of me. He who finds his life will lose it, and he who loses his life for my sake will find it. …and whoever gives to one of these little ones even a cup of cold water because he is a disciple, truly, I say to you, he shall not lose his reward.”

Importantly, Matthew demonstrates that a “disciple” is one who turns over his or her own life in totality to Christ. It is a life-changing experience prompted by more than just a dogma intellectually accepted. The reasons for this living commitment can only be “explained” and “remembered” through a sharing in the Christian life…all of which points to the impact of

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liturgical prayer and iconography along with writings to carry on the “truth” that is learned from Christ. Contemporary theologians are becoming more and more aware of the importance of liturgy as a locus of theology. Truly, liturgical theology is mystical theology. Aidan Nichols, OP, represents this renewed appreciation of the liturgy as a source: The liturgical prayers of every age have treasures to offer. Theological students need to have some acquaintance, therefore, with the history of their own rite and with the special genius of the others. Their prayers and hymns are full of doctrine, much richer doctrine often than the formal teaching of the Churches that produced them [referring to Oriental and Roman liturgies]. The liturgy is the poetry of the Church, and just as poetry is language at its most intensely expressive, so in the liturgy we hear the Church’s voice at its most eloquent. 639

Aidan Nichols argues that the liturgy is “a necessary environment for the theologian” along with a warning: If he (or she) is cut off from these life-giving texts, his (or her) mind will soon cease to be the mind of the Church. It may remain, formally speaking, an orthodox mind, but it will not be a mind possessing that entire complex of attitudes which together reflect the Church’s basic response to God: love, humility, gratitude for the redemption, and the rest. The liturgy expresses what we might call the ‘inside’ of the act of faith: the interiority of the relationship with God which God’s own saving plan, once entered into, set up. As the human expression of the covenant, the liturgy articulates the inside of the life of the household of faith, just as the conversation of husband and wife brings out what is implicit in their marital and family living. The theological student must learn how to interpret this language so as to find the voice of the Church, the Bride, calling on Christ, the Bridegroom. 640

However, Nichols cautions that evidence from the liturgy must be examined carefully. Some liturgies represent a distinct locale

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or specific situation and an entire theology cannot be built upon them in isolation. But above all, it is where theologians can find a variety of different liturgies from various places and times, all converging in their testimony to some aspect of faith that they can draw from the liturgy with most confidence. 641

Following the advice of Nichols, liturgies should not be identified solely in terms of different locales, but as they identify the testimony of the faithful throughout the ages, indeed generated from apostolic times. Nichols points to the “implicit theology," showing that a theologian “can think of the Christian liturgy as a sign system pointing to the truth of Tradition, it is where the signals flash most brightly that we can best follow them.” 642 Nichols goes on to say that words are not enough to express the Christian faith: But the Christian faith can be expressed not simply in verbal images: in words – metaphors such as liturgical poetry uses – but also in visual images, in paintings, sculpture, and even entire buildings. Christian revelation has found expression in an artistic and architectural iconography as well as in the verbal sign system of the texts of the liturgy and the dramatic sign system of its gestures. 643

Here, Nichols doesn’t mention that the ancient liturgy was replete itself with tangible symbols – not only a host of word images, but ritual enhanced by incense, oil, holy water, flowers, processions, epitaphio (biers used for the feasts of Holy Friday and Dormition), while always integrally embraced by iconography. On the other hand, his evaluation again corresponds to the method at hand for examining context in the study of liturgical texts. As Nichols says, “It follows that the more familiar we are with the art of the Church, the better a grasp we shall have of Tradition.” 644 Elizabeth Johnson catalogues periods of theological work in her book, Consider Jesus. She characterizes the current

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theological age as “the Brink of Renewal,” beginning in 1951 with Karl Rahner’s question: “Chalecedon, End or Beginning?” Was there any more to say about Christ? Philosophy working from human experience (beginning with philosopher Immanuel Kant) alongside the living witness of the Church invigorates theology in this "renewal" age. The possibility of finding the living tradition in liturgical theology can flow forth from this renewal. The good news that God comes to save us takes on new and specific power. An entire change in christological method is involved as the question is raised: How does praxis, or doing the truth in love, or action on behalf of justice, become a path of knowledge about Jesus Christ? 645

She refers, of course, to liberation theology, feminist theology, and ecological theology – but her rationale can bring us to the living spirituality in liturgy, the work of the people in faith. Again, it should be stated that any wisdom derived from examining Marian liturgical text is christology. II. Contextual study of the Koimesis, Orthros 1. Authorship The more ancient a text, the more difficult it is to identify authorship. In his discussion of sources and authorship for the Dormition, Antoine Wenger A.A., begins by saying that identifying apocryphal accounts of the event is complex. In the East, the tradition of mystical and poetic writings concerning the death of the Virgin, as we have seen, found their way into the preaching. It was Dom Capelle who identified a possibility that there was a single Greek source for various apocryphal texts and that later all had their own individual additions. Two works, one by John of Thessalonica, and the other in a Latin translation of apocryphal accounts, known as the Transitus account, are preceded by a single source. This single source is merely identified as “P..” It is so defined

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because its elements correspond to two reliable texts – and appear to represent the core material. 646 Here, the principles of the source theory in New Testament studies can be applied to exegesis of the liturgical text. The idea of a single source for the two early writings on the Dormition concretely points to the existence of source material carried on in oral tradition. However, Stephen J. Shoemaker has completed a new and thorough study of the possible and diverse sources that form the tradition on the Dormition, surprisingly presenting evidence that challenges long held ideas that the story of Mary’s death and journey to Heaven was built over the ages to please growing ideas about the Virgin Mary, ideas that were influenced by resistance to the council of Chalcedon, and evidence that indicates the tradition as much older than originally held. 647 The monastic context of the liturgical texts confirms the presence of faith that is transmitted orally, before set to liturgical text. In the description of the early monastic period in the East, in particular the Rule of St. Basil, for example, there was a great respect for wisdom evidenced in the lives of early monks of the desert which St. Basil used as a charism for building monastic communities in Cappadocia in Greece. St. Basil drew up his Rule for the members of the monastery he founded about 356 on the banks of the Iris in Cappadocia. Before forming this community St. Basil visited Egypt, Palestine, Coelesyria, and Mesopotamia in order to see for himself the manner of life led by the monks in these countries. … The most striking qualities of the Basilian Rule are its prudence and its wisdom. 648

The first monasteries in Cappadocia – following the very earliest tradition of desert fathers – were the first to accept the Rule of St. Basil. It afterwards spread gradually to all the monasteries of the East. Those of Armenia, Chaldea, and of the Syrian countries in general preferred instead of the Rule of St. Basil those observances which were known among them as the Rule of St. Anthony. … Their history is

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interwoven, therefore, with that of the Oriental Churches. 649

One of the most famous monasteries of the 5th century was founded in Constantinople and acquired fame during the onslaught of iconoclasm during the time of Theodore the Studite. By the 6th century, the Diocese of Constantinople had at least 68 monasteries and Chalcedon had 40 monasteries. More and more the monasteries multiplied, thriving in the 10th century on Mt. Athos. These monks played significant roles in "contributing to ecclesiastical literature, writing histories, and as hagiographers, hymnologists, and poets” – all of which played a large role in the development of liturgical text. 650 Major names among these monks included: St. Maximos the Confessor St Theodore the Studite St. Romanus the Melodist St. Andrew of Crete St. John Damascene Cosmas of Jerusalem St. Joseph the Hymnographer

And, along with other arts and interests, the monks were devoted to the copying of manuscripts, which lent to the continuance of textual traditions. “Among the monasteries which excelled in the art of copying were the Studium, Mount Athos, the monastery of the Isle of Patmos and that of Rossano in Sicily; the tradition was continued later by the monastery of Grottaferrata near Rome.” 651 From this brief summary and short history we see that the monastic tradition was the ideal environment for the protection and treasured continuance of liturgical tradition in the texts. Therefore, putting together the evidence that later traditions flowered out of a more singular source, along with the evidence of treasured tradition embraced and carried on within monasteries, it is not as bothersome that we do not always have signed authorship in the liturgical text. We see that this treasured “lex orandi” of the monastic communities 287

represented the ongoing “lex credendi.” Set upon this background, it is evident that the text of the Orthros of the Feast of Dormition represents a combination of the mystical and poetic texts that grew in the monastic tradition. We receive the unsigned texts of the Dormition Orthros as anonymous monastic texts of the ancient ages exist alongside the signed texts of contemporary poets and hymnographers. It is not surprising, then, to find two texts of the Orthros of the Feast of Dormition attributed in the contemporary Menaion to Cosmas of Jerusalem and John of Damascene (7th century). Coupled with this indication of authorship, some of the liturgical texts of the Menaion’s collections are attributed to certain great patristic names, as the example of St. Andrew of Crete shows. The anonymous synaxarion, embedded in monastic tradition of the liturgical text of Dormition, need only be supported for its authenticity by association with the revered liturgical text itself. This study does not attempt to enter the scholarly work of identifying each and every author (if, indeed, that was possible) nor does it claim that the synaxarion found in the Orthros attributed to Andrew of Crete is truly penned by that name. The only claim that can be made is that these aspects of the text represent a tradition associated with apostolic tradition and they do, indeed, support transmission of “received truth” of the apostolic Christians within the early monastic world. In the work of biblical exegesis, it is accepted that the Book of Revelation is an inspired text, truly part of the canon of the New Testament, even though the authorship is hotly debated. When scholars argue on Revelation's authorship, few people challenge that it is “inspired” text because the author is not absolutely known. The argument here is to accept that the core of liturgical texts contains revealed truths, which were and are corroborated by the witness of centuries of Christian prayer life and tradition. Therefore, we may regard it as truly “inspired” text as well. In this manner, as in biblical exegesis, we move from the oral tradition to the liturgical text, where the text records testimony on the death and resurrection of Virgin Mary as established by the known gathering of Christians at her

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funeral. Therefore, her birthday was first celebrated at the site claimed to be her tomb, located in Jerusalem, with the sense that her birthday was her birth into Heaven and into eternity. All of this was recalled in the mystical poetry of the late 4th and early 5th century by Ephrem in Syria; homilized in the 7th century and onward by John of Thessalonica, Theoteknos of Livias and others; then carried on later by Cosmas and John, both of Damascus, in the 8th century; and eventually emerging in the ensuing hymnology of the 8th to the 10th and 11th centuries. The following graph demonstrates what this process looked like: The event – the death and resurrection of Mary Prayer and tradition continued at her gravesite Mystical poetry of 4th-5th century Ephrem in Syria and others [Consider also the hypothesis that material found in apocryphal texts is attested to Pseudo Dionysius, “The Divine Names”] Liturgical hymns and texts written by Romanos, 5th century

Her death and resurrection are homilized in the 7th century and onward by John of Thessalonica, Theoteknos of Livias, Andrew of Crete, and others.

Canons written by Cosmas and John -- both of Damascus, 8th century

Ongoing mysterium a silentio in the developing liturgies _________________________________________________

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As stated, we find in the contemporary Greek Menaion in Orthros for the Feast of the Dormition two named authors of hymns: Cosmas the poet and John of Damascus: Kanw.n prw,toj( ou h VAcrostici,j Panhgurize,twsan oi Qeo,fronej) Poi,hma Kosma,) Kanw,n deu,teroj Poi,hma VIwa,nnou tou/ Damaschnou 652/

2. The Menaia and synaxaria Numerous collections, renowned Menaia, are treasured and saved in the monastic libraries including the numerous monasteries at Mt. Athos in Greece. Other collections, as explained previously, have been produced through the years. At Mt. Athos, scholars have been laboriously cataloguing manuscripts over the past century, most of which have been copied and are now kept in the Patristic Institute at Monisti Vlatadon in Thessaloniki. Among the early Menaia found at the skete (an auxiliary monastic dwelling) attached to the monastery of St. Demetrios at Vatopedi, on Mt. Athos, there is a Menaion attributed to 7th century Andrew of Crete. 653 Although handwritten in medieval Greek, it is surprising to find that the synaxarion found in Orthros, for the Feast of the Dormition, has an almost exact correspondence with the synaxarion of the contemporary Menaion for this feast. The medieval Greek version, that attributed to Andrew of Crete (Appendix I) 654 and the contemporary version, are remarkably similar (See Appendix II.) 655 An English translation of the synaxarion (Appendix III) 656 is provided and will be compared later to the "information" related in the Greek apocryphal writings. No attempt to date the ancient Greek manuscript is made in this study. A comparison of the Greek texts does give evidence of the monastic tradition of manuscript copying, and we can assume that this is a manuscript in the tradition of Andrew of Crete. An analysis of this synaxarion in its comparison to Andrew’s homilies and contemporary hymns will reveal illuminations concerning the falling asleep of Christ’s mother.

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The similarity of the ancient text to the contemporary Menaion, in itself, attests to tradition. The ancient synaxarion, as mentioned previously, is regarded as an anonymously written commentary composed at some time in the monastery setting. From the discussion above, it would appear natural that the period of iconoclasm raging in the 7th to 8th centuries could have given rise to a sublimated and almost secret treasuring of the iconographic elements for the Dormition – details included in an anonymous monastic commentary attending the Orthros. It is impossible to claim that Andrew is either the author of the liturgical text of the Orthros for the Dormition in his Menaion, or the author of the synaxarion. The fact that a Menaion is attributed to him, however, and was safeguarded on Mt. Athos gives credence to its importance. There are, also, many other Menaia attributed to other writers in this early patristic period. The multiplicity of Menaia attributed to various known authors and treasured at monasteries throughout Greece, Italy, Turkey, and Israel, and at Mt. Sinai, corroborates the monastic love for copying and preserving these ancient traditions. It is safe to claim that these Menaia are vessels of the mysterium a silentio. Andrew of Crete, 660-740 AD, was born in Damascus and was miraculously healed at a young age of being unable to speak. He joined the monastery of St. Sabbas in Jerusalem and served at the Holy Sepulchre Church. About 685 AD, he was ordained as a deacon at Hagia Sophia in Constantinople where he also provided a refuge for orphans and cared for elderly. Towards the end of his life, Andrew was Archbishop of Gortyna on Crete. His homilies exhibit great oratorical skill and he is known for writing commentaries on the saints. Many credit him with the creation of the canon, a long song form interjected into the developing liturgical texts of the 7th century. The Eastern Church celebrates his feast day on July 4, known to be the date of his death in 740 AD (or possibly 720 AD). Andrew’s hymn-writing style is regarded by some as “rugged, diffuse, and monotonous” 657 in modern hymn techniques.

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Despite this, ancient writers were so taken with his invention of the canon that they replaced hymns previously used in the Greek Tropologion. 658 The ancient condition of the text, found at the Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies at Vlatadon Monastery in Thessaloniki, Greece, indicates it has some antiquity. In the past, theologians have been searching for critical dogmatic statements concerning the Dormition of Mary into Heaven. In Catholic scholarship, it is considered difficult to find a critical document before the middle of the 8th century. To look for a concise and articulated dogma is difficult. But it is arguable that the strong dogmatic statement that emerges in the 8th century is clearly built on received truth, tradition, dating back possibly to Dionysius himself -- or a tradition identified with the name of Dionysius … a witness of the Dormition event according to liturgical tradition and anonymous commentaries. The first half of the eighth century was the period in which the celebration of Mary’s Dormition, now firmly established throughout both the Greek – and the Latinspeaking worlds as a major feast in the liturgical cycle, gave rise to the most extended and serious attempts at theological reflection. Probably the first example of this new flowering is a set of three sermons by St. Andrew of Crete, the great homilist and liturgical poet, which almost certainly form a single trilogy, delivered in sequence during an all-night vigil that ended in a solemn liturgy on the morning of the feast. 659

From the evidence found in the Patristic Institute in Thessaloniki, demonstrating liturgical Menaion attributed to Andrew, we find commentary that relates details directly referencing the account by Dionysius. Andrew is noticeably reluctant, however, to portray the transferral of Mary from death to heavenly glory in concrete detail; he avoides [spelling in the original] alluding to the apocryphal Dormition story in any of its extended forms, and draws his portrayal of her burial scene, at the end of the second homily, exclusively from the passage in the Pseudo-Dionysius’s On the Divine Names

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[connected in some unknown fashion to Dionysius] which we have mentioned above. 660

There is no way at all for establishing a distinct tradition on the Dormition from eyewitnesses, such as Hierotheus and Dionysius, which continues to the time of Pseudo-Dionysius. However, the many monastic references and ongoing tradition themselves claim that elements in the synaxarion found in the Menaia of Andrew, and others in an ongoing sense of faith and prayer hint at a continuing tradition. Tradition, which endures in the liturgical sense, is quite different from homiletic and apologetic writings. We might remember that there is a silence from the time that Luke’s gospel and the Acts of the Apostles were completed and the Marian theology of the early Church Fathers began to develop. It has been accepted that tradition concerning the name of Virgin Mary’s parents, names of the visiting eastern magi, details about Joseph’s dream and the meeting of Joachim and Anna -- all found in the Protoevangelium of James – were elements indeed embedded in tradition. The Protoevangelium is NOT canon, yet elements in that account are accepted because of their embrace by believers over the centuries. Andrew refers to Pseudo-Dionysius and his writing on the Divine Names. The actual identity of this Dionysius is problematic. Originating in the 5th century, controversy raged over who this person Dionysius might have been, eclipsing any tradition or kernels of oral tradition that may have existed in the Dionysius or even Pseudo-Dionysius authorship (as it has also been called). It is possible that there may have been a tradition originating with Dionysius the Aeropagite of biblical times, who was an eye-witness to the death of Mary, and who could have been an original author of the Divine Names which was further developed later. 661 Once the hundreds of Armenian manuscripts which have been hidden and dormant in an Armenian, Russian seminary for many years are translated, as directed by the contemporary Holy Catholicos in the wave of new religious freedom, this question of the testimony of

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Dionysius the Aeropagite may become more settled. For this study, it is going to be assumed that since the long-standing tradition of anonymous monastic testimony records Dionysius as an eyewitness, that Andrew’s source may well have been the Pseudo-Dionysius, whoever he was, who in turn had drawn from the earlier Dionysius the Aeropagite source. This is to say that this study claims an unbroken strand of tradition carried in prayer and oral tradition which becomes embedded in the liturgical text, a presence that cannot at this time be explicated and defended. We will examine the theological results based on the hypothesis that the origins of the tradition are found in the apostolic age. The textual scholarship should begin with the 1992 study of Syriac literature on the Dormition described by Mimouni. 662 The methodology to be used is a theological analysis of the liturgical text, as it appears in contemporary use in the Greek Orthodox tradition, representing a collection of material from the patristic ages. It should be noted that the liturgical Greek used in the excerpted text is not modern and almost all of the text of Orthros corresponds to earlier Menaia, such as that under the name of Andrew. This is not to be confused with writings called Menaia that appeared in the later centuries, such as the well known Russian Orthodox Menology of St. Dimitri of Rostov or many collections of hagiographia (writings about the holy saints) like those of Constantine the Monk. 663 As a thought, one can only imagine the agony of intellectual thought that went into decisions concerning the canon of books of the Bible. It was a decision to distinguish texts that fully embraced the mystery of God’s word from texts that appeared corrupted. As the liturgical theologian proceeds, such as in the investigation of theological content in the Orthros of the Feast of the Dormition, it is a sensitive and perhaps precarious path to walk in claiming the bedrock of “received truth” embraced in the liturgical text. Yet, more and more, systematic theologians explore the new post-Chalcedonian Christology (as suggested by Elizabeth Johnson) and turn to

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what is considered the un-mined field in the mystagogy of liturgical texts. It is a precarious path since theological misunderstandings can result if the context and tradition are not understood in their more mystical meanings and in their specific context. John Meyendorff critiques the work of earlier mariologists who explored the liturgical texts merely hunting for “proofs” to support the theological dogma of the Immaculate Conception. Byzantine homiletic and hymnographical texts often praise the Virgin as “fully prepared”, “cleansed”, and “sanctified”. But these texts are to be understood in the context of the doctrine of original sin which prevailed in the East: the inheritance from Adam is mortality, not guilt, and there was never any doubt among Byzantine theologians that Mary was indeed a mortal being. … The preoccupation of Western theologians to find in Byzantium ancient authorities for the doctrine of the Immaculate Conception of Mary has often used these passages out of context. 664

In this sense, it is the context of the liturgical text of Orthros that will again form the framework for a deeper theological evaluation. The vast evidence of hagiographical writings, such as the Great Synaxaristes format of the 18th and 19th centuries, serve only to corroborate the silent tradition treasured in the liturgical texts. In a recent Orthodox study on the life of the Virgin Mary, the liturgical text is included along with “holy tradition” to form a biographical treasury on the life of the Theotokos. 665 In this book, it is interesting to note the sources used to describe the Dormition and transferral of the Virgin’s body to heaven: Canons of Matins, Vespers for the feast, The Menology of St. Dimitri of Rostov, The apocryphal gospel of The Passing of Mary, The Great Synaxaristes of Minas Charitos, Patristic writings and homilies, Liturgy for the Feast for St. John the Theologian, The Ecclesiastical History by Nicephorus Callistos Xanthopoulos,

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Scholarly writings on the iconography including The Kariye Djami by Paul A. Underwood, The Akathistos Hymn, and books and articles by scholars including the Marianum. 666

On the one hand, some scholars scrutinize the patristic texts only accepting known authorship. On the other hand, in works such as produced by the Holy Apostles Convent, there is no specific differentiation on the source material in the spirit of tracing the tradition. Both of these positions, for the theologian, may be perceived as extremes. With balance and, again on the apologetic of “context,” the theological evaluation continues. A scholarly treatment written in 1976 by Joseph Ledit on the question of Mary’s death and bodily resurrection interestingly turns to the Office of the Assumption as authority, evidencing the tradition of Byzantium via liturgical text. In this work, it is clear that it was Martin Jugie who had raised the question of Virgin Mary’s actual bodily death. 667 3. Apocryphal sources At this point, we will delineate the sources that appear corollary to the liturgical tradition. In the discussion above, it was noted that the homiletic material of Andrew of Crete demonstrates an embrace of tradition that is different, if not opposed, to the apocryphal writing which embraces the tradition of Pseudo-Dionysius. 668 In a most recent and thorough study of the sources concerning the Dormition and Resurrection of Virgin Mary by Mimouni, evidence from Syriac and Coptic texts are examined alongside the Greek and Latin traditions. Solutions to the many possibilities of tracing sources – apocryphal, liturgical and doctrinal – can be accomplished by establishing various typologies of the accounts. As the Syriac sources become more and more available to the theologian, it is evident that the Monophysite heresy was at work in influencing some of the apocryphal traditions. It is an all-encompassing study and leads to many questions on sources for the liturgical text. The conclusions are comfortable, however, with fairly strong traditions leading to an endorsement of both Mary’s

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physical death, bodily resurrection, and her calling to glory with her Son in Heaven. 669 The detail of Mary's physical death, it should be noted, is a detail completely avoided by the Catholic dogmatic statement on her Assumption into Heaven in 1950, which merely stated that "having completed the course of her earthly life, [Mary] was assumed body and soul into heavenly glory." 670 The detail of her actual physical death is left out. Part of the task in finding the source for liturgical material is to consider the apocryphal writings. The Greek text of the “Falling Asleep of Mary” 671 is found in the Book of John. The footnote attached to this account states that the author of this passage in two manuscripts is attributed in one to James, the brother of the Lord, and in another, to John of Thessalonica. 672 This makes no sense since the text itself identifies the author as John, the Beloved Disciple, who stood at the foot of the cross or, if one and the same, John the Evangelist. The tradition included here is the Greek apocrypha, yet there are others as well. But, first, we will digress in order to understand that literature which is called “apocrypha.” According to Stephen J. Patterson, “the current trend [of cataloguing apocrypha texts] seems to be toward inclusivity rather than limitation, since such a designation as NT Apocrypha, as abstract as it may be, does tend to be suggestive of a ‘canon’ of texts worthy of scholarly attention.” 673 A new interest in the apocrypha is arising. Patterson notes that the listings and categories generally indicate a great variety in apocryphal literature, which was “written and used by early Christians.” 674 Categories fall into four genres, representing: gospels, acts, letters and apocalypses. The “Falling Asleep” falls into the latter category. Prior to modern times, church scholars have had varying regard for these texts:

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_________________________________________________ Prior to modern times: Clement of Alexandria Æ regarded them as “secret” books in the hands of heretics Tertullian Æ considered them more simply as “false” doctrine Irenaeus Æ referred to the writings of the Marcosians, detailing them as “perversion”

In more modern times: M.R. James, Apocryphal New Testament Æ regarded these texts as “spurious and false”

Contemporary thinking in light of findings at Nag Hammadi and Coptic texts: William Schneemelcher Æ considered according to standards that resemble NT Form Criticism, and as the “enlargement of NT texts 675 Helmut Koester Æ “stratifying approach” not corroborated by textual evidence ______________________________

It becomes apparent that scholars are accepting that many of the texts have the very earliest of origins. Like the books of the NT, the apocryphal NT writings derive from various early Christian communities and from various time periods. 676 The critical distinction that has determined canonicity and noncanonicity is recognition by the believers and use in the church. But unlike the books that have come down to us as the ‘canonical NT,’ the apocryphal writings generally did not achieve the level of widespread ecclesiastical use that would have prompted their inclusion in most of the early Christian canonical lists. 677

Using this as a rule, then, inclusion in the daily prayers of Orthros would mean text was definitely “ecclesiastical” and not to be regarded as apocryphal writings. It forms a distinguishable

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difference, then, between the liturgical text and what is now known as the apocryphal text. In a translator's Introductory Notice in the edition of the Ante-Nicene Fathers, it is noted that Tischendorf was the first to translate the Greek text of the apocryphal account of Mary’s death, dating its origins to a period no later than the 4th century. Evidently, he translated the oldest of five extant manuscripts, the oldest dating to the 11th century, some seven centuries later than its origin. The translator notes that this writing with the same title as the Greek manuscript, The Falling Asleep of Mary, was condemned by decree of Pope Gelasius, about 500 AD. 678 The first Latin extant manuscript translated dates to the 13th century. Melito, the attributed author of a “Second Latin Form” ascribed an authorship of a treatise on the Assumption of Mary to Leucius. The “Second Latin Form,” however, comes from a manuscript found in Venice dated to the 14th century. Scholars do not believe that this book is truly authored by Leucius, although it has the same material as the Greek text, which was written to refute and “condemn” the heresies of Leucius. 679 If the origin of the Greek manuscript refers to Leucius, the Gnostic heretic, then the writing to refute Leucius would be dated prior to the 2nd century. In addition to these manuscript traditions of the Assumption apocrypha, there are also translations and recensions in Syriac, Sahidic, and Arabic – many of which have been recently studied and translated by scholars such as Mimouni. According to the notes in the AnteNicene Fathers, all the numerous variations, in Latin and the manuscripts in Syriac, Sahidic and Arabic, appear to have, at their base, a single Greek source. “They are all, however, from the same source, and that probably the Greek text which we have translated.” 680 Shoemaker agrees that although there are numerous text traditions generated from throughout the ancient world, he tends to see earliest traditions in especially the Palm traditions, accounts mentioning the palm trees reverencing Mary, generated from early Jewish Christianity and indicating some

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exposure to gnostic Christianity, pointing to a generation of texts in the 3rd and 4th centuries. 681 For comparison's sake, the general outline of the Greek text, and the two Latin forms will be given, in reference to the content they contain. These brief outlines of material can later be compared to the material included in the homilies, and then again, in the liturgical texts of the Orthros. Utilizing the principle that the “received truth,” the “learned truth” of the “disciples,” is imbued in the experience of Christ in the liturgy, then one can use this comparison to determine which details are legendary and which details should be considered tradition, revealing the mysterium a silentio. Most scholars consider the following three known apocrypha of Mary’s death as representative of the tradition: The Book of John Concerning the Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother of God Sequence of the story The Passing of Mary – First Latin Form Sequence of the story The Passing of Mary – Second Latin Form Sequence of the story

4. Hymnographers The major hymnographers of the period have been listed above. John of Damascus appears to be the major hymn writer for the Koimesis (Dormiton) liturgy. In addition, we see the signed text of hymns attributed to Cosmas of Jerusalem. Cosmas, the Poet Cosmas lived and wrote poetic texts and hymns in the 8th century. He was the foster brother of John the Damascene. Both he and his brother left Damascus and went to Jerusalem where they became monks in St. Sabas Monastery. Cosmas left that monastery in 743 AD, when he became Bishop of Maiuma, on the southern coast of Phoenicia. His own work included

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analysis and commentary on the poems of Gregory of Nazianzus. Due to the land of his origin, it is easy to claim that he would have been aware of the tradition of the mystical writings of 4th century Ephrem of Syria. It is known that the hymns written by Cosmas were used first in the churches of Jerusalem, and then became used universally throughout the Greek churches through the influence of Constantinople. Sometimes, it can be claimed that some of the liturgical hymns ascribed to “Cosmas” may actually be those of his teacher, Cosmas, a monk by the same name. His works are catalogued in Krumbacher. 682 In corresponding fashion, we find the menaion, itself, recognizing the factor of “inspiration” in the writings of Cosmas in the first Kontakion for Orthros on the Feast of Cosmas on October 14th: O God-inspired Cosmas, you adorned yourself with virtues and thus became an ornament of the Church of Christ, enriching it and making it more splendid with your hymns. Intercede with the Lord that He may deliver us from the guiles of our enemies. We cry out to you, “Hail, O holy and blessed Father!” 683

John of Damascus John of Damascus, the foster brother of Cosmas, is also known for the most celebrated of all the ancient homilies for the feast of the Dormition. One of the great challenges of his life was the influx of Islam in the land of his birth. After he and his foster brother, Cosmas, joined the monastery life in Jerusalem, he was ordained a priest in 705 AD, spending the rest of his life preaching, writing, and serving in both Jerusalem and the desert community. He set about great tasks of theology, cataloguing and organizing sources that preceded him, such as the massive work started by Epiphanius. It is no small credit to John of Damascus that he was able to give to the Church in the eighth century its first summary of connected theological opinion. At the

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command of Eugenius III it was rendered into Latin by Burgundio of Pisa, in 1150, shortly before Peter Lombard’s “Book of Sentences” appeared. This translation was used by Peter Lombard and St. Thomas Aquinas, as well as by other theologians, till the Humanists rejected it for a more elegant one. The author follows the same order, as does Theodoret of Cyrus in his “Epitome of Christian Doctrine”. But while he imitates the general plan of Theodoret, he does not make use of his method. He quotes, not only from the pages of Holy Writ, but also from the writings of the Fathers. As a result, his work is an inexhaustible thesaurus of tradition, which became the standard for the great Scholastics who followed. 684

We can see from John’s commitment to embracing the received tradition and then cataloguing it into such a magnificent work, that his appreciation for the ongoing lex credendi is readily apparent. In this same encyclopedia entry on John of Damascene, author John O’Connor notes: The second of his three sermons on the Assumption is especially notable for its detailed account of the translation of the body of the Blessed Virgin into heaven, an account, he avers, that is based on the most reliable and ancient tradition. 685

From this historical perspective, we can deduce that when John of Damascus wrote poetically on the Koimesis, he was well aware of the received tradition. We can, therefore, use this second of his three sermons as a benchmark of theological doctrine, against which to judge other liturgical accounts as well. Although not directly relating to the liturgical text of the Orthros of Koimesis, the Vespers for this feast day includes hymns and poetic text by: Anatolius, John (of Damascus), Germanus, and Theophanes. 686 Anatolius, a 5th century writer, was Patriarch of Constantinople in the mid-5th century. He was barraged by heretics and may have been put to death by them. 687 Seventh century Germanus and 8th-9th century Theophanes struggled with the vicious period of iconoclasm,

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and both participated in the Second Council of Nicea. Germanus served as Patriarch of Constantinople from 715-730 AD, and was praised highly at the Council of Nicea 787 AD for his defense of holy images and his ardent defense against heretical claims. 688 His appreciation of icons surely demonstrates his knowledge of the faith tradition contained in them, such as the truth of the Dormition of Mary. Theophanes, known as both “the Confessor” and “the Chronicler," entered a celibate marriage at age 12 and later entered monastic life. He founded a monastery at Mt. Sigriane and another on the island of Kalonymous. Between 810 and 814 AD, he wrote Chronographia, continuing the work of his friend George Syncellus, who had begun a chronicle of Byzantium which ended its history in 284 AD. Although Theophanes composed an early and full history of 7th and 8th century Byzantium, some claim it lacks “insight and objectivity.” Theophanes died in 818 AD from wounds he suffered in prison at the hands of the iconoclasts. 689 Certainly, these writers who not only defended the truth of Christian tradition with rhetoric and poetry, but are men who used legitimate sources and began the eucology that became lex orandi, lex credendi, as members of the faithful who daily prayed in community. The stichera which follow the readings, Genesis 28:1018, Ezekiel 43:27-44:5, and Proverbs 9:1-11 are interesting in several ways. Anatolius and John mention only “the soul” of Virgin Mary and its entry into the presence of Her Son. Germanus speaks of the “translation of the Mother of God,” where "translation" refers to the transportation of her soul from earth to Heaven. He describes it in this way: "for she has delivered her spotless soul into the hands of her Son.” 690 Theophanos, on the other hand, speaks of heaven opening and receiving her whole person: For today heaven has opened its bosom: it has received the woman who gave birth to the One whom nothing can contain: today the earth gives back to heaven the woman who was the Source of Life. The angels join the crowd of the Apostles, and together they gaze upon the woman

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who gave birth to the Principle of Life, and who now moves up from life to Life. 691

Here, Theophanus tells us “the woman” who has just died and around whom the apostles and the angels gathered, “moves up” to heaven. This is her resurrection. Additionally, it is interesting to note the continual reference in the Vespers to Virgin Mary as “Source of Life,” perhaps pointing to the strong tradition from Pigi, the Theotokos of the Fountain, and the phenomenon of the Holy Font. Vespers begins: O marvel, the Source of Life is laid in a tomb; the grave becomes a means of ascent to heaven! V..W tou/ parado,xou qau,matoj! hv phgh. th/j zwh/j( evn mnhmei,w ti,qetai( kai. kli/maj pro.j ourano,n( ov ta,foj gi,netai) 692

We see this repeated again with Tone 5: “And they gathered around your pure remains, O Source of Life, and kissed them with reverence.” 693 And, again, in Tone 8: Wherefore, O most pure Mother of God, forever alive with your Son, the Source of Life, do not cease to intercede with Him that He may guard and save your people from every trouble, for you are our intercessor. 694 The connection here of “Source of Life,” with the tradition of her Dormition, and notably with the reference to her as “our intercessor,” points directly to the “Fountain of Life” tradition at Phgh. (Pege or Pigi), an example of interrelationship between the feasts of the Theotokos. Giving life to the Lifegiver, Mary becomes the “source” of life and – at her death -- becomes the “source of life” through her intercession for the Body of Christ on earth – the beloved friends and disciples she left behind and those still on the journey of salvation today.

5. Translation Contemporary translations of this feast are included in the Menaion for August 15th. There is no official English translation of the Greek liturgical texts, although various groups have produced working English texts in order to aid the 304

participants who are more and more unfamiliar with the Greek language. Many times these are local English translations by priests who wish to speed the process in providing bilingual texts during services. In particular, hymnals for the daily feasts have been provided in bilingual format. These translations are not readily available to the general congregation unless they are part of a choir, serve as cantor, or have perseverance and take a trip to a seminary bookstore. Small leaflet English translations, on the local level, are available for the feast day, sometimes without the printout of the day’s biblical readings, the synaxarion, or particular hymns of the day. Yet another English translation of the Menaion is underway by monks at the Holy Transfiguration Monastery in Brookline, Massachusetts. However, this collection is still in progress and not yet available. A useful collection was translated by Sophia Press in Newton Centre, Massachusetts, which is the series of the monthly liturgies of the Menaion, as used in the Byzantine Catholic churches – usually quite faithful to the Greek texts although often abbreviated. It is interesting to note that the synaxarion, as found in the Menaion of Andrew of Crete, 695 and also in the contemporary Greek Menaion, is rarely – if ever – translated and included in the English liturgical texts. No English translation of the synaxarion is found in any of the English translations offered to date by the monks of the Holy Transfiguration Monastery – including their translation of the Horologion and the Pentecostarion, and the synaxarion will probably not appear when they release the new Menaion. Portions of the Orthros, particularly the hymns, have been translated and published, such as the Odes by John of Damascus in Fr. Brian Daley’s recent work discussed above. Poetry and hymns found in the Orthros are often gathered independently and included in collections.

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6. Inter-relationship with other sources Perhaps the most revealing study of liturgical texts comes in the comparison with other sources to see where interrelationships point to facets of faith that appear unilaterally embraced, in prayer but also in homilies, theological writings, and statements by councils. For instance, when comparing the liturgical texts to homilies, there are clear differences. Also, when comparing the synaxarion of the Dormition feast with the apocryphal accounts, there are even more dramatic differences. A. Patristic writings As mentioned previously, Daley has translated the early patristic homilies on the Assumption, representing other early sources of the tradition. In his work, 696 these authors are as follows, in summary: John, Archbishop of Thessalonica - 7th century, oldest homily 610 AD; Theoteknos, Bishop of Livias - 7th century; Modestus, Patriarch in Jerusalem - 7th century, died 634 AD; Andrew of Crete - 8th century, died 740 AD; Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople - 8th to 9th century; John, of the Old Lavra Monastery - 8th century; John, Monk of Damascus and Son of Mansour - 8th century, died 749/753 AD; Theodore, the Studite - 9th century, died 826 AD.

To this, must be added the early poetry and writings in Syriac originating in Persia. The rather confusing abundance of texts of the death and resurrection of Virgin Mary have been nicely sorted out by a work by J.K. Elliott and more recently, in slightly different way by Shoemaker. Elliott's work is an updating of the classic work accomplished by M.R. James in 1924. 697 At the end the work contains a helpful essay on the Assumption apocryphal texts, which indicates: The assumption (or dormition, or falling asleep, or passing away, or transitus, or obsequies) of Mary seems to have been a belief that originated in apocryphal literature

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from about the fourth century onwards and had a profound effect on Christian theology and practice in both East and West. The Gelasian decree stigmatizes as apocryphal the ‘Book called the home-going of the Holy Mary.’ There is a large number of accounts of the death and assumption of the Virgin Mary, published in various languages (including Greek, Latin, Coptic, Syriac, Ethiopic, Arabic). The history of this tradition is still largely unknown, and most editors of modern translations include only a sample. The largest collection is found in Erbetta’s Italian edition. The traditions about Mary are normally considered under the different language groups, and this is the method applied by M.R. James. He was of the opinion that the legends about Mary’s passing originated in Egypt, and so he gave prominence to the Coptic tradition. The standard Greek text is the one attributed to St. John the Theologian (Evangelist) and edited by Tischendorf. The standard Latin is that attributed to Melito of Sardis. Tischendorf published this as his Transitus Mariae B (Tischendorf’s Transitus A is a late Italian fiction attributed to Joseph of Arimathea.) 698

Elliott also notes that the Arabic is “akin” to the Syriac but is not included in his new volume. In addition, the accounts found in the language of the Ethiopian, Armenian, and Irish manuscripts appear to be dependent of the Syriac tradition. For this reason, in the contextual analysis here, we will analyze the Greek apocrypha of John the Theologian and the Latin apocrypha attributed to Melito of Sardis. These Greek and Latin traditions are evidently related to, and originate from, a Syriac tradition. In addition, Elliott points out the differences in details of the accounts as carried in the Syriac and Coptic traditions 699: Coptic They feature Mary’s corporeal assumption. There is a long time between her death and her assumption. There is no summoning of the apostles. Only John and Peter are present. Mary is warned of her death by Jesus, not an angel

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Greek-Latin-Syriac An angel announces Mary's death (Latin: an angel carries a palm from Heaven). Apostles are summoned from all parts of world. Mary’s assumption occurs soon after her corporeal death

For comparison, the Greek and Latin sources above will be outlined, in order to compare with the Orthros. Note that an analysis follows on details in the homilies which also relate contextually to the apocrypha and liturgical texts. John, Archbishop of Thessalonica – 7th century

The Dormition of Our Lady, The Mother of God and Ever-Virgin Mary. 700 This is the oldest homily, written in 610 AD. It connects in source tradition to Greek and Syriac sources, therefore, it appears to represent the tradition of Dionysius, On the Divine Names, and thereby the Greek apocryphal tradition. The following are key elements or a list of details to be found in the homily by John, Archbishop of Thessalonica: ________________________________________________ The angel gives Mary a palm 701 branch. She asks God's help. She returns to her home. John arrives. Thunder … Apostles arrive. Peter leads the activities, prayer and speeches. Palm is placed on her bier. Bier is carried to the tomb. Mary's body is placed in the tomb. Three days later, the tomb is opened, and she is gone.

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Theoteknos, Bishop of Livias - 7th century

Encomium on the Assumption of the Holy Mother of God. 702 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of the homily by Theoteknos: ________________________________________________ Disciples are summoned. The apostles are by Mary's side. She receives a palm. Eve/Mary parallel. Protoevangelium of James is the Source. Reference to Enoch, Genesis 5:24, Hebrews 11:5, and Elijah, and 1 Kings 2:11. Death comes but she experiences NO corruption. She is lifted to heaven with a pure soul. Feast day established -- August 15. Mary's body borne in procession. Thunder, earthquake. Comparison to the Song of Songs. Paradigm: Jesus / wisdom comes to Mary / Mary holds wisdom.

________________________________________________ Modestus, Patriarch in Jerusalem - 7th century, died 634 AD

Encomium on the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, Mary, Mother of God and Ever-Virgin. 703 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of the homily by Modestus: ___________________________________________ Mystery is the only explanation. "Ark of sanctification [is] to be brought home from Sion to himself [Christ]." Reference to Psalm 44:9 (LXX). meta,stasij metastasis, transformation of form.

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Paradigm: Mary has no corruption in birth/no corruption in death. Reference to Chalcedon. Post-Chalcedonian term is used, Enou,sioj (new human nature, divininized nature, given to Mary. “Sacred procession” goes out east gate/ (new temple, Ezekiel 43-47) Reference to 3rd Council of Constantinople, 681 AD; elaboration at Chalcedon: two natural wills, two operations or modes of activity in one person of the Incarnate. Mary called “intercessor” and “co-redemptrix.” Her soul is “committed into his [Christ's] hands.” Reflection of Alexandrian theology: Christ stripping death from Hades. Mary’s body is lifted up on a bier. Reference to theological aspect of Christ’s “spiritual body, which did not exist before him, but took up its very existence in him” [See Daley, footnote 15, p. 102.] Mary's bier is placed in tomb. “Ineffable mysteries” have been revealed in the event. God raises Mary from the grave.

________________________________________________ Andrew of Crete - 8th century, born 635 AD, died 740 AD Homily I

On the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God. 704 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of Andrew’s homily: ________________________________________________ Mary is the “mystery that exceeds the power of speech.” Image of Mary: for people of the New Covenant, a fulfillment of Sion. Discussion of Mary’s “privileges.” Mary’s body is the tabernacle.

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Constantinople idea developed: “Light from light.” References to: Elijah; Enoch. meta,qesij, transferal of Mary to her Son. Separation of her parts; dissolution; rejoining of her body and soul; their rehabilitation; their removal to the invisible realm. The “imitated Wisdom [is] in her own being.” Allusion to Christological formulation: divine and human. Total immersion into the mystery suggested. Statement: “ineffable,” "unprecedented mystery [is] realized in her” - the mystery is “veiled,” “unspeakable,” and “unuttered.” Peculiarity to Mary: a resurrection occurred at the end of her life. Mysterium a silentio is described. __________________________________________

Andrew of Crete Homily II

On the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God. 705 The following are key elements in another homily by Andrew are: __________________________________________ Death is a sleep. koi,mhsij, dormition, giving rise to the feast’s name. It is a passage into a “second life.” Death is the separation of soul from body. The place of light is befitting of the “holy state of saints.” Zechariah 4:10 (LXX) describes the place to which she goes: “These seven are the eyes of the LORD, which range through the whole earth.” Mary’s event is a “transformation from a corruptible state to an incorruptible one.” The Virgin is the “vessel of God” and “bearer of life.” Her glory is impossible to conceive with the human mind. Relationship to Chalcedon 451 AD and Constantinople 552 AD. Jesus is the one hypostasis, “subsisting as a single ‘composite’ individual from and in two distinct natures.”

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Andrew has first hand knowledge of Jerusalem. Reference to [Pseudo-] Dionysius. Reference to Hierotheos. Qearcikh,n means " divine." Quotes taken from Dionysius: Divine Names. mysterium a silentio: The faithful called on the walk to Gethsemane. Mary is the priest, the true tabernacle. Mary is “guide.” The account of Dionysius: “disciples” gathered including Dionysius, Timothy, Hierotheos. Biblical references: Elijah, Habbakuk; Daniel (LXX); and Bel and the Dragon. The sign of her shining divinized body. aparch, means the first to spring forth. zwh/j arch,n means the spring of life, (source, beginning) from the Virgin’s womb. [aparch,, means "holy," THEREFORE Mary's body is holy, too. If the root is "holy," THEREFORE, the branches are holy, too.] Mary’s body is our “source of life.” Litany of OT phrases: demonstrate types of the Incarnation. God’s works: childbirth and virginity, physically and mystically.

___________________________________________ Andrew of Crete Homily III On the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God. 706 The following are key elements in yet another homily by Andrew: ________________________________________________ Assembly of witnesses and presence of heavenly powers and souls of the saints (Canticle of Canticles 1:6) around the radiant body. Honor it by silence as something incomprehensible, utterable.” [Honor by silence: Reference to the

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Cappadocians and Greek Patristics, which, in turn, describes the mysterium a silentio.] Basil Caesaraea - On the Holy Spirit Gregory Nyssa - Adversus Eunonium

Gregory Nazianzus Maximus Confessor Mary is hope for all Christians in her triumph over death, with fear gone. Death is now considered as “everyday sleep.” The divine exchange: life instead of corruption. Reference to “Fountain.” Images of Mary’s fruitfulness from the OT: she is magnified beyond Enoch. She is in the presence of the Holy Trinity. Andrew’s listeners begin a procession, which represents Mary’s "exodus." Memory of the Fathers, Patriarchs; Spirits of prophets as a "choir"; Companies of priests; Band of apostles; Martyrs; Doctors; Souls of just; Company of saints; Kings; Potentates, Rulers and “the ruled” … singing around her tomb. Event of the Dormition is “wholly unknowable and unspeakable.” It is a “hidden truth.” Andrew's comment: “Here, in a word, is the mystery.” ________________________________________________

Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople – 8th to 9th century Homily I On the Most Venerable Dormition of the Holy Mother of God. 707 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of the homily: ________________________________________________ Meta,stasij is the transferal, a "falling asleep into life,” a departure from our midst.

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Christological life seen in the Psalms. Since Mary was “God’s vessel,” her body cannot “be conquered by the lethal confinement of a tomb.” She rises like Jesus; both tombs really received bodies. Psalm = “mouth of Christians” meditating on the Virgin. Eve/Mary parallel. Mary’s patronage is “something living”; therefore, she is the co-mediatrix. Mary’s intercession “gives life"; therefore, she is an

intercessor. Mary’s protection is without end; therefore, she is an advocate. She is the spiritually perfect pneumati,koj, bearer of the Spirit of God. She implores God on humanity’s behalf. Mary is attributed with: “unwavering care”; “unchanging readiness to offer protection”; “unsleeping intercession”; “uninterrupted concern to save” “steady help”; “unshakable patronage.” Christian people are people of her own flesh. Mary is the mother of God still with us. Reference compares Mary to Lamentations 4:20. This homily demonstrates a connection to iconography and shrines, which are seen by all who are then brought to see Mary’s death. Reference to Habakkuk.

__________________________________________ Germanus Homily II (or III if previous is I and II)

Encomium on the Holy and Venerable Dormition of Our Most Glorious Lady,The Mother of God and Ever-Virgin Mary. 708 The following are key elements in another homily by Germanus: 314

__________________________________________ Proverbs 15:30. God puts flesh on bones. Promise of the resurrection of all seen in Mary Mary is permanent intercessor. Reference to Chalcedon. Mary is the “mother inseparably one with her undivided Son.” Theological idea: the division of the human person into body, soul, and spirit (traditional in early Christian literature). 1 Thessalonians 5:23: refers to Christ's call, “Your body belongs to me…” Reference to a lamentation for Jerusalem: Zechariah 12:11 (LXX). Inclusion of a strange docetic meditation: “Lie down to rest, if only in appearance, in Gethsemane, the place of your tomb.” Some adoptionism: “I have bestowed on them (apostles) the grace of adoption as sons, John 19:26 ff. (Supposed message from God to Mary.) Mary prepares for her death: she lit lamps, invited relatives and neighbors, swept her room, and decked her bed with flowers [bridal chamber]. Women weep [link to synaxarion] with “river of tears.” Clap of thunder. Rush of wind from low cloud. Appearance of the apostles. Apostles weep. Paul says: “Hail, Mother …this is the content of my preaching [connection to the synaxarion]." Mary lay back on her pallet and gave up her spirit, like “falling asleep.” Paul claims Peter is leader [like the account by John of Thessalonica]. The account of the unbelieving Jew who attacks the funeral procession. The Virgin’s body is taken from Peter and Paul [unique to Germanus]. NOTE: the rising of Mary's body comes during the funeral.

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The call for people to become “myrrh-bearing women.” Connection to Mary as defender of Constantinople/the Church.

________________________________________________ John, of the Old Lavra Monastery – 8th century

On the Dormition of the Holy Mother of God. 709 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of the homily: ________________________________________________ States there are many mystical connections. Reference to Niceo-Constantinopolitan creed. Reveals an understanding of “person of Christ”: Chalcedon 451 AD, II Constantinople 553 AD. Christ is “a single Lord, one and the same who is both Son of God and Son of Man, at once completely God and completely human, the whole God and a whole human being, one composite individual [formed] from two complete natures, divinity and humanity.” Prophetic aspect of Mary is represented mystically as: the fleece of David, Isaiah’s virgin, Daniel’s mountain (Daniel 2:34, 45), and the locked gate (Ezekiel 44:1 ff). Qeo,logoj [mouthpiece of God] is a term meaning the event of Mary's death becomes the mouthpiece of God and God's ways. Qeo,tokoj [Mother of God, Bearer of God] is used as a title for Mary. The appropriateness of her death is demonstrated. There is a close connection to images in the Song of Songs. Death brings the holy to “fulfillment.” Tomb is the source of fragrance and healing.

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John, Monk of Damascus, Son of Mansour, 8th c., d. 749/753 AD Homily II

On the Holy and Glorious Dormtion and Transformation of Our Lady Mary, Mother of God and Ever-Virgin 710 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of the homily: ________________________________________________ Mary is described as “Consumed by the purest fire.” Mary is the “treasury of life” and the “abyss of grace.” Mary did not go down to the underworld or dwell in death as long as Jesus, because of Christ’s victory. Mary lies on pallet in Jerusalem. She is carried to Sion, the site of Passover and the Last Supper. Review of Christology as it was embraced at the end 7th century [Daley 227- 228, footnote 9]: Jesus has two complete natures, two operational wills. Mary's bed becomes a holy temple and elicits desire to touch her holy body. Cloud brings the apostles to Mary at death, like a net. John of Damascus refers to Dionysius, with a meditation on the incarnation. A description of the Marian "harrowing of Hell." Natural effects accompany the supernatural event. "Sounds, crashes, rumblings, as well as remarkable hymns from angels who flew before her." Image of queen going to a royal throne, Psalm 44:10 (LXX). Mary's body was brought down from Sion to the Mt. of Olives. [Note: in this account Mary's soul goes first, then her body is lifted up.] The Jew's hands fall off in the attempt to attack Mary's bier, described as: his hands "abandoned him (e,kleloipe,nai)." Mary's body is carried to Gethsemane. It is lifted up on the third day.

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Reference to the Niceo-Constantinopolitan Creed. Warning is given: "Do not call her a goddess." Mary is the Mother of God who became flesh. There is an all-night ritual. The absence of relics of her body is witness to Mary's resurrection. Reference given to Blachernae.

________________________________________________ John, Monk of Damascus Homily III

A Discourse on the Dormition of Our Lady, the Mother of God. 711 The following are key elements in the homily by the monk of Damascus: ________________________________________________ Mary's death was comparable to "entering the darkness at the top of Mt. Sinai." Mary is regarded as a ladder to Heaven. Reference is given to Exodus 15:20: Miriam [sister of Moses] and the tambourines. Mary represents the "new existence." Mary's death in an established tradition, with an allusion to De Div. Nom. [The Divine Names by Dionysius] 3:2. John attests: "She has been raised. She has been lifted up. She has been taken to heaven. She stands by her Son, above all ranks of angels. For there is NOTHING but Mary and Son!"

_________________________________________________ Canon for the Dormition of the Mother of God

Tone IV 712 The following are key elements to be found in the hymn:

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_________________________________________________ The Dormition of Mary is compared to Miriam's song in Exodus. Canticle of Anna, mother of Samuel in 1 Kings (1 Sam) 2: 1-10. The Dormition is considered an "Exodus from death." Reference to Habakkuk. Reference to Isaiah 26: 9-20, and awakening of the dead. Reference to Jonah. Reference to Azariah. Reference to the "Three men in the furnace" [Song of the Three Young Men]. Reference to the Magnificat. Reference to Zechariah's Blessing.

________________________________________________ Theodore, the Studite – 9th century, died 826 AD

Encomium on the Dormition of Our Holy Lady, the Mother of God. 713 The following are key elements to be found in the verses of the homily: _________________________________________________ Mary is considered the "true Mt. Sion." She is the temporary home in this present life. She will be led to the King, Psalm 44:14 (LXX). Mary takes on the following titles: "meadow alive," "blooming vine," "cherubim throne," "home full of glory," "sacred veil," "land sunrise." The day of [final] Exodus has come. Reference to Elijah the Tishbite. Reference to Habbakuk. More titles: "ladder," "burning bush," "fleece," "city of the king," "spiritual Bethlehem," "mountain," "golden lamp," "altar of purification," "light cloud," "holy book," "locked gate," "unquarried mountain peak."

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Overall, it is apparent that the elements of the synaxarion for the Orthros of this feast do not correspond as directly to the apocryphal sources as do the homilies. [See Appendix IV for a comparison study.] In the case of Andrew of Crete, we find his homilies follow the tradition of the apocrypha; however, the liturgical text from a collection on Mt. Athos with his name attributed to the menaia, includes different aspects that are specific to the synaxarion and the tradition of the icon. The key elements of the synaxarion for the Dormition collected under the name of Andrew of Crete are as follows: _________________________________________________ Synaxarion for Koimesis [Under the name of Andrew of Crete] [See the English translation of the synaxarion in Appendix III.] The Son sends an angel to tell Mary she is soon to die. The angel assures her not to be afraid but to be joyful over Her Son's gift of eternal life. Mary goes to the Mount of Olives, as was her custom, to pray. The trees of the mountain's orchards bow down to her. She returns to her house and lights lamps in prayer. She calls her friends and relatives to come and she sweeps the house. She prepares her bed and things for burial. Instructions had come from the angel and a sign, a palm branch. Women come to her side lamenting in tears, weeping uncontrollably. They plead with her not to leave them and all who live on the earth. Mary promises to take care of them. She gives two garments to the women. There is thunder. Many people appear in the clouds: the account names Dionysius the Aeropagite, Ierotheos, and Timothy. They all express joy but also cry. Mary tells them to let her go to her Son and instructs them to bury her.

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Paul falls at her feet and praises her openly. He states that he never saw Christ but sees Him in the Virgin. Mary lies down on the bed peacefully, and blesses them. She prays for sustenance of the world and peace. Mary commits her spirit to God. Those gathered begin singing funeral hymns. Peter and the other apostles lift up the bier. They process with the bier to the grave with lighted candles and singing. Singing of angels is heard. Jewish leaders in the crowd try to knock her bier onto the ground. They were blinded. One of them experienced that his hands were shrivelling, appearing cut off above the bier. The Jew then pledged faith and begged for healing. As he and the blind touched the bier, they were healed. The apostles bury Mary at Gethsemane. Three days later there was singing of angels heard. The missing apostle (not named) appears and sees an open grave. Mary's grave is empty, but her burial shroud is found. The grave and empty bier are venerated and they remain as a sign.

_________________________________________________ In addition, the liturgical text for Orthros of Koimesis outside of the synaxarion corresponds in many places to material found in the apocrypha and the homilies. In the commentary on the liturgical hymns, discussed later on, it will be noted where these texts touch on the same biblical and patristic materials. It becomes obvious that a claim to trace certain dogma directly to certain sources is a complex process. On the other hand, it is perfectly clear that Christian tradition has continually embraced the falling asleep in death of the Virgin Mary and the gift of resurrection from her Son. It is the details that vary. Taken as mystical expression, however, such details speak of the remarkable mystery of resurrection and eternal life,

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which Christ won. For example, the palm branch obviously expresses the granting of divine and eternal life as will be explained. Analysis of the Apocrypha The Book of John Concerning the Falling Asleep of the Holy Mother of God 714 The following are key elements: _________________________________________________ Mary prays to her Son. Gabriel comes. Mary goes back to Bethlehem. John comes. Apostles come in whirlwind. Censer used in prayer and song. Thunder, then angels come. Angry Jews search Bethlehem for Mary. Mary carried on bed to Jerusalem. Angry Jews try to burn her house. Bright light surrounds the house. Mary's soul departs. Funeral procession. Story of Jephonias the Jew. Third day, the body gone.

_________________________________________________ The Passing of Mary – First Latin Form (Tradition of Melito of Sardis) 715 The following are key elements: ________________________________________________ Melito of Sardis is the attributed source. Leucius is identified as an apostate who has corrupted the story. Mary lives at the home of John's parents on the Mount of Olives. Scene is two years after the death of Christ. 322

An angel comes, carrying a fiery palm branch. Mary asks the angel for the apostles to come. Mary goes to the Mount of Olives with the palm to pray. Earthquake, then John comes to her. The angry Jews threaten to burn Mary's body. The apostles arrive. Three days later, the apostles fall asleep, and Jesus arrives. Mary fears death. She lies down on her bed and dies. The apostles see her soul. They take her body to the tomb. John carries the palm. A great cloud covers the bier. Jewish opposition, including the attack and then healing of the Jews, who kiss her bed. A palm is sent with the healed Jew to bring faith in the city. Mary is laid in the new tomb. The Lord arrives and asks the apostles what to do. They request her body be risen up. She rises immediately. The apostles see all this, and then are carried back to their homes.

_______________________________________________ The Passing of Mary – Second Latin Form (Narrative by Joseph of Arimathea) Taken from: Tischendorf, Apoc., 113-23. 716 The following are the key elements: ______________________________________________ Jesus informed Mary of her approaching death (her "Passion") three days prior to her death. Mary's death occurred two years after the Ascension of Jesus, her son. The angel gave Mary a palm branch. Mary sent for Joseph of Arimathea and other disciples.

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She washed herself and prepared as a queen. Three virgins were with her. At the third hour … there was thunder, rain, and an earthquake. John came. All the disciples except Thomas arrived on clouds. They were: John, James his brother, Peter, Paul, Andrew, Philip, Luke, Barnabus, Bartholmew, Matthew, Matthias (surnamed Justus), Simon the Canaanite, Jude and his brother Nicodemus, Maximianus. There was discussion between them all. Christ arrived with a host of angels. There was a great light and fragrance abounding. People in Jerusalem were seized by evil. The apostles took up Mary's body to carry it down from Mount Sion. A Jew, Reuben, tried to upset the bier. His hands withered. Then, the Jew was healed, and baptized. The apostles lay Mary's body in the grave. A great light surrounded them. Angels took up the holy body to heaven but the apostles didn't know it. Thomas came and saw the body being taken up. He called to Mary and she threw down her girdle (belt). The apostles went and removed the stone of her grave, and they found she was not there. The apostles were returned on the clouds. Reference to Habakkuk. Testimony of authenticity by Joseph of Arimathea.

_______________________________________________ Conciliar considerations The writing of the first homilies and the emergence of the liturgical text tradition came during a period of intense debate over christology, arising at first over the very name of the mother of Christ, Mary. Even though the name, Theotokos, had been used by Origen, Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesarea, Cyril of Jerusalem, and Gregory of Nazianzus, among others, 324

the title was attacked under the leadership of Nestorius. Eusebius refuted the claims of Nestorius who preached that "Jesus was not fully divine but only a man adopted by the Divine Word," thereby suggesting the term Chistotokos for Mary instead. 717 This was itself refuted by Cyril of Alexandria, whose ideas themselves led to a strong argument for the unity of the Divine Word in the human Jesus: The nature of the Word, the concrete personality of the Word, is God the Word Himself, the personal subject of all His actions and experiences. Cyril made his own the Appolinarian formula -- one incarnate nature of the divine Word -- found in pseudepigraphal books, thinking that it came from Athanasius. 718

Cyril found it hard to accept the idea of "two natures" in Christ, because he understood this to mean separation. For Cyril, the philosophical meaning of the word "nature" was "hypostasis," being the concrete and objective existence of Christ. The argument centered on the meaning of the word "nature" and, according to Davis, once Cyril realized that the formula of "two natures" did not always involve separation, he began to compromise. Cyril's theology is known to inspire later monophysitism, which permeated eastern Christianity and saturated its spirituality in many ways. Debates on christology were far from being put to rest at the Council of Ephesus 431 AD, with parties returning to their homelands and fuming over conflicts with their own positions. The Council of Chalcedon was called to address an obviously false teaching by the monk, Eutyches, mainly fueled by emotions held over from the former debates and actions taken by the councils -- particularly Constantinople and Ephesus. At the center of it all, it is apparent that the tradition on Mary and her death became a banner piece for one group or the other. The theologians had debated over the mortality of Jesus, on how God, the source of life, could actually die. The argument was centered on how the God who created the Heavens and the Earth could effectively stoop so low as to become a human. This reflects in the Assumption liturgical text in the questions asked by the

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hymnologists: how could the woman who held the Creator of All in her womb and gave birth virginally, lie in the ground dead? Philosophically, the question asked surrounded the physical reality of God's indwelling. Theologically, the question asked was fundamentally one of explaining the mystery of the incarnation by Aristotelian terms of "person" and "nature," or by speaking of the incarnation in more Platonist terms in empowerment and the presence of divine energy. Theologically, what was the battle all about? It began as we have seen, over the title "Mother of God", but support of the title or opposition to it involved differing Christologies. Nestorius represented the Antiochene tradition; Cyril, the Alexandrian. Just as all philosophers are said to be basically either Aristotelian or Platonist, so, roughly speaking, all theologians are in Christology either Antiochene, beginning with the Jesus of the Synoptic Gospels and attempting to explain how this man is also God, or Alexandrian, beginning with the Word of John's Prologue and attempting to understand the implications of the Logos taking flesh. 719

The theology that emerges from these early liturgical texts clearly demonstrates a spiritual understanding of christology, painted by the theological understanding of who Christ's Mother truly was and is. According to Daley, the doctrine and devotion that blossomed in the 4th through the 6th century coincided with the christological debate between the First Council of Constantinople in 381 AD and the Second Council of Constantinople in 553 AD: The formulation of the Mystery of Christ's person ratified at the Council of Chalcedon in 451 represented a compromise between the Antiochene and Western approaches, on the one hand, with their insistence that the unity of the divine and the human in the one person of the Son of God involved no diminution in him of the active reality of either of those "natures", and the approach Alexandrian writers, shared by most Eastern monks and faithful, on the other, which emphasized the overpowering and transforming effect of the Son of

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God's personal presence in Jesus, even while they affirmed the completeness of his humanity. 720

Daley analyzes this situation to mean that often the eastern monastic expression tended to reflect the Alexandrian emphasis on "the divine identity of Christ's person and the divinization of his humanity by its assumption into the inner life of the Triune God, as the Son's own body and soul." 721 The idea that Mary experienced in her person a "unique immersion into the Mystery of salvation because of her unique closeness to Christ" 722 was then heightened through the developing liturgies. The question that remains is critical. Did the sources from Syria represent a long hidden and heart-kept mystery of the memory of Mary's death and resurrection; or, are the various accounts and poems that emerged merely remnants of a wellfought christological battle? In a footnote to his introduction, Daley notes that outside of the scholarship of M. Jugie and S.C. Mimouni, only the work of L. Carli addresses this question. 723 The only lasting argument for the bodily resurrection of Mary resides with the testimony that her grave was empty. The tendency to reject Christian datum on the basis that it resided only in the imagination of a theological debate seems to deny the overwhelming embrace and sense of "received truth" that continued through the ages, demonstrated by John of Thessalonica in his homily and confirmation of the mystery as expressed over the ages in liturgical prayer. John of Thessalonica admits the presence of false teaching concerning the Dormition of Mary, and the ensuing forgetfulness of the importance of the feast. And, Andrew of Crete acknowledges that the mystery is not only hard to describe but most worthy of being continually remembered: But the gift must be celebrated, not buried in silence: not because it is some new discovery, but because it has now come to its fitting outward form. For we ought not to consider this mystery worthy of silence today, just because some in the past were unaware of it; rather, it is a holy duty to proclaim it now, because it has not escaped our knowledge altogether. 724

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In 1950, at the official Roman Catholic declaration of the dogma of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary into Heaven, we see that Pope Pius XII was hesitant to precisely say that Mary actually and physically died. The theological problem in understanding Mary as the "Immaculate Mother of God" -allowing no room for death and corruption, presents an irresoluble problem. And, yet, no one denies that her Son, who is God, died on the cross. If, in understanding Mary as the "Immaculate Mother of God" -- she who was washed in the Holy Spirit and never separated from the grace of God, there is a possibility of seeing death in non-separation for all the righteous who "die." It comes to be understood as a "sleeping," a "dormition," in fact, the eastern liturgical designation for all the righteous who die. It is much like the debate between Nestorius, Cyril and the Fathers of the Council of Chalcedon. But, the statement in 1950 left to the imagination whether she actually died first or was taken up right from life on earth without experiencing physical death. … by the authority of our Lord Jesus Christ, of the Blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by our own authority, we pronounce, declare, and define it to be a divinely revealed dogma: that the Immaculate Mother of God, the ever Virgin Mary, having completed the course of her earthly life, was assumed body and soul into heavenly glory. 725

The answer lays in the collective texts pointing to the mysterium a silentio. The testimony of the ancient eastern Hours, on the other hand, should provide the catalyst and courage for every Christian to pray with confidence that Mary did, indeed, die like all in her companion human race -- even her Son. Indeed she died and then was taken body and soul to Heaven -- as represented in the ancient sources, first her soul and then her body, or both simultaneously. Confirmation of the wisdom in the liturgical books of the ancient east is specifically stated in Munificentissimus Deus: In the liturgical books which deal with the feast either of the dormition or of the Assumption of the Blessed Virgin

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there are expressions that agree in testifying that, when the Virgin Mother of God passed from this earthly exile to heaven, what happened to her sacred body was, by the decree of divine Providence, in keeping with the dignity of the Mother of the Word Incarnate, and with the other privileges she had been accorded. Thus, to cite an illustrious example, this is set forth in that sacramentary which Adrian I, our predecessor of immortal memory, sent to the Emperor Charlemagne. These words are found in this volume: "Venerable to us, O Lord, is the festivity of this day on which the holy Mother of God suffered temporal death, but still could not be kept down by the bonds of death, who has begotten your Son our Lord incarnate from herself [Sacramentarium Gregorianum]." What is here indicated in that sobriety characteristic of the Roman liturgy is presented more clearly and completely in other ancient liturgical books. To take one as an example, the Gallican sacramentary designates this privilege of Mary's as "an ineffable mystery all the more worthy of praise as the Virgin's Assumption is something unique among men." And in the Byzantine liturgy, not only is the Virgin Mary's bodily Assumption connected time and time again with the dignity of the Mother of God, but also with the other privileges, and in particular with the virginal motherhood granted her by a singular decree of God's Providence. "God, the King of the universe, has granted you favors that surpass nature. As he kept you a virgin in childbirth, thus he had kept your body incorrupt in the tomb and has glorified it by his divine act of transferring it from the tomb [Menaei Totius Anni]." 726

Scholars today tend to follow the implications attended by Mimouni (1995) and van Esbroeck in attaching the Marian cult to the Monophysite circles: Mimouni conjectures, convincingly, that the coincidence of this transition to an interest in Mary's death with the aftermath of the Council of Chalcedon must be significant and that the growth of interest in Mary's death took place in Monophysite circles, always favourable to Mary. 727

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Again, Van Esbroeck (1981) argues in the same vein, claiming in greater particularity that the Dormition Feast connects directly to the Monophysites of Gethsemane, claiming that "the apocrypha as texts (were) composed to justify the developing interest in the death." 728 Clayton concludes, after considering many theories of origin and transmission of the death and resurrection stories -- and charting various methods that scholars such as Mimouni, van Esbroeck, and Tischendorf have used to categorize the apocryphal legends -- that there has been a "trend" throughout history "towards ever-increasing conformity and acceptability" of texts that have "theologically dubious elements." 729 Her study's goal was to identify the source and history of apocryphal gospels of Mary in AngloSaxon England. She has, however, apparently been highly influenced by the theological conclusions of Mimouni. If it is accepted that these apocryphal texts are the "origin" of the tradition on Mary's Dormition, then the disparity in various texts and their "theologically dubious elements" are troublesome to the Marian theologian. On the other hand, if one understands the apocryphal texts, and the related homiletics to be secondary sources pointing back to a single source, an oral tradition -- then the ever-evolving fanciful details of the apocrypha are not as theologically bothersome. The stabilizing source in this dilemma is the liturgy. Since it has been established that scripture, throughout all time, has contained liturgical sources, it is reasonable to assert that the homiletic sources and the apocryphal writings are preceded by liturgy. In the transition from the Hebrew ritual and lectionary, in which the first Christians worshipped, onward to Christian monastic hours, it is seen over and over again that the truths accepted by the followers of Christ were expressed first in terms of the Hebrew Bible. For example, the reality of the Last Supper celebration of the Passover is Christ leading the faithful in the true Exodus to freedom. As will be established in the next section, the archaeological discovery of Dura Europos demonstrates over and over again the parallelism of Jewish and Christian iconography in the early centuries -- all utilizing the

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biblical themes of the Hebrew Scriptures. These symbols and themes of the Hebrew Scriptures are the mystical elements expressed over and over again in the liturgical text of Orthros. In evaluating the context of the liturgical text, it will emerge that the tradition of the Dormition of Mary was not solely a concocted reaction to the christological debate taking place from Ephesus to Chalcedon and/or the work of enthusiastic monosphysites. The coincidence of multiple texts of the apocrypha in Monophysite territory may only be a circumstance of finding extant textual evidence there. This must be balanced by the liturgical and iconographic traditions. D. Inter-relationship with the Bible When carefully examining each and every text of the Orthros for the Dormition, it becomes overwhelmingly obvious that the all the hymns, prayers, responses, petitions -- in fact all of the texts, are permeated with biblical sense and direct allusion. There are but a sparse few dogmatic or doctrinal statements. The theological sense of the text of Orthros is entered only through mystical theology. There is a continual parallelism to biblical text which informs the participant by typology of a deeper meaning. Moving from canon to canon, canticle to canticle, and stichera to stichera, there is no question that the meaning flows from a combination of biblical references, metaphorical symbols and parallelism connecting Christian truths with biblical allusions, creating a poetic and deep mystical pattern. This may be described as poetic text, rich in mystical meaning. To dismiss it, however, as mere poetic literature and cadence is a mistake. It glows with the promise of Christian glory and life. Marian theologians can relish its rich treasury. There are two categories of biblical inter-relationship with the Orthros for Koimesis: 1) one being the actual allusion to biblical images that appear in the liturgical text of the Hours, and 2) the other being relationship in a more general context to

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biblical truths in both the Hebrew Scripture and the New Testament. It has been evident from the analysis of the homiletic material that the 4th and 5th century understanding of the feast of the Dormition linked it with certain biblical texts. This evidence, in itself, can be used to assert that the homiletic material is referring to the liturgy as a source. Therefore, in this consideration of the inter-relationship with the Bible, both categories will be considered: - The key biblical texts that appear from the context of the early homiletic material to be related to the understanding of Mary's dormition; - Allusion to biblical references in the actual text of the Hours.

This continual sense of the Hebrew Scriptures throughout the Orthros of the Dormition reveals illuminations of Christ’s mother. The sense, first and foremost, of Mary is seen in the following: 1) as the receptacle of the life-giving waters and light of salvation deriving from Genesis; 2) rising from death as in the story of Enoch; 3) the rising of Elijah -- also referenced in the New Testament book, Hebrews; 4) and Daughter of Zion in the eschatalogical scene in Ezekiel -- restoration of the Holy City of Zion, a city fed by the holy water flowing from the temple; 5) Zechariah's prophecy of a future temple where Mary is the one who contained the true temple; 6) images and ideas in Habbakuk; 7) Bel and the Dragon, Mary as the mountain and stone, and the Three Men in the Furnace (Septuagint Daniel additions); 8) the Exodus and Miriam's song; 9) the grand celebration surrounding the transferal of the ark in Kings; and, 10) with multiple allusions in the messianic sense from the Psalms.

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Key related biblical texts: Genesis 2:10-14 - The rivers of life. Enoch, Genesis 5:23-24 - After a long life, "God took him" … for "he was not (indicating he was nowhere to be found)." Elijah, 2 Kings 2: 11-14 - Elisha witnesses Elijah's translation [transferal] to heaven in fiery chariot drawn by horses. Also, there is a correspondence where Elijah drops a mantle for his son to wear, symbolizing a leadership passed to him by his father. Hebrews 11:5 - Here, occurs a New Testament attestation to the tradition about Elijah's translation to Heaven. This text considers the reason why "God had taken" him, which was attributed to Elijah's faith and continued pleasing of God. Ezekiel 43-47 - These mystical chapters concern the restoration of the Holy City of Zion and the coming fruition of the city fed by the holy water flowing from the temple. Mary is compared to this mystical consideration. Her death and funeral procession is compared to the entrance into the "gate facing east," Ezekiel 43:1. Zechariah 4:10-11 - In the prophecy of a future temple, Mary is seen as the one who contained the true temple, the Son of God. Habbakkuk's Prayer 3: 1-19 - The prophet about whom little is known is bothered by the ever present problem of human wickedness. The answer is received and stated in the psalm-like hymn found in Chapter 3: through complete faith, God's glory"covered the heavens, and the earth was full of his praise (3:3)." It is the righteous person, filled with faith who brings God's glory to earth. Bel and the Dragon, end of Daniel 12 -While captive in a lion's den, this tale tells of a miraculous transportation of Habakkuk (probably not the same as the prophet) who was taken from Judea to Babylon with food. There was also, in this event, a "rushing of wind." After Daniel eats, Habakkuk is transported home again. Exodus 15 - Joy over the exodus from Egypt, slavery, and death compared in Miriam's song of joy and triumph corresponds to Mary's life and experience of passing into new life, Exodus 15: 20-21. Daniel 2: 34-35 - Mary is compared to Daniel's mountain, a "stone" that became a great mountain and filled the whole earth, symbolizing her complete faith

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which made it possible for the Rock of Ages to be incarnated. The concept of the "stone" corresponds to 1 Samuel 2:2, "There is no rock like our God." 1 Samuel 2: 1-10 - Hannah's song contains many of the mystical allusions found in the liturgical text of the Dormition: 1) Mary's strength of faith; 2) the rock; 3) champion of the oppressed (those who believed Christ and were persecuted by non-believing Jews); 4) the victory and new life that appears; 5) the power of God to bring new life that never ends; 6) victory over Sheol, place of the dead; and 7) the anointing or final reward due to those of faith. Three men in the furnace (Apocrypha inserted between Daniel 3:23 and 3:24) - The correspondence here to Mary demonstrates that she is never consumed by natural forces due to her deep and abiding faith. Praise is given to God for granting life and rescuing the faithful from death, Daniel 3:86. Azariah - As Azariah (whose other name is Abebnego), walks in the midst of flames and heat in the fiery furnace (one of the three young men in the furnace), he places total trust in God's providence and lives. Psalms - The promise of God's gift of life and the praise of God's works which are continually referenced in the psalms correspond directly to the promise of life which Christ brings and the subsequent praise that must be given to God's manifestation of resurrection as demonstrated in the Dormition.

The complete text of the Orthros of Koimesis, when translated into English, can differ slightly - for example when provided by the Byzantine Catholic press. 730 Following are some general biblical allusions found in the texts, according to English translations. They 731 include the following allusions chronologically as they appear: General biblical allusions: - Connection to the Nativity, angelic choirs associated with the birth of Christ. “The venerable choir of the Apostles was wondrously gathered together to buy your most pure body, O Theotokos, who are

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praised by all.” Sessional Hymns after the Second Reading from the Psalter - Again reference to Luke, the Annunciation, and the Nativity, as directly relating to the Dormition. Sessional Hymn after the Polyeleos - Brings to mind the bride of Song of Songs and the Queen who stands at the King's side in Psalm 44 (LXX). “The heavenly mansions of God fittingly received you, O Most Holy, who are a living heaven. Joyously adorned as a Bride without spot, you stand before our King and God.” Canon 1 - Psalmic praise of God, such as Psalm 11:4: "God is holy in his Temple." “O Christ, the Wisdom and Power of God … You alone are holy, and You rest among the saints.” Ode 3 - The Fountain, referring to the waters in Genesis. “O Mother of god, living and overflowing fountain … .” Ode 3 - Creation, relationship to Eve in Genesis. “O pure Virgin, sprung form mortal loins, your end was in keeping with nature …” Ode 3 - Zion, the city of God, which stands for the true new temple which is God in the Heavens. “They made haste to Zion, there to minister in a fitting manner at your burial, O Lady.” Ode 3 - The prophets and their message of God's new life which is found in Mary's Son. “The dark sayings and types mentioned by the prophets foreshadowed Your Incarnation from a Virgin, O Christ.” Hypacoi, Tone 5 - The promise of eternal life. “Your death, O Virgin, was a translation to a better and eternal life. It took you from this mortal life, O spotless one, to a

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life which knows no end and is indeed divine: now you look with joy upon your Son and your Lord.” Ode 4 - The resurrection of Christ. “A strange wonder it was to see the living Heaven of the King of All buried in the depths of the earth. How great are Your works! Glory to Your power, O Lord!” Ode 4 - The incarnation. “If her Fruit, whom none may comprehend, on whose account she was called a Heaven, submitted voluntarily to a burial as a mortal, how could she, who gave Him birth without knowing a man, refuse it?” Ode 4 - Mary is the spotless Tabernacle. “Life arose from you without breaking the seals of your virginity. How then could the spotless Tabernacle of your body, the source of Life, become a partaker of death?” Ode 6 - She holds the "Temple of Life," passes herself to new life. “Having become the Temple of Life, you obtained eternal life; you bore Life in Person – now you have passed over through death to life.” Ode 6 - Zion (Sion) “The angelic powers were amazed as they looked in Zion upon their own Master, bearing in His hands the soul of a woman.” Ode 9 - Liturgy builds up to a climax, at its apex implying a procession of joy like that of Miriam at the Exodus, and David carrying the Ark of the Covenant. “Come, O faithful, let us approach the tomb of the Mother of God, and let us embrace it, touching it sincerely with the lips

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and eyes and forehead of the heart. Let us draw abundant gifts of healing grace form this ever-flowing fount.” Ode 9 - Returning to the "Praises" due the "Mother of God", Theotokos (Luke 1). “The whole earth makes glad, singing a burial hymn to you, O Mother of Him who is Lord of All, all-holy Virign and Bride, who have delivered the human race from the condemnation of our forefathers. …” Praises, Tone 4 Specific biblical references 732: - Psalm 44 (LXX) - refers to David the psalmist calling her "Daughter, bride of God and virgin." Sessional Hymn after the First Reading from the Psalter - Exodus 40:16-19 - Mary on her bed is the tabernacle. “Spotless tabernacle." Ode 1 of the Canons - Exodus 15: 20-21; Numbers 12:1-16; Numbers 20:1; Micah 6:4. Her death becomes the celebration at the Exodus, Mary is like Miriam. “It has brought all the faithful together in joy; led by Miriam, they sing the praises of your only Son, for He is gloriously triumphant.” Ode 1 - Joel 2:15-16: Angels and apostles gather; restoration of Judah and Jerusalem, Day of the Lord. Ode 1 - Direct reference to how Mary submitted to nature, participated in the divine, used in homilies (theological). “You submitted to the laws of nature in a manner above nature.” Ode 1 - Psalm 44 (LXX) - refers to David the psalmist calling her "Daughter, bride of God and virgin." “Joyously adorned as a Bride …” Ode 1

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- Exodus 15: 20-21; Numbers 12:1-16; Numbers 20:1; Micah 6:4. Her death becomes the celebration at the Exodus, Mary is like Miriam. “O young maidens, with Miriam the prophetess, now sing the song of farewell.” Ode 1 - 2 Samuel 6:6 … Uzzah took hold of the ark, God "smote him"; 6:16 …The ark is brought into the city, David dances - 1 Chronicles 13:9 … Uzzah dies but ark brings life to where it is. Touching the ark: what was once prohibited is now the source of life. God has become available, new life is at hand. This ark is approachable and brings life. “Therefore, they touched you with reverent hands, as they gazed upon you shining with glory, the Tabernacle that had held God.” Ode 3 Mary is the ark. Unbeliever's hands are struck off = life comes with faith. His hands are restored with faith. - Here an obvious reference to the "Virgin of Protection" at Blachernae and the theological concept of the iconographic term, "platytera" (Mary's womb is wider than the heavens). "All generations call you blessed, O Virgin Mother of God: for Christ our God, who cannot be contained (platytera), was pleased to be contained within you. We are blessed in having you as our constant protection. Day and night, you intercede for us all, and by your prayers, the Christian people are strengthened. Therefore, singing your praises, we cry out to you, "Hail, O full of grace, the Lord is with you!" Luke 1:28 (Also, there is a connection here to the Akathist hymn attributed to Romanos, whose feast day is connected to the dedication of the church at Blacernae and yoked in the "Virgin of Protection" icon from Blachernae.) - Psalm 70:20 (LXX) Prophets foreshadow the Virgin … praised joyfully in the Psalms. “You, who have shown me great

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and severe troubles, Shall revive me again, And bring me up again from the depths of the earth.

- Psalm 129:1 (LXX): Out of the depths I have cried to You, O Lord; Lord hear my voice! Let my ears be attentive To the voice of my supplications. “Come, O people, and gaze in wonder: for in the sight of all, the holy Mountain of the Lord is exalted above the hills of heaven.” Ode 4 - Psalm 29:7 (LXX) called "A Hymn of Resurrection" LORD, by your favor You have made my mountain stand strong. “The earthly heaven takes up her dwelling in heavenly and imperishable land.” Ode 4 - Psalm 99: 4 (LXX) "Enter into His gates with thanksgiving …" - Psalm 118:20 "This is the gate of the LORD, Through which the righteous shall enter." Mary enters the gates. “The gates of heaven were opened wide.” Ode 4 - Reference to Habbakuk “Perceiving the ineffable plan for Your virginal Incarnation, O God Most High, the prophet Habakkuk cried out, “Glory to Your power, O Lord!” Ode 4 - Reference to the burial of Jesus, the gospels. “A strange wonder it was to see the living Heaven of the King of All buried in the depths of the earth.” Ode 4 - Ezekiel 1:11 Vision of angelic creatures . "And their wings were spread out above; each creature had two wings, each of which touched the wing of another, while two covered their bodies."

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“At your Translation, O Mother of God, the angelic hosts in awe and joy extended their wings to cover your body which and been spacious enough to contain God.” Ode 4 - Psalm 83:11 (LXX) Christ is represented as the sun. “You rose like the Sun, giving light to those sitting in darkness and the shadow of death.” Ode 5 - Exodus 13:21, Exodus 24:18, Psalm 77:14 (LXX) In the daytime he led them with a cloud. Cloud = God's presence “You are the swift cloud from which the Most High God, the Sun of Justice, shone forth upon those who lay in darkness and the shadow of death.” Ode 5 - Psalm 46:5 (LXX) Song of Ascent. The trumpets are praising. - Psalm 80:3 (LXX) Restoration of Israel repenting - Revelation 1:10 “The inspired tongues of the Apostles rang out louder than trumpets, as they sang in the Spirit the burial hymn to the Theotokos.” Ode 5 - Mansions = John 14:2 “… for you are a virgin and have not known man, and yet you have been translated from earth to the eternal mansions and to life without end…” Ode 5 - "Let the sky re-echo, shining with infinite light" Transfiguration, Matthew 17:2 - Many languages, Pentecost, Acts 2: 4 “Let the voices of men sound praises in many languages.” Ode 5

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- Jonah “The fire-breathing whale, the monster dwelling in the salt waters of the sea, was a prefiguring of Your three-day burial, and Jonah acted as interpreter.” Ode 6 - Annunciation and Nativity, Luke 1 “The divine King of All gave you the things that are above nature as your inheritance.” Ode 6 - Exodus symbols Fire, manna, censer, rod, Aaron, tablet, the holy ark, bread “O Virgin, your Son has made you dwell in the Holy of Holies as a bright candlestick, flaming with immaterial Fire, as a golden censer burning with divine Coal, as the vessel of manna, the rod of Aaron, and the tablet written by God, as a holy ark and the table of the Bread of Life.” Ode 6 - Clapping hands … Song of Miriam, Exodus, transferal of ark to the Temple in City of David “Come, let us clap our hands and celebrate this divine and glorious feast of the Mother of God.” Ode 6 - Theological question -- how can one who bore life experience death? The "bearing life who is God" may refer again to the Virgin of Blachernae. “How then could the spotless Tablernacle of your body, the source of Life, become a partaker of death?” Ode 6 - Mary = Temple of life (again referring to Virgin of Blachernae and and the Virgin of Pigi) “… having become the Temple of Life, you obtained eternal life; you bore Life in Person – now you have passed over through death to life.” Ode 6 - "Virgin of Protection" reference again. "Neither death nor the tomb could hold the Mother of God, our watchful Protectoress and our unfailing hope. Since she is the Mother of Life, Christ who dwelt in her ever-virginal womb lifted her up to the eternal life." Kontakion Tone 2

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- Psalm 47: 12-14 (LXX). “Walk about Zion, And go all around her. Count her towers; Mark well her bulwarks …” Mary is the fortress, the rampart, the haven of security. “… that I may dare to sing the praises of Your most pure Mother, the rampart of the world.” Ikos, before the synaxarion - The synaxarion “It is not surprising that the Gate of Salvation fell asleep in bodily death, since You, the Creator of the world, had submitted to it. Although she died on the fifteenth, she lives forever.” Synaxarion given in the Service Books of the Byzantine Churches (not at all like the ancient synaxarion of Andrew or that in the traditional Greek Menaion.) - Psalm 70:22 (LXX). The Harp. “Divine Love, fighting against cruel wrath and fire, quenched the fire with dew and laughed the wrath to scorn, making the three-stringed harp of the saints inspired by God sin in the midst of the flames in answer to the instruments of music.” Ode 7 - Moses shatters the tablets, but God protects Mary, Exodus. “In his anger, Moses shattered the tables made by God …” Ode 7 - Miriam, procession with ark, clapping, instruments. “To the sound of the cymbals of our pure lips, of the harmonious harps of our hearts, of the sweet-sounding trumpets of our uplifted minds, to the clapping of our active hands, let us cry on this solemn and holy day of the Translation of the pure Virgin.” Ode 7

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- Translation of Mary to Zion - translation of the ark. “The people inspired by God has gathered together: for the Tabernacle of the glory of God is translated in Zion to a heavenly abode.” Ode 7 - Three Young Men in the Furnace, additions to between Daniel 3:23 and 3:24. “The three young men, divinely inspired, refused to worship creatures instead of the Creator: they had the courage to overcome the threatening fire, and sang out joyfully: “You are worthy of all praise, O Lord, God of our Fathers. Blessed are You!” Ode 7 - All gather around Mary to remember Joel 2:11. “Young men and maidens, old men and rulers, kings and judges, who honor the memory of the Virgin and Mother of God, sing out, “Blessed are You, O Lord, God of our Fathers!” Ode 7 - Psalm 46:5 (LXX) Mountains ring out for God's glory, Psalm 97:6 (LXX) “Let the high mountains ring out to the trumpet of the Spirit: let the hills now rejoice, and let the apostles of God dance for joy.” Ode 7 - Mary's Dormition likened to Christ's Ascension John 1:51 “The Queen goes to dwell with her Son …” Ode 7 - Three young men in the furnace, Mary is the fountain of life. “The all-powerful Angel of God revealed to the young men a flame that brought refreshment to the holy while it consumed the ungodly. And he made the Theotokos into a life-giving fountain, gushing forth from the destruction of death and to the life of those who sing …” Ode 8 - Carrying the ark to Zion, reminiscent of transferal of the ark to the City of David.

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“The whole multitude of the apostles accompanied in Zion the divine Ark of holiness as they sang, “O living Tabernacle of God, where are you going? Do not cease to watch over those who sing, “We praise the one God and Creator; we exalt Him throughout the ages.” Ode 8 - Virgin lifts up her hands (which held Incarnate God in their embrace) … again, refers to Virgin of Protection. “As she departed, the spotless virgin lifted up her hands – those hands that had held God incarnate in their embrace – and with the boldness of a Mother to her Son, she said, “Guard forever my inheritance, which cries out to You.” Ode 8 - Three young men in the furnace. “The maternity of the Theotokos, prefigured by the three young men in the furnace, preserved them against the power of fire: but now that this maternity has come to be accomplished, it brings the whole universe together and makes it sing …” Ode 8 - Reference to the angelic world, Ezekiel. “O most pure Virgin, the rulers and dominions and powers, the angels, archangels and thrones, the principalities, cherubim and dread seraphim make your memory glorious …” Ode 8 - Promise of God's eternal life. Mary's soul taken to Heaven. Reference to the Incarnation. God's spirit within her returns to God. “The One who wondrously took flesh from you and dwelt in your womb, Himself received your all-holy spirit.” Ode 8 - Reference again to Incarnation. Her role as "Theotokos" allows her to make the tomb a place of "paradise." “Going to dwell in the tomb, she made it a paradise.” - Reference to Mary's virginity (Luke).

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“O Pure Virgin: For your birthgiving left you a virgin, and your death became the herald of your life.” Ode 9 - 2 Chronicles 35:3 Mary is the ark on Zion. “The angelic powers were amazed as they looked in Zion upon their own Master, beraing in His hands the soul of a woman …” Ode 9 - Ezekiel Angels in heaven “Standing aroundyour body that had held God, the choir of apostles looked upon it with awe and saluted it …” Ode 9 - Ezekiel Angels in heaven “The angels, as they looked upon the Dormition of the Virgin, were struck with wonder, seeing how the Virgin went up from earth to heaven.” Ode 9 - Lights (torches) carried in the funeral procession points to people entering new world of light/life, as Christ is represented in John, the “Light of the world.” “Let every human spirit take up a torch, and let him dance with joy in his spirit!” Ode 9 - Zion = divine and fertile mountain, Theotokos. “Come to Zion, the divine and fertile mountain of the living God.” Ode 9 Touching the bier, embracing it with all of one's life: "Come, O faithful, let us approach the tomb of the Mother of God, and let us embrace it, touching it sincerely with the lips and eyes and forehead of the heart. Let us draw abundant gifts of healing grace from this ever-flowing font." Ode 9 Notice here that there is a possible connection with the Virgin of Blachernae and the Virgin of Pigi with people coming for healing of mind and body [to be described in the next chapters.]

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As can be seen, almost every section has a firm, rich, and extensive biblical reference. It is almost overpowering to see take note of this poetic construction. The mystical images roll in and out of one another. We have departed from the realm of sequential historical narrative. The Exodus with Miriam dancing, Moses finding the mystery of God at the top of Mt. Sinai, Mary as the mountain, the cloud indicating the moving presence of God … all work together to create the mystery of the power of Mary's Dormition and God’s gift of Resurrection. Mary is the ark being transported to Zion. She is seen as the holy and sacred place, like the place where Jacob slept on a rock, where God comes to meet the people. She is "beth-el," the house of God, and the gate of Heaven. She is, also, related as the pillar of sacred stone by the temple. E. Inter-relationship with iconography Because the experience of Christ is not limited to a rational understanding, the human being expresses”knowledge" of God and God's act of complete love in the Incarnation most deeply in a language of poetry and art. And, therefore, we see the language of the Liturgical Hours expressed in mystical poetry full of images. Likewise, the iconographer who "writes" an icon is in essence performing the same task as the liturgical authors and evangelists. The language of the icon, as its elements emerged in the beauty of Byzantine aesthetics, carries the language of mystery and in silent embrace of God's revelations. All art bears an individual message. Obviously, however, this message cannot be understood until one has learnt its own silent language, which, in this case, is composed of different elements, such as lines, colours and volumes. The necessity to learn a spoken language in order to read and understand a given text goes without question. But a similar effort does not seem essential or, frankly speaking, even useful, where the appreciation of a work of art is concerned. On the other hand, the effort does become absolutely essential when connected with an art which expresses the thoughts and feelings of men

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belonging to a remote past and to a civilization which is no longer our own. This indeed applies to the Byzantine Empire and to Byzantine art. For beyond the immediate pleasure experienced at the sight of a work of art, lie hidden riches of a spiritual order waiting to be discovered. But these riches only become apparent after we have made a close study of the historical "context" in which these works of art belong. By this means alone can one comprehend the significance of the artistic idiom that one tries to decipher and hopes, thereby, to grasp its true meaning. It is obvious that the historical "context" embraces in particular those human activities which, like art itself, belong to the field of the intellect and of technical achievements. 733

The dates of history which refer to Byzantine art (4th-15th centuries, or 330-1453) 734 correspond to the period when the liturgical text developed. The unique aspect of Byzantine iconography is its perpetuation of a language of antiquity, which has been attributed to various causes by scholars. But it is Byzantine art alone which embraces, both effectively and uninterruptedly, the entire work of the last centuries of Antiquity and of the whole of the Middle Ages. This therefore presupposes -- and this is what we mean when we refer to the character of the artistic language of the Byzantines -- that, fundamentally, this artistic language was a continuation of that of late Antiquity. 735

Those scholars who are aware of the artistic language of Byzantine art easily relate it to the silent mystery found in the mystical language of the liturgical texts of the Hours. This character of Byzantine iconography is perpetuated. In this manner, we find the same element of mysterium a silentio in the sacred art, as we do in the liturgical text of the Hours. The achievement derives from a fact which actually characterizes it: the fact that at no time in its history did Byzantine art deviate sufficiently from the aesthetics and technical systems of the art of late Antiquity to be incapable of reverting easily to the original

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models. It is, indeed, this language, so solidly anchored in the ancient Greek tradition that helped to formulate the artistic "message" of Byzantium. 736

Grabar admits an influence from the eastern provinces of the Empire, which extended, he says, to Mesopotamia, Syria and Egypt. This influence can be seen paralleled to the influence of Syrian poetry on the liturgical text. It was the work of pagan philosophers in late antiquity to suggest the "noumenal" reality that exists in an image -- "the one that really exists (the others appearing to do so): in other words, the neo-Platonist nous, that is to say, God and the intelligible world that surrounds him." 737 This may have been the reason in Byzantine style to resist the "classical antiquities" developing at the end of the period of antiquity. As the iconography developed, certain signs were invented to suggest this vision of God. Practically speaking, how is one to convey the idea that one image represents the invisible, while another merely presents an evocation of the material world? In order to assist the spectator certain special signs were invented, such as the medallion of light which frames the "theophanic" visions. 738

In this "dematerializing" of the traditional image, artists continued to oppose the forms developing in classical art. It was an ongoing desire to "open the spectator's mind's eye and direct him towards the contemplation of the super-sensible, which is alone worthy of being contemplated and admired." 739 The context of the medieval Byzantine iconographic tradition appears dedicated to continuing the message of revelation. We see the iconography paralleling the liturgical text, or as Grabar claims, "In general, but more particularly towards the end of the Middle Ages, the liturgy often inspired the iconographers." 740 Here, then, we find the liturgical text as a canon. It should be noted, however, that the text written, for example, in a mosaic icon on a wall in a church such as Ravenna in Sicily, displays a moment in time in the expression of the mystery, where liturgical text adds accretions and the 348

time value is more complex to distinguish. We then identify the following axiom according to contextual studies: A. The liturgical text (LIT) supplies a canon for the iconographic tradition (ICON) that follows and flows from it. B. The iconographic tradition (ICON) is easily identifiable in an historic era. C. The liturgical text (LIT) is NOT easily identifiable historically. Era # 1

Premise: Source of revealed truths passed orally and ritually

Era #2

LIT formed with continual accretions, i.e. poetic and hymnic additions, usually anonymous

Era #3

ICON made at certain point in time

Continuing on in time ……..

Most scholars looking at the iconographic tradition of Koimesis (the Dormition, later known as “the Assumption”) acknowledge that the icon itself did not emerge in the early periods of the Roman-medieval tradition in art. Most do feel comfortable in acknowledging that the tradition depicted appears to solely rest in the liturgical tradition. The Dormition icon is based not on Scriptural accounts, for there are none, but on sacred tradition. It is in accord with the hymnography of the Church, particularly with the exaposteilarion 741 that is chanted on August 15 and the fourteen days that precede it. 742

Constantine Cavarnos points out that although there is no scriptural account in the New Testament on Virgin Mary's

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death, the concept, however, is used in the Koimesis icon, where its specific meaning of "falling asleep or resting" in the Lord is a verb form that is found in the scriptural text. The word “koimesis” is a verbal form used many times, he notes, to refer to the state of death of the righteous, demonstrated in the pictorial narrative of Mary’s death that shows her on a bed with her dear friends gathered around her. Images of the Dormition that first became evident, according to extant iconography, are found in ivory carvings, on sacrophagi, and on illuminated lectionaries. According to Louis Reau's study of Christian art, early iconography of the Dormition fell into three patterns as it developed through the years: 1) lying on her deathbed; 2) praying on her knees; and 3) seated in death. In the first category, while the Eastern tradition always presented the Virgin as dead with her soul in the arms of her son, the West came to like representing her in a state of dying, with a candle in her hand. Secondly, up until the 15th century, the Virgin is almost always depicted dying or already dead on her bed. About the same time, at the end of the Middle Ages, when Christ was depicted on his knees prior to his death, the image for the Virgin took up the same theme. And thirdly, about 1500, she is seen sitting with a candle in hand, where her soul has apparently been taken into the arms of Christ. This artistic theme occurred about the time that theologians began to seriously consider if Mary had died without suffering. Some claim that this paved the way for the artistic rendition of her assumption into the clouds of heaven. 743 Overall, Reau's scholarly work also concludes that liturgy holds a great influence over art. 744 The origins of the Byzantine Dormition icon are attributed to the 9th and 10th century in its appearance all over the Christian world in churches and shrines, illuminated manuscripts and icons. However, there are a few images that are designated before the 10th century. "These are few, but all of them focus on the miraculous character of Mary's death -- on the angelic

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annunciation, the arrival of the apostles, and the appearance of Christ to his mother." 745 To this day, an icon of the death of the Virgin elicits great passion for those who spend some time in meditation on its components. William Hart McNichols SJ, a modern day iconographer, comments on the icon’s elements in an issue of America. The Dormition icon is, for him, a meditation on Christian death. I have felt drawn to icons of the Dormition for a long time, and have placed various portrayals of this icon before me, privately hoping one day to touch this mystery with my own hand. As I began to work on the drawing [his dormition icon is published in this issue], I was gradually aware I wanted to reduce the icon to what I saw were the essentials and hoped to create a sense of the awesome silence surrounding this death, and also the fullness of joy surrounding this birth. 746

McNichols ends his meditation with liturgical text from the Vespers on the Feast of the Dormition, from the eastern Liturgical Hours. A history of the earliest icons of the Dormition includes the following, as also chronicled in a review of the image by Joseph Duhr SJ, published in 1950. The earliest icons are identified from the Byzantine period, 4th to the 7th century: 747 From The Far East: 10th c. 11th c. 12th c. 14th c. later

Moses of Nisibus (the iconographer). The desert skete. Daphne near Athens (referenced by Diehl). a)"Most Beautiful" Dormition mosaic of Macedonian period, Mortarana, Sicily. b) Quchlouq de Qeledjar, Cappadocia. *Kahrii Djami (Chora), Chapel of the Archangels, South of Djemil. *Peribleptus, Verria (Hagios Christos).

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East 10th c. 11th c. 12th c.

*Byzantine ivory miniatures (Germany and France). Gospel of Limbourg, Gospel of Henry II, 10021024. Gradual of Osrabruck.

*These have the same elements as Daphne and Mortarana, only with more movement and passion.

In a contemporary and helpful edition on iconography by Leonid Ouspensky and Vladimir Lossky, we find a succinct synthesis of the history of the Dormition Feast. They place its origin most likely in Jerusalem, at the end of the fourth century. By the sixth century, it was widespread throughout the Christian world. Under Emperor Maurice (582-602 AD), the feast's date was permanently fixed at August 15. Among the first iconographic monuments of the Assumption must be noticed the sarcophagus of Santa Ingracia at Saragossa (beginning of the IVth century) with a scene which is very probably that of the Assumption, and a relief of the VIth century, in the Basilica of BolnissKapanakei, in Georgia, which represents the Ascension of the Mother of God and is matched by a relief of the Ascension of Christ. 748

Traditionally, as has been noted, the eastern tradition depicts the Virgin who has died, lying upon her bed. The apostles, and sometimes many more, are gathered at her side, praying and using incense to give glory to her body. The following description of a 15th century icon [written for the Mary Page, www.marypage.org] describes the major elements, representing the ancient iconographic details that precede it over the ages (See Appendix V): Our reflection centers on a 15th century icon painted by iconographer Andreas Ritzos and now housed in the Galleria Sabaudo, Turin, but originating in Heraklion, Crete. It portrays not only tradition carried from early times but legendary material which was added through the ages. As a whole, we see Mary lying on her death bed, surrounded by angels and saints, church leaders, bishops,

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evangelists, dear friends and neighbors, and apostles coming on their way on a cloud. Around the entire icon there is a glow of gold and reds - representing the burst of the new kingdom and the surge of life. It is a scene crowded with both earthly and heavenly members of creation, coming to see the fulfillment of Christ's word. It is not hard to see a resemblance of this icon to the Nativity icon with mountains in the distance. Here, the structure of the lofty mountains (representing contact between God and humanity) are replaced by a large mandorla shape - a small one outlining a glow of divinity around Christ connected to the flow of the Spirit indicated by a bright ray and a large mandorla filled with singing angels. From ancient eras, including pre-Christian times, the almond-shaped mandorla has been an artistic symbol used to designate a space surrounding a holy sacred person. So, here the larger mandorla encompasses the realm of heaven and the small mandorla the aura of Christ. To the left and right in the upper portion of the icon we see the New Zion, decorated with the sprigs of new life remembering the Garden of Life. Floating across these houses, perhaps the rounded Romanesque arch on the left representing the ancient Temple which has now become the House of the Living Christ in the World, we see two clouds carrying the apostles. At the peak of the larger mandorla we see six wings around an angel face. At the very center of the top of the icon, we find a time lapse glimpse at the Virgin Mary being carried into the open gates of Heaven itself. We see the beloved disciple, understood to be John the Evangelist, who bends his head near to the virgin - calling to mind the parallel biblical passage (John 13: 23-25) where the beloved disciple places his head on the breast of Jesus at the Last Supper table. It should be noted that many of the details in legendary and apocryphal Christian writings parallel the biblical events. As Christ prepared for his death with the nearness of his beloved friend John, the same friend attends to the body of Christ's mother. It is hard to tell whether this detail is historically accurate according to tradition, or a legendary idea that spiritually connects the death of Christ to the death of His Mother. It should be noted that the bed lined with a brilliant red mat which Virgin Mary lies upon reminds us of the Nativity icon. There and here we see a parallel motif of life coming into a world of death. Candles burning brightly in front of the bier represent light in a world of darkness, proclaiming the theme of "life" and "light". Christ will give Virgin Mary who sleeps in death new life, which is metaphorically described as "light". "In Him was life, and the life was the light of men (John 1:4)." What is it that Christ holds in his hands in a lifting motion? In many ways it reminds us of the baby wrapped in swaddling clothes in the Nativity icon. But from the symbolism of Byzantine iconography, we know it is the soul of Virgin Mary that Christ takes unto Himself. The baby is noticeably white which

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symbolizes a presence in Heaven, with God. This Christian symbolism was borrowed from the ancient pagan world where white was used as a color consecrated to the gods. Pythagorus writes that white should be used in burial as a sacred sign of immortality (Sendler, p. 153*). It is also tied to the idea of light, which stands for life, light in a world of darkness and sin (separation from God), life in a world of death (separated from Life Itself). We also see that Christ Himself is robed in white. In this small picture we clearly see two women at the windows of the house who observe the scene with obvious sorrow. The ancient tellings of the dormition tell us that Virgin Mary's close friends and relatives wailed and wept at the event of her death. She calmed them in their fears and told them she would always care for them even though she was departing to be again with her Son in heaven. In some accounts, she tells them she will ask permission from her Son to return to earth when they are in need, particularly in need of knowing her Son. In the plan of God, it was important to keep alive the fervor and closeness of those who believed in Christ. Looking with mindfulness at this tiny illustration, we see the apostles reaching toward Mary and yet turning to one another for mutual support in their grief. The prayers of Vespers tell us why the tradition speaks of a mysterious miracle, the arrival of the apostles from far-flung lands carried in a cloud. Perhaps we can reflect on the pillar of fire and cloud that preceded the Holy of Holies in the desert. Now the Holy of Holies is Jesus, and it is the preaching and teaching of the apostles that escorts Him into the future and the growing kingdom of the eschaton and the ever flowing fountain of God's Life. An unusual thing about Byzantine icons is the way in which the phenomenon of time is portrayed. Sequenced events occur all in the same plane as the eye moves around the icon - images which are actually meant to be a window to the unseen reality of life. We have seen the soul of Virgin Mary taken into her Son's hands. Here, we find her physical body being lifted by the angels into open doors of the Realm of God beyond. Notice her arms are wide and she is bending toward the earth still caring for all those who are now the Mystical Body of Christ - her Son in the world. We may understand her as the Platytera, one whose body held the God of the universe - wider than the heavens. She prays in early Christian style in the orans position (arms extended out). She is the woman who will constantly draw all to her Son and eventually to the realm she now enters. Who might the man be incensing the bier and leading the prayer? It is Peter. The apostles asked who should lead them in prayer during the funeral and Peter was chosen. We see Peter as the father of the fledgling church, the one who represents all those gathered, the one who offers a sanctification of the holy bed. Behind the head of the bier, we find Paul, Dionysius, Timothy, Hierotheus and

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others mentioned in the tradition. Alongside the dedicated women who followed Jesus, we discover a band of angels bearing torches of light. The icon shows us that there is no end to the light that comes into the world with the promise of Christianity. The halos abound in gold radiance and the torches light the way of life for all creation, signaled in this marvelous event of the falling asleep of Virgin Mary. We learn - also in the liturgy of the Hours - that there was a magnificent sound of heavenly voices accompanying the funeral and transportation of Mary to Heaven. Traditionally, in ancient iconography, angels are predominantly portrayed through the significant profusion of wings. These creatures represent the guardians of the Holy of Holies, God's effort to keep the Tree of Life protected until the end of time. Remember, of the trees in the Garden on Eden, Adam and Eve ate only of the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. The gift of true and everlasting life was kept by God, in God's eternal plan, to be fully received only in the end of time. This gift of life is described in the final book of the New Testament, the Book of Revelation. Here, in the icon, the six-winged creature flutters at the top of the larger mandorla - symbolizing that Christ has brought new life and His mother is the first to realize the new eschaton, the beginning of humanity's journey in the final days of the kingdom to the Tree of Life.” 749

To all this, we might add some symbolism that comes from several other elements in the tradition, concerning Mary's death. From the text of the Orthros, it becomes obvious that there is an imagery of Mary as the ark. And her transportation to Upper Zion is portrayed as the entry of the ark into Jerusalem, to the City of David. The elements of incensing are then reverence given the ark. And the lighting of candles is symbolic of the new light, the new life that is in the world. Strangely, the notable element of the palm, found in the tradition from Melitus, is often absent from the iconography. Sometimes the bier is decorated with a palm, or the members of the funeral procession are carrying a palm. In the synaxarion of the Orthros we find a curious reference to the trees bending down. If these are considered to be palm trees, then the traditions converge. Without reference to exact details, the palm connects to the death of Jesus. More broadly, for the righteous person, the palm is the symbol that represents the promise of life eternal when he or she enters new Zion.

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The awe and reverence in which ancient peoples held this tree can be appreciated from the scriptures: "And he shall be like a tree planted by the rivers of water, that bringeth forth his fruit in his season; his leaf also shall not wither; and whatsoever he doeth shall prosper" Psalm 1:3. In Psalm 92:12-14, you can read: "The righteous shall flourish like a palm tree: he shall grow like a cedar in Lebanon. Those that be planted in the house of the Lord shall flourish in the courts of our God. They shall still bring forth fruit in old age; they shall be fat and flourishing." The stately palms, towering over the desert, signaling to the tired traveler the presence of water at the oasis from which they obtained their moisture, evoke vivid images even today. In the Song of Solomon 7:7-8 you can read this imagery: "Thisthy stature is like to a palm tree, and thy breasts to clusters of grapes. I said, I will go up to the palm tree, I will take hold of the boughs thereof …." … In Revelation 7:9, again the symbolism of palm leaves is apparent: "After this I beheld, and lo, a great multitude, which no man could number, of all nations, and kindreds, and people, and tongues, stood before the throne, and before the Lamb, clothed with white robes, and palms in their hands." 750

As noted, the symbols of Virgin Mary in her righteousness, consistently through the Orthros, are elements of water and light. The palm tree, which harbors water in its roots, provides shade, provides fruits in its dates, offers milk in its fluids, provides wood for homes and shelter … is the obvious symbol of life in the Near East extending as far east as the ancient Mesopotamian cultures. In a magnificent Renaissance painting of the Dormition housed at the Philadelphia Museum, there is an altarpiece by Gherardo Starnina, created for a church in Lucca, Italy, in the early 15th century that places a large, vibrant palm tree at the peak of the piece. Lastly, it should be noted that in most Byzantine-style churches, the Dormition icon is located over the west door, to be seen by the faithful when exiting the church. In the ancient 356

church, funerals were begun and mostly conducted in the narthex. The west portal of the nave (the church faces East) was the view into the death of all and the future glory that would be found in resurrection – the eschatological promise. Now, the icon of the Dormition is usually placed in that location, over the door exiting the nave, as a reminder of hope to all Christians of the resurrected life that is to come in Christ's glory. Again, a theological truth is demonstrated in terms of the context of space and time, providing a way to contemplate the mystery of Heaven and eternity along life’s journey. F. Context and Social Location Although many of the faithful who take pilgrimages to holy sites and who study the geography of the holy places may never stop to think that there is an inherent meaning in the locale, where the lives of Mary and her son took place, it becomes apparent that examining the inter-relationship of the social location to the liturgical texts can lend insight into the context and deeper meaning to the feast. 1. Ancient social situation - the possibility of anti-Jew sentiment in the Dormition tradition As discussed above, many scholars view the doctrine surrounding the death and assumption of the Virgin Mary as a product of the 5th - 6th century debates over christology – directed to the business of the Council of Chalcedon, and/or as a result of Marian cult surrounding the popular regard for relics and devotional shrines that emerged in early medieval times. Stephen Shoemaker suggested a theory that the “Assumption tradition” represents a Christian anti-Jew movement apparent in 5th-6th century ages and onward. He titled is paper: “Let Us Go and Burn Her Body: The Image of the Jews in the Early Dormition Traditions.” 751 His paper proposes: An overview of the Virgin Mary’s role as a focus of Jewish/Christian conflict in late antiquity and the Middle Ages. Earliest accounts of the end of the Virgin Mary’s

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life; Traditions that laid foundations for the Virgin’s antiJewish status in medieval Christendom; Jewish accusations against this Virgin’s purity that appear in the early Dormition traditions. 752

Shoemaker’s observations and conclusions seem to stand in contradiction to the mystery and conclusions of the mystery of faith found in the fullest sense of “tradition,” particularly as expressed in the Orthros of the ancient church. The fact that belief in Mary’s Assumption arose in the context of a society of Christians who harbored a violent anti-Jew polemic is – according to the embrace of the principle, lex orandi, lex credendi – hard to see. He claimed: The image of the Jews in the ancient Dormition traditions developed against a background of intense Jewish and Christian conflict in late antiquity, in both political and religious spheres. 753

Indeed, in this paper, Shoemaker makes a claim for the “intense” anti-Jew environment of the Christian society in which the expression of the Dormition developed, in the 5th and 6th centuries. He cites numerous historians to document his thesis of the “intense” conflict, but admittedly confesses that his interpretation of the reality of an anti-Jew sentiment in the 5th and 6th century religious context is contrary to the wellknown scholarship of Adolf von Harnack and David Olster. Although apparently following the approach of David Berger, he also admits difficulty with his own argument in quoting Berger who says there should be a critical assessment of Christian texts in reference to “polemics” found in Jewish sources, “scant though these may be.” 754 Shoemaker’s thesis appears to be more an hypothesis: In those instances where a correlation is found, we have a high probability that the given issue was one that generated at least some real conflict between ancient Jews and Christians, even though there may be misrepresentations on both sides. 755

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Is this, then, a demonstration of “intense conflict”? Shoemaker builds his paper around three tenets, which it should be pointed out, do not appear significantly in the context in any of the liturgical texts of the Orthros of Koimesis. The three aspects of the Jewish portrayal in the early Dormition traditions he extracts are: - Jews as the enemies of the Virgin [“enemies” being a stronger word than those who did not accept her or feared her]; - Opposition of the Jews to certain practices of late Christian devotion [i.e. veneration of relics and icons]; - And, the imagined relationship, which Christians made between Jews and the Roman state [more political than religious].

Shoemaker appears to rely mainly on apocryphal writings. In these, he highlights the Christian “hatred” of the Jews and relates the story of Jephonias and the incident involving how the specifically named Jew’s hands are struck off. He points out how all of the 60 early Assumption texts that he identifies include an episode of the attack of a Jew on Mary’s funeral, except for one. 756 Perhaps, he does not understand the symbolic language in the wording of these sources of “tradition,” as he calls it, such as the fact that the Jews in the account were struck with blindness at their misunderstanding or rejection of the sacredness of Mary’s funeral is interpreted by Shoemaker to be evidence of “violent conflict” rather than yet another example of those who do not “see” the revelation of God. It is viewed in terms of political conflict, instead of spiritual conflict as pictured also in the gospels. The "Jews" identified as trying to stop the procession and attack the Virgin's procession are indeed those who were evidently considered opponents of the Christian Way. Shoemaker never mentions the balancing detail of the healing power of faith in Jesus, of touching the Virgin’s bier – contact with the life-giving fountain, of the light coming to those who had been blinded. The Jew who “saw the light” experienced a healing of his

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withered hands. This detail of touching her bier is found both in the apocryphal writings, the homilies and – in particular – in the liturgy, especially the synaxarion. The message stressed in the liturgical accounts is one of the health and welfare dispensed by Christ through the mediation of his mother. The term “Jews” distinguishes those who are not already believers, the “Christians.” These “Jews," recalled in the tradition – homilies, apocryphal writings and liturgical texts – receive the gift of healing and faith from God when they come to faith. If there were an “intense” hatred of the Jews, understood as the opponents of the disciples of Christ's Way, would they or had they never have been invited to encounter the Christian experience? Also, didn't the disciples of Christ at the time of the Virgin's funeral all consider themselves "Jews"? In many accounts of the 5th and 6th centuries onward throughout the Middle Ages and the history of Byzantium, “touching” the tomb of Mary and the relics brought new life and faith – healing and happiness, as indeed, Christian custom observes at other holy sites (such as the burial sites of martyrs and saints.) These details are not considered in Shoemaker’s argument, making it hard to see his thesis: Mary as a “focus” of JewishChristian conflict. Instead, in the reality of Christian tradition – meaning the received truths -- she is the “focus” of the love of God, the healing and light-giving gift of Christian faith. Defense of this perceived "received tradition" hardly seems violent. Perhaps Shoemaker makes a good point that there are some strong sentiments against the “Jews” in many of the early writings, including Chrysostom’s homily. The difficulty is that Shoemaker's thesis proposes to interpret these addresses to “the Jews” solely in a social and political perspective that, in turn as he described it, determines the religious context. It denies the possibility of the claim of Christian tradition – that an event actually happened – i.e. the falling asleep in death and the gift of her resurrection of the Mother of God. Shoemaker does not attempt to discuss why the Jews in this account wanted to “burn” the Virgin’s body. It is not so much that she

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is the “focus” of anti-Jew hatred by Christians but a fear on the part of the Jewish authorities that something might “happen” to her body like that of her Son. They feared another miracle that would persuade belief in Christ. Burning the body would be prevention in the sphere of religious faith rather than a violent attack on her person. In this manner, the attack on the Virgin's funeral by Jews in opposition to Christ's Way appears more "violent." The implication in the thesis proposed by Shoemaker, is that the doctrine of the death and the gift of resurrection for Mary was merely fabricated as a “focus” of anti-Jew sentiment and even … “intense conflict.” As those Jews who believed in Christianity gradually separated sociologically from those who did not embrace Christianity, it is natural there would be tension. The fears, as Shoemaker describes, were that Christian Judaizers threatened an identity of the true Christian as legitimate. Yet, the evidence of peaceful co-existence as seen archaeologically at Dura Europos brings forth evidence that opposes the over-arching “intense conflict” and hatred of the Jews as Jews that Shoemaker proposed. He extensively cites Sefer Zerubbabel as “an important Jewish text” 757 of the 7th century. Yet introducing the text earlier, he groups this “apocalypse” of the early 7th century period of Persian occupation as part of a corpus that he describes honestly as “limited.” Shoemaker cited numerous incidences of attacks on the dogma of Mary’s virginity that occurred during the Middles Ages. It is revealing that he links his observation of medieval attacks on Mary’s virginity to similar modern day attack, such as that concluded in the research of Jane Schaberg. 758 Certainly, it is probable that those people who do not accept the "received tradition" on Mary’s virginity, both in the Incarnation event and the claim of her being "ever virgin (aeir parthenos)," because that faith in primarily placed in tradition, would be opposed also and for the same reason to the details of her death and resurrection. Equally troubling for many is the unusual placement of the event in terms of time (i.e. at the end of her life on earth, rather than at the end of time) and only understood in terms of Christian mystery.

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Shoemaker’s review of the source material on early texts is comprehensive. Completely ignores the mystical tradition of daily prayer over the span of Christian ages. He opens with a reference to Mary as “bridge” as described in research by Jaroslav Pelikan. 759 Shoemaker agreed that it is “equally true” to see Mary as “bridge builder to other traditions, other cultures, and other religions” and but he insisted that “Mary defined boundaries between traditions, cultures, and religions.” 760 In other words, it seems he opens with a contradiction. Both cannot be “equally true.” Pelikan tells us: The process of appropriating this material [ancient scriptures of Israel] for the purposes of Marian devotion and doctrine, which may be described as a methodology of amplification, was, on one hand, part of the much larger process of allegorical and figurative interpretation of the Bible, to which we owe some of the most imaginative and beautiful commentaries, in words and in pictures, in all of Medieval and Byzantine culture. It was, on the other hand, and almost against the intention of those who practiced it, a powerful affirmation that because Mary was, according to the reasoning summarized earlier, “of the house and lineage of David,” she represented the unbreakable link between Jewish and Christian history, between the First Covenant within which she was born and the Second Covenant to which she gave birth, so that even the most virulent of Christian anti-Semites could not deny that she, the most blessed among women, was a Jew. Without explicit connection to the Virgin Mary, Marc Chagall’s portrait of a pregnant woman exalted to heaven cannot help but convey this reminder. 761 From this, we cannot accept the theory that intense anti-Jew sentiment prompted the formation of Assumption tradition. There were, no doubt, Christians who held feelings against Jews, against fellow country folks who continued not to embrace the story of Christ. In the synaxarion there is a sense that the Jewish community feared the local regard for the Virgin, and that there was, indeed, a somewhat frightening

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attack on her funeral procession. But this is balanced by the overwhelming conversion that may have occurred with phenomena of healing or graced conversion. Seen through eyes of faith and regard for the mystical silentio, the accounts take on the vantage of continuing Christian grace. 2. Shrines As mentioned, there are early monastic communities and churches that adopted the Dormition name, ranging from the 4th to the 12th century. Scholars believe that the first ritual observance of Mary's death was actually celebrated on her birthday at her burial site in Jerusalem. There is much discussion surrounding the possibilities of where Mary lived at the time her death approached: 1) possibly she was living at Ephesus at the home of John's parents (tradition asserts that Mary lived at the home of the Beloved Disciple after the death of her Son, understanding that this was the possible author of the Fourth Gospel), or 2) at the time of her death she lived in Jerusalem. The liturgical tradition, especially the synaxarion, indicates that she was living in the environs of Jerusalem because it notes that she went daily to the Garden of Gethsemane to pray. This may be only a metaphorical parallel to the passion account of her Son, or it may be derived from a true historical tradition. There are archaeological evidences that point to the possibility of cave tombs that match much of the apocryphal material. Mimouni dedicates a great deal of study to this question. It may be also possible that Mary did live in Ephesus and then traveled to Jerusalem late in her life and lived with the women mentioned in the synaxarion. 3. Time of year It is not by coincidence that the Feast of the Dormition falls on August 15 (August 30 in the older and original liturgical calendar, the Julian calendar.) Like the position of the icon on the west wall over the door, seen when a person exits the nave of a church in the Byzantine tradition, there is a living

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connection to the placement of the icon reminding the faithful of the promise of resurrection as they walk out of the church to live the rest of their life. The date set for the feast of the Dormition parallels the Jewish lectionary cycle, coming at the close of the year. September 1 heralded the ancient Jewish New Year, and thereby the same time reference was used in celebrating the early eastern liturgical year, which began in September and ended in August. The Dormition feast, then, was placed at the end of the year to represent the end of mortal time on earth, a reminder of the coming time which will be an entrance into eternal life for all the faithful. In the Jewish year, the Feast of Tabernacles, the Feast of Water and Light, was placed in the lectionary at the end of the year. It was and is a celebration of the "first fruits." Truly, in the Jewish cultural context of Mary's own lifetime, the celebration of this feast would give meaning to a celebration of the death of the Mother of God and her resurrection as truly a "first fruit." The key-notes of the festival, then, are the water-pouring, the illumination, the dwelling in a booth and the harvesting of the vine. All these themes appear in the Tabernacles sections of the Fourth Gospel, chapters 7-9 and 15:1 - 16:24. The themes of the water-pouring and the illumination are taken up in Jesus' discourses 'If any man thirst, let him come to me … I am the light of the world,' and in the account of the healing of the blind man, who, significantly enough is sent to wash in the pool of Siloam, the place whence the waters for the libation poured out at the feast were drawn. 762

In constructing the ancient Christian lexicon, no doubt there was a connection to these Jewish cycles that portrayed the deep mystical meaning the liturgical year. Because of liturgical reform and modern use of the Gregorian calendar, this connection becomes harder to perceive. 4. The Fast, the Dormition Lent In the eastern liturgical tradition, there is a small Lent that precedes the Feast of Koimesis. This provides an importance

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to the feast and points directly to its meaning. Just as Mary prepared for her death, in fact anticipated it, we who are also part of the kingdom of God must prepare for our coming death and hoped-for gift of glory as existing in God’s presence through eternity. The fast mirrors the fast of Great Lent, just as the death and resurrection of Jesus is meant for all. There are, in the eastern tradition, three fasting periods a year -- preceding Christmas, Easter and the Dormition. Other solemn days of strict fasting are associated with such feasts as the New Year and the observance of the Cross, the death of John the Baptist, and other holy days. The liturgical text is directly related to such actual lived experiences of the liturgical cycle. G. The Liturgical Book and the Synaxarion of the Feast 1. The Service Book The text for Orthros is contained in the monthly service book, called the Menaion, as mentioned earlier. In the Orthodox service books, it is "simply designated 'Falling Asleep' or 'Dormition' (Gk. Koi,mhsij; Slavonic, Ouspenie)." 763 2. The Synaxarion The general sentiment today in translating the Orthros is to discard the tradition of the ancient synaxarion, as it appears in the Greek Menaion service book. Many eastern priests say they use it on the altar merely for background on the saint of the day. It is rarely read out loud. Translators say they discard it because it has neither certain authorship nor stable form. Many 19th century monastic communities composed their own series of Menaia for the liturgical season. The only mysterious question, which could be studied in more detail later, is why the synaxarion found in the collection at the Patristic Institute, attributed to the name of Andrew of Crete, is so different from his homily. At the same time, the confluence of the exact wording between the ancient text and that used today in the

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Greek Menaion, of this particular synaxarion attributed to Andrew and that of the contemporary Greek Service Book's synaxarion, is remarkable. There are only a few differences. Since it is impossible to find a standardized English translation of the ancient synaxarion from Andrew’s Menaion, or of the synaxarion in the Greek Menaion used today, an approximate translation is provided by the author. 764 Following this ancient textual version of the anonymous synaxarion tradition for the Orthros of Koimesis, as found in Andrew’s Menaion, a list of the key elements with which to compare the homilies and apocryphal writings will follow. Theologically, this synaxarion focuses on Theotokos and her preparation for death, and the eventual discovery of her empty tomb. Also included is the account of the disruptive Jews who attacked the funeral procession of the Virgin. It should be noted that the actual rising of her body into Heaven, as witnessed by the Apostles and Mary’s friends; the dropping of her belt to Thomas; and the astounding chorus of angels surrounding her ascension toward Heaven -- as represented in later Renaissance and Baroque art of Europe are totally missing. The Synaxarion of the Dormition When Christ our God wanted to take to Himself his own Mother (to be) with him, then three days before (this event), through an angel, He informed (her) of her departure from earth. "(It is) time," he said, "to bring my Mother to me. So, do not be disturbed about this but accept the word with joy for you will receive eternal life." And through (her) desire about departing to Sion, she went up to the Mountain of Olives to pray with sincerity in (her) usual way because (she) always went up on this mountain to pray. [On the condition that …] Tentatively speaking, what happened? At this particular time, the unexpected happened. Trees around the mountain bowed down by themselves, and like lively servants, it being fitting, were paying complete respect to the Queen. After prayer, she returned to the house, and straightaway everything came together. She lit many lights and gave thanks to God. She called her relatives and neighbors to

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come together, swept the whole house, prepared the bed and all the things needed for burial. Obviously, she acted according to what the angel had told her about her departure to heaven. And, as the saying goes, he gave her proof. He granted her a sign, giving her a palm branch. O, that all could hear, the women who had been called to come in, lamenting together, soaked with tears and drenched with weeping. Equally, calming down (their) grief, (they were pleading) not to be separated from her [not to be orphaned.] In order to stop suffering, they were pleading to her not to leave them orphans. But she assured them that even though departed, she would continue to protect them and all the cosmos, and she verified she would care for them. And much of the sorrow was taken away by her compassionate words, which she was saying to those present. After this, she requested her two garments (to be given) to the two poor widows who were saying: "When you, Lady, were staying in this world we were seeing you as our mother and teacher, and we were comforted. Now, how will we take the suffering? And because your son, and God, will transfer you to the upper world, we are happy that this plan of God will happen to you. When saying this, they drenched themselves with tears. She not only told them but all the cosmos, that when she departed, she would stand firm to continue to protect and care (for them) and much sorrow was taken away, which those compassionate words represented. Thereupon, concerning her two garments, she requested the garments be given (away) so two poor widows who constantly were with her and who were known to her, (would be) provided for by her support. (As she was) explaining to them and arranging for them, at once a resounding sound of thunder took, place and many clouds appeared above, bringing disciples of Christ from the corners of the world to be assembled at the house of the Mother of God. With the disciples were the hierarchs of wisdom, [theosophi heirarchi], Dionysius the Aeropagite, Ierotheos, and Timothy with them. When they learned the reason of their gathering and presence, they were saying these things to her: "You, Lady, (while) staying in the world, we were seeing (you) as our master and teacher, we were comforted. Now, how will we take this suffering? Because your Son and God will transfer your soul (will) to the upper world, we rejoice

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for you over his plan." Saying this, they were soaked with tears. She said to them: "My friends, disciples of my Son and God, do not make my happiness (into) sorrow. But (for my body), I will make the bed, bury me." So when all this was completed, Paul the divine instrument, who was chosen, fell down at the feet of the Mother of God, venerated her opening with his mouth with many words praising her: "Hail, Mother Life, you are the subject of my teaching. Even though I didn't see Christ, seeing you I believe I am seeing Him. After she collected all the things, the Virgin lay down upon the bed. She placed her all-pure self as she willed. And then (she offered) a petition for peaceful wholeness in the world. She finished by blessing them. In this manner, she herself gave up her spirit into the hands of her Son and God. After this, Peter began farewell hymns. The other apostles lifted up the bed, and some proceeded with candles and singing and others were following, proceeding with the God-giver's body to the grave. Then, also, choirs of voices of angels from the upper worlds were heard filling the air. Some of the leaders of the Jews, some in the crowd, were committed to toppling over the bed, the bed upon which the life-giving body was placed, ripping it down to the earth. But those who dared to do such a thing were punished and they became blind. For one -the one who had rushed with maniacal fury and pushed [down] her palette. Both hands of the one whose insolent hands had touched the bed were cut, cut with the sword of justice, and left suspended. This terrible vision was not removed until he (the insolent one) believed with all his soul and received healing, restored as before in health. The same happened for those who had been blinded and then believed. Touching part of the pallet of the bed, healing was given to them. When the apostles reached the place of Gethsemane, they buried her in a grave, the lifegiving body, and three days they waited. Something happened in there, for they were constantly hearing the sound of angels. During all this, by divine plan, one of the apostles missed the funeral of the life-giving body and appeared the third day. He desired greatly (to see her body) but held back, for he had not had the opportunity along with the others. But, all the fellow apostles, voted in common vote to open the grave, for the glory of all, so

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that he could venerate the all-holy and divine corpse. And when they saw it, they were astonished for they found the grave empty of the holy body. Only the linen shroud remained. So that people in the future may be comforted that she was resurrected, the true evidence in the stone grave is up to now seen and venerated. The rock carved for her venerated bed remains empty in honor of the most holy lady, Our Theotokos and evervirgin Mary.

If there is a silent tradition in this synaxarion, the elements are as follows (See the Greek and English translations in the Appendix I, II, and III): 1) Mary prayed to her Son for a safe death. 2) She held a mystical connection with nature, which recognized her righteousness (bowing of the trees). 3) She was concerned deeply about the friends and relatives she would be leaving. 4) Her humanity is displayed by her need to clean house and prepare her things. 5) The arrival of the apostles is miraculous. 6) Mary is deeply aware of the psychological, spiritual, and physical needs of those who have surrounded her in her day to day life. She promises to care for people even after she has departed. 7) There are the elements of wind, thunder, clouds, and light in this account, which relate directly to the mystical elements of the liturgy, the apocrypha, and the homilies. 8) Her empty tomb is left as evidence of her resurrection. H. The History of the Feast It has been noted above the various theories of the generation of the feast. Again, it is evident that the liturgical tradition plays a large role in the recognition of the doctrine of Mary's death and resurrection, and in its perpetuity.

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St. Epiphanius who, first among the Fathers, raised the question of Mary's passing from this world, leaves us with an enigma. Epiphanius was dealing with heretics and may have felt inhibited. He speaks of the silence of the Scriptures, "because of the exceeding great marvel, so that the minds of men should not be perplexed," and he keeps silence. Elsewhere he puts forward three possibilities: death and burial, death by martyrdom, "or she remained alive, since nothing is impossible with God"; and he concludes, "for her end no one knows." Was he aware of the stories already current? The Liturgy was to play a part in the development of doctrine. The origins of the feast are far from clear. The starting-point was Jerusalem. There was hesitancy and variation even in the name used for the feast as time passed: Dormition, Passing, Assumption. Certain facts are fixed, but evidence from the lectionaries and from homiletics has still be to be sifted. The feast of the Dormition was decreed for Constantinople on 15 August by the emperor Maurice in 600; about fifty years later it was introduced in Rome and is mentioned in a papal decree of Sergius (687-701) who fixed a procession for the feast modeled on that already existing for the feast of 2 February. 765

Daley gives us a few more details: In Jerusalem, a basilica in honor of the Theotokos was apparently built in the Jewish necropolis at the foot of the Mount of Olives, near Gethsemane, as early as the 440s, under the patronage of Bishop Juvenal and the exiled Princess Eudokia. [See Mimouni] When that building apparently became the theatre for rabid opposition to the Council of Chalcedon's two-nature Christology and its supporters, including Juvenal, shortly after 451, the embattled bishop and a wealthy patron, Hikelia, restored a Church and monastery halfway between Jerusalem and Bethlehem, at the site associated with the ancient story in the Protoevangelium of James of Mary's "sitting down to rest" (kathisma) on the way to give birth to the Savior. This basilica may well have become the center of the cult of the Virgin for sympathizers with Chalcedon in Jerusalem in the decades after the Council. And while the rest of the Empire, east and west, probably since the late fourth century, celebrated the memory of Mary, Mother of God,

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in the liturgy on a day just before or after Christmas, the ancient Armenian lectionary from Jerusalem -- a translation of a Greek service book compiled between 412 and 439 -- lists the commemoration of the Theotokos as taking place at the Church of the Kathisma on August 15. By the end of the sixth century, this Jerusalem feast, in late summer, was to become focused on the climax of Mary's life on earth and celebrated throughout the eastern Empire. 766

As explained previously, one can take issue with the concept of developing the doctrine of Mary's Dormition merely as a political backlash to the Council of Chalcedon. But, these are the best that can be said for the origins of the Feast. III. Lex Credendi … Tradition, Received truths The Orthros for Dormition appears to be a well-written drama in poetic form. It moves to a crescendo in the Ninth Ode, with a deep and moving call to join the procession of Mary's funeral. It is neither a macabre dirge, nor a wailing loss over the dearly departed. It is, indeed, the carrying of the ark into the City of David, in its mystical meaning. It is a celebration of an exodus from death to life. And it is a call for all believers to see they, too, carry "the torch." It is a celebration of the kingdom of God, all around us and yet unseen. We are invited to see the mystical meaning of Christian life. We see Mary, as her dead body is carried to new life. This particular Orthros is the law of believing what Christian life is all about. In death, there is life with Christ. In the new life there is abundance. There is salvation from our sins -- our separation from the Living One. There is salvation of our souls. In the following graphic, we see these truths charted to show that the Dormition of Christ’s mother gives promise of both the soul and the body of the faithful believer who will also look forward to eventual transferal to God.

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________________________________________________ We see new life that will come in the life of Mary: Mary's soul is embraced by God's arms

We anticipate our own soul joining with God at our death. Her soul is embraced by God and carried ……. to God. Mary's body rises, going directly to the Son, for she is His mother.

We anticipate our own body rising to new physical life in an existence of glory. Our body in the final days wil be resurrected to be ……. with God.

The two aspects of salvation, as demonstrated by Mary

_________________________________________________ Pope Pius XII seemed concerned about connecting the dogma of Mary’s actual physical death to the dogma of the Assumption. From the contextual study of the liturgical text of ancient Christianity it is clear that Mary did die bodily and then was resurrected by her Son. 1. Mysterium a silentio As a conclusion to the contextual study of the feast of the Dormition, we discover illuminations, experienced in prayer but corroborated through inter-relationship to other sources. They are illuminations, the light of faith, which dips into the deep well of the silent mystery of God. A. “Honor the silence” – a Cappadocian concept As we have discussed, it was the tradition of the Cappadocian theologians to “honor the silence.” We can

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debate and debate what really is concretely true about Mary’s falling asleep. But, then again, we should respect the faith of the early Christian homilist Andrew: This was the hymn, these were the themes sung and heard by those singers, limitlessly soaring above our lowly human harmony and concord. It lacked little or nothing by comparison to the song of the angels feasting in heaven, whose height and depth, whose limitless beauty is not for us rashly to describe; we have, after all, never tasted such sweetness ourselves, and should rather honor it by silence as something incomprehensible, unutterable. 767

This may be the very reason the liturgical text turns to the mystical expression found in biblical parallelism. Relying on parallelism and typology, should serve also as a caution to avoid using any given or specific liturgical text as a “proof text.” B. Possible illuminations As a preliminary example of applying the contextual analysis above, we will examine a few possible illuminations that come forth from the liturgical texts. These are not meant to be understood as a detailed and complete reflection on the light that comes forth from the liturgical texts of the feast of the Dormition, but only to be seen as a beginning point, where the richness that will continue to emanate will most surely come from participation in the liturgical words, a living comprehension of the mystery. 1. An ecclesiological meaning The implications of the illuminations which emerge from the liturgical text of Orthros of Koimesis are truly mystical. Joining in the celebration of her death and resurrection is participating in something that is unseen and yet unknown. It represents the human moment of most need and provides hope and comfort through the ritual. We have faith that we will see our souls go to Christ in Heaven at our death; and we hope in

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the final resurrection of the body. But we tangibly see nothing. Only in the comfort of the assembly of the believing community, participating in lived prayer and liturgical acts can we “sense” the truth of this Christian “teaching” on Mary’s falling asleep. How can one explain that Mary is the mother of the Church, because the Church is the body of Christ in the world and she is his mother? It is believed but unseen. On the other hand, it is experienced. The assembly, the body of Christ in the world, lives in Christ and yet will physically die. As indicated in the doctrine of the final judgment, all will rise together as a body. It will be the final transferal of the ark of God to Zion, something which is mystically embraced in mystery in the Feast of the Dormition on many levels: Moses on Mt. Sinai, the cloud over the Tent of Meeting; the dance of Miriam at the Exodus; the transferal of the ark to the City of David; the transferal of Mary’s body to Gethsemane; the translation of her soul and body to Christ in Heaven; our own translation of soul and body to God’s eternity. The following diagram attempts to represent this hope-filled mystery: ________________________________________________ with Christ, God, Author of Life

Mary's soul + body

with Christ, God, Author of Life

Our soul + body The church triumphant

with Christ schatalogically, with God, Author of Life, soul + body

A Marian-ecclesiological principle: Transferal of Mary’s body and soul to Heaven is not exclusive to her. It is she who continually bears Christ, bringing the Faithful to Christ; all faithful, too, will experience the transferal of body and soul to Heaven.

____________________________________________

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2. Mariological meaning It seems rather obvious that this feast is related in some way, either historically or in lived spirituality, to the phenomena that occurred at Pigi and Blachernae. It is made clear that Mary is the one who bore Christ, and yet continues her motherhood in the care and love for all God's people still living on earth, communicating to the faithful as the mother of “the Source/ Fountain of Life” and as “The Protectoress.” This is the spiritual meaning of the touching of her bier and its resultant healings, paralleled to the healing that comes from the fountain and the motherly nurturing that comes beneath the cloak of "The Virgin of Protection," Blachernae. These feasts are not isolated. They are interlocked and intermeshed. Mary is the mother, mother of God's son and mother of His body in the world. The believers are inextricably linked to her death and resurrection. It is the mother of the believers who dies, and it is their mother who rises. Resurrection of body into a glorious shape, metamorphosis, is the Christian eschatological hope. The Dormition is obviously a demonstration for all who believe that this is a possibility. This very understanding, as was mentioned, is clearly pronounced in Byzantine iconography, with the Dormition being an important scene for all faithful to reverence each time they pass through the doors in exiting the church. By a faithful person’s act of anticipating his or her human exit from earthly life, the believer understands Christ is the gateway to unending life with Him in Heaven. ____________________________________________ [God in Heaven (Greek: Ourania)] Mary, Christ’s Mother ……

nurtures the faithful realm on earth; then joins the Author of Life, forever. The believer …… goes to the Mother, finds unending life on earth (in Christ); discovers that Mary’s Dormition represents everyone’s dormition. The Eschatalogical Promise: realized in Mary, and for the faithful ______________________________________________

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This escatalogical promise in Christ is clearly embraced by the motherhood of Mary: O Mother of the living God, accept from us this burial hymn, and cover us with the shadow of thy light-giving and divine grace. Grant victory to our rulers, peace to the people that loves Christ, and to us who sing, remission of our sins and salvation of soul. 768

3. Christological meaning There is no meaning in the Dormition, the death and God’s gift of resurrection to the Mother of God, if it is not entirely and completely christological. Mary anticipates her death by placing it completely in the care of Her Son. She is not the Theotokos without the Son. The believer is not the person who is a member of the living realm of Christ, without Christ. Dialogue in the apocrypha indicates Mary's fear of death, but her confidence in the Son. The whole event is pointing to Christ, the foundation of life, the true Fountain of life. The mother of the Son of God is the hope of a resurrection reality for all who belong to Christ. The following graphic demonstrates how her human death and translation to Christ, her son, is the paradigm of all who will sleep in death and rise with Christ. _____________________________________________ Christ, Who is Life

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The Faithful

0 Mary

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The Faithful

In Mary’s Dormition Faithful “sleep and rise with Christ”

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4. Pneumatological meaning It is the Holy Spirit of God who came upon Mary, giving her God's life within her womb. As she returns body and soul to God, this life-giving spirit of God continues to flow, a central symbolic image in the icon where Christ is seen in the center, embracing her spirit – her soul, and preparing to carry it to Himself in eternal life. It is the Spirit of Life, God's Spirit, Who gives Mary the mother life -- body and soul forever. At the conclusion of Ode Nine in Orthros, we see succinctly the mystery of this truth: "Let us draw abundant gifts of healing grace from this ever-flowing fount." 769 In theological terms, we see profound pneumatology here. Mary has received the life of God, the Holy Spirit, and it never leaves her. She is the fount, the fountain of the fountain, and she will be the protector of this Spirit-given new life for all of Christ’s body in the world. Just as any one of the believers in the kingdom who has received the gift of life will then be sharers of that life, she is the mother of mediation for all who share in the completion of God's plan. Her role as mother distinguishes her mediation. The gift of Life that she received from the Holy Spirit makes her the new creation, and it is only in the Spirit that she mediates. Each person who receives the gift of life is a new creation, receiving the Life of the Spirit of God. The distinguishing factor is that Mary is the Mother of the Son who experienced God’s Life-giving Spirit in a deep and mystical way, meant by God to be then the mother of all the faithful and their journey also to God.

Spirit -- Life

Life Life

Spirit -- Life

Mary’s receives Spirit and Life

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Life

Life

A profound theology: Mary receives the Spirit of God = Life (John 1:4)

After she receives her Son who is Life, she is taken by Him to eternal Life. As she received eternal life from her Son, so will the faithful. _________________________________________________ 5. Soteriological meaning The Feast of the Dormition of Mary demonstrates the meaning of the term, "salvation." It is her "righteousness," her abiding in Christ, the new life of God that makes her the palm tree planted by the River of Life (referring to Psalm 1 describing a “blessed person”), drawing its strength from God. Every mystical symbol of this unique feast points to the soteriological meaning of entering fully into the everlasting kingdom. The mystery of truth in the Dormition is the truth that the Mother of God was the first to see the full promise of the eschaton. In this, she was the disciple who learned in her person the truth of God's promise and gift. There is not much mention in the ritual of the Dormition of the term, "forgiveness of sin." The focus is on the positive, the experience of receiving full physical and spiritual life in God … beginning on earth with faith and enduring forever.

Mary’s bier with palm branch = The righteous person (Ps 1: 3)

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A direct parallel: Mary’s dormition and transferal of her body and soul to Heaven (symbolized by the palm) are directly revealing the destiny of the righteous person (Psalm 1:3) _________________________________________________ There are many more mystical illuminations that can arise from the plentitude of images and biblical allusions in the Dormition liturgical texts. In the soteriological meaning, the palm frond, placed on her bier, becomes the pivotal symbol of salvation as exemplified in her own physical death and subsequent translation to Christ, her son, in Heaven. Her salvation is in Christ, a sign to the faithful that their own translation to Christ will be realized also in his gift of salvation.

In Review The Feast of the Dormition demonstrates the most critical human need for comfort and hope. Even though details of the reunion of Theotokos and her Son are known only in the mystery of Christian faith, they offer the faithful tremendous hope in the promise of Christ. Even in the synaxarion, it is the empty tomb that teaches the apostles that Theotokos has risen. Her motherhood over those on earth is comprehended through the reality of the mystical body of Christ. The truth here is unseen but experienced in prayer. Virgin Mary's anticipation of her death, her longing to be with God's Son, and her absolute trust in Him, along with her mundane preparations, demonstrate a path that can provide assurance and joy for believers "falling asleep" in the Lord. Resurrection of all saved human beings is a received truth central to this feast. It is the gift of true life, which will bring all back to the fullness of life through resurrection in Christ.

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Appendix I Medieval Greek Version of the Synaxarion (See pages 290, 369)

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Appendix II Contemporary Greek synaxarion from the Menaion (See pages 290,369)

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Appendix III A near literal English translation of the synaxarion (See pages 290, 320, 369) When Christ our God wanted to take to Himself His own mother (to be)with him, then three days before (this event), through an angel, He informed (her) of her departure from earth. “(It is) time,” He said, “to take my mother to me. So, do not be disturbed about this but accept the word with joy for you will receive eternal life.” And through (her) desire for departing to Zion, she went up to Mountain of Olives (mountain olive garden) to pray with sincerity in (her) usual way because (she) always went up on this mountain to pray. (On the condition that …) tentatively speaking, what happened? At this particular time, the unexpected happened. Trees around the mountain bowed down by themselves, and like lively servants, it being fitting, (they) were paying complete respect to the Queen. After prayer, she returned to the house, and straightaway (brought) everything together. She lit many lights and gave thanks to God. She called her relatives and neighbors to come together, swept the whole house, prepared the bed and all the things needed for burial. Obviously, she acted according to what the angel told her about her departure to heaven. And, as the saying goes, he gave her proof. He granted her a sign, giving her a palm branch. O, that all could hear, the women who had been called to come in, lamenting together [su.n], soaked with tears and drenched with weeping. Equally, calming down (their grief), (for they were pleading) not to be separated from her (not to be orphaned). In order to stop suffering, they were pleading for her not to leave them orphans. But she assured them that even though departed, she would continue to protect them and all the cosmos, and she verified she would care for them. And much of the sorrow was taken away by her compassionate words, which she was saying to those present. After this, she requested her two garments (to be given) to the two poor widows who were saying: “When you, Lady, were staying in this world we saw you as our mother and teacher; we were comforted. Now, how will we take the suffering? And

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because your Son, and God, will transfer you to the Upper World, we are happy that this plan of God will happen to you.” When saying this, they drenched themselves with tears. She not only told them but all the cosmos, that when she departed, she would stand firm to continue to protect and care (for them) and much sorrow was taken away, which those compassionate words represented. Thereupon, concerning her two garments, she requested the garments be given (away) to two poor widows who constantly were with her and known to her (would be) provided for by her support. (As she was) explaining to them and arranging for them, at once a resounding sound of thunder took place and many clouds appeared above, bringing disciples of Christ from the corners of the world to be assembled at the house of the mother of God. With the disciples were the hierarchs of wisdom [Theosophy Heirarchi], Dionysius the Aeropagite, Ierotheos, and Timothy with them. When they learned the reason of their gathering and presence, they were saying these things to her: “You, Lady, (while) staying in the world, we were seeing (you) as our master and teacher; we were comforted. Now, how will we take this suffering? Because your Son and God will transfer your soul (will) to the Upper World, we rejoice for you over his plan.” Saying this, they were soaked with tears. She said to them: “My friends, disciples of my Son and God, do not make my happiness (into) sorrow. But (for my body), I will make the bed; bury me.” So when all this was completed, Paul the divine instrument, who was chosen, fell down at the feet of the mother of God, venerated her by opening his mouth with many words praising her: “Rejoice, Mother of Life, you are the subject of my teaching. Even though I didn’t see Christ, seeing you I believe I am seeing Him.” After she collected all the things, the Virgin lay down upon the bed. She placed her allpure (all holy) self (on the bed), as she willed. And then (she offered) a petition for peaceful wholeness in the world. She finished by blessing them. In this manner, she herself gave up

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her spirit into the hands of her Son and God. After this, Peter began farewell hymns. The other apostles lifted up the bed, and some proceeded with candles and singing; and others were following, proceeding with the God-giver’s body to the grave. Then, also, choirs of voices of angels from the upper worlds were heard filling the air. Some of the leaders of the Jews, some in the crowd, were committed to toppling over the bed, tipping to the earth the bed upon which the life-giving body was placed. But those who dared to do such a thing were punished and they became blind. For one of them, both hands were cut (shriveled), one who rushed with maniacal fury and pushed her palette, whose insolent hands had touched the bed; (they) were cut (shriveled) with the sword of justice, and left suspended. This terrible vision was not removed until he believed with all his soul and received healing, restored as before in health. The same happened for those who had been blinded and then believed. Touching part of the pallet of the bed, healing was given to them. When the apostles reached the lace of Gethsemane, they buried her in a grave, the life-giving body, and three days they waited. Something happened in there, for they constantly (were) hearing the sound of angels. During all this, by divine plan, one of the apostles missed the funeral of the life-giving body and appeared the third day. He desired greatly (to see her body) but held back, for he had not had the opportunity along with the others. But, all the fellow apostles, voted in common vote to open the grave, for the glory of all, so that he could venerate the all-holy and divine corpse. And when they saw it, they were astonished. They found the grave empty of the holy body. Only the linen shroud remained. So that those in the future, (so that) people may be comforted that she was resurrected, the true evidence in the stone grave is up to now seen and venerated. The rock carved for her venerated bed remains empty in honor of the most holy lady, Our Theotokos and ever-virgin Mary.

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Appendix IV [See page 320] Relationship of Orthros and its synaxarion to key elements of apocrypha and homilies John of Thessalonica The Dormition of Our lady, The Mother of god and Ever-Virgin Mary Predominant features (according to sections): 770 1. Recalling of a lost tradition on Mary’s death. Silence on tradition due to trouble caused by heretics 2. Faithful are extolled to recapture the wonder and mystery of Mary’s death. 3. Tradition explained: Angel comes, gives palm branch, Mary asks for apostles. Mary asks God for help in her death. 4. Mary returns home and fearfully prays and prepares. 5. Mary calls in relatives and friends. Weeping of friends. Mary comforts them. 6. They pray. John arrives – remembers commission at cross. She fears the Jewish opposition that threatened to burn her body. Mary shows her burial clothes and the palm. 7. Clap of thunder. Apostles arrive. They wait at her door and pray. Discourse of Peter and Paul, each honoring the other. Apostles pray. 8. John enters and recalls his calling from Sardis. They enter Mary’s house in the morning. She prepares with the apostles for her death. 9. Skips to second day after her death. Peter speaks to the crowd of what happened. 10. Peter speaks to the virgins. Tells a parable on virginity. 11. Virgins respond. 12. Story goes back to Mary preparing for her death. Thunder and Mary prepares to die, and apostles surround her in comfort and prayer. Michael comes to take her soul. Peter directed by God to find a new tomb for her. 13. Peter, apostles and three virgins prepare her body for burial. All those sleeping awake. They put the palm branch on her bier. They carry the bier to the tomb. The Jews become angry, the attack of a Jewish opponent and the subsequent healing. Healing of all who were blinded to the faith. 14. They place her body in the tomb. They open the tomb in three days to honor her remains and nothing was there but grave clothes. Exhortations that all who celebrate this event will be blessed. 771

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Theoteknos, Bishop of Livias Encomium on the Assumption of the Holy Mother of God 772 1. Beings with Psalm 97:1 and recalls the resurrection and ascension. Disciples are summoned; apostles are by Mary’s side. Mary is promised the palm signifying heavenly reward. Theoteknos identifies Mary with Eve. 2. Mary’s birth is remembered. Association to Protoevangelium of James established. Simeon’s prophecy is recalled, Mary’s heart penetrated by sorrow and joy. 3. Jesus “prepares” a place for Mary in Heaven, Jn 14:2. Reference to Mary as child fed by angels in temple (Protoevangelium of James). 4. Reference to Enoch, Gen 5:24; Heb 11:5. References to Elijah, who was taken to Heaven in a chariot 1 Kg 2:11. Choir of angels arrives. Death comes to Mary, but not corruption. She is corporeally lifted to Heaven with a pure soul. “Exalted above Enoch and Elijah” and prophets and apostles. 5. August 15 – day given for Assumption Feast which equals 6th day in month of Mesore. [This section not in the Greek, but Arabic translation, Wenger 429 addendum.] Angels sing hymns. Reference to Mary as rock gushing forth, “stream of life.” Comment on the glory due Mary. 6. Reference to Mary’s body borne in procession by Apostles and Paul from Mt. Sion to Gethsemane. [Footnote: location in Cedron Valley foot of Mount of Olives.) Since the 4th century called the Valley of Jehosophat – Last Judgment, Joel 3: 3-12.) 7. Apostles guard Mary’s body – thunder, earthquake and the holy Virgin is taken up, comparison to the Song of Songs and its garden. 8. Praise of Mary in terms of Hebrew Song of Songs. 9. Mary is wisdom, a companion to the “living water.” 10. Mary is compared to “fruit given.” Paradigm: Jesus / wisdom, Mary / wisdom. Modestus Encomium on the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, Mary, Mother of God and Ever-Virgin 773 1. Prologue: Mystery of faith concerning Mary’s motherhood. Mystery: “Beyond the grasp of all mortals.” Mary sanctified by God. Dormition – “unspoken mystery.” 2. “Today she who gave birth to the life of all people has moved on to be a sharer in that life.” Mary is called “more glorious than the heavens.” 3. Mary is the “moon which gave birth to the sun.” She shares her own being to give him flesh. Paradigm: Mary gives Christ, Christ “poured forth from her by his precious blood and gave his life.” She is the “all glorious bedroom of hypostatic union.”

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4. God’s ”ark of sanctification (is) to be brought home from Sion to himself.” She is the ark. This ark is not carried like the ark of Moses, made with human hands. Mary’s ark is escorted – surrounded by an army, with heaven’s holy angels, and she is “not made by human hands.” Also, in the paradigm, Mary does not move before the Hebrew people, but she follows God. 5. Christ calls Mary “to himself.” God “invested her with an incorruptibility touching all her corporeal frame,” reference to Psalm 44:9 (LXX). 6. Reference to Mary’s “transferal,” meta,stasij (Daley, note 4) Connection to Akathist Hymn (17), protection against heresy. 7. Paradigm: Mary has no corruption in birth / no corruption in death. She leads “entire universe to complete well being.” Reference to Chalcedon (Daley, n. 7). 8. Mary called “higher than the angels”; angels sent to bring her to God. Ref to Psalm 44:9 (LXX). Post-Chalcedonian term (Daley, n. 8) Enou,sioj = new human nature, divine nature, given by Mary. 9. Apostles from every corner come, consider Mary’s mission by Holy Spirit, received because she is the Mother of God. “Sacred procession” goes out east gate / (new temple, Ezekiel 43-47). Ez 43:1-9; 44: 4-8; 46: 1-10 (Daley, note 11) 10. Funeral hymn: Hail, daughter of Joachim and Mother of the god who created all things! Reference to 3rd council of Constantinople, 681; elaboration at Chalcedon: two natural wills, operations / “modes of activity in one person of the Incarnate Word.” Mary called “intecessor” and “co-redemptrix.” 11. Reverence by angels. Mary sees Christ: Christ “left her body behind.” Her soul “is committed into his hands.” 12. Reflection of Alexandrian theology: Christ stripping death and Hades (Daley, note 14). Mary “closes her eyes.” 13. Her body is lifted up on a bier. Praise of the holy bier. Reference to theological aspect – “Christ’s spiritual body, which did not exist before him, but took up its very existence in him.” (Daley, note 15) Bier placed in tomb. Prophecy: Christ will come to this place of her burial (Jehosophat) for final judgment with the apostles. 14. Marvelous things take place: “ineffable mysteries” revealed. Blessing bestowed on them through Mary’s power then are initiated into gifts of healing. God raises Mary from the grave. Andrew of Crete 774 Homily I – On the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God #s 1-4 Preparation 1. Comment: Mary is the “mystery that exceeds the power of speech,” a difficult mystery to describe. Gabriel’s proclamation related to Mary in

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the Eve/Mary parallel. “She alone has made joy her possession, for all our sakes, and has put to flight the sadness of our first mother.” (Daley, p. 104) Image of Mary: for people of New Covenant, fulfillment of Sion. Mount: Mary is the holy place. Note: she escaped the pains of motherhood.” (Daley, p. 104.) 2. Discussion of Mary’s “privileges.” Protoevangelium references details of Mary’s life. No pain in childbirth. “Miraculous way of nursing,” details of her life. 3. Andrew’s desire to “see the mystery clearly.” To understand mystery, which is open to those who have moved beyond all material things in purity of mind …who have crossed the boundary of the world and perception. In approaching mystery: fear. Mary’s body is the tabernacle. 4. Constantinople idea developed. “Light from light.” (Daley, note 16) Mary received “supernatural pattern of life that was different from ours in its end as in other respects.” Although he walked on earth, He was not contrary to natural law. Mary is “of” the Church. 5. Church leads the procession for “Queen of the nations.” “Queen of our race.” Mary is the bestower of life. Reference to Elijah (chariot) and Enoch (he is raised in the air.) God’s saving plan “has been realized through her.” “Word” is equal to “the source of our life.” It is an end to the “relentless law of death,” through her divine motherhood. 6. “A mother, who has brought forth life itself, produces an ending of her own life to match that of her Son.” Questions of the empty tomb: meta,qesij, transferral (Daley, note 18). Details: separation of the soul and its journey to Heaven; putting off the flesh; end of the incarnate existence; separation of her parts; dissolution; their rejoining in a rehabilitation; their removal to the invisible realm. “Mary’s new intelligible identity (logoj) and reason (logoj) (Daley, note 19). 7. Mary has “imitated Wisdom in her own being.” Invitation to “mystical banquet,” contemplation of mystery of Mary as the altar table. Allusion to Christological formulation: divine and human (Daley, note 22). 8. total immersion into the mystery suggested. Statement: “ineffable, unprecedented mystery realized in her”: “veiled,” “unspeakable,” “unuttered.” 9. Promise for all Christians at the end of time seen in Mary’s death and resurrection. Peculiarity to Mary: resurrection occurred at the end of her life and not the end of time. “I have tried to utter praise in a funeral oration, though clouds cover her ascent from view, though a spiritual mist swirls around any logical explanation of her mystery and does ot allow us to express clearly the understanding which that mystery conceals.” Mysterium a silentio.

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Homily II – On the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God 1. Author is speaking at a “venerable sanctuary,” in a form of “funeral oration.” Through Christ humanity has “first been made earth again” in the “passion of the impassible one.” Created anew/by gift of grace is to be “anew not in our nature.” 2. In order to “touch on mysteries of [Mary’s] supernatural departure” we must turn to Christ. All must die once (Heb 9:27). Death is the inescapable fate of our nature: Mary died! Analysis: we die – but we don’t remain enslaved by death. All will not die before the last judgment (1 Cor 15:51) [related to 1 Thess 4: 13-17] “For the Lord himself will descend from heaven with a cry of commands, with the archangel’s call, and with the sound of the trumpet of god.” Death is a sleep, “not so much a death as a sleep.” Therefore, here lies the meaning of the feast’s name, koi,mhsij, Dormition. It is a passage into a “second life.” Death is the separation of the soul from the body. 3. Jesus is the light of the world (Jn 8:42). He has power over death (Heb 2:14). He walked into (death) earth in the midst of the “shadow of death.” Ps 22:4 (LXX). 1 Pet 3: 18-19 / Jesus spent three days in earth preaching. The place of light is befitting of the “holy state of saints.” Zech 4:10 (LXX). This is a place where “these seven are the eyes of the LORD, which range through the whole earth.” Andrew’s opinion: saints are not retained in Hades but will pass through the gates. 4. The event of the Dormition flows from this biblical foundation. Mary experiences “that sleep that is for us,” like the sleeping of Adam. Mary did not remain “held” by it. Andrew assumes the following theology: Mary’s event is a “transformation from a corruptible state to an incorruptible one.” Andrew’s interpretation: death and decay only necessary as long as it is necessary for her to move, through unknown regions, like a journey unchartered. 5. Virgin is the “vessel of God” and “bearer of life.” Mary shared the laws of nature and experiences “higher wonders.” Her Son “clothed her with fitting glory and radiance before all others.” Her glory is impossible to conceive with the human mind. 6. Offers prayer for her to tell us about the mystery, work of the Spirit. First time was experienced by the human mother of God. She made the “inaccessible seem accessible.” She is called the “Mother of God” for this reason. 7. Relationship to Chalcedon 451 and Constantinople 552. Jesus is the one hypostasis, “subsisting as a single ‘composite’ individual from and in two distinct natures.” People who look with eyes of faith see a clear image: eiko,nej. Reference icon: surrounded by Kedron, trumpets. Valley of Weeping (Jer 2:5; 2 Kgs 5:23) (Christ suffered at the tomb of

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Jehosophat, King of Judah). Therefore, Andrew has first hand knowledge of Jerusalem in describing the surroundings of Mary’s tomb.) Mary is described as “going in to the LORD.” 8. Psalm 44:3 The glory and majesty of God found in the mystery of God is found in the Psalms. Andrew asks: Why didn’t the “sacred writers” mention this event … Answer: It happened in the post-gospel period. Qeo,lhptoj means “taken up by God” (Daley, note 7). Andrew’s theories: 1) Mary died at a very old age; 2) It was not appropriate at the time to describe her death; 3) Gospel writers intended to only include events in the lifetime of Jesus. Tradition, then, claims the account is “obscure but sure.” 9. Reference to [Pseudo-] Dionysius (claiming he was a friend of Paul.) Reference to Ps-Dionysius’ writing: “On the Divine Names,” in which the third chapter refers to Hierotheos in a section “to Timothy.” Qearcikh,n means “divine” (Daley, note 8: term taken from Dionysius but here meaning Mary as “divinized.” 10. Quotes taken from Dionysius, “Divine Names.” Reflection follows which lends meaning to feast in reference to an interpretation of the icon [may have been present during this homily.] 11. Mysterium a silentio: Faithful called on the walk to Gethsemane in their minds (Prov 8:9). Meaning will be clear to those: understanding comes on the straight path to the discoverers of knowledge. Reference: see the church, the tomb is below! 12. Exhortation: be drawn into the mysteries of the Holy Spirit. Mary “teaches” and “explains” the “things beyond our comprehension.” Mary is the priest, the true tabernacle. Mary is “guide.” Dionysius account: “disciples” gathered included … Dionysius, Timothy, Hierotheos. Reference to raising up of Elijah (biblical ref.) Reference to Habbakuk; Daniel (LXX); and Bel and Dragon (part added, 12: 33-39.) 13. Those present were (re:Dionysios): the Twelve, witnesses, others testifying. Immense crowd assembled in Jerusalem. Sign of shining, divinized body. aparch, means the first to spring forth. zwh/j arach,n means: of the life spring (source, beginning) from the Virgin’s womb. [If arch,n means “holy,” THEREFORE, Mary’s body is holy, too. If the root if “holy,” then the branches are “holy,” too.] 14. Mary’s body is our “source of life.” She is the way to an “inescapable depth of the endless ‘fullness that fills all things’ [i.e. Christ].” (Ephesians 4:19). A litany of praises for Mary follow. 15. Litany of OT phrases: types of the incarnation - shining vessel of spiritual light - lamp receiving “sun of justice” - spiritual mirror shining rays from the Father - morning star (Psalm 110:3) - throne on high (seen by prophet Is 6:1) - standard of royalty

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- sanctuary - spiritual altar - tongs for purging coal (Is 6:6ff) - Leviticus staff - Root of Jesse - scepter of David - gate for rising Christ (Lk 1:78) - spotless vestment of lamb who is shepherd (Rev 7:14-17) - unyoked heifer of fatted calf - pure fleece drenched by heavenly dew - virgin earth (Gen 2:7) - heaven made from earth - vision of prophets - vision of saints 16. Scene of Mary’s death gives meaning to events. God’s works: childbirth and virginity. Homily III – On the Dormition of Our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God 775 1. Continuing homiletic of the Koimesis Feast … Andrew reviews: disciples’ vision of Mary’s body. He describes the hymn and its meaning (with some speculation.) 2. Assembly of witnesses and presence of heavenly powers and souls of the saints (Canticle 1:6) around the radiant body. 3. Eliciting … “divinely inspired hymns” on Mary’s falling asleep – which is beyond comprehension. (Hymns taught by the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.) “[We] honor it by silence as something incomprehensible, unutterable.” [Honor by silence: Cappadocians and Greek Patristics, mysterium a silentio (Daley, note 1.) Basil of Caesaraea On the Holy Spirit

18, 44 (Sch 17/2, 192.11)

Gregory of Nyssa Adversus Eunonium

II. I. 105 (GNO I, 257.22) III, 1.105 (GNO II, 39.5)

Gregory of Nazianzus

Or. 2.62 (SCh 247, 174.8) Or. 18.10 (PG 35, 996 C.5) Or. 28.20 (SCh 250, 140.5) Or. 29.8 (Ibid. 192.25)

Maximus Confessor Quaestiones ad Thalassium, prologue (PG 90, 260 A 710) Ibid., Quaest. 43 (PG 90, 412 A 4-7)

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4. Mary’s life represents the crown of God’s teaching but is inexplicable. All features of her life are NOT like us, due to her closeness to God. 5. God’s complete plan is mystery. Andrew’s reflection on the theological meaning: Mary is hope for all Christians in her triumph over death, with fear gone. Death is now considered as “everyday sleep.” The divine exchange: life instead of corruption. (Daley, note 4, Gregory Nazianzus, Or. 38:13.) Mary through obedience experiences the renewal of human nature. Mary is the “tent of God’s presence.” Mary’s death is a transformation, like an oracle or prophecy (Daley, note 6.) God’s free gift is reconciliation. 6. Reference to “Fountain.” Images of Mary’s fruitfulness from OT: Burning bush Ex 3:3 David’s praise of the ark Ps 132:8 Song of Songs Canticle 3:6 (incense) Solomon’s temple Canticle 3:10 Solomon’s crown Canticle 3:11 Fragrance/perfume Canticle 3:6 / 4:10 ff. Virgin conceives Is 7:14 Root of Jesse Is 11:10 Locked Gate Ez 44:2 Mountain yielding – uncut stone Dan 2:34 7. Mary = achievement of God’s awe-inspiring plan” = “lovely dwelling place” Ps 83:1 (LXX) God falls in love with Mary Ps 44:11 (LXX) Wisdom 8:2 = “eternal treasure” = “mystery hidden for all ages” Ephesians 3:9 = “chariot of God” Ps 67:17-18 (LXX) = Mt. Sion where God dwells = “life-giving pillar” = “radiant cloud,” “shaded mountain” Hab 3:3-4 8. Question: How to bury a body “flowing with incorruptible power?” When there is no stain in her? Canticle 4:7; Ps 44:8 Mary = gladness in the OT that anoints us Ps 44:8 = Throne on high / Gate above the heavens / Queen of all humanity Andrew: no words are appropriate, use Mary’s words: “blessed among women.” 9. Prayer: go and be magnified beyond Enoch. Mary is “our goal.” Mary is “revelation of all that is hidden.” She is the presence of the Holy Trinity.

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10. Andrew has stated all that he can. Mary is “the all holy one.” She is “giver of many good things.” They begin a procession. 11. The ark in Law = prefigured tabernacle of Mary. Taking part in the burial event is to “walk in procession with the mother – city of God.” Mhtro,polij “As Israel came from Egypt.” Ps 113:1 (LXX) = Mary’s exodus. (Psalm used in Byzantine funeral liturgy.) Sarcaphagus = treasure chest (Daley, note 10.) 12. Let us all run to the Mother of God. Ps 148: 11-12 Choirs – Fathers, Patriarchs; Spirits of prophets; companies of priests; Band of apostles; martyrs; doctors; souls of the just; company of saints; kings; potentates, rulers and “the ruled” … singing around her tomb. 13. Mary is the ark of God’s glory. (Heb 9:4) She is = golden vase / Aaron’s rod blossomed / tablets of covenant. Reference to Jacob’s ladder. Paradigm: Gen 28:12 / Jn 1:51. She is the Gate of Heaven Gen 28:17. Mary is the altar of expiation in the Holy of Holies, in the “tent of God’s presence” Ex 40:6. Mary is the parchment on which God wrote liberation (Daley, note 11). 14. Mary’s supernatural Dormition is “wholly unknowable and unspeakable,” celebrated by silence. Andrew gives an apology for not being able to describe this “totally incomprehensible state of divine and ageless beatitude” that Mary enjoys. 15. Description is the best Andrew can give of the “hidden truth.” Word is the provider of life, life of the living. Mary is part of the “cause of creation” (Daley, note 13.) Mary is addressed as intercessor with the Son. Mary is the defender of the city of Constantinople (Daley, note 14.) She saved the city, reference to the Akathistos prologue. Andrew’s conclusion: “Here, in a word, is the mystery.” Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople 776 On the Most Venerable Dormition of the Holy Mother of God 1. Germanus praises Mary because of the gifts she gives. Meta,stasij = transferal, “falling asleep into life,” departure from our midst. 2. Mary shared Heaven on earth / in heaven she continues on earth. Application of Deut 32:8 to Mary, “When the Most High apportioned the nations ….” “Enmity could … no longer be called a barrier between angels and human beings, heaven and earth (Luke 2:14.” Now, there is a reign of harmony.

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3. The Spirit dwelt in the Virgin Mother. Incarnation confirmed – Christ existed before time, entered into time, “womb before the morning star.” 4. Christological life seen in the Psalms – Psalm 2:7 “You are my son, today I have begotten you”, and Psalm 109:3 (LXX) “from the womb of the morning, you have the dew of your youth.” Angels bow down, people lifted up. 5. Mary is associated with the “forebears,” she dwells in us in spirit. We know her “constant patronage and protection.” Since Mary was “God’s vessel,” her body cannot “be conquered by the lethal confinement of a tomb.” 6. Mary was not taken away, but found by those who seek her. She continues her presence. She is the mother of life. She rises like Jesus; both tombs really received bodies. 7. Call to end heresy. Reference to Ps 39:14 (LXX). Psalm is the “mouth of Christians” meditating on the Virgin. The poor find riches in Mary. The sinners find salvation. Mary is the mother of life “that is real and true.” On the Eve/Mary parallel: Eve’s children bring grief, Mary’s Son brings joy. Mary gives birth to life. “You have ascended to life, you are powerful enough to offer life, even after death, to your fellow men and women.” “We can never have too much of your protection.” Mary’s patronage = “something living” Mary’s intercession = “gives life” Mary’s protection = without end 8. Mary helps people to seek spiritual perfection, pneumatic,koj which means to worship God in the Spirit (Jn 4:24). Mary is the co-redemptrix, she fights on behalf of sinners, pleads for those who need correction. Those in trouble run to her, cling to her. Those under attack find Mary as a shield. She implores God on humanity’s behalf. 9. People are actually unworthy of singing her praises and considering her. Tradition understood to be memory of Mary and her life. Mary is attributed with: “unwavering care” “unchanging readiness to offer protection” “unsleeping intercession” “uninterrupted concern to save” “steady help” “unshakable patronage” Titles: Unconquerable battlement Treasury of delight Garden Citadel of safety

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Strong fortification Mighty tower of help Harbor for storm-tossed ships Calm for the distraught Corrective for sinners New beginning for those despaired of Welcome for exiled Return for outcast Homecoming for alienated Good word for condemned Blessing for purified Dew for soul’s drought Rain for parched grass 10. Mary formed a Christian people of her own flesh for God, Ps 71:17 (LXX), higher than Heaven Job 11:8; wider than Heaven (seventh Heaven, too), (Daley, note 13), i.e. Basil In Hexaemeron, Homily 3.3 / eight heavens of Jewish apocalyptic, Test. Levi 3.3. Mary is mother of God, her care remaining with us: “we believe you dwell with us still in the spirit.” Referring Mary to Lam 4:20. She is breath of our nostrils … we live in her protection and breathe her. 11. Connection to iconography and shrines: (Daley, note 15), Blachernae built in 450 by Empress Pulcheria. Dormition was celebrated there since Emperor Maurice, 582-602. Icons and shrines speak of Mary’s glory. “Far be death from you, Mother of God, for you have brought life to the human race.” Bible: song of Songs 5:2. “Even if your body is asleep, your heart is waiting.” Psalm 120:4. “Your eye watches over us, neither sleeps nor slumbers.” 12. Her passing was noticed. “Heaven tells the glory.” Psalm 18:1 (LXX). Seen by all, some brought to see Mary’s death. Gathering of the apostles related to: Habakkuk taken up from themountain, brought in an angel’s band through clouds to pit with Daniel in Persian Babylon, Dan 12: 32-39 (LXX). Homily II (or III if previous is I and II) Encomium of Germanus, Archbishop of Constantinople 1. Proverbs 15:30, God puts flesh on bones. Story: angel comes with Son’s message. 2. Promise of resurrection of all seen in Mary, (Daley, note 4). Son says she will take part in the care of the world. Mary is inseparable from her Son. Mary is permanent intercessor. Reference to Chalcedon (Daley, note 5). Mary is the “mother inseparably one with her undivided Son.” Theological idea = the

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division of the human person into: body, soul and spirit (traditional in early Christian literature); 1 Thess 5:23 “Your body belongs to me … .” “Your soul, full of divine power will see the glory … of His only rising Son.” “Your immaculate spirit will see the glory of the all-holy Spirit.” 3. Reference to lamentation coming to Jerusalem: Zech 12:11 (LXX). Strange docetic meditation: “Lie down to rest, if only in appearance, in Gethsemane, the place of your tomb.” Some adoptionism: “I have bestowed on them (apostles) the grace of adoption as sons … Jn 19:26ff (supposed message from God to Mary.) 4. Mary prepares for her death: lit lamps, invited relatives and neighbors, swept her room, decked her bed with flowers [bridal chamber.] May had wept to be reunited to her Son. Song of Songs 3:1. She displayed the palm branch, a symbol of victory and unfading life over death (like Palm Sunday.) (Hosanna is the Hebrew word meaning “save us.”) This links to the Transitus, Pseudo-John and John of Thessalonica. 5. Women weep [links to synaxarion of Orthros] with “river of tears,” begging her not to leave them along! She substantiates: will of God for her, her virginal pregnancy. 6. Clap of thunder. Rush of wind from low cloud. Appearance of the apostles. Apostles weep “inconsolably.” 7. Paul arrives – knocks at the door. John answers the door as man of the house. Paul says: “Hail, Mother – content of my preaching.” [Direct connection to the synaxarion]. He proclaims her to be the permanent intercessor. Possibility that John of Thessalonica had Peter as a source? [Peter gives a speech.] Germanus had the tradition of Paul? [Paul gives a speech.] 8. Virgin takes “leave of them all.” She lay back on her pallet and gave up her spirit, like “falling asleep.” Peter and Paul context over saying the last words – Peter speaks. Paul claims Peter is leader [John of Thessalonika]. 9. Great throng joins funeral procession – noticing thunder and wind. Unbelieving Jew shook the pallet – his hands fall off. The Virgin’s body is taken from Peter and Paul [unique to Germanus]. NOTE: the rising comes during the funeral (Daley, note 9.) 10. Testimony given to Mary’s body being lifted from the hands of Peter and Paul [no claim of stealing her body]. The call for people to become “myrrh-bearing women.” The icon: may connect to veneration of her shroud in Constantinople (Daley, note 10.) Liturgy: “But see: with hymns of praise she was brought to this tomb, and then left the tomb empty; now she fills

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paradise with her glory, and she shares the refreshment of the life of heaven.” Words of the apostles about the Mother of God. 11. Connection to Mary as defender of Constantinople and the church. John of the Old Lavra On the Dormition of the Holy Mother of God 777 Homily I 1. Includes mystical connections. Opening with Prov 10:7, Ps 115 (LXX). Mary represents the City of God, Ps 86:3 (LXX). 2. Reference to folk tale: servant offers water to king as sign of goodwill … “tyrant preferred good will to abundant wealth.” 3. Reference to Niceo-Constantinopolitan creed, “birth of Word in time.” Mary gives God “individual existence” in herself, which formulates the understanding of the “person of Christ”: Chalcedon 451, II Constantinople 553. Christ is “a single Lord, one and the same who is both Son of God and Son of Man, at once completely God and completely human, the whole God and a whole human being, one composite individual [formed] from two complete natures, divinity and humanity”(Daley, note 3). 4. Acquiring “spiritual senses”: Origen De Principiis I, 1:9; II, 6ff; IV, 4:10. Dialogue with Heracleides 15:24 (Daley, note 7). (Rahner: spiritual senses accorded to Origen: Theological Investigations 16[NY 1979], 81-103. “Blessed are they who can see what is, above all things, worth seeing!” 5. History of Mary, Joachim and Anna, a spiritual analysis. 6. Mary born and maturing. Joseph chosen to care for her. 7. Fullness of time, in the Annunciation. 8. Mary and the royal throne. Mary is compared to a long list of OT images, familiar practice in homilies to express the mystery (Daley, note 9). “The practice is familiar in Marian homilies since the fifth century, and may well have its roots in the liturgical and spiritual poetry of the Syriac tradition” (i.e. as in Andrew of Crete: spiritual Eden, ark, burning bush, tablets, golden urn, candelabrum and table, rod of Aaron, furnace, tent of Abraham, Jacob’s ladder which expresses mediation (Daley, note 10). 9. Prophetic aspect to Mary: fleece of David, Isaiah’s virgin, Daniel’s mountain (Dan 2: 34, 45), locked gate (Ez 44:1 ff). Qeo,logoj mouthpiece; Qeo,tokoj, Mother who bore God. 10. Reflection on her death: appropriateness of her death, “lay aside what is mortal and put on immortality” (1 Cor 15:53). Son receives her himself. Theological tenet that she must die in the

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ground first: Andrew of Crete, Ps-Modestus, Transitus, John of Thessalonica, with the exception of Germanus in Homily II where she rises before going to the grave. Mary experiences what all will experience, but differs because she becomes the “ever flowing fountain of light.” 11. Close connection to images in the Song of Songs: 8:5; 6:10; 2:1 ff; 1:3ff. Like Elijah (2 Kg 2:11 LXX). Paul’s reference to the Third Heaven, 2 Cor 12:2 but Mary sees him with her own eyes in “ineffable gladness,” “endless happiness,” “just unutterable joy.” Mary is “sanctification for all things, rest for the weary, consolation for the grieving, healing for the sick, a harbor for the storm-tossed, forgiveness for sinners, friendly encouragement for the sorrowing, ready help for all who call on you.” 12. Death brings the holy to “fulfillment” (Sirach 11:28). Mary’s trip directly to the Son demonstrates her closeness to the Son. Mary has made death glorious. Theological analysis here: her death is a joy. They are singing hymns: Ps 64:5 (LXX); 45:5 (LXX); 67:16ff (LXX) at her funeral. 13. Mary is recorded as 4’6” tall (Daley, note 18, says this may be the size of the tomb.) Tomb is the source of fragrance and healing. 14. Love for Jesus elicits love and honor for Mary. John, Monk of Damascus and Son of Mansour – 8th century, died 749/753 On the Holy and Glorious Dormition and Transformation of Our Lady Mary, Mother of God and Ever-Virgin Homily II 1. Oratorical statement of inability to praise Mary sufficiently. Praise in the psalms used as a way to praise God. 2. Mary longed for purity that she was “transformed into.” “consumed by the purest fire.” Continuing virginity in death. Reference to nine “choirs of angelic beings.” Principalities, powers, dominations, thrones, cherubim, seraphim (Daley, note 5). 1 Sam 4:4; Is 6:2; Eph 1:21; Col 1:16. Mary’s soul departs to a “spotless land of our heritage on high.” Mary dwells in the “tents of Heaven” (Gen 8:9). Mary is the “treasury of life” and the “abyss of grace.” Adam and Eve received the “sentence of grief and sorrow, undergoing pangs of childbirth, the judgment, with Adam, of death and imprisonment in the depth of Hades.” 3. (Daley, note 6.) Mary did not go down to the underworld or dwell in death as long as Jesus, because of Christ’s victory.

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Theological analysis: this is like Gregory of Nyssa, Catechetical Oration 22-26. The sting of death is gone – 1 Cor 15:56; Ps 115:15 (LXX); Ps 96:11, 97:1, 68:30 (all LXX). 4. Description of the scene. Mary lies on the pallet in Jerusalem. She is carried to Sion, the site of the Passover Last Supper. This recalls the Upper Room and Mary’s presence at Pentecost. (Daley, note 8: importance of the Temple Mount, Sion is the western spur.) Recalls the location where the resurrection occurred. Concerning Sion: this is a review of the Christology at the end of the 7th century (Daley, note 9). Jesus has two complete natures, two operational wills. This is the city where John received the responsibility of care for Mary. 5. Her bed becomes a holy temple and elicits people’s desire to touch her holy body which is gone. 6. Apostles scattered by the Holy Spirit to “fish” for men and women. Cloud brings them to Mary at death – like a net, Mt 24:28. “Where body is – these eagles will gather.” Mary is the “source of blessing.” She is the “fountain of all good gifts.” Others of holiness gathered at her side to honor her, Ps 102:20ff (LXX). Dan 7:9 ff, Luke 1:48 (Daley, note 10: The idea of mysticism implied in a difficult text: Daley’s new translation appears to take the more mystical perspective which seems more appropriate. 7. Refers to the language used by John of Damascus referring to Dionysius, meditation on the incarnation: “It was right to sing of how the One who is above all substance took on substance in the womb or a woman, in a way above all substantial explanation, of how he is God, yet became human – remaining both, yet the same person; of how he did not leave behind the divine essence, yet ‘shared like us in flesh and blood’ (Heb 2:14); of how he who ‘fills all things’ (Eph 3:19; 4:10) and ‘carries the universe with the word of his mouth’ (Heb 1:3), came to dwell in a narrow place; of how the body of this celebrated woman, material and fragile as grass (cf. Is 40:6), received the consuming fire of the Godhead (Deut 4:24; Is 33:14; Heb 12:29), yet remained unconsumed, like purest gold. All these things came to pass by the will of God; for if God wills it, all things are possible, but nothing can be achieved against his will.” 778 8. Speeches (rhetorical device) begin the funeral celebration: condition of humans is freed, with praise from Adam and Eve; saints of the OT join the praising of Mary (a Marian “harrowing of Hades”). 9. Apostles, saints and people sing hymns during Mary’s departure (2 Cor 5: 1-8).

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10. John of Damascus gives an account of what happened in his opinion: Mary offers her being to God; she blesses those gathered around her; John provides biblical words that Mary hears. 11. John of Damascus surmises the natural effects, occurring at her death: “sounds, crashes, rumblings, as well as remarkable hymns from angels who flew before her.” Image of queen going to a royal throne, Ps 44:10 (LXX) (Daley, note 17: four elements of creation – air, earth, fire, water – are all made holy. The fifth element (Aristotle) is the fiery ether of heavenly bodies. Creation is made holy. Miracles of healing occur – for the deaf, lame, blind, and relief of condemnation for sinners. Queen’s body is wrapped in cloths, with ointments and singing. 12. Mary’s body is brought down from Sion to Mt. of Olives for her ascent (note: opposite of ark being carried up to Sion.) She is carried through the city. Metaphorical connection with King Solomon’s bringing the ark to the temple. [Note: in this account Mary’s soul goes first, then her body is lifted up.] 13. John of Damascus adds detail of Jew’s hands falling off, inclusion from the Transitus … his hands “abandoned him” (Daley, note 22), ekleloipe,nai 14. Mary’s body is carried to Gethsemane. It is lifted up on the third day; recalling appropriateness that Mary’s body was carried to Gethsemane, because it was lifted up on the third day. It is fitting that the Virgin mother who saw no corruption in giving birth should see no corruption in death. 15. The Mother of God is NOT like Cybele, the Greek mother of the gods. Contrast of pagan ritual and myth. (Daley, note 29: reference to Niceo-Constantinopolitan creed.) “Do not call her a goddess.” Mary is the Mother of God who became flesh. 16. Mary’s Dormition is celebrated with an all-night ritual. The meaning of tambourines, celebration of Miriam (Ex 15:20) – music coming from “dead skin.” Praise for Mary’s life-giving. Miriam is the prophetess of life, who proceeded Mary. 17. Address to Mary’s tomb: absence of relics of her body is witness to her resurrection. 18. This section includes an attached tradition concerning: the burial cloth of Mary being brought to Blachernae. 19. Reference to pilgrimage to Jerusalem where her tomb is a call to memory of her motherliness. Call for people to visit and remember her often.

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Homily III A Discourse on the Dormition of Our Lady, the Mother of God 1. Mary needs no speeches. We need her glory. Mystery comes with meditation on this event. “Entering the darkness at the top of Mt. Sinai.” (Daley, note 1: links to Gregory of Nyssa, Life of Moses.) 2. She is a ladder, a climbing ladder to Heaven. Reference to her becoming: “more lovely than Eden,” “more precious than the tabernacles of old.” OT images: ark of Moses, vessel of gold – holding manna, table of stone, golden censer – producing divine coal, fragrance of God. 3. Reference to Exodus, to Miriam and the tambourines, Ex 15:20. “Source of life is dead,” “formed of earth” goes “homes to earth again,” risen to Heaven. 4. Beginning of the “new existence” which relates to the resurrection of Jesus. (Daley, note 5: story of Mary’s death in established tradition, links to De Div. Nom. 3:2.) 5. Call to approach her tomb, litany of poetic images (chairetismoi). Link to the Song of Songs (Daley, note 7). 6. Mary’s resurrection is participation in the resurrection of Jesus. “She has been raised. She has been lifted up. She has been taken to heaven. She stands by her Son, above all ranks of angels. For there is NOTHING but Mary and Son!” Poetry Canon, Tone IV 1 – 2 (Daley, note 1: Relates to First Ode of Night Office, Triumphal Song of Moses, Ex 15:1-9 and Miriam’s song in second strophe.) 3. (Daley, note 2: Ode Two only used in Lent. This is the Canticle of Anna, mother of Samuel in 1 Kings (1 Sam) 2:1-10. “Exodus from death.” 4. Canticle of Habakkuk, Hab 3:2-19, storm found in verse 2. Storm also in Hab 3:6-10. 5. Refers to Isaiah 26:9-20. Verses 14 and 19 refer to the “awakening of the dead.” 6. Refers to Jonah 2:3-10. This Ode refers to the biblical ode. 7. Prayer of Azariah, Dan 3:26-45 (LXX). Conflated with the Song of the Three Men in the Furnace. Reference to Ps 113:4,6 (LXX), “dancing like the hills.” 8. Reference to the Three Young Men, Dan 3:52-88 (LXX). 9. Canticles of Mary’s Magnificat (Luke 1:46-55) and Zechariah’s Benedictus (Luke 1:68-79).

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Theodore, the Studite – 9th century, died 826 AD Encomium on the Dormition of Our Holy Lady, the Mother of God 779 1. Mary values true goodness and “looks only at our intentions.” Mary is the “true Mt. Sion.” “Heavenly Moon shining with the light of God, has come into heavenly conjunction with the ‘sun of righteousness,’ eclipsing her temporary home in this present life.” She will be led to the King, Ps 44:14 (LXX). 2. Meditation on the icon. Positive thinking: “Let the whole of creation jump for joy, drinking the mystical flood of incorruption from that virgin spring and putting an end to its mortal thirst.” Titles: meadow alive, blooming vine, cherubim throne, home full of glory, sacred veil, land sunrise. 3. Day of Exodus has come. Reference to Elijah the Tishbite in fiery chariot, 2 Kings 3:11. Reference to Habbakuk transportation of prophet from Jerusalem. 4. Apostles are singing the chairetismoi. Titles: ladder, burning bush, fleece, city of king, spiritual Bethlehem, mountain, golden lamp, altar of purification, light, cloud, holy book, locked gate, un-quarried mountain peak. 5. States the inadequacies of words. 6. Intercession asked: for air, rain, winds, fruit, peace, faith, safe empire, protection.

Appendix V The Dormition Icon, Ritsos [See page 352]

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Chapter Four “Theotokos, Fountain of the Fountain” ( ,H Zwodo,coj Phgh,) From ancient times, the life-giving power and presence of God has been represented by streams and flowing water. Christ himself represented the grace of everlasting life in the water of Jacob's well. In the fifth century, following a phenomenon that occurred outside Constantinople, in a region where natural springs occurred in the ground, a young man reported hearing the Virgin Mary’s voice call him to a particular healing spring when he was trying to help a very sick man. From the time of this early event, through the ages Christians came to describe Christ’s mother, the Theotokos, as a vessel who was and continues to be the source of the Source, her Son, who offers this metaphorical water of healing and life. I. Introduction The Feast of “Theotokos, fountain of the Fountain,” is interesting because it dates in its origin to an early Christian century, but is especially significant because through its many allusions in a myriad of liturgical texts it continues to provide deep mystical illuminations, connecting Virgin Mary’s call by God to the purpose and dimension of her motherhood, and particularly to her role as one who draws faithful to her Son, the Source and Fountain of Life. II. Authorship and writing of the liturgical texts A. Anonymous and known authors Many times, the authorship of the liturgical text, including the commentary explaining the tradition of the feast called a synaxarion, is anonymous. As explained previously, the tradition was preserved and orally transmitted by holy monks who wished not to identify themselves for spiritual reasons. However, in the case of the Feast of “Theotokos, Life-Giving Fountain,” the known authorship of this synaxarion is signed by

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a monk called Nicephorus Kallistus Xanthopoulos, 780 an historian and poet of the 11th century. We find a collection of his writings in the collection of later “Greek Fathers,” with no English translation available where the texts appear only in Greek and Latin. 781 His works, and in particular his history of the church, along with notes on his works, appear in a collection of ecclesiastical writings, including in its first volume “Nicephori Callisti Xanthopuli,” titled “Traditio Catholica, Saeculum XIV. Anni 1332-1335.” 782 In reference to the synaxarion for “Life-giving Fountain,” this source tells us: Shntagma de templo et miraculis Sanctae Mariae ad fontem uno a Cpoli stadio, quod lib. XV. cap. 6 Nicephorus se scripsisse testatur, adhuc exstat ms. in bibliothecis Caesarea et Vaticano. De Caesareo codice Jac. Greiserus ad Codinum p. 282: Exstat Viennae in Caesarea Bibl. Fortassis unicum totius Europae exemplar, cui nisi cito succaratur (vidi enim et percucurri allatum Monachium et huc Ingolstadium) penitus a blattis tinisque corrodetur: et jam nunc aliquot locis ab aquis pessime acceptum est, ita ut multa legi nequeant, praesertim sub finem. Vide et Nesselium, parte V, p. 153,151 (g.), Vaticani codicis meminit Lambecius ad Codinum pag. 199, et Allatius de Simeonum scriptis, pag. 88. De templo illo et fonte, miraculis celebri, videndus Cangius in Cpoli Christiana lib. iv., pag. 185 seq. Exstat et in codem bibl. Cesarae codice Nicephori Acoluthia sive Officium festi dedicationis templi hujus et canon sive hymnum cum antiuis notis musicis [V. paulo anate adnotata.] 783

And, we find mention of biographical information and references to texts by Nicephorus Kallistus in Krumbacher 784 and Jugie. 785 This indicates that Nicephorus Kallistus Xanthopoulos had great interest in tradition as it was to be preserved in liturgical memory. Authorship of the synaxarion is attributed directly to Xanthopoulos, with the understanding that he incorporated the liturgical text from sources he found in a Vatican codex. 786

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B. Biography of Nicephorus Xanthopolous Known as a “Byzantine historian,” few actual facts about the life of Xanthopolous are known. His life spanned the years, c. 1256 - c. 1335 AD. It is known he lived in Constantinople and served as priest at St. Sophia, where a library of Christian writings was held and which he may have used. It appears that he took on monastic life toward the end of his life. His writings show the tradition of sympathy with the political and social standing of Byzantine Emperor Andronicus II whose reign was 1282 to 1328 AD. In contrast to his contemporary, Michael Palaeologus, Xanthopoulos supported the Hellenistic origins of Christianity rather than side with those who attempted to “Latinize” the church. 787 Primarily, Xanthopoulos is recognized as historian – having written a Church History contained in 18 books. He chronicled Christian history from Christ’s birth to the death of Phocas in 912 AD. It is believed the work is based on text in a 10th century anonymous work. In addition, it appears to draw on the church history written by Eusebius as well as referring to Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Evagrius. It has been noted as a good source for references to early Christian controversies and heresies in addition to what is called Byzantine “legend.” 788 Three hundred years later, during the controversy over iconoclasm, the work was translated into Latin. Material in it was used in defense of icons and relics. In addition to his historical writing, the value which lies in its earlier anonymous and known works, Xanthopoulos completed other poetic pieces in iambic meter which were evidently used for liturgical, exegetical and hagiographical context. In revisiting his life, it might be noted that the return to his historical writings in defense of iconography may shed new light on the regard for his telling of Byzantine “legend.” Like apocryphal texts, is it possible to revisit these “legends” for their spiritual value in the work of a liturgical theologian exploring “mystery”? It can be argued that Xanthopoulos,

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himself, as author of poetic liturgical text had an appreciation of the tradition of lex credendi which may have been poetically expressed in “legends,” especially those he recorded in his history. To examine the biography of Xanthopoulos in detail brings about some contradictions and difficulties in dating. According to Jugie, Krumbacher may have been mistaken in some of his evaluation of the dating in works of Xanthopoulos. 789 In addition, we cannot date the liturgical texts of the Life-giving Fountain to the time of Xanthopoulos. From the fact that he was primarily appreciative of church history -thereby being known as a church historian – we can deduce that the texts he collected for the Life-giving feast and the sources from which he drew in the poetic text, one that he actually wrote himself, were actually a tradition coming from much more ancient time. It will be the dating of the shrines and spiritual activity that pushes the dating of the liturgical ritual to times earlier than the 13th century. C. History and “writing” of the liturgical text The material for the Feast of Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain, was generated by a phenomenon that occurred early in the 5th century. Through the ages, an analysis of the liturgical text relating this phenomenon indicates that the tradition surrounding this feast and its theology connected to the metaphor of Christ in the first centuries describing Him as “Fountain,” “Well” of life-giving waters, and “Source” of new life (as will be demonstrated iconographically) which then related later to his mother as “fountain (of the Fountain),” well (of the Well),” and “source (of the Source).” The 5th century event of this phenomenon involving Mary then comes into conjunction with the theology of “new life” where in the particulars of the event she was calling a sick man to healing water. Metaphorically, and in a continuing mystical illumination, the Theotokos becomes understood as: a receptor of New Life who is Her Son, and a source represented in the image of a well

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or fountain containing the flowing of Christ’s gift of living waters. Examination of the feast and its authorship should begin with the telling of the story of this event. Early in the 5th century, Christians living in the area of the world now called Turkey heard of a spiritual phenomenon occurring in a forested area near the ancient city of Constantinople. Memory of this spiritual event passed consistently through the centuries, in the collective memory of the community, demonstrating the theological meaning and revelation of the person of Mary, Mother of God, in liturgical texts for a feast dedicated to the mother of Christ as a fountain, a well, and the source for finding Christ. She was understood as the receptor of “new creation,” “new life in Christ,” and the nurturer of her Son’s body of life in the world. The story concerns a young man, then named Makellis [sometimes referred to as "Marcellus"] who was destined later to become Emperor Leo of the Byzantine Empire. This young man liked to hike while meditating in the forest proximate to the city. One day, he was hiking in the forest and encountered a blind man who was desperately ill, thirsty, and burning with fever. Makellis attempted to help the blind man, who appeared very ill, by finding a cool pool of water to ease his fever. However, his search for water failed and Makellis became quite worried. Suddenly, he heard a voice -- which he interpreted had come from Heaven – telling him there was a source of water deeper in the woods. The voice instructed him to wash the man and then wait to see the power of God. Makellis then did find a miraculous source of water and bathed the man’s eyes, allowing the man to see for the first time in his life while experiencing, in addition, completely restored health. Years later, when Makellis became Emperor, he erected a magnificent shrine at the place (phgh, Pigi) where he had found the Lifegiving Spring, a location called the Shrine of Zoethoke Pigi (Shrine of the Life-holding Well). 790 The story goes on to relate the institution of a chapel and then a major church at the site of

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the miraculous spring or well. Devotion to the Theotokos of the Life-giving spring is difficult to trace but appears to have occurred between the 4th and 11th centuries. A miraculous cure of Emperor Justinian in the 11th century, however, revived the tradition. Later, the liturgical texts relate the raising of a dead man to life at the well. This revitalized the shrine and its expanding spiritual conjunction with the theology of Theotokos as the source of the Source. The title of “Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain” spread throughout Turkey, to Greece, and surrounding Mediterranean neighbors. Numerous shrines by the same name sprang up. Without a named paper trail, these shrines and the iconographic tradition “write” the existence of a mystical theology of Virgin Mary, who continued the work of healing and giving life to the people of the Church, her Son, in the world. In this sense, we can point to an authorship of the tradition of this feast as carried in the hearts and spirituality of the praying faithful. The shrine became very famous over the years, and thousands journeyed to this sacred spot and were healed of their illnesses. The Emperor Justinian was healed of a strange sickness and to show his appreciation he also erected a beautiful Church at the Life-Giving Spring. The Spring became known as the “Life-Giving Spring” during the 11th century. Four pilgrims from ancient Thessaly began a pilgrimage to this sacred spring, but one of the pilgrims died before they reached their destination. Before he died, the pilgrim requested that he be anointed with water from the sacred spring and then buried nearby in the forest. As his fellow travelers carried out his dying wish by bathing him with the water from the miraculous spring, the dead man suddenly came to life. Since that time, it has been called Zoodochos Peghe 791 (the LifeGiving Spring). 792

D. Determining the “authorship” This raises an interesting question of “authorship” of the liturgical texts. For a moment, let us examine the “authorship” of biblical text in the canon. The correlation to liturgical text involves the following elements:

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1. Scriptural texts include liturgical sections from ancient times such as the Psalms (Hebrew Scriptures), and the hymn of the Prologue in John, ritual roots in the Our Father prayer, and the Passover excerpts (in the New Testament). 2. Scriptural texts are generated from oral tradition and sayings sources. 3. We do not have to find corollary secular texts contemporary to the biblical text to necessarily "know" the human author in order to embrace the sensus plenior of the biblical message. 4. Spiritual experiences of those who heard and believed Jesus Christ are not rejected as “private revelation” or “individual spiritual experience” irrelevant to Christ’s ministry, and affirmation of Christ and his message in reality becomes the attestation to Christian truth.

The author of the Bible is God along with the cooperation of humanity. It is God’s ever present breath of love in the world that – through the Holy Spirit – enlivens the hearts of men and women and reveals God. The Word of God finds expression in the work of human authors. The thought and the words belong at one and the same time to God and to human beings, in such a way that the whole Bible comes at once from God and from the inspired human author. 793

Why, then, should the oral tradition and interpretation of a spiritual event in the life of 5th century Christians not be considered to be “authorship” of the feast, ongoing revelation, the lex credendi of the believing Church? The liturgical tradition attests to the living revelation of God’s life being received by Virgin Mary and she, subsequently, taking an active role in distributing the new life to the members of the Body of Her Son in the world.

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III. Contextual Analysis Using the contextual method of analysis to discover illuminations in the mystery of faith concerning the mother of Christ, for the feast of the “fountain of the Fountain,” the following elements will be considered: identifying the sources, English translations, inter-relationship with other sources, the related iconographic tradition, the context of social location, shrines, history of the feast, the details of the synaxarion, and the time context in the liturgical calendar. A. Identifying sources of the liturgical texts Jugie mentions that the works of Xanthopoulos are numerous and hard to trace and compile – including those at Mt. Athos, some at Paris, and some at the Vatican. Jugie does enumerate the particular liturgical writing attributed to him concerning the “office complet de la fete de Notre Dame de la Source vivifiante, h` Zwodocoj Phgh,.” 794 One critical source for this liturgy, he mentions, is found in the 1565 Pentecostarion of Venice, a manuscript which is somewhat lacking. A better manuscript, he notes, is that of the Vatican, dating to the beginning of the 15th century. 795 The codex held at the Vatican, which Xanthopoulos is noted to have used, is not available to the author at this time. This leaves a lacuna in the survey of available translations. There are two major sources that attest to this story and confirm the erection of a church at this site. In a recent article by Byzantine specialist Alice-Mary Talbot, concerning poetry written in reference to the devotion to the Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain, critical sources for research are provided. 796 Here, she references “two basic books”: one by E. Gedeon published in Athens in 1886 and another by M. Is. Nomides, ~H Zwodo,coj Phgh. (The Life-giving Fountain), published in Istanbul in 1937. In the latter book, a most complete bibliography is given including a reference to Vatican folios. 797 Nomides explains that the poetic writer of the liturgy and

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synaxarion of the feast for “Theotokos Life-giving Spring” turned to the ancient sources filed in the Vatican archives. Throughout the eastern world, over the years, many shrines and monasteries took the name of “Zoethokos Pigi.” Poetry and epigrams were written and attached to shrine monuments, icons, and prayer books. The most recent study of Zoethokos Pigi by Talbot was an intensive analysis of the poetic epigrams by Manuel Philes. 798 In analyzing the poetry of Philes, she found an overall metaphor and vocabulary that referred to “flowing water.” 799 The epigrammatic poetry of Philes represented, she concluded, a group of writings that: … enhance our understanding of the relationship between personal piety (devotion to the Virgin of the Source), pilgrimage to her shrine, especially in search of healing, and patronage (the commissioning of objects of art and poems in her honor). 800

B. English translation Contemporary translations of this feast are included in the Service Book covering theological time from Easter to Pentecost, the Pentecostarion. Although private and independent translations have been done in the United States since the Greek immigration, which began in the 1800s, no official English translation existed until recently in the eastern orthodox tradition. English translations in the tradition of Eastern Rite Catholic service books include the earliest English translation of the feast. Many times these are shorter than the original Menaion tradition of the East. In a contemporary English eastern orthodox version of the Pentecostarion, considered a useful and standardized translation, one finds a suddenly surprising collection of mystical verses concerning Virgin Mary, mother of life. It is interesting to note there does not appear a full translation of the synaxarion in this English translation. There is, instead, a succinct statement replacing the synaxarion, which reads as follows:

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On Friday of Renewal Week we celebrate the consecration of the temple of our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God of the Life-Giving Spring. Furthermore, we commemorate the supernatural miracles wrought by the Mother of God therein. 801

In order to more fully recognize the tradition of Theotokos, “Life-giving Fountain,” the full text of the synaxarion by Xanthopoulos is useful: First, the Greek is given, as this text has traditionally appeared in the Orthros, inserted between Ode Six and Ode Seven of the Theotokos (as always in the structure of Orthros); and, second, in an English translation. Note that the synaxarion, in its entirety, includes recognition of the ancient shrine and its dedication, and provides a list of some of the noteworthy miracles related to the devotion. These details substantiate an active participation in the concept of Theotokos as fountain of the Fountain throughout many centuries. The English translation of the synaxarion, as it relates to the more ancient tradition of the Pentecostarion, such as the collection made by Xanthopoulos, is not available in English. The original Greek as it appears in the contemporary Pentecostarion appears in the appendix to this manuscript (Appendix 1). 802 Here, we give an English translation of the synaxarion to afford an insight into the liturgical text of the prayers of the feast. It appears to address the connection of the feast day with the ancient shrine found outside of ancient Constantinople, and currently still situated in the same location outside modern day Istanbul. The Synaxarion, An English Translation 803 This church was first erected by the Emperor Leon [also, known as Leo] the Great, who as a layman was named Makellis. Makellis was an honorable man, who was humble, loving, and a person who sympathized with the afflicted, before he even became the emperor in the throne of

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Byzantium. And as he was walking in the forest, he met a blind man who was lost. Makellis took him by his hand and tried to help him. And as they were walking, the blind man was suffering from thirst; and the man was pleading with Leon to find water to wash and cool him off. And Leon was trying to find water: in that area there was a forest filled with many kinds of trees and bushes. Leon couldn’t find any water in that area and he was disturbed; and as he turned around he heard a voice from above saying to him “Leon, there is no need for you to worry because water is near.” So when Leon turned around, he looked again for water; and looking around carefully, again he heard a voice from above saying to him, “Leon, the king (the prophecy means he will become the future Emperor) you should proceed more deeply into the forest and scoop from the (tholos) cloudy water with your hands and [thereby] remedy the thirst of the blind man; and also anoint the face of the blind man and know that I am here occupying this place for a long time.” And Leon followed the instructions of the voice; and at once the blind man received his sight. And accordingly, as the Mother of God had predicted, when Leon became a King he constructed a beautiful edifice on this Spring that even today you can see. (It is understood that Leon, with the illumination of the Spirit, interpreted the voice as that of the Panagia.) [Miracles] Since the time of the first miracle with the blind man, many miracles took place at this Spring. For instance, after many years, Justinian the emperor was healed from a urinary infection. Being appreciative to the Mother of God, he later erected a larger edifice. This water also remedied other illnesses like illness from cancer; and women of the high places in the palace were cured from bleeding; also sterile women were healed; those who suffered from fevers; and the king Constantine Prorferogennitos offered many gifts for that church as a thanksgiving. The spring also raised a dead

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man. The dead man was from Thessaly who had been taking a pilgrimage by boat to the Spring. He died on the way; before dying he realized that his life was coming to an end, and he pleaded with the sailors that when they reached the church of Zoethokos Pigi they would shower him with three buckets of holy water and then bury him. They did that; and when they showered the dead man with the holy water, he came back to life. After many years, the church was destroyed (but later rebuilt by other emperors). The Theotokos was encouraging the faithful not to lose their faith. People who were suffering from possession of demons were free when they drank of the water; people who were imprisoned [probably meaning psychologically] were freed. The king, Leon the Wise, was cured of kidney stones; and the lady Theophanoi had a high fever which was extinguished; and Theotokos cured the illness of the patriarch Stephanos; and also she cured the patriarch John of Jerusalem who was deaf. She remedied also the high fever of the Helper of Tarasiou; and also of (the Patriarch Tariosiou’s) mother, Magistrisis; and her son Stilianous of urinary infection; and a woman of dysentery was cured. Now the king, Romanos, from Lakapi, of stomach disorder and also his wife. And, the Mother of God remedied the illness of Chaldia, the monk with the name Peperin, and his pupil, after they prayed to her; and she also helped the monk, Matthew, and the other one Meletiou escape unfair accusations about them criticizing the emperor. And for people of high places in the palace, the holy water helped them to overcome their obstacles; and there are so many miracles that happened, who is the person who can describe them all? And what tongue can relate these things that this holy water performed and is performing now? The miracles are so many like the many stars, the many leaves in the trees, which also we, the people of the

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present time, can see as miracles in our time. These include different type of illnesses: gangrene, holes in stomach, leprosy, and other illnesses the water had the power to remedy; and tumors in women; and also psychological illnesses were remedied; and illness of the soul also. For the eyes, glaucoma; also illness of people who are bloated in their stomachs like this man John Varago; and another Varago from ulcers; and also the Hieromonk Mark, who had bad eczema; and for fifteen years a monk Markarios who suffered from short breath was also remedied; and many other remedies which to enumerate is impossible, miracles that happened in the past, happen now, and will never be stopped from happening.

C. Inter-relationship with other sources At this step, the contextual analysis considers the method of parallel confirmation. By examining each of the components in this step, we will look for the absolute correspondences between one source and the other. If contradiction exists, it becomes the tool of dispensing an element in any of the sources as “irregular,” not evidence of “tradition” or received truth, but perhaps the result of independent factors that may have influenced the texts. Parallel confirmation, on the other hand, will demonstrate in the next step an imbedded tradition, the lex credendi. With each of the inter-related sources, we will delineate elements that are coherent in the tradition. As an example of this kind of inter-relationship between the text and other sources, including the iconographic tradition, we can see an example in the work of Tania Velmans, which considers the iconographic theme of “the fountain of life” in Byzantine tradition at the end of the Middle Ages. She connects the iconographic theme of “fountain of life” to liturgical texts in the Menaion composed by Joseph the Hymnographer and concomitantly to poetic verses by Alcuin. 804 She then establishes that the Godescalc illuminated

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manuscript images of Virgin Mary as “Fountain of Life” along with numerous other instances continuing into the18th century. 1. Patristic and conciliar documents The references in patristic literature to Christ as the source of life are many. However, in the contextual analysis, it is interesting to take a look at writings and documents of the councils from the time of development of this spirituality of the Virgin Mary as “fountain of the Fountain” to see if we can find any similar thought. a. Homilies The term, “fountain of life,” can be seen as one of the fundamental phrases describing Christ from the very onset of new time since his death and resurrection. This can be corroborated in tracing the iconographic image of the “fountain,” “well,” water stream, and images of new life. Recognizing that the metaphor of the “fountain of life,” “fountainhead,” and “well” is first generated in reference to Christ, we note that soon after the Council of Nicea – and concurrent with the phenomenon occurring at Pigi outside Constantinople, linking “life-giving” and “protection” – we see a new symbolic concept describing Virgin Mary as the receptor and “well” of new life. These links are identified principally in the iconography. Therefore, first we will look to the early Fathers and Patristic sources or the “fountain” reference for Christ and then to the reference of “fountain” for Panagia. b. First Letter of Clement The First Letter of Clement was written about 96 AD, but perhaps originated in substance as early as 64 AD. Here, we have a strong reference to the creation of the world. The forces of nature, including the “basin of the boundless sea” are held back for the sustenance of the earth. The images describe

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springs which burst forth giving refreshment and health to earthlings: Perennial springs, created for enjoyment and health, never fail to offer their life-giving breasts to men. The tiniest creatures come together in harmony and peace. All these things the great Creator and Master of the universe ordained to exist in peace and harmony. Thus, he showered his benefit on them all, but most abundantly on us who have taken refuge in his compassion through our Lord Jesus Christ, to whom be glory and majesty forever and ever. Amen. 805

In this early first century text, we can observe the integral role of liturgy as mystically linking the creation, as work of God, to the new creation in Christ. It speaks of the sustenance of life offered in the Eucharist, to the metaphorical language of the elements in the creation story, i.e. God as the life-giving water or, at least, the One who ordains peace and harmony for the universe. These are the very early elements of life-giving waters that are “received” in the Incarnation by Virgin Mary. To link the idea of “fountain” and “source” which will be explained by the etymological sense of the Greek word pigi, we now look to one other reference in Clement’s letter: It was through him that he called us “from darkness to light,” from ignorance to the recognition of his glorious name, to hope on Your name, which is the origin of all creation. 806

c. Barnabus (100 – 130 AD) In discussing baptism, Barnabus refers to the prophet Isaiah in his second century letter. This provides a powerful link to the Hebraic tradition of God as life-giver thereby linking the arrival of the kingdom to Jesus and the work of the Holy Spirit in baptism:

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The prophet therefore declares, "Be astonished, O heaven, and let the hearth tremble at this, because this people hath committed two great evils: they have forsaken Me, a living fountain, and have hewn out for themselves broken cisterns." 807

Here, we have God describing God’s own name in the prophet’s words: “Fountain of Life.” Standing in stark contrast to trust in the Living God, those who separate themselves from God find themselves in a pit of death. 808 Living with trust in God, in this letter of Barnabus, is to follow the “way of righteousness.” Barnabus is directly casting God as “fountain of life” in the setting of creation. d. Athanasius This writing dates to the 4th century, concurrent with the rise of the teaching of Arius. In 318 AD, Athanasius authored two writings, the second of which reflects on the Incarnation. In it, he not only writes of the Incarnation but places it in the context of being at the heart of Christian meaning: “In the De Incarnatione he sets forth the positive content of the Christian faith, as he has himself received it. Therein, lies its value. … It is a statement of the traditional faith of the Catholic Church … .” 809 In terms of the correspondence to liturgical writings, the word used here, “received” should be noted. It clearly speaks of “tradition.” In section three of this work, Athanasius is setting the scene for God’s work in the creation, “because there is Mind behind the universe.” Referring to the plan of God, Athanasius then describes God as the Source: For God is good – or rather, of all goodness He is Fountainhead, and it is impossible for one who is good to be mean or grudging about anything. Grudging existence to none therefore, He made all things out of nothing through His own Word, our Lord Jesus Christ … 810

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Athanasius is setting the scene for the incarnation of Christ. It is important to note that this early Christian writing is naming the “Godhead” as “Fountainhead,” which in turn will be Christ in the incarnation. e. St. Chrysostom St. Chrysostom represents the teaching of the Church as a “source of life.” This is confirmed by an early illumination that visually depicts God’s truth flowing like water through the teachings of Chrysostom (see illustration under the discussion of “icon”). At the beginning of his homily, the teaching of the Church is compared to a source of living water. And what means that, saith he [John the Evangelist], "Of His fullness have all we received"? for to this we must for a while direct our discourse. He possesseth not, says he, the gift by participation, but is Himself the very Fountain and very Root of all good, very Life, and very Light, and very Truth, not retaining within Himself the riches of His god things, but overflowing with them unto all others, and after the overflowing remaining full, in nothing diminished by supplying others, but streaming ever forth, and imparting to others a share of these blessings, He remains in sameness of perfection. 811

The “thirsting” for the word of Christ, which is provided by the Church, and represented by water as the source of life, is directly related to the ancient symbolism of deer drinking from the fountain or stream of life-giving water. This latter iconographic symbol relates directly to Psalm 42:1-2: As the deer longs for streams of water, so my soul longs for you, O God. My being thirsts for God, the living God. 812

Once one delves into the mystical tradition in the interrelationship of sources, it becomes apparent that the lex credendi permeates all with expressions of the received truth – linking liturgical text to homilies and patristic writings, to biblical and apocryphal sources, to liturgical texts and to the icon tradition. 421

We will trace in further detail the iconographic progression from the psalm’s image of “deer thirsting for the truth” to the fountain as the Church and finally to the Virgin as fountain. In this way, the Virgin as fountain, as a teaching of the Church “flows” from the firmly developed patristic sense. 2. Other liturgical texts In the liturgical cycle, we find references to Virgin Mary as the “fountain” utilized in many other feasts. Long before the actual writing of liturgical texts, we have seen the convention of referring to Christ as the Life-giving Fountain, the Source. It is with the generation of Marian liturgical texts that we see Christ’s mother as the receptor (well) and distributor of new life (fountain). She has “received” the Fountainhead who is Christ in her being. a. The Liturgy of the Nativity of Mary In the liturgy of the Nativity of Mary, there is an announcement that the Life-giving God, who is the Source of Life, will flow forth from her, according to the plan of God: Come, O friends of the Virgin! All you who love purity, draw near with all your heart to the glory of virginity, the fountain of life flowing from the barren rock, the bush born from the childless barren one in order to contain the immaterial Fire that cleanses and enlightens our souls? 813

In this “Nativity of the Virgin” liturgy, the dramatic prayer itself moves to the following prediction that the Mother of God is, in actuality, to be the one who will be the “Sustainer of our life”: Through your holy birth, O Immaculate One, Joachim and Anne were delivered from the shame of childlessness, and Adam and Eve from the corruption of death. Your people redeemed from the debt of their sins celebrate your birth crying out to you: the barren one gives birth to the Mother of God, the Sustainer of our life. 814

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b. The Small Paraklesis Yet another example is found in The Small Paraklesis, prayed daily during the two-week Lenten period before the Feast of the Dormition on August 15: A fountain of pureness And a tower of safety is she who carried You,

A treasure of salvation And the door of repentance, She has been shown to those that cry; O, the God of our fathers, Blessed are You, our God. 815 Qhsauro.n swthri,aj kai. phgh.n a`fqarsi,as th.n se. kuh,sasan( kai. pu,rgon a`sfalei,aj( kai. qu,ran metanoi,aj( toij krauga,zousin e?deizaj {O tw.n pate,rwn h`mwn Qeo,j( eu`loghto.j ei>) Notice that the translation rearranges words where some could be translated more to the meaning of Virgin Mary as “bearer” and continuing source of God’s life. Perhaps more in the fashion of transliteration this could read: "Treasury of deliverance and fountain (well or source) of incorruption … bearing You (Jesus), and tower of safety, and door for those turning around to [Your Son], she is seen by the crying, O Father Our God, Blessed are You." 816

c. Nativity liturgical text (Orthros) In Orthros of the Nativity liturgical text, the Ikos following Ode 6 and its Kontakion, which immediately precedes the insertion of the synaxarion of Orthros, mystically describes Virgin Mary as the well holding salvation in singular fashion, punctuated dramatically after a particularly full experience of psalm readings and responses in the Orthros: Bethlehem has opened Eden! Come let us see! We have found joy in a secret place hidden from the eyes of the

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world. We can take possession of paradise that is within the cave. There the unwatered Root has appeared, flowering forth in pardon. There too is the undug well, from which David longed to drink of old. There the Virgin has brought forth a Child who will quench the thirst of Adam and all his descendants. Come, then, let us hasten in spirit to the place where the newborn Child has come for all mankind, for He is God from all eternity. 817 Th,n ,Ede.m Bhqlee.m hnoixe( deute I>dwmen th.n trufh.n e`n krufh, eu?romen sdeu/te la,bwmen( ta. tou/ paradei,sou e?ndon tou/ Sphlai,ou) `Ekei/ e`fa,nh ri,za apo,tistoj( blasta,nousa a?fesin e?kei/ eu`re,qh fre,ar a`nw,rukton( ou/ piei/n Daui?d pri`n e`pequ,mhsen e`kei/ Parqe,noj tekou/sa ore,foj( th.n di,yan e?pausen eu`qu,j( th,n tou/ `Ada.m kai. tou/ Davui?d dia. tou/to pro.j tou/to e`peicqw/men( ou? e`te,cqh( Paidi,on ne,on( o` pro aiw,nwn Qeo,j) 818

Note that the phrase “undug well” utilizes the word, fre,ar, which means well with the connotation of a cistern, reservoir or water holding tank. The Virgin Mary here is mystically represented as the holding vessel of the waters of life. “From which David longed to drink” then becomes an allusion to David’s longing for a close and vibrantly living relationship with the Living God, unavailable in fullness until the Incarnation. d. Protection – Skepi Yet another great feast of the Virgin Mary, commemorating the nurturing mediation of the Mother of Christ – and generated from a 5th century tradition of Marian relics that were transferred to and revered at Blachernae, and the later 10th century apparition of the Theotokos above the altar – includes a reference to the Virgin Mary as “the fountain,” following Ode 3 at the beginning of Orthros: O Theotokos, you are like the garden of Paradise, planted by God, where stands the tree of life watered by the Holy Spirit. You brought forth the Creator of all, who feeds

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the faithful with the Bread of Life. With the Forerunner, pray to Him for us and protect with your veil all Orthodox people. 819 O Theotokos, living and overflowing fountain, strengthen those who applaud you in this spiritual gathering; and in your holy feast make them worthy of crowns of glory.820 Hail, mystical earth, who without plowing have given forth a divine Wheat! Hail, O Lady, unfailing fountain of living water. 821

e. The Akathistos, Romanos the Melodist Here, in this extended and mystical hymn to the Virgin, directly included in the Lenten preparation before Pascha in the Eastern Orthodox Church, and sung at least once weekly, we find the image of Christ as “fountain of life” flowing into the title of Panagia, as Fountain. The Doxology at the beginning of this liturgical text, immediately preceding the creed, praises Christ and sings: For with You, is the Fountain of life: in Your Light we shall see light. 822 Oti para. soi. phgh. zwh/j fw/j

e`n tw/ fwti, sou o`yo,meqa

In the movement of this liturgical prayer, it is not long before we encounter Theotokos as Fountain in the 3rd Ode of the Canon. O Mother of God, as a living and bounteous well, do you strengthen those who with hymns praise you, and who are now welded together into a spiritual fellowship; by your divine glory vouchsafe unto them crowns of glory. 823 Tou.j sou.j umnolo.gouj( Qeoto,ke( w`j zw/sa kai. a?fqonoj phgh,( qi,ason sugkroth,santaj( pneumatiko.n stere,wson kai e`n th/ Qei,a do.xh sou( stefa,nwn do,xhj a`xiwson)

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Near the end, following the 9th Ode, we find in the repeated “chaire” (hail) verses, forming a litany of titles for Theotokos, the summary or images including the “font.” Hail, you who did from life trace the image of the font. 824 Cai/re( th/j kolumbh,qraj zwgrafou/sa to.n tu,pon)

3. Conciliar text – Councils of Nicea and Ephesus Architectural and iconographic documentation and metaphorical language describing Virgin Mary bursts into the Christian midst beginning in the 5th century. It appears to coincide with the restoration process following the struggle between Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria: In the aftermath of the controversy between Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria over the appropriateness of Mary’s title, “Mother of God” (Theotokos), which reached a resolution in 433, public veneration of the Theotokos, in virtually all the Churches of East and West, suddenly took on a new liturgical, artistic and architectural importance. 825

In Constantinople itself, where “Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain” originated, three churches in honor of the Virgin Mary were built by 475 AD. The term, “Theotokos,” has more ancient roots, however. Origen, Athanasius, Eusebius of Caesarea, Cyril of Jerusalem, and Gregory of Nazianzus had used the term. In the region near Constantinople, people reacted against an attack on the term that came at the end of 428 AD. Nestorius led the attack, saying it was impossible that God should be born of a human being. 826 Many think that the term, “Theotokos” was coined by Cyril of Alexandria during this conflict, but the term can be traced to the synod held at Alexandria in 320 AD, to condemn the Arian heresy which places it more than 100 years before the Council at Ephesus. 827 As scholars investigate the ancient writings, we find the obvious sentiment that Mary is the "mother" of Jesus. Some modern critics of mariology claim that she was the mother of Christ's

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human nature alone and not his divine nature. This hearkens back to Nestorianism, and is identified as a modern christological heresy. On a contemporary web page, "Catholic Answers," generated from San Diego, California, a nice little schema tracing the meaning and then the term "Theotokos" is provided: The Church Fathers, of course, agreed, and the following quotes show their abundant and lively recognition of the sacred truth and great gift of divine maternity that was bestowed upon Mary, the humble handmaid of the Lord. Irenaeus of Lyons "The Virgin Mary, being obedient to his work, received from an angel the glad tidings that she would bear God” (Against Heresies, 5:19:1 [A.D.189]). Hippolytus "[To] all generations they [the prophets] have pictured forth the grandest subjects for contemplation and for action. Thus, too, they preached of the advent of God in the flesh to the world, His advent by the spotless and God-bearing (Theotokos) Mary in the way of birth and growth, and the manner of His life and conversation with men, and His manifestation by baptism, and the new birth that was to be to all men, and the regeneration by the laver [of baptism]” (Discourse on the end of the World 1[A.D. 217]). Gregory the Wonderworker "For Luke, in the inspired Gospel narratives, delivers a testimony not to Joseph only, but also to Mary the Mother of God, and gives this account with reference to the very family and house of David” (Four Homilies 1 [A.D. 262]). "It is our duty to present to God, like sacrifices, all the festivals and hymnal celebrations, and first of all, [the feast of] The Annunciation to the holy Mother of God, to wit, the salutation made to her by the angel, 'Hail, full of grace!'" (Ibid., 2).

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Peter of Alexandria "[T]hey [those engaged in the public transport service] came to the church of the most blessed Mother of God, and Ever-Virgin Mary, which, as we began to say, he had constructed in the western quarter, in a suburb, for a cemetery of the martyrs” (The Genuine Acts of Peter of Alexandria [A.D. 305]). 828

This little schema goes on to list, after Peter of Alexandria, other patristic references to the meaning and use of the word, "Theotokos," the term which becomes theologically solid after the Council of Ephesus. 829 The term, "Theotokos," is traced in its earliest reference to the word's use in an ancient prayer from Christian Egypt, the Sub Tuum Praesidium, which dates back to 3rd century, or perhaps even earlier. In ancient Egypt, the term "mother of god," referring to Isis, goddess- mother of Horus, her divine son, did not have the same meaning as the Christian term, "Theo Mitir," meaning "Mother of God." The Christian term “Theotokos,” meaning “Bearer of God,” carefully distinguished that Christ's mother was a human being in real history (not the originator and in that sense not the mother of God), while Isis was a goddess-mother in the pantheon of Egyptian gods and goddesses. This may be the reason why the term "Theotokos" was used in the early hymn: to delineate the meaning of who the mother of Christ truly was. "The Gospels portray Jesus as conceived by Mary in the Spirit while pagan myths portray the conception of gods in passion and removed from the mysterious destiny of the Incarnation." 830 This FACS web page about Mary recalls that the title, "Theotokos," was used in the Alexandrian creedal formula and challenged for its legitimacy by Peter of Alexandria in 322 AD. Evidently, Peter became convinced of the word's usefulness. In contemporary times, Tim Vivian has completed a recent doctoral thesis on St. Peter of Alexandra, Bishop and Martyr, mentioned on yet another website, which itself presents a new view distinct from the usual Latin biography (according to the author). 831 At the time of the Council of Ephesus, Church Fathers articulated the meaning of the term, Theotokos, which

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definitively promulgated Virgin Mary as the bearer of God's Son. In the preceding centuries a continuous tradition of meaning had been imbedded in the theologumenon as it was formulated. 832 In the Epistle of St. Cyril to Nestorius with the Twelve Anathemas that were resolved at the Council, we find a clear discussion of the Incarnation and christology that flows from the term, “Mother of God.” Christ was: … made incarnate and made man; that is, taking flesh of the Holy Virgin, and having made it his own from the womb, he subjected himself to birth for us, and came forth man from a woman, without casting off that which he was; but although he assumed flesh and blood, he remained what he was, God in essence and truth. 833

We see here that Virgin Mary gives birth to God. A few paragraphs later, we discover what Cyril means by Christ’s “essence and truth”: For he is the Life according to his nature as God, and when he became united to his Flesh, he made it also to be Life-giving … 834

This thought leads to a discussion of the eucharist as the lifegiving gift of Christ, himself. We see, however, the clear understanding that the nature of God is “Life,” and that the incarnation is the existent “Life-giving” which Virgin Mary was joined to in the flesh and the Life-giving to which she gave birth. There has been discussion by Roman Catholic theologians that there would be benefit in “defining” the titles, “Mediatrix,” “Co-Redemptrix,” and “Advocate,” in reference to Virgin Mary. Standing alone, these titles can lead to erroneous theological meanings. They can only be understood in direct reference to christology and the plan of God. The spirituality of Virgin Mary always must be found in her trust and obedience to God, and her motherhood. Only in connection to the meaning of “Theotokos” can the theology of her action in the redemption be posited. Only as the vessel 429

containing “Life-giving” can she be the mediatrix, bringing health, life and vitality of spiritual soul to the children of God. Only through being “Mother of God” does she take part in redemption – the bringing of new life in the plan of God. Only, again, in being the “Life-giving Fountain” (figuratively) can she be understood as “Advocate.” In addition to the idea that she is the person who lives in the presence of God in Heaven, who listens to the petitions and then “goes” to the Son, she is also the one who bears Christ in her person throughout the ages until the completion of time. The waters of Life flow through her. In reality, all the saints are those who bear Christ in their person. In reality, as in Psalm 1, the “righteous” person is like the tree planted beside the life-giving river, with roots that drink from the vitality of that Source. And only then are fruits to be seen. The fruits of the Virgin Mary are fed by the Source of Life-giving waters that flow into her being. 4. Biblical writings: examining the metaphors “fountain of life,” “river of life” The symbols of water, wells of fresh water, streams, and rivers abound in the mystical theology of the Hebrew Bible and into the Christian biblical scriptures and liturgy: a. Genesis When Adam and Eve are driven from the Garden of Life, rivers still flow from the Source of Life, Who is God. There is deep mystical meaning in these “rivers.” A river flowed out of Eden to water the garden, and there it divided and became four rivers. 835

These rivers, flowing out from the subterranean ocean (verse 6) were understood in this primitive Hebraic cosmology to flow to the ends of the earth, understood also to mean that the lifegiving presence of God flowed constantly to the ends of the earth. 836 Adam and Eve, in their disobedience, never touched the precious “tree of Life” fed by these streams of God’s life.

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In their exile from God, which was “death,” they left without ever knowing the promise of life that God protected for them in end times. He drove out the man; and at the east of the Garden of Eden he placed the cherubim, and a flaming sword which turned every way, to guard the way to the tree of life (Genesis 3:24 RSV). Then he showed me the river of the water of life, bright as crystal, flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb through the middle of the street of the city; also, on either side of the river, the tree of life with its twelve kinds of fruit, yielding its fruit each month; and the leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nations (Revelation 22:1-2 RSV). … Blessed are those who wash their robes, that they may have the right to the tree of life and that they may enter the city by the gates (Revelation 22:14 RSV).

b. Psalm 42-44 Preceding the very Marian Psalm 45 (NRSV) which the ancient liturgy of St. Chrysostom attributes to the Mother of God standing at the right hand of her Son, there are three magnificent psalms of lamenting for the presence of God. In Psalm 42, there is the image of the deer thirsting for the streams of water, likened to the living God. As a deer longs for flowing streams, so my soul longs for you, O God. My soul thirsts for God, for the living God. When shall I come and behold the face of God? 837

When Jesus, the fountain of life Himself, does come, the fountain that will contain Him is the virgin who herself will be known as the fountain of the Fountain. Interesting to note in many of the Life-giving fountain icons, we see Theotokos – Mother of God – placed in a fountain, within a fountain. And to this fountain of healing come the thirsty – people who need to be healed of sickness, healed of psychological and spiritual brokenness. 431

Psalm 43 (NRSV) speaks of finding refuge in God, and yet the lament that sometimes it seems that God seems far away. For you are my God in whom I take refuge; why have you cast me off? Why must I walk about mournfully because of the oppression of the enemy? 838

Psalm 44 laments even further the trouble that has come for the people who continue to worship Yahweh. Yet the troubles seem almost overwhelming. The psalmist cries out for God. Rouse yourself! Why do you sleep, O Lord? Awake, do not cast us off forever! Why do you hide your face? Why do you forget our affliction and oppression? 839

Then, in the liturgical tradition of Basil and Chrysostom of the 5th century, hope is found in the woman who stands at God’s side. In Psalm 45 (NRSV), allusions to the queen who stands at the king’s side is used as a typology in the preparation for the Eucharist in the eastern orthodox liturgy, the queen is the type of Christ’s mother and the king is Christ, “… at your right hand stands the queen in gold of Ophir.” 840 First, in the three psalms of lamentation we find an earnest seeking and thirst for God. In Psalm 45, there is the In Psalm 45, there is the liturgical suggestion that it will be the queen, Christ’s mother, who will stand next to her king to bring those who thirst to Him. c. Isaiah Prophet Isaiah utilized the imagery and symbolism of “fountain." In Isaiah’s Song of Deliverance, we find the image of salvation, God’s life, being found in “the wells of salvation.” God reveals the source of great and true joy to the people: “With joy you will draw water from the wells of salvation

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(Isaiah 12:3 RSV.)” And, again, Isaiah continues the image of the flow of God’s salvation: For waters shall break forth in the wilderness, and streams in the desert; the burning sand shall become a pool, and the thirsty ground springs of water, the haunt of jackals shall become a swamp, the grass shall become reeds and rushes (Isaiah 35:6b-7 RSV).

Both these readings from Isaiah are read for Feast of Theophany, the Baptism of Jesus, as celebrated in the eastern liturgical cycle. The prophetic allusion to the desert environs of John the Baptist is evident in this Hebraic hymn. They also demonstrate the connection between baptism and the giving of life by God, as experienced by immersion in water. d. Gospel of John In the New Testament, early in the Gospel of John, considered by some contemporary scholars to be a book of signs, we find an indication that Jesus chooses a metaphor for his own ministry through a significant actioin, namely that of providing the waters of eternal life from a deep well (John 4:626). Jesus said to her, “Every one who drinks of this water will thirst again, but whoever drinks of the water that I shall give him will never thirst; the water that I shall give him will become in him a spring of water welling up to eternal life” (John 4:13-14 RSV).

In his first miracle in the Book of John, Jesus performs the miracle of changing water to wine (John 2:1-11), itself a sign related to water. This is, no doubt, meant not only to make the wedding feast joyful and fulfilling but also connects mystically with “water to wine” which later moves from “wine to the waters of life, Christ Himself,” in the eucharist he offers at the Passover meal. Jesus offers: "If anyone thirst, let him come to me and drink." And immediately, he adds: "He who believes

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in me, as the scripture has said, 'Out of his heart shall flow rivers of living water’ (John 7:37-38 RXV)." Again, for modern biblical exegetes, the fourth gospel is yoking Judaic lectionary and textual construction. The mystery and signs that the evangelist proposes are directly related to mystery and signs offered through the Exodus, by God on Mt. Sinai, and in celebration of the agriculturally-related Festival of the Tabernacles (or Booths) -- the setting of John's chapter seven, by no accident relating Jesus to God's prior and everlasting gifts of sun and rain. At Tabernacles, the feast of the sun and the rain, Jesus proclaims himself the light of the world and the giver of living water; thus the ritual of the feast, the water-pouring and the lighting of candelabra, is fulfilled in him. 841

And, again, we find the presence of God's life-giving water also present in the concluding book of the New Testament. In the vision, Jesus is portrayed as the source of life, life eternal: Then he showed me the river of the water of life, bright as crystal [light], flowing from the throne of God and of the Lamb through the middle of the street of the city; also, on either side of the river, the tree of life with its twelve kinds of fruit, yielding its fruit each month; and the leaves of the tree were for the healing of the nations (Revelation 22: 1-2 RSV).

In early Christian iconography, we will find the continuous correspondence of Jesus to the life-giving waters and new life. Here, the confirmation of Jesus as the life-giving waters is provided. It appears first in the earliest stage of Christian “art,” as seen in the early iconography, appearing first on the walls of the catacombs. Later, with careful theological analysis of the liturgical text, it gradually becomes apparent that Virgin Mary is the “distributor” of God’s life, God’s healing of physical and spiritual illness, the mother through wom flows the life-giving “water.” She is the one who “received” Life, carried the Life (Theo – tokos), and then is understood as mother and nurturer of God’s life to all on earth. Theologically, to see Virgin Mary

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in God’s plan of life-giving, associated with the mystical meaning of “water,” it is critical to see that the Hebraic theology of Genesis begins God’s continued presence and sustenance with the flowing forth of water. God’s nurturing of the New Creation, is represented by flowing water. From the earliest of images in Christian art, and continuing consistently throughout the centuries, God’s presence and sustaining, lifegiving power is seen in the image of water. This is, it should be noted, for the “healing” of the nations. The Source, the river of life, found in the imagery of the well, is God’s life intended to “heal” and be life sustaining. It will be seen that the work of the mother of God is to participate in that purpose of sustenance, healing, and ultimately life-giving. The contrast in the biblical paradigm of life and death, water and dryness, or - death in water versus the life-giving power in the waters given by God - is seen in both creation stories of Genesis. The excerpts from Isaiah, given above, reiterate this theme. The Jewish baptism, which the Forerunner John offered, was a plunge into water signifying new life. A number of pools discovered at the Qumran site, believed to be a religious community, are interpreted as sites for ritual purification - plunging into the life-giving springs that represent God’s life. Contemporary Jewish orthodox synagogues have the mikvah, where the Jew bathes when coming close to death – either a man after preparing a dead body for burial, or a woman after the monthly flow of blood. At its very onset in the Judaic cultural context, early Christians understood the well, the river, a fountain, and flowing sources of water as the source of life – both spiritual and physical … mystically revealing the life-giving God. e. Biblical text in the liturgical construction As Orthros continues after reading the Psalter of six psalms, the traditional framework of this prayer in the morning, 842 and after the responses and petitions after those morning psalms, there is the interjection of Psalm 44 (LXX),

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included in its connection to the Virgin Mary and included in all Feasts of the Virgin Mary in eastern liturgy. Psalm 44 (LXX), previously mentioned as Psalm 45 (NRSV) is known as a wedding hymn of the Messiah and the Bride. “Verses 9-17 are seen throughout the Church as a reference to the Virgin Mary, the queen passage is sung on all the feast days of Mary ….” 843 In most Bible commentaries, this psalm is understood only as a marriage song, with allusions to the marriage of King David. In a more mystical context, it is understood in reference to the christological relationship of Christ the bridegroom to the Church who is bride. The biblical commentaries demonstrate a difficulty in not only identifying the queen referred to in verse 9, but the location of Ophir, itself. 9. Daughters of kings are among your honored women; at your right hand is the royal bride in gold of Ophir. 10. Listen, O daughter, consider and give ear; forget your people and your father’s house. 11. The king is enthralled by your beauty; honor him, for he is your lord. 12. The Daughter of Tyre will come with a gift, men of wealth will seek your favor. 13. All glorious is the princess within her chamber her gown is interwoven with gold. 14. In embroidered garments she is led to the king; her virgin companions follow her and are brought to you; 15. They are led in with joy and gladness; they enter the palace of the king. 16. Your sons will take the place of your fathers; you will make them princes throughout the land. 17. I will perpetuate your memory through all generations; therefore the nations will praise you for ever and ever. 844

However, in the liturgical tradition, dating from the early centuries of Christianity, the image of “the queen” (verse 9) is regarded as a reference to the Virgin Mary; “virgins” (verse 14) as the Church, bride of the Messiah. “Your name” has historically been regarded by the ancient Church as referring to Virgin Mary, in reference to the Magnificat, Luke 1:48. 845 God

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makes “her name remembered” in one way and in another way in the upcoming story of her sleep in death and bodily resurrection. Evidence that the church liturgically considers the Queen of Ophir who stands at “His” (Christ’s) side (verse 9) to be Virgin Mary is demonstrated in St. Basil’s and St. Chrysostom’s liturgy during the prayer at the Service of Preparation, the Proskomide, as previously mentioned. Bread placed on the Prothesis (Table of Preparation) is cut in symbolic ways representing: 1) The Lamb 2) A portion for the Theotokos 3) Portions for nine orders of angels and saints 4) Portions for the living and dead

These pieces of bread are cut according to an imprint on the bread and placed on the diskarion. Water and wine are then poured into the Chalice. Both are covered and then draped with the Aer, a cloth representing the spread of the cosmos, literally meaning “air.” Others find the symbolism of Christ’s burial shroud in the cloth. “After the end of the ceremony, the prepared Gifts are censed and a prayer is said for these to be accepted to God’s heavenly altar.” 846 When the priest cuts the portion representing the Theotokos to place on the diskarion, he reads a prayer that relates directly to Psalm 44 (LXX), interpreting the Queen of Ophir as Virgin Mary standing at the King’s side. This is evidence that, at least in the 5th century construction of St. Basil’s and St. Chrysostom’s liturgy, there was a tradition that this psalm’s soteriological interpretation was Marian. Taking out the portion of the Theotokos with the lance [a cut of the bread at the Table of Preparation], he places it on the right side of the holy Bread, saying: Priest: The Queen stood at your right hand, clothed in a garment wrought with gold and arrayed in diverse colors. 847

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In contemporary biblical exegesis, it appears that such an interpretation is far from certain. Who was the Queen of Ophir, related in the Psalm? Reliable commentary finds it difficult to say even where Ophir was located. The geographical location of Ophir is unclear, and the question has raised a multitude of suggestions ranging from southern Africa to India. 848

The name, however, in its Hebrew root, relates to “a people descended from Shem through the lineage Arpachshad, Shelah, Eber, and Joktan (Gen 10:29; I Chr 1:23).” 849 It is also known that it refers to a region known for its production of fine gold and exotic wood. Reference is given to gold of Ophir that was offered for the temple by David (1 Chron 29:4). 850 The connection of Theotokos to the Queen of Ophir can be seen as initiated with a patristic understanding relating Virgin Mary to rebirth of life and, therefore, the connection with the sign of God’s continuing presence as indicated in Genesis 3; and an understanding of the Virgin as represented in the ark of the temple, therefore, the connection with 1 Chronicles. Ancient tradition and some scholars today, consider this as a “secular” psalm in the Book of Psalms, which may have been included late by Jews seeing its messianic meaning. According to modern categories, this is the most ‘secular’ of all the psalms. Some believe that its inclusion in the final collection is due to the fact that it was later interpreted by Jewish teachers, as a messianic psalm (as evidenced by the interpretation of verse 2 in the Targum); according to this view, the king is the Messiah and his bride is Israel. After the opening dedication (verse 1), the psalm addresses itself to the king (verses 2-9), who is praised in extravagant terms; then the poet addresses the bride (verses 10-15), after which he brings his poem to a conclusion with a final promise to the king (verses 1617). 851

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New scholarship on the Psalms appears to move further away from an allegorical understanding of this psalm, specifically seeing a relationship between a coming messianic king and his queen. “All that can safely be said is that it originated during the existence of the monarchy and was probably used at several royal weddings.” 852 It was read: … messianically within Judaism; that is, given the failure of the monarchy, people longed for the arrival of one who would indeed rule as God intended. The early church identified this one - this Son of God (see Ps 2:7) as Jesus of Nazareth, “the reflection of God’s glory and the exact imprint of God’s very being (Heb 1:3 NRSV; see Heb 1:8-9).” 853

In a sense, this contemporary messianic interpretation corroborates the patristic, more typological, understanding. The popular Jerome Biblical Commentary states that, “Any attempt to identify the king and queen (e.g. a Tyrian princess betrothed to a king of the northern kingdom) is very problematical.” 854 This exegesis completely dismisses the possibility of allegorical interpretation. “Neither can the allegorical interpretation (God, or the messiah, and Israel) be sustained.” 855 Harper’s Bible Commentary, on the other hand, bends somewhat to the tradition of messianic understanding: Ancient rabbinical and early church writers consistently recognized here an announcement of the messianic king. The Aramaic Targum addresses this ode to the “Messiah King.” The psalm draws many of its images and words from Isaiah’s remarks about the promised king and the future kingdom of God and Israel like that of spouses in marriage derives from the prophet Hosea and continues throughout the OT and NT (Hos 2:21-22; Isa. 54; Matt 9:15; John 3:29; Eph 5:22-33; Rev. 21:1-2). The human situation, here of marriage, is not only found worthy of modeling the divine, but the human institution is also challenged anew to live up to a divine ideal. 856

It is obvious that the liturgical tradition follows that of the early church and the Hebraic Targum, as mentioned above. 857 In

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contradiction to the Jerome Biblical Commentary, the continuance of a 5th century liturgical tradition of the allegorical relationship of the wedding psalm to a messianic king and his queen has, indeed, been “sustained” for 1500 years. f. The biblical meaning of the word for “well,” “source,” or “fountain” – phgh, The biblical symbolic references of water link to the liturgical word, pigi, where it holds the very same biblical sense, and is clearly understood as “fountain” or “spring.” In the “New Testament, it means 'source of water' such as 'a natural spring.'" 858 The word appears approximately 100 times in the Septuagint version, sometimes related to the word krene, which means “well.” In the Hebrew scriptures this use usually refers to manmade cisterns, fountains or wells. There is also a mystical reference to God, as the source of life, as in Psalm 36:9 (RSV): “For with thee is the fountain of life; in thy light do we see light.” In Jeremiah, God laments that the rejection of the people (Jeremiah 2:13 RSV). 859 When considering the importance of the title of Virgin Mary, “Mother of God, Fountain of Light and Life,” we encounter more than a beautiful meditation and yet another extended mystical thought. It is a title that points to the core of Christian life. God offers the fullness of life in the Son, and we are to take hold of this Life. In forgetting the tradition of this magnificent title from the ancient Christian experience, are we not like those whom God laments in Jeremiah? Be appalled, O Heavens, at this, be shocked, be utterly desolate, says the LORD, for my people have committed two evils: they have forsaken me, the fountain of living waters, and hewed out cisterns for themselves, broken cisterns, that can hold no water (Jeremiah 2:12-13 RSV).

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The Hebrew Scriptures portray God as the “fountain of living waters”; they suggest that forgetting God is the same as the rejection of the living waters. Following the same thought in a parallel way, since Theotokos is known as the Life-giving Fountain, turning away from her offer of Christ’s gifts may be the same callousness that Jeremiah addressed in his day. Figuratively, those who busy themselves today with building their palaces and living life filled with self-indulgence become the “broken cisterns,” neglecting the plan of God to seek the mediation and care of Christ’s mother. O LORD, the hope of Israel, all who forsake thee shall be put to shame; those who turn away from thee shall be written in the earth, for they have forsaken the LORD, the fountain of living water (Jeremiah 17:13 RSV).

John, the Evangelist, is not the only one to link the idea of God’s life-giving gifts to living waters. We find the images of “water” linked to “light” in the Hebrew Scriptures: For with thee is the fountain of life; In thy light do we see light (Psalm 36:9 RSV).

The power of the images of water, fountain, light, and life should not be understated. They are not casual symbols, but revelation of the deep and abiding mystery of love that is God. The plan of God unfolded throughout scripture comes to a culmination in the Book of Revelation, the only Christian prophetic writing in the New Testament. “The expression ‘fountain of life’ occurs in Revelation 21:6 (cf. 7:17, 22:1, 17), where it denotes the consummation that Christ will give at the last day.” 860 And let him who is thirsty come. Let him who desires take the water of life without price (Revelation 21:17 RSV).

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D. Meaning of the Icon Most Byzantine scholars, such as those who conduct research at Dumbarton Oaks, are comfortable is seeing the close connection between iconography and liturgical texts. Therefore, the examination of the icon associated with the feast of the “fountain of the Fountain” contributes to the contextual, theological analysis. 1. Icon of Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain The icon of the Life-giving Fountain (See Appendix II, III, and IV) is well known throughout the world of eastern Christianity. It is not only related to the ancient story of Leon hearing the voice of the Virgin and discovering a spring of water that was to become the site of miracles and devotion; but also the icon and its title have become a symbol or typos for the meaning of Virgin Mary’s motherhood and of her role in the world. An examination of the icon of the Life-giving Fountain as it developed in Byzantine iconography reveals a theology of the Virgin Mary as receiver of God’s life both in incarnation and in spiritual motherhood. Each of the archetypal elements of this icon reveal a theology of Virgin Mary as the Receiver of Life, the Mediatrix of that life, the Intercessor, and in its specific meaning – the Co-Redemptrix (in Roman Catholic theological terminology only), the mother who as a member of the faithful, mother of the Mystical Body, brings Christ’s lifegiving grace to all the children of the people of God. Le titre, déjà donne au IXe siècle a la Mère de Dieu par Joseph l’Hymnographe, a fini par s'étendre a la source miraculeuse. L'icône que représente celle-ci est assez typique. 861

The icon, therefore, appears to have its origin following the establishment of churches and monasteries, and coinciding with the tradition of spiritual hymns by Joseph the Hymnographer. The icon, beginning with a simple structure, evolves into a complex depiction of “life-giving waters” flowing to humanity via the Virgin Mary to bring both physical and spiritual healing.

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In this sense, the elements of the icon are interpreted in connection with the spiritual or theological meaning. Elements of the icon, sometimes varied in form, involve the following: - The font, fountain or basin is pictured as two basins, one in the other. Or, as an alternative pattern, there is one font that sits in a rocky crevice. From the font flowsstreams of water collected below in a pool. This font, in which the Virgin sits with her Son, is “the Source,” God who is Life. 862 - The Virgin Mary sits in the basin, or font, holding her Son. In some forms, she blesses with one hand while embracing her Child with the other hand. In some versions of this icon, the Christ Child holds a banner, which reads “the Source,” or “Life-giving Fountain.”863 In some forms, the Virgin displays her Son emblematically on her breast. 864 - Above the Virgin’s head, in some icon forms of this title are seen angels. Sometimes these angels bear round orbs of light, glory from the fullness of the coming eschatalogical kingdom. Sometimes the angels bow in reverence for this “Queen of Heaven.” 865 - The waters, flowing from the basins, are collected in a pool, sometimes in the shape of a cross. Pilgrims are seen coming to the pool for healing. Sometimes, the man who died at sea while on pilgrimage to the shrine, is seen rising to new life. Others wash and are blessed with the water. Sometimes, the original man who was blind discovered by Leon, is portrayed finding sight. Often, people of all stations in life are seen coming to the shrine. This conveys the history that tells of kings and queens, as well as peasants, finding physical and spiritual refreshment at the spring. 866 - In a later tradition, the fish are seen swimming in the pool, relating both to the later legendary story of fish jumping from fry pan to the pool, and the deeper mystical meanings of fish as the faithful seeking life.867

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2. Symbols utilized in the iconographic tradition of the Fountain Parallel to the liturgical tradition, where the title, “Lifegiving Fountain,” first describes the essence of God and of the Incarnate One, the iconographic tradition for “Life-giving Fountain” has its foundation in the early symbolism for Christ in the first centuries. Tracing this icon and symbol from its origins, points dramatically to the connection with the biblical and Hebraic theology of God, which is Life. The early tradition of “fountain of life” in connection to Christ and the redemption as it appeared in iconographic tradition will be reviewed briefly here [See Appendix V, 8 figures]: - The baptismal font [Figure 1] took precedence in Christian architecture and ritual. The baptisteries at Lateran in Rome are indicative of 4th century circular wall structure. 868 - The key characteristic of the 5th century font are: the piscina [Figure 2], eight columns (or eight sided with eight columns 869) and a dome. This structure takes on the name, “Fountain of Life,” and similar titles like “mystical fountain” and “the fountain of living water.” 870 - The architectural features of the “Fountain of Life” carry over into the tradition of illuminated Gospel lectionaries [Figure 3], notably the 8th century Godescalc Gospel Lectionary and Soissions Gospel. 871 - The illustrations in these illuminated gospels portray “Paradise and Eden, thought to be filled with all kinds of plant, animal, [Figure 4] and bird life …” 872 - For the patristic age, Eden represented the “fountain” and

“fountain of life” in the four rivers [Figure 5] that flowed out into all of creation. Theophilus of Antioch – “the whole earth was at that time watered by a divine fountain”;

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Augustine – did not choose this representation for Eden but for Ecclesia, the church using the four rivers to signify the four evangelists; St. Ambrose – called the fountain in Eden, fons vitae aeternae, and identified it with Jesus who is sapientia and fons gratiae spiritualis. 873

- Medieval poetry portrayed the “far-off” land of Paradise resembling Eden with the symbol of the phoenix [Figure 6]. - Carolingian poet Alcuin represents the Virgin [Figure 7] as fons vitae. 874 - Another major symbol that appears in conjunction with the baptistry and “fountain of life” imagery is the “hart” [Figure 8] such as the mosaic flooring at the baptistry in Salona. 875 This provides a connection to the Song of Songs. The elements of this iconographic tradition as it is displayed in the early illuminations of gospel lectionaries, can often be seen in the icon of “Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain”: six or eightsided foundation for the fountain, a font shape to the fountain, columns, and the appearance of animals. Attention in the icon to the fountain within the fountain can be interpreted in the view of Augustine as Virgin, mother of the church … or according to the liturgical tradition, Virgin, fountain of the font of life. Following the work of Underwood, we find an analysis of the iconography of “life-giving fountain” by Tania Velmans, again from research associated with Dumbarton Oaks. She becomes engaged with the history of the image, noting that it appears consistently as a theme in Byzantium and persists until the end of the Middle Ages. This paleochristian and Justinian epoch finds the image on many walls of the churches. Velmans delineates more narrowly the stages of the image: - The Fountain of Life didn’t appear elsewhere other than on church walls in the earliest part of the epoch;

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- then the schema of the Fathers of the Church followed seeing “Fountain of Life” as the “Source of Wisdom” along with the Virgin now “the Virgin, Source of Life”; - and then from the 9th to the 12th century the image adds animals drinking to quench their thirst.

Later a tradition begins in the illuminated manuscripts to show the evangelists and homilists drinking from the water of life. A particular tradition depicts the first homily of Chrysostom and his inspiration flowing from a stream. In one manuscript of the homilies of St. Chrysostom, [See Appendix VI] we see a strong reference of the “water of life” referring to the Church. 876 We can ask: does this direct iconographic symbol of the Church as “Fountain of Life” later connect Virgin Mary as “mother of the church” when she is regarded as the “fountain of the Fountain”? E. Context and social location The ancient feast, “Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain” (Zwodo,coj Phgh, ) is always celebrated on Bright Friday, the Friday of Renewal Week immediately following the Great Feast of the Resurrection in both the eastern orthodox and eastern rite Catholic traditions. It continues the understanding of Christ’s greatest gift to humanity, bringing life to humanity through his incarnation, death and resurrection. The flowing of new life is theologically described in words composed by St. Chrysostom, incorporated as the ringing theme of glory in the eastern Paschal liturgy, repeated liturgically throughout Bright Week which follows Easter, and, in fact, throughout the Easter season until Pentecost: O Death, where is thy sting? O Hades, where is thy victory? Risen is Christ and thou art overthrown. Risen is Christ, and the demons are fallen. Risen is Christ, and the Angels rejoice. Risen is Christ, and life doth reign. 877

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The theme that “life doth reign” leads the Christian to immediately reflect how this life-giving came to be and how it continues with the departure of Christ from earth. On Friday following Easter, the day of the week that the death of Christ is remembered throughout the rest of the liturgical season, there is a remembering of Virgin Mary who is the one who cooperated with God’s plan and gave the world Life, a juxtaposition that lends meaning to the very paradox of redemption in God’s love. It will be the Theotokos who will be intimately connected with God’s plan that “life doth reign.” Instead of celebrating the death of Christ on this Friday after Easter Sunday, the early Christian church observed the role of the Virgin as the fountain, the one through whom God’s life will continue to flow. The early Christian church insisted that Virgin Mary not only gave the world the incarnate One, but continues to be a life-giver, giving of the Source of Life to all who come to drink. The first week after Pascha in Greek is called diakenesimos (diakainh,simoj), the “week after Easter,” meaning renewal and the week of new spirit. According to the synaxarion, which is a collection of historical information about the event on that day, this is the day commemorating the consecration of the Church of the Most Holy Mother of God, the Zoethokos Pigi, the Life-holding Spring. Also, on this same day, there is mention of many miracles, which took place from the holy water of that miraculous spring. The connection to Easter is explained: The water from the holy spring, which gave the shrine its name, was, and among the Greeks still is, considered holy to the Virgin and was her chosen medium to effect cures. On Fridays, particularly on the Friday after Easter, people still come as they did in Byzantine times to drink and wash in the holy water, seeking cures and grace. The actions mentioned by the Russian pilgrims at the spring, namely drinking the holy water from the hagiasma and washing in it are typical of the customs followed by visitors to the shrine even today. 878

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1. Liturgical season, the service book, connection to Easter Firmly placed in the eastern liturgical season of Pascha, it should be noted that the liturgical text for “Theotokos, the Lifegiving Fountain” – often called “Zoethokos Pigi,” does not appear in the menology, or general cycle of saints’ lives and appointed feasts of the liturgical year. The feast is found in the service book called the Pentecostarion, the season of the bursting forth of new life, which occurs at Easter and continues. This service book includes liturgical texts for Easter Sunday, the “Renewal Week” which immediately follows, and the Sunday cycle and major observances until and including the Sunday of Pentecost and the Sunday of all Saints. 879 Related to the sense of “season of time,” note that the entrance hymn of Pascha announces the theme of life-giving waters: “Bless God in the great congregation, the LORD, O you who are of Israel’s fountain!” 880 The canon of Great Pascha invites the faithful to “drink a new drink” which springs forth from the grace of Christ. The theme of living water persists throughout the liturgical period: at the Sheep’s Pool, the well of Jacob, and the Pool of Siloam. It is during this festive period that we hear concerning the “living water” of which, if one drink, “he will never thirst,” and we are taught that our Saviour Himself is this living water, which we receive through the baptismal waters wherein we put on Christ, and likewise at the Cup of Life, which is the very side of our Saviour which was pierced and from which “there flowed forth blood and water” unto remission of sins and life everlasting. 881

Thereby, “water” as a theme weaves together the death and resurrection of Christ, the ongoing life-giving of Christ in Baptism, and the gift of the life-giving Holy Spirit on Pentecost. The theme, metaphorically represented as “water,” continues in the Pentecostarion. At the dismissal hymn of Mid-Pentecost,

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faithful pray for the “waters of piety.” Patristic writings explain that this Feast stands in the middle of the fifty day period from Pascha to Pentecost “as a mighty flowing river of divine grace which has these two great feasts as its source.” 882 2. Liturgical reference to “fountain of the Fountain” outside eastern orthodoxy Looking at liturgical books, outside the eastern orthodox tradition, we see this very theme of new life flowing from Easter and connected to Baptism. Eastern rite Catholic liturgy usually preserves the tradition of the Life-giving Fountain on Friday in Renewal Week, with the very same liturgical texts seen in the Eastern Orthodox tradition. In the Roman Catholic tradition, the observance on Easter Friday changed over the centuries. According to the Saint Andrew Daily Missal of 1958, published before liturgical renewal following the Second Vatican Council, the Friday after Easter remembers the traditional Station at St. Mary’s of the Martyrs in Rome, site of the former Roman pantheon. Commentary in this missal tells us that Pope Boniface IV (603615 AD) consecrated this particular site and placed it under the patronage of St. Mary of the Martyrs, due to the relics of saints transferred to this location from the early catacombs. The opening Introit of that liturgy recalls the Passover: “The Lord brought them out in safety, alleluia, whilst the sea overwhelmed their enemies, alleluia, alleluia, alleluia.” 883 Still, the theme is “life-giving.” In the contemporary Christian Prayer: The Liturgy of the Hours, there is nothing to be found on Friday within the Octave of Easter that relates to the theme of life-saving “water” 884 or “life-giving fountain.” In Evening Prayer there is mention of “new birth” in relationship to the Easter mystery: “May the new birth we celebrate show its effects in the way we live.” 885 In an examination of the hymns collected in this Divine Office, we find fifteen relating directly to the Virgin Mary. Only

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hymns 164 and 165 give any possible allusion to “fountain,” “well,” or “spring.” The hymn, “Mother of Holy Hope,” by Lucien Deiss, C.S.Sp., alludes in verse three to Psalm 1: “As a tree is planted beside flowing streams, a cedar strong, lifted on high, so I took root in the holy people of God.” 886 In the hymn, “Mary the Dawn” by Paul Cross, 1949, we find the surprising metaphor (surprising to this book of prayer) in verse 4: “Mary, the Font, Christ the Cleansing Flood; Mary the Cup, Christ the Saving Blood.” 887 In the directory of hymns at the end of this Office, one finds these two hymns recommended not for Easter time, but under “Common of the Blessed Virgin Mary.” In 1992, an attractive two-volume Collection of the Masses of the Blessed Virgin Mary was approved for use in the Dioceses of the United States of America by the National Conference of Catholic Bishops and confirmed by the Apostolic See, which had been prepared by the International Commission on English in the Liturgy, A Joint Commission of Catholic Bishops’ Conferences in Washington, D.C. and the Secretariat for the Liturgy, National Conference of Catholic Bishops in Washington, D.C. According to norms set by the Sacred Congregation of Rites in Cum, nostra aetate (dated Jan. 27, 1966), this collection can then be considered the vernacular typical edition of Collectio Missarum de Beata Maria Virgine, translated and solemnized on the Feast of the Immaculate Conception, December 8, 1992. These masses were gathered at the Marianum, a college of Marian studies in Rome, generated from special masses in devotion to the Mother of God. Many of these votive masses were suggested by religious orders where a certain charism or distinction of the order was related to a title or devotion to the Virgin Mary. Four Marian masses are included for the Easter season: “The Blessed Virgin Mary and the Resurrection of the Lord,” “Holy Mary, Fountain of Life and Light,” “Our Lady of the Cenacle,” and “The Blessed Virgin Mary, Queen of the Apostles.” In notes concerning “Holy Mary, Fountain of Life and Light,” we find that the connection to “fountain” is that of the baptismal font. Easter time, it is noted, is the “proper”

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time for celebration of the Sacraments of Initiation. The following explanation is offered: The Fathers of the Church, however, frequently teach us that the mysteries of Christ, which the Church, our virgin mother, celebrates in the sacraments of Christian initiation, were “accomplished” in Mary, the Virgin Mother (Pref): the Spirit who sanctified the womb of the Church – that is, the font of baptism – to bring forth children of God, sanctified Mary’s womb so that she might bring forth the firstborn of many brothers and sisters (see Hebrews 2:11-15); the same Spirit who, on the day of Pentecost, came down upon the Blessed Virgin with an abundance of gifts, comes down from heaven upon the newly baptized in the celebration of the sacrament of confirmation; the body and blood that Christ offered on the altar of the cross for the life of the world and that the Church offers daily in the eucharistic sacrifice are the same body and blood that the Blessed Virgin Mary brought forth for our salvation. 888

With due respect to this commentary and explanation of “fountain” in reference to Virgin Mary, there is an apparent disjunction with the tradition of the metaphor of the past. It is purely ecclesiological typos that is presented: Virgin Mary is symbolized in the baptismal font, thereby the font being “Church,” the virgin mother. The commentary tells us the “mysteries of Christ … were ‘accomplished’ in Mary.” This statement, in comparison with the liturgical text of the ancient times, does not complete the mystical thought. The “mysteries of Christ” were “accomplished” by Christ through the Holy Spirit in Mary and in the Church, which is the Body of Christ in the world and thereby the child of Mary. The ancient tradition would underscore that Virgin Mary has a maternal, nurturing role to the Church, the Body of Christ in the world of which all men and women, including herself are members. To distinguish this in reference to the metaphor of “fountain” on the Friday liturgy after Pascha, she is the receptor of God’s life and the one

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who nourishes and distributes this life to all the “members” of the body. In this liturgical setting of the Collection of Marian Masses, the Church is the “virgin mother,” represented by the font. This theological shift in the liturgical language is corroborated in the eucharistic prayer, found also on p. 121 of Volume I: … for from the baptismal font the Church brings to birth new sons and daughters conceived in fruitful virginity through faith and the Holy Spirit. 889

The readings and responsorial psalm have no connection to the “fountain” symbol. The Alleluia hymn images the Virgin as giving birth to the “sun of justice” who is the “light of life.” 890 It could be suggested that liturgists who are planning to write new hymns or psalm responses in arrangement for “Marian masses” go back to the ancient texts for inspiration and the possible development of Virgin Mary as “fountain of life.” A great illumination of the mystical theology of ancient Christian liturgical texts awaits new discovery. F. Shrines Historian Procopius from Caesarea describes Pigi, the place of the ancient phenomenon of Virgin Mary where she communicated her desire to provide healing … and the subsequent construction of a church. It was a beautiful place with springs of water and also trees and bushes looking like Paradise with flowers and the beautiful, miraculous font of the holy water. The same description about the beautiful place where the church was built is given by the writer Nicephorus Kallistos Xanthopoulos. 891 Most of the information on the first structure to be built by Leon was given in the 12th c. The church was built between February 7, 457 and February 3, 474 when Leon was emperor. He died on Feb. 3, 474, and was buried in the Church of All Apostles in Constantinople. He was the first emperor to decree that Sunday should be a day dedicated to God without work. 892 In the area of the shrine

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today, Zoethoke Pigi, which is known today by the name Balikli, there is a monastery in which many inflicted pilgrims from different infirmities find refuge and hospitality (See Appendix VII, two views). When the first church was built by Leon the Emperor, he had in mind building the structure as a thanksgiving to God, in particular Jesus and his beloved mother, the Theotokos. Leon wanted to express his great gratitude and great respect to the Mother of the Lord. By the 14th century, the tradition of the Monastery of the Virgin at Pigi was well known, a tradition which traces the history of the site back to the sixth century: The Church and Monastery of the Mother of God at Pege (i.e., phgh,, spring or fountain) are well attested in Byzantine sources. The miraculous spring, because of which the church and monastery had been built at least by the sixth century, is located west of the land walls of Constantinople in the area called Balikli, which is “outside the city," as the Russian Anonymous and Zosima note.” 893

This Russian travelers’ journal includes rich material about all of Constantinople’s 14th and 15th century treasures and traces the recognition of the Life-giving Fountain to modern times. The nineteenth-century Greek church at the spring is still an object of pilgrimage and a place of healing. The several successive churches built on this site in the Byzantine period, however, have all been destroyed. Very few traces of them remain. 894

G. History of the feast The generation of this great feast celebrating Virgin Mary as the receptor of new life and the mother who points the way to the Source, can now be seen to find its place in liturgical texts in the 5th fifth century as it appears in other Marian

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liturgical texts. The final accomplishment of the Life-giving Fountain feast day prayers was finalized in the time of Xanthopoulos, using more ancient sources. Also, as demonstrated, the theological reflection on the biblical image of God as life giving waters was applied to Christ as the “Fountainhead.” In a mystical continuum, then Virgin Mary is seen as the receptor of this new life and she, herself, takes on the metaphor of “fountain.” She, in a mystical sense, holds within her being the Fountain of Life. Placing the liturgical text in the context and time frame of Pascha affirms this mystical reflection, understanding that as new life bursts forth … all those following the Way of Jesus will taste new life. H. Synaxarion - an anonymous remembering Key to the theological illumination found in the Lifegiving Fountain, the synaxarion represents a verbal commentary that ties together physical aspects of the phenomenon that occurred in the early ages at the area of springs outside Constantinople and also connects with documentation of the ongoing healings associated with the original shrine, other shrines, and shrines proximate to the ritual and icon of the feast. Just as Christ’s life-giving was not only preached but demonstrated in the many healings of the New Testament, the revelation of God Incarnate rests in the gospel call to see with the eyes and hear with the ears, not only a knowledge that is lofty and hidden wisdom, but “knowing” that is seen in the living energy of human life day in and day out as nourished by the mysteries of God in the Holy Sacraments and in daily prayer. This experience of Christ, then, becomes a memory, remembered again and again in the liturgy, akin to the reality of anamnesis in the Jewish understanding in ritual. In looking with new eyes and listening with new ears for the evidence of Christ the doctor and healer, and Christ who brings life eternal for now and forever, let us look at the mystical phenomena which occured and a list of actual healings listed in the synaxarion:

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1) The phenomenon occurs in a region full of “springs”; 2) Makellis hears the voice, as he desperately responds to the “living” need of a very ill man – blind and thirsty (one who can’t see the truth, and one who thirsts for the truth); 3) The voice calls him to a “spring” (the Source); 4) The man’s eyes are washed; He is no longer thirsty and no longer blind; 5) Other miracles at THAT spring occur; 6) Justinian, years later, is healed of urinary disorder (a life process); 7) Other people healed … from cancer; 8) Women from bleeding; 9) Women from infertility; 10) From fevers; 11) Raising of a dead man; 12) Possession by demons; 13) From kidney stones; 14) From fevers; 15) A patriarch from deafness; 16) More relief for others from fever; 17) From urinary disease; 18) From dysentery; 19) From stomach disorder; 20) Help for monks; 21) From gossip and criticism; 22) For high officials to overcome obstacles; 23) From a multitude of healings: physical and psychological; 24) From illnesses, including gangrene, holes in stomach, leprosy; 25) From eye disease – glaucoma; 26) From bloated stomachs and from ulcers; 27) From eczema; 28) From short breath; 29) And for miracles too numerous to count.

We can make a simple observation. These are all healings that redeem and perpetuate life. And they are healings where people come to see, and come to hear, yet are protected

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from false claims and attack by others, ultimately also life-giving in the spiritual sense. Consider the biblical parallel that we find in the synaxarion – as in the Book of Acts, which demonstrates to a fledgling Christian community believing that God is truly the Author of Life (Peter and the raising of Tabitha from the dead, Acts 9: 36-43). There is a startling miracle of a man raised from the dead in this synaxarion. Generally, most people may reject such a claim in a mere anonymous commentary in the Orthros. Yet, these same people have no trouble accepting the account of healing and raising of a person from the dead as remembered in the New Testament tradition. Therefore, it is important not to relegate tradition to something less than revered memory, true Christian anamnesis. We must revere the truth embedded in tradition embraced by liturgical tradition. I. Orthros – the time context The prayers of Orthros are not just incidentally prayers for morning. Dating back to Jewish prayer, we see Paul commending unceasing prayer. Therefore, the break of new light is not the beginning of the day, for Jews, nor is it lost as an arbitrary division of the day. Orthros as prayer in the morning contains the heart of spiritual meaning for the feast, and in reality sets the tone and reflection for the rest of the feast day. If we see the Daily Prayer as a rolling continuum of communication, inter-dependence and continual revelation of love between God and the human person, then the Orthros is the energized sustenance of that ritual relationship. Combining the tradition of remembering the death of Christ on Fridays, we are startled when we come to prayers of the First Friday after Easter. There is no focus on the commemoration of Christ’s death but a joyous celebration of humanity’s renewal, the bursting of new life, revealed in a juxtaposition of the usual pattern, where the thrust of new and full life on the day of Christ’s death is a reaffirmation of the gift of life. It is summarized in the Pascha hymnal refrain, inspired

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by St. Chrysostom’s Easter homily, and repeated over and over by the faithful: “Christ has risen from the dead; trampling Death, by death, and bestowing life to those in the tombs. (Cristo.j `Ane,sth evk nekrw/n, qana,tw qa,naton path,saj, kai toi/j mnh,masi, zwh.n carisa,menoj.)” 895 IV. Lex credendi … Tradition The “law of praying” can have many interpretations, some modern liturgical scholars doubting even its usefulness. In the sense of this theological analysis, the term is understood as the faithful prayer that is observed over many centuries. The determination of where the truth lies, regarding its when or how certain prayer texts were deposited into tradition, becomes quite evident when reflecting carefully on the liturgical images and phrases and their interpretation, as well as their interrelationship with other sources. Liturgical texts of ancient times are not dogmatic in their lingual approach. Often, “tradition” is found most purely in the conversation between the faithful and God, an enactment of the drama of salvation. Many times the physical image or the actual event or dramatic component corresponds to a treasured Christian truth. Lex credendi becomes apparent many times in a plethora of images and titles. Reflection on the psalms and the liturgical response of Orthros in odes and canons will present repeated trust in understanding God’s economia. It is this “trust” that equates to “faith.” In conversation, and often in experiencing the drama of God’s love and action in the community, the liturgy reveals the reception of truth. Just as two lovers often assure and reassure each other over and over in dialogue, even in hyperbole, the liturgy finds the faithful and God in constant dialogue and exchange of trust. God’s revealed word, in the psalms and scripture readings are remembered, reflected upon, and reflected upon again. The endorsement of the faithful over years and years, in singing canons, odes, and hymns written by hymnographers of the early centuries, demonstrates a trust in their implicit statements.

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1. The spring, the fountain There are two significant theological aspects in this feast of the Theotokos of the Fountain involving: 1) the Greek term, pigi, (pigi), which translates in various ways: spring, waters, well, source; and 2) the role of the Mother of God as mediator and advocate for all those who are walking on earth in faith (zoethoke). Although it may not be dogmatically asserted, the illuminations of this liturgy of “Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain” will certainly, therefore, be related directly to the work of Christ in the world and redemption of eternal life. “Zoethokos” is a term that includes the term “zoe,” meaning life. Here, it is important to note that the more specific meaning of the term “zoethoke” is “life-holder,” where she is the “vessel” and the “container” of the life-giving Spring. History tells us that, in the beginning, the name of the shrine was attributed to an area outside Constantinople that was a forested area containing many natural springs of water. The name of this area was “pigi ”and, therefore, the shrine was named originally according to the area of springs, “the Church at the Spring.” 896 Later, according to Byzantine history, the name took on an “external meaning” and then an “internal meaning.” The “external meaning” referred to the area of the springs, the “Church of the Spring” or the “Church in the Spring.” 897 Accordingly, the “internal meaning” later in Byzantium was “Theotokos tis Pigi,” or even “Thespina (Our Lady) Pigi,” 898 reflecting the spiritual meaning of the Mother of God, a spring of life-giving graces from Her Son. Much of the liturgical text for Orthros addresses the actual shrine and its fountain as spiritual symbols of the person and role of Theotokos. Theotokos tis Pigi is symbolically represented by three aspects of the word “phgh,” inherent in the word’s meaning demonstrated etymologically: - pigi as “the spring” - pigi as “fountain” - pigi as “the well” - pigi as “the source”

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The odes of Orthros address all these meanings and begin to establish not only a record of the actual shrine and its fountain along with a long list of miracles, but weave this phenomenon with the mystical meaning of the flowing of new life from Christ on a festal day immediately following Easter. To analyze the odes and prayers, written by Nicephorus Callistos Xanthopoulos, a pattern emerges. As we begin to examine the actual texts of Orthros, we find the theological illumination of the person of Mary. The phrases in bold that follow each text suggest the mystical illuminations that may be found, discovering therefore the lex credendi, which we have called the mysterium a silentio. Now dost thou gush forth grace for me, O Virgin Theotokos of the Spring, …. thy Spring, which poureth forth life and grace for the faithful; for thou didst cause the Enhypostatic Word to flow forth . 899 Here, “the spring” symbolizes the Annunciation, bringing Christ into the world. For the Creator of all manifestly descended upon thee like a drop of rain, showing thee forth as an immortal Spring, O Bride of God. 900 The “Spring” represents her motherhood. … a Spring that causeth Christ, the water of incorruption, to flow forth, where from we are given to drink. 901 The water of the Spring is Christ, thus Theotokos is “Mediatrix.” Of a truth, more numerous than the sand and the drops of rain is the multitude of the deeds of thy Spring, which unceasingly doth pour forth upon all the earth abundantly, quickly healing all in grievous illness. 902 Here, Theotokos, the Spring, is “Mediatrix.” Incomprehensible and surpassing nature is that which is accomplished manifestly in thee, O Theotokos; for the water of thy Spring is, for fatal illnesses, an antidote clearly unknown to nature. 903 Through Theotokos, Christ’s healing power flows.

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The wonders of thy Spring which are spoken of, O Virgin Maiden, truly astonish the minds of mortal man; for they sanctify all the faithful in a manner surpassing nature. 904 The word, “healing,” takes on a mystical sense referring to a spiritual refurbishment. In this sense, we see the meaning of this entire Hours operating on two levels – healings of the body and healings of the soul. Rational speech truly praiseth thee as a Spring, O pure one; for in a manner surpassing reason thou didst give birth to the Depth of wisdom, Who suspended the waters in the sky, and the earth upon the waters.905 A double meaning emerges. In the meaning of the Spring, Theotokos gave birth to God, and as implied, she is the continual “Source” of God who holds waters in the creation in His hand. She is, here, “the Source.” O all-holy Spring, and thou didst save the people when the roof fell during an earthquake. 906 Here, Theotokos is clearly “the Mediatrix.” And since thou didst bear the Word incomprehensibly, I entreat thee to refresh me with thy grace divine that I may cry to thee: Rejoice, O Water of salvation.907 The “Fountain” is now symbolically connected with the water of baptism. The “Fountain” is Theotokos who bore Christ, who in turn is the water of salvation. O modest one, that I may be rendered capable of praising thee, and may acclaim thee, crying these things unto thy Spring. Rejoice, Spring of unceasing joyfulness. Rejoice, Stream of ineffable comeliness; Rejoice, Banishment of diverse impairments. Rejoice, Destruction of various ailments; Rejoice, Brook of clarity, curing the believing. Rejoice, Water of felicity, manifoldly healing the ailing; Rejoice, Lymph of wisdom banishing ignorance. Rejoice, Draught for the heart brimming with ambrosia in abundance. Rejoice, Bowl of manna with life a-streaming. Rejoice, Laver and Nectar, divinely-wise flowing; Rejoice, thou who hast shown us a passage from illness.

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Rejoice, thou who didst quench the fire of sickness; Rejoice, O water of salvation. 908 In this litany of titles for “the Spring” we find the mystical meaning mounts into a mystery expressing the flowing of God’s new life, in liturgical time following Easter. The drama of the new life won by Christ is found in the font, the water of salvation. All the might of death is banished straightway, O Queen and Lady; for thou art the well-spring of Christ the King, our eternal Life, the Water, the Manna, unto the ages. 909 “The Spring” is now directly represented as the “well-spring” of eternal life, providing in a maternal fashion the nurturing of her children. Theotokos as Co-mediatrix is demonstrated here. The water of thy Spring doth surpass all water, O pure Maid, openly granting deliverance from grieving illnesses, and supernally pouring complete health upon all souls. 910 No doubt, here we find the Spring is bringing health from power beyond humanity – inferring “health” in both physical and spiritual ways. This distribution of life-giving power from God describes Theotokos as “Advocate.” Lo, we all behold thy Spring as a new Siloam which dost deliver us from sicknesses; for a blind man received his eyes, and we all unfailingly procure strength for life. 911 The pool at Siloam offers a swirl of meaning in its history and associated meanings to Judaism that deepen even further the meaning of Theotokos as “Spring.” The Siloam pool is connected to the spring of Gihon (1 Kings 1:33, 38, 45) later to be called “the Virgin’s Fountain.” 912 Two references in the New Testament describe Jesus sending the blind man to wash in the Pool of Siloam (John 9:7 and Luke 13:4). Josephus refers to the pool as pigi, a fountain which received its water from Gihon. 913 In Jewish religious history, the waters of the Pool of Siloam were understood to be fed by the water flowing over the aquaduct of Shiloah, meaning “the sender of water (Isaiah 6:6).” 914

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2. Theotokos as “The Well” In the sense of “the well,” the texts refer to places that are usually fed by a Spring, but where water is stored up for future use. Drops from thy Spring, O Virgin Maiden, quickened a dead man. Surpassing speech and understanding is that which is accomplished! For all things that pertain to thee surpass the speech of man, O all-pure one! 915 Referring to the most incredible miracle recorded at the Pigi shrine, the raising of a man who had died, this ode describes water taken in drops from the well, drops that restore life! The fleece, the manna, Siloam, the rock that poured forth water, Solomon’s porch, the waters of Jordan, and the well of the Samaritan woman depicted thy grace.916 Enriched with more biblical allusions to God’s giving life. When meditating on each of these biblical instances we see clearly the mystical meaning of “the well.”

3. Theotokos as “The Source” We have noticed that the word pigi in Greek refers not only to springs and other water sources, but to the very word “source.” Therefore, there is metaphorical meaning within metaphorical meaning when we understand the Theotokos as the one through whom the waters of Life flow from her Son, as well as indicating that she is a “source” of Christ’s gifts of lifegiving. Let us all who seek grace, praise with one accord the true living and endlessly flowing source, the most divine Spring, which doth pour forth its streams most abundantly. So much doth it pour forth healings daily unto all men, by comparison a river’s streams are counted as nought. Wherefore, as is due, as we all draw nigh with longing, with faith let us now draw up from the Spring inexhaustible and immortal strength in all truth, which clearly doth bedew the hearts of the pious; and with our

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lips let us cry: Thou art the comfort and solace of the faithful flock, O Maid. 917 In this hymn of the Theotokos, she is understood as the One who provides us “the Source.” She is the Advocate of life-giving graces that are distributed to the “faithful flock” for “comfort and solace.” O Sovereign Lady, thou in truth hast proved to be an endless source of living water, for thou dost cleanse grievous ailments of the soul and body by thy touch alone, pouring forth the pure water of salvation, yea, Christ our God. 918 Finally, it is clearly stated … Theotokos is “the Source” of “Christ our God” who is Source of Life, symbolized over and over biblically in the form of flowing water. It is through Theotokos as “the Source” that the true Source of Life is found.

Following the Exapostilarion of Pascha, in Orthros, which speaks of Christ’s victory over death, this chant in the same tone then recognizes Theotokos as “the endless source.” As a highlight, we now see the mystical crowning of the reference to her as: - “Spring and Fountain”; - “Well”; - "Source”

Now that we have examined the meanings of the word phgh,, we will look into that well or fountain and find “fish,” an image which appears in the more modern icons of the feast and which mystically represents Christ, and the presence of the lifegiving God. 4. The symbol of fish – presence of the life-giving God Part of the story includes a later tradition, legendary in nature, concerning the pool that is filled by the streams flowing from the Spring. It tells a story about fish who swam in this pool. In early Christianity the acronym of the phrase, Jesus Christ Son of God the Savior, is Ichtus, ICQUS. It is a symbol of the early Christians who were under persecution to hide their

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identity from their enemies, seen in the catacombs and on the graves of the martyrs. The most frequent use of the fish is as a symbol of Christ. This is becaue the five Greek letters froming the word “fish” are the initial letters of the five words: “Jesus Christ God’s Son Savior” (icquj). 919

This is the first meaning of “fish” as they represent Christ being the source of life in the water. In the Talmud the Messiah is named dag (in Hebrew: gd) which is translated “fish.” In the early NT, the Messiah is characterized as the “Living Water.” 920 Gregory the Theologian describes “fish” as a symbol of Christ in the following poetic way: “Christ received the human element and became a fish as all mortal people (Homily 24). Christ accepted to be descended on earth into the waters of the human race and willingly was caught in the nets of death.” 921 Origen metaphorically represents Christ as the fish and says, “the fish is the symbol of humanity (Homily 13, #10).” 922 Also, the symbol of the fish is understood to represent the Eucharist, the food of the faithful, Christ who gives Himself to us in spiritual form. 923 Nomides sees a connection between the spring and the sacrament of baptism. Christ was baptized in the water from which the fish come. If the spring represents the Virgin Mary, then the fish represent Christ. 924 Again, the fish can represent the Eucharist as the heavenly fish come from the immortal spring. The soul of the receiver of the Eucharist is “decorated with rich wisdom.” 925 It is significant to note that the pool with these special fish gives rise to a popular saying that describes the “Theotokos of the Fish.” The associated shrine, therefore, took its name from the Turkish word, Balouklh/ , a name that became associated with the shrine about the 18th century. “Baluk” in Turkish is translated “fish” therefore giving the area its eventual name Baloukli. 926 For the pool with the fish we have the following legend: before the fall of Constantinople in 1453 AD, a monk was one day frying fish north of the city near the shrine and 464

another monk was traveling from the city to the shrine. At the time, the city was undergoing a series of enemy attacks. The traveling monk said to the monk frying the fish, “the city is surely going to fall.” And the monk frying fish said, “I will believe this when the fish I am frying become alive again.” Miraculously the fish jumped out of the fry pan into the water and started to swim. And so the legend began that from that day up to now the fish are black on one side and red on the other side. Even, the visitor today can see the pool with the black and red fish. 927 B. A specially constructed theological term Often, as illuminations in faith emerge, there is a need to represent that truth in a word or series of words. Sometimes, as history has proven, it has been necessary to come up with special new terms to carefully express the idea. 1. Meaning of “Zoethokos” The term, “zoethokos” refers to the Mother of God as a person who received the Divine “within” herself, the true life won by Her Son. “She accepted within herself the true life which is Christ.” 928 This meaning was used in religious poetry and writings many times during the Byzantine period. It was understood that Theotokos, as the spring which brought forth salvation for the faithful, was the person who “brings blessings” to the people who are the members of Her Son’s body in the world. 929 In the hymnography, there were many names for the Virgin Mary used, all with various religious meanings, and these names became titles that represented theological meaning. 930 The word “zoethokos” should never be translated as “the Virgin giving life” (Zwogo,noj) or as “the Virgin who makes life” (h Zwopoio,j). Most correctly, says the Byzantine expert, the term to use is “Zoethokos Pigi” (h Zwodo,coj phgh,), Virgin who holds life of the Spring. And, it refers not to the place of the Spring, but to the person of the Theotokos. 931

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Therefore, taken in two parts, we find the word sections, “Zwo” and “docoj,” reveal more of the meaning of this title: “life” (zwe,) and “one who accepted” (de,comai). “Life” when understood as a fullness of life accomplished by Christ, means not only the coming resurrection of the dead but also “the consummation of the replacing of the old aeon by the new.” This “life” is not only what is hoped for those who have died and will die, but is now realized for the living, life unending is “not just hoped for, we have it already.” 932 It is still future in the teaching of Jesus and throughout the NT. Yet the present is seen in the light of it, and since it is grounded in a completed act, our hope is sure and living (1 Pet: 1-3). … In 1 Tim 6:12 we are to lay hold of it; it is manifested in the gospel (2 Tim 1:10). Earthly conditions no longer apply to it. (Mk 12:25). It is a life of joy and glory (Mt 25:1; 2 Tim 2:10), free from suffering and decay (Rev 21:4). Yet it is not wholly different from life as it is now.933

Life, it is, that Jesus brought in fullness to the world. And this life is not only a spiritual life in the great beyond of heaven, but it is life that has already begun. The theology in the New Testament, imbued in the Gospel of John, could appear to echo Hellenistic philosophy. “It does so only in a complete radicalizing and restructuring (as in the related issues of truth and knowledge).” 934 However, Johannine theology demonstrates the “historical revelation of God in Christ.” The ego eimi sayings are significant in this regard. If the zoe of creation is light, it is so in actuality even though the cosmos resists it (Jn 1:4-5). The question of zoe is an urgent one even in darkness, for all things owe their being to the Logos. People may wrongly think they have found life (5:39-40), but revelation leads from false life to true life. Thus common necessities and metaphors of life (water and bread) are adopted, and the fact that in themselves these do not satisfy the quest for authentic life turns them into a question that the incarnate Logos answers as the one in whom alone real life is to be found. 935

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The “life” that Virgin Mary accepts and holds is Christ, himself. And, it is interesting to see that the “common necessities and metaphors of life (water and bread)” are the symbols that come to represent the “authentic life” that Christ is. Receiving Jesus, Theotokos took into her household, into herself, the Lord of All. The “accepting” or “receiving” act of this title, “Life-receiving Fountain” or “Life-Holding Fountain,” relates to biblical utilization of the word, dechomai, “to accept, to receive.” In Matthew 10:40 and following, we see that “receiving” the disciples who are emissaries of Christ, is to “receive” Christ himself. In the sense of receiving the Holy Spirit (Acts 8:14), the Word of God (Acts 11:1), or receiving the scriptures (Acts 17:11), there is a connotation that dechomai “is equivalent to faith”; and to be in relationship to God means “we can only receive.” 936 At the Annunciation, Panagia was truly in full relationship to God and, therefore, received God in fullness … to, in turn, hold Life, Christ himself, for all who would eventually enter into relationship with her Son. In the image of a fountain flowing with water, the metaphor of the title, “Life-giving Fountain,” points to Christ as the unending source of water which is life. The fountain, then, that contains and “accepts” the water is Virgin Mary. In order for the children of faith to “lay hold” of Christ, the new life, they need only to go to the mother. Fight the good fight of the faith; take hold of the eternal life to which you were called when you made the good profession in the company of many witnesses (RSV, 1 Timothy 6:12).

Here, it may be said, that many times devotion to the Virgin Mary is relegated to common piety. In terms of the imagery of God as life, Christ – the one who is Life, and the Mother of God as the one who accepted and held Life, these “devotions” become critical to the growth and life of all Christians. By approaching “the fountain,” we can “take hold of eternal life.”

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2. Mystical meaning of “Pigi” The word, “pigi,” has metaphoric meanings, which refer to the Theotokos. Overall, the meaning points to the moral and spiritual riches that flow through her from Her Son. They are blessings, “moral blessings.” “The name, pigi, has an ethical and metaphorical meaning, and also is being used in expressions when you say ‘Theotokos Pigi’ or ‘Theotokos e Pammacaristos’ (h Pammaca,ristoj ) which are ethical meanings." 937 The word, pigi, also has a deep meaning like “abundance,” spiritual richness, and ethical charism. 938 Theotokos is understood as the “pigi” because, from the springs of water of salvation, she brings blessings for the faithful. To embrace the mystical and spiritual meaning fully, we understand Panagia as the “pigi” because she metaphorically is “the river bringing graces and those who drink will never get thirsty.” 939 The name, pigi, is used by later hymnographers with the same meaning. For example, Romanos the Melodist, 8th century, musical composer of hymns including the Akathistos, in his magnificent hymnography utilizes various names for Theotokos and refers to her as “Pigi tis Zoes,” the “Spring of Life” and the title, “Spring of Immortality.” 940 The mystical meaning of “pigi” includes “the whole aroma of religious fantasy and true faith,” 941 here meaning that the word, pigi, can spiritually connote many meanings that are like precious perfume. These mystical meanings include such titles as “Spring of Mercy”; “Man’s Rebirth”; “Seal of an Immortal Stream”; “One who gave virginally (without sperm) the Spring of Life”; and quite obviously "Our Lord and Savior Jesus Christ." 942 In the hymnography, in the same century, John of Damascus refers to Panagia in hymns for Easter Sunday, as the “Pigi of Incorruptibility.” 943 Xanthopoulos not only wrote the synaxarion, but much of the hymnography and poetry in the Orthros. In these writings, he uses such titles as: The Divine Spring The Spring of Immortality The Spring of Miracles

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The Spring of Life-giving Water The Water of Salvation The Spring from which sprang all good things in life and in the universe. 944

C. Some illuminations The use of titles for the Virgin Mary gained great interest, and multiplied throughout the ages in Byzantine poetry and hymnography. They came to form a corpus that ultimately becomes a litany of titles. A sample of these titles refers to Virgin Mary - incorporate life in all its aspects in both the creation of the world and its continuing life, and the spiritual life that is immortal. In these titles, she is described metaphorically: Book of Life Book of Christ Earth without Seed Earth without cultivation Earth which is clear and without sin Holy Earth which shines truth like a sunrise Earth and Country of the Existence to come, prophesied by Joel The City of God (sometimes “Sion”) 945

These titles connect to all the biblical and liturgical phrases we have looked at throughout all of the feasts of the Virgin Mary considered. 1. Ecclesiological Meaning Virgin Mary is seen as Mother of the Church if we trace the iconographic tradition of “life-giving fountain” alongside the context of the liturgical text of Orthros. The iconographic tradition of the “fountain of life” moves from God to the Incarnate Son, to the Gospels, to the evangelists, to the Church to Theotokos. Proverbially, these theological concepts find their mutual origin and meaning in the single concept of God’s presence, which flows anew in the new creation which Christ opens to the world. The following diagram demonstrates this relationship, all “flowing” from the same “source”: 469

Fountain of Life Christ

Gospels Æ Evangelists Æ Church Æ Panagia

In this paradigm, the theological doctrine of Virgin Mary as Mother of the Church is illumined. In her reception, as in the etymology of Zoethokos meaning “receiver of life” or “lifeholder,” meaning a container of life, Virgin Mary is mother of the Church because she is vessel of Christ, who is the Spring of Life itself. Just as the Word of God in Christ’s life-giving self is found in the gospels, so also the evangelists become fountains as in the icon mentioned of St. Chrysostom. In the late Middle Ages, the fountain is found in the Church. Through the phenomenon at the natural spring found outside Constantinople in the 5th century, whose name in itself was phgh, (pigi), the mystical idea of Christ’s life-giving, which flowed in and through the Church, was seen in its reality in the spiritual motherhood of Christ’s mother. She is mother of the Church, not by way of privilege or esteem, but because in her person she is and will be always the one who embraces the mystical body of Christ in her person. Christ is the Source of the Living Waters, which flows through Virgin Mary. In the liturgical text of the Roman Catholic Collection of Marian Masses, we see the theological meaning of Virgin Mary as “fountain” meaning she is the one who gives birth to members of the church. She is then understood as the archetype of the baptismal font. We discover, however, in the illumination of the ancient texts of Zoethokos Pigi, that it is her actuality, her person, who is mother of the Church. She is more than a model or prototype. In actuality, her role and her existence through her cooperation in the economia of God is to be nurturer and “provider” or “source” for all the children of the Church. She is not, in reality, the baptismal font. She is, as “fountain of life,” in reality the Mother of Christ and the mother of His body in the world, which is the Church.

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The patristic writings are clear in their reference to Hebrew sripture and identifying Christ as the “fountain of life.” It is the 5th century liturgical tradition, coincidentally following the tradition of Zoethokos Pigi and related shrines with hagiasma (holy life-giving waters) such as Blachernae, that Virgin Mary is understood to be the well of the life-giving Christ. The danger is to see all of this as an evolving and developing idea. In reality, when bound firmly to the sensus plenior of Genesis, the Psalms, and the prophetic writings cited, there is a mystical meaning that was transmitted in Christian faith from the first Jew who knew Christ’s mother and walked with her Son. It is the Jew of Christ’s time who knew the mystical meaning of finding God’s life in John the Forerunner’s baptism in the Jordan or in the mikvah. It is the Jew who followed the Way who knew of the new power in Christian baptism that came from the breathing of the Holy Spirit. 2. Mariological Virgin Mary is the mother and caretaker of all who are members of the Body of Christ, her Son, in the world. In the contemporary consideration of the titles for Virgin Mary – coredemptrix, mediatrix, and advocate – we curiously find these theological meanings in the mystical sense of Theotokos as “life-giving fountain.” By being the “source” (of the Source), she is directly “co-redemptrix.” She holds redemption, the offer of new life to whomever will come and drink. Her personhood, the young Jewish woman who trusted God implicitly and received Him in her physical person, is effectively cooperating with God’s plan, thereby also making her “coredemptrix.” Her selfless acceptance of motherhood does not end de facto with the pregnancy, as any motherhood cannot end with the birth of the child. Motherhood – lived to its fullest meaning and purpose – must involve nurturing and provision for the child. Any genuine mother will mediate between the world and her child – worrying about good health, happiness, education, and spiritual welfare. As “mediatrix,” she will call upon the strength of any “source” she knows to accomplish

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this. For Theotokos, she calls upon the Source who is God, to affect good health, happiness, education and spiritual welfare for her children. As “Life-giving Fountain,” Virgin Mary provides the Source of healing to sick and weary bodies, hope to discouraged and depressed people, and spiritual life to those who thirst for God. Lastly, in the very fact that Christ apparently “allows,” and wants His mother to take part in the nurturing of the people of the Church in such a direct and miraculous way, she becomes the “advocate.” There are many Marian theologians who will claim that Marian apparitions, claimed healings and favors gained from Marian petition, and Marian devotion, in general, should be left aside from theological consideration. In the mystical sense of Virgin Mary, Life-giving Fountain, the very long and ancient tradition of this Marian phenomenon and its resulting liturgical connection to the meaning of time at Pascha, calls out a challenge to that more predominant perspective. If, in reality, Christ’s mother is actually “the source of the Source,” then the Marian devotion in this case is most theological. _________________________________________________ Christ is Fountain of Life Mary is co-redemptrix … provides vessel of life Mary is mediatrix … nurtures her Child = Church Mary is advocate … continues in time to mother her Child = Church _________________________________________________

3. Christological Meaning The doctrine, "Mary, the Theotokos," finds its origin as theological doctrine in the very earliest liturgical text. In the “Life-giving Fountain,” we see the ever-continuing “bearer” of Christ. Again, returning to the etymology of the word, Zoethokos, we discover the true mystical meaning that she, herself, is not the one “giving” life but actually providing herself as the vessel for life which is then “given” to those who 472

come to drink (seen in the icon by the psalm describing deer thirsting for a spring). To see the Fountain, sitting inside the fountain, in the icon of this feast is a fitting metaphor for the specially constructed term for Virgin Mary as "Bearer of Christ," so wisely chosen at the Council of Ephesus. She is the resurrected woman, fulfilling the promise and economia of Yahweh, who is still completely human and completely a mother. In this sense, we answer the question of the temple scholars who tried to trick Jesus with the question of the woman who married many brothers. Although Christ answered that there will be no husband and wife distinctions, we know with Virgin Mary there will always be a mother. Mary, as “bearer of Life-giving water,” “bearer of God”

Mary, the Fountain

The womb of Mary

=

bears

bears

Life-giving Water

Christ, incarnate

4. Pneumatological Mary is fully human and her relationship to the Spirit of God demonstrates her clearly as a mystic. The revelation of mystical experience, of dialoguing with the Spirit of God, is found in the drama of ancient liturgical text. In the continual chaires, praises, found in the Akathist hymn, we find a kind of mandala for exploring the mystery of talking with God. In coming upon the title, “fountain,” we experience the person of Virgin Mary who holds God’s life-giving presence for us. Through poetic and metaphorical texts, we continually sing, meditate, and live the ongoing grace of God’s love -- life-giving of the Holy Spirit -- in the Christian midst.

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“Chaire …”

God’s mystery Conversation

Person in prayer

Spirit of God

5. Soteriological meaning Virgin Mary cooperates in God’s economia, the plan of God, demonstrating the reality of the eschaton, symbolizing herself in new resurrected life and participating in the spiritual growth of all members of her Son’s body in the world. The Feast of Koimesis delves deeply into this illumination, where Theotokos as Life-giving Fountain reveals the gateway to eternal life with god. Life eternal does not begin at death! Life without any end begins immediately for the Christian at the moment he or she experiences the gift. The life received with Christ is born anew in the waters of baptism and fed with physical health and spiritual grace. Matthew’s gospel proclaims that the Kingdom of God is “at hand”. The mystical experience of imbibing the life-giving waters, God’s Source of Life, permeates the liturgical text of this feast of the Life-giving Fountain. The Kingdom of God is “at hand” and the flowing of life is found in the Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain herself. D. The theological conclusions The boundless dimension of mystery in the liturgical texts, which Christians enter in the cycle of time, precludes a definitive analysis that can pinpoint a single specific aspect, doctrine, or isolated dogma. As indicated, each of the illuminations flow one into another. There is, for example, a continuum of mystical connection between the Life-giving Fountain and the Virgin of the Dormition. The provision of health of body and soul is the foundation of God’s plan in

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Virgin Mary as Fountain of God’s life. And yet, it is the resurrected body and continuance of God’s life in her soul that is found in the feast of Koimesis. Her "roles" appear to connect always directly to her womanly identity in being bearer of the Christ, as Theotokos. Flowing from the apex of her motherhood are the real and motherly realities of being in her person a mediatrix, a co-redemptrix, and an advocate for health in body and soul of all her Son's members. To summarize all the illuminating components of the liturgical text for Life-giving Fountain, we return to the elements that Grisbrooke identified in the Divine Hours. As fountain of life, Panagia provides as vessel the source of life, which is the light of the world. Those who come to the fountain, in reality and in metaphor, drink to live and find the miracle of sight to see God in actuality. They are like the blind in the gospel whom Jesus gives sight so that they may “see.” Antithetically, then, they are not the ones who have eyes and yet they do not “see.” To have trust and faith in God, the Christian will approach the fountain to drink, as did the deer in the psalm as pictured so continuously in early Christian iconography, many times directly connected to a fountain. The dimensions of God’s love and feeding of the new creation cannot be phrased in analytical or cerebral ways. Only through the deep mystical encounters of liturgical experience does the Christian meet God in daily prayer. To “hail” the Virgin Mary as the “fountain of life,” the Christian enters into the reality of Mary’s nurturing – both physical and spiritual. To pray over and over the reality of the life that comes from the vessel of her personhood, the Christian comes to know Mary, the mother of God. The prayers of Orthros allow the faithful person and, in fact, the faithful community, to come into true and lasting relationship with God. The dialogue with the Theotokos, the fountain of the Fountain of Life is prayer with the source of Life itself.

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In review The illumination of this feast is clearly that Theotokos is "understood" as a source of God's life -- God's spiritual and physical gifts. She is the source of the Source. She is more than a model, more than a substitution for the pagan goddess, more than hypothetical mediatrix. She is the motherly nurturer of her Son's body in the world. This illumination will be repeated and demonstrated in all other Marian feasts, with Theotokos as the fountain who distributes life-giving "waters" … continuing and continuing on earth and into the completion of God's plan in time. Appendix I Synaxarion, Greek and English (See page 414)

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Appendix II Icon of the Life-Giving Fountain Contemporary icon (See page 442)

Appendix III Russian icon (See page 442)

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Appendix IV (See page 442)

Appendix V Eight images of the fountain thematic (See pages 444) -1-

-2-

479

-3-

-4-

-5-

480

-6-

-7-

-8-

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Appendix VI Homily of St. Chrysostom, Church as fountain (See page 446)

Appendix VII (See page 453) Balikli Shrine, two views, Byzantine Monuments (The Zoodochos Pege at Balikli Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople Website)

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Chapter Five "Virgin of Protection, Blachernae" "Deposition of the Sacred Garment at Blachernae" ( `Ana,mnhsin e`pitelou/men th/j a`gi,aj Ske,phj th/j `Uperagi,aj Despoi,nhj h`mw/n Qeoto,kou kai. `Aeiparqe,nou Mari,aj) ( `H kata,qesij th/j Timi,aj `Esqh/toj th/j Qeoto,kou e`n Blace,rnaij) Once Miriam of Nazareth became the bearer of Christ, a human mother bearing in her person the Divine One, her life unfolded God's mystery, which was a plan to bring new life to a world darkened in its separation from Yahweh. This mystery is boundless as it reopened the fullness of human life through the incarnation of God's Son, thereby making it reasonable to see that Virgin Mary's motherhood is boundless. She is the vessel and Fountain of Life itself who now is represented as the woman encompassing the care of all under her canopy, never-ending "mother," because it is the eternal God she embraces. Related to the vision of Christ's mother sheltering all the faithful under her extended veil, the Platytera icon is placed behind the altar in many eastern churches, depicting Theotokos whose womb was "wider than the Heavens" and whose care will be found in her shelter. Tradition refers to a spiritual phenomenon that occurred, probably in the 10th century, with roots in certain aspects as early as the 5th century, at Blachernae outside ancient Constantinople, now the city of Istanbul in Turkey. It is located near the region known as Pigi where natural pools occurred in the countryside, which was the site of the early tradition of Theotokos of the Life-giving Fountain. At this spiritual center in Blachernae, critical and defining theological discussions had been held concerning the Trinity, and also in earlier centuries there had been vehement debate over the person of Christ. Based on the report of mystical phenomena that occurred at Blachernae in the 10th century or earlier, Christians consistently appeared to embrace the mother of Christ as a mother who continued to be nurturer of those incorporated as the body of Her Son in the world. Building on the spiritual experience of the Virgin of the Life-giving Fountain at Pigi, this phenomenon at Blachernae demonstrated once again the actual anthropological reality of Christ's mother -- who she was, is and will be in

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the plan of God. She is the refuge of sinners, those who are physically and psychologically hurting, and those who need to find the way to God's love and forgiveness. I. Introduction The well known "celebrated shrine of the Holy Virgin," 946 which can be shown to be the origin of spiritual sense of Virgin Mary as the Mother of Protection, exists in the Church of Panagia of Blachernae situated just outside Istanbul, once ancient Constantinople. Panagia is the Greek work meaning “all holy.” After centuries of reported miracles, the sense of constant motherly care is deeply treasured at this site. The shrine of the Virgin of Protection, built by Augusta Pulcheria and her husband, Emperor Marcian in the middle of the 5th century, which will be described later in greater detail, was founded, according to sacred legend, over a holy spring (hagiasma). It became a center of Marian cult, a place of reported healings and care, connected spiritually to the phenomena at Pigi, representing Virgin Mary as the fountain, where faithful believed Virgin Mary provided the waters of everlasting life which flow through her from her Son. A repetition of the image of "fountain" continues throughout other Marian feasts, particularly those related to the phenomena at sites in the vicinity of Constantinople. The theme of "Virgin of Protection" then developed, like other Marian themes, throughout Byzantium as a replicated devotion -- as the patron of churches, shrines, and monasteries throughout Israel, ancient Syria, the Near East, Greece, Italy and into the Slavic countries. At its initiation in the middle of the 5th century, the Church of Panagia of Blachernae became the home of sacred relics and images -- prompted by the legend of the Mandylion -recognized at that time as the shroud of Jesus; 947 the belt and veil of the virgin; 948 and the miraculous Blachernitissa icon. 949 The theology of this developing Marian cult is traced to a remarkable intertwining of Marian devotions at the Blachernae site. Beginning with the shrine being an apparent holy spring,

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the devotion continued to develop with the cult of a miraculous icon, related to the site's association with holy relics. These relics included the miracle of the veil that the Virgin wore. The 10th century miracle (date uncertain) attributed to a vision seen by Andrew, "The Fool for Christ," and fellow monk Epiphanios, occurred at Blachernae, and then developed into the liturgical feast of the "Virgin of Protection." The cult of the "Virgin of Protection" is situated within the context of a complete hub of Marian phenomena. The theology of "fool for Christ," a kind of spirituality evident in this period of time, may have originated with a spiritual way of life led by 6th century Symeon of Emesa. The life of "the fool" (o` salo,j,) is described as a life almost that of a vagrant, scrounging and living like an absolute pauper to emulate a suffering for Christ, evidently the perspective of the visionaries Andrew and his monastic student Epiphanios. The themes of Virgin Mary as "fountain" (hagiasma) and "protection" (skepi) have their most well known roots at this shrine, which provides an illumination that the feast’s origin is distinctly founded in a cult connected to the Virgin's relics, particularly her veil attested in sources from the 6th century. The occurrence can be seen to demonstrate how people of the time were struggling to find ways to come closer to Christ and found the way to be through the care of His mother. 950 A. The Veil 1. Ancient symbolic meanings of "the veil" Hypothetically, it is interesting to explore the mystical meaning of "veil" as inherited by the first Jewish Christians -tying it theologically to the establishment of Theotokos as the Ark, place of the holy One, and protectoress of all Christians. There is, in the Hebrew Scriptures, an inherent meaning of bride in the symbolism of the veil, perhaps explaining theologically to the early Christians, who were aware of Hebraic symbols, that Virgin Mary was from the moment of the Annunciation, the bride of Christ and mother of the Church

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(an where she eventually becomes recognized as the bride of Christ. a. !yc[, the veil or shawl mentioned in connection with Rebekah, who put it on when she approached Isaac before her marriage (Gen. 24:65). Here the veil appears to have been the mark of the marriageable maiden, and was removed in connection with the marriage ceremony (cf. Akkadian kallatum kutumtum, "veiled bride"). Such a veil was used by Tamar to trick Judah (Gen. 38:14, 19); here it was a device to conceal her face. b. dydr, the veil-like garment worn by the women of Jerusalem (Isa. 3:23) and the maiden in Song of Songs 5:7 ("mantle"). The LXX understood it as being a thin summer garment (qe,ristron), probably something like the stoles worn by women today. [This is the image seen in the icon relating the appearance of the Virgin at Blachernae to Andrew the Fool and all the faithful who were praying at the shrine at the time of this reported vision.] 951

2. Relics belonging to the Theotokos Holy legend tells of Empress Pulcheria, who in the mid5th century, asked Bishop Juvenal of Jerusalem for Mary's body to be placed in the church she was building in Blachernae. 952 This was, apparently, due to the rising interest in relics of saints. At that time, the bishop affirmed that the body of Christ's mother was not to be found. This provides a valid demonstration of the belief in Mary's bodily assumption into Heaven. The bishop reported only having the burial clothes, which Pulcheria then requested. Graef cites a passage attributed to Dionysius the Aeropagite relating that the apostles had met together at Mary's side (reference the Dormition synaxarion) at the time of her death. Yet another legend, prior to De Divinis Nominibus, 3,2, claims that Mary "had entrusted her veil, on which had also fallen some drops of her milk when she had fed Jesus, to two women of her entourage." 953 [Here, the veil is understood as a robe or cloak worn over the shoulders.] According to ancient testimony, then, this precious relic was

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passed along to other believing Jewish women who placed it in a small casket. The second feast [Placing of the Veil at Blachernae] we will discuss is the Placing of the Veil at Blachernae, instituted in the year 469AD to celebrate the recovery of the sole relic of the Virgin. An early legend relates that Mary entrusted her veil upon which some drops of milk had fallen as she fed the infant Jesus to two women in her company. Finally a Jewish woman obtained it, kept it in a casket and performed miracles with it. Later two patricians stole it and brought it to Constantinople (Graef, p. 139). A later legend (8th Century) states that in 451 AD, the Empress Pulcheria asked Bishop Juvenal of Jerusalem for the body of Mary. He replied that he did not have it, since it was taken to heaven. However, he did have the veil, which she wore and sent this to the Empress (Graef, 138). The Synaxarion after this feast (August 30), that Arcadios, son of the Emperor Theodosios took the Veil from Jerusalem. It also tells of a miracle, which took place 310 years later when the Emperor Leo cured his wife Zoe of demons through the Veil's miraculous power. 954

Note that, in 1978, Bishop Demetri refers to the synaxarion of the Menaion for material concerning the feast, demonstrating the ability as posed here that this liturgical element can be used for a source of truths, "received tradition." When we attempt to analyze the liturgy of the feast of the "Virgin of Protection," we encounter a vast, centuries-long Marian cult. The holy legend of the belt 955 and perhaps the veil of the virgin being kept at Blachernae (later claimed to be found in the possession of the monks at Mt. Athos) attends the miracle of the apparition in the 10th century. This, in turn, connects the cult to koimesis, and the theology of the Dormition. In addition, there is a strong affiliation with the tradition of the hagiasma, holy springs and the symbolism of water being distributed by Virgin Mary, which affords healing, well-being, and life eternal -- thereby making the connection to

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the Virgin of the Fountain and, again, the reality of her continuing motherly care. B. Feast days in Constantinople Understanding that Constantinople had been a center for Christianity in the 4th and 5th centuries and, in particular the center of the origin of a Marian cult, it is important to note also the accompanying theme of Virgin Mary as protectoress. She was not only the protectoress of the health and well being, both spiritually and physically, of all those who approached her as a way to the Son (Hodegetria the one who shows the Way), but she was regarded also as the unilateral caretaker of the city, the very location where believers lived. 956 Therefore, in being recognized as protectoress of Constantinople, she is -- at a deeper mystical level -- recognized as the protectoress of life itself. Attacks by the Avars in the middle of the 6th century threatened the very livelihood of the Christian establishment there. The brutal and pagan threats to the empire ended only when the Avars advanced to the West and were crushed by Charlemagne at the end of the 8th century. 957 A related liturgical prayer, the Akathistos, appears to have been sung and gained significant importance during these times of attack on the city of Constantinople. The people turned in desperation turned to the Mother of Christ and sung all night, petitioning her care. Allusions in the liturgical text of the Orthros for the Feast of Blachernae refer to her protection of the city, connecting it to the spirit of the Akathist hymn. In a more mystical sense, Virgin Mary is the protectoress of the ever-emerging City of Zion, the city of God who belongs to God's Son. Over and over, we gain "illuminations" for the theology of Mary. Later, the feast day of the veil being placed at Blachernae (July 2) and the actual celebration of the apparition (October 1, along with a national celebration of the protection of Greece, October 28) are obviously interrelated. The celebration of the feast day of Romanos the Melodist, one of eastern Christianity's most prolific hymnographers, occurs on

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October 1. Usually, authorship of the Akathistos hymn is attributed to Romanos. The question remains if Romanos actually wrote the hymn himself or formulated his poetic stanzas from a more ancient hymn tradition, perhaps oral sources. The connection of Romanos to the Feast of the Virgin of Protection is seen clearly in the iconographic tradition, where the feast of the Protection of the Virgin Mary, Skepi, is yoked to the feast of Romanos. The icon of Protection, a somewhat complicated icon depicting corollary events, includes Romanos and the story of his calling as a hymn writer. This icon will be described in detail later. The intersection of the Feast of the Protection is then concretely linked to the celebration of Romanos the Melodist via the iconographic tradition, as both events appear simultaneously in the icon of "the Protection." Reflecting on this connection, there is a suggestion that chanting and singing liturgically is “a way” to enter the reality of life-giving that Christ provides through his mother. C. Expansion of the Tradition In contemporary times, Blachernae and its apparition of Virgin Mary to Andrew, the Fool for Christ, and his fellow monk, Epiphanios, takes on more and more expansion. The annual, national observance of Oxi (Ochi) Day in Greece, on October 28, commemorates a day of pride for Greece during the Second World War when Greece resisted and repelled invasion. 958 This is similar to the Day of Independence claimed in Greece on the Feast of the Annunciation, linking freedom from oppression to the freedom granted spiritually by the Annunciation of Our Lord. Local folklore surrounding Oxi Day tells that Greek soldiers fighting desperately in the Second World War prayed fervently to the Virgin of Protection – and some were seeing an image of the Virgin with her veil (or robe) extended out over the battlefield protecting the soldiers: The magnificent Greek holiday Oxi Day is celebrated every year in Greece on October 28th and mostly remembered for General Ioannis Metaxas' strong

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reply of "oxi" (No!) to Mussolini's request to allow Italian troops to come into Greece at the beginning of WWII. The result of this stern message was powerful, and in the end, helped to maintain Greece's course of neutrality for generations to come. Nevertheless, the Italians did invade Greece, but were subsequently driven back into Albania. The story begins in 1935, when King George II was restored to the Greek throne by a rigged plebiscite, where he made the right-wing General Ioannis Metaxas prime minister. Nine months later, Metaxas assumed dictatorial powers with the king's consent under the pretext of preventing a communist-inspired republican coup. The October 28 national holiday also marks the date in 1940 when Greece entered WWII. On that cherished day in Greek history, prime minister Ioannis Metaxas not only rejected Italy's ultimatum, he chose the road of resistance, and thus saved his reputation as a dictator. Cypriot countrymen also drew inspiration from Greece's refusal to let Italian troops invade in 1940 in the face of Turkish aggression. For that matter, parades are also staged by Greek communities around the world in celebration of Oxi Day. Today in Greece, celebrations of Oxi Day culminate in a large, lavish military parade down the main boulevards of Athens and Thessaloniki. Soldiers, tanks, armoured vehicles and students parade through most Greek cities with an air of pride, and politicians in reviewing stands have an opportunity to show their own spirit to Greece and the resistance and how in future generations it should be continued. For tourists and foreigners, it's a proud spectacle to behold, so if you're ever in Greece during that time, be sure and see it! 959

For Greek churches, the Feast of the Protection is celebrated on October 28, directly connected to the feast of Romanos on October 1 (due to the iconographic tradition), and corresponding to the commemoration of the deposition of the precious veil or robe in Blachernae on July 2. In other churches, such as the Russian Orthodox and Anglican Orthodox tradition, the Feast of the "Virgin of Protection" is celebrated on October 1. 960 Evidently, the phenomenon, which

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occurred in the Church at Blachernae, treasured in the tradition of "Virgin of Protection," probably occurred on the day of the Feast of St. Romanos and thereby was connected in the iconographic tradition. II. Authorship and Translation A. Authorship of the text As the Orthros demonstrates, authorship of the liturgical text, including poems, hymns and prayers, is a complex question to address. Most of the texts often appear anonymous. When an author is named for an ode, one has to sometimes assume the complete collection of odes is attributed to that author. English translations include the usual versions already mentioned for other feasts. In English versions, authors are rarely noted. More and more, English translations available on the worldwide web are usually provided by Orthodox web pages. These pages do not include any commentary and appear to be made available for meditation and devotional purposes only. 961 Most English translations do not include the complete synaxarion as it appears in the traditional Greek Menaion service book. The reason for this has been discussed: its authorship is ancient and anonymous, therefore considered dubious by contemporary liturgists. In addition, the Greek appears to be medieval and is thereby extremely difficult to translate into modern Greek context or even English. The details are often most mythical in nature which, for most contemporary translators, may make the entire text of the synaxarion useless. There is, however, as in the feasts already considered, a tradition for the synaxarion in the ancient texts found in manuscripts at Mt. Athos and in the patristic libraries which -as demonstrated -- are faithful to the text included in today's Greek service books. The Menaion of Dimitri of Rostov (16511709), 962 a 17th century Menaion written in Russian and

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translated into modern Greek and English, 963 demonstrates this principle. 964 The Prologue of Ochrid, composed by Bishop Nikolai Velimirovic, includes "very short modern synaxarion-type entries for the Orthodox saints of each day (or, to be exact, two or three of the many possibilities)." 965 In Orthodox literature, the Prologue of Ochrid is the source for the story of the 10th century apparition to the monk, Andrew, the Fool for Christ. In fact, the life of Saint Dimitri of Rostov is told in Nicolai Velimirovic's Prologue, as well. 966 The two collections are well known in the tradition of the Russian Orthodox Church. The Orthodox Diocese of Australia also offers information on Andrew, the Fool for Christ, on its web page, giving excerpts from the Prologue From Ochrid. This little excerpt, focusing on "Death and the Future Life" from the Prologue, mentions the similarity of Andrew's vision with that of St. Paul who "heard things that cannot be told, which man may not utter" (2 Corinthians 12:4 RSV). 967 There is notation in the Greek service book version of this feast, and also directly translated in Archimandrite Ephrem's internet version, that the canons of this feast are attributed to Gerasimos. 968 According to contemporary lives of the saints, the first notable saint by the name Gerasimos lived in the 7th century, born in the province of Lycia in Asia Minor. He left a comfortable "leisure class wealth" 969 to take up the austere life of a desert monk, living in the valley of the Jordan River. However, he cannot be the author of these liturgical texts since he lived prior to the apparition at Blachernae in the 10th century, if that is indeed the year of its occurrence. Perhaps this liturgical text is written by a monk who assumed the name of this first holy monk, possibly even using the written sources of Euthymius, hermit of the desert as described below. It might be noted here that there is a possible tradition of authorship inadvertently indicated at the very shrine of

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Blachernae in modern day Istanbul, originally the environs of ancient Constantinople. A wall painting at the modern day Church of the Hagiasma, Panagia of Blachernae, painted in 1964, documents four Byzantine poets who wrote praising the Holy Virgin: "Patriarch Sergius, St. Cosmas the Poet, St. John Damascus, and St. Theophanes Graptus." 970 The question would be: "Are these poets recognized in the tradition of the Orthros of the Feast of the Virgin of Protection at Blachernae?" Perhaps they opted for anonymity in their compositions, or their authorship was lost. If acrostics are to be recognized, it is noticeable that opening stitchera begin with "T," perhaps indicating St. Theophanes. This would require further analysis. The central canon, in the Greek Menaion, attributed to Gerasimos, clearly demonstrates the word "skepi" - protection. Authorship, as stated in the newly compiled Synaxarion, by Hieromonk Markarios of Simonos Petra on Mt. Athos, is attributed to the synaxarion and contemporary service of the Orthros of the Solemnity of the Holy Protection by St. Andrew Bogoliubov (July 4), Grand Prince of Vladimir (1157-74). The feast, it is noted, "is particularly beloved in all the Slav Churches." 971 This Synaxarion is a translation from a prior work in French. 972 The spirit of this translation into first French and then English is to afford English-speaking people the spiritual opportunity to experience the mystery of the faith, via: …participation in the way of life of each friend of God, made present to us according as divine Grace has transfigured him. The Synaxarion is a visit paid to the Saints, mystical knowledge, experience gained of living in a new way -- a way of holiness. 973

The possibility to know the world of the divine, the kingdom of God, is made possible by God. According to a preface written by the holy monk of Mt. Athos, it is St. Athanasius who points to this human encounter: As Saint Athanasius the Great says, the human soul, although it resides in the world "represents and

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contemplates that which is beyond the earth; often indeed it encounters those who are above and beyond earthly bodies, the saints and the angels, and draws near them, trusting in the purity of the spirit." In the most holy of saints, the Virgin Mary, the believers come "alive to God (Romans 6:11)." 974

It is for this reason that the holy monks of Mt. Athos have decided to translate the lives of the saints, existing in the ancient liturgical texts, so that contemporary worshipers may enter into mystery. For Christians in the ancient Byzantine tradition, faced with not only human suffering and psychological pain, but also life-threatening aggression by enemies, the experience of the protection of God's mother is communicated in these very liturgical texts remembering various occasions of attack. It is a protection that is not unique to Byzantium but appears to continue through the Middle Ages in the West, and even into modern times, as will be demonstrated. The many titles of Virgin Mary, in the tradition of what Christians first experienced so clearly at Blachernae, demonstrate a mother who offers protection, seen evolving in a multiplicity of names: Our Lady of Perpetual Help; Mother of Good Succor; Notre Dame de Bon Secours; Protectoress of the Holy City; and Our Lady of Guadalupe, who eases the conflict between two cultures, European and Amerindian in the New World.

According to the holy monks of the ancient church, there are three ways of bringing the spiritual reality into our lives: By chanting hymns and church services dedicated to them (the saints), by venerating their icons and by reading their lives in the Synaxarion. 975

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B. Translation Due to the challenge of finding texts in English for the Feast of the Protection, as described above, we have discovered that for the Feast of Pokrov, many English texts utilize liturgical lectionary customs, which were developed in the Russian Church, although the original texts were Greek. However, working with the Greek Menaia, service books used by the priests, cantors, and faithful of the Greek Orthodox Church, it is encouraging to see that available English translations are faithful to the original Greek text. However, they omit the tradition of the ancient synaxarion, and sometimes differ in minor ways from the sense of the original Greek. As discussed above, it is extremely difficult to translate the poetic and mystical line from one language to another. In careful exegesis of the liturgical text, then, it is important to examine the original Greek compositions. Many times, translators find it hard to maintain the sense of mystery arising in the Greek poetical text. Other times, translators will omit or add other hymns and sections that vary from the ancient Greek tradition. For the Feast of the Virgin of Protection, we see that the English version presented by the Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, cited previously for the Feast of the Dormition, displays a great variance from the Greek text for the feast of the Virgin of Protection at Blachernae. The odes are the same, but the troparia are different. The closest translation, and one that represents the mystical nature of the language, appears to be that translated by Narthex Press in a two-volume Sunday Menaion each year. 976 The Greek translation of the Orthros of the Feast of Theotokos of Protection, 977 can be found in the October Menaion For English translations of texts for this Feast, one can also refer to several English versions, including the web translations 978 and that of the Byzantine Catholic Church. The English translation of the Menaia, to be completed by the monks of Transfiguration Monastery in Brookline, MA, has just

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been completed but includes no English translation for the synaxarion in Orthros. For the Greek synaxarion, see Appendix I. III. Interrelationship with other sources A. Councils Scholars (i.e. Mimouni as discussed previously) who claim that the development of dogma concerning the Dormition of the Virgin Mary arose directly from the christological debates preceding the Council of Ephesus, that culminated in the monophysite reactionaries after Chalcedon, will have to reckon with the close interrelationship between the Marian cult at Blachernae and earlier phenomena and the received truth (tradition) about "Mary's Falling Asleep in the Lord." Even in his extremely careful translation of the early patristic homilies on the Dormition of Mary, Brian Daley SJ also interprets the Marian cult as a direct development of the debate over the concept of "Theotokos." In the aftermath of the controversy between Nestorius and Cyril of Alexandria over the appropriateness of Mary's title, "Mother of God" (Theotokos), which reached a resolution in 453, public veneration of the Theotokos, in virtually all the Churches of East and West, suddenly took on a new liturgical, artistic and architectural importance. In Constantinople, the Empress Pulcheria -- long known for her personal identification with Mary -- sponsored the building of at least three major Churches in the Virgin's honor, all completed by about 475. 979

In a footnote interpreting this statement in his introduction, Daley explains that these three churches were: Blachernae, where the funeral clothes including the veil were placed; Chalkoprateia, which claimed to have her belt; and the monastery (with church) at Hodegon, which has an icon of Mother and Child, an icon claimed to be miraculous, that eventually came to be known as the important image that demonstrates Mary pointing the way to her Son, Jesus. 980 Daley, following Mimouni, suggests that the Marian cult

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resulted from the christological debate and the struggle over the term, Theotokos. However, he does not consider the total context of the 5th century situation and the centuries that followed in terms of Marian phenomena. The holy waters, hagiasma, first representing Christ as the "Source of Life" became associated with Theotokos as "Source of the Source" at Pigi, outside Constantinople in Blachernae. If we can date that occurrence at Pigi, Theotokos of the Fountain, to have happened when Leo I was a young man, then the origin of the Theotokos of the Source would have been approximately 417-420 AD. 981 Certainly, as the synaxarion asserts that Leo was a young man, the phenomena at Pigi happened before the Council of Ephesus in 431 AD. During the 5th century, hagiasma became constantly associated with Marian shrines, along with the later image (after the 7th century) of the "Blachernitissa." This was to become a popular and prolific Byzantine image on cameos and medallions, as well as adorning icons throughout the empire. This emerging tradition clearly demonstrates the close connection between Marian phenomena and devotion as the basis of dogma as it was eventually defined. In the Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain as described above, it is demonstrated that Christ is the Fountain of life, and Virgin Mary is -- so to speak - the fountain of the Fountain. The meteoric multiplication of medallions and cameos, icons, and associated phenomena of the Theotokos in Byzantium will be discussed later. Blachernae is understood as the locus of the "experience" of care and love of the holy Virgin, through the hagiasma and honor for the Virgin's clothing relics. It is clear that this may be the reason God would ordain the mother of Christ to appear at Blachernae approximately five centuries (if the date can be assumed to be in the 10th century) after appearing as the fountain of the Fountain in Pigi. The apparition of Blachernae was not for Andrew the Fool and his friend alone. It came at a moment in time when Christians needed to know the loving and healing nature of

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Christ, as realized through the nurturing of His mother, because of savage attacks by barbarian troops and the bitter struggles with heretic gnostics. In a similar way, the apparitions of the Virgin Mary in the 20th century appear to happen in times of world tension and war, such as the phenomena at Medjugorje just prior to the war in Bosnia. The Synaxarion, prepared by the monk of Simonos Petra on Mt. Athos, describes the details of the apparition at Blachernae: Andrew took the relic of the holy veil from its container on the altar (soros - to be described later) and held it up -- at which point as if "upheld by an invisible power, the Veil hung in the air and was of such size as entirely to cover the great congregation." 982 This account, as mentioned before, directly connects the reported apparition to a relic of Virgin Mary’s clothing. Centuries later and on another continent, it is notable to see the comparison between the cult of Blachernae and elements of the apparition and emerging cult of the Virgin Mary at Guadalupe, in Mexico. Virgil Elizondo nicely develops the interaction of the historical sense with Marian apparitions in a work on Our Lady of Guadalupe. The parallelism of Our Lady of Guadalupe and Our Lady of Blachernae is more than coincidental. 983 There is the advantage of taking a look at the total social location of liturgical text, just as it aids the biblical exegete to consider the scriptural text im situ. We see that at Guadalupe, the Native American “pregnancy belt” that the Virgin wears brings to mind the “veil, robe, and/or belt” treasured at Blachernae. In the item of clothing, Juan Diego at Guadalupe understood “the Lady” to be the mother bearing the Son of God. She comes to the Americas as “a mother.” In a similar way, the eyes of the theologian, then, looking at Blachernae can see in the details illuminations of more cosmic meaning, embedded in ritual and mystery. Although it is generally considered a matter of private devotion to discuss the Marian apparitions in our time and in the past, can it not be theologically said that if there is validity to these apparitions and Marian phenomena, that they must --

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by definition -- conform to the economia of God? It is impossible to believe that Mary -- should she truly be the mother who bore the Son of God, and should she truly be corporeal with God in Heaven, and should she truly be concerned about her Son's presence in the world (the body of Christ, the mystical Body) -- that she would so hope to "appear" in her motherly way to human mortals without the love and plan of God? In this vein of thinking, it is dangerous to leave the realization of divine truths and proclaimed dogma, to rational debate and thinking alone. The divine truths are to be "learned," the true meaning of the Greek word for disciple. In the sense of mystical theology, the divine truths are "learned" through the communication and events of God. Scholars who study the ancient homilies and liturgical texts – including hymns, poetry, and prayers – make constant allusion to the christological debates raging during the formation of the Marian cult, 4th century and onward in Byzantium. Many, like Mimouni – as mentioned, postulate that Marian dogma developed as a polemic. As demonstrated above, however, the flowering of Marian cult and the evidence of Marian devotion and theology can be shown to arise from the spirituality of Mary’s motherhood. There is no doubt that the experience in and around Constantinople was connected to the Marian cult, as it was at Ephesus. Many claim it may have been the strong influence of Mary’s presence living in Ephesus that inspired the very oldest Marian church there and the location of the Council of Ephesus in 431 AD. 984 We see, in fact, an attempt in later years to justify a theological position when church leaders met at Blachernae, choosing the Marian site as the locus, to hold a Constantinopolitan council. The interesting thing, here, is to see how the idea to use the piety of the locale was so flatly rejected. The scene was a battle over the Filioque, after the Council of Lyons, which

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found Patriarch Gregory, who was a traditionalist and sympathetic to the East, battling the idea of the “unionists” who tried to theologically explain away the East’s distaste of the double procession indicated in the Trinitarian dogma of the West, in the so-called “filioque” phrase. Gregory refuted the argument for “unionism” in an allusion to the spirit of life, the Holy Spirit, arguing on the idea that there was a kind of double procession as experienced coming through the Fountain of Life – Jesus – through the vessel of His Mother – the fountain of the Fountain. Is it not interesting that this very local council was held in Blachernae? And, instead of a devotional idea growing out of doctrinal debate, it was used as a defense in the battle over the filioque? This demonstrates that the spiritual tradition pre-dated the argument where it was used for support in a doctrinal debate. To substantiate his case further, Gregory also mentions, in the tenth rebuttal of the Tomus, the incongruist unionist argument of the parallel between Christ and the Virgin as “fountain of life.” The argument was used to support a double procession and was probably originally discussed in the latter session of Blachernae; this would explain its absence in Pachymeres’ account of the first session. “The Virgin is so called [fountain of life] because she lent living flesh to the only begotten word with a rational and intellectual soul, and became the cause of mankind born according to Christ. Therefore, those who understand life to be in the Holy Spirit will think of the Son as the fountain of life in terms of cause.” [Footnote #60: Tomus, PG 142.242D; also mentioned briefly in On the Procession, PG 142.272C. See further the unpublished refutation of the Tomus by the unionist Constantine Meliteniotes, codex Paris gr. 1303, fols. 116-117. The biblical reference is to Psalm 36:9] Hence their argument, notes Gregory, for the “participation” of the Son with the Father in the procession of the Spirit. The argument, Gregory adds, is entirely inept. 985

We see that the Marian cult really didn’t develop from the theological debate. The sequence of the Seven Ecumenical 500

Councils and the more local councils held in and around Constantinople in the period of formation of the Marian cult, however, demonstrated that theological definitions did not determine Marian cult, but actually Marian piety secured and validated the reality of faith at the time. There is no doubt that understanding the Virgin and her relationship to the Son of God was critical to the Christology that emerged. The argument over the term “Theotokos” was not outside the very core of the sense of understanding at Blachernae. The petition seen in much of the liturgical text to save the city, namely Constantinople, was more than local sentiment. It was a cry to save the people of God. The first such local council of Constantinople (Second Ecumenical Council, Constantinople I, 381 AD) proclaimed “Constantinople as the second see of Christendom with honorary precedence over all other sees, except the elder Rome (canon 3).” 986 This demonstrates an understanding that petitions to the Virgin for saving the city, as found in the Akathist, are petitions similar to those today of preserving Rome as the heart of Christianity for the West which in its deepest meaning means saving the people of God. Bishops gathered again at Constantinople to attempt the task of straightening out contentions with the monophysites arising after the Council of Chalcedon (Fifth Ecumenical Council, Constantinople II, 553 AD). A tension was evident between the Monophysite contingent from Egypt who were not convincible and, in turn, formed hostile feelings toward Constantinople. 987 If the Marian cult was strong in Constantinople due to the spiritual experience of miracles and devotion to Theotokos, then it is obvious to see the reason why the earthly motherliness of Virgin Mary existed in the environs of Constantinople from the 4th and 5th centuries on. The spirituality of Mary’s motherly concerns has become the foundation of a theology expressing her mediation and protection. Again, in this flow of time and event in the environs of the City, it is hard to understand why the truth, for instance, of Mary’s resurrection would be attributed to the Monophysite polemic. The local councils at Constantinople

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were building a context for the ultimate mystical experience of Andrew the Fool in the 10th century. The sixth ecumenical council (Constantinople III, 680-681 AD) took on the battle against the Monothelites. Four patriarchs of Constantinople and Pope Honorius were victims of the abiding Monophysite position, now having evolved into the idea of monothelitism, and were anathematized at this council. This action “vindicated” Maximos the Confessor, Pope Martin I, and Sophronius of Jerusalem. 988 Again, the debate raged, but orthodoxy endured in the environs of Constantinople and its Marian shrines and devotion. Could there be a connection between the danger facing the Church in the face of severe heresy and the ever abiding nurturing care of the Mother of Christ? The seventh ecumenical council, called by the Patriarch of Constantinople in 787 AD, was convened in Nicea. The issue at hand was the veneration of icons. The decree of the Council for restoring icons to churches added an important clause which still stands at the foundation of the rationale for using and venerating icons in the orthodox Church to this very day: ‘The veneration accorded to an icon is meant for and passes to the prototype (the person it depicts).’ 989

When looking at the context of these early centuries, we will see that the icon became a critical form of theological “writing” on the Virgin Mary. The icon of Blachernae spread rapidly throughout the newly born church in the Slav countries, even though the events of the councils were not divorced from the life of the faithful in Constantinople. Controversy and council meetings continued in the environs of Constantinople addressing continuing debates over church organization and rehashing Trinitarian theology. Some of these were held at Blachernae. This again indicates a spiritual center for Christianity that operated in the locale of Marian cult, at least until the 11th century.

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2. Patristic references 1. Reference in the Dormition homilies Although Daley usually prefers to leave the corpus of oral tradition and its legendary nature out of the theological discussion, he acknowledges its impact on the patristic homilies. John of Damascus refers to Blachernae and an allusion to "Euthymiac History," which Daley calls a "somewhat unreliable" fragment. Daley dismisses the true relevance of this history. He bases his position on apparent contradiction, such as the history's reference to the Church at Gethsemane being constructed on the site of Mary's house, where the actual site is in the midst of what appears to be a large urban area dating to pre-Christian times, a site where the tomb seems to be of first-century construction. Here, again, he follows Mimouni and says "the connection of the church there with Mary's house may be secondary." 990 In another way, however, the Euthymiac fragment of patristic "history" substantiates what is found in the apocryphal literature and the liturgical text, with only some minor differences. St. Euthymius (473) was the founder of one of many monasteries in the area of Jerusalem, this one in the valley of Cedron, near Jericho, a "laura" in the group ruled over by St. Gerasimus (475). In the extant fragment of history by Euthymius, we learn that this group consisted of a cenobium where the cenobitic life was practised by novices and others less proficient. There were also seventy cells for solitaries. Five days in the week these latter lived and worked alone in their cells. On Saturday they brought their work to the cenobium, where, after receiving Holy Communion on Sundays, they partook of some cooked food and a little wine. The rest of the week their fare was bread, dates and water. When some of them asked to be allowed to heat some water, that they might cook some food and to have a lamp to read by, they were told that if they wished to live thus they had better take up their abode in the cenobium (Acta SS., March 1, 386,87). 991

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To this there can be added a few more details about Euthymius. He was, indeed, considered an "influential hermit" who was born in Melitene, Armenia, now modern Turkey, in 377 AD. He may have been an orphan but was, in any event, educated and ordained by Bishop Orteus of Melitene. In 406 AD, at age 29, he secretly traveled to Palestine and began a rigorous monastic life in the Pharam lavra there, six miles east of Jerusalem. Later he began to live in a cave on the road to Jericho, sharing it with a companion named Theoctistus (given as a possible author of the Paraklesis service of petitions to God through Theotokos). Euthymius was known to wander in the area near the Dead Sea and thereby converted many nomadic Arabs, who also entered the monastic life. About 426, he established the 15-cell lavra, just mentioned, at Khan-el-Ahmar, at which Bishop Juvenal of Jerusalem dedicated a great church. Euthymius, evidently, was influential in formulating the decrees of the Council of Ephesus and stood out in his allegiance to the decrees of Chalcedon. He was instrumental in the reconversion of Empress Eudoxia back to Orthodoxy, when she abandoned monophysitism (having been a follower of the Eutychians) 992. And, also, Euthymius is known to be an instructor of Sabas the Great. 993 These details demonstrate that the context of monastic life and theological loyalty to the two councils was more the context of dormition theology. In addition, as indicated in the connecting references in the assumption homilies, as translated by Daley, Blachernae was a key locale for this theological context. Daley explains how a detail of the Dormition believed to have originated with the Euthymian history was added to the homily of John of Damascus at a much later date. 994 The second homily of John of Damascus on the Dormition, alluded to Blachernae: "You see, dear fathers and brothers, what this illustrious tomb has to say to us." 995 Even the suggestion here of the connection of Blachernae to the holy relics and the celebration of the tomb of Mary is a strong connection to the monastic tradition in the 5th century in Palestine. This, in itself,

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gives credence to the tradition on the Dormition and the importance of the Marian cult having its center at Blachernae. 2. Developing sense of Mary as “source of the Source,” and Eve-Mary Parallel We find a developing sense of Christ as the “Source” of temporal and divine life, and in turn, Christ’s mother as the one who cares for the people of God as the source of the “Source.” Related to this, the emerging understanding is that the Mother is the protectoress of temporal and divine life. The Eve-Mary parallel is gradually articulated by the early Fathers, first by Justin Martyr, and then again by Irenaeus, who refers to the critical Pauline text on the Adam-Christ typos. The theme of Adam-Christ as typos in the Pauline text, can be seen to be replicated in the typos of the Eve-Mary parallel by Justin and Irenaeus as it concerns “life and death.” The parallel has a properly soteriological content and demonstrates that the primary concern of the earliest theological reflection about Mary was focused less on her person than on her role in relation to Christ. Mary has a role in relation to Christ, the second Adam, just as the first Eve had a role in relation to the first Adam. The soteriological perspective arouses interest in Mary’s personal condition, so that some of her more proper prerogatives (for example, her divine motherhood and her virginity) could be brought out. … It was not difficult for the Fathers to perceive the profound connection between the concept of Christ as new Adam and the concept of Mary as new Eve. 996

It would seem that many theologians forget that Irenaeus, specifically, formulated the Eve-Mary parallel directly related to Paul’s “Adam-Christ” parallel, which gives a fuller meaning to the typology concerning Mary. 33. And just as through a disobedient virgin man was stricken down and fell into death, so through the Virgin who was obedient to the Word of God man was reanimated and received life. For the Lord came to seek

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again the sheep that was lost; and man it was that was lost: and for this cause there was not made some other formation, but in that same which had its descent from Adam He preserved the likeness of the (first) formation. For it was necessary that Adam should be summed up in Christ, that mortality might be swallowed up and overwhelmed by immortality; and Eve summed up in Mary, that a virgin should be a virgin’s intercessor, and by a virgin’s obedience undo and put away the disobedience of a virgin. 997

Is Irenaeus saying that it was the original woman who alone led mankind into “death”? Using the idea of typology, it would be hard to say this. Irenaeus is setting up two relative “types”: the first man and the first woman, the “disobedient virgin” as “summed up in Christ” – Adam “summed up” in Christ and Eve “summed up” in Mary. In probing this ancient typology, it seems impossible to extricate the “summing up” process in a separate delineation of “man” only finding his “summing up” in Christ and “woman” her “summing up” in Mary. How could Irenaeus have meant that? In reading on in this ancient document, it is obvious that Irenaeus is talking about “all” of humanity. “Soteriology” here is the issue of salvation, saving human life. There are two aspects: the welfare of life physical and the status of life spiritual. Eve, the mother of life, refers to life physical and then – in the Hebraic sense of Genesis theology of the act of death by Adam and his mate – she is responsible through her act of disobedience of being the deathgiver, along with Adam. In the parallel, both Eve and Mary are the mothers of life physical and in their disobedience/obedience respectively -- the mothers of spiritual death and spiritual life. Paul was speaking in the Hebraic sense, where there was no significant duality between physical life and spiritual life, life in Christ was and is eternal, both physical and spiritual. The Eve-Mary parallel, then, has more to do with Virgin Mary's care and nurturing -- her motherhood -- where she is the vessel of the Divine Life and the one who points to life physical and spiritual. "Theotokos of Protection" (Th/j 506

a`gi,aj Ske,phj th/j `Uperagi,aj Despoi,nhj h`mw/n Qeoto,kou kai. `Aieparqe,nou Mari,aj, The holy Source, our most holy Queen, Theotokos and Ever Virgin Maria) is a concept then, albeit one full of Christian mystery, that theologically flows from the early Eve-Mary parallel. We will now see this evidenced in the patristic writings. a. Origen (185-232 AD) 998 Gambero states that Origen, although known for his troublesome theological discussions, “never held or defended [them] in bad faith.” 999 Origen’s love and embrace for Virgin Mary indicated a deep and meditative embrace: “Tradition counts him among the greatest mystics of the Church.” 1000 The “curse” as he understood it, was an existence in sin, a living death. By removing the “curse,” Virgin Mary was the mother of life who would “save” her Son’s people … “save” in the sense of co-redemption, being the one who obediently accepted the gift of life from God. It behoved me (Elisabeth) to come to thee, for thou art above all other women blessed; thou the mother of my Lord, thou my Lady, who bearest the undoing of the curse. 1001

In this woman to woman meeting of Mary and her cousin, Elizabeth, Origen sees the generation of new life about to burst forth. As Origen so loved the anthropomorphic symbol or metaphor, let us see the meeting of two women as a powerful symbol of fertility … of the news that God's gift of abundant life is coming forth in his predecessor John the Baptist and in fullness with the arrival of his Son, Jesus. b. Procopius of Caesarea (d. ca. 550AD) 1002 With years of formal education in law and literature, Procopius became a renowned Byzantine historian whose “unique value” was known to be “his personal as well as official familiarity with the people, the places, and the events of which

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he writes.” 1003 He secretly included a section in his history, “Arcana historia,” stating how he detested Justinian and Theodora, but he also wrote and confirmed the Marian tradition of the Theotokos. He described Mary as the woman who took away the “curse” of death by bearing Christ, and was the one who could distribute her Son's gifts of joy and health: For Mary was, in fact, the image of Eve, since each of them was a virgin; but Eve, whilst yet in virginity sinned, and therefore from the serpent derived sadness and sorrows, which she thenceforth transmitted to all women as sinners. But Mary received joy from God, and chased away the curse from our race; and her childbirth that knew no sorrow, put an end to that which takes place in sadness and grief. 1004

The condition of humanity after Eve and Adam included childbirth in sadness and grief. This speaks to more than “pain.” In the careful wording of this passage it is shown that it is in Mary's “childbirth” where there is an end to the “sadness and grief” of giving birth. Christ is equated to “her childbirth” and is the source of joy and health in giving birth. There are two words used here, which indicate more than the relief from “pain.” The indication is that there is now new life, new hope, new promise fulfilled for humans which is brought by Christ. And Mary is the one who brings new life and health to the world by bearing the Son of God. She is the protectoress of the new life. c. Gregory Thaumaturgus (213-270/75 AD) 1005 By the 3rd century, deriving from the theology of the Eve-Mary parallel which remains strong in the tradition, Gregory the miracle worker gives us a more articulate expression of Mary, “succour” for the faithful. According to early accounts, appearing to be dependable – although called “legendary” by some, Gregory spent some time in seclusion and at that time received a vision of the Blessed Virgin and the apostle St. John. It is interesting to note the detail of the

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presence of St. John in comparison with the later apparition of Mary at Blachernae – in connection to the Virgin of Succour or Protection. During this apparition, Virgin Mary is said to have given him a creed, handy in the debate concerning the trinity that raged at the time. 1006 Again, this exhibits the interconnection of developing Christian faith, tradition, and the protection and care by Christ’s mother … rather than a Marian cult deriving from a certain apologetics in the debate of dogma. Granting that perhaps the story of the Virgin Mary giving him the creed may have been a detail added later, the core of the whole account is an undeniable awareness of faith elements at the time. Gregory sees the virgin as planted in the House of God like a fruitful “olive,” obviously stating her nurturing essence. She is the ever-blooming paradise of incorruptibility, wherein is planted the tree that giveth life, and that bringeth forth, for all, the fruits of immortality. She is the boast and glory of virgins, and the succour (or example, kato,rqwma) of the devout. She is the vesture of light, and the home of virtue (or truth). She is the monument of justice and sanctity; and all who become lovers of her, and set their affections on virgin-like ingenuousness, shall enjoy the grace of angels [i.e. the life-giving gift of God’s life]. 1007

d. Ephrem (d. 373 AD) With Ephrem, we come upon a theologian whose works are founded most obviously on mystical experience and expression. He had contact with the Cappadocians, as noted by Gregory of Nyssa and Sozomen. The hermit of Edessa records that it was St. Basil who visited him and ordained him deacon. Although it is known that he was “quite ignorant of Greek,” 1008 this intersection of the eastern mindset of Syria with the more Hellenistic Cappadocians, demonstrates the means of passage for many of the liturgical expressions embodying ancient tradition. The Cappadocians were familiar with the writings of

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Ephrem as indicated by Gregory of Nyssa’s panegyric (not accepted as authentic by some scholars); however, St. Jerome alludes to translations of Ephrem. 1009 However, Ephrem’s writings, according to Livius, become specific to the “protection” of the Virgin: No standard of victory (propai/on) is stronger than thy defence. Thee, therefore, O thou [art] altogether immaculate, and the world’s mediatress, with penitent heart, do I supplicate. In necessities I invoke thy prompt protection, salutary next after God, and thy secure and most powerful patronage – guilty though I be of many offences – from the depth of my heart. 1010

Virgin Mary, here, is clearly understood as the Mediatrix, protectoress, and powerful patron of Christians. She is, in this writing, the dispenser of all good things. As the articulation of this concept evolves, we see more a growing appreciation and understanding of who Mary may be as mother of the Christians rather than a new idea that is created. In this collection by Livius, it is seen that Ephrem writes from personal Christian experience. Ephrem’s theology is rooted in mystical experience. As the Mother, then, of Him who alone is good and merciful, receive my most miserable soul, and graciously obtain through thy mediation and defence, that it be found at this right hand of thy Only-begotten Son. 1011

The tradition of Theotokos, Protectoress, is continually articulated. c. Gregory Nazianzus (325-389 AD) We find that Gregory of Nazianzus perceives a close relationship between the Virgin and her Son in the Incarnation, “a wondrous exchange between God and Mary.” 1012 For the first time, it becomes clear we have distinct prayer directed to Mary “for obtaining her protection and assistance.” 1013 The historian Sozomen, a contemporary, records how Gregory

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served at a little church where the faithful had experienced miraculous cures: There was a little house that had been transformed into a church [at Constantinople] by men who followed this creed [Nicene creed, attacked by Arians]. …Later, this little church became one of the most famous churches of the imperial city, and it is still famous today, not only because of the beauty and completeness of its structure, but also for the frequent favors that were received there through manifestations of divine power. For a divine power (theia dynamis) was manifested there to persons both watchful and asleep, which brought relief to many oppressed by illness and other woes. It is believed that this power came from the Virgin Mary, Mother of God. For in such wise is she wont to appear.1014

Again, we see the context of the Marian spirituality surrounding the theology of the Cappadocians. Gregory acknowledges the phenomena occurring and the "power" that seems to be flowing through Mary from her Son. In relating the story of a young woman Justina seeking protection in her virginity from unpleasant approaches and the invitation for an illicit relationship with a man named Cyprian, we find a firsthand account of help from the Theotokos. Justina turned to her love and spiritual husband, Christ, and sought protection of His mother. Bringing to mind these and other [instances of divine protection], and supplicating the Virgin Mary to succour her, a virgin in danger, Justina fortifies herself with the medicine of fasting and sleeping on the bare ground, both that by impairing her beauty, as being a snare to her, she might remove the occasion of evil passion and temptation, and also render God propitious by means of her faith and humility. 1015

f. Sozomen (d. 448 AD) Again, this contemporary of Gregory describes the Virgin not only taking into her protection those who flee to her

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aid but those who battle with heretics. Sozomen's account is a further detail of the previous account by Gregory. Is this not the mystical intermingling of spirituality and theology? Why today do we place such animosity between the theological concept and the spiritual – even a miraculous event? After Theodosius had issued a rescript expressing his wish that all subjects should follow the religion which Peter, the prince of the Apostles had handed down from the beginning, and Damasus the bishop of Rome, and Peter of Alexandria defended … he came to Constantinople. At that time Arians, whose leader was Demophilus, had still possession of the churches whilst Gregory of Nazianzum presided over those who professed the Consubstantial Trinity. Now he was used to hold the ecclesiastical services in a poor little house which had been formed into a House of prayer by men of the same faith, both for himself and those who worshipped with him. In course of time this church quickly became renowned above the other churches of the metropolis, not only on account of the beauty and size of its structure, but also through succours of evidently divine apparitions there afforded. For a divine power there manifested, both in waking visions and also in dreams, came to the relief, over and over again, of many who were suffering under various diseases and accidents. It was believed that this was the holy Virgin Mother of God. For thus is she wont to appear. This same church is called Anastasia, as I think because the dogma of the Nicene Council, which had fallen and was, so to say, dead in Constantinople through the power of the heretics, was there raised up, and came to life again through the preaching of Gregory; or, as I have heard from some who say they can vouch for the truth, because, whilst the people were one day assembled there at divine worship, a woman who was pregnant fell down from the upper portico, and there died; but on prayer being made in common by all over her, she came again to life, and with the babe in her womb was saved. And so from this miracle the place obtained its name. 1016

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g. Germanus (d. ca. 733 AD) In a homily on the Holy Dormition of the Theotokos, dated to the 8th century, St. Germanus of Constantinople emphasizes the thanksgiving due the mother of Christ for her care -- first by her cooperation with God to bring the Incarnation into being, and secondly, continuing to be intercessor. Mary has proved herself to be the central channel of God's saving grace for all humanity (I, 8-9); the rest of our race is blessed because we are related to her by our common nature, and even after her death exaltation to heavenly glory, she remains our companion and patron (I, 12). 1017

Daley sees this homily providing the "theological grounds for the continuing cult of Mary in the Church of Constantinople." Let us look directly into this first homily to see references to Theotokos as "protectoress." 1018 We can never have too much of your protection, nor is there any hidden danger for humanity lurking, so to speak, in our sense of your passage into glory through that life-giving sleep. Your patronage, rather, is something living, your intercession gives life, and your protection is without end. 1019

Since the historical dating of the actual apparition at Blachernae to Andrew the Fool is impossible to establish exactly, it appears that this 8th century allusion to the Virgin's protection probably precedes the event (however some place the event much earlier than the 8th century). It is important to note, then, that the spiritual environment of the cult precludes an understanding of Theotokos as "protectoress," even before the reputed phenomenon occurred. In a homily on the Dormition, Germanus demonstrates the prevalent understanding of the 8th century that the Mother

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of the Lord is the one who offers protection and care for the faithful. He indicates that after her death, her care continued. Indeed, as you were a fellow citizen of our ancestors, even so you dwell with us spiritually, and your ample protection in our regard is like a sign that you are with us. Through the protection you offer us, we are known by you. We, in our turn, recognize your ever-wonderful assistance. Nothing, not even death, can come between you and your servants. 1020

h. Andrew of Crete (d. 740 AD) Andrew, as mentioned before, one of the prolific hymn writers of this 8th century, gives special attention to the ever prevailing care of Virgin Mary. Gambero states: "His witness to the faith and Marian piety of his time is particularly abundant and eloquent." 1021 He was a monk, poet, church orator, and was declared a saint. He is credited with creating the liturgical “canon,” that replaced or were added to the “kontakia” of the liturgical prayers. He composed a tremendous corpus of canons with 250 strophes (verses). 1022 We find a clear statement on the understanding at the time of Mary as Protectoress. In his fourth homily on the Nativity of Mary, we find: "This is Mary the Theotokos, the common refuge of all Christians, the first to be liberated from the original fall of our first parents." 1023 3. Liturgical Texts There are many corollary liturgical texts that repeat the theme of Virgin Mary as protector of the faithful. The replication of these allusions is numerous. A few examples will follow. a. The Small Paraklesis This ancient service is actually a long mystical poem, attributed to Theosterictus the Monk, 1024 or by some to Theophanes 1025 and is offered as supplicatory prayer often in

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times of distress or sorrow, or penitentially during the Small Lent in a repetitive sense before the glorious feast of the Koimesis. According to Orthodox tradition, the canons which follow kontakia are often later compositions. Tracing the authorship of a particular kontakion is difficult, but authors of the canon can be understood in the following way: Modern texts repeat the traditional names of the ninth century monk Theosteriktos and his contemporary Theophanes (the Branded) as possible composers. However, the Goar Euchologion (p. 677) prefers the name of Theophanes to the former and adds the name of St. John of Damascus to the list of probable writers. It is almost impossible to attach a name with any certainty to the small canon of the Paraclesis, since it seems to come down to us appearing suddenly out of a vast flood of such canons existing in the ninth and tenth centuries. … John Mauropos is another possible composer of our Small Canon. Arsenios, the author of the canon of the Euchelaion or Holy Unction Service could have written the Small Canon. Although it is improbable, St. Mark of Ephesus could have written the Small Canon since he prepared seven paraclesis canons according to their tones to be sung cyclically, one each evening of the fast for the Dormition. St. Mark of Ephesus also wrote eight other Paraclesis canons to be sung to the Theotokos each Saturday at Matins. Although the author intended them for the Paraclitike, they were never included in the service. The Emperor Theodore Lascaris who reigned from 12541258 wrote another well-known canon. His authorship of what is known as the Great Paraclesis Canon is undisputed and is included under his other works in Migne. 1026

Since the life of Theophanes pre-dates Andrew the Fool and the apparition at Blachernae, it can be assumed that the mention of "protection" are later canons added to the tradition, or a concept already understood by the faithful in a general way. The theme of "protection" imbues prayer of supplication to Virgin Mary, usually supported by the image of

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"fountain." If one sings or prays this Small Paraklesis with the themes in mind, it is clearly apparent that the entire entreaty is to the Mother of God, who by her very office in life is the mother who cares for the earthly -- the ailing body, those oppressed, the city, those afflicted with sin, those facing death, those who seek wholesomeness. It is all firmly rooted in Mariology, "the birth-giver of Our Lord." The drama of the liturgical piece crescendos to the high theological statement of her relationship to the Son of God: Truly you are worthy to be blessed, Mother of our God, the Theotokos, You the ever blessed one, and all blameless one, And the Mother of our God. 1027 "Axio,n estin w.j a`lhqwj( makari,xein se th.n Qeoto,kon( th.n a/eimaka,riston kai. manamw,mhton kai. mhte,ra tou/ Qeou/ hmw/n)

Poetically, the whole prayerful supplication ends -- after mentioning a mystical and obviously eschatalogical description of Mary as the Lady of Zion, with the much more earthly reference to her motherliness: O unexplainable wonder, How do you nurse the Master? 1028

In this prayer of supplication, we have a blending of the images, "fountain" and "protection," with constant invocation for care - both spiritual and physical, directly tied to her position as Mother of God, Theotokos. The service, itself, begins with the question: O, Theotokos, we shall never be silent. Of your mighty acts, all we the unworthy; Had you not stood to intercede for us Who would have delivered us, From the numerous perils? Who would have preserved us all Until now with our freedom? O Lady, we shall not depart from you;

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For you always save your servants, From all tribulation. 1029 Ou. siwph,swme,n pote( Qeoto,ke( ta.j dunastei,aj sou lalei/n oi a`na,xioi eimh. ga.r ou. proistaso presbeu,ousa( ti.j hma/j e`rru,sato ek tosou,twn kindu,vnwn Ti.j de. diefu,laxen ewj nun eleuqe,rouj Ouk apostwmen( De,spoina( ek sou/ sou.j ga.r dou,louj sw,zeij a/ei,( ek panvtoi,wn deinw/n)

Again and again in the Marian liturgical texts we see these themes repeat. With the continued allusions to "protection," and the apparent context of phenomena associated with the holy waters (hagiasma), and cult of the relics in the environs of shrines outside Constantinople, we see the theology of Theotokos as mother and care provider, spiritually and physically, of the faithful .She is always connected to the ever flowing grace from Christ symbolized in water. A mystical tie can be made between John’s gospel (the gospel reading for the Sunday of Pentecost, in the Eastern Orthodox lectionary) and Mary as disciple of Christ. Exegetical background for this section tells us that on the last day of the Feast of Booths, Jews ceremonially carried water from the Pool of Siloam to the temple in a golden pitcher as a reminder of "water" flowing from the rock in the desert (Num 20:2-13), also seeing it as a symbol of hope for the coming Messiah (Is 12:3). 1030 The evangelist John makes the connection that Jesus is the true water of life and "believers become channels of life to others," through the Spirit given on Pentecost [connected to the Feast of Booths]. The Jewish Feast of Booths begins the season of "first fruits" and then culminates in the Feast of Pentecost commemorating the Covenant, God's loving gift of life. The physical symbol of thirst and satisfaction in the gift of the Spirit of life is symbolized by water. On the last day of the feast, the great day, Jesus stood up and proclaimed, "If any one thirst, let him come to me and drink. He who believes in me, as the scripture has said, 'Out of his heart shall flow rivers of living water

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(John 7:7-38 RSV).'" … "I am the light of the world; he who follows me will not walk in darkness, but will have the light of life (John 8:12 RSV)."

Virgin Mary who truly believed and thereby became the Theotokos, demonstrates the actuality of Christ's words. Her heart is filled with the “living water” that Christ gives, bestowing her heart with the flowing river of Life. God is the author and presence of Life, and she embodies that Life. The hagiasma and image of pigi (well, fountain), associated with the tangible remains of Theotokos, are mystically linked; and they become the foundation for the 10th century apparition of the Loving Mother to the humble monk -- appearing as the protectoress who takes all under her cloak, representing in the image itself her physical and spiritual care. In Ode 3 of the Small Paraklesis, we see the strong allusion to the Virgin of Protection at Blachernae, suggesting perhaps an earlier occurrence of this miracle than the 10th century: The apse of the heavens, [brings to mind the apse of the church at Blachernae where Mary appeared, "apse" is an architectural word] Are you O Lord, Fashioner, And the Holy Church's great Founder, Likewise establish me, In constant love for You For You're the height of our longing; Support of the faithful, The only Friend of all. Most Holy Theotokos save us. A protection and shelter, I have with you in my life, You, the Theotokos and the Virgin, Pilot me towards your port; For you are the cause, The cause of that which is good, Support of the faithful, The only all-praised One. 1031

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Ou.rani,aj a`fidoj o/rofourge. Ku,rie( kai. th/j `Ekklhsimaj domh/tor( su, me stere,wson( en th/ aga,ph th/ sh/( tw/n efetw/n h akro,thj( tw/n tistw/n to. sth,rigma( mo,ne fila,nqrwpe) `Uperagi,a Qeoto,ke sw/son hma/j) prostasi,an kai. ske,phn zwh/j emh.j ti,qmui( Se. Qeogennh/tor parqe,vne \ su, me kube.rnhson( Pro.j to.n lime,na sou( tw/n agaqw/n h` aiti,a( Tw/n pistw/n to. sth,rigma( mo,nh panu,mnhte)

Virgin Mary's "protection and shelter" is linked firmly to Christ in this Ode, as seen above. When examining these liturgical texts, and correlating texts such as the Small Paraklesis, we have seen a Marian cult, a Marian theology developing not out of controversy and theological revenge from the discord at the Councils, but from actual Christian experience. Theotokos is viewed as the one who is flowing over with the "waters of life." b. Sub Tuum Praesidium There apears a curious connection between Theotokos of Protection at Blachernae and the ancient hymn to Mary, known as the Sub Tuum. The earliest extant of this hymn was found in an Egyptian fragment of papyrus and acquired by the John Rylands Library in Manchester, England in 1917 and published in 1938. 1032 In 1939, F. Mercenier OSB, identified the Sub Tuum as an early Greek version of what previously had been considered a medieval prayer. Mercenier made this decision on comparing the words of the Greek fragment to the tradition of the hymn in the Byzantine liturgy. This text refers to the term "theotokos" long before its utilization at the time of the Council of Ephesus. Dating of the hymn is uncertain, some referring to it as early as the 3rd century, and others to the 4th century. In modern times, the invocation in this prayer to Virgin Mary is given primary consideration in Lumen Gentium VIII at the Second Vatican Council. 1033 The note in this document states that: "In all perils and difficulties the faithful have fled prayerfully to her protection." 1034

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Sub tuum praesidium confugimus, Sancta Dei Genetrix, Nostras deprecatones ne despicias in necessitatibus, Sed a periculis cunctis libera nos semper, Virgo gloriosa et benedicta. Amen. We fly to thy patronage, O holy Mother of God; Despise not our petitions in our necessities, But deliver us always from all dangers, O glorious and blessed Virgin. Amen. 1035

In contemporary spirituality, this prayer is continually referenced, having been sung in chant and composed into baroque and orchestrated music over the centuries. The Marist Brothers of Australia, on their web page, encourage taking it "to heart." It is a prayer that speaks of Mary's role as Mother of God and as protector of God's children, in fulfillment of the words of Jesus on the cross to Saint John, the Beloved Disciple: 'Behold your Mother' (John 19:27). It sums up the Christian attitude to Mary: Mother and intercessor with God on our behalf, and directs us to her motherly solicitude ('patronage' is a weak translation for a word which suggests support, sensitive protection, motherliness.) The deeper our appreciation of Mary, the more we understand her role as model for the Christian journey of listening, struggling, discovery and commitment. But Mary has no importance unless she leads us to God -- as Jesus puts it: 'She is blessed, not so much because she is my mother, but because she heard the word of God and kept it' (Luke 11: 27-28). And as Champagnat puts it: 'all to Jesus through Mary. All to Mary for Jesus.' 1036

c. Feast of Theophany (in Eastern Liturgical Season) An example of how the liturgical texts suggest mystical meaning in the unfolding of revelation in the life of the faithful, through repeated interrelationship between feasts, let us look at the image of the “waters of life” and the “mantle” in the liturgical texts that are used to celebrate the Feast of the Theophany of Christ, the Baptism of Christ by John the Baptist. In Vespers of the Forefeast of the Theophany, January 520

5, at the very onset we see the hymn proclaiming “O earth and things upon the earth, dance ye and rejoice exceedingly. The River of Joy is baptized in the stream,” which refers to Psalm 36:9, “For with you is the fountain of life; in your light we see light (NRSV).” 1037 Immediately after this, we find the introduction of a reference to the mantle of Elijah. Both themes of the water parting before Elijah is taken to heaven, and the sign of his enduring presence and care in leaving the mantle for Elisha is found in the liturgical text referring to: “He [Elisha] took the mantle of Elijah that had fallen from him [Elijah] and struck the water, saying ‘Where is the LORD, the God of Elijah?’ When he had struck the water, the water was parted to the one side and to the other, and Elisha went over’ (2 Kings 2:14).” The liturgical text of Orthros attempts to make the connection: “Dray ye from the water of life. Behold, the true River of peace now approaches, to dry up the troubled waters of unbelief and to pour forth enlightenment on those who sing to Him.” 1038 On the Eve of Theophany, Christ is referred to as “the Giver of Life.” 1039 The scriptural readings embrace the sentiment of the liturgical text: “With joy shall ye draw water out of the wells of salvation (Isaiah 12:3-6).” 1040 Finally, at the conclusion of the Orthros on the Feast of Theophany on January 6, we find a brief hymn attributed to Anatolius, connecting subtly Christ as the waters of life and the investiture of the new Elijah, John the Baptist, with the mantle. O Saviour, who clothest Thyself with light was with a garment [reference to Psalm 103:2: “O LORD my God, you are very great. You are clothed with honor and majesty, wrapped in light was with a garment ([NRSV)], Thou hast clothed Thyself in the waterds of Jordan; and Thou who hast measured heaven with a span, hast bowed Thine head before the Forerunner, that so Thou mightest turn the world back from error and save our souls. 1041

Theologians who are willing to examine the poetic, liturgical texts must be careful not to engage the liturgical texts and biblical readings too superficially, following only with a literal meaning. By examining the interrelationships and biblical

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foundations, there is the opportunity for the deep, mystical illuminations to emerge. This helps to explain how Christ’s lifegiving can be found under the mantle of his mother. d. Illuminations from related liturgical texts If, indeed, there was a mystery within the Christian community from the earliest times that Virgin Mary was available with her motherly care, and offered the waters of life in times of difficulty, then the development of the cult of holy relics and miracles at Blachernae takes on deeper meaning. By the 10th century, Virgin Mary appearing as the Mother of Protection is not a startling new revelation; it is a confirmation of the tradition. 4. Related liturgical themes of "protection" The sense of Virgin Mary, protector, permeates the tradition of who, anthropologically, Miriam of Nazareth really was and is. The motif of her as a "protector" of the family of believers in the world appears over and over again in the eastern and western traditions of liturgy, in the Daily Hours such as Orthros, and in the spiritual and iconographic tradition. These examples include: a. Virgin of the Sign Leonid Ouspensky describes the tradition behind the icon type, Virgin of the Sign, as "among the most revered icons of the Mother of God." 1042 The form of the Virgin Mother with her arms extended in prayer, the ancient orans position, is first known in the 4th century in the Roman catacomb of Cimitero Majore, according to Ouspensky. There, one sees the "sign" of the savior emblazoned on her breast, perhaps copied from an iconographic tradition in the East where the "sign" was a medallion cast in honor of the Virgin's mediation. In some icons of this type, Christ is shown within a mandorla and, in others, as a bust or full-length figure of the Savior. In

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traditional placement in eastern churches, there is a connection with the prophecy of Isaiah 7:14, the Virgin given as a "sign" from the Lord. 1043 The figure of Virgo Orans, arms extended and the medallion of Christ upon the Virgin's breast, communicates as sacred the image of the Virgin of Protection. This figure … with its arms raised symmetrically upwards, unfolded its symbolic richness when by the fifth century it was applied to the Virgin Mary: the gesture of the hand with its palm turned upwards expressed the expectation of the gift to be received from God; and, at the same time, it expressed a total readiness to be "filled by the Most High." These raised hands renounce any autonomous intervention in history; they create an invisible receptacle, which God can fill and form which flows, as from the basin of a fountain, the true water of life. 1044

It appears that this iconographic tradition carries an important theological truth through the ages -- a truth realized and lived in the Christian experience. We see an intermingling of images speaking this truth -- the fountain of life, the Virgin of the cloak, the Virgin of Protection. Egon Sendler described the interconnections, related to the Shrine of Blachernae. As Fr. Sendler points out, in the Church of the Blachernae in Constantinople -- built to house the precious relic of the Veil of the Virgin -- the Maphorion - there was a fountain whose water flowed from two apertures in the hands of a "Praying Virgin" made out of marble. 1045

The traditions all coalesce into the Russian "Virgin of the Sign," a beloved and well known iconographic tradition throughout the centuries old traditions of Russia. b. Our Lady of Perpetual Help (& Russian/European variations) In Russia, reverence for icons became central for Christians."In Russia before the Revolution of 1917 there were

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over 200 icons venerated in shrines, about half of these dedicated to the Mother of God." 1046 The icon of Vladimir becomes the popularly venerated Virgin, "Our Lady of Perpetual Help." The Byzantine iconographic theme of the "Virgin of Tenderness" (Eleousa) arrived in Russia near the beginning of the 12th century, with devotion strong in the region of the city of Vladimir. 1047 The Virgin in this tradition reveals a compassionate attitude, a person-to-person contact, which is rooted in the mystery of her motherhood and thereby her connection to God's Son. This icon proclaims through the ages the marvels of her who is a mother while remaining a virgin. Perhaps her gaze, which does not rest on the Child but is at once farsighted and turned to an interior vision, is the best expression of this mystery of Mary. 1048

Through the ages, and into contemporary time, it is this Virgin of Vladimir that is regarded as the Mother of Perpetual Help. In this spiritual tradition, there is no connection directly to her veil or cloak, but the sense of constant and perpetual care becomes evident. The spiritual embrace of this tradition is related, however, in that the "protection" offered by the Virgin is not merely generated from her own motherly sense of nurturing, but from the tenderness of her Son. This attitude was intended to express not so much the maternal tenderness of Mary as her power to elicit tenderness in her Son; she is always the one who intercedes with her Son for the sake of the human race, she is the Merciful One. The Russian term applied to this type of icon, Umilenie, also bears the same meaning of compassionate tenderness. 1049

c. Medieval and Renaissance themes: Virgin and the Cloak, Mother of the Church In the development of Virgin Mary as mother of the Church, there appears an art motif of the Virgin of Protection. A magnificent image of the "Madonna of the Protecting

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Mantle" is found at the parish church of St. Nicholas in Markdorf, Baden-Wurttemberg, a figure crafted by Johannes Rueland in 1474. 1050 Art historians recognize that this late medieval image originated in the Byzantine tradition which becomes "one of the most frequent and beloved modes of depicting her" in the Gothic age. These authors tag the "Madonna of the Protecting Mantle" as person who is "the great helper in birth and death" who "spreads her mantle of protection against fear and need." 1051 Another example of this tradition is a wood carving from the late Gothic period in Ravensburg, by Friedrich Schramm, working from 1480 to 1515. Again, members of the faithful are found gathered and sheltered under the Madonna's cloak, demonstrating "the trust that echoes in the countless prayers for Mary's intercession … ." 1052 It is interesting to note that art historians are often the first to notice thematic repetition. Ebertshauser's volume includes an image in the collection of the "Madonna Platytera," from the portal of the Abbazia della Misericordia in Venice (now at the Victoria and Albert Museum in London). 1053 It is a "stone relief" by sculptor Bartolomeo Buon. The image combines two interesting motifs: "The Madonna of the Protecting Cloak" and the rod of Jesse, indicating the rootedness in the tree of life and royal Davidic descent of her Son, emblazoned on her breast at the clasp of her cloak. The faithful are depicted kneeling and lifting petitions beneath her robe, which is surrounded by patriarchs arched above the cloak in the branches of the tree. These editors, Ebertshauser et al, describe a tradition of the Madonna who offers protection under the cloak, as found in lyrics from a 1640 Innsbruck print. On a larger scale, this demonstrates a subtle connection with the Byzantine tradition, showing a universal interest and love for the Virgin of Protection:

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Mary, spread out your mantle, Make of it a shield and screen, Let us all stand safely under it, Till all dangers are past. Merciful patroness, Come to our aid, Mary … . 1054

The verses continue as if inspired by the hymns of 5th and 6th century eastern liturgy, as in the Akathistos, mentioning even "When war brings confusion to everything …," as in the petition to the Theotokos, Champion of Constantinople: Your mantle is so very broad and wide, Beneath it all of Christendom can hide. It covers the whole wide world, It is our refuge and shelter. Merciful patroness, Mary, come to our aid … ." 1055

And, continuing in time, these authors note the writings of Jean Baptiste de la Salle (1651-1719), a prayer that embodies the same thematic of protection: "Virgin Mary, Mother of God and my Mother, advocate, refuge and protectoress of my life, in deep humility I turn to you." 1056 d. The Miraculous Medal imagery There is a remarkable parallel to the story of Blachernae, in the story of the apparition of the Blessed Virgin Mary to Catherine Labouré at the novitiate of her religious Congregation in Rue du Bac, France, in 1830. Catherine, a figure much like Andrew, the Fool for God, was quietly praying in a small chapel. The Virgin appeared seated in the choir of the chapel -- much like the Theotokos who appeared above the apse of the chapel at Blachernae, and then came down to kneel on the step of the altar. The second apparition appeared at five o'clock in the morning, even a parallel in time frame. Instead of the Virgin demonstrating her care by spreading her cloak over the people of the church, she stood above a terrestrial globe with her robe flowing out and her hands extended. The

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vision of a globe would have made no sense to a visionary in the 10th century. Her arms and hands (in much the same position as Blachernae) stretched out, give the impression of pulling out her cloak. The arms change position from raised to reaching forward. At Blachernae they demonstrate the orans position, commonly understood in the early centuries as the position of prayer. At Rue du Bac, they open in much the same way but reach out and down, as if pouring life upon the earth. Again, they represent her prayer for the people of the earth. The presence of grace, or God's gift of life, is represented at Rue du Bac, as streams of bright rays of light. This replaces the imagery of hagiasma, holy water that was represented in the image of Blachernitissa as holes in her hands and robe. The Virgin, however, is represented as a medal, parallel to the image of Blachernitissa 1057 which was portrayed for centuries -- to this day -- as her body with a medallion of Christ upon her chest (the Platytera), and in metal medals cast by the emperor's class throughout the Byzantine era. The Virgin directly instructs little Catherine: "Have a medal struck on this model." 1058 The message, miraculously emblazoned on the medal, in the apparition, directly relates to our motif of protection: “Mary, conceived without sin, pray for us who have recourse to you.” The tradition of this "Miraculous Medal" corresponds directly to the centuries-long tradition of the medallions of the Blachernitissa. Found throughout the [modern, western] world in incalculable reproductions, the Miraculous Medal is a sort of catechesis by imagery, a vivid emblem of the history of salvation in Jesus Christ. 1059

The classic and popularised version of Marian wisdom in our modern age, The Dictionary of Mary, carefully explains the symbolism found within the medal. The conclusion is not surprising: The Miraculous Medal is the sign of trust in the Divine protection. It can be considered a reduction to tiny

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proportions of the defensive shield used by soldiers. It inspires us to live religiously and form a group identified by the sign of recognition. … The Miraculous Medal is extremely rich in symbols. We must know how to read and interpret them whether through a study of symbolism or through a contemplative non-intellectual attitude. We can regard it as a circumscribed oral space that assists the spirit to elevate itself and to concentrate on itself but above all to come into contact with the other world, with Mary and with a story full of hope. 1060

Is this a coincidence? Or, can we begin to identify the mysterium, a reality of Mary as “the all holy one,” communicating to the children of the Church on the globe that she is the true mother, the protector of the members of Christ's body in the world, this body of people which is her Son? When the context of these apparitions is considered in whole, there is a deeper, more mystical meaning that is being revealed. We see this in the liturgical text, attached to the Feast of the Miraculous Medal and the Feast of the Immaculate Conception: The Collect: Domine Jesu Christe, qui beatissimam Virginem Mriam Matrem tuam ab origine immaculatam innumeris miraculis clarescere voluisti: concede; ut, ejusdem patrocinium semper implorantes, gaudia consequamur aeterna: Qui vivis et regnas. O Lord Jesus Christ, You willed that the most Blessed Virgin Mary, Your mother, sinless from the first moment of her conception, should be glorified by countless miracles: grant that we, who never cease from imploring her patronage, may attain in the end to eternal happiness. You who are God, living and reigning. The Postcommunion: Domine Deus omnipotens, Qui per immaculatam Genetricem Filii tui omnia nos habere voluisti: da nobis tantae Matris auxilio, praesentis temporis pericula devitare; ut vitam consequamur aeternam. Per eumdem Dominum. Lord God almighty, You have willed that all things should be given to us through the Immaculate Mother of Your Son: grant that under the protection of this mighty Mother, we may escape all the dangers of these our times,

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and in the end may come to life everlasting. Through the same our Lord. 1061

In a related Roman Catholic lectionary, celebrating the feast of Our Lady of Perpetual Succor, we see again the theme of Mary who -- according to God's plan -- is ready to give aid. The Collect: Domine Jesu Christe, qui Genitricem tuam Mariam, cujus insignem veneramur imaginem, Matrem nobis dedisti perpetuo succurrere paratam: concede, quaesumus; ut nos, maternam ejus opem assidue implorantes, redemptionis tuae fructum perpetuo experiri meramur. O Lord Jesus Christ, we venerate the glorious image of Your Mother Mary, whom You gave us to be our mother too, ever ready to succor us; grant, we pray You, that we, who earnestly beg her motherly help, may be found worthy to enjoy eternally the fruit of Your redemption. Antiphon of Second Vespers: Nostras deprecationes ne despicias in necessitatibus nostris, et a periculis cunctis libera nos, sancta Dei Genitrix. Reject not the prayers we send up to you in our necessities, and deliver us from all dangers, O holy Mother of God. 1062

Although the eucology 1063 of the Roman Catholic feasts of the Virgin Mary often differs in details from the more ancient eastern lectionary -- these perpetual allusions to Virgin Mary as deigned by God to be protectoress and guardian are clearly a demonstration of tradition, of continuing received truth about the plan of God. e. A fountain in the Americas There is an interesting allusion to the Virgin of Protection and to the Fountain in words recorded as spoken to visionary Juan Diego, a converted Aztec native in Mexico, who encountered an apparition of the Virgin Mary on Tepeyac Hill,

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December 1531. One could ask: "How did Juan Diego have any knowledge of the themes of protection and Theotokos as the "Source," so well known in Constantinople, approximately 1,000 years before. Indeed, the image of the Virgin of Protection was embraced in Spanish culture, but it is noticeable that both these images are so strikingly associated in this one message. Hear and let it penetrate into your heart, my dear little son: let nothing discourage you, nothing depress you. Let nothing alter your heart or your countenance. Also, do not fear any illness or vexation, anxiety or pain. Am I not here who am your Mother? Are you not under my shadow and protection? Am I not your fountain of life? Are you not in the crossing of my arms? 1064

John Martin establishes that 16th century Mexico had, indeed, heard of the Virgin through the image of Perpetual Help. He states: "By then, of course, much of Mexico had at least heard about the Virgin of perpetual help and persistent miracles." 1065 And, again, it is worthy to note that the Virgin of Perpetual Help is associated with miracles … much like the ancient origin of Theotokos of Protection, connected directly to spiritual awareness in processions and liturgical services. We see that the theological understanding of Mary is revealed over and over again in the lived Christian experience, always with illuminations of her nurturing coming forth. C. Biblical reference of the veil Keeping the option open that signs, images, and symbols from the biblical text found their way into the language of the liturgical prayer, we can then perceive deeper, mystical meanings in yet more illuminations. - Veil, meaning “protection” The use of garment imagery is wide-ranging in biblical use and can be seen of "major importance," according to a

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recent publication on biblical imagery. If it is permissible to assume that biblical imagery spills over into the portrayal of Virgin Mary in the early Christian tradition, then seeing "real symbol" (as Karl Rahner describes the meaning of “sign”) in the veil and robe might provide insight into perceiving a deeper, mystical meaning of the vision at Blachernae. In particular, in relationship to the "veil" or "robe" of Christ's mother, the biblical symbolic meaning could, itself, add to the illumination on her role as mother and mediatrix. The function [in biblical imagery] of clothing, moreover, is multiple: clothing can protect, conceal, display or represent a person's current state and can be symbolic of moral and spiritual qualities. 1066

In Hebrew scripture, the staples of existence are viewed as bread to eat and clothing to keep one warm. As an example, one sees this in Jacob's vow: Then Jacob made a vow, saying, "If God will be with me, and will keep me in this way that I go, and will give me bread to eat and clothing to wear, so that I come again to my father's house in peace, then the LORD shall be my God (Genesis 28:20-21 RSV)." 1067

In terms of salvation history, the garment becomes a symbol for the gift of God, a "garment of salvation" and "robe of righteousness." I will greatly rejoice in the LORD, my soul shall exult in my God; for he has clothed me with the robe of righteousness, as a bridegroom decks himself with a garland, and as a bride adorns herself with her jewels (Isaiah 61:10 RSV). 1068

One could argue that this mystical language in Isaiah, exhibited so frequently in references by Christ, could be an image that is carried in the memory and heart of Christian tradition. We must always be careful to think of Christ and his mother Mary in terms of Hebraic culture.

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It is thought provoking to reflect on the image of "robe" in indicating "queenship" for Esther (Esther 5:1). We see similar assertion of kingly position when Herod puts on his royal robes (Acts 12:21). 1069 The connotation more predominantly demonstrated in sacred art and image and later in religious art centers around Virgin Mary as the temple, consistently referenced in a veil or accompanying drape. Her motherhood, which embraced God in her womb, establishes her very anthropological equivalence to the numinous quality of the temple. Emphasis on the "holy veil" cannot be overlooked. As mother of protection, mediatrix of the graces from Heaven, Mary is seen as temple: "And you shall hang the veil from the clasps, and bring the ark of the testimony in thither within the veil; and the veil shall separate for you the holy place from the most holy (Exodus 26: 33 RSV)." 1070 Theotokos demonstrates that she takes all needs to her Son. It is ultimately God who protects and provides. Jacob's vow to see protection from the LORD, is seen again in Psalm 20: "The LORD answer you in the day of trouble! The name of the God of Jacob protect you! (Psalm 20:1 RSV)." It is God who sustains, protects and heals the sick. Blessed is he who considers the poor! The LORD delivers him in the day of trouble; the LORD protects him and keeps him alive; he is called blessed in the land; thou dost not give him up to the will of his enemies. The LORD sustains him on his sickbed; in his illness thou healest all his infirmities (Ps 41:1-2 RSV).

Therefore, the mother of Christ provides “protection” by taking all to the Source of protection, her Son, the Lord.

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D. Iconography Eastern iconography is understood to be a “writing” of the revelation, not an attempt to illustrate or create a picture. John of Damascus defended the icon as worthy of devotion, as a window of perception of spiritual realities. … visible things are images of invisible and intangible things, on which they throw a faint light. …We see images in creation which remind us faintly of God, as when, for instance, we speak of the holy and adorable Trinity, imaged by the sun, or light, or burning rays, or by a running fountain, or a full river, or by the mind, speech, or the spirit within us, or by a rose tree, or a sprouting flower, or a sweet fragrance. …Worship is the symbol of veneration and of honour. Let us understand that there are different degrees of worship. First of all the worship of latreia, which we show to God, who alone by nature is worthy of worship. When, for the sake of God who is worshipful by nature, we honour His saints and servants, as Josue and Daniel worshipped an angel, and David His holy places, when he says, ‘Let us go to the place where His feet have stood.’ …Either, then, do away with worship, or receive it altogether according to its proper measure. 1071

To see an interrelationship between liturgical text and iconography, is yet another contextual way to perceive the reiteration, over and over in the spiritual life of Christians, of the illumination of the reality of Virgin Mary and her participation with her Son in the nurturing of the faithful. 1. Virgin of Protection The icon, 1072 connected to the Feast of the Virgin of Protection (Skepi), seen in Appendix II, is complex in its composition. In the fashion of iconographic language, two major and simultaneous events are told at once: the apparition of the Virgin in the Church of Blachernae to Andrew, Fool for God, and his disciple Epiphanios, which occurred in the 10th century; and the story of Romanos the Melodist who lived in

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the 6th century. The connection is that the memory of Romanos had been celebrated on October 1, thereby coinciding in liturgical time frames with the memory of the 10th century apparition. The story of Virgin Mary appearing in the small shrine of her veil proceeds as follows: Early in the morning -- about four o’clock in the morning -- a small group of people were praying. At once Andrew and his disciple Epiphanios saw a remarkable sight: … a majestic Woman advancing towards the ambo, supported by St. John the Baptist and St. John the Evangelist, and accompanied by several saints. On reaching the centre of the church, the Mother of God knelt down and remained long in prayer, Her face bathed in tears. When She had prayed yet again before the altar, She took off the shining veil which enveloped Her and, holding it above Her head, extended it over all the people present in the church. Andrew and Epiphanius alone were able to see the appearance of the Mother of God and Her veil which shone like the glory of God, but all who were present felt the grace of Her protection. 1073

In commenting on this event, Ouspensky and Lossky view the contemplation of Andrew to be a metaphor in the form of a veil covering the faithful which represents the protection of the Virgin, meaning that Theotokos is truly a mother taking care of those who come under her embrace. It is notable that this apparition took place in the very church, which housed the holy relics of Mary and was the site of hagiasma. 1074 It is interesting to compare this account with that in the synaxarion of Orthros for the feast. After Blachernae, Virgins Orans, or Virgin of the Protection, began to appear with the holes in hands and on her sleeves and hem. Such an example is 12th century marble relief from Constantinople. 1075 See Appendix III. In the traditional icon, as seen in "the Protection of the Holy Virgin," Novgorod School, late 15th century, the Virgin is portrayed floating beneath the ceiling of the church's apse, with

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two angels holding the veil. Two groups of apostles and prophets representing the groups of saints seen in Andrew’s vision, are gathered at either side of the Virgin. According to Ouspensky and Lossky, in later traditions an "episcopal omophorion" was sometimes substituted for the veil. In one group of prophets, John the Baptist is seen offering a scroll, which reads, "Repent for the Kingdom of God is near." 1076 In almost all Orthodox churches built since the 10th and 11 century, often a large standing image of the Virgin Mary with Christ, called the Platytera, appears in an apse behind or above the main altar. This demonstrates the Virgin Mary, Christ upon her breast in emblematic form, with arms widespread in the orans position, a veil or cloak being spread by her arms. This appears to be the continuation of the Mother of Protection, the Virgin of Blachernae who embraces the cosmic God within her own physical being (mystically known as platytera, "wider than the Heavens") and then gathers the children of Christ, her son, into her motherly care. For example, in the sanctuary apse at the Church of the Virgin in Peribleptos, Ochrid (1295 AD), we find the Theotokos standing with arms extended wide in the orans position, her veil falling open gracefully. 1077 See Appendix IV. th

2. Connection to medallions, Virgin Orans, Blachernitissa In the course of time, from earliest Christian times, images of the Virgin Mary exhibited theological understanding that came to be understood in specific iconographic types. A multitude of images that were sculpted in bas-relief and icons painted usually in fresco, were installed in shrines, monasteries and churches for worship and devotion. Another aspect of much more personal devotion took place in the form of medallions, reliquaries and other objects decorated with religious motifs: In the Early Byzantine period, images portraying the Virgin appeared on a great variety of objects that were worn on the person, especially on medallions and

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reliquaries that used to be worn around the neck, on rings and bracelets, and on clothing. 1078

Yet another confirmation of the prevailing belief concerning Theotokos of protection comes through these early images of private devotion. On the principle, lex orandi, lex credendi, these small objects, found in multiplicity, shout the conviction that these Christians understood the Virgin Mary as Mother of Protection. The position of the Virgin with hands and arms in the orans position, or with her hands extended to Christ clearly indicating supplication, includes an array of the Protection theme on a variety of objects. The cult surrounding Blachernae filled with pilgrims seeking healing and hope attests to the possibility of many objects coming into favor that documented these Marian phenomena. One of the most precious examples known today of this culture of Mary’s protection is demonstrated in the "Pulcheria Paten," from Xeropatamou Monastery on Mt. Athos, showing the "Virgin of Vlachernitissa (Blachernae)," joined with a eucharistic motif with the Virgin Platytera in the center of the eucharistic plate. 1079 See Appendix V. Again, it is patently clear that her supplication is to Christ, in this case in a Eucharistic context. Examples of this continuing tradition are seen in numerous replications throughout the Byzantine Empire from northern Africa to Jerusalem, throughout Asia Minor, Greece and into the Slavic and Germanic countries. Examples of these Roman coins are depicted with the Theotokos as Platytera, orans as in the Blachernae image. 1080 See Appendix VI. IV. Context in time Frequently missed in contemporary liturgical experience, Christians often don’t stop to think how the celebration of certain feasts coincides with a season. The most obvious example is the celebration of Christmas which was deliberately chosen by early Christians to synchronize with the

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pagan idea of new light in a dark world surrounding the winter solstice. This connection between the celebration of a religious feast and a certain time of the year creates a living experience of that feast. We are affected by the decreasing light in winter, often with some people even experiencing a kind of depression from light deprivation. Then with the idea of the days getting longer, and Spring approaching there is a mood of exaltation and increasing joy – yoking to the joy of God coming into the human realm with a promise of life. A. Text in the liturgical season Celebration in time, as presented before, is an important contextual element of liturgical prayer and spirituality. The position in time of a particular feast usually points directly to a context, and thus to deeper meaning. In the case of the celebration of the Protection of the Virgin, there is no obvious correlation between a particular moment in liturgical time and the feast. Only indirectly does the feast correspond to the feast of Romanos which is on October 1. The present day feast of Skepi is now celebrated in some churches on October 28, due to its connection to Oxi Day and Greek forces resisting Nazism; and in other churches on October 1. It is not considered a part of the festal cycle of 12 feasts, related directly to the events of Christ’s life. This feast and its importance lie in the discovery in Christian life that Christ’s mother is the nurturer, not only of the individual but of the Christian community as well. It could be seen that the feast in October lies after the liturgical New Year, which in itself is related to the Jewish cycle that begins in the Fall with penance and petition to God. Looking at the liturgical year in its whole cycle -- as it represents the cycle of time and life in the measure of time on earth and the measure of no time in the Realm of God, we find this feast that celebrates the nurturing and care of Theotokos linking the world of earthly time and the timeless realm of God. In sequence, it demonstrates that after the liturgical New Year's

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metanoia, where Christians turn in repentance to God, it is Theotokos who helps bring our penitence and needs to God. And, it comes before the season of eastern Lent that precedes Christmas, called "Advent" in the western church. The positioning of the feast like this suggests that she is the one who helps the person who turns to God to find the depths of life in her Son. In a sense of balance, this feast anchors the liturgical year in Virgin Mary's care and then, in the Spring, the Feast of Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain, follows directly upon the greatest feast of new life, Pascha. In this balancing, we see that the help of our holy mother is constant. She leads us to her Son, and stays by His Side to help us sustain our earthly and spiritual life. B. Menaion service book The liturgical text for the Feast of Skepi is found in the Menaion. Currently, the feast is included in the Greek service book on October 28. There is, however, a note of explanation found in a publication, which is used by many Greek eastern orthodox churches today, explaining the movement of the feast from October 1. 1081 It is important to mention, also, the Russian Orthodox celebration of this feast, known as Pokrov, which developed into intense devotion to the Virgin as protectoress. The ancient Slavic word, "pokrov," means veil or protective covering. Over time, the word also took on the meaning of "intercession" as found in the name of many Russian monasteries and shrines. The feast is popular among the Slavs since the legend associated with Andrew the Fool identifies him as native to the Slavic land. Prince Andrei Bogolyubsky (d. 1174 AD) apparently is credited with taking the tradition of Andrew, the holy Fool, and the vision he saw, and establishing the independent feast at the capital city of Vladimir. 1082 The tradition of Protection in the Feast of Pokrov in Russian orthodoxy is so strong that some claim exclusive origin for the

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feast, as seen in a website from Russia covering Novgorodian Russian iconography and culture. The feast-day of Pokrov, unknown to the Greek church, was introduced in Vladimir - Suzdalian Russia as early as the twelfth century to commemorate the mriaculous apparition of the Virgin to the Blessed Andrey Yurodivy [Andrew the Fool] (near 936) and his pupil Ephiphanius. It is described in the Life of St. Andrey how he saw the Virgin enter the main door of the Church of Blachernae and approach the altar where she began to pray for the people. When she finished, she took off her veil and, holding it with both hands, spread it over the waiting people. 1083

C. Feast tied to the Feast of Romanos We can best look to the strong connection between Romanos and the Feast of Skepi, in examining the icon for the feast, to understand the original placement of this feast on October 1. Romanos died in 510 AD, probably centuries before the apparition of the Virgin in the Church at Blachernae if its 10th century date is accurate. But it is Blachernae that was the setting for the apparition. Repeating again, the Marian cult was situated in this location as evidenced by the reverence for the relics of the Virgin (her belt, veil, and robe) and the hagiasma. Therefore, it evidently was during early morning vigil prayers on the feast of Romanos that the prayerful monk and his disciple encountered the Virgin. V. Shrines, connections very important for this feast In the long spiritual tradition of Christianity through the medieval and Byzantine ages, there appears to be continual evidence of the remembered truth concerning the mother of Christ, that she is the one who will protect and bring all to the divine graces, physical and spiritual, that her Son offers. The event at Blachernae was not isolated. The theme continues and continues.

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A. Relevance to transferal of holy relic (celebrated July 2) As previously described, there is record of the transferal of the robe and veil of the Virgin to Blachernae, as requested by Pulcheria. These holy relics were evidently then housed in a reliquary casket. Mary's mantle (esthes), which became one of Constantinople's palladia, was alledgedly brought to Constantinople from Palestine in 473. Emp. Leo I installed it in a round chapel adjoining the Church of the Virgin of Blachernai. Known as the Hagia Soros, the chapel was inaccessible to laymen; its splendid silver revetment indicates that it was regarded as a reliquary shrine of architectural dimensions. A feastday on 2 July celebrated the relic and its triumphal return to the chapel in 620 after its removal for safekeeping during an Avar raid. 1084

Chalkoprateia was another related location for devotion to the Theotokos, which also claimed to hold a relic, the belt or girdle (zone) of the Virgin. Emperors visited the soros constructed for this relic on the feasts of the Annunciation and Nativity. 1085 2. Shrines of the hagiasma Alexi Lidov, in a new collection of papers on the iconography of Theotokos, describes the notable miracleworking icons of Byzantium. Icons and liturgical use were apparently interrelated in Byzantium. He noted the important "Tuesday processions" 1086 that were well known in the area of Constantinople. These processions and their accompanying liturgical texts are likewise represented in varied "Akathistos cycles and individual compositions." 1087 These are processions that took place in and around the city itself, in and around the market place (an entry of the Virgin into urban space), and in and around the monastery and various churches. Lidov remarks on the interesting architectural design of the sanctuary, which appeared particular to those containing miracle-working icons. He includes the sanctuary of the Virgin at the

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"Blachernai church complex" as well as the Hodegon monastery and the church of Zoodochos Pege in Constantinople. A 14th century icon of Pokrov in Russia depicts the Virgin of Protection in the Blachernai Church, and shows three "accurately depicted church buildings" 1088 which were locations for the miracle-working icons of Blachernae. These were the basilica itself, the Hagia Soros rotunda (a chapel of the holy relic such as the veil), and the Hagiasma. To be noted, relative to the theological illuminations being presented in this study, these icons were always located next to a "miracle working spring." 1089 In spite of radical rebuilding these three springs even now, in modern Istanbul, serve as a place of worship in Blachernai and Zoodochos Pege. A well-preserved example of the organization of a sanctuary for a wonderworking icon has survived in the Greek monastery of Mega Spelaion. The icon of the Byzantine period is executed in high relief from ceromastic and attributed to St. Luke. Apart from the icon itself, which has been badly damaged by fire and is now in the south corner of the iconostasis of the church dedicated to it, there is a cave in the monastery where the icon is said to have been discovered and a miracle-working spring nearby. It is significant that the space round the miracle-working image is organized on the principle of the 'Holy Land' in miniature. 1090

If, indeed, Lidov is correct is assessing that the architecture of shrines housing the "miracle-working icons" is associated with the landscape of the Holy Land (in miniature) -- including a spring nearby to the Virgin -- we see that the association of Theotokos as vessel of the Source, is older than the origins of the phenomena in and around Constantinople. One thinks of the older of two sites in Jerusalem commemorating the Annunciation, where the older one is built over the Nazareth well where ancient legend and tradition teaches that Angel Gabriel first appeared to the Virgin.

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C. Shrines at Blachernae and nearby Three very active and long-standing shrines to Theotokos were situated in the region surrounding Constantinople, also associated with springs considered hagiasma. When considering this interesting combination of sites -- along with a multitude of other monasteries and shrines dedicated to the Virgin in this blooming of the Marian cult, one sees an environment that is more spiritual and experiential in prayer than one driven by argument over christological debate. To see and enter into just some of the atmosphere of those intense devotional Marian sites, it becomes clear that Theotokos was considered the counsel for all including those attacked by raiders from the north, those ill and mentally disturbed, those blind and sick, those living and dead. 1. Blachernae Originally the area called Blachernae (Blace,rnai) was noted for its springs, located to the northwest of Constantinople. As mentioned previously, the Empress Pulcheria is said to have built the major basilica to Theotokos about 450 AD. Later, Leo I, added a soros, a round chapel attached to the basilica to give special place to the robe of the Virgin, brought from Palestine when Bishop Juvenal wrote to Pulcheria to say there were no relic remains to be found in the tomb of the Virgin's body to place in her basilica. He offered, instead, to send the robe and veil of the Virgin. Situated a short distance outside the walls, the church was miraculously spared during the Avar siege of 626, after which Emp. Herakleios extended the walls to enclose it. A New Testament cycle in mosaic was destroyed by Constantine V and replaced by vegetal ornament and pictures of birds. The church was burned down in 1070 and rebuilt. Fire destroyed it completely in 1434. Next to it was a bathhouse (louma) in which the spring flowed. The latter is now enclosed in a modern Greek church. 1091

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The fame and holiness of Blachernae and its related shrines is documented in the journal of Russian travelers to Constantinople, whose accounts from the 14th-15th centuries are treasures of information for today. The journal concerning visits to Blachernae indisputably attests to the interconnection of shrines and dependence on relics, truly evidence of the dayto-day spirituality of the motherhood and protection of Theotokos. Notes on these travels explain: The Blachernae Church of the Mother of God (or rather, churches, since at least until the eleventh century there were three interconnected shrines -- the basilica, the holy fountain [louth,r], and the shrine of the relic [soro,j] was a fifth century foundation. 1092

Today, after centuries of history at the location that includes building, fire and destruction, and then rebuilding again, the Church of Panagia of Blachernae is "the best known and most celebrated shrine in Constantinople." 1093 In essence, the Patriarchate of Constantinople summarizes the history of Blachernae shrine: The first church at the site of the sacred spring was built and decorated by the Augusta Pulcheria between 445-453 (the year of her death) and her husband, the Emperor Marcian (450-457). The church was completed and embellished further by the Emperor Leo I (457-474), who added the Hagiasma (fountain of holy water) and the Hagion Lousma (sacred bath). Leo I also built the pareecclesion of the Hagio soros to house the holy mantle and robe of the Virgin that had been brought from Palestine to Constantinople in 473. It was then that the church was endowed with large estates. Procopius writes that Justinian, during the reign of uncle Justin I (518-527) had altered and improved the original building. Procopius's description suggests that a basilica was given a dome supported by columns forming a semicircle. This renovation is mentioned in two epigrams of the Palatine Anthology. 1094

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The Patriarchate also mentions on this web site that: The role played by the Panagia of Blachernae during the Iconoclast crisis, particularly in the reign of Constantine V, should be stressed. Like the Hagia Sophia, this church was a center of Orthodox worship where every Friday an all-night vigil was dedicated to the miracle-working icon of the Virgin. 1095

By the 11th century, the iconographic tradition of the Virgin Blachernitissa was already established and was known throughout Christendom. The icon depicted the Virgin in a standing, full frontal position, with her hands raised orant style in prayer, only facing outward. The picture of Christ holding his hand in blessing was emblazoned on her breast. 1096 This image, later to become known as the platytera, is directly associated with the miracle of the veil. The "Source" of the virgin's help, however, is still and always seen as her Son, understood in this image to be in her womb, thereby giving the name platytera, wider than the Heavens, as mentioned previously. Through the ages, significant feast days of Theotokos took place in the church at Blachernae: The litany celebrated every Friday at the church of St. Mary in the Chalkopratiae with the icon of the Virgin Blachernitissa had been established since the time of the Patriarch Timotheus I (511 -518) . Some other feast-days were commemorated with special pomp at the church of Blachernae: The Presentation of Christ in the Temple (2nd February), the Feast of Orthodoxy (First Sunday of Lent), Good Friday, Easter Tuesday, the ceremony for the Virgin's Veil (2nd July), the consecration of the church (3Ist July), the saving of the City from the Avars and the Persians (7th August), the Dormition of the Virgin (15th August) and the event of the terrible earthquake of 740 (26th October). 1097

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Cumulatively, these point to the embrace of the holiness of the site and connections to the Virgin's protection that spread over all Christian life. 1098 2. Chalkoprateia Shrine Chalkoprateia was another shrine in the close environs of Constantinople that stood as a location of intense devotion to Theotokos, also related to her relics. Thought to have been a Jewish synagogue in its origin, history suggests that Theodosios II approved the building of a church at the location, attributed also to Pulcheria or Verina. The relic of the Virgin's girdle (zone), was established there, also in a soros, attached to the Church. Today, only the apse and parts of the north and south walls remain. 1099 As described, the iconographic tradition was not only restricted to holy images for shrines, monasteries, and churches, but was demonstrated in personal spirituality in the small medallions and pendants cast throughout the Byzantine ages. As an example, a small pendant in the Metropolitan Museum of Fine Art in New York City, is a double-faced enkolopion of the late 11th to early 12th century. Her pose is that of the Virgin Hagiosoritissa or Virgin of the Holy Soros (Relic). This type of image is thought to take its name from an icon in one of the two churches in Constantinople that held her most holy relics. The mantle at the Monastery of Blachernai and the girdle in the Church of the Chalkoprateia were thought to represent the Virgin's lasting pledge to protect her city, Constantinople. This type of the virgin was popularized in the Middle Byzantine centuries. 1100

The image was replicated again and again. These private yet popular holy objects testify to an ongoing memory of the "Virgin of Protection," connected to the reverence for holy relics of the Virgin at particular shrines or monasteries. The Hagiosoritissa, one of the most prized possessions of the Constantinopolitan Church of the Theotokos

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Chalkoprateia, was so revered that it inspired the creation of carved, painted, and enameled copies and variants. The name of the icon alludes to the holy casket (hagia soros) that enshrined a widely venerated relic, the girdle of the Virgin. 1101

These particular images of the Virgin suggest that perhaps a small fragment of the relic may have been housed in the pendant. Another fascinating element of the spiritual context at Blachernae is the account of the repeating miracle at the shrine in Blachernae. Venance Grumel has documented this tradition. He concludes that there are no direct documents to firmly claim the phenomenon took place, making "absolute certitude" impossible, but people can "content themselves with the serious probability" that such a phenomenon occurred. 1102 This “repeating miracle” speaks of a cloth hanging over the Protection icon that would miraculously raise up by itself, on a daily basis. 3. Hodegon Monastery Yet another religious site in the area of Constantinople thought to have been started by Pulcheria to house relics was the Hodegon Church, known for its spring. There, monks led blind pilgrims to pray for restored sight. Later, this monastery shrine became the home of the "Virgin Hodegetria," an icon purportedly painted by St. Luke. Evidently, the monastery complex was evidently built by the 9th century and restored in the 12th century. Ancient records describe processions that advanced between this monastery and church and the shrine at Blachernae. The practice of carrying an icon in procession between monastery and shrine raises testimony, in yet another way, to the embrace of the caring motherhood of Theotokos. One of the well documented images often reverenced in this fashion was the Virgin Hodegetria ( `Odhgh,tria), kept from about the 12th century onward in the Hodegon Monastery outside Constantinople.

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On special occasions it was taken in procession to other parts of the city: John II Komnenos requested that it be brought to the Pantokrator Monastery and kept overnight near his tomb on the days commemorating his death or that of his wife; in 1187 it was taken up onto the walls to protect the city undersiege. How early this latter practice began remains unclear: in the Triodion account of the 7th c. attacks on the city, it is assumed that the icon brought onto the walls at that time was that of the Virgin Hodegetria. 1103

4. Russian Churches for Pokrov As noted above, the celebration of Virgin Mary as Protectoress in the Russian tradition has, indeed, been intense, taking on a spiritual flavor for the nation which was subjugated by the onslaught of communism. Again, we see this sentiment in a highly romanticized spiritual writing by a Russian Orthodox nun, Monachina Maria (Skobtsova) of Paris. The Orthodox world, especially the Russian Orthodox world, venerates the Virgin Mary and prayerfully calls on Her help. … The Russian people ultimately adopted Her as their own, vitally, into their lifestyle. Their everyday mentality is profuse with thought about Her. … Whosoever would desire to discover Orthodoxy fully and completely … in order to understand the Russian national soul and become familiar, how the Virgin Birthgiver doth live … [eventually will come to her.]" 1104

In case one should ask the obvious question, "where are these cherished relics of the Virgin Mary today?" -- there is a fascinating tradition that the belt of the Virgin is encased in a small casket and protected at the Monastery of Vatopedi on Mt. Athos in Greece. Tradition, or maybe it is legend, surrounds this object. The belt, described earlier, that came to Constantinople and then to Mt. Athos is well ensconced in memory, if not in reality.

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D. Western appreciation of Eastern Churches: Theotokos of Protection It is clear that when John Paul II described the mutual love of the Virgin Mary by found in both western and eastern ecclesial traditions, he recognized the ever abiding care and help of the mother of God's Son truly characterizeing the Marian spirituality of the Christian ages. In his 1987 encyclical, Redemptoris Mater, John Paul II pointed out how the eastern tradition, despite frequent persecution, even to the point of bloodshed," turned to the Mother and "invoked her with unceasing prayer." 1105 She is protection. This reiterated a former statement in Lumen Gentium 66. In Redemptoris Mater, the pope identified the long tradition in the East of regarding the Virgin Mary as "Lady of Good Counsel," the mother who offers protection. In the difficult moments of their troubled Christian experience, "they have taken refuge under her protection," conscious of having in her a powerful aid. 1106

The ages-old spiritual traditions of the East, referenced in Mater Redemptoris, included the tradition of "protection" (Pokrov), described above, and indicated a continual attitude by Christians who believe they can go to the Virgin Mary for aid (referencing Lumen Gentium 59): This custom has been maintained in the whole of the East and also in the West. Images of the Virgin have a place of honor in churches and houses. In them Mary is represented in a number of ways: as the throne of God carrying the Lord and giving him to humanity (Theotokos); as the way that leads to Christ and manifests him (Hodegetria); as a praying figure in attitude of intercession and as a sign of the divine presence on the journey of the faithful until the day of the Lord (Deesis); as the protectress [protectoress] who stretches out her mantle over the peoples (Pokrov), or as the merciful

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Virgin of tenderness (Eleousa). She is usually represented with her Son, the child Jesus, in her arms: it is the relationship with the Son which glorifies the Mother. Sometimes she embraces him with tenderness (Glykophilousa); at other times she is a hieratic figure, apparently rapt in contemplation of him who is the Lord of history (cf. Rev. 5:9-14). 1107

Concerning Mary in the life of the Church and of every Christian, John Paul II recognized that Christians during the ages have gone to her in search of help. She becomes the "link" between the faithful and "the Church," which is the source of life. For these reasons Mary is honored in the Church "with special reverence. Indeed, from ancient times the Blessed Virgin Mary has been venerated under the title of 'Godbearer.' In all perils and needs, the faithful have fled prayerfully to her protection." 1108

VI. The Feast and its elements The celebration of the Feast of the "Placing of the Veil at Blachernae" apparently precedes the Feast of the "Virgin of Protection," in any number of estimated years from one hundred to as many as five hundred years. The establishment of the "Placing of the Veil," according to His Grace Bishop Demetri, an Anthiochian historian, dates to the year 469 AD. As previously discussed, he appears to cite these dates based on history related by Hilda Graef; and he has accepted a later legend placing the institution of the Feast of the Veil in the 8th century, in conjunction with Pulcheria's request to Bishop Juvenal in Jerusalem for the relics of Mary's body, which in turn probably places it before the visiton by Andrew and others praying in the shrine of the veil. 1109 All we know about the establishment of the Feast of the "Virgin of Protection" is its connection to the Feast of St. Romanos, reliant on the iconographic tradition. St. Romanos died sometime about the middle of the 6th century. Perhaps we

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can establish that the strong iconographic connection to Romanos indicates that the phenomenon at Blachernae of the Virgin with the cloak appeared on the day of commemoration of St. Romanos. Along these lines, the event would have to be after this midpoint in the 6th century and the development of a feast day probably much later. Since the feast took on great importance among the Slavs and is often today claimed primarily as a Russian feast, we might claim that the devotion to the Virgin of the Cloak, "Protection" as Pokrov, began after the mission of Cyril and Methodios among the Slavs. Methodios, native of Thessaloniki, Greece, died in April 885 AD. 1110 This would establish the feast as originating in devotion around the 9th century. A. Examination of the synaxarion The synaxarion, as described previously, is an anonymous little description that appears in the Orthros, providing a snapshot of the feast and its important elements. Specifically, if we look at those in the ancient Greek service books, it is quite likely that their origins were monastic and perhaps quite ancient. Specifically, the anonymous synaxarion can provide a vision into the continuing memory of faith, becoming a window into Christian truths carried along through ages in a rudimentary commentary, clothed in ancient narrative format. 1. Anamnesis of the event It is difficult, perhaps impossible, to sort absolute historical detail from the somewhat legendary account that is found in the synaxarion for the Feast of the Virgin of Protection. Again, like critical biblical analysis, there are two possibilities in treating this material: - Ignore it all due to doubts and apparent legendary aspects in the account;

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- Consider that there was a precious memory among the faithful that persisted for many centuries and in many venues -icons, statuary, personal and public devotion, pilgrimage, and prayer texts, and the basic elements of this memory are embedded in the anonymous synaxarion. a. Andrew It might be said that Andrew, the main visionary, so to speak, appears as a type of ascetic in the tradition of radical poverty, "a fool for Christ," following the tradition of Symeon of Emesa. Andrew the Fool, o` salo,j, is considered "a 'created' saint" 1111 whose feast day is May 28. He is described in one way as contemporary to Emperor Leo I in the 5th century, yet he is known as the "holy fool" after Symeon who lived in the 6th century. We will see that Nicephorus wrote a biography of Andrew, found now in Migne's collection. Scholars debate on the year of this writing, placing it between the 7th and 10th centuries. The difficulty is that the earliest extant manuscript of this biography is written in the hand of 10th century uncial letters. 1112 Details in Andrew's life indicate that he was originally a slave who learned Greek well and became a notary. Then, after a spiritual dream, turned to the life of a radical ascetic. He rejected all societal conventions, lived in the street, drank from puddles, slept on a dung heap, and not only endured hardships supernaturally but knew hidden things and foresaw the future. 1113

The events of his life show how God protected him in adversity, such as when he was beaten near a tavern, was runover by a cart, and endured through terrible storms. According to the Dictionary of Byzantium, there is one surviving ancient depiction in art of Andrew the Fool, found in a 12th century fresco in a monk's cell in Cyprus. There he is depicted as an "emaciated saint" who wears "a fleecy, short-sleeved, belted tunic and carries a little sprig of flowers." 1114

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b. Epiphanios The other interesting personage in the Blachernae event is Epiphanios. He is known as the pupil of Andrew, who was attempting to learn something of the spiritual life. The Life introduces a certain Epiphanios, who was handsome, rich, socially conventional and part of the establishment. 1115

Andrew predicted that Epiphanios would become bishop of the city, which, indeed, he did. It is additionally puzzling that Epiphanios is known as the bishop of Salamis (Constantia) in Cyprus who died about 403 AD. 1116 If the story of his spiritual internship with Andrew the Fool were to be true, then the event at Blachernae can be traced to the late 4th century. He became bishop in 367 AD, meaning that the event with Andrew the Fool happened prior to that time. 2. The Synaxarion as commentary It is curious to see that the account by Nicephorus on the life of Andrew the Fool, printed in Latin and Greek in Migne's collection, includes a section that is completely identical in wording to the synaxarion found in contemporary Greek Menaion. 1117 This, at least, relates the synaxarion to the writing of the biography by Nicephorus, sometime between the 7th and 10th centuries, as mentioned. Nicephorus is understood to have been a priest serving at the important Hagia Sophia in Constantinople. The disparity on actual composition over several centuries should not create a difficult problem in accepting the elements of the story at Blachernae, the vision of the "Theotokos of Protection." One has to ask:”It is possible that this occurence was kept in the Christian heart and memory through lex orandi for some two or three hundred years?” For modern minds, it seems impossible to question this. However, 552

why don’t these same people ask how the oral tradition about Abraham maintained for over 800 years before it was committed in entirety to sacred text. The "Life of Andrew" offered by Nicephorus states that Andrew was a slave of the nobleman Theognostos in Scythia. Andrew learned Greek quickly and became his master's notary. However, he received a special dream and took on the spiritual life. With this, he became anti-social and exhibited strange behavior because he believed that lowly life and enduring undue suffering would give him vision into God's mystery, and even prophetic vision. It is thought that he took up the spiritual life model of Symeon of Emesa. Nicephorus, in the life of Andrew, notes his long-suffering. And, evidently, Andrew took on a pupil who came from the fast moving, high social strata. The story explains that Andrew predicted the conversion to disciplined life would result in Ephiphanios becoming bishop. 1118 If this Ephiphanios is Epiphanios, the bishop of Salamis (Constantia) who lived in the 4th century, this remarkably earlier date for the happening at Blachernae places it in direct historical context with the happenings at Pigi. The description of this bishop, offered by the Dictionary of Byzantium, describes a man who very well shows traits of one who preferred simplicity and disciplined life in the style of Andrew the Fool. He was equally hostile to classical education, perhaps deliberately affecting a poor Attic style, which, according to Jerome, enabled him to reach the masses through his writings. … His criticisms of religious art (now generally thought to be genuine) prefigure the Byz. controversy over ICONOCLASM. Epiphanios recommended to Theodosios I that curtains adorned with sacred images be removed and used for burial shrouds and that frescoes be whitewashed. 1119

The content of the synaxarion for this feast, in Greek, as noted, is found in the Orthros of the Greek service book. The equivalent English translation follows:

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Once, during sleepless prayers (an all-night vigil) that were offered in the holy shrine in Blachernae, the blessed Andrew arrived there according to his practice. It was there also that Epiphanios was one of his [spiritual] children. Andrew would stand there according to his practice because his zeal strengthened him, often until midnight, sometimes until dawn. And, therefore, as it was almost eleven o'clock in the night, the blessed Andrew saw with his very own eyes a most fantastic vision appearing in female form coming through the royal doors [central gate on the iconostasis leading from the altar] with a group of well known people. On either side of her were the Forerunner of Christ, and the one called "Son of Thunder." They were holding her hand. Many saints dressed in white, kneeled before her, while others followed her with hymns and praises. When she neared the step (the ambo), Andrew turned to Epiphanios and said: "Do you see the Lord's lady and young woman of the cosmos?" He replied, "Yes, my spiritual father." And as they watched all of this, [the Lady] reverently bent her knees and prayed a long time, shedding tears down her glowing and pure face. After praying, she went up to the sanctuary, and pleaded for the people present (in the shrine). When she removed the veil over her most holy head, [the action] looking like a streak of lightning, she unfolded it and held it with great care in her blessed hands. The veil (or robe) was large and spectacular, aflame with the glory of the Lord something like (the beauty of) amber, and she spread it over the people which lasted a number of hours. As long as the most holy Mother of God was there, this was visible. But after she departed, it could no longer be seen. For though it appeared that she took it with her, there was a feeling (she had left behind) gifts for those who were there. 1120

These are the rudimentary details offered in the synaxarion and in an account by Nicephorus. 1121 The Latin and Greek versions of Nicephorus are found in Appendix VII. What can be drawn from the account by Nicephorus? In any event, it appears that some phenomenon occurred in the shrine at Blachernae which housed a special chapel, soros, with

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the robe and the belt of the Virgin. This image of the Virgin Mary opening her robe or veil and spreading it over the faithful evidently remained in Christian memory for centuries. The story is corroborated by the ongoing devotion to Theotokos with the protecting veil. Although it is impossible to pin down the actual happening, its date and exact details, there is no doubt that something happened in connection to the robe and veil of the Virgin Mary. From that time on, many of the faithful were aware of this vision of protection beneath her robe. a. Church, basilea, fortress of the ecclesia The direct reference in this account to the locus of the event is particularly important to understanding the context and thereby the illumination. The setting is the shrine in Blachernae, which housed the relics of the Virgin Mary. It was known for its precious object -- the veil. By circumstance, this demonstrates recognition by those present that the virgin's "veil" had special meaning. Again, the setting is prayer, offered in the wee hours of the early dark morning. This is recognition that the faithful have come and approached the Theotokos for help. The Virgin does not arrive in a splendid and royal appearance at a coronation or a daytime festival. Hers is an arrival in lieu of petition and prayerful relationship, to the praying community. A remarkable "female form" appears through the "royal doors." The arrival of the mother of Christ is pregnant with meaning. The architecture of the Byzantine structure, and its interior, includes an iconostasis across the front of the church, separating the "Holy of Holies" and the altar from the nave or main hold of the church. This architecture in itself was designed to replicate the structure of the Temple in Jerusalem, with the altar three steps up from the main floor -- particularly separated by one level called the ambo, suggesting the ascent to the Holy of Holies in the Temple of Jerusalem. In the spirit of this Christian architecture, the central gates, the royal doors, are

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not casually used. They represent the doors to the Holy of Holies, where only the priest enters while representing Jesus, such as when he entered Jerusalem. Many times, these royal doors are decorated with an icon of the Annunciation, for it is through the Annunciation and Mary's acceptance of God's will that the Incarnate Jesus arrived in the human realm. For this reason, this female form coming through the royal doors speaks a loud reality. It is the Mother, herself, the human temple from whom people see Jesus come. The illumination of her motherhood is demonstrated in this one act of coming through the royal doors above the bema. b. Two men who "learned the truth" Andrew first sees this strange sight, the Mother of Christ surrounded by a small group of people. These people are recognized and the commentary identifies two: John the Baptist and John, the "Son of Thunder." This very detail indicates who this woman truly is. John, the forerunner of Christ would be immediately recognized as announcing the presence of Christ. And, John, "Son of Thunder" would be known as the one to whom Christ entrusted his Mother from the cross. In particular, the title, "John, Son of Thunder" indicates that Mary is accompanied by one of the three leading apostles -- Peter, James, and his brother John. Simon received the name "Peter" from Jesus and the brothers James and John were dubbed, "Boanerges" by Christ (Mark 3:17), meaning "sons of thunder." Perhaps the fact that Jesus identified names for these three indicates their special role or relationship to him. In Mark, we find that the three -- Peter, James, and John -- are those selected to: 1) accompany Jesus when he raises the daughter of Jairus; 2) accompany Jesus up the mountain to witness the Transfiguration; and 3) sit with Jesus on the Mount of Olives, and engage in a private discussion of final times. If, indeed, this memory of John, "Son of Thunder," was well known, it is the beloved disciple who comes holding the Virgin's hand.

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c. The Veil As mentioned earlier, the veil is a symbol that demonstrates Mary's special relationship to God, the Incarnate One of the Temple. This is confirmed by the detail of a curtain which hangs overhead above the Virgin Mary in most of the Annunciation icons. Additionally, the veil implies the woman of Song of Songs, who is the beloved of the bridegroom. Symbolically, as the Theotokos comes through the royal doors to the top of the ambo, she is standing logistically on the intersection between Heaven and Earth. Beyond this point, she bends down on her knees and prays. Tears stream down her face, a face which appears to have a light of glory about it. Here, at this action, in this very moment she is the mediatrix between the earthly domain and the glory of Her Son in Heaven. She confirms a deep and abiding concern and empathy for the struggling world, and at the same time bears in her person the glory of the New Kingdom. She then returns to the "Holy of Holies" and is heard audibly praying for the people. This represents a significant action. As the Mother of Christ, she sends all prayers into the Temple. The account describes a flash of light, a "streak of lightning," at the moment Virgin Mary takes the veil from her head. Due to the detail of John, "Son of Thunder," known for his privilege to witness the Transfiguration of Christ, one asks if this detail of bright light either refers to the Transfiguration or parallels it. Christ’s mother unfolds the veil with care, indicating in a dramatic way that there is a special meaning to the encompassing aspect of the veil. The veil appears to radiate with glory and light, glowing with translucent brightness (like the beauty of amber, a muted gold). The installation of this veil, this heavenly cover over the people, is described as "lasting for hours." In addition, it is visible as long as the presence of

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the Holy Mother is seen. The account ends with a paradox. Though it appears she takes the veil with her, there is a sense her protection is still abiding among the people, which then is continually represented in the symbol of a veil of protection. d. John the Baptist, the Forerunner Although details of the sorrow and conflict present in the community at the time of the phenomenon, primarily due to no one knowing the year, there is the possibility that debates and controversy over the faith might have been imminent. The appearance of John the Baptist could indicate that God's plan was to send a forerunner before his ministry on earth, and a mother to the people after his death. Virgin Mary shares a mission not unlike John the Baptist. Where he is sent as forerunner to He who is coming, she is sent to point the way to Her Son who has come. e. Vision of all people of God under her care Through it all, we can recognize the importance of the image of people who came gathered under the Virgin's veil by the ongoing memory of this remarkable event. It was repeated in liturgical texts, the iconographic tradition, and legends that continued even until the Second World War, when soldiers claimed to see the Virgin in the sky spreading her veil over the battlefield. The fact that this image persisted for centuries attests to the possibility of a real phenomenon occurring at one time. The illumination shows that Christ's Mother is the one who cares for all on earth in the depths of her heart, through her Son, which is the way she can offer protection. B. Miracles The cult of Mary, beginning in the 4th century, can be described as always including devotion and awareness of everyday miracles. Liturgical texts attest to how the icon of Blachernitissa was carried in procession through the streets of a city from shrine to shrine, from monastery to church. Alexei

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Lidov explores the interesting and sometimes paradoxical issue of the "Miracle-Working Icons of the Mother of God": We can only study a miracle by destroying the object of our study -- a paradoxical statement, but in many respects a true one. Yet if we try to define the historical and cultural component in the phenomenon of the miraculous, the study of the object becomes not only possible, but extremely fruitful. We immediately discover the important fact that a great deal of valuable historical information often not to be found in other sources has accumulated around the miracle. 1122

Lidov admits that the thorough academic study of miraculous icons has only begun to take shape in recent times. He notes: "And even today there is a tendency to allow this special phenomenon to become 'lost' in the more general and familiar view of the sacred image." 1123 For this reason, it is important to consider the miracle-working icons associated with Blachernae, which in turn appear to be connected to a "common topos" in connection with holy water (the hagiasma discussed previously). Lidov points to the tradition of miraculous icons associated with Blachernae: The theme of miracle-working water connected with a sacred icon can be found in the oldest Christian prodigies. The stories of many miracle-working icons of the Virgin are inextricably linked with their presence beside a miraculous healing spring (the icons of the Blachernai church, the monastery of Zoodochos Pege and the Hodegon monastery in Constantinople). 1124

In observing these elements of miracle working icons, hagiasma, and liturgical traditions, it is easier to see the interconnectedness between Pigi and Blachernae, and the resulting references throughout the liturgical texts and icon motifs to the Virgin of Protection as the Virgin of the Source. 1. Miracle of the floating icon

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There are even records of miracles attributed to the relic of the robe and the belt, which perpetuate the account witnessed by Andrew, Ephiphanios, and those in the shrine that day when they saw a vision of the Theotokos of Blachernae. The account, probably by the same Theodore Synkellos who also wrote a homily on the siege of 626, records how, when the casket was opened, the purple silk in which the garment was wrapped had shrivelled away, while the simple cloth of the robe itself was completely unharmed by time, proving the robe partook of divine grace, in that 'it not only clothed the Mother of God but that in it she actually wrapped the Word of God Himself when he was a little child and gave him milk, whence rightly this divine and truly royal garment is not only the cure of every illness, but justly is incorruptible and indestructible, proclaiming the indestructibility and incorruptibility of its wearer'. 1125

By the early 7th century, then, Averil Cameron states that "the Virgin's doctrinal role could be taken for granted, and she was increasingly represented as the ideal of tender maternal protection." 1126 2. Evaluation of miracles The study of miracles as they were chronicled in scores of ways is the subject of yet another study. Source material for the multitude of icons related to this Marian cult at Blachernae includes, according to Lidov, "the records of Byzantine historians, Medieval Russian chronicles, pilgrims' proskynetaria, hagiographic texts, ekphraseis, hymnography, memorial inscriptions on the icons themselves, and the earliest dated copies." 1127 There is a fascinating account of an ongoing miracle of Blachernae that continued the tradition of Mary's mantle as noted in the story of the phenomenon, the "usual miracle" as it was called by Emperor Alexius in 1107 AD.

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This miracle involved the curtain before the main icon in the church, which allegedly drew itself aside at vespers on Friday, returning to its original position only on Saturday evening. 1128

Emperor Alexius was planning a military campaign and postponed it for four days because he did not witness the "usual miracle." Then, after offering hymns and prayers, he received his sign from the Virgin when the miracle reoccurred. Belting references this “usual miracle” from Blachernae, through the words of Michael Psellus (1075 AD): As soon as the clergy have finished their regular rites, it is the custom to open the church. The doors are opened and those waiting outside are allowed to enter. As they enter in a mixture of joy and fear, the curtain [peplos] before the icon suddenly is buoyed up as if a breath of wind [pneuma] moved it. Those who have not seen it cannot believe that the event takes place. All who have witnessed it see a miracle [paradoxon] in it, manifestly a visitation of the Holy Spirit [pneuma]. While the event is happening, the appearance of the heavenly image (or heavenly creature, theopais] changes, and it receives, I believe, her [the Virgin's] living visit [empsychos epidemia], making what otherwise remained invisible, visible. [As the veil of the temple was rent at Christ's death, so] in a mysterious way [aporretos] the holy curtain [peplos] is lifted for the Mother of God, so that within it the multitudes might enter and be embraced as if in a new sanctuary [aduton] and an inviolate refuge. 1129

This “usual miracle” is known even unto this day in the field of Byzantine studies, especially those in the study of “miraculous icons.” The “usual miracle” is not mentioned in the liturgical texts. VII. Illuminations from the liturgical texts of Orthros The following excerpts from the Orthros on the Feast of Skepi demonstrate the illuminations and multiple ramifications

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of protection that are understood as the nurturing and care of the Theotokos, evidence that this is the plan of God: to offer life-giving through his mother. These excerpts contain biblical allusions to the mystical presence of God: images of Theotokos as the Holy of Holies containing the life-giving God, and details that provide the real symbols of God's gifts. The following are examples, which do repeat many times in this Orthros: A. Liturgical allusions to the Bible The illuminations coming from allusions to the Bible in all of these liturgical texts are numerous. There are some, however, which open up obvious interconnections between the God who acts in time as recorded in the Holy Scriptures, and God who continues to act in the daily prayer of the faithful. 1. The cloud leading the Ark of the Covenant 1130 The real symbol of luminosity, referring to the presence of God as a realm of shining glory, is revealed as the Theotokos unfolds her veil at Blachernae, reminding us of the cloud that hovered over the Ark of the Covenant during the Exodus: "And the LORD went before them by day in a pillar of cloud (Exodus 13: 21 RSV)." The liturgical verse that alludes to this image follows: We praise the gifts of your Protection, O Virgin, which you incomprehensibly spread as a luminous cloud, spiritually sheltering your people from every plot of enemies. 1131 "Th/j Ske,phj sou Parqe,ne( avnumnou/men ta.j ca,ritaj( h'n w,j fwtofo,ron nefe,lhn( evfaploi/j uvpe.r e;nnoian( kai. ske,peij to.n lao,n sou noerw/j( evk pa,shj tw/n evcqrw/n evpiboulh/j)

2. The luminosity displays the Protection of God

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The protection of the Virgin is actually a protection understood to come from God in God's self, as seen in the Psalms: "Because he cleaves to me in love, I will deliver him; I will protect him, because he knows my name (Psalm 91: 14 RSV)." God’s presence offers gifts of life and protection, as discussed. The liturgical text speaks of the luminous protection of the Theotokos, but the luminosity is of God, and therefore the protection is of God. Those who recognize this luminosity surrounding the Virgin as the presence of God are those who know God's name. … your all-luminous Protection. 1132 .)) th.n pa,mfwton Ske,phn sou)

3. Reference to the New Testament The tongues of fire surrounding the apostles at Pentecost reveal a similar luminosity with extremely bright and shining light indicating the presence of God's glory and life. The tongues of fire at Pentecost relate to the thunder heard at Blachernae, indicating that the luminosity that was like lightning. "When the day of Pentecost had come, they were all together in one place. … And there appeared to them tongues as of fire, distributed and resting on each one of them. And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit (Acts 2:1,3 RSV)." The liturgical text similarly relates the luminosity covering the Church, as at Pentecost: O most pure One, like a cloud brightly covering the complement of the Church. 1133 ] sper nefe,lh avglaw/j evpiskia,zousa( th/j v W Ekklhsi,aj ta. plhrw,mata Pana,crante)

4. Images of Theotokos as the place of the Holy of Holies The LORD promised David through the words of Nathan that David's offspring would raise up a house for God

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(2 Same 7: 11 RSV). David then desires to make a suitable "house for the LORD," as reflected in the Psalm: Remember, O LORD, in David's favor, All the hardships he endured; how he swore to the LORD and vowed to the Mighty One of Jacob, "I will not enter my house or get into my bed; I will not give sleep to my eyes or slumber to my eyelids, until I find a place for the LORD, a dwelling place for the Mighty One of Jacob (Psalm 132: 1-5 RSV)."

The liturgical texts demonstrate that Theotokos is the dwelling place of the LORD on earth and it is the Presence of God that she nurtured, making her the Holy of Holies. a. Theotokos is the Holy of Holies as a font Hail font of abundant goodness [Understood to be her embrace of the font of Christ]. 1134 Cai/re phgh. plousi,aj crhsto,thtoj)

b. Theotokos embraces the ineffable God in her body For you, a Virgin, without knowing wedlock, have in your womb the God of all. 1135 Ou. ga.r avpeiro,game Parqe,ne( escej evn mh,tra to.n evpi. pa,ntwn Qeo,n ( kai. te,toke a[cronon Uio,n)

B. The “real symbols” of God's protection Karl Rahner defines the term "real symbol." In the case of the Virgin of Protection, we can use this term for insight into the mystical meaning, thereby realizing that each element of the Feast of Theotokos of Protection indicates a spiritual reality. The definition is as follows: In the genuine and original sense a symbol is not a sign man has arbitrarily chosen and applied from without to a

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particular thing so as to give the latter historical expression in space and time, but (in very varying degrees, of course) the "phenomenon," other yet connected, in which a thing affirms itself and in which, therefore, it also "utters" itself. 1136

Vorgrimler represents the concept as explaining the philosophical foundation it rests on: "A being realizes itself by expressing itself." 1137 Therefore, the "real symbol" is "a genuine symbol [that] does what it symbolizes." 1138 A further exploration of this line of thought about symbols belongs to theological anthropology. Anyone who has understood the essential character of symbolism cannot play off the "merely symbol" against the "real." 1139

In this sense, then, in the liturgical texts of this feast the Virgin Mary is herself a "real symbol," as are the robe, the fountain, the dew, the cloud, the petitioning Mary, and the light -- all speaking of God's mystery and the reality of the Incarnate God who is with us. 1. Theotokos is the real symbol of shelter The person of the mother of Christ is herself a real symbol of the protection and life-giving gifts from God. She, the mother, is the symbol of protection. You are our shelter, guardian and aid. 1140 Se. ga.r ske,phn kai. prosta,tin kai. bohqo,n)

2. The robe signifies her protection In the account of the vision of Blachernae, the Virgin’s most obvious role is perceived as that of protection. In the liturgical text that follows, it is seen that the symbol of the robe has a real physical meaning of protection, and a spiritual meaning of protection and shelter.

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The venerable Andrew was amazed beholding your sacred Robe outstretched above us in the church of Vlaherna, where it was lying sacredly guarded, revealing to all the gift of your Protection by which you shelter and save us from every sorrow. 1141 VExe,sth wj e;bleyen( evn Blacernw/n tw/ naw/( vAndre,aj ov 'Osioj( se. evfaplou/san hvmi/n( th.n Qei,an vEsqh/ta, sou( ou?san evkeise Ko,rh( ierw/j throume,nhn( pa/si de. fanerou/san( th/h sh/j ske,phj th.n ca,pin( di v hj ske,peis kai. sw,zeij hvmaj pa,shj qli,yewj)

3. The fountain, a cross-reference to the Feast of the Life-giving Fountain From the feast of the Life-giving Fountain, we find a significant reference to the Virgin as the Life-giving Fountain, yet another “real symbol” since water if a physical necessity and requirement for life, as well as a well-established symbol of God’s life-giving, now and eternally. Theotokos, living and bountiful fountain … 1142 Tou.j sou.j uvmnolo,gouj Qeoto,ke( wj zw/sa kai. afqonoj phgh, )))

4. She is the dew, again a reference to the Exodus This reference to the “non-material cloud” in connection with “dew” is an obvious reference to Exodus. The “dew” in Exodus is God’s protection, a source of food and moisture in an arid and death-like land. O most pure One, the dew from your Divine Protection, as from a non-material cloud, is a healing for us. 1143 ]Iama hvmi/n( h dro,saj Pana,crante h avposta,zousa( ek th/j Qei,aj Ske,phj sou( wj evk nefe,lhj aulou gi,netai( kai. pau,ei avrrwsth,masta yuch/j kai. sw,matoj( tw/n bow,ntwn(

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5. She is the cloud The cloud which accompanied the Ark of the Covenant in Exodus, and sheltered it (Exodus 13:21) is now related to Mary as she was the “Ark” as mother of Christ, herself a shelter for the Son of God. Your Son … manifested you as a rational and living cloud, sheltering and saving. 1144 O so.j Uio,j ))) {Acrante nefe,lhn se logikh,n( kai. emyucon ane,deize( ske,pousan kai/ sw,zousan qaumastw/j)

6. The living prayer connection to Christ (Theotokos Orans) Virgin Mary gives protection by raising her hands in petition and care to her Son. She takes all cares of the faithful to God. Lifting your hands to God who was born of you … [This connects with the icon of the Theotokos Skepi and later the Theotokos Platytera]. 1145 U v yw,sasa ta.j cei/raj sou pro.j Qeo,n …

7. God's power, light God’s presence is perceived as light and rays of brilliant light as the realm of shining glory. Christ’s mother at Blachernae is seen as she exists in Heaven, in a realm of transfigured glory. And, yet, she holds the care of all faithful in her heart and comes to them in order to take their cares to her Son. … a figure of lightning, which is as a cloud of light. 1146 ))) avstrapo,morfon( hn wj fwto.j nefe,lhn) Everywhere, like spreading rays, the gifts of your Protection give us a multitude of benefits, O Theotokos. 1147

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Ai, dwreai. th/j Ske,phj sou( wj avkti/nej pantacou/ avplou,menai( pollacw/j eu,ergetou/sin hma/j Qeotoke)

C. Specific and universal shelter (city, community, all people) Some will hear the hymn of the Theotokos, Caretaker of Constantinople, which is a centuries-old hymn associated with the Akathistos hymn, and think that it means only that a population of Christians long, long ago referenced her aid and, today, are lost to the lost memory of history. However, this hymn, because of its continued use in the liturgical texts, suggests that there is a more universal, and deeper mystical meaning present. 1. Shelter for the city This image derives from the spiritual experience of the Christian community in and around Constantinople, especially during the event of attacks by the Avars, fierce barbarian forces from the Balkan steppes, in the 7th century. Identification of the city of Theotokopoulis, city of the Theotokos as noted previously, was a concept that spread in the liturgical petitions, and became established as an appeal to the mother of Christ for her protection for nation and cities. O ever-virgin Theotokos, your holy Protection was granted your Nation as a mighty refuge by which you protect those who hope in you. 1148 Qeoto,ke vAeipa,rqene( th.n avgian sou Ske,phn( di v hj periske,peij tou.j eivj se. evlpi,zontaj( krataia.n tw// [Eqnei sou katafugh.n evdwrh,sw)

2. Theotokos is shelter according to God's plan Later, when the empire and its capitol finally fell to enemy control, many felt this resulted because the people had lost their trust and reliance in God. Certainly, this is a prevalemnt theme of the Hebrew Scriptures. However, just as we no longer fear

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the Philistines or Babylonians of old, we look to the injunctions of the biblical prophets calling us to trust in God and see that there can be a more universal meaning to the ancient texts. In this same sense, we can flee to the Virgin for protection, as a community, a city, or a nation knowing that the liturgical texts underscore her response in care. O pure One, we praise your holy Protection which, through your goodness and maternal compassion, has always sheltered us and guarded those manifested as your inheritance and chosen lot. O Lady, watch over us in future need. 1149 Th.n Ske,phn sou vAgnh,( th.n avgi,an uvmnou/men( th.n ske,pousan hvma/j evn panti. kai. frourou/san( ouj klh/ro,n sou avne,deixaj( kai. meri,da avpo,lekton( avgaqo,thti( kai. mhtrikh/ sumpaqei,a) vAlla. De,spoina( kai. evn mellou,sh avna,gkh h`ma/j diafu,latte)

D. Lex orandi … lex credendi: approaching the received truth and tradition In looking at all aspects of the cult of the Theotokos connected to Blachernae, it becomes even more clear that the liturgical texts center in a particular way on the Mother of Christ, as protector of the faithful and the source of the Source in the plan of God. The Christian faithful, having articulated her as the source of the Source from the 4th century on, make a tradition quite clear that Virgin Mary continues to nurture all the faithful, the community of the faithful, and the Church. The ancient liturgy never directly calls the Mother of Christ the “mother of the Church,” but does illustrate that she has concern, and reaches to her Son for the life of the community of the faithful as seen at Blachernae, and chronicled very elements of the liturgical account. For Andrew, his disciple and the faithful in the chapel that day, she was seen sitting on the ambo of the church, just outside the holy of holies

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on the step of the altar, shedding quiet tears; and then they saw her, as they reported, ascend above the altar placing all the members of the faithful beneath her veil. 1. Ecclesiology The chart below demonstrates the ecclesiological illuminations of the Feast of Blachernae. The texts demonstrate that it is the plan of God for the young Hebrew woman, Mary, to bear God's Son in the world and to be the mother of that Son in the world. Clearly, it appears that God intends his Mother to nurture her Son, as He was born, grew, and began His mission. Later on in time, it seems consistent to see that apparently God plans that Mary will continue to nurture her Son after He has departed the world. Her Son in the world is the ecclesia. She is mother of the ecclesia. She provides, as God plans, the church’s protection -- leading them to the source of God’s provenance. In the symbol of the veil, and in her tears at the gate of the altar, she demonstrates her heartfelt and motherly concern for the ecclesia. This is all beautifully illustrated later in medieval and Renaissance art. Artists of these later periods portray the body of believers as sheltered under that veil of protection. Gradually, the concept of the institutionalized "Church" is characterized as ensconced within the folds of Virgin Mary's robe, her maternal care of the "Church." 1150 ECCLESIOLOGY God

Economia God’s Plan Virgin Mary is the Mother who bears God’s Son. She is mother of God's Son -- the eternal God. She is mother of the Son -- in the world. Her Son is the Mystical Body, the community of the faithful.

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As she is mother of the Son, she is mother of the Mystical Body. Æ The faithful are Christ's body in the world. Æ The faithful are the Ecclesia.

Therefore … Virgin Mary Æ is the mother who cares for her Son’s body in the world. Virgin Mary Æ is the mother who PROTECTS the Ecclesia.

Based on the given principle that the ecclesia is Christ’s Body in the world, the events of Blachernae can be theologically understood to show the mother of Christ as nurturer and protector of the church. 2. Mariology … Mother of Christ, abiding in the Basilea beyond the Gate The mother of Christ, who was taken to the realm of her Son in Heaven at the time of her death, remains the connecting link for humanity with the eternal Spirit of Life, her Son. The many terms that can be applied to her role (mother of the Church, mediatrix and advocate, and mother concerned for the faithful) are revealed by the real symbol of the caring woman who came through the Royal Gate of the sanctuary at Blachernae. The following chart details how the event at Blachernae revealed illuminations of Mariology: MARIOLOGY Virgin Mary: Who is she? Feast of Blachernae

Æ brought the Virgin Mary through the Royal Gates. Æ demonstrated the eschatological person of Mary. Æ displayed a bright illumination (the cloud) indicating that the glory and power of God was present (sparkling light when

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she removed her veil) Therefore, this reveals Æ Virgin Mary came from Heaven to the people in the shrine. Æ Bending her knees she prayed: as orans she is a mediatrix. Æ In her tears, she is the mother who cares and holds concern for her children. Æ Her veil demonstrates her mystical connection to the Godhead, in the presence of lightning and thunder.

This chart indicates that the Mother of Christ exists now in Heaven with her Son and yet has the ability to intersect with those on earth, appearing in resurrected and transfigured form but coming to the faithful in time and in earthly existence. Who she is in the heavenly presence of her Son depends totally on her Son as God, and the gift of life unending in glory that she was given by Him. In relation to earthly time and existence she lives in eternity, where there is not time, but the liturgy accounts for her visit, so to speak, at the entrance to the altar. This very location at the Royal Doors, the gate to the holy altar, according to Byzantine shrine architecture of the day, would communicate in its very context the place of meeting between Heaven and earth. The experience of flashing bright light communicates Mary’s resurrected state in glory -- much like the radiance that attended the Transfiguration of her Son. The liturgy demonstrates her own "theosis," integration into the eternal glory of Heaven, at the moment she removes the veil mystically. It is understood that her theosis, a term in patristic theology and the theology of the Orthodox East meaning eschatalogical divinization of the believer at the end of time in the resurrection of all, is discovered within Mary’s bridal relationship represented by the veil, an existing dimension of glory apparent in her heavenly existence. Added to this revelation, the faithful see her true human relationship to the heavenly realm, when she kneels and prays. Remarkably, this is a brilliant insight visibly into her mediatory nature. The tears

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that flow from her eyes (reminding us of Beauraing and La Salette) cry out about her compassion for those in the earthly realm. At one time, in discussion with other students of theology, the question arose of how and why Virgin Mary would shed tears when existing in the heavenly realm. Here, we gain an insight into the question. Although resurrected and dwelling in the eternal glory of her Son, she remains the human person of motherly care and compassion. In the theology of the communion of saints, she is not only one who cares and petitions for those still abiding in the earthly realm, but she also will always have human and motherly ties to her Incarnate Son. The full dimension of this reality is filled with mystery, a reality the earth-bound can only probe in Daily Prayer. 3. Christology … Christ is the ineffable Other, the Source of Life The Feast of Blachernae, celebrating Christ's mother as the Virgin of Protection, demonstrates her Son as the God who is totally Other. The event this feast holds in the memory of the faithful indicates that God, the totally Other, the Source, who took on flesh as Incarnate Christ, deeply loves and approaches humanity with love through the Son. In turn, Christ is also approachable, reachable, and knowable through and in the Mother. Not only did Virgin Mary provide the totally Other, God, with body, she became the continuing means for the incredible act of God's love in the Incarnation to continue in the presence of the faithful, generation to generation. Christ's desire was and is to remain and exist in the people of God in the world. In the Blachernae event, the people of God are seen sheltered beneath the veil, visually apparent as a people who form a body within the motherhood of Theotokos. Christ's nature is incarnational, divinity embodied in the flesh, approachable in and through his Mother. Christ dwells in the Holy of Holies in the Blachernae shrine, sending his mother to interface with the faithful at the gate. The following chart demonstrates the christological aspect of Blachernae:

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CHRISTOLOGY Christ is the Other, dwells in the Godhead Christ is God

PARADOX

Christ is truly human

Virgin Mary is facilitator, a place of divine-human encounter.

The Veil

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The Veil

Humanity encounters God Under the Veil

4. Soteriology … Virgin Mary participates in salvation The Feast of Blachernae, Theotokos of the Protection, Skepi, provides a critical insight into the action of the Holy Spirit of God in the life of Virgin Mary and the related activity of this life-giving Spirit for all the faithful. It was only in and by the life-giving Spirit that Christ was conceived in Mary's womb. Theotokos bore His human and divine natures, in the respect of the physical and the spiritual realities of Christ, which indeed was and is and will always be Life. God, the Life Force, came upon her humanity and endowed not only her maternity but also the whole creation with new life. The Life she received is the life of humanity, a life of bearing life that cannot end. Virgin Mary's participation in salvation then is her ability to bear life, life that is eternal because it is in Christ. The completion of her bearing Christ into the world (and into each and every heart of the faithful) is not complete until all of the faithful are home with Christ. The unending, physical eternal life will begin only in the eschaton. The sense of the Feast is that she continues to bear physical life in the world as well as life that is spirit-filled. It should, therefore, be considered an eschatalogical physical soteriology, as well as her participation in the hope for eternal spiritual existence for all the faithful.

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This illumination provides remarkably deep mystery. It should be realized that Christianity oftentimes has forgotten the physical life of glory in resurrection for all that Mary bears in her womb. We speak frequently of salvation only for the realm of "the soul." But the Feast of Blachernae clearly demonstrates that the bearing of life in and through the Theotokos is a gift of life from God. In terms of soteriology, the gift of life from God is life unending for both the body and the soul, a life eternal realized fully in every person's resurrection and life in glory. The Feast of Protection illuminates the Virgin Mary's participation in salvation, where God offers life eternal, physical and spiritual. When Theotokos appeared at the door of the sanctuary, representing the gate to the Holy of Holies in the Temple of Jerusalem, virtually all the world can see her mission as mother. This illumination brings to mind a theological problem with the phrase "Mary's role in salvation." Mary's involvement in salvation is more than symbolic, more than a voice representing all of mankind in obedience to God's call, more than the typos of the faithful servant, more than just one young woman who answered with trust to God's call. She is the one human being who is totally human, like all the faithful, but also the only human to accept a pivotal task in God's eternal realm. All of the drama of Mary's task in God's plan is concretely represented under her veil. Hers is a task of mediation, being the human conduit through whom God communicates life physical and spiritual. She leads all to her Son (hodegetria), becoming the woman who facilitates redemption. It can be said that all Christians are witnesses of Christ and to some degree participate in salvation, namely as members of Christ's presence in the world. Relative to the mystery of the Body of Christ, Mary personifies the function of "co-redemption," a term prevalent today among American Catholic devotees of Mary. They explore also the title, "Advocate." Perhaps this is seen in Mary's discourse with the messenger of God at the Annunciation. In the sense of her fiat, she is the advocate for humanity because she did accept

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God's plan that affected the whole race, as the liturgical texts describe it. Although some might dissent from the utilization of and fail to see that these three terms exist in the context of the texts of Morning Hours, the event this feast celebrates does bond the three concepts together within one fundamental theological principle. At the core of Mary's experience was her direct and trusting intercourse with God. She accepted the motherhood of God's Son and the resulting presence of Christ in the world. In her act -- in this momentous act of human history -- the function of this one young mystical Hebrew woman became the connecting link between the Divine and humanity ("Mediatrix"), prime advocate of the life-giving Spirit of God ("Advocate"), and facilitator for the salvific action of God ("Co-redemptrix"). However, in reality, the three titles and their integral functions should never be totally separated or understood from one another because each is inter-related to the others, interdependent, and anthropologically true of Miryam only in the plan and act of God's love and gifts, as all the liturgical texts demonstrate. SOTERIOLOGY God, the Life Force Virgin Mary Life without end:

God's life flows into Mary's womb at the Incarnation

Physical and spiritual life resides in her Son flows to Humanity

Life physical and spiritual without end flows to humanity … all beneath her veil Theotokos in God's plan of salvation -- through the gifts of God flowing through her -- acts integrally as mediatrix, co-redemptrix, and advocate for humanity.

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Although the titles now considered in Roman Catholic theology as “mediatrix, co-redemptrix, and advocate” do not appear in the ancient liturgical text under consideration, the illuminations found in the liturgical texts point directly and clearly to their meaning. E. Further consideration of “mediatrix, co-redemptrix, and advocate” The question remains. In the contemporary discussion of the terms "mediatrix," "co-redemptrix," and "advocate" relating to the Virgin Mary, would it be legitimate to say that these theological concepts can be "proven" by the ancient Morning Hours of the Theotokos of Protection? In one sense, it would a definitive "no." There is never any mention of these terms or any definitive attempt to speak of them doctrinally. The only aspect, perhaps, that is clearly indicated is her mediation. The word "mediator" appears in Marian liturgical texts and texts such as the ancient Paraklesis hymn over and over again. However, it would be absurd to anyone knowing the liturgical texts to claim that the term, or even the precise concept of "co-redemptrix" and "advocate" (separate from the meaning of mediation) is present. In fact, it hardly seems necessary to go on such an exploratory project. However, when delving into the illumination of this Orthros as an experience of the mystery of God, it is on the other hand clear that there is an inherent understanding that the Mother of Christ directly participates in the availability of Christ's redemption of humanity. At every instance she appears to be an advocate of the faithful, particularly demonstrated in the Feast of Blachernae. The liturgical texts invite the faithful to enter the experience of luminosity offered by Christ's mother at the gate of the Temple. She is presented as the nurturer of the faithful in the real symbol of the veil. Her advocacy is made obvious by the details of the event, her evident sorrow and concern over the ecclesia. Therefore, we can say that doctrinally these

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terms are not "provable" in this feast, but in exploring the illuminations, these concepts are unavoidable and obvious. If we consider the presence of God and communion in love with God to be the Life Force, then when God takes up residence in Mary's motherhood, the gifts of both physical and spiritual life reside within her. By this, I quote from Dumitru Staniloae, a Romanian Orthodox theologian who was deeply familiar with Augustinian and scholastic theology, but strove to understand theology also in reference to lived experience and mystical values. His works have only recently found their way into English translation: Only because he [God] is in himself the fullness that transcends all determination and becoming, all increase and decrease, could God have created a world destined to participate in his eternity, understood as fullness of interpersonal communion. For the creating of the world could have no other point. Moreover, a world existing by itself as an impersonal eternity, increasing and decreasing continually within a closed circle, would have no reason and would be entirely inexplicable. … The divine eternity, as life in fullness, as dialogue of eternal perfect love between subjects who are perfectly interior one to the other, carries within itself the possibility of time, while time carries within itself the possibility of participating in eternity, a fact that can be made actual in communion with God through grace. 1151

When this plan and essential attributes of God are considered, we can embrace the concept that the mother of Christ who bears the eschatalogical Body of Christ to completion as evidenced in the ages of liturgical prayer, is, indeed, the most holy human who is in her person, resurrected and transfigured, the source of the Life flowing from the Son. This, no doubt, is why the liturgical texts of this feast repeat the image of Lifegiving Fountain. As a nurturing mother, she leads all to her Son, the Source of life, while comforting them under her veil. Particularly in this feast, we see evidence of her own maternal care and even sorrow for the faithful, suggesting motherly advocacy. The following graph represents the theological illuminations of this feast. 578

THEOTOKOS OF PROTECTION Virgin Mary demonstrates:

Mediation, leading to God's blessings.

Life flows from the Son. She participates in redemption:

Eternal life (spiritual and physical) from God offered under her veil

She leads all to Her Son. She is Hodegetria." She is an advocate:

Her tears invoke the luminous light.

Her concern followed by God's Presence

F. Mysterium a Silentio When considering the Theotokos of Protection, the real symbols are in the veil and belt, and therefore it is readily apparent that the feast is about more than devotion. It is, in terms of received truth, an experience of the protection of Christ's mother. The reported miracles, counted in the thousands, have accumulated over the ages cut can never be definitively documented. Their multiplicity, however, speaks of a phenomenon of faith, healing, and remembered care by the Virgin Mary. It represents what was understood over the ages as the real action of God, flowing through Christ's mother, recognized as God-vigen care. It is real provenance of life -physical and spiritual -- that is found in Christ in the new Creation. It is more than a theological claim. It is an illumination of Christ's mother experienced by Christians over time giving it an authentic reality. 1. Apparitions tell us of the "honored silence"

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It is not possible to investigate in precise analysis this "apparition" in the shrine of Blachernae, since it was reported so many centuries ago. However, its metaphorical interpretation still is rich in liturgical, theological illuminations because of its embrace by the faithful so many centuries. It can be understood to have been a real occurrence that the "usual miracle" perpetuated (as described above), revered continually by Christians in pilgrimage, in liturgical prayer, and in testimony via iconography, medallions, and even that which private Byzantine décor can attest. All Christians familiar with the ancient tradition of Theotokos of Protection should yield to this "honored silence." The discussion is long past -- did it happen? The silent testimony is one of faith and expectation … of the care of Christ's mother for those who fly to her Protection. 2. Virgin Mary is mother In contemporary times, Roman Catholic theologians will no doubt debate continuously over the theological terms "mediatrix," "co-redemptrix," and "advocate." Those who stand in the tradition of the Reformation and claim authority to the Bible alone will never truly be able to substantiate Virgin Mary as "mediatrix" other than in a related way to her cooperation with God's will at the Annunciation and Nativity. On the other hand, it is undeniable that Christians (of the East, those of the tradition spreading to the Balkan countries, Slavic nations, and the nation of Russia and Eastern Europe) perpetuated a multiplicity of traditions demonstrating the Mother of Christ as the protector and vehicle for sustenance by Christ. It is not the homilies of the Patristics, nor the dictum of the magisterial Church that can claim the foundation of the truth that Christ's mother is "mediatrix," "co-redemptrix," and "advocate." It should not be an issue placed in the arena of debate over dogmatics. It is the lived and praying experience of Christians through the ages that illuminates the theology of Christ’s mother as protector of the faithful, as true nurturing mother of the Church.

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3. Virgin Mary is disciple Knowing that the biblical Koine concept of "disciple" is one who sees, one who hears, and one who understands the truth of Christ and God's plan, then the mother of Christ is the model disciple in that she understood that she was and is the mother of all. It is through her cooperation with the economia that she takes action and says "yes" to God. She is coredeeming all the Christian family in that moment and onward … her motherhood is never finished, like all other mothers. Her continual care as demonstrated at Pigi and Blachernae, is an illumination of the economia until the end of time, in that her Son intends her to be participating in bringing salvation -physical and spiritual life -- to the members of Christ's body in the world. Is not God's plan for all members to participate in redemption? Why are we surprised to see his Mother as nurturer? 4. Virgin Mary is caretaker of the faithful The Spirit of God empowered Virgin Mary, flowing upon her in a magnificent but mysterious way. In the vision at Blachernae, there is brightness, radiance, something equated to a bolt of lightning that accompanies the unfolding of her veil. Theotokos, in this sense, and in this very moment is not the source of the Spirit; she is in the Presence, very much like Moses on Mt. Sinai and Christ on Mt. Tabor. She is mother who brings us to the gate, to the Holy of Holies where her veil is unfolded. She is the advocate of the Advocate.

In revew … Theotokos, the Virgin of Protection, came to the faithful Andrew the fool, his disciple monk and those in the little chapel who were found in prayer, demonstrating their devotion and trust to God by persevering in early

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morning (probably middle of the night) prayer. The mother of Christ demonstrated her deep concern, lamenting the sorrows of life, both physical and spiritual. As she unfolded her veil, the sign of God's plan for her to be mother of the ecclesia, there was a remarkable sign of God's presence in the luminous bright effusion of God's glory. In this feast, she is clearly seen as the mother who participates in bringing forth the New Creation, mediating new life for the faithful, and continuing to bring all to Her Son, finding in her the gifts of the Holy Spirit of God. We have clearly come to know, both in opportune times and in sorrow, that each day you shed, protect, and cover us all with Your most holy Protection, a figure of lightning, which is as a cloud of light. O Virgin, bowed down before you, we joyfully bless you. 1152 Th.n panagi,an sou Ske,phn kai. avstrapapo,morfon( h/n wj fwto.j nefe,lhn( evfaploi/j kaq v evka,sthn( kai. ske,peij kai. kalu,pteij pa,ntaj hma/j( avridh,lwj wj e/gnwmen( e,n eu,kairi,aij Parqe,ne kai. sumforai/j( makari,zoumen ghqo,umenoi) Appendix I Synaxarion from the Greek Menaion (See page 496)

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Appendix II Icon of the Theotokos of Protection (See page 533)

Appendix III Virgin Orans with holes (life-giving portals) (See page 534)

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Appendix IV Virgin of Peribleptos, Ochrid (See page 535)

Appendix V Pulcheria Paten (See page 536)

Appendix VI Millaresion of Constantine IX (See page 536)

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Appendix VII, See page 554 Latin and Greek version of Nicephorus

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Chapter Six Conclusions, Illuminations, Guidelines for valid use of lex orandi, lex credendi I. General Observations At the conclusion of this research, it is now necessary to reflect on what contextual, theological analysis has revealed. First and foremost, the analysis and consideration of liturgical texts has opened the importance of a reciprocal relationship between theology and lived Christian experience. It demonstrates an awareness that the ages-long tradition in Orthros reveals an encounter with the silent mystery of faith, illuminations that the Christian community experiences in daily prayer life. In New Testament context, mysterion is "God's saving intent as revealed and realized in the course of the divine oikonomia." 1153 According to Lucien Deiss, a human being is mindful of God's gifts by "acknowledging and acclaiming the greatness of God and opening himself to the in-flooding power of this glory by a wholehearted 'Amen.'" 1154 In this, a human responds "at the deepest level to his supernatural vocation." 1155 He becomes the living "praise of glory" (cf. Eph 1:6, 12) that he has been predestined to be from all eternity, and he anticipates, in measure, his future state in eternity. He makes his earthly life an apprenticeship for his life in heaven. 1156

Liturgical prayer, at its heart, is humanity's tender recognition of God's glory and blessing. Glory speaks of mystery. The experience of prayer, and daily prayer, therefore, is an encounter with the glory of God and God's blessing. It is God's plan for humanity to "know" God in experiencing Christ in the plan of God, the econnomia. As indicated by daily prayer in Orthros, God's revelation of Christ is woven inextricably in and around the life and being of his mother. According to Paul's letter to the people in Rome, God's mystery "wrapped in silence" is manifested through Christ and brought into creation

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by His Mother. The "mystery wrapped in silence from eternity" can be understood as mysterium a silentio. A mystery wrapped in silence from eternity, but manifested today through the Scriptures which foretell it according to the command of the eternal God, A mystery made known to all the nations to bring them to obey the faith … (Romans 16: 25-27) 1157

According to patristic tradition, including Augustine, the complete revelation of mysterion is encountered in Christ through mysterium Dei, or in the old Latin, sacramentum. 1158 Mystery is found at the core of all human encounters with Christ. The Source of sustenance coming from God -- both physical and spiritual -- is accessed much like the images created in Psalm 1 and John 4:14 of the righteous person who draws from the waters of Divine Life. In essence, the illumination of liturgical texts of the major feasts of the Virgin Mary originating in the ancient church is firmly christological. All that can be attributed to Christ's mother is centered firmly in her motherhood. Her motherhood is core to the plan of God, the economia, and should not be regarded only as an honored rank. Christ floods her being with waters of sustenance and eternal life, which was dependent on her cooperation. She became the mediator of humanity through her own immersion into the waters of life through acceptance of God's plan. She is the "blessed" person who delights in the truth and reality of Yahweh the LORD, and a "righteous person" who prays and meditates on this truth "day and night." She is like "a tree planted by streams of water that yields its fruit in its season … (Psalm 1 RSV)." 1159 In this sense, choosing an architecture for this thesis that is structured like a "tree" rooted in the waters of silent mystery is in reality representing the life journey of all Christians who must sink roots in prayer, clearly what the ancient liturgical texts appear to do.

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You [Theotokos] have been called the Ark of Moses and the Rod of Aaron, for you have put forth the Tree of Life, that fruit which is Christ. 1160

A. Distinguishing the tradition, ongoing mysterium a

silentio Paul's letter to the Romans tells us that the only way to approach the "depth of the riches and wisdom and knowledge of God" is to encounter Christ, "for from him and through him and to him are all things (Romans 11:33-36 RSV)." But how does one encounter Christ? There is the Church, the mysteries of the Church, and … his mother. A contextual analysis of the eastern liturgies for major feasts of the Theotokos demonstrates foundationally that Virgin Mary, the mother of Christ, was chosen by God to participate in God's incarnation, and thereby to be a mediator of God's communication of new life in the new creation. The liturgies also demonstrate that the mother of Christ continues on in time to be the one through whom Christ gives life to all the generations of mankind. God intended this mystery. "Then he said to the disciple, 'Behold, your mother!' And from that hour the disciple took her to his own home (John 19:27 RSV)." The words of scripture here, alone, are not enough to reveal the whole of God’s plan. It is the continual petition to the Theotokos by Christians in the early centuries and parallel phenomena recorded at Pigi and Blachernae that filled out an understanding of Mary's role in God's plan. Through treasured tradition, a truth was revealed that she was and is indeed "the mother" of all in Christ's ecclesia. By entering into the liturgical texts in an analytic way, it has been shown that the silent mystery is ever present, ever ready to be tapped. Encounter and embrace of that "silent mystery" is "illumination." Only in "tradition" are the "illuminations" discovered, as evidenced by the way of prayer of Christians in liturgical texts, parallel to patristic and conciliar texts, and parallel to the iconographic tradition. It is Christ who is the unfathomable mystery and yet the only mediator for humanity to know. God's plan is for the Mother to mediate the way to

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Christ, the Mediator, and to lead all to her Son (hodegetria) so they may dwell in God. B. Spiritual phenomena are important to, and not separate from, theology In contemporary times, phenomena such as reported apparitions or accounts of healings and other miracles attributed to the Virgin Mary are regarded as best left to personal spiritual experience, outside of the realm of truths "necessary to the faith." In some cases, phenomena such as apparitions have been analyzed and catalogued in terms of whether they can be "approved" for the faithful to embrace devotionally, determining that in each case there is no detraction from the truths of faith. First of all, however much approved by the Church, these apparitions do not belong to what is called the "deposit of faith", hence Christians will not give the same assent of faith to them as they give to the doctrines of the Church. They will only give them the same merely human credence as they give to any other statement they hold to be true. They are not, however, obliged to give such an assent if, after mature reflection, they feel unable to believe in the apparition in question, even though it may have the approval of the Church. 1161

One could say this is a modern condition. As evidenced in this research, the Marian cult of the early centuries was not separated into such categories. Mysteries and miracles were embraced by emperors -- promoted for protection and nurturing of their empires. In Byzantium, for instance, all the faithful of Constantinople sang and implored the Virgin for protection. For ages, the faithful carried her icons in procession hoping to invoke her care. The possibility of cures and healing were considered blessings of faith. As we have seen, the fact that the Virgin of Protection represents such an important illumination of the Theotokos designates her roles as "mother and intercessor," and this understanding is directly

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derived from phenomena that occurred at the site at Blachernae. Initially, Mary's role at Constantinople was associated with healing. The Blachernae church, too, was primarily a healing shrine as stressed by Theodore Synkellos and confirmed by George of Pisidia. That is in line with the pattern of popular religiosity in the capital as known from numerous other sources. Within the ritual of healing, icons played some part (at least from the sixth century onwards), but not a major part. The presence of relics was more important. 1162

The phenomena, beginning in the 4th century, were not relegated to the curiosity of a minority of devotees. Therefore, the question remains -- what theological value do these ancient accounts have? If they have theological value in the illumination of the silent mystery, can the principle of this analysis then be applied to contemporary phenomena? This thesis identifies that the crucial factor is an identification of lex orandi, the content of how the faithful pray. This is, in essence, the study of lived faith and spirituality. It takes time for the truths prayed in faith to evidence themselves in the liturgical tradition, and they must always be attended by other spiritual traditions such as iconography, ecclesial homilies and teachings, and ongoing devotion at shrines and pilgrimages. In the process, a new phenomenon cannot take first rank and dictate new doctrine. On the other hand, over the ages, the embrace of Virgin Mary's ongoing protection and care of the members of the faithful -- her Son's Mystical Body in the world -- imply deep and abiding theological truth about who she is in the plan of God and who the faithful are in God's plan. In turn, this suggests that an analysis of the spiritual tradition of Lourdes, Fatima and other 20th century Marian apparition sites -- taken in the light of early Christianity's Marian spiritual experience -could attest even further to the illumination of Virgin Mary as "mediatrix," participant in redemption through her cooperation with the economia of God, and "advocate," as the ancient ages themselves already have shown.

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Segregation of Marian devotion from theological reflection can lead to de-sacramentalizing Christian life. Theology cannot survive in a vacuum, devoid of spirituality. Neither can it survive in a test tube of intellectualism. This research indicates that it is not only viable to consider the ongoing experience of praying Christians, but necessary. Theology must reflect Christian life. If God "as perceived in Jewish-Christian tradition, remains the great, impenetrable, and incomprehensible mystery," 1163 then the theological exercise to capture in language the very nature of God and the exactitudes of God's plan may be fruitless if there is no reverent regard for real symbols and no embrace of the sacraments of Christian life in their inherent meaning. Daily prayer, in its tradition from the very biblical injunction of Paul -- "pray without ceasing (1 Thess 5:17 NOAB)" 1164 -- is the living, ongoing experience of the silent mystery. Paul urges the people of Thessalonika to keep the presence of the Spirit alive by prayer and not to be afraid of prophesying, while always testing ("test everything" 1Thess 5:21 NOAB) -- in modern times understood to be the work of the theologians, but perhaps dangerously so. The continuance throughout the Christian ages of daily prayer -Prayer of the Hours, the Divine Office, and Lectio Divina -- provides illuminations as an integral part of theology that cannot be partitioned from the theological discussion. Marian liturgical texts, as demonstrated in this research, fundamentally illumine christology. In this sense, mariology is in its reality an illumination of christology. Christ is the limitless well of life, life that never ends. Consistently, through Marian liturgical texts, Theotokos is the well of the wellspring of Christ. She is the source of the Source, the spring of the fathomless well of God's life-giving graces. The connection of holy waters, hagiasma, attending the tradition of Marian care is a direct pointer to the wellspring of Christ. This can have meaning for Roman Catholic piety. Through timeless ages, for example, the "holy water" of Lourdes has taken on a sacred value of its own which cannot and should not be segregated from the theological illumination where in Christian tradition

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where water has always been a real symbol of the grace of God through Christ. Herbert Vorgrimler take the theology of sign and sacrament to its very Judaic-Christian roots. Jewish faith understanding conceived the idea that God, while remaining always within and present to himself, could reveal himself in a two-fold way: through the divine word and through spiritual indwelling. 1165

This understanding is demonstrated in the Hebraic concept of shekinah, the awe-abiding presence of God, and the revelation of God in Logos, where the Absolute Other has taken form in the physical world. Christ is the mediator of God's meeting humanity in the human realm. It is the intimate connection and reality of symbol and meaning that illumines the liturgical text. As explained in the chapter on the Feast of the Theotokos of Protection, Rahner describes a "real symbol" as a "genuine symbol that does what it symbolizes." 1166 A turning toward this medium does not imply ordinary growth in knowledge or information; instead it is a selfopening of the human person for God's selfcommunication, an opening that is not the autonomous work of the human person, but is caused by the prevenient grace of God. Thus it is in the turn to this medium that the person becomes conscious of the most intimate nearness of God; it is here that revelation occurs. 1167

The mother who shelters and cares for her children under her own coat is a real symbol. Vorgrimler states, "A theology that pursues these ideas systematically will conclude that the whole reality we humans encounter is imbued with symbolic or sacramental possibilities." 1168 Applying this to the analysis of ancient liturgical texts, the continuing symbols associated with Theotokos must be considered as "sacramental possibilities."

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The "real symbol," then, inherent in all these ancient liturgies provides an illumination that Virgin Mary is the Mother, the mediatrix of Christ, who Himself is the sole mediator. The symbol of Christ as Source of life, source of healing and eternal life, is water. Then, flowing from this metaphor, "water" flows through the Theotokos. The symbol of Christ as the limitless wellspring, the gate to the glory of the new creation, encompasses his Mother as the well in the Well, the gate to the Garden, which is God's holy Zion. II. Theological Analysis of Symbol in Marian Feasts Contemporary Roman Catholic liturgical and sacramental theology provides some nice analysis that can help to see the value of the ancient eastern liturgical texts. A. Natural symbol - real symbol In considering "Mary as the Symbol of Grace," Gail Ramshaw claims "our task is to keep alive the multivalence of the Christian symbols." 1169 She finds there are many ways to "talk about Mary. Countless historical, theological, and devotional studies concerning this central woman abound in human history." 1170 She sees Mary as a "model of the paradox of grace", a "multi-valent Mary." 1171 She sees this "multivalence" in the names of Mary that range from "maiden" to "queen." However, Ramshaw bemoans the fact that some will point to "excesses in Marian devotion" and others to "total disregard for Mary," again a paradox; and she hopes for a Mary who is both "handmaiden and queen." 1172 The theory of "symbol" can help explain this, she claims. It will be the mystery of paradox that illumines truly who Virgin Mary is: Always that mystery in which she includes us is the mystery of Christ. With her we enter Christ, as Christ enters her and us. And, as Christian mystery, she is always "Yes, but." Yes, hers is the white veil, but hers is also the jeweled crown. 1173

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The solution here is not a new one. Through the research for this thesis, we can see it has been the notion of Christians from biblical days to probe the symbols for mystical reality. The ancient eastern liturgical texts provide what Ramshaw seeks. Further, Ramshaw in her search for liturgical language, assesses the poetic nature of liturgical text. Here, we find a contemporary liturgist discovering the centrality of Marian liturgical texts: Mary is the church's best symbol of grace, of the interaction between God and God's chosen people. The human bears the divine so that the divine can sanctify the human. The maid of Nazareth is the Queen of Heaven is the maid of Nazareth, and, as in all metaphor, it is the ambiguity of the paradox which makes the truth. Neither part is true alone. 1174

Therefore, by searching the metaphor, the paradox, the real symbol in ancient liturgical texts, it has been fruitful in seeing glimmerings of the "truth." B. Phenomena, cult, liturgies, and the tradition of Marian Protection Liturgical theologians agree that "liturgical symbols" are a special entity to be considered, indeed like most symbols, but distinguished in six ways that are concurrently present in the symbol. James Empereur, SJ, delineates these ways, based on work by Sandra Schneiders in 1977: A good working definition of liturgical symbols would go like this: 1) a sensible reality, 2) which renders present to and 3) involves a person subjectively in 4) a transforming experience 5) of the mystery and transcendence 6) by means of a community. The first five elements of this definition come from Sandra Schneiders. 1175

The "sensible reality" is the one way liturgical symbol is like all other symbols. They are known entities, "perceptible realities." Examples are the bread and wine, and the sign of the cross which in itself "primarily points back to the historical calvary, 599

[and] it remains on the level of sign." 1176 Not only objects are signs of "sensible reality," but also worshipers and their environments are liturgical symbols, stated in terms developed by Schneiders and then Empereur. The liturgical assembly is the primary liturgical symbol, but the people who make up the assembly live in a symbolic dimension insofar as they move from a faith perspective and make it possible for the transcendent dimension of the community to come to reality. … The place of worship, the arts, and the furnishings as well as the musical sounds are all symbolic in character when the liturgical experience is shaped by them. When the assembly prescinds from its environment, the latter is reduced to a sign. 1177

Empereur is setting up the dimensions for eucharistic liturgy, but it can be argued that the integral elements of "liturgical symbol" are pertinent to the Liturgy of the Hours, the extension of eucharistic life into daily prayer and experience. People as a primary liturgical symbol can be seen in the lex orandi, lex credendi paradigm. The environment, as Empereur points out, is also a symbol. The place of the well, the presence of a fountain, the sanctuary of the church where the Mother of God appears, and the garden where Christ was buried (in the liturgical tradition also the site of his mother's burial) can easily be seen as important symbols in Marian liturgical feasts. In the liturgy of Orthros, "perceptible realities" demonstrate the modus operandi for the mysterium a silentio to be revealed and understood. Most important is the liturgical assembly, and because it is accepted that the community receives gifts of life from God in terms of faith, the community becomes a "witness of faith." It is here that the tradition is recognized and treasured. The "received" truths are embraced, remembered and made present to the community. In applying these principles to Marian cult and devotion today, the stabilizing, revealing factor will be found in the community of believers. And, when one observes that the community of believers, the ecclesia, has embraced truths about Virgin Mary for

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centuries, it should provide trust in their worth. These are truths outside the biblical texts but not contradictory to them. It is healthy to search for and embrace the "received truths," the treasured truths that flow from the silent mystery. Therefore, studying the liturgical texts to find a comprehensive yet integrated set of symbols appears to be a contemporary task. While liturgical scholarship in the twentieth century may be said to have revised the study of manuscripts and euchological texts for the sake of vitality of both the lex orandi and the lex credendi, recent years have seen enormous strides taken toward appreciating the whole liturgy as an enacted set of rites and symbolic acts, all of which need to be interpreted theologically; hence the value of appreciating the inherent symbolic nature of the liturgy. 1178

The titles of Virgin Mary, the issues of particular Marian cult, the medallions of Byzantine ages, the medals of Europe that memorialized the "Miraculous Medal," the icons and religious art, the shrines and in all this, the liturgical texts, give affirmation of the protection of Virgin Mary. The details can be extraneous or diverse. But at the core of all Marian cult and tradition are central truths, and these appear through this research to unfold the main truth of Virgin Mary. She is Mother of Protection in her ecclesial motherhood; she participates in redemption through her cooperation with God's economia; and she is advocate of physical, mental, and spiritual healing by taking all to her Son. C. All interrelated The feasts studied are not isolated events, one from the other. These celebrations obviously are not meant to stand on their individual elements alone. More and more, as they are examined, and the eucology 1179 is lined up in analysis, the feasts appear to be revelations of a whole, a unity of the ecclesia in Christ, feasts that are centrally christological in nature and purpose. The ancient hymnographers, like Romanos, appear to 601

write and draw from a collection of sources, much like the manner of the New Testament taking shape from source material (only at an earlier age in Christianity). Romanos, it is known, drew from the deep mystical well of Ephrem the Syriac. When one, however, questions the exact authorship of a given hymn or text in the Orthros, it is often impossible to determine since anonymity appears in some cases to have been desirable as a spiritual anonymity. One of the analytic elements that can be used is the common referral to a given image or metaphor. Romanos, for instance, delights in referring to the Three Young Men in the Furnace and sees the power of Christ in their salvation from blazing fire. Beyond the problem of identifying authorship, this cross-reference to images and typologies from Hebrew Scripture concomitantly demonstrates a continual interconnection, an integral interrelationship of the images and mystical concepts. Each one is built on another. One feast refers to the image of another feast. As an example, petition to the Theotokos of the Fountain repeats itself in the Orthros of the Feast of Blachernae. The images also build one upon another. The symbols and images are not isolated and independent. For example, the statuary of the Orans Virgin of the 5th century onward, with the suggestion of hagiasma holes, representing a spiritual flowing of water from the Virgin's hands, is mystically tied to Theotokos of the Life-giving Spring and the Theotokos of Protection. 1. Well of Annunciation In the ancient account of the Annunciation, we see in tradition (apocrypha and iconography), and in the actual sites in Nazareth protected for visitors to this day, that there were two incidents. In the first instance of Angel Gabriel attempting to communicate with Mary, the angel appears while she is engaged in everyday chores that include the all-so-important task of getting water -- which is the basis of life-giving. She is at the well, the one and only source of water for her whole village. The "real symbol" aspect of the well, and water gathering,

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speaks directly to the reality of the angel's message. Mary, when she cooperates, will hold the life-giving wellspring within her very being. The young Hebrew woman must have understood the reality of the message well, because she demonstrated being totally overwhelmed and even afraid. Mary ran as fast as possible back to the safety of her home, in true awe. Like a biblical prophet, she is running from the call. The original confrontation at the well in Nazareth, as recorded in Christian legend and tradition, had announced an awesome event linked to the locus of the encounter, at the site of a well. 2. Theotokos is a human bearing God's Son In the sense of new creation, a reality in the symbols, Christ is born and sleeps in a shelter for animals. In its very symbol, this is a connection of the Divine with the creation. The deeper mystical reality of the man and woman's commission to have "dominion" over creation in Genesis takes on deeper divine authority in the cave at Bethlehem. The symbol of "cave" repeats itself -- Christ's last night with the disciples in the Garden of Olives, Christ's body buried in a cave, and the wish of his Mother to be buried in the very same cave. The cave, as it reveals gospel in the traditional Nativity icon, represents Hades, the domain of the dead who have not yet been resurrected to life, the realm of separation from the Life-giver -- an existence of death both physically and spiritually, in which new life is to be born. 3. The anointing by kings and Bethlehem Star The visit of magi and appearance of a brilliant star at Bethlehem are not accidents of the story line. They are abiding symbols and take their place in the liturgical texts. The first graffiti in the catacombs speaks of the Nativity in the very terms of kings who claim to acknowledge a new king, along with the star that beacons new light in a world of darkness. The iconography of this early Nativity motif, especially in the

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catacombs, attests to the concept that a royal king, the promised redeemer, had been born. 4. Hypapante – Meeting The tradition of dedication in the Temple was not unique in early Christian ritual. The Hebraic ritual for the 40day presentation of child and new mother in the Temple centers on reinvigoration of life. In Judaic eyes, a woman who has given birth, and bled for 40 days, has survived near death and, in spiritual terms, triumphed over "death." Her immersion into the Temple mikvah and re-entry to the Temple once again brings her into the arena of Life, only through the gifts of life from God. In the context of this ritual, Mary and Joseph bring Jesus to the Temple and Simeon the priest "meets" the promised Lord. The "meeting" is an encounter. Again, symbols are embraced in the liturgical texts to indicate an understanding of the christology of the Child, who is truly man and truly God. He was recognized in the Temple of Life for who he truly was, is, and always will be. The locus of the temple is the "real symbol." 5. Fountain In many senses, all the faithful who approach the Virgin of the Life-giving Fountain come with a petition and hope for healing and new life. The fountain is in every symbolic way the Temple. The fountain means life. The Temple means life. Theotokos is the fountain, and she is the temple as demonstrated in the many references to her as "the Ark." Simeon "recognized" the Messiah at the presentation of the child by his parents. They were acting out of faith, more than mere obligation of the law. In the liturgy, future Christians can encounter and meet the Lord at the Temple who is Mary, the Mother.

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6. Dormition - the belt and robe. Relics and their incarnational connections The "falling asleep" of Virgin Mary is just that … not a death. Her life, in Christ, is immortal, as is ours. The liturgical texts line up elements of Christ's death and resurrection to prepare to tell the story of Virgin Mary’s "falling asleep." They are symbols. Do we know that the apostles were "flown" each from their own part of the world to be at her side? No, not for sure. Do we know that Thomas was late and received the sign of the falling belt as she rose into Heaven? No, not for sure. Do we know that they all actually witnessed her rising into Heaven? No, not for sure. Is this all a parallel of the resurrection account? The details are "real symbols" of the transcendental reality. She was assumed physically and spiritually into God's presence and realm forever. And so will her brothers and sisters in the Lord. The concrete symbols that remained for early Christianity were her belt and robe. They were treasured and ultimately inspired the early shrines which then housed them in the 4th and 5th centuries. In essence, they were the incarnational connections to the transcendental reality, and now, through the liturgical texts, are equally real to the faithful today. 7. Protection - robe … Protection in life, physical and spiritual Do we know, for sure, that Virgin Mary appeared in that sanctuary in the church housing the relics of Mary's belt and robe, in Blachernae? Not for sure. And yet, over the ages, the real symbol of the robe as her protection, offering the lifegiving source of her Son's life-giving nature is a sacramental reality in the sense of a “real symbol…” The lived experience for centuries by Christians is the revelation of a received truth. In the symbol of her robe, and under her robe, is the care that "flows" from Her Son. Christ is the one who sustains us in life, protects us, gives us spiritual health and physical wellness.

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These gifts are found "under her robe," i.e. under her protection, and form true illumination, the mystical reality. 8. Not isolated symbols to take or leave -- each informs the other None of these Marian symbols represent an isolated reality. They all inform each other. The emphasis on a peculiarity of one particular feast's symbols, such as the challenge of authenticity concerning the truth in her relics as her relics, leads to important questions. But the prayer experience of Christians over the ages and the experience resulting in healing, security, faith, and promise are the fruits of these feasts. It is christology that lies at their center. We are curious about whether the belt that Vatopedi Monastery on Mt. Athos houses and calls the Virgin's belt is truly her belt. But the impact of transcendental truth in the tradition of Blachernae is deeper, and much more the silence of mystery. Christians, who know this feast, know Theotokos is the protectoress and the Mother who leads all to her Son. D. Specific Illuminations As we progressed through each chapter of this research, there was a promise to find "illuminations." To understand the claim, let it be said these illuminations are not "proofs." They are perceived truths that have been received and embraced in the prayer of the Orthros for centuries. They are not dogma. In many ways, they are not the proverbial "doctrines," or specifically the teachings of an institutional church. They are -in the true sense of discipleship -- learned truths among the believers. They must be perceived in context and in reflection. They are seen as a stream, the flowing of life-giving water from the life-giving source itself, Christ. The reflections of these truths have been approached systematically moving from category to category, but always tapping the truth that flows in the trunk of the tree to its branches. Each inquiry had the possibility of touching the silent mystery. It is an encounter

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that can happen anywhere, at any time. Ritual of liturgy is prescribed to enable the encounter. But God is never separated from human experience, and contact with the mystery is always possible. The illuminations are made available through Theotokos, mother and nurturer of the ecclesia. In her intercession, she and the believer participate in salvation, oneness with God. She is the life-bearer, meaning that the Spirit of God, the provider of Life, is embraced. In this sense, she is the advocate for all Christians. Each of the illuminations, as they emerge, shines forth from a marriage of spirituality and theology. These are revealed truths (theology) in the realm of lived faith (spirituality). This is the "work" of the people, the liturgy (ergos). In these liturgical encounters, Virgin Mary is "learned." She is, in essence, always seen in similar functions, each responding to her call in the plan of God. As we enter into these major illuminations of the mother of God, because in the infinite love and nature of God there is no limitation to illumination, we should always expect the "revelation" to constantly and ever emerge. 1. Mary as "Mother of the Church" The title, "Mary, Mother of the Church" appears as much more than a title, something deserved or accorded for leadership and power. However, the title as it is embraced by ancient Orthros actually never appears, per se, in the text. And yet, the magnificence of this ecclesial motherhood resounds throughout the prayer from beginning to end. We see motherhood in her intercession, her participation in the salvation of all mankind, her life-giving which provides nurturing, care, and sustenance -- but always drawing on the gifts of life, physical and eternal, that come from her Son. In parturition as mother bearing God's son, conceiving, giving birth, nursing her baby, and nurturing Him as he grew, she embraces the living Spirit of God and through trust participates in providing human life to Yahweh God.

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A hypothetical question can be asked: "Why couldn't God cast a human form for his Son and then set him walking upon the earth?" Of course, theologically, the answer is "God could have worked in some other way." But the obvious observation is that God didn't do it that way. God called for a young human woman, one who placed trust and hope in Yahweh's existence and promise of salvation, and God called her to be a mother. This, in itself, can be seen as God intending -- in the economia -- to establish a "real symbol," his precious Son-bearing mother, to continue in time to be God's sign in the world. In the way God worked, Theotokos is called by God to be a key person in salvation; God's plan is for humankind and God to be together once again in shalom. Mary is called to be a mediatrix and advocate, as the real intersection of God's act of love for humankind. 2. Each liturgy demonstrates a marriage of spirituality & theology There are no predominant polemics in the Orthros. The character of the texts is poetic and mystical. Yet, in their impact they are intensely theological. It is a theology that arises from prayer experience. Celebrating the life and actions of the Theotokos, the liturgical texts, at the same time, reveal theological illuminations. There is no other way to describe it: each insight and understanding comes from the words and chant, in increments of revelation for the community as a whole and for the individual. The basic foundation of the Orthros is twofold -- reflection on and singing of the Psalms and singing of hymns and prayer text written by the ancient known and unknown poets. This very foundation of Orthros, built on the Psalms, indicates an ongoing connection with the mysterium a silentio perceived by the praying community in prayer conversation with God. This is demonstrated in the two introductory psalms in the psalter that tell us the happy (blessed) person is one who studies the truth (law) of the LORD day and night. Psalm 2 concludes with "Blessed are all who take refuge in him (Psalm 2:11b RSV)." 1180 The continual

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experience of the Christian community in Orthros is evidence of those who "take refuge" in Christ, along with and through the mothering of His mother. a. Life-giver By way of review, let us reflect on the Orthros feasts we have examined. The life-giving aspect of Virgin Mary has been seen throughout. There is no other equally driving force in her being than that of "giving life" -- physical well-being and health and the grace of God's life forever, generated always from her Son. It begins chronologically with the Feast of the Annunciation, continues to flow forth in the Nativity and is immediately recognized and meditated upon in the Synaxis of the Nativity feast. The phenomena at Pigi and Blachernae also reveal the same … the life-giving never ends as Christ promised the woman at the well. In the feast of the Dormition, we look ahead to the eschatological meaning of life. In this demonstration of the promise of continued life, the faithful look forward to unending life that is heralded by resurrection from earthly death. Her deep and abiding "life-giving" charism is seen to so permeate her being that death is seen as a transition to eternal life by falling asleep in the Lord. She "falls asleep" and is fulfilled with life in the presence and glory of her Son forever. But the love and attention to the members of her Son's body are never forgotten nor abandoned. Details of the Dormition's synaxarion tell us that before Christ's mother departs earthly life, she looks to the immediate needs and care of her close friends and close associates. They wail and weep that she is "leaving," but she reassures them her care will continue. In this very human level, she assures all of us of her continuing care. b. Participant in redemption In the Orthros of the feasts, we primarily see the mediation of Virgin Mary in two ways: 1) her mediation for humanity's spiritual salvation -- as the young woman who

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accepted God's call and embraced God's economia, and 2) her mediation for humanity's physical well-being -- as mediatrix. In all, it is her embrace of the life-giving Spirit of God that saves and heals -- as an advocate of the Spirit of God. Mary as "advocate" relates to the Virgin Mary as the mother who nurtures the presence of her Son in the world, thereby providing sustenance to those in need. It should be noted that the word "advocate" never appears in the Orthros of Marian feasts, but the meaning is clearly there. The endless accounts of rather odd legends and myths in ancient and medieval times are difficult for scientific modernity to handle. The interesting aspect of the liturgical texts is an avoidance of the strange and bizarre. There can be a list of very earthly ills and concerns as seen in the synaxarion of the Feast of Pigi, but such long lists of details do not strangle the actual liturgical text. The praying community rests in prayer on the most important truth, that Virgin Mary is the mother of all, the human mother who offers the healing grace of her Son because she is the mother through whom the gifts of God flow. Some may ask if Mary is necessary as the “mediatrix of all graces.” The liturgical texts do not address this issue but do infer Mary as the available nurturer of the faithful who approach her for help. c. Ecclesiology - all community-oriented Orthros and its liturgical texts are directly related to the binding together of community in the church, ecclesia, and the resulting spirituality of the members which includes: 1) the work of the people in liturgy, leitourgia -- singing, praying, silently reflecting; 2) the proclamation of the truth of the Christian life in martyria, with witnessing and standing up for the truth of Christ's gospel; and 3) the serving of others in the charism of diakonia. In the efforts of Vatican II, we see a renewed appreciation of the very core of the nature of Christ's church:

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The sacrament, "Church", according to Vatican II, exists in service to the salvation of all humanity. The council, in its most expressly theological documents, described this service more precisely: as martyria or service to the Word of God (Constitution on Divine Revelation; Decree on Mission), as leitourgia (Constitution on the Liturgy), as diakonia (Pastoral Constitution). 1181

Leitourgia - she worships and prays In these feasts, Virgin Mary herself is one who worships Yahweh and is a "working" member of her community -reflected so beautifully in her Magnificat. It is her sense of the people of Israel, and her prayer and hope -- at the very start -which are community bound. The work of God in the Annunciation is for the ecclesia of Israel, understood to be the people of God (those who have roots in the life-giving waters and study the truth day and night). In her cooperation with God's will, the Theotokos is witness of God's promise and hope, and in her embrace and continuing mediation she exhibits the charism of diakonia.

Martyria - she witnesses God's economia Through the discipleship of Virgin Mary, the world sees the plan of God. The liturgical texts repeat and repeat, review and review, her faith and trust in God and the resulting revelation of God's plan that flowed forth. It is seen liturgically in image after image, such as the power of God in the Three Young Men in the Furnace, the paradox of God's work in "Bride Unwedded" (nymphe anymphete), and the limitless wellspring in "Zoethoke Pigi."

Diakonia - she serves others Again, in the liturgical texts, we have a plentitude of examples of Virgin Mary, the mother, at work serving others. Anyone who "flies to her protection" is not left "unaided." From the most ancient of the Marian hymns, Sub Tuum

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Praesidium, we see the root of this perspective. 1182 She is always available with the healing gifts of her Son. We see in her discipleship, that the community's ability to serve others, indeed the individual's capacity for serving, is in reality a tapping of the love and grace of Christ. We are to be vessels, like the mother of God's Son. Her serving others, and our serving others, is -according to the liturgical texts -- the sign of Christ's love and power in the world, directly flowing through his mother and embraced in the members of the ecclesia. III. Overall Theological Illuminations A. Nature of her care - physical, spiritual, and limitless It is important to notice in these liturgical texts that there is care both for the physical and earthly needs of humanity, as well as a deep and abiding concern for the spiritual welfare and the promise of eternal life. Perhaps, in contemporary times we focus more on "praying to Virgin Mary" for our souls. An illumination that comes out brightly in these prayer texts is the possibility of true and abiding reliance on Christ -- through petition to his mother -- for earthly concerns, as well. We could be praying with great confidence for help against terrorism, sustenance in the ever-present afflictions of cancer, and guidance in our struggles to be family and protectors of life. This is a theological illumination. One cannot help but realize this emphasis when experiencing the Orthros on a continuous basis. Indeed, our mother who is Christ's mother is concerned about our spiritual welfare. In a sense the Hebraic principle works here. In order to assure their own compliance with the Law of the Torah, Jews would surround the sacred command with a multiple of small regulations. By attempting to conform to the many regulations, they knew the sacred law at their center was being observed. For example, by concentrating on how many stitches can be sewn on the Sabbath, the Jew is actually following the sacred law of keeping the Sabbath holy.

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This is known as "putting a fence around the Law." If we put a fence around our attitude toward God's provenance, fleeing daily to Christ's care as doctor and counselor, through his mother, then we are believers, trusting in God. Thus, at the core, at the center of the region that is "fenced," we will be loyal and righteous abiding disciples in God's presence, as Psalm 1 and 2 suggest. B. Living action Theology does not need to be afraid of the mystical. Liturgical theology is replete with allusions that cannot be dogmatized. The patristic technique of typology and parallelism with the Hebrew Scriptures -- images most often used in liturgical texts -- provides the illuminations. The one and abiding illumination that shines from the texts, however, is that the economia of God is still alive. In this sense, there is an ongoing revelation of the presence and action of God in everyday lives. These actions are consistent. This may be why we see a confluence in the symbols and message of both Blachernae and Guadalupe. The folk icons of Latin America look remarkably similar to the icons of Byzantium's Theotokos. The care and vitalization of human life, earthly and Heavenly, is ongoing, alive, and interactive in the liturgical texts. It is the same mother, Christ's mother, offering the way (hodegetria) to her Son. C. Ending distinctions between East & West At the outset of this thesis, great effort was directed to the contemporary words of Pope Paul VI and Pope John Paul II's regard for the mystery in eastern liturgical texts. Already, it had been proclaimed in this sense in the Vatican II writings. These popes continued urging the value of eastern liturgical texts, the ancient “well” of Christianity. However, in all this research, it has been necessary to take care not to mix the metaphors of eastern and western "theology." The scars and battles of past centuries perhaps will never be forgotten. And

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yet, when realizing the ever flowing Source of life and grace that abides in the universal church united in Christ, and expressed in the prayer of the faithful community, the Marian theologian must cross perceived borderlines between East and West. The theological perspectives will remain diverse, especially in ecclesiological order and canon. Argumentation will continue over dogmatic and doctrinal issues. But at the same time, these ancient liturgical texts, generated from a time before such delineation and divisions, can become a source for illumination on the person of Christ's mother. Geoffrey Wainwright envisioned a method for dialogue with the Reformation's new vision of prayer and order as a return to the early Church's embrace of doctrine in liturgy. His helpful sketch of "doctrinal control over liturgy in the early Church" is based on his working assumption that the couplet lex orandi, lex credendi can be and has been interpreted to mean that liturgy can influence theology and that theology can influence liturgy. 1183 Instead of building "a bridge," as mentioned at the beginning of this study, together all Christians should probe the mysterium a silentio, a deep stream welling with the grace of God, the Source of all life physical and eternal. This research suggests another task. If there is a continuum of tradition in anthropologically knowing the mother of Christ, then a study of contemporary Marian prayer is critical. The author suspects that many traditions within contemporary texts and Marian hymns have almost silent origins in the ancient liturgical texts. For example, what is the source of the Marian Mass of "Virgin Mary, Life-giving Fountain" in the contemporary collection of Masses of the Blessed Virgin Mary? 1184 Does it have a connection to the ancient feast of Constantinople, perhaps traveling through the ages from eastern Turkey to the Slavs, into Russian culture and on to Germany and its monastic and religious orders. Who would

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have been the ones to treasure the traditions and suggest them finally for the new collection of Masses? In studying liturgical texts, the primary principle of lex orandi, lex credendi reveals christological truths, illuminations that are treasured in the collective memory of the faithful. However, in order to establish this collective memory, a variety of principles have emerged that are helpful to apply in the study of texts in terms of lex orandi, lex credendi. Applying this term, in examination of Marian feasts with attending synaxaria, texts reveal truths about the person of Theotokos, illuminations abiding always in mysterium a silentio. The illuminations, then, are explorations of a limitless well of truth. In the process, the first questions to be asked are: "What is the law of prayer?" and "What is the law of faith?" What do they really mean? What words exactly did the early Christian community pray? How did the early Christian community believe? As the liturgical texts are examined, more and more the axiom, lex orandi, lex credendi, is seen clearly to touch on that precious treasure of Christianity and its tradition. In looking at liturgical texts contextually, the prayer continually reveals and corroborates with known and revered truths of tradition. However, the process needs principles that must be taken into account in claiming the "the law or truths of belief" from that which is prayed. Based on the axiom -- what the faithful pray and have prayed (lex orandi) reveals the truth of faith (lex credendi) -- the core of faith will be comprehended through the continual experience of prayer. Thereby, faith is revealed through illuminations of the mysterium a silentio found in prayerful reflection found in tradition. The modus operandi here is reminiscent of biblical textual criticism. Care must be taken in establishing the contextual setting, and inter-relationship of the liturgical text with writings and pronouncements of the early Christian era. The process proceeds by examining, as indicated, all elements of the liturgical texts -- authorship, translation, inter-relationship with other sources, and context. It is only intelligent to realize that a

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prayer spontaneously composed with no connection to tradition or the community's embrace would not and could not reveal the law of belief. Therefore, in the examination of the early liturgies on the feast days of the Theotokos, the following principles emerge which insure a proper approach to identifying illuminations of the silent mystery of faith. Principles for using lex orandi, lex credendi to discover theological illuminations 1. Lex orandi, lex credendi. This principle is only a starting point. First, it is necessary to establish that the texts which are "prayed" have been continued in a tradition over a significant period of time. It is worthy to note that contemporary Greek texts often correspond closely to texts of the 5th to the 10th centuries, having continued for centuries after they were first included in liturgical prayer. In more modern times, this principle is seen operative in western texts, such as the Latin hymns of St. Thomas Aquinas, now a beloved part of liturgical services. 2. The liturgical text must connect to a biblical reference in either of two ways. a. The text has a direct reference to a term or title, such as Mary "having been found in grace" (kecharitomene) in Luke 2:2. b. There is a biblical connection to the theological idea inferred such as Theotokos, bearer of God, in Luke 2:2. 3. The etymology and history of words used in the liturgical texts demonstrate a "real symbol," such as the veil and water fonts, hagiasma.

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4. The liturgical texts should be seen connected "in time" to reveal the prayed truths, where the date and liturgical season embrace the underlying theological truths. An example would be the Feast of the Dormition, where the death and raising from the dead of Virgin Mary are celebrated at the end of the liturgical year, symbolizing the end of one's human life on earth. Another example would be the celebration of Blachernae on the Feast of St. Romanos the hymnist. 5. There must be a contextual synchronization, where the body of truths identified in liturgical texts corresponds to conciliar documents, iconographic tradition, patristic homilies and writings, and are rooted in biblical tradition. 6. It is seen in the Marian feasts of early Christianity that phenomena and miracles are in conformance with the economia, indicating that it is the plan of God that his Mother, Mary, continue to be mother of the faithful and the hodegetria, who leads all to her Son. 7. It should be seen that liturgical texts are NOT primarily polemical. 8. A connection should be made between the patristic age and western affirmations in such documents as Lumen Gentium, Marialis Cultus, and Mater Redemptoris, thereby allowing eastern and western Christianity to share the body of truths found in early Christian liturgy. The early liturgical texts become the well of illuminations. The mysterion is understood to be mysterium a silentio, a Source of God's truth that

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the daily prayer of Orthros revisits day after day, thereby providing the faithful a way to study "the law day and night," as referenced in Psalm 1. 9. Overall, it is amazing to see that the liturgical texts of the early Church reiterate and fold over again and again the images and terms that are, in themselves, biblically based or related. One liturgical text informs another. 10. Overall, it is the reciprocal interconnection of prayer and theology that allows any articulation of illuminations of faith as embraced in the praying community. 11. The theology articulated which is discovered in liturgy, to be called "liturgical theology" by name, indicates that the daily prayer of Orthros is christological at its very core. 12. The theology of the Virgin Mary, described in liturgical theology, foundational in her relationship to Christ and flooded with life by the Holy Spirit, demonstrates clearly that it is the plan of God that her motherhood, as ordained by God, makes her the source of the Source, and the one through whom protection (life essence) flows from God. _________________________________________________ Aidan Kavanagh pointed to the value of liturgical prayer as a means to enter Christian life and a means to experience the articulation of faith. Clearly what the liturgy always does is to offer, articulate and celebrate a vision of the Christian life in our world that is often at variance with the assumptions of the contemporary culture. 1185

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Irwin, as an example of Kavanagh's idea, points to the Magnificat, used in Evening Prayer. Clearly part of the agenda in our day is to articulate the alternate vision of reality based on the paradoxes of the gospel as prayed and experienced in the liturgy and to facilitate how this vision is lived in all of life. In the end liturgical rites are about nothing less than getting life less wrong. 1186

D. Virgin Mary, as Mother, is vessel of the unifying factor Theologians can scratch their heads and entrench their ideas, in defense of East or West. The startling elucidation that comes from these ancient liturgical texts is profound, looking to the source of the Source, the fountain of the Fountain for peace and healing. The Catechism of the Catholic Church plainly states that God is the only hope for unity, unity in Christ. Concern for achieving unity "involves the whole Church, faithful and clergy alike." But we must realize "that this holy objective -- the reconciliation of all Christians in the unity of the one and only Church of Christ -- transcends human powers and gifts." That is why we place all our hope "in the prayer of Christ for the Church, in the love of the Father for us, and in the power of the Holy Spirit." 1187

It is Christ who draws the faithful as the lone mediator for humanity, sacramentally, to Himself for unity. We must return with vigor to "daily prayer," as St. Paul suggests. In God's plan, it is also his Mother who works for all to become one with her Son. "United with Christ, the Church is sanctified by him; through him and with him she becomes sanctifying." 1188 IV. Recapitulation Overall, the liturgical texts of the Orthros of the feasts of the Virgin Mary speak soundly on one overall theme -recapitulation of the unending life of grace experienced by

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humanity with God in the very beginning of time. Every aspect of the mediation of the Mother of Christ is turned toward 1) the experience of knowing her Son; 2) being healed by Him physically, emotionally, and spiritually; and 3) being with God forever. A. Returning to the Source The Feast of Virgin Mary, Life-giving fountain, speaks of her Son as the "Source." This feast in the Greek Orthodox liturgical cycle, occurs as was stated on the Friday after Pascha. By its very orientation in liturgical time, the feast speaks to the recapitulation of life unending and the glory of Christ's victory over death. Returning to the Source, opening ears to hear and eyes to see, is the recapitulation of the emerging "kingdom of God." B. Returning to the mystery of the stream The mysteries of Christ take us to a fullness and happiness that is hard to articulate. The stream that flows at the base of the roots of our tree paradigm in this study is a meager way, suggested by biblical texts, to envision the ebullience of life that God offers. It is already "running through our veins" and yet we do not know it. Christ asks that those who have eyes to see, that they would see! And, Christ asks those who have ears to hear, to hear! The illuminations of these texts indicate that awareness is the path of learning the truth. It is through an experience of Christ, when faithful are led there by His mother (hodegetria - showing the "way" or "path"), that humanity hears and sees the full state of righteousness and happiness in God, God's glory. C. Genesis to Revelation, from "Beginning" to "Fulfillment" In this return to God with Christ's mother, the Christian faithful experience new creation in the liturgical light.

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Virgin Mary is the woman of the new creation, as repeated and repeated by patristic typology in the Eve-Mary parallel. In these liturgical texts we see that, hear that, and know that. We enter the mystery of that event liturgically and then walk together as a body of Christ’s faithful into the eschaton. Through the poetry of authors like Ephrem, Romanos, Andrew and Gregory and John of Damascus, there is a definite sense of the city of Zion. This city is met over and over again in liturgical texts, an expectation of returning to the city of God's glory. The coming glory will only be realized by going to the Wellspring of Life, who is Christ. From the Life-giving Fountain kontakion, we sum it up. Let us rejoice, with the mother of Christ, who brings us to the Living Waters: Rejoice, Spring of unceasing joyfulness. Rejoice, Stream of ineffable comeliness; Rejoice, Banishment of diverse impairments. Rejoice, Destruction of various ailments; Rejoice, Brook of clarity, curing the believing. Rejoice, Water of felicity, manifoldly healing the ailing; Rejoice, Lymph of wisdom banishing ignorance. Rejoice, Draught for the heart brimming with ambrosia in abundance. Rejoice, Bowl of manna with life a-streaming. Rejoice, Laver and Nectar, divinely-wise flowing; Rejoice, thou who hast shown us a passage from illness. Rejoice, thou who didst quench the fire of sickness; Rejoice, O water of salvation. 1189

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Selected Bibliography The Akathist Hymn. Greek-English Text with a new translation by Father George Papadeas. Daytona Beach, Florida: Patmos Press, 1997. The Akathist Hymn and Little Compline. Sixth Edition. Greek Orthodox Clergy, Syndesmos, The Doxology of St. John Chrysostom, Diocese of Pittsburgh, 1991. Alexander, J. Neil., ed. Time and Community, Studies in Liturgical History and Theology. NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy. In Honor of Thomas Julian Talley. Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1990. August Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches. Newton Centre, Massachusetts: Sophia Press, 2004. Baldovin SJ, John F. Liturgy in Ancient Jerusalem, The Alcuin Club and the Group for Renewal of Worship (GROW), Liturgical Study 9. Bramcote and Nottingham: Grove Books Limited, 1989. Belting, Hans. Likeness and Presence, A History of the Image before the Era of Art. Edmund Jephcott, trans. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1994. Benko, Stephen. The Virgin Goddess, Studies in The Pagan and Christian Roots of Mariology. New York: E.J. Brill, 1993. Bowman, John. The Fourth Gospel and the Jews, A Study in R. Akiba, Esther and the Gospel of John. Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania: The Pickwick Press, 1975. Bradshaw, Paul F. The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy. New York, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1992. Bratcher, Robert G. and William D. Reyburn. A Translator’s Handbook on the Book of Psalms. New York: United Bible Societies, 1991. Brown, SS, Raymond E., ed. The Jerome Biblical Commentary. Englewood Cliffs, New Jersey: Prentice Hall, Inc., 1968. Buby, SM, Bertrand. Mary of Galilee, Volume III, The Marian Heritage of the Early Church. New York: Alba House, 1996. Bugnini, A. “Introduction.” In The Liturgy of the Hours – The General Instruction on the Reform of the Breviary. P. Coughlan and P. Purdue, trans. London: Geoffrey Chapman, 1974. Bullinger, D.D., E.W. Figures of Speech Used in the Bible, Explained and Illustrated. Grand Rapids, Michigan (originally printed in 1898 by Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode in London). Reprinted by Baker Books in 1968, 21st printing in 1997. Buono, Anthony M. The Greatest Marian Prayers, Their History, Meaning and Usage. New York: Alba House, 1999. Burghardt SJ, Walter. The Testimony of the Patristic Age Concerning Mary’s Death. Westminster, Maryland: The Newman Press, 1961.

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Buttrick, George Arthur, ed. The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, An Illustrated Encyclopedia. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1984. Carr, Annemarie Weyl. “Popular Imagery.” In The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of The Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843-1261. Helen C. Evans and William D.Wixom, eds. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1996. Cassian, Heiromonk. A Scientific Examination of the Orthodox Church Calendar, or The Old Calendar and Science. Edited by Archbishop Chrysostomos and Heiromonk Gregory, with a Foreword by Archbishop Chrysostomos. Etna California: Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Study, 1998. Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Skete of St. Demetrios at Vatopedi,

KATALOGOS CEIROGRAFWN THS BATOPEDINHE SKHTHS AGIOU DHMHTRIOU, Vol. I. Mt. Athos, the Library of the Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, Thessaloniki, 1978. The following entries of liturgical texts concerning Orthros for Koimesis included: vAndre,ou Krn,tnh, 8, BHG, #1121; Germa,nou Kpo,lewj, 72, BHG, #1104;VIw Damasch,nou, 8, BHG, #1114. BHG = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, edited by F. Halkin. Catechism of the Catholic Church. Libreria Editrice Vaticana, United States Catholic Conference, 1994. Cavarnos, Constantine. Guide to Byzantine Iconography. Boston, Massachusetts: Holy Transfiguration Monastery, 1993. _______, ed. The Icon, Authoritative Christian Texts,Translated from the Original Greek and Edited with an Introduction and Notes. Belmont, Massachusetts: Institute for Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, 1986. (Originally published by The Byzantine Publishers, Haverhill, MA, 1955.) Chrichton, J.D. Our Lady in the Liturgy. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1997. Christian Prayer: The Liturgy of the Hours, The Divine Office. New York: Catholic Book Publishing Co., 1985. Clayton, Mary. The Apocryphal Gospels of Mary in Anglo-Saxon England, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1998. Collection of Masses of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Volume I, Sacramentary, International Commission on English in the Liturgy, A Joint Commission of Catholic Bishops’ Conferences. New York: Catholic Book Publishing Co., 1992. Congar, Yves. Diversity and Communion. Mystic, Connecticut: Twenty-Third Publications, 1985. Cooke, Terence. “The Statement on Priestly Spirituality.” In Prayer of Christians, American Interim Breviary. New York: Catholic Book Publishing Co., 1971.

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Cross, F.L., ed. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church. New York and London: Oxford University Press, 1958. Cunneen, Sally. In Search of Mary, The Woman and The Symbol. New York: Ballantine Books, 1996. Daley SJ, Brian E. “Feasts of Mary.” In The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship. Peter Fink, SJ, ed. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990. _______. On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies. Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1998. Davis, Leo Donald. The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787), Their History and Theology. A Michael Glazier Book. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990. Day, Peter D. The Liturgical Dictionary of Eastern Christianity. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1993. Deiss, CSSP, Lucien. Springtime of the Liturgy. Matthew J. O’Connell, trans. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1979. December Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches. Newton Centre, Massachusetts: Sophia Press, 1985. De la Potterie, SJ, Ignace. Mary in the Mystery of the Covenant. Bertrand Buby, SM, trans. New York: Alba House, 1992. Delehaye, Hippolyte. Synaxaires byzantins, menologes, typica. London: Variorum Reprints, 1977. Denny, Don. The Annunciation from the Right, From Early Christian Times to the Sixteenth Century. A Dissertation in the Department of Fine Arts, New York University, 1965. The Dictionary of Mary, Behold Your Mother. New York: Catholic Book Publishing, 1985. The Divine Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom, H QEIA LEITOUGIA TOU AGIOU IWANNOU TOU CRUSOSTOMOU, A New Translation by Members of the Faculty of Hellenic College/Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology. Brookline, Massachusetts: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1985. Dugan, Paul E. The Assumption Dogma: Some Reactions and Ecumenical Implications in the Thought of English-Speaking Theologians. A Doctoral Dissertation in Sacred Theology with Specialization in Marian Studies. Dayton, Ohio: International Marian Research Institute, University of Dayton, 1989. Duhr, SJ, Joseph. “La ‘Dormition’ de Marie dans l’Art Chretien.” In Nouvelle Revue Theologique. Tome LXXII, 1950. Ebertshauser, Caroline H., Herbert Haag, Joe H. Kirchberger, and Dorothee Solle. Mary, Art, Culture, and Religion through the Ages. Peter Heinegg, trans. New York: The Crossroad Publishing Company, 1997. Ehrhard, Albert. Uberlieferung und Bestand der Hagiographischen und Homiletischen Literatur der Griechischen Kircher. Band I. Leipzig: J.C. Heinrichs Verlag, 1937.

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Elizondo, Virgil. Guadalupe, Mother of the New Creation. Maryknoll, New York: Orbis Books, 1999. Elliot, J.K., ed. The Apocryphal New Testament, A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, based on M.R. James. Oxford, England: Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press, 1999. Empereur, SJ, James. Worship, Exploring the Sacred. Washington, D.C.: The Pastoral Press, 1987. Evdokimov, Paul. La Priere de l’Eglise d’Orient. Préface by Olivier Clement. Paris : Desclée de Brouwer,1985. Festal Menaion, The. Translated from the original Greek by Mother Mary (of the Orthodox Monastery of the Veil of the Mother of God, Bussyen-Othe, France) and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware (Spaulding Lecturer in Eastern Orthodox Studies, University of Oxford), with an introduction by Archpriest Georges Florovsky. South Canaan, Pennsylvania: St. Tikhon’s Seminary Press, 1998. Fink, SJ, Peter E., ed. The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990. Fisch, Thomas, ed. Liturgy and Tradition, Theological Reflections of Alexander Schmemann. Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990. Flannery, OP, Austin, ed. Vatican Council II, The Conciliar and Post Conciliar Documents, Volume I, New Revised Edition. Northport, New York: Costello Publishing Company, 1998. Fletcher, R.A. “Three Early Byzantine Hymns and their Place in the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople.” In Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 51 (1958): 63. Freedman, David Noel. ed. Anchor Bible Dictionary. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Ferguson, George. Signs and Symbols in Christian Art, with Illustrations from Paintings of the Renaissance. New York: Oxford University Press, 1961. Gabrielovich [Euguene Polin, CM]. Ephesus or Jerusalem, The Tomb of the Holy Virgin. Bertrand Buby, SM, ed. [1997]. Privately printed, 1897. Gambero, Luigi. Mary and the Fathers of the Church, The Blessed Virgin Mary in Patristic Thought. Thomas Buffer, trans. San Francisco: Ignatius Press, 1999. Gingras, George E., trans. Egeria: Diary of a Pilgrimage, Ancient Christian Writers, The Works of the Fathers in Translation. New York: Newman Press, 1968. Grabar, Andre. “The Message of Byzantine Art.” In Byzantine Art, A European Art. Athens: Zappeion Exhibition Hall, 1964. Graef, Hilda. Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion. Westminster: Christian Classics, 1965. Great Horologion, Book of Hours. Translated from the Greek by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery. Boston: 1997.

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Grisbrooke, W. Jardine. “A Contemporary Liturgical Problem: The Divine Office and Public Worship, I, The Nature and Origins of the Problem.” In Studia Liturgica, An International Ecumenical Quarterly for Liturgical Research and Renewal. Vol. 8. No. 3 (1971-1972). _______. “Considerations towards a Solution of the Problem.” In Studia Liturgica, An International Ecumenical Quarterly for Liturgical Research and Renewal. Vol. 9, No. 3. _______. The Liturgical Portions of the Apostolic Constitutions: A Text for Students. Alcuin/GROW Liturgical Study 13-14, Grove Liturgical Study 61. Bramcote, Nottingham, England: Grove Books Limited, 1990. Grumel, V. “Le ‘miracle habituel’ de Notre-Dames des Blachernes a Contstantinople,” Echos D’Orient, Revue Trimestrielle d’Histoire de Geographie et de Liturgie Orientales, Tome XXX, Année 1931, Paris. Guilding, Aileen. The Fourth Gospel and Jewish Worship, a Study of the Relation of St. John’s Gospel to the Ancient Jewish Lectionary System. London: Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1960. Guiver CR, George. Company of Voices, Daily Prayer and the People of God. New York: Pueblo Publishing Company, 1988. Horbury, William. Jews and Christians in Contact and Controversy. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1998. Hruby, Kurt. Die Stellung der Judischen Gesetzeslehrer zur Werdenden Kirche, Schriften zur Judentumskunde, Band 2. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1971. _______. Aufsatze zum nachbiblischen Judentum und zum judischen Erbe der fruhen Kirche, Herausgegeven von Peter von der Osten-Sacken und Thomas Willi, Unter Mitarbeit von Andreas Bedenbender. Berlin: Institut Kirche und Judentum, 1996. Irwin, Kevin W. Liturgical Theology, A Primer. American Essays in Liturgy, Edward Foley, ed. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990. _______. “Lex Orandi, Lex Credendi – Origins and Meaning: State of the Question.” In Liturgical Ministry 11 (Spring 2002). Janin, A.A., R. La Géographie Ecclésiastique de L’Empire Byzantin, Première Partie, Le Siége de Constantinople et le Patriarcat Oecumenique, Tome III, Les Eglises et les Monastères, Deuxième Edition, Publie avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris, 1969. Johnson, Elizabeth A. Consider Jesus, Waves of Renewal in Christology. New York: Crossroad, 1999. Jones, Cheslyn, Geoffrey Wainwright, Edward Yarnold SJ, and Paul Bradshaw, eds. The Study of Liturgy, Revised Edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 1992. Jungmann, J.A. Pastoral Liturgy. New York, London: Herder and Herder (English Translation), 1962. Kadas, Soritis. Mount Athos, An Illustrated Guide to the Monasteries and their History. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon S.A., 1997.

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Karahalios, Rev. Dr. George, and Rev. Constantine Valantasis, Senior Editors. ORQROS Vol. B. Northbridge, CA: Narthex Press, 2000. Kazhdan, Alexander P., ed. The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Vol. I, II, and III. New York: Oxford University Press, 1991. Kavanagh, Aidan. On Liturgical Theology, The Hale Memorial Lectures of SeaburyWestern Theological Seminar, 1981. A Pueblo Book. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1992. Keck, Leander E., ed. The New Interpreter’s Bible, General Articles & Introduction, Commentary, & Reflections for Each Book of the Bible Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes. Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1996. Kilmartin SJ, Edward J. Christian Liturgy: Theology and Practice,I , Systematic Theology of the Liturgy. New York: Sheed &Ward, 1988. Kittel, Gerhard and Gerhard Friedrich, eds., Geoffrey W. Bromiley, trans. Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, Abridged in One Volume. Grand Rapids, Michigan: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1990. Knox, R.A. On Englishing the Bible. London, 1949. Kohlenberger, John R., Editor. The Interlinear NIV, Hebrew-English Old Testament. Grand Rapids, Michigan: Zondervan Publishing House, HarperCollins Publishers, 1987. Krumbacher, Karl. Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, von Justinian bis zum Ende des Ostromischen Reiches (1227-1453). Bibliography and Reference Series 13, Byzantine Series 27. New York: Burt Franklin, 1970. _______. Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, von Justinian bis zum Ende des Ostromischen Reiches (527-1453). Bibliography and Reference Series 13, Byzantine Series 27. New York: Burt Franklin, 1970. Kummer, Werner Georg. Introduction to the New Testament, Revised Edition. Nashville, Tennessee: Abingdon Press, 1989. LaCugna, Catherine Mowry. “The Trinitarian Mystery of God.” In Systematic Theology, Roman Catholic Perspectives, Vol. 1. Francis Schussler Fiorenza and John P. Galvin, eds. Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1991. Lash, Archimandrite Ephrem. Kontakia, On the Life of Christ, St. Romanos the Melodist. San Francisco: HarperCollinsPublishers, 1995. Ledit, Joseph. “L’Assomption.” In Marie dans la liturgie de Byzance. Paris: Editions Beauchesne, 1976. Lefebvre, OSB, Dom Gaspar and the Monks of St. Andrew’s Abbey. Saint Andrew Daily Missal, with Vespers for Sundays and Feasts. Saint Paul, Minnesota: Liturgical Apostolate, The E.M. Lohmann Co., 1958. The Lenten Triodion. Translated from the original Greek by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware. South Canaan, PA: St. Tikhon’s Seminary Press, 1994. Liddell, H.G., and R. Scott. A Lexicon, abridged from Liddell and Scott’s GreekEnglish Lexicon. New York: Oxford at the Clarendon Press, 1997.

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MHNAION TOU OKTWBRIOU( PERIECON APASAN THN ANHKOUSAN AUTW AKOLOUQIAN( EKDOSIS THS APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS) MHNAION TOU DEKEMBRIOU, PERIECON APASAN THN ANHKOUSAN AUTW AKOLOUQIAN META THS PROSQHKHS TOU TUPIKOU. Meyendorff, John. Byzantine Theology, Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes. New York: Fordham University Press, 1983. Michelis, Dennis. The Virgin Mary. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1994. Migne, J.P. Patrologia Graecae. Tomus cxlv, 559-1332, cxlvi, and cxlvii, 9-448 and other works which are mentioned in cxlvii, 449-634. _______. “Nicephori Callisti Xanthopuli.” In Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Libri XVIII (in Latin and Greek), Accurante et denuo recognoscente, Bibliothecae Cleri Universae, Tomus Prior,1865. Mimouni, Simon Claude. Dormition et Assomption de Marie, Histoire des Traditions Anciennes. Beauchesne, Paris: Qovrage publie avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1995. Muzj, Maria Giovanna. Transfiguration, Introduction to the Contemplation of Icons. Boston: St. Paul Books & Media, 1991. The New Oxford Annotated Bible (NOAB) with the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books. Michael D. Coogan, ed. New Revised Standard Version, Third Edition. New York: Oxford University Press, 2001. The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha, Revised Standard Version (RSV). Herbert G. May and Bruce M. Metzger, eds. New York: Oxford University Press, 1977. Nichols, OP, Aidan. The Shape of Catholic Theology, Introduction to its Sources, Principles, and History. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1991. Nomides, H Zwodoo, coj Phgh,., TUPOIS KEFALIDOU ISTANPOUL GALATA MPALOUK PAZAR KOURSOUNAOU CAN, Istanbul,1937. O’Carroll CSSP, Michael. Theotokos, A Theological Encyclopedia of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1982. October Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches. Newton Centre, Massachusetts: Sophia Press, 1984. Onasch, Konrad, and Annemarie Schnieper. Icons, The Fascination and the Reality. Daniel G. Conklin, trans. New York: Riverside Book Company, Inc., 1995. The Order of the Divine and Holy Liturgy, DIATAXIS THS QEIAS KAI IERAS LEITOURGIAS. Brookline, Massachusetts: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1987.

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ORQROS 2001 VOLUME B. Rev. Dr. George Karahalios and Rev. Constantine Valantasis, Senior Editors. Northridge, California: Narthex Press, 2001. ORQROS, The Feast Day Celebrations for a Weekday, in the original Greek with a New English Translation by Spencer T. Kezios, Protopresbyter, Volume 1. Northbridge, CA: Narthex Press, 1996. The Orthodox Study Bible, New Testament and Psalms, New King James Version. Nashville, Tennessee: Thomas Nelson Publishers, 1993. Ouspensky, Leonid and Vladimir Lossky. The Meaning of Icons. G.E.H. Palmer and E. Kadloubovsky, trans. Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1989. Paine, Stephen W. Beginning Greek, A Functional Approach. New York: Oxford University Press, 1961. Papadakis, Aristeides. Crisis in Byzantium, The Filioque Controversy in the Patriarchate of Gregory II of Cyprus (1283-1289). Crestwood, New York: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1997. Papadeas, Father George L. “The Hymn of Resurrection.” In Greek Orthodox Holy Week & Easter Services, A New Translation. South Daytona, Florida: Patmos Press, 1976. Patrinacos, Rev. Nicon D. A Dictionary of Greek Orthodoxy. Pleasantville, NY: Hellenic Heritage Publications, 1984. Patterson, Stephen J. “Apocrypha.” In The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. 1. David Noel Freedman, ed. New York: Doubleday, 1992. Pelikan, Jaroslav. Mary Through the Centuries, Her Place in the History of Culture. New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996. The Pentecostarion. Translated from the Greek by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery. Brookline, MA: Holy Transfiguration Monastery,1990. PENTHKOSTARION, CARMOSUNON EKDOSIS THE APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS, 1994. [ISBN 960-315-154-8]. The Pontifical Biblical Commission. The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church. Boston, MA: St. Paul Books and Media, 1993. Pope John Paul II. Gospel of Life. _______. Orientale Lumen. _______. Redemptoris Mater. _______. Tertio Milennio Adveniente. _______. Unitatis Redintegratio. _______. Ut Unum Sint. Pope Pius XII. Munificentissimus Deus. Poulos, Rev. George. Orthodox Saints, July-September, Volume 3 of 4. Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1991. _______.Orthodox Saints, Spiritual Profiles for Modern Man, January 1 to March 21. Brookline, Massachusetts: Holy Orthodox Press, 1990. _______. Lives of the Saints and Major Feast Days. Brookline, MA: Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of North and South America, 1974.

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_______. “QUELQUES VERSIONS RARES DU THEME DE LA FONTAINE DE VIE DANS L’ART PALEOCHRETIEN,” Cahiers Archéologiques, Fin de L’antiquité et Moyen Age. Publies par André Grabar & Jean Hubert, Editions Klincksieck, Paris, 1969, Volume XIX. Vorgrimler, Herbert. Sacramental Theology. Translated by Linda M. Maloney. Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1992. Wainright, Geoffrey. Doxology: The Praise of God in Worship, Doctrine and Life: A Systematic Theology. New York: Alba House, 1999. Wegman, Herman. “Successio Sanctorum.” In J. Neil Alexander, ed., Time and Community, Studies in Liturgical History and Theology. NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy. Washington D.C: The Pastoral Press, 1990. Weitzmann, Kurt. The Icon, Holy Images – Sixth to Fourteenth Century. New York: George Braziller, Inc., 1978. Wellesz, Egon. “The Akathistos, A Study in Byzantine Hymnography.” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Nos. 9-10. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1956. Wenger, Antoine AA. L’Assomption de la T.S. Vierge dans la tradition Byzantine du Vie au Xe Siècle. Etudes et Documents, Institut Français, D’Etudes Byzantines, Paris, 1955. Whiston, William. The Works of Josephus. Lynn, MA: Hendrickson Publishers, 1982.

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Endnotes

1

The Pentecostarion, translated from the Greek by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Sessional Hymn of the Theotokos, Orthros, Friday of Renewal Week, Feast of the "Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain," Brookline, MA, 1990, p. 56. This version is adapted by the author from the English in this Service Book. 2 Catechism of the Catholic Church, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, United States Catholic Conference, 1994, #84: "The apostles entrusted the 'Sacred deposit' of the faith (the depositum fidei), contained in Sacred Scripture and Tradition, to the whole of the Church," (Acts 2:42), p. 27. Dumitru Staniloae, The Experience of God, Orthodox Dogmatic Theology, Revelation and Knowledge of the Triune God, Vol. I, translated and edited by Ioan Ionita and Robert Barringer, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, MA, 1998, p. 50. See: "Inasmuch as it is in the general resurrection, in an eternal communion with the infinite person of Christ, and in our fulfillment in that person that revelation projects its final goal - a goal towards which we advance also through our own efforts in our continually improved human relations -- and inasmuch as this goal is also disclosed in a concentrated way by scripture, tradition makes explicit at every moment the road contained virtually in revelation as a road leading towards the goal of our perfection in Christ." 3 Staniloae, p. 50. 4 Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler, Dictionary of Theology, Second Edition, Crossroad, New York, 1990, p. 446. 5 Ibid., p. 447. 6 St. Basil the Great, On the Holy Spirit, St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1980, Chapter 27. 7 By "mystical theology," the author means a theology that reflects on "mystery." In Marian theology, most of the received truths concerning the Mother of Our Lord are generated from phenomena. The anthropological theology of Mary is primarily deduced from phenomena, particularly her motherhood, which this study will indicate is her mission, a modus operandi that is mediation. "The term [mysticism] can refer to (a) an experience, the interior meeting and union of a man with the divine infinity that sustains him and all other being -- in Christian mysticism, in Judaism and Islam, with the personal God -- as well as (b) the attempt to give a systematic exposition of this experience, or reflection upon it (hence a scientific 'discipline') (Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler, Dictionary of Theology, New Revised Edition, Crossroad, New York, 1990, p. 325)."

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Catherine Mowry LaCugna notes that both eastern and western traditions affirm that "we cannot know the essence of the unknowable God. What God is must be respected by silence." The deepest convictions about God at their "deepest root" are to be found "in an insight that comes from prayer, not philosophy. … The more nearly one approaches God, the more one must bow down and cover one's face. The unknowable divine essence is God's holiness, God's glory, more than essence conceived strictly philosophically as nature or substance. The divine essence in this sense is what is meant by the term theologia, the mystery of God given and manifested in oikonomia. The economy of salvation is as ineffable, therefore, as is the eternal mystery of God (theologia) (LaCugna, "The Trinitarian Mystery of God," Systematic Theology, Roman Catholic Perspectives, Volume I, edited by Francis Schussler Fiorenza and John P. Galvin, Fortress Press, Minneapolis, 1991, p. 157.)” 8 The Festal Menaion, translated from the original Greek by Mother Mary (of the Orthodox Monastery of the Veil of the Mother of God, Bussy-enOthe, France) and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware (Spaulding Lecturer in Eastern Orthodox Studies, University of Oxford), with an introduction by Archpriest Georges Florovsky, St. Tikhon’s Seminary Press, South Canaan, Pennsylvania, 1998, pp. 38-39: “First of all, there is the great cycle embracing a man’s whole life from birth to death, from cradle to coffin. This consists in actions which are not repeated, but occur once only during the earthly existence of each person: baptism; chrismation or confirmation; burial. To this cycle belong also the sacraments or sacramental blessings which confer special grace for a particular office or vocation within the Christian community: marriage; monastic profession; holy orders. “At the other extreme from this major sequence involving a Christian’s entire life, there is the daily cycle of prayers and praises offered by the Church once in every twenty-four hours. On the liturgical life of Orthodoxy, as with the Jews and other ancient peoples, the day is considered to begin at sunset. Accordingly the Church observes the following order: Vespers, Compline, Midnight Office or Nocturns, Mattins [spelling given] (Greek orqroj), First Hour, Third Hour, Sixth Hour, and Ninth Hour." 9 John Paul II, Ut Unum Sint, #50. 10 Ibid., #102. 11 John Paul II, Orientale Lumen, #6. 12 John Paul II, Tertio Millennio Adveniente, #43. 13 Ut Unum Sint, #19. 14 Ibid.: “Because by its nature the content of faith is meant for all humanity, it must be translated into all cultures. Indeed, the element

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which determines communion in truth is the meaning of truth. The expression of truth can take different forms." 15 Ibid., # 2. 16 John Paul II, Unitatis Redintegratio, #3. 17 Ut Unum Sint, #50. 18 Michael O'Carroll, CSSp, Theotokos, A Theological Encyclopedia of the Blessed Virgin Mary, “Mediation, Mary Mediatress,” The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, p. 239. 19 Brian E. Daley, SJ, “Feasts of Mary,” The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, Peter Fink, SJ, Editor, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, p. 822. 20 Peter D. Day, The Liturgical Dictionary of Eastern Christianity, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1993, p. 124. 21 O’Carroll, pp. 220-221. 22 Ibid., p. 221. 23 Werner Georg Kümmel, Introduction to the New Testament, Revised Edition, translated by Howard Clark Kee, Abingdon Press, Nashville, 1989, p. 78. 24 Terence Cardinal Cooke, The Statement on Priestly Spirituality, delivered at the Pastoral Life Conference, St. Joseph’s Seminary, New York on April 20, 1971, in Prayer of Christians, American Interim Breviary, initiated and sponsored by National Federation of Diocesan Liturgical Commissions, Catholic Book Publishing Co., New York, 1971, p. 5. 25 W. Jardine Grisbrooke, “A Contemporary Liturgical Problem: The Divine Office and Public Worship,” Studia Liturgica, An International Ecumenical Quarterly for Liturgical Research and Renewal, Volume 8, No. 3, 1971-1972, p. 130. 26 Ibid., p. 131, citing Alexander Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, Faith Press, London, 1966 (now available in a Fourth Printing by St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1996). 27 Ibid., p. 135. 28 J.A. Jungmann, Pastoral Liturgy, Herder and Herder (English Translation), New York, London, 1962, pp. 2-3. 29 Paul F. Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy, Oxford University Press, New York, Oxford, 1992, pp. 77-78. 30 W. Jardine Grisbrooke, “Considerations towards a Solution of the Problem,” Studia Liturgica, An International Ecumenical Quarterly for Liturgical Research and Renewal, Vol. 9, No. 3, 1973, III, p. 8. 31 The Pontifical Biblical Commission, The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church, St. Paul Books & Media, Boston, MA, 1993, III.D.4. 32 Ibid., I. A., Introduction.

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33

Ibid., I.A.1: “It was Hermann Gunkel who brought the method out of the ghetto of literary criticism understood in this way. Although he continued to regard the books of the Pentateuch as compilations, he attended to the particular texture of the different elements of the text. He sought to define the genre of each piece (e.g. whether ‘legend’ or ‘hymn’) and its original setting in the life of the community or ‘Sitz im Leben’ (e.g. a legal setting, or a liturgical one, etc.). To this kind of research into literary genres was joined the ‘critical study of forms’ (‘Formgeschichte’)” … and eventually “supplemented by ‘Redaktionsgeschichte’ (‘redaction-criticism’), the ‘critical study of the process of editing.’ … The achievement of these results has lent the historical-critical method an importance of the highest order.” 34 Ibid., I.D., Introduction. 35 Ibid., I.D.1. 36 Thomas Fisch, Editor, Liturgy and Tradition, Theological Reflections of Alexander Schmemann, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1990, p.7. 37 Johannes Quasten, Patrology, Volume III, Christian Classics, A Division of Thomas More Publishing, Allen, Texas, 1959, p. 66. 38 Ibid., p. 135. 39 Ibid., p. 285. 40 Alexander Schmemann, Introduction to Liturgical Theology, Translated by Asheleigh E. Moorehouse, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1996, p. 14. 41 Ibid. 42 Ibid. 43 Ibid. 44 Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, Abridged in One Volume, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1985, p. 168. 45 Rev. Nicon D. Patrinacos, A Dictionary of Greek Orthodoxy, Hellenic Heritage Publications, Pleasantville, N.Y., 1984, pp. 356-357. 46 Walter Burghardt, SJ, The Testimony of the Patristic Age Concerning Mary’s Death, The Newman Press, Westminster, Maryland, 1961, p. vii. 47 Paul E. Dugan, The Assumption Dogma: Some Reactions and Ecumenical Implications in the Thought of English-Speaking Theologians, A Doctoral Dissertation in Sacred Theology with Specialization in Marian Studies, International Marian Research Institute, University of Dayton, Dayton, Ohio, 1989, p. 164. 48 Simon Claude Mimouni, Dormition et Assomption de Marie, Histoire des Traditions Anciennes, Beauchesne, Paris, Ouvrage publie avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1995. 49 Ibid., p. 471.

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50

Philip E. Yevics, “Mysteries Crying Out to be Told: An Eastern Appreciation of Mary,” Professional Approaches in Christian Education (PACE), Vol. 18, p. 90. 51 Alexander Schmemann, “Our Lady and the Holy Spirit,” Marian Studies, Volume XXIII, 1972, p. 72. 52 Ibid., p. 70. 53 Alexander Schmemann, “Liturgical Theology, Theology of Liturgy, and Liturgical Reform,” in Fisch, p. 39. 54 Ibid., pp. 38-39 55 Ibid., p. 39. 56 Ibid. 57 Sally Cunneen, In Search of Mary, The Woman and The Symbol, Ballantine Books, New York, 1996, pp. 238-239. 58 Ibid., p. 239. 59 Ibid., p. 237. 60 Ibid., pp. 237-238. 61 Stephen J. Shoemaker, Ancient Traditions of the Virgin Mary’s Dormition and Assumption, Oxford University Press, Oxford, England, 2002, 283. 62 Ibid., 287. 63 Ibid., 288. 64 Brian E. Daley SJ, On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY 1707, 1998, p. 2. Daley goes on to write: “Most striking, perhaps, early fifth-century preachers on Mary tended to invite their hearers not just to think about her, but to participate in celebrating the glories of her person and her role in the story of salvation, both by direct exhortation and by evoking lists of striking Biblical epithets and Old Testament images, in a kind of poetic catalogue directly applied to her (p. 2).” The early Patristic writers who deliver these poetic homilies are directly relating to the lived spiritual environment of the liturgy: “This leads us to a second characteristic of these early homilies on Mary’s Dormition: their pervasive tendency, despite any doctrinal or apologetic intent they may have, to refer primarily to the liturgical context in which they are given (p. 28).” 65 Ibid., pp. 12-27. 66 John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, Fordham University Press, New York, 1983, p. 8. 67 Ibid., p. 224. 68 Bradshaw, The Search for the Beginnings of Christian Worship, p. 17. 69 John F. Baldovin SJ, Liturgy in Ancient Jerusalem, The Alcuin Club and the GROUP FOR RENEWAL OF WORSHIP (GROW), Liturgical Study 9, Grove Books Limited, Bramcote and Nottingham, 1989, pp. 3033. 70 Bromiley, p. 528.

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71

Peter E. Fink SJ, Editor, The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, p. 740. 72 Day, p. 191. 73 Consider the entry under “Eastern Liturgies” in the supplement of the Marian encyclopedia by Fr. Michael O’Carroll CSSp, suggesting that study of eastern liturgical text may be theologically rewarding: “This outline of liturgical origins and development will not enter into details on the liturgies of the different rites in the eastern churches. This is a subject of wide ramifications, illuminating and rewarding. What is given here is a series of bibliographical indications. It is hoped that therein the reader will acquire an idea of the riches of the compositions which feature Mary Theotokos so abundantly and so beautifully, in every aspect of the liturgical observance (Michael O’Carroll CSSp, Theotokos, A Theological Encyclopedia of the Blessed Virgin Mary, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1982, p. 381).” 74 The Great Horologion, Book of Hours, translated from the Greek by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Boston, MA, 1997, p. 9: "The Great Horologion is a handbook for anyone who wishes to pray, either in common or in private, with the words and forms bequeathed us by the Apostles, the holy Fathers, and all the Saints, under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.” 75 Ibid., p. 10: “We used as the model for our edition the Me,ga ~Wrolo,gion of 1857 by Bartholomew of Imbros, a hieromonk of the Monastery of Kouloumousiou on Mount Athos, which was printed at the Phoenix Press in Venice. This edition is a corrected and amplified version of his edition of 1832, which had been compared with earlier versions and corrected by the Patriarchate in Constantinople. All subsequent versions by other publishers, including our own translation, have faithfully copied it, occasionally adding some supplementary material.” 76 Patrinacos, p. 165. 77 The Lenten Triodion, translated from the original Greek by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, St. Tikhon’s Seminary Press, South Canaan, PA, 1994, pp. 40-42, states: “The Liturgical Hymnography. The non-Biblical material in the Triodion was composed over a period of nearly a thousand years, extending from the sixth to the fifteenth century. Three main strata can be distinguished: (1) The Beginnings (sixth-eighth centuries). Probably the most ancient existing element is the daily cycle of the troparia of the prophecy, said before the lesson at the Sixth Hour. … Almost equally ancient is the Akathistos Hymn, probably the work of St. Romanos the Melodist (+c. 560). Somewhat later in date is the most ancient of the Canons, the

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Great Canon by St. Andrew of Crete (c. 660-c. 740) … . At the end of the eighth century Andrew, known as ‘Piros’ or ‘the Blind’, monk of Lavra of St. Sabas, composed a cycle of idiomela, two for each weekday in Lent …; the cycle was expanded and completed by Andrew’s contemporary and fellow-monk, Stephen the Sabaite (725-807), the nephew of St. John of Damascus. … Among other authors, dating from the sixth to the eighth century and represented in the Triodion, are St. Sophronios, Patriarch of Jerusalem (+683), St. John of Damascus (c. 680-c.749), and St. Kosmas of Maiuma (c.685-c.750). Almost all the hymnographers belonging to this first stratum are linked with Syria or Palestine, and most of them are associated more especially with the Lavra of St. Sabas outside Jerusalem. (2) The Formative Period (Ninth century). During this century, the chief centre of activity shifts from Palestine to Constantinople, and within Constantinople to the Monastery of Studios, then at the height of its influence. … This book, and likewise the Pentekostarion, are substantially the product of Studite editorial work. They bear the mark in particular of the two brothers St. Theodore the Studite (759-826) and St. Joseph the Studite, Archbishop of Thessalonica (762-832). … Other ninth century writers whose work is found in the Triodion are St. Theophanes Graptos (778-845), St. Joseph the Hymnographer (c. 816-886), the Emperor Leo VI the Wise (reigned 886-912), and the poetess Kassia or Kassiani. … (3) Further additions (tenth-fifteenth centuries). Although the basic structure of the Triodion was completed in the ninth century, many further additions were made during the five subsequent centuries, yet without altering the general pattern articulated by the Studite redactors. … Among the more notable writers from this third stratum are Simeon the Logothete, known as ‘the Translator’ (tenth century), … John Mavropous, Metropolitan of Euchaita (eleventh century) … and Patriarch Philotheos of Constantinople (fourteenth century) … .”

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78

Patrinacos, p. 267. The Triodion, p. 69. 80 The Triodion, pp. 40-41, footnote # 48 comments on the date and authorship of the Akathistos Hymn (a hymn to be examined in detail for its Mariology later in this study): “The ancient sources disagree about the date and authorship of the Akathistos Hymn. The question has been much debated in the last eighty years; most scholars favour a date in the early sixth century and regard authorship by Romanos as probable, although not finally proved. …The Hymn has also been ascribed to Sergios, Patriarch of Constantinople (610-38), who may indeed be the author of the preliminary Kontakion, ‘To thee, our leader in battle and defender …’; but he seems too late to be the author of the Hymn itself. Others to whom the Hymn has been ascribed in ancient or modern times, include George of Pisidias (first half of the sixth century), St. Germanos, Patriarch of Constantinople (+740), George of Nicomedia (second half of the ninth century) and St. Photios, Patriarch of Constantinople (+891); but there is little to favour any of these suggestions.” 81 The Pentecostarion, Translated from the Greek by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Boston, MA, 1990, pp. 14-15: "A list of the known authors of the hymns of the Pentecostarion indicates that most of them flourished before the tenth century. Their names are either placed in an inscription over the hymn or, in the Canons, are in the form of an acrostic. In the prologue to the 1836 edition published by Bartholomew from Imbros, a monk of the Moanstery of Koutloumousiou on the Holy Mountain of Athos, the list reads: Saints John Damascence, Cosmas of the Holy City, Andrew of Crete, Germanus, Theophanes, Anatolius, and Joseph (of the hymns ascribed to Joseph, it is not known which were written by Saint Joseph, the brother of Saint Theodore the Studite, and which by Saint Joseph the Hymnographer), who are well known and identifiable. Bartholomew mentions a few others whose identification is unknown or uncertain: Koumoulas, Arsenius, Leo the Sovereign [Le,wn o, Despo,thj], and John Arclas. Writers of the fourteenth century were Nicephorus, the son of Callistus Xanthopoulus, who also wrote the Life-giving Spring, and Metrophanes, 79

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Metropolitan of Smyrna. According to Bartholomew, nothing is known of Koumoulas. The hymns inscribed “by Leo the Sovereign” were most likely written by Emperor Leo the Wise (+911) … Arsenius was most likely the renowned monk who lived in Constantinople at the end of the ninth century and the beginning of the tenth and was the author of the Canon in the Service of Holy Unction. The writer John Arclas is identified as being Saint John Damascene by a majority of authorities.” 82 Often authors are denoted above the hymns they wrote, or given in an acrostic in the hymn or canons. Many times the authors appear to be anonymous. As an example, a canon in Orthros on Koimesis is attributed to the writing of John of Damascus: “Kanw.n deu,teroj, Poi,ma ~Iwa,nnou tou Damaschnou. ~Wdn. a’ . ~Hcoj d’. ~O Eirmo,j (MHNAION TOU AUGOUSTOU, EKDOSIS, THS APOSTOLIKHS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS, 1993, p. 197.)" 83 The Festal Menaion, pp. 47-48: "The Orthodox Church does not place the Protoevangelion of James on the same level as Holy Scripture: it is possible, then, to accept the spiritual truth which underlies this narrative, without necessarily attributing a literal and historical exactness to every detail. The deeper meaning of the story is not difficult to appreciate." [The theological analysis of these feasts, and their sources in apocryphal sources will be considered later in this paper.] 84 The Pentecostarion, p. 9. 85 Ibid. 86 Ibid. 87 Ibid. 88 Dominic F. Scotto TOR, The Liturgy of the Hours, Its History and its Importance as the Communal Prayer of the Church after the Liturgical Reform of Vatican II, St. Bede’s Publications, Petersham, Massachusetts, 1987, p. vii. 89 Ibid., pp. vii - viii, quoting A. Bugnini, “Introduction,” The Liturgy of the Hours - The General Instruction on the Reform of the Breviary, translated by P. Coughlan, P. Purdue, published by Geoffrey Chapman, London, 1974, p. 16. 90 Ibid., p. viii. 91 J.D. Crichton, Our Lady in the Liturgy, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1997, p. 7. 92 Schmemann, p. 10. 93 Ibid. 94 Ibid. 95 Paul Evdokimov, La Prière de l’Eglise d’Orient, Préface by Olivier Clement, Théophanie, Desclée de Brouwer, Paris, 1985, p. 21: "'Priez

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sans cesse' insiste saint Paul, car la prière est la source de notre être et la forme la plus intime de notre vie. 'Entre dans ta chambre et ferme la porte, prie ton Père qui est dans ce lieu secret', cette parole invite à entrer en soi-même et y faire un sanctuaire; le 'lieu secret' est le cœur humain. La vie de prière, sa densité, sa profondeur, son rythme mesurent notre santé spirituelle et nous révèlent à nous-même." 96 W. Jardine Grisbrooke, translator, editor and author of the Introduction, The Liturgical Portions of the Apostolic Constitutions: A Text for Students, Alcuin/GROW Liturgical Study 13-14, Grove Liturgical Study 61, Grove Books Limited, Bramcote, Nottingham, England, 1990, pp. 82-83: “Other examples [of Jewish prayer in Christian prayer] are the thanksgiving series in the eucharistic prayer of book VIII [Apostolic Constitutions], and the morning and evening prayers in VIII, 37-39. The last have no more in common with the Jewish prayers on which some have asserted them to be based than any morning and evening prayers are likely to have with any others. The material used in the thanksgiving series of the Clementine anaphora may have been of Jewish origin, but the theme (the prolixity of its expression apart) is not uncommon in early Christian liturgy, and its lengthy elaboration in AC could even be original, given the compiler’s marked emphasis on salvation history. “There remain the six prayers in AC VII, 33-48. These are clearly Jewish, at least in remote origin. They follow the classical form of Jewish benedictions; they follow the right order of a series of such benedictions; both in structure and in wording they are similar to known Jewish texts. But the Jewish prayers were bases for extemporization. So have we here Jewish expansions of the basic themes, taken over by the compiler of AC, and minimally, although significantly, Christianized, or are they pre-existing Christian expansions of them? … The obvious conclusion is that here the compiler probably used already Christianized versions of the Jewish prayers.” 97 George Guiver CR, Company of Voices, Daily Prayer and the People of God, Pueblo Publishing Company, New York, 1988, pp. 50-51: “We may find many Jewish elements in the forms of worship which eventually arose, but it is difficult to say how far these are a direct inheritance from the synagogue … But the practices of daily prayer which gradually developed show no cast-iron evidence for continuity with any practices in the first-century synagogue. We are not at all certain that Jewish public services took place daily on any scale outside the Temple, and if they did, the Christians seem to have given them up rather than take them over, for we have no reference to daily public worship in the Church before the fourth century.” 98 Bradshaw, p. 13.

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W. Jardine Grisbrooke, “A Contemporary Liturgical Problem: The Divine Office and Public Worship, I, The Nature and Origins of the Problem,” Studia Liturgica, An International Ecumenical Quarterly for Liturgical Research and Renewal, Vol. 8, No. 3, 1971/1972, p. 135: “For the theological import and devotional value of the office is inextricably bound up with the whole liturgical spirituality within which it is understood and used. One of the fundamental elements of the liturgical spirituality of the early Church was a strong and balanced eschatology, a Hebrew concept, which so far from making time of no account, made time itself eschatalogical, and this world eschatalogically transparent.” 100 Aileen Guilding, The Fourth Gospel and Jewish Worship, A study of the Relation of St. John's Gospel to the Ancient Jewish Lectionary System, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, London, 1960, Preface: "I owe much to the teaching of the late Dr. Herbert Danby, who guided me in Rabbinic studies. But my chief thanks are due to my former Tutor, Dr. Austin Farrer, who first encouraged me to look for Old Testament patterns in the New Testament writings." 101 Ibid., p. 1. 102 Ibid., p. 89. 103 Kurt Hruby, Die Stellung der Judischen Gesetzeslehrer zur Werdenden Kirche, Schriften zur Judentumskunde, Band 2, Theologischer Verlag Zurich, 1971, p. 5. Hruby claims that he hopes to provide in his work a handy and more convenient way of learning about the ancient Jewish traditions: "Mein Wunsch ist, sie möge dazu beitragen, christlichen Lestern in handlicher und lesbarer Form eine bessere Kenntnis der Positionen der älteren jüdischen Tradition zu vermitteln." 104 For a recent inclusive collection of scholarship accomplished in Hruby's lifetime (1921-1992), see: Kurt Hruby, Aufsätze zum nachbiblischen Judentum und zum jüdischen Erbe der frühen Kirche, Herausgegeben von Peter von der Osten-Sacken und Thomas Willi, Unter Mitarbeit von Andreas Bedenbender, Institut Kirche und Judentum, Berlin, 1996. 105 John Bowman, The Fourth Gospel and the Jews, A Study in R. Akiba, Esther and the Gospel of John, The Pickwick Press, Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, 1975, p. 15. 106 Ibid. 107 Ibid. 108 William Horbury, Jews and Christians in Contact and Controversy, T&T Clark, Edinburgh, 1998, 36-37. 109 The Festal Menaion, “The Worshipping Church, (ii) Remembrance and Thanksgiving,” by Archpriest Georges Florovsky, p. 27. 110 Ibid., p. 29.

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111

Vasiliki Limberis, Divine Heiress, The Virgin Mary and the Creation of Christian Constantinople, Routledge, London and New York, 1994, p. 147. 112 The Festal Menaion, p. 34. 113 Stephen Benko, The Virgin Goddess, Studies in The Pagan and Christian Roots of Mariology, E.J. Brill, New York, 1993, p. 221. 114 Ibid., p. 220. 115 Ibid., p. 221. 116 Ibid., p. 225. 117 The Festal Menaion, pp. 75-76 and Appendix III, Glossary, pp. 544-562, describes these elements: General plan for Morning Prayer in the Orthodox tradition (Varies from weekdays to Sundays, and according to liturgical seasons)

a. Six Psalms (For Matins on an ordinary day - Six Psalms

b. c. d. e.

f.

g. h.

are preceded by - Blessing by a priest; Psalms 19 and 20; Trisagion (the words: “Holy God, Holy and Mighty, Holy and Immortal, have mercy on us”); the Lord’s Prayer; Troparia (religious, poetic verses); Litany; Blessing by the Priest) Great Litany “Lord is God” and appointed Troparion Psalter readings, small litany, and kathisma (Psalm verses, each of 20 sections into which Psalter is divided) Psalm 118 or Polyeleos (“Many mercies” due to repetition of the word, “mercy” in Psalm 134 - All of, or selections of, Psalms 134 and 135, with Alleluia responses. NOTE: Add Psalm 136 to other two psalms on three Sundays before Lent; on feasts (Greek use) of Mother of God the Polyeleos is Psalm 44 [Not on ordinary days] Evlogitria (Troparia sung at Matins ending with “ Blessed are Thou, O Lord, teach me thy statutes”) On Sundays, the Resurrection Evlogitria [Not on ordinary days] Small Litany [Not on ordinary days] Hymn of Degrees [Not on ordinary days]

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i. Prokimenon (Poetic compositions based on the Gradual Psalms, “Songs of Degrees” - Psalms 119-133) Let everything that hath breath [not on ordinary days] j. Incensing of Church k. Megalynarion (short verse beginning with word, “magnify”) - “Blessed be” prayers [not on ordinary days] l. Gospel [not on ordinary days] m. We have seen the resurrection of Christ. [not on ordinary days] n. Psalm 50 (Contrition) o. Troparion [not on ordinary days] p. Litany [not on ordinary days] q. Canon (series of 8 canticles, including a number of troparia) - Canticles (an ode, song; nine biblical odes which are subdivisions of the canon, eight in actual use, usually only the Magnificat except during Lent), Small Litany, Sessional hymns 1) After Canticle Six, Small Litany and then Kontakion (originally a long poem with short preliminary stanza - now usually the preliminary stanza and a short poetic hymn), Ikos (stanza or strophe immediately after the kontakion between canticles six and seven) and Synaxarion (short account of the life of the saint or event in life of Theotokos for Marian feasts, a commentary on the meaning of the mystery that is celebrated. In Greek use, read daily at Morning Hours between Canticles Six and Seven of the Canon after Kontakion and its Ikos. Sometimes these readings are contained in a special collection called a Synaxarion.) 2) Canticles Seven, Eight and Nine and Small Litany r. Holy is the Lord our God [not on ordinary days] s. Exapostilarion (a troparion at the conclusion of the Canon, frequently developing the theme, Christ as the light of the world; sometimes called photogogikon hymn of light; a dismissal) t. Lauds (Morning psalms, 148, 149 and 150; from opening of Psalm 148 - “Praise”; have a counterpart in evening psalms sung daily at Vespers beginning,

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u. v. w. x.

y.

“Lord, I have cried …”; these psalms in morning and evening prayer hold connection to most ancient roots in Jewish synagogue worship) Great Doxology (Hymn of Glory) [Sundays and Great Feasts]; Small Doxology [on ordinary days] Troparion [not on ordinary days] Litany of Fervent Intercession 1) “Have mercy upon us, O God” 2) “Let us complete our Morning Prayer to the Lord” Aposticha (stichera accompanied by verses from the Psalms) [on ordinary days]; Trisagion [on ordinary days]; Troparion of the Day [on ordinary days]; Theotokion (a troparion or stitcheron, stanzas between verses of Psalms, in honor of the Theotokos) [on ordinary days]; Litany of Fervent Intercession [on ordinary days] Conclusion of the Service - Blessing by Priest; Prayer for Orthodox Christians; Dismissal [Unless followed by Divine Liturgy]

118

The Divine Liturgy of Saint John Chrysostom, H QEIA LEITOUGIA TOU AGIOU IWANNOU TOU CRUSOSTOMOU, A New Translation by Members of the Faculty of Hellenic College/Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of Theology, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, Massachusetts, 1985, p.23. 119 D.H. Tripp, “Gnosticism,” The Study of Liturgy, Revised Edition, Cheslyn Jones, Geoffrey Wainwright, Edward Yarnold SJ, and Paul Bradshaw, editors, Oxford University Press, New York, 1992, pp. 81-82. 120 Ibid., pp. 82-83. Here Tripp lists: Simon Magus, Carpocratians, Marcus the Magician, and Elchasi, and notes that Irenaeus quoted excerpts from these gnostic sources demonstrating their common claims but showing how they were in opposition to Christianity. 121 Ibid., p. 82. Here Tripp lists Peratae, Naassenes, Ophites, Phibionites, Archontics, and others now nameless. From this tradition come most of the Nag Hammadi texts. To these are connected the tradition of the Gospel of Thomas and in a later stage, Pistis Sophia. 122 Ibid. In this category Tripp lists: Basilides and Isodore, Valentinus and Ptolemaeus and Herakleon, Marcion, and Tatian. 123 Ibid., p. 82. 124 Edward J. Kilmartin SJ, Christian Liturgy: Theology and Practice, I., Systematic Theology of the Liturgy, Sheed & Ward, New York, 1988, p. 102.

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125

Ibid., pp. 102-103: Kilmartin develops this statement, although discussing only the Liturgy of the Mass and the Seven Sacraments in his first volume, and extends it to all worship. “The dialogical structure of the liturgy, address of the Triune God and response of the believing community, shows that liturgy is a reality of the life of faith in which the economic Trinity is symbolically represented and communicated. The liturgical activity of the Church is a ‘real symbol’ of the economy of salvation, that is, of the mystery of God’s plan of salvation for the world, which reached its fulfillment in Jesus Christ and which is being further realized through the mission of the Spirit in the time of the Church. A systematic theology of worship must include, as the central theme, the explanation of the identity between this mystery of the economy of salvation and the mystery of the liturgy.” 126 Ibid., p. 103. 127 Ibid., p. 105. 128 Ibid. 129 Ibid., pp. 109-110. 130 Tripp, "The Mysteries," The Study of Liturgy, Jones et al, p. 83. Tripp states: “The cults were associated either with sacred sites, such as Eleusis, or with deities of a suitable character, such as Orpheus, Dionysus, Attis, Isis, Mithras, Serapis, or the Cabiri.” This is important to take into account in the study of Marian theology in the liturgical text since many scholars today make claims that the Mary cult grew out of goddess worship. 131 Ibid., pp. 83-84. 132 Ibid., p. 84. 133 J.D. Crichton, “A Theology of Worship,” The Study of Liturgy, Jones et al, p. 7. The studies, which he refers to, are by R. Otto, G. Van der Leeuw, and Mircea Eliade. 134 Ibid. 135 Ibid., pp. 7-8. 136 Ibid., Crichton refers to his own work, Christian Celebration: The Mass, Chapman, London, 1971, p. 29. 137 Fisch, p. 44. 138 Ibid., p. 43. 139 Ibid., p. 44. 140 Ibid., pp. 45-46. 141 Ibid., p. 47. 142 Herman Wegman, “Successio Sanctorum,” in J. Neil Alexander, Editor, Time and Community, Studies in Liturgical History and Theology, NPM Studies in Church Music and Liturgy, In Honor of Thomas Julian Talley, The Pastoral Press, Washington, D.C., 1990, p. 220. 143 Ibid.

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144

Ibid. Wegman notes that Angenendt thinks liturgical scholars have no genuine interest in the Middle Ages. 145 Ibid. Wegman notes that Vorgrimler “has criticism and questions for the liturgy as a 'Thema der Dogmatik.'" 146 Ibid. 147 Ibid. 148 Ibid., p. 221. 149 Ibid. 150 Ibid. 151 Ibid., p. 231. 152 Ibid. 153 Ibid. 154 Ibid. 155 Ibid. 156 Ibid., p. 232. 157 Ibid. 158 Ibid. Wegman develops this: “The nabi or prophetes is a person graced and gifted by God and inspired by the Spirit who conveys the message of God in words and in symbolic actions. This message has to do with the holiness of God and the conversion of human beings who live in covenant with the Holy One. The conversion which is preached has individual and social implications, being required of the king as well as of the people. In the Gospels, Jesus too is characterized as a prophet (for example, Lk 4:24; 13:33; 24:19,21; Mt 16:14). The sequela Christi thus implies the prophetic character of the saint, who receives the message of God, lives and experiences that message, and hands it on to the church and the believers. The prophetic saint offers to his or her congregation a “program of behavior” that the saint has interiorly realized and experienced. Thus, the saint is not only the representative of the Prophet, but also serves the continuation of the prophecy.” 159 Ibid., p. 233. He comments: “Indeed, the credal confession is, at the same time, the assertion of the trust that the sin of church divisions and disunity shall be forgiven by the cloud of holiness out of which the Holy One speaks. I am of the opinion – and this is my interpretation of the vitae of the saints – that the succession of prophetic saints or of holy prophets is of fundamental importance for the theology of the church of Jesus, namely, it lays down a second and distinct basis upon which the church is founded. We have become accustomed to the image of the Rock, coming out of the church tradition of that image. The Rock is hard and often unapproachable; such a metaphoric basis can contribute to fundamentalism. I wish that another and equal metaphor might be introduced as basis for the church: the flowing river, the unceasing stream of vitae, which is described by the phrase successio sanctorum. In this stream the ship can sail toward the horizon; the compass has been

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experimentally set and verified -- so we learn from hagiographic discourse.” 160 Aidan Kavanagh, “Seeing Liturgically,” in Alexander, Time and Community, p. 275 [see fn 132]. 161 Ibid. 162 Fisch, p. 55. 163 Ibid., p. 39. 164 Ibid. 165 Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler, Dictionary of Theology, p. 275. 166 Ibid. 167 Ibid. 168 Ibid. 169 Nicholas A. Jesson, University of St. Michael’s College, Toronto, Toronto School of Theology, “Lex orandi, lex credendi, Towards a liturgical theology,” published on www.ecumenism.net, Canada, 2001, at http://www.ecumenism.net/archive/jesson_lexorandi.pdf, page 1, accessed September 2, 2005. 170 Jesson, p. 7. 171 Jesson, see fn. 17, p. 7. 172 Jesson, quoting Wainwright, see fn 32, p. 10. 173 Jesson, p. 20. 174 George A. Maloney, Gold, Frankincense, and Myrrh, An Introduction to Eastern Christian Spirituality, The Crossroad Publishing Company, New York, 1997, p. 138. 175 Ibid. 176 Ibid., pp. 139-140, quoting Archbishop Joseph Raya, The Face of God, Dimension Books, Denville, NJ, 1976, p. 153. 177 Ibid., p. 139. 178 Ibid. 179 Constantine Cavarnos, translator and editor, The Icon, Authoritative Christian Texts, translated from the Original Greek and Edited with an Introduction and Notes, Institute for Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies, Belmont, Massachusetts, 1986 (originally published by The Byzantine Publishers, Haverhill, MA, 1955), p. e. 180 Ibid., p.7, quoting St. John Damascene, “Concerning the Holy Icons.” 181 Ibid., quoting St. John Damascene, "Concerning the Holy Icons," p. 10. 182 Paul Bradshaw, “The First Three Centuries,” in The Study of Liturgy, Jones et al, p. 402. 183 Cavarnos, p. 10. 184 Brian E. Daley SJ, On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies, p. 106. 185 The English translation given here is part of the translated synaxarion of Orthros of Koimesis presented later in the thesis.

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186

George Arthur Buttrick, Dictionary Editor, The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, An Illustrated Encyclopedia, Abingdon Press, Nashville, 1984, pp. 484-485. 187 Ibid., p. 486. Examples of these that are given: [a] The comparative degree often serves for the superlative; and the superlative is frequently used in the sense of “very.” [b] The dual number is gone, and the optative mood is vanishing. Prepositions are more fluid in meaning and, as compared with the classical usage, are often confused in use. [c] The future tense shrinks outside the indicative mood. [d] Periphrastic verb forms have increased in frequency. [e] Diminutive forms (always popular in vernaculars) are very common. [f] The middle voice has lost ground to the passive and to the active plus pronoun. [g] Rare inflectional forms tend to conform to the alternative dominant pattern. [h] The accusative case has gained at the expense of the dative. 188 Stephen W. Paine, Beginning Greek, A Functional Approach, Oxford University Press, New York, 1961, page xx. 189 Ibid. 190 Ibid., p. xx-xxi. 191 Ibid., p. xxi. 192 The Festal Menaion, p. 9. 193 Ibid., p. 10. 194 Ibid., p. 13. 195 Ibid., pp. 11-12: “The texts for each feast are given in full. This has been a fundamental principle in our work. We have not sought to make a selection, using our own private judgment to decide what is of greater or lesser importance: but we have attempted to render in its integrity all that stands written in the Greek and Slavonic service books. To some this will seem an unrealistic attitude, for almost everywhere in the Orthodox Church today the services are abbreviated. But we are translators, not liturgical reformers: some abbreviation may be generally necessary, but it is not for us, as translators, to pre-determine what form the abbreviation shall in fact take. Furthermore, the portions habitually omitted often include texts of great value, both from the literary and from the doctrinal viewpoint; and it seemed to us vitally important that all this material should be made accessible in English.” 196 Ibid., p. 12.

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197

Ibid.. pp. 13-14. Ibid., p. 15. They cite R. A. Knox, On Englishing the Bible, London, 1949, pp. 10-11. 199 Ibid., p. 18-19: Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, in close co-operation with Mother Eudoxia, Abbess of the Monastery of the Veil of the Mother of God, Bussy-en-Othe; and the Abbot and brethren of the Monastery of St. John the Theologian, Patmos; and Archimandrite Jeremias, Ecclesiarch of the Monastery of St. John the Theologian, Patmos. 200 Ibid., p. 18. They cite various works: St. Nicodemus of the Holy Mountain, ~Eortodro,mion, Venice, 1836; Professor Evgraf Lovyagin, St. Petersburg Theological Academy, Bogosluzhebnye kanony na slavyanskom I russkom yazike, St. Petersburg, 1867; K. Nikolsky, Posobie k izucheniyu ustava bogosluzheniya pravoslavnoi Tserkvi, St. Petersburg, 1900; E. Mercenier, F. Paris, and G. Bainbridge, La prier. e des e,glises de rite byzantin, e volumes, 2nd edition, Chevetogne, 1947-53. 201 Pentecostarion, pp. 14-15. 202 Ibid., p. 16. 203 Ibid., p. 21. 204 Pentecostarion, p.55, Friday of Renewal Week, Matins. 205 The Festal Menaion, p. 12. 206 Pentecostarion, p. 14. 207 Ibid., p. 14 citing: The Standard Horologion, Bartholomew of Imbros, Hieromonk of Mount Athos, Monastery of Koutloumousiou, Me,ga ~Wrolo,gion, 1857, Phoenix Press, Venice (amplified version of Bartholomew’s edition in 1832, compared to earlier versions and corrected by Patriarchate in Constantinople). Bartholomew of Imbros lists the following as known authors (as mentioned in the notes of the newly translated Pentecostarion): 198

John of Damascus (675-749 AD) Feast day, December 4 Considered a significantly influential Greek theologian and thought by many to be the last of the Fathers in the Patristic age, John of Damascus spent his life as a monk at the monastery of St. Sabas near Jerusalem. He was a stringent defender of icons during the Iconoclastic Controversy, explaining his position in his important work called “The Fount of Wisdom.” In this writing, divided in three parts, he engages philosophy, various heresies, and orthodox faith. In the section on orthodox faith, he treats teachings on the Trinity, Creation, Incarnation, Sacraments, Marian theology, icons, and

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worthy subjects concerning faith and spirituality. His writings are extensive with commentary on patristic texts, the Bible, and Christian morality and daily life. Many of his poems became part of the Greek liturgies (Patrinacos, pp. 377-378). Cosmas of the Holy City Andrew of Crete (660-740 AD) (This study examines the Orthros of the Dormition attributed to Andrew) Feast day, July 4 Andrew, a renowned theologian and hymnographer, was born in Damascus. He became archbishop of Gortyna in Crete in about 692 AD. Noted for writing many hymns, he is acclaimed as the “inventor” of the canon form and composed many series of canons. His most famous composition, the Great Canon, includes more than 250 strophes (verses). Many of his homilies have survived the ages (Patrinacos, p. 26). Germanus, Patriarch of Constantinople (733) (Johannes Quasten, Patrology, Vol. III, The Golden Age of Greek Patristic Literature, Christian Classics, Inc., Westminster, Maryland, 1994, p. 290.) Theophanes Anatolius Joseph He is either the brother of St. Theodore the Studite, or St. Joseph the Hymnographer Joseph the Hymnographer (died 883/886 AD) Feast day, April 3 Known as one of the most prolific of hymn writers, Joseph left Sicily, the land of his birth, because it had been invaded by Arab Muslims. He ventured to Thessalonica in northern Greece to live as a monk. Later, he went to Constantinople. During the iconoclastic persecutions in 841AD, he set out for Rome. On his way there, he was captured and taken as a slave to Crete. In about 850 AD, he escaped and went to Constantinople where he established a monastery. Again, he was forced to flee because of his defense of icons. He was sent into exile along with Photios the Great. 1,000 liturgical canons are attributed to Joseph, and the many melismatic canons of the Menaion. Over 200 songs in the Menaion are identified by the acrostic of his name in the poetry of the ninth ode. The final

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form of the liturgical book, the Paracletike, is attributed to Joseph. His death occurred in 886 AD (or perhaps 883 AD (Patrinacos, p. 220; Horologion, p. 456). Others mentioned by Bartholomew whose biographies are uncertain: Koumoulas Nothing known, according to Bartholomew. Arsenius Likely the 9th-10th century monk who wrote Canon in Service of Holy Unction. Leo the Sovereign (Le,wn o` Despo,thj) Perhaps written by Emperor Leo the Wise (911 AD). John Arclas A name usually identified as being St. John Damascene. And 14th century authors for the Pentecostarion hymns include: Kallistos Xanthopoulos A study that examines the Orthros of the Lifegiving Fountain, Friday after Pascha, attributed to Xanthopoulos. Nicephorus Son of Kallistos Xanthopoulos. Metophranes Metropolitan of Smyrna. 208 Paul F. Bradshaw, “The Divine Office, The First Three Centuries,” in The Study of Liturgy, Jones et al, p. 401-402. 209 Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today, Second Revised Edition, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1993, p. 90. 210 Ibid. 211 Ibid. 212 M. Francis Mannion, "The Marian Formation of Christians: A Pastoral Perspective," Marian Studies, Volume XLV, Mary and Religious Education, Mariological Society of America, Dayton, Ohio, 1994, p. 11. 213 Ibid., pp. 14-15. 214 Ibid., p. 16. 215 Ibid., p. 15. 216 Ibid., p. 17. 217 Ibid., p. 17. 218 Ibid. 219 Ibid. 220 Ibid., pp. 18-19. 221 Aidan Kavanagh, On Liturgical Theology, The Hale Memorial Lectures of Seabury-Western Theological Seminar, 1981, A Pueblo Book, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1992, p. 75. 222 Ibid., quoting Alexander Schmemann, “Theology and Liturgical Tradition,” in Worship in Scripture and Tradition, edited by Massey Shepherd, Oxford, 1963, p. 175.

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223

Kevin W. Irwin, Liturgical Theology, A Primer, American Essays in Liturgy, Edward Foley, Series Editor, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, pp. 67-68. 224 Mannion, p. 30. 225 Albert Ehrhard, Uberlieferung und Bestand der Hagiographischen und Homiletischen Literatur der Griechischen Kirche, Band I, Druck Von C. Schulze & Co., J.C. Heinrichs Verlag, Germany, 1937, p. 1. 226 Karl Krumbacher, Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, von Justinian bis zum ende des Ostromischen Reiches (1227-1453), Bibliography and Reference Series 13, Byzantine Series 27, Burt Franklin, New York, 1970, p. 11: “Ich will mich dabei nicht dabei nicht in die Aufzahlung von Einzelheiten und Nebenumständen verlieren, nicht von den mannigfachen Anregungen sprechen, welche aus der byzantinischen Litteratur für ein vertieftes Studium des hellenischen Altertums und der griechischen Gegenwart, für die Erforschung des mittelalterlichen Kulturlebens der Orientalen, Slaven, und Abendländer, insbesondere für die Erkenntnis der aus einem analogen Entwickelungsprozess hervorgewachsenen Sprache und Litteratur der romanischen Volker geschöpft werden können.” 227 J.A. Jungmann SJ, Pastoral Liturgy, Herder and Herder, New York, 1962, pp. 2-3. 228 Ibid., p. 7. 229 Société des Bollandistes, “Who’s Who? Bollandist hagiography: a tradition for more than 350 years,” http://www.duke.kbr.be/~socboll/who.html. 230

Ehrhard, “Verzeichnis der Bibliotheken,” Band I, pp. XXI - LVIII. Ibid., p. 1. 232 Ibid., Foreword, p. IV: “… Überlieferungswege zu gewinnen, auf denen Martyrien auf uns gekommen sind. Zu diesem Zwecke mußte der Versuch gemacht werden, eine möglichst erschöpfende Kenntnis aller HHS zu erreichen in denen Martyrien überliefert sind: ein Ziel, das ich viele Jahre hindurch verfolgte.” Translated: “… to gain the Received Tradition, coming from the Martyrien into one source. To this point, yearning for possible knowledge of all manuscripts within reach, the attempt must be made in that undertaking (of the) Martyrien: a goal, that I have pursued for many years.” 233 Ibid., p. 30. 234 Jungmann, p. 10 235 Ibid., p. 11. 236 Ibid. 237 Ibid., p. 393. 238 Ibid. 239 Ibid., p. 395. 231

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240

Ibid., p. 15. Karl Krumbacher, Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, von Justinian bis zum ende des Ostromischen Reiches (527-1453), Bibliography and Reference Series 13, Byzantine Series 27, Burt Franklin, New York, 1970, Vol. I, p. 38. See: “Für die Theologie kein objektiver Grund.” 242 Ibid.: “Diese Abgrenzung wurde an sich die Herübernahme der theologischen Litterature seit dem Nikanum in unsere Darstellung fordern; mit Rücksicht auf die Stoffmasse, auf die leicht zugänglichen Patrologien und die Zeitgrenze der Litteraturgeschichte von Christ wurde davon Abstand genommen.“ Translated: “This demarcation became known as theological literature since the purpose of our project called for it; with consideration of the material, on the light definition Patrology, and the time limits of written literature taken from Christ to that time.” 243 Ibid., p. 44. 244 Ibid., p. 181: “Die Legenden des Symeon Metaphrastes sind klassische Muster derselben. Die volkstümlichen Heiligenleben waren für die weiten Volksreise bestimmt; sie sind einfach und schlicht geschrieben und gefallen sich besonders in der Erzählung von Wundergeschichten, die zu jeder Zeit vom Volke mit Vorliebe gelesen wurden. In der Regel stammen sie jedoch nicht aus dem Volkskreisen selbst; sie wurden auch von Gebildeten geschrieben, die aber einen offenen Sinn für die Bedürfnisse des Volkes hatten. Muster dieser Gattung sind die Heiligenbilder des Leontios von Neapolis auf Cypern. Allmählich füllte das immer anwachsende hagiographische Material eine Reihe von Banden und drohte unübersehbar zu werden. Das führte zur Herstellung stark verkürzter Texte, die in den Menologien vereinigt wurden. Diese Exzerpte gingen dann in die liturgischen Menaen uber, wo sie unter die ubrigen Bestandteile der liturgischen Festfeier zu stehen kamen. Vielleicht war der Vorgang auch der umgekehrte. Die Exzerpte wurden für die liturgischen Menaen gemacht und wanderten von diesen in die nackten Legendenmenaen oder Synaxarien hinüber. Diese Exzerpte nennen wir die liturgischen Heiligenleben. Für die Geschichte der Hagiographie und ihre Entwickelung sind sie ohne Bedeutung, da sie älteren Texten entnommen wurden; wo jedoch dieser altere Text verloren gegangen ist, sind sie als Überreste umfangreicherer Biographien von Wert.” 245 Société des Bollandistes. See web page in footnote #5. 246 Hippolyte Delehaye, Bollandiste, Synaxaires byzantins, ménologes, typica, Variorum Reprints, London 1977. 247 Ibid., pp. i - ii. 248 Ibid., Section III, p. 329 : « L’étude des ménologes antérieurs a Metaphraste est trop peu avancée pour donner déjà des résultats bien précis. …L’inventaire des documents hagiographiques grecs conserves 241

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actuellement dans les bibliothèques d’Europe et D’Orient n’est pas assez complet pour qu’on puisse établir une proportion exacte entre les ménologes antérieurs a Metaphraste arrives jusqu’à nous et la série complete de ces recueils. Il semble plus probable que notre avoir est notablement dépasse par les pertes. » Translation: “The study of menologies prior to Metaphraste is too little advanced to give enough precise results. The inventory of Greek hagiographic documents conserved in the libraries of Europe and the Orient are not complete enough so one can establish an exact proportion between menologies prior to Metaphraste up to the present time and the complete series of the collections. It seems probable that our possession [of writings] is notably exceeded by the losses.” 249

Ibid., Avant Propos. George Guiver CR, Company of Voices, Daily Prayer and the People of God, Pueblo Publishing Company, New York, 1988, pp. 49-50. 251 Ibid., p. 49. 252 Ibid. 253 Robert Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, The Origins of the Divine Office and Its Meaning for Today, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1993, p. 331. 254 Ibid., p. 334. 255 Ibid. 256 Ibid., p. 336. 257 Ibid. 258 Ibid., p. 338. 259 Ibid., p. 337. 260 Robert Taft, Beyond East and West, Problems in Liturgical Understanding, Edizioni Orientalia Christiana, Pontifical Oriental Institute, Rome, 1997, p. 166. 261 Constitution on the Sacred Liturgy, sec. 83-85. 262 Taft, The Liturgy of the Hours in East and West, p. 361. 263 Ibid. 264 Ibid. 265 Ibid., p. 352. 266 Ibid., p. 371. 267 Ibid. 268 Ibid. 269 Taft, Beyond East and West, p. 271. 270 Ibid., p. 272. 271 Ibid. 272 Ibid., p. 274. 273 Ibid. 274 Ibid., p. 62. 250

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275

Ibid. Paul F. Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship, Sources and Methods for the Study of Early Liturgy, Oxford University Press, New York, 1992, p. 185. 277 Ibid. 278 Ibid., p. 186. 279 Ibid., p. 187. 280 Ibid. 281 Ibid., p. 190. 282 Ibid. 283 Ibid., p. 191. 284 Ibid., p. 77. 285 Ibid., p. 64. 286 Taft, Beyond East and West, p. 167. 287 Bradshaw, pp. 65-66: There were new features like the recitation of the Psalms in entirety, “but in other ways the monks and nuns of the fourth century were simply continuing to do what ordinary Christians of earlier centuries had once done.” 288 Sotiris Kadas (archaeologist), Mount Athos, An Illustrated Guide to the Monasteries and their History, Ekdotike Athenon S.A., Athens, 1997, p. 10. 289 Andrew Simonopetritis (Haralampos Teophilopoulos, his name-oflayman), formerly secretary of the Athos Holy Community, Professor of Byzantine Music, Holy Mountain, Bulwark of Orthodoxy and of the Greek Nation [A. The history of the Holy Mountain Athos (Aghion Oros); B. Supplement of the celebration of the thousandth anniversary of the H. Monastery of Meghisti Lavra in Athos; C. Coloured pictures of the Holy Mountain], Basil Regopoulos Bookstore, Thessaloniki, Greece, 1969, p. 38. 290 Ibid., pp. 38-39. 291 Ibid., p. 39. 292 Ibid., Frontispiece. 293 Notably the “Portaitissa” icon of the Iviron H. Monastery, attributed to the 7th century. 294 Kadas, pp. 10-11. Mentioned are Peter the Athonite and Euthymios of Salonica as monks among the first listed on the Holy Mountain. 295 Mother Mary (of the Orthodox Monastery of the Veil of the Mother of God, Bussy-en-Othe, France) and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware (Spaulding Lecturer in Eastern Orthodox Studies, University of Oxford), The Festal Menaion, Translated from the original Greek, with an introduction by Archpriest Georges Florovsky, St. Tikhon's Seminary Press, South Canaan, Pennyslvania, 1998, pp. 7-8. 276

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296

Rev. Dr. George Karahalios and Rev. Constantine Valantasis, Senior Editors, ORQROS 2000, Volume B, Narthex Press, Northbridge, CA, 2000. 297 The Festal Menaion, translated from the original Greek by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware, with an introduction by Archpriest Georges Florovsky, St. Tikhon's Seminary Press, South Canaan, Pennsylvania, 1998 p. 293. 298 When we speak of the Annunciation, it is best to use a transliteration of the young Hebrew woman's name, Miryam, rather than the more formal "Virgin Mary" or "Theotokos," so as to recall that she was truly just a young, holy woman. 299 The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha, Revised Standard Version (RSV), Herbert G. May and Bruce M. Metzger, Editors, Oxford University Press, New York, 1977. "Let us make man in our image, after our likeness; and let them have dominion over the fish of the sea, and over the birds of the air, and over the cattle, and over all the earth, and over every creeping thing that creeps upon the earth." Also, Genesis 1: 28 RSV: "Be fruitful and multiply, and fill the earth and subdue it;and have dominion over the fish of the sea and over the birds of the air and over every living thing that moves upon the earth." 300 "My soul magnifies the Lord, and my spirit rejoices in God my Savior, for he has regarded the low estate of his handmaiden (Mary's song in Luke 1: 46b-47 RSV)." "My heart exults in the LORD; my strength is exalted in the LORD (Hannah's song in 1 Samuel 2:1 RSV)." See Dennis Michelis, The Virgin Mary, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, MA, 1994, p. 45-46: "Mary's Magnificat strongly resembles Hannah's hymn of praise to God. Hannah, who had lived more than twelve centuries previously, was one of the two wives of Elkanah, and although Penninah, the other wife, had children with Elkinah, Hannah did not. So Hannah went to the Temple of Shiloh and fervently prayed to God to give her a child. She vowed to dedicate it to the service of the Temple. God granted her request and Hannah, faithful to her vow, dedicated her son Samuel to the Temple. Following her son's dedication she uttered a spontaneous, most beautiful prayer (1 Sam 2:1-10 RSV) whose strong Messianic overtones considerably influenced Mary's Magnificat. Hannah's praise became the prototype of Mary's." 301 The Festal Menaion, pp. 445-446. 302 MHNAION TOU MARTIOU( EKDOSIS NEA KAI EPIMEMELHMENH( AQHNAI( printed in Greece, 1991,, p. 204. 303 Leland Ryken, James C. Wilhoit, Tremper Longmann III, general editors, Dictionary of Biblical Imagery, InterVarsity Press, Downers Grove, Illinois, 1998, p. 941. 304 R.A. Fletcher, "Three Early Byzantine Hymns and their Place in the Liturgy of the Church of Constantinople," Byzantinische Zeitschrift, 51,

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1958, 63. "This prelude [from the Akathistos hymn] refers to the historical events of the Arab seige of Constantinople which was raised in 718 AD and claims the authorship of the hymn for Germanos, the patriarch of Constantinople at that time. In his commentary on the Latin version Dom. Huglo, who agrees that the hymn is probably older than this seige, considers that there is confusion here with the authorship of the koukoulion th/ u`perma,co strathgw/. It is this koukoulion only which Huglo would attribute to Germanos [or possibly Sergius on the raising of the Avar siege in 626 AD]. Now the prelude definitely associates the Akathistos with the statement that by Germanos as much as by any of his successors was instituted the laudable custom of celebrating this triumph over the Arabs every year at the festival of the Annunciation in the church of Blachernae, a custom which spread to the churches throughout Greece." 305 The Life of the Virgin Mary, the Theotokos, viewed and treated within the framework of Sacred Scriptures, Holy Tradition, Patristics and other ancient writings, together with Liturgical and Iconographic Traditions of the Holy Orthodox Church, written and compiled by Holy Apostles Convent and Dormition Skete, Buena Vista, Colorado, 1989, p. 76. 306 MHNAION TOU MARTIOU, P. 205. 307 Alexander P. Kazhdan, Editor in Chief, The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Volume 2, Oxford University Press, New York, 1991, p. 1063. 308 "John of Damascus," The Ecole Glossary, The Ecole Initiative, http://www2.evansville.edu/ecoleweb/glossary/damascene.html copyright 1997, Karen Rae Keck. 309 Kazhdan, Vol. 2, p. 1063. 310 See fn 12. 311

Pege and pigi are transliterations of the same Greek word, phgh,. 312

Kazhdan, Vol. 2, p. 1064.

313

MHNAION TOU MARTIOU, p. 211.

314

March Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, "Canon: of the Feast, in Tone 4, by John the Monk and Theophanes," Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1985, p. 74. 315 The Festal Menaion, p. 448. 316 Ibid., p. 83. 317 "Theophanes the Confessor," The Ecole Glossary, The Ecole Initiative, http://www2.evansville.edu/ecoleweb/glossary/theophanesc.html , copyright 1999, Karen Rae Keck. 318 The Festal Menaion, pp. 446-460. 319 Ibid., p. 61.

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320

Ibid., p. 9. Ibid., p. 17. 322 Ibid., pp. 17-18. The translators also acknowledge the work of St. Nicodemus of the Holy Mountain, `Eortodro,mion, published in Venice, 1836; and a Russian work by Professor Evgraf Loovyagin of the St. Petersburg Theological Academy, in 1867. They mention that the schematic plans for the services are based partly upon K. Nikolksy's work in St. Petersburg in 1900 and the work mentioned above by Mercenier, Paris and Bainbridge, 1947-1953. The detailed work undertaken by Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos, then, appears as an opus of Christian love and dedication to the treasure of faith embraced in the ancient text. 323 "In preparing this translation, we gratefully acknowledge the French works of Fr. Deacon Denis Guillaume, which were extensively consulted, and Byzantine Daily Worship, from which several Troparia and Stichera are taken, with permission. All texts taken from Byzantine Daily Worship are used with permission of the publisher." The sources for this service book include texts from the Byzantine Melkite Rite and are generated by the Melkite-Greek Eparchy of Newton, Massachusetts (Title page). 324 ORQROS( The Feast Day Celebrations for a Weekday, in the original Greek with a New English Translation, by Spencer T. Kezios, Protopresbyter, Volume I, Narthex Press, Northbridge, CA, 1996, Preface. 325 The Orthodox Study Bible, New Testament and Psalms, New King James Version, Thomas Nelson Publishers, Nashville, Tennessee, 1993, p. 692 [in Psalms], fn72. 326 Kathleen E. McVey, translator with an introduction and preface by John Meyendorff, Ephrem the Syrian, Hymns, The Classics of Western Spirituality, A Library of the Great Spiritualist Masters, Paulist Press, New York, 1989, p. 384. 327 The Festal Menaion, p. 449. 328 This is used in the Proskomide, the service of preparation of the bread and wine for the Eucharist taking place during the Orthros at the table known as the Prothesis. "Prosophora or prosophoron means 'offering' and is a round loaf of leavened bread also known as altar bread. Before baking, it is stamped with a round seal bearing important symbols. After the bread is baked, the symbols of the seal appear in relief. … To the right of the Lamb [symbol used on the bread for Christ] there is the portion of the Theotokos (the Mother of God) (Rev. Nicon D. Patrinacos, A Dictionary of Greek Orthodoxy, Hellenic Heritage Publications, Pleasantville, NY, 1992, p. 313.)" 329 The Orthodox Study Bible, p. 672, fn 45. Verse 9b reads "At Your right hand stands the queen in gold from Ophir." The footnote explains 321

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the connection made in the Divine Liturgy between the Theotokos (the Queen) and Christ (the King) as seen in the words of this verse. 330 TheFestal Menaion, Canticle Three, p. 449. 331 Ibid., Canticle Four, p. 451. 332 Ibid. Ibid, Canticle Five, p. 452. "And the LORD appointed a great fish to swallow up Jonah; and Jonah was in the belly of the fish three days and three nights (Jonah 1:17 RSV)." 335 "For as Jonah was three days and three nights in the belly of the whale, so will the Son of man be three days and three nights in the heart of the earth (Matthew 12:40 RSV)." 336 The phrase concerning God's dominion is also seen in 1 Timothy 6: 13-16 RSV: "In the presence of God who gives life to all things, and of Christ Jesus who in his testimony before Pontius Pilate made the good confession, I charge you to keep the commandment unstained and free form reproach until the appearing of our Lord Jesus Christ; and this will be made manifest at the proper time by the blessed and only Sovereign, the King of kings and Lord of lords, who alone has immortality and dwells in unapproachable light , whom no man has ever seen or can see. To him be honor and eternal dominion. Amen." A related doxology promising fulfillment in Christ's realm, loving governance over all life, is found in Revelation 1:5-6 RSV: "To him who loves us and has freed us from our sins by his blood and made us a kingdom, priests to his God and Father, to him be glory and dominion for ever and ever. Amen." 337 The Festal Menaion, Canticle Seven, p. 455. 338 Ibid., Canticle Nine, p. 457. 339 Ibid. 340 Ibid. 341 The Festal Menaion, p. 460. 342 J.K. Elliott, The Apocryphal New Testament, A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation, Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press, Oxford, England, 1999, p. 51. 343 RSV, preface to 1 Samuel, p. 330. 344 Elliott, p. 50: "Although the birth of Jesus is recounted, the main motive behind the composition is to glorify Mary by telling of her birth, childhood, and marriage. In accord with the demands of popular piety responsible for the growth of much apocryphal material, PJ sets out to satisfy curiosity about Jesus' antecedents by filling in the gaps left in the canonical material…. A strong dogmatic motive lies behind the writing, too. The author wishes to stress that not only is Jesus' conception virginal but that his birth too preserved Mary's virginity." Conversely, it could be said that the strong parallels with Susanna, 1 Samson, and Judges could 333 334

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indicate the power of God in previous Hebraic memory that finds fruition in the Annunciation. 345 Ibid., p. 51. 346 George Arthur Buttrick, Editor, The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, An Illustrated Encyclopedia, Volume 2, Abingdon Press, Nashville, 1962, p. 909. 347 Elliott, p. 51. 348 RSV, "Susanna," p. 213 of the Apocrypha, at the end of the volume. 349 The Festal Menaion, Canticle Seven, p. 455. 350 The Orthodox Study Bible, New Testament and Psalms, New King James Version, Thomas Nelson Publishers, Nashville, Tennessee, 1993, 808. 351 Ibid. 352 Ibid., p. 459. 353 The Orthodox study Bible, p. 649. 354 Kazhdan, Volume 1, p.132. 355 Ibid. 356 Elliott, pp. 46-47. 357 Ibid., p. 47. 358 Ibid., p. 46. 359 Ibid., p. 47. 360 Ibid., p. 48. 361 Ibid. 362 Clement, Stromata 7, 16.93. See reference in Elliott, p.49. 363 Origen, On Matthew 10:17. Again, see reference in Elliott, p. 49. 364 Elliott, p. 49. 365 Ibid., p. 61, citing The Protoevangelium of James, 11.1-3. 366 The Festal Menaion, Matins, Canticle Three, p 450. 367 The Life of the Virgin Mary, The Theotokos, p. 75. Refers to Irenaeus, Demonstratio apostolicae praedicationis, 32. 368 Luigi Gambero, Mary and the Fathers of the Church, The Blessed Virgin Mary in Patristic Thought, Ignatius Press, San Francisco, 1999, p. 54. Refers to: Irenaeus, Against Heresies, 5:19. 369 Bertrand Buby SM, Mary of Galilee, Volume III, The Marian Heritage of the Early Church, Alba House, New York, 1996, p. 212., citing Cyril of Jerusalem, Lecture XII. 370 The Life of the Virgin Mary, The Theotokos, Holy Apostles Convent, p. 74. Refers to Saint Photios, Homily VII, The Annunciation. 371 St. Athanasius on the Incarnation, The Treatise de Incarnatione Verbe Dei, translated and edited by A Religious of C.S.M.V., with an Introduction by C.S. Lewis, St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary, Crestwood, New York, 1993, p. 33. 372 Gambero, p. 132. 373 Ibid.

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374

Ibid., p. 136, citing Cyril's Catecheses 10, 19; PG 33, 685 A . Ibid., p. 137. 376 Ibid., citing Cyril's Catecheses 12, 25; PG 33, 757 A. 377 The Festal Menaion, p.454. 378 Kazhdan, Volume 1, p. 708-709. 379 McVey, pp. 3-4. 380 Ibid., p. 75. 381 Ibid., Hymn 2, stanza 5 and 7, p. 77. 382 Ibid., Hymn 5, stanza 24, p. 109. 383 Gambero, p. 171. 384 Ibid., p.173. 385 Ibid. 386 Ibid., p. 174. 387 Ibid., p. 175, quoting Chrysostom's Homily on Matthew 4, 3. 388 Ibid., p. 400. 389 Medieval Sourcebook, John of Damascus: Three Sermons on the Dormition (koimhsij) of the Virgin, "On the Assumption," Sermon III, # 202-203, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook.html. 390 The Festal Menaion, Canticle Nine, p. 458. 391 Medieval Sourcebook, John of Damascus: Apologia Against Those Who Decry Holy Images, I, 53, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/basis/johndamascus-images.html. 392 The Festal Menaion, Canticle Three, p. 450. 375

393

"Catholic Answers," "Mary, Mother of God," Council of Ephesus, Formula of Union, 431 AD, http://www.catholic.com/library/mary_mother_of_god.asp. 394 "The Capitula of the Council," Labbe and Cossart, Concilia, Tom. V., col. 568, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, The Seven Ecumenical Councils, Volume 14, Edited by Philip Schaff and Henry Wace, Second Series, Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, Massachusetts, 1994, p. 313. 395 The Festal Menaion, Hymn by Theophanes, Tone Two, p. 460. 396 Gambero, p. 338. 397 Gambero lists the possible authors other than Romanos: George of Pisidia, 7th century; Germanus of Constantinople, 8th century; and Sergius of Constantinople, 7th century. Gambero points out: "More recent studies agree in fixing its date of composition either in the second half of the fifth century or in the first years of the sixth century." He acknowledges the conclusion on authorship by Fr. Ermanno Toniolo, "Undoubtedly, its author was a great poet, an outstanding theologian, a consummate contemplative; he was great enough to be able to translate the Church's faith into a prayerful synthesis, yet humble enough to disappear into anonymity (Gambero, p. 338)."

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398

Egon Wellesz, "'The Akathistos,' A Study in Byzantine Hymnography," Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Nos. 9-10, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1956, p. 154. 399 Ibid., p. 155. 400 Ibid., p. 128. 401 "The Service of the Akathistos Hymn," Notes for the CD recording by the Society for the Dissemination of National Music, Ersis 9 and Pulcherias, Athens, Greece, 1999. 402 Ignace de la Potterie, SJ, Mary in the Mystery of the Covenant, translated by Bertrand Buby, SM, Alba House, New York, 1992, p. 4. 403 Ibid., p. 14. 404 Ibid., p. 15. 405 The Akathist Hymn, Greek-English Text with a new translation by Father George Papadeas, Patmos Press, Daytona Beach, Florida, 1997, first stanza, p. 27. 406 The Festal Menaion, p. 446. 407 The Akathist Hymn, p. 14. 408 The Festal Menaion, p. 448-449. 409 MHNAION TOU MARTIOU( p. 205. 410 The Festal Menaion, p. 515. 411 MHNAION TOU AUGOUSTOU( EKDOSIS THS APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS, printed in Greece, 1993, p. 197. 412 The Festal Menaion, p. 448. 413 Henry Maguire, Art and Eloquence in Byzantium, Princeton, New Jersey, Princeton University Press, 1981, Frontispiece. 414 Ibid., p. 10. 415 Ibid., p. 11. 416 Ibid., p. 12. 417 Ibid., pp. 46-47. 418 Ibid., p. 46. 419 Ibid., p. 48ff. 420 Kurt Weitzmann, The Icon, Holy Images -- Sixth to Fourteenth Century, George Braziller, Inc., New York, 1978, "Sinai, Icon with Annunciation," Plate 27, pp. 92-93. 421 Ibid., p. 50. Maguire notes that the unusual position in this icon of the Virgin next to a river perhaps suggests the Spring idea of fountain but has moved to an embellishment as a full ekphrasis of Spring, mystically representing the meaning of the Annunciation event. 422 Ibid, p. 54. 423 The Festal Menaion, p. 452. 424 Maguire, p. 98.

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425

Don Denny, "The Annunciation from the Right, From Early Christian Times to the Sixteenth Century," A Dissertation in the Department of Fine Arts, New York University, 1965, Introduction, p. 1. 426 Ibid. 427 Ibid., p. 134. 428 Ibid., p. 11. 429 Ibid. 430 Kazhdan, Volume I, p. 106. Reference here is to F.J. Leroy, L'Homilétique de Proclus de Constantinople [Vatican 1967], 66. 431 Ibid., Volume I, p. 106. Reference here is to M. van Esbroeck, Analecta Bollandiana 86 [1968], 351-71; 87 [1969] 442-444. 432 Ibid., with reference to T.J. Talley, The Origins of the Liturgical Year, (New York 1986) 8-13, 91-103. 433 Ibid., p. 107. Reference here is De ceremoniis aulae byzantinae, J.J. Reiske, editor, [Bonn 1829-30]., Book 1 (of two), chapter 30; Philotheos, Kletorologion, N. Oikonomides, in Les listes de préséance byzantines du IXe et Xe siecle, Paris 1972., 195.16 - 197.5. 434 Heiromonk Cassian, A Scientific Examination of the Orthodox Church Calendar, or The Old Calendar and Science, edited by Archbishop Chrysostomos and Hieromonk Gregory, with a Foreword by Archbishop Chrysostomos, Center for Traditionalist Orthodox Study, Etna, California, 1998, pp. 10-11: "The Church Calendar, on the other hand, uses as its reference point ecclesiastical events, thereby achieving a perfect degree of exactitude. … Later, during the twentieth century, when the difference had grown to thirteen days, several local Orthodox Churches introduced this Papal reform [changing to Gregorian calendar]. In reality, the 'correction' of the Gregorian calendar completely distorts the meaning and aim of the Church calendar … ." 435 Ibid., p. 17. 436 Ibid., p. 26. 437 Kazhdan, Volume 1, pp. 106-107. 438 Heiromonk Cassian, p. 164. 439 Ibid., p. 104. 440 Ibid., p. 108. 441 Ibid., p. 116. 442 Ibid., pp. 117-118. Also of interest is the following footnote, n. 161, p. 169: "One could imagine that this complete elimination of Kurispa,sca from the liturgical life of the Orthodox Church would enrage patriotic Greeks, since it was precisely on the coincidence of the Feasts of the Annunciation and Pascha on March 25, 1821 (Old style), that Greece challenged the Turkish Yoke -- another miracle traditionally taken as a sign of Divine favor towards the Church Calendar. Kurispa,sca has also

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manifested its miraculous Grace to our own generation by its most recent occurrence in 1991; that was the year of the demise of Communism in Russia, a demise which, furthermore, was finalized by a last, desperate gasp in the form of an abortive Communist coup thwarted on August 6 (Old Style) -- the Feast of the Transfiguration." 443 "Hellenic Independence Day," The War of Independence, 1821, http://www.hellenicdefenceattache.ca/25March.htm. 444 "Annunciation of Our Most Holy Lady, The Theotokos and EverVirgin Mary," Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of America, Reading Courtesy of Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Brookline, MA, www.goarch.org [one must search the site for the Annunciation Feast Day.] 445 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon founded upon the Seventh Edition of Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford at Clarendon Press, London, 1999, p. 142. 446 Buttrick, Volume 4, pp. 298-299. 447 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 160 and pp. 439-440. 448 Ryken, p. 962. 449 Ibid. 450 De la Potterie, p.18. 451 Kazhdan, Volume 2, p. 1445. 452 David Noel Freedman, Editor, Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 4, Doubleday, New York, 1992, p. 1050. 453 "Papal Visit to Israel --The Holy Land: Sites," State of Israel [web site], The Basilica of the Annunciation, 1999, www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/go.asp?MFAHOgsoO. 454 The Festal Menaion, Ode Three, p. 449. 455 Buttrick, Volume 3, p. 525. 456 "And she took the pitcher and went out to draw water, and behold, a voice said, 'Hail, highly favoured one, the Lord is with you, you are blessed among women,' (Elliott, The Protevangelium of James, p. 61)." 457 "Papal Visit to Israel -- The Holy Land: Sites," State of Israel [web site], The Basilica of the Annunciation, 1999, www.mfa.gov.il/mfa/go.asp?MFAHOgsoO. 458 Ibid. 459 Buttrick, Volume 3, p. 525. 460 See: "Archaeological Excavations," http://198.62.75.1/www1/ofm/san/TSnzarc1.html; and "During the Centuries," http://198.62.75.1/www1/ofm/san/TSnzcent.html and "Excavation Results" below. 461 "Excavation Results," Nazareth the Village of Jesus, Mary & Joseph, Franciscan Cyberspot, http://198.62.75.1/www1/ofm/san/TSnzarc2.html. 462 Ibid. 463 The Festal Menaion, p. 446.

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464

An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 892. Ibid., p. 726. 466 Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, Abridged in One Volume, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, MI, 1990, p. 1014. 467 Ibid. 468 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 589. 469 The Festal Menaion, p. 446. Tone Three of the Sessional Hymn. 470 Ryken, p. 156. 471 Ibid. 472 Ibid. 473 Ibid., p. 688. 474 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 7. 475 Bromiley, p. 19. 476 Ibid. 477 The Festal Menaion, p. 446. 478 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 881. 479 Bromiley, p. 1300. 480 Ibid., p. 1304. 481 De la Potterie, p. 14 482 Ibid. 483 Ibid., p. 15. 484 Ibid., fn. 13, Sophronius, Or. II, in Annunt., 17. 485 Ibid., p. 17-18. 486 Ibid., p. 18. 487 St. Athanasius on the Incarnation, (Section 8), p. 34. 488 Ibid., p. 32, # 6. 489 Ibid., p. 33-34, #8. 490 The Festal Menaion, Canticle One, p. 448. 491 Ibid., p. 449. 492 Ibid.,. 493 Ibid. 494 Ibid. 495 A Lexicon, Abridged from Liddell and Scott's Greek-English Lexicon, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, New York, 1997, p. 120. In this translation, the meaning of "uncorrupt, chaste" is demonstrated to mean "living and plentiful," full of God's life-giving gifts, as a fount. 496 The Festal Menaion, p. 450. 497 Ibid. 498 Ibid. 499 Ibid., p. 451. 500 Ibid. 501 Ibid. 502 Ibid. 465

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503

Ibid. Ibid., p. 453. 505 Ibid. 506 Ibid. 507 Ibid. 508 Ibid., p. 454. 509 Ibid., p. 455. 510 It should be noted that the word, pa,nagne, is itself not used in the New Testament but is built upon the word hagia. 511 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 589. 512 Bromiley, p. 15. 513 Ibid., p. 17. 514 Ibid. 515 The Festal Menaion, p. 455. 516 MHNAION TOU MARTIOU, pp. 208-209. 517 The Festal Menaion, Canticle 7, p. 455. 518 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 7. 519 The Festal Menaion, p. 455. 520 An Intermediate Greek-English Lexicon, p. 348. From HDOMAI, "glad, delighted, well pleased." 521 The Festal Menaion, Canticle 8, p. 456. 522 Ibid., p. 639: from skhne,w, "to dwell in a tent, take up one's abode." This expression has direct reference to the Ark of the Covenant of the wilderness, where God took up residence in the tent. It is an Hebraic expression. 523 The Festal Menaion, pp. 456-457. 524 Ibid., p. 457. 525 The Festal Menaion, Canticle 9, p. 458. 526 Ibid., Exapostalarion, p. 458-459. 527 Ibid., p. 460. 528 St. Athanasius On the Incarnation, Section 8, p. 34. 529 Ibid. 530 The New Oxford Annotated Bible (NOAB) with the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books, Michael D. Coogan, Editor, New Revised Standard Version, Third Edition, Oxford University Press, New York, 2001. 531 De la Potterie, p. 16. 532 Bromiley, p. 1299. 533 Ibid. 534 "When he has found it [a lost sheep], he lays it on his shoulders and rejoices. And when he comes home, he calls together his friends and neighbors, saying to them, 'Rejoice with me, for I have found my sheep that was lost.' Just so, I tell you, there will be more joy in heaven over one sinner who repents than over ninety-nine righteous persons who need 504

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no repentance (Luke 15:5ff, NOAB)." Here it is a joy in God finding a lost sheep. In the case of the Incarnation, it is reversed. Humanity has a joy in finding God among them. 535 "Nevertheless, do not rejoice at this, that the spirits submit to you, but rejoice that your names are written in heaven (Luke 10:20 NOAB)." The seventy sent out as precursors by Jesus to call for repentance in the towns of Judea, are called to rejoice that they are remembered by name in heaven. In Hebraic terms, this means that they are empowered because God has called them by name. 536 "You will have joy and gladness, and many will rejoice at his birth … (Luke 1:14 NOAB)." 537 "When he said this, all his opponents were put to shame; and the entire crowd was rejoicing at all the wonderful things that he was doing (Luke 13:17 NOAB)." Jesus heals a crippled woman on the sabbath, and defends his actions as a release from bondage. The opponents are shamed in their criticism and the believers rejoice, an entering into the embrace and understanding of the power of God which is healing and life. 538 Bromiley, p. 1300. 539 "Stephen, full of grace and power, did great wonders and signs among the people (Acts 6:8 NOAB)." 540 E. W. Bullinger, D.D., Figures of Speech used in the Bible, Explained and Illustrated, Baker Book House, Grand Rapids, Michigan, (originally printed 1898 by Messrs. Eyre and Spottiswoode, in London), reprinted by Baker Books in 1968, 21st printing in 1997, p. 583. 541 Ibid. 542 Ibid. 543 Ibid. 544 Bromiley, p. 880: "God's Spirit is creative, life-giving power (Gen. 1:2). All life derives from this dynamism (cf. Gen. 2:7). By it God sustains his work (cf. Job 34:13). The Spirit's power is personal. It is no immanent force of nature; nature is de-deified in the OT. God's creative power is free, sovereign, and inscrutable (cf. Gen. 6:3). Its dynamism is known but unsearchable." The word (pneu/ma) is related to the Hebrew word, ruah. It is "God's inner nature" and "denotes God's sustaining power, omnipresence, wisdom and power, command, holiness and patience.” 545 Bromiley, p. 415: "The literal meaning is a. "breast" and b. "seat of physical vitality." … Figuratively the heart stands … for the place of willing and planning (Jer. 23:20), and … for the source of religious and ethical conduct (1 Sam 12:20)." 546 Bromiley, P. 428: "In the OT it depicts God's power in a prophetic action and is also a direct term for power [in Zech 2:1ff.]." 547 "We have obtained access to this grace in which we stand; and we boast in our hope of sharing the glory of God (Romans 5:2 NOAB).”

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548

Bromiley, p.1304. Paul's theology confirms the idea of the inbreaking of the gift of God's life announced in Luke. 549 The Festal Menaion, p. 559. 550 Kazhdan, Volume 2, pp. 1439-1440 551 The Festal Menaion, p. 277-278. 552 Ibid., p. 292. 553 Ibid., p. 269. 554 Kazhdan, Volume 2, p. 1152. 555 Ibid., Volume 1, pp. 92-93. 556 Ibid., Volume 2, p. 846. 557 The Festal Menaion, p. 290. 558 Leonid Ouspensky and Vladimir Lossky, The Meaning of Icons, St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1989, p. 157 and fn 3 on p. 160. 559 Ibid., fn 3, p. 160. 560 The Festal Menaion, p. 270. It is noted that this second canon was originally written in iambic verse. 561 Ibid., p. 270. 562 Ibid., p. 276. Canticle Six, the first canon. 563 See: Gambero, fn 71. 564 Ouspensky and Lossky, "The Nativity of Christ," Novgorod school, attributed to the XVth century. Photo: Christies, New York," p. 158. 565 Ibid., p. 157. "These vessels [the ampullae] bear images of the Gospel events, which took place in the particular locality where the vessels were made. Eusebius of Caesarea relates, in his History of the Church, that in the place of the Nativity of Christ St. Constantine built a church, the crypt of which was the very cave of Bethlehem. It is there, according to the opinion of archaeologists, that the scene of the Nativity of Christ reproduced upon the ampullae was represented with all possible historical exactness. This scene formed the basis of our iconography of this Festival (Ouspensky and Lossky, p. 160)." 566 Ibid., p. 159. 567 The Festal Menaion, p. 293. Tone Six responsoral after Canticle Six. 568 Kazhdan, Volume 2, p. 1440. 569 Ibid. 570 The Festal Menaion, p. 286. A kontakion by John the Monk, sung after the ninth canticle on the Synaxis, a repeat from the Feast of the Nativity. 571 Nicholas Kittrie, “When conflict and faith collide,” The Washington Times, May 8, 2002, http:/www.washtimes.com/commentary/2002050871589956.htm. 572 Ibid. 573 Ibid. 574 Ibid.

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575

Genesis 35:16, 19; 48:7; Ruth 4:11. Micah 5:2. 577 1 Samuel 17:12. 578 Luke 2:4. 579 Matthew G. Easton, with editing by Paul S. Taylor,"Bethlehem (Bethlehem)," WebBible Encyclopedia -ChristianAnswers.Net, www.christiananswers.net/dictionary/bethlehem.html. 580 Kazhdan, Volume 1, p. 286. 581 Dr. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, "The Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem," Early Christian Period to AD 529, http://www.pef.org.uk/Bethlehem. 582 Dr. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, "The Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem," Early Christian Period after 529, Sophronius, Anacreontica (translated by Freeman-Grenville), http://www.pef.org.uk/Bethlehem. 583 Ibid. The author notes examples of the magi as Persian priests in the Nativity mosaics at St. Maria Maggiore, Rome; and at St. Apollinare Nuovo and St. Vitale in Ravenna. 584 Dr. G.S.P. Freeman-Grenville, "The Church of the Nativity in Bethlehem," The Grotto of the Nativity, with a depiction of the Nativity mosaic described, reconstruction by A.G. Walls. 585 The Festal Menaion, p. 66. 586 Ibid., p. 65. 587 Ibid., p. 266. The sessional hymn, read immediately after the reading from the Psalter in Orthros. 588 Ibid., p. 267. Sessional hymn after the second Psalter reading. 589 Ibid., Hymn of St. Cosmas, Canticle One, First Canon, p. 269. 590 Ibid., p. 276, Canticle Six, First Canon. 591 Ibid., p. 284. 592 Ibid., p. 293. 593 Ibid., p. 54. 594 "Feastdays and Services to the Theotokos," Presentation Given by His Grace Bishop Demetri, at the First Biennial Antiochian Archdiocese Clergy Symposium, Chicago, Illinois, July 1978, http://www.antiochian.org/midwest/Articles/FeastsMary.htm. 595 The Festal Menaion, p. 60. 596 Kazhdan, Volume 2, p. 1152. 597 Ibid. 598 Elliott, The Protoevangelium of James, section 24, p. 66. 599 Ibid., p. 89. "On the sixth day they went to Bethlehem, kept the sabbath, and circumcised the child on the eighth day. The Presentation: Symeon and Anna." 600 McVey, p. 110. 601 McVey, Hymn 6, vs. 12-14, p. 112-113. 602 Ryken, p. 575. 576

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603

McVey, Hymn 26, vs. 13, p. 209. "According to Ephrem the true meaning of the offering of birds in Judaism was fulfilled in the incarnation and resurrection of Christ -- His coming down and going up like a bird (fn 593, p. 209). 604 Ibid., Preface, p. 1: "St. Ephrem is the only Syrian writer who -- for the historical reasons described by Dr. McVey in her Introduction -- was well known and admired among his Greek and Latin contemporaries. His name entered the lists of venerated saints in the East and in the West, and his writings influenced liturgical hymnography." 605 Archimandrite Ephrem Lash, translator and introduction, Kontakia, On the Life of Christ, St. Romanos the Melodist, HarperCollinsPublishers, San Francisco, 1995, p. 26. 606 Ibid., p. 27. 607 Ibid., pp. 27-28. 608 The Festal Menaion, p. 423. 609 Ouspensky and Lossky, "The Presentation of Christ. Russian, ca. 1500, Moscow school. Photo: Castle De Wijenburgh, Echteld, Netherlands," p. 170. 610 Ibid., p. 168. 611 Ibid. 612 Kazhdan, Volume 2, p. 960. 613 Egeria: Diary of a Pilgrimage, translated and annotated by George E. Gingras, Ancient Christian Writers, The Works of the Fathers in Translation, Newman Press, New York, 1968, p. 11. 614 Ibid., p. 34. 615 Ibid., pp. 96-97 (chapter 26 in entirety). 616 Ibid., fn 317, p. 225. 617 "Remains of the Church of the Seat of Mary (Kathisma),” web page prepared by The State of Israel, prepared by the Israeli Foreign Ministry, "Places Arqueologicos No. 5," http://www.us-israel.org/jsource/Archaeology/Kathisma.html. 618 "Kathisma -- The Place of Rest for the Virgin," by Eugenio Alliata, OFM, (Franciscan Biblical Studium), Franciscan Cyberspot, www.1/ofm/art/ART9803.html . 619 The author’s own free translation from the Greek Menaion. 620 The Festal Menaion, p. 423. 621 Ibid., pp. 419-420. 622 Ibid., p. 421. 623 Ibid., Canticle Six, p. 422. 624 Ibid., Canticle Seven, p. 424. 625 Ibid., Canticle Eight, p. 424. 626 Ibid., p. 429.

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627

Brian E. Daley SJ, On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1998, p. 2. 628 Ibid., p. 2. 629 Ibid., pp. 2-3. 630 Alexander P. Kazhdan, Editor in Chief, The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Volume 2, Oxford University Press, New York, 1991, p. 909. 631 Alexander P. Kazhdan, Volume 3, pp. 1757-1758. 632 Michael O'Carroll CSSp, Theotokos, A Theological Encyclopedia of the Blessed Virgin Mary, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, pp. 147-148. 633 Gospel of Life, sec. 105. The pope's poetic prayer: O Mary, bright dawn of the world, Mother of the living, to you do we entrust the cause of life; Look down, O Mother, upon the vast numbers of babies not allowed to be born, of the poor whose lives are made difficult, of men and women who are victims of brutal violence, of the elderly and the sick killed by indifference or out of misguided mercy. Grant that all who believe in your Son may proclaim the Gospel of life with honesty and love to the people of our time. Obtain for them the grace to accept that Gospel as a gift ever new, the joy of celebrating it with gratitude throughout their lives and the courage to bear witness to it resolutely, in order to build, together with all people of good will, the civilization of truth and love, to the praise and glory of God, the Creator and lover of life. 634 Daley, pp. 34-35. 635 Pope Pius XII, Munificentissimus Deus, # 20. 636 Geoffrey Bromiley, translator, Gerhard Kittel and Gerhard Friedrich, editors, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, Abridged in One Volume, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1990, p. 554: “1. The General Situation. In the NT manthano

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occurs only 25 times and is far less prominent than didasko…. Only three times in Matthew, once in Mark, two times in John, and none at all in Luke (only once in Acts). Mathetes, of course, is a fundamental term, but akolouthein rather than manthanein is the true mark of the mathetes. Jesus does not seek to impart information but to awaken commitment to himself. That this involves manthanein, too, may be seen in Mt. 11:29, but true manthtanein means continuing in his word (Jn 8:31).” 637 Ibid., p. 162. 638 Ibid., p. 163: “Even during the life of Jesus, the disciples, too, begin to teach (Mk 6:30). It becomes part of their commission in Mt 28:20 as a presupposition of either baptizein or matheteuein and with Jesus’ own didache as its content.” 639 Aidan Nichols OP, The Shape of Catholic Theology, An Introduction to Its Sources, Principles, and History, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1991, p. 184. 640 Ibid., pp. 186-187. 641 Ibid., 187. 642 Ibid. 643 Ibid., p. 188. 644 Ibid., p. 189. 645 Elizabeth A. Johnson, Consider Jesus, Waves of Renewal in Christology, Crossroad, New York, 1999, p. 12. 646 Antoine Wenger AA, L'Assomption de la T.S. Vierge dans la tradition Byzantine du VIe au Xe Siècle, Etudes et Documents, Institut Français, D'Etudes Byzantines, Paris, 1955, pp. 21-22: "Dom Capelle reprit le problème dans une étude d’ensemble parue en 1949 dans les Mélanges Paul Peeters. Il montra avec une abondance de preuves absolument convaincante que Jean de Thessalonique et le Transitus de Wilmart sont 'deux œuvres parallèles procédant l’une et l’autre de la même source grecque, sans doute déjà traduite en latin avant d'être condensée pour devenir le Transitus de Wilmart.' Il démontra que le texte de Wilmart, les variantes de M, le transitus Colbert publie par lui-même dans cette même étude, dépassent le récit de Jean de Thessalonique par des éléments originaux non négligeables, notamment par la finale de l’assomption corporelle ; par cet épilogue, les transitus latins se rapprochent du plus ancien fragment syriaque ou de l'épitomé de Grégoire de Tours." 647 Stephen J. Shoemaker, Ancient Traditions of the Virgin Mary’s Dormition and Assumption, Oxford England, Oxford University Press, 2002. 648 J.M. Besse, “Rule of St. Basil,” transcription by the Cloistered Nuns, Monastery of the Infant Jesus, Lufkin, Texas, Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, p. 1. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/02322a.htm.

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649

Ibid., p. 2. Ibid. p. 3. 651 Ibid. 650

652

MHNAION TOU AUGOUSTOU( PERIECON APASAN THN ANHKOUSAN AUTW AKOLOUWIAN( EKDOSIS( THS APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS ECCLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS( ISBN # 960-315-082-7, p. 197. 653 Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Skete of St. Demetrios at Vatopedi, KATALOGOS CEIROGRAFWN THS BATOPEDINHE SKHTHS AGIOU DHMHTRIOU, VOL. I, Mt. Athos, the Library of the Patriarchal Institute for Patristic Studies, Thessaloniki, 1978, the following entries of liturgical texts concerning Orthros for Koimesis were identified on a one-day visit: The one noted in this text: A v ndre,ou Krn,tnh, 8, BHG, #1121; Germa,nou Kpo,lewj, 72, BHG, #1104; VIw Damasch,nou, 8, BHG, #1114. BHG = Bibliotheca Hagiographica Graeca, edited by F. Halkin. The texts available corroborating the evidence of ancient Orthros are innumerable. 654 Catalogue of the Manuscripts of the Skete of St. Demetrios at Vatopedi, KATALOGOS CEIROGRAFWN THS BATOPEDINHE SKHTHS AGIOU DHMHTRIOU, VOL. I. (See fn 27.) 655 MHNAION TOU AUGOUSTOU( PERIECON APASAN THN ANHKOUSAN AUTW AKOLOUQIAN( EKDOSIS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS( 1993, 201-203. 656 This is an approximate translation of the Greek synaxarion in Andrew’s Menaion, translated by the author with the help of Fr. Philip Gialopsos. 657 H.T. Henry, “St. Andrew of Crete,” transcribed by Mark A. Banach, The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/014/3b.htm. 658 Ibid. 659 Daley, p. 16. 660 Ibid., p. 17-18. 661 On the question of identity concerning Dionysius the Aeropagite and more enigmatically Pseudo- Dionysius, we turn to (1) a fine article in the Online Catholic Encyclopedia, which traces the history of the controversy. Then, as a contemporary source of thought on the subject, we turn to (2) a modern reflection that originates with some recently translated Armenian, Coptic, and Syriac sources: 1) “Deep obscurity still hovers about the person of the PseudoAeropagite. External evidence as to the time and place of his birth, his education, and latter occupation is entirely wanting. Our only source of information regarding this

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problematic personage is the writings themselves. The clues furnished by the first appearance and by the character of the writings enable us to conclude that the author belongs at the very earliest to the latter half of the fifth century, and that, in all probability, he was a native of Syria (Jos. Stiglmayr, “Dionysius the Pseudo-Aeropagite," The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, transcribed by Geoffrey K. Mondello, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05013a.htm, p. 1).” [Here we note that the authorship is being completely determined by the writing character without regard that a later writing could have overtaken the original Aeropagite source causing centuries of controversy and doubt about the writings of Pseudo-Dionysius. This article outlines, however, that in the Middle Ages, the Greek tradition praised the source, and voices in the West regarded the source as valuable, only up until the last half of the 15th century (Stiglmayr, Online Catholic Encyclopedia, p. 9).] "The works of Dionysius in Western literature were accepted by medieval scholastics. It was during the Renaissance period that scholars began to question. “The literary controversy assumed such dimensions and was carried on so vehemently that it can only be compared to the dispute concerning the Pseudo-Isidorian decretals and the pseudo-Constantinian donation. In the nineteenth century the general opinion inclined more and more towards the opposition … [German scholars sought] a critical edition of the text of the Aeropagite [and considered that it was] urgently needed. The Juntina (1516), that of Basle (1539), of Paris (1562 and 1615), and lastly the principal edition of Antwerp (1634) by Corderius, S.J., which was frequently reprinted (Paris, 1644, 1755, 1854) and was included in the Migne collection P.G., III and IV with Lat. Trans. and additions), are insufficient because they make use of only a few of the numerous Greek manuscripts and take no account of the Syriac, Armenian, and Arabic translations (Stiglmayr, Online Catholic Encyclopedia, pp. 10-12)." 2) Concerning a liturgical text, we find the following translator’s [Redington] note from an 1896 edition attributed to St. Dionysius, Bishop of the Athenians, Liturgiarum Orien. Collectio E. Renaudoti. T. ii. P. 201, translated by Rev. John Parker: “This Liturgy (of the Syrian Jacobite Church) gives the doctrine of Dionysius in a liturgical form.

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The Greek original might be restored from the writings of Dionysius. No one could reasonably doubt that the Author of the Writings and the Liturgy was the same. This Liturgy should be compared with the Coptic Liturgy of Dionysius, Bishop of Athens, disciple of Paul, and with the Liturgy of St. Basil, adapted from this, as used by the Uniate Copts, translated by the Marquess of Bute. In my opinion, this Liturgy was written for the therapeutae near Alexandria, described by Philo in his ‘Contemplative Life’, who were Christians; who occupied themselves with the contemplation of the Divine Names, and the heavenly Hierarchy. It was written not earlier than the death of James, Apostle and Martyr, A.D. 42, and probably not later than A.D. 67, when Dionysius, at the request of St. Paul, left Athens to meet the Apostle at Rome, for the purpose of being sent by him to Gaul. A note of primitive antiquity is found in the description of the Church, as ‘from one end of the earth to the other.’ There is no ‘one, only, holy, Catholic, and Apostolic Church,’ as in the later Liturgy of St. Basil. Some expressions are obscure, from the Latin Version, and it would be rash, without profound study, to venture to suggest the Greek text. In consequence of this, and other Liturgies, and his excellent writings, Dionysius was frequently commemorated in the diptychs as one of the Doctors of the Church … (EDITOR’S NOTE 1997) Rev. Parker’s view of the Liturgy below as a First Century document has been shared by few scholars, in his day or afterwards. Most would say that it dates from no earlier than the Fifth Century, and may well have been simply culled from the works of St. Dionysius rather than actually written by the author of the Areopagetic Writings. Even so, it is interesting in that it conveys the essentially liturgical feel of Areopagite mystical theology, something often missed by Western commentators. – N.Redington (“The Saint Pachomius Orthodox Library,” http://www.ocf.org/OrthodoxPage/reading/St.Pachomius/di onysius/lit.html, p.1).” 662 Simon Claude Mimouni, Dormition et Assomption de Marie, Histoire des Traditions Anciennes, Beauchesne, Paris, 1995, p. 684. See reference to S.C. Mimouni, “The Feast of Mary’s Dormition in Syriac Area during the Byzantine Period,” in The Harp, 5, 1992, pp.157-174. 663 Later collections of writings on the saints are found under the name, Great Synaxaristes, and reproduce hagiography on the saints of the ancient Menaia. Much of the material found in these collections is

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known to include commentary that is also included in the Orthros under the category of synaxarion as well as tidbits of “information” embedded in the actual liturgical texts. See: O MEGAS SUNAXARISTHS( KWNSTANTINOU CR. DOUKAKH( MHN AUGOUSTOS( TOMOS DWDEKATOS( AQHNAI( PDPS SOULIOU 3( 1966, PP. 137ff. An analysis to determine the sources of such texts as the hagiographical collections like these Great Synaxaristes is beyond the scope of this study. A more contemporary “lives of the saints” collection is based, also, on material found in the earlier liturgical material. Collections such as these do serve to prove, however, that a “tradition” of material on the Virgin Mary grew out of the great Byzantine liturgical tradition, providing a “legendary” type source of material. The sensitive nature of an observance (“Repose of the Blessed Virgin Mary”) so sacred that it bears discussion for varying points of view only under the most solemn of occasions, such as that of an Ecumenical Synod, the day known as 'the Dormition' means to the Orthodox through the centuries of an unwritten tradition that the Virgin Mary was resurrected and ascended bodily to Heaven. This concept, not officially recognized by the Church as that which actually occurred, stems from the traditional accounts that date back to biblical times (Rev. George Poulos, Orthodox Saints, July-September, Volume 3 of 4, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, MA, 1991, p. 117.) 664 John Meyendorff, Byzantine Theology, Historical Trends and Doctrinal Themes, Fordham University Press, New York, 1974, p. 147. 665 The Life of the Virgin Mary, the Theotokos, Viewed and Treated within the Framework of Sacred Scriptures, Holy Tradition, Patristics and other Ancient Writings, together with the Liturgical and Iconographic Traditions of the Holy Orthodox Church, written and compiled by Holy Apostles Convent, Buena Vista, Colorado, 1989. 666 Ibid., endnotes, pp. 589-594. 667 Joseph Ledit, “L’Assomption,” Marie dans la liturgie de Byzance, Editions Beauchesne, Paris, 1976, pp. 221-238. 668 Daley, pp. 18-19. In his homilies, “Andrew is noticeably reluctant, however, to portray the transferal of Mary from death to heavenly glory in concrete detail; he avoids alluding to the apocryphal Dormition story in any of its extended forms, and draws his portrayal of her burial scene, at the end of the second homily, exclusively from the passage in the PseudoDionysius’s On the Divine Names which we have mentioned above." 669 Mimouni, p. 674. « Les re,sultats provisoires de notre recherche tendent donc a. situer vers la fin du ve sie.cle (en tout cas après le concile de Chalce,doine de 451), dans les milieux monophysites de Je,rusalem, non seulement la naissance mais aussi la croissance des traditions anciennes relatives au sort final de Marie. Ce ne sera que vers la fin du vie sie.cle, avec le de,cret de Maurice, que ces traditions s’imposeront aux

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melkites (descendants des chalce,doniens). [C’est probablement a. cette e,poque que l’e,glise de Gethse.mani, celle ou. est localise, le tombeau de Marie, haut bastion du monophysisme de Je,rusalem, est re,cupe,re,e par les melkites qui alors la restaurent ou la reconstruisent.] A la suite de quoi, on verra apparaître nombre d'homélies ayant pour the.me le sort final de Marie avec l’affirmation, plus ou moins claire, de la croyance en l’assomption avec re,surrection. [Il s’agit des home,lies de The,oteknos de Livias (fin du vie ou de,but du viie sie.cle) (G 5), ainsi que des trilogies homile,tiques d'André de Cre.te, de Jean de Damas et de Germain de Constantinople (viiie sie.cle) (G 7, G 8 et G 9).] [Where G 5, 6, 7, 8, and 9 = Subgroups of the « oriental » and « occidental » typologies.] Un tel sche,ma, reposant sur un certain nombres de conjectures, essaie de rendre compte de la documentation qui nous est parvenue. Mais il ne pre,tend pas re,soudre toutes les difficulte,s qui demeurent du fait même de l’aspect malheureusement lacunaire des sources. » 670 Pope Pius XII, Munificentissimus Deus, # 44. 671 The Rev. Alexander Roberts, D.D. and James Donaldson, L.L.D., editors, The Ante-Nicene Fathers, [Translation of] The Writings of the Fathers down to AD 325, American Reprint of the Edinburgh Edition, The Twelve Patriarchs, Excerpts and Epistles, the Clementina, Apocrypha, Decretals, Memoirs of Edessa and Syriac Documents, Remains of the First Ages, Volume VIII, "The Book of John Concerning the Falling Asleep of Mary," Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, p. 587. 672 Ibid. 673 Stephen J. Patterson, “Apocrypha,” The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Vol. I, David Noel Freedman, Editor-in-Chief, Doubleday, New York, 1992, p. 296. 674 Ibid., p. 295. 675 Ibid., p. 296. Eric Junod, University of Lusanne, Switzerland, has addressed the use of this designation, "New Testament Apocrypha" as historically and philosophically pertinent, in reference to the proposal by Schneemelcher. 676 Patterson, p. 294. 677 Ibid. 678 Mary Clayton, The Apocryphal Gospels of Mary in Anglo-Saxon England, Cambridge Studies in Anglo-Saxon England, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1998, p. 1. "Their designation as apocrypha goes back largely to the so-called Gelasian decree, one section of which contains a long list of works to be rejected by the faithful: the origin of this section is disputed, but it seems to have been compiled around 500, perhaps in Italy or Gaul." 679 Roberts and Donaldson, pp. 358-359.

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Ibid., p. 359. Shoemaker, 285. 682 Anton Baumstark, “Cosmas,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, transcribed by Michael T. Barrett, citing Krumbacher, Gesch. Der Byzantinischen Literatur (2nd edition, Munich, 1896), http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/04403d.htm. 683 October Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1984, p. 106. 684 John O’Connor, “St. John Damascene,” transcribed by Anthony A. Killeen, The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/08459b.htm . 685 Ibid. 686 MHNAION TOU AUGOUSTOU, p. 193. 687 T.J. Campbell, "St. Anatolius," transcribed by W.S. French, Jr., The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, http://newadvent.org/cathen/01457d.htm. 688 J.P. Kirsch, "St. Germanus I," transcribed by Robert B. Olson, The Catholic Encyclopedia, Online Edition 1999, http://newadvent.org/cathen/0648a.htm. 689 Karen Rae Keck, “Theophanes the Confessor,” The Ecole Glossary, The Ecole Initiative, 1999, http://cedar.evansville,edu/~ecoleweb/glossary/theophanesc.html. 690 August Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1004, p. 119. 691 Ibid., p. 120. 692 MHNAION TOU AUGOUSTOU( p. 190. 693 August Menaion, p. 117-118. 694 Ibid., p. 118. 695 The author located this particular Menaion at the Patristic Institute, housed in Vlatadon Monastery in Thessaloniki, Greece. 696 According to the scholarship of Brian E. Daley SJ, see fn 1. 697 J.K. Elliott, editor, The Apocryphal New Testament, A Collection of Apocryphal Christian Literature in an English Translation based on M.R. James, Clarendon Press, Oxford University Press, first published 1993, revised reprint in 1999. The publisher’s jacket cover notes: “This collection of apocryphal texts supercedes the best-selling edition by M.R. James, which was originally published in 1924, and regularly reprinted. Several new texts have come to light since 1924 and the textual base for some of the apocrypha previously translated by James is now more secure, as in several cases there are recently published critical editions available. Although a modest appendix to James’s edition was added in 1953, no thorough revision has previously been undertaken." 698 Ibid., p. 692. 699 Ibid., p. 691. 681

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Daley, pp. 47-70. Clayton, p. 27. Some scholars have catalogued the apocrypha according to details. "Van Esbroeck divides the apocrypha into two families on the basis of similarities among texts: the 'Palm from the tree of life' and 'Bethlehem and the burning of Incense.' The first group is characterized by the presence of the palm from the beginning of the story: it is brought to Mary from paradise when she is told of her forthcoming death and it plays a major role in the narrative." 702 Daley, pp. 71-81. 703 Ibid. pp. 83-102. 704 Ibid., pp. 103-116. 705 Ibid., pp. 117-136. 706 Ibid., p.137-152. 707 Ibid., pp.153-168. 708 Ibid., pp.169-181. 709 Ibid., pp. 183-201. 710 Ibid., pp. 203-223. 711 Ibid., pp. 231-246. 712 Ibid., pp. 241-246. 713 Ibid., pp. 249-257. 714 Elliott, pp. 701-708. 715 Ibid., pp. 708-714. 716 Ibid., 714-716. 717 Leo Donald Davis, The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325-787), Their History and Theology, A Michael Glazier Book, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, pp.140-141. 718 Ibid., p. 153. 719 Ibid., p. 142. 720 Daley, p. 11. 721 Ibid. 722 Ibid., p. 12. 723 Daley, p. 42, footnote #32: L. Carli, La morte e l'assunzione di Maria santissima nelle omelie greche dei secoli VII-VIII (Rome, 1941). 724 Ibid., p. 103. 725 Defining the Dogma of the Assumption, Munificentissimus Deus, Apostolic Constitution of Pius XII, St. Paul Books & Media, November 1, 1950, #44. 726 Ibid., #17 and #18. 727 Clayton, pp. 25-26, Note 4: "The Council of Chalcedon, held in 451, was called to deal with the heresy of Eutyches, who denied that Christ's manhood was consubstantial with that of other people and argued that there were two natures before, but only one after, the union of both in the incarnate Christ. The statement of faith drawn up by the council was not accepted by the Monophysites, who came into being as a distinct group 701

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immediately after Chalcedon and who argued that Christ had only one, divine, nature. If Christ has no human nature, then this has obvious repercussions for views on his mother [referring to Mimouni, Dormition et Assomption de Marie, p. 665]." And, see Clayton, p. 43: Some of those holding the Monophysite position on the Virgin held that her body had undergone a "transformation before the incarnation which made it incorruptible, as a preparation for the incarnation [referring to Mimouni, Dormition et Assumption de Marie, p. 667]." 728 Ibid., p. 26. See note 5: Van Esbroeck, 'Les Textes littéraires', p. 279; see Mimouni, Dormition, pp. 637-640. 729 Ibid., p. 100. 730 Some versions of this Menaion when translated into English incorporate a slightly different arrangement of songs and prayers. Therefore, here we establish a standard identification of the sections in the original Greek. 731 English translation generally follows that of : August Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1994, pp. 122-136. 732 August Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, pp. 122136. 733 Andrè Grabar, "The Message of Byzantine Art," Department of Antiquities and Archaeological Restoration, Byzantine Art, A European Art, Zappeion Exhibition Hall, Athens, 1964, p. 51-52. 734 Ibid.,p. 52. 735 Ibid., p. 54. 736 Ibid., p. 57. 737 Ibid., pp. 59-60. 738 Ibid., p. 60. 739 Ibid. 740 Ibid. 741 The Exapostilaria, Tone 3, is: ~Apo,stoloi ek pera,twn( sunaqroisqe,ntej evnqa,de( Geqshmanh/ tw/ cwri,w( khdeu,sate, mou to. Sw/ma kai. su. Uie. Kai/ Qee, mou( para,labe, mou to. Pneu/ma. O faithful Apostles, gathered here from the ends of the earth, I implore you this day: set my body to rest in the garden of Gethsemane. And You, my Son and my God: receive my life and my spirit. 742 Constantine Cavarnos, Guide to Byzantine Iconography, Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Boston, Massachusetts, 1993, Volume I, p. 216. 743 Louis Réau, Iconographie de L'Art Chrétien, Iconographie de la Bible, Nouveau Testament, Presses Universitaires de France, Paris, Tome Second, 1957, p. 607-608. 744 Réau, L'Art Chrétien, Tome Premier, 1955, Kraus Reprint, Nendeln/Leichtenstein 1974, "L'influence de la Liturgie sur L'Art," Livre

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III, p. 245. "On ne peut que souscrire aujourd'hui à l'opinion, devenue banale, exprimée en 1884 par Weber dans son étude sur Le Théâtre religieux et l'art chrétien (1). "Les prières lues et chantées à l'autel, ce qui chaque jour à la messe, principalement à certaines grandes fêtes et chaque fois avec les mêmes paroles, frappe les oreilles des fidèles : tout cela se reflète sur les enluminures des livres liturgiques, sur les vêtements et les broderies d'autel, les peintures des murs et de la voûte, les vitraux et les retables." 745 Annemarie Weyl Carr, "Popular Imagery," The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era, A.D. 843-1261, Edited by Helen C. Evans and William D. Wixom, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York 1996, p. 115. See n. 22 for this article, p. 512: "Inventoried in Kreidl-Papadopoulos 1966, p. 145, these include Bede's description of the mural at the Virgin's tomb showing the Virgin's mummy and the angel bearing the palm; three scenes of the ninth century at the so-called Temple of Fortuna Virilis in Rome showing Christ announcing Mary's death to her, John greeting the apostles at his house, and the apostles borne on clouds; and two scenes at Agac alti Kilise in Ihlara showing Christ first receiving and then holding Mary's soul." [These would appear to be the earliest evidences of an icon of the Dormition.] 746 William Hart McNichols SJ, “The Dormition of the Mother of God," America, Faith in Focus, Volume 169, Number 4, August 14, 1993, p. 20. 747 Joseph Duhr SJ, "La 'Dormition' de Marie dans L'art Chrétien," Nouvelle Revue Théologique, Tome LXXII, 1950, pp. 134-148. 748 Leonid Ouspensky and Vladimir Lossky, The Meaning of Icons, St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1989, p. 213. 749

Virginia Kimball, "A Reflection on the Feast of the Assumption", http://www.udayton.edu/mary/meditions/kimball.html. With reference to: Sources: The August Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches Newton Centre, Massachusetts: Sophia Press, 1994; Egon Sendler. The Icon, Image of the Invisible ,Torrance, California: Oakwood Publications, 1981. 750

Allan A. Swenson, Plants of the Bible, A Birch Lane Press Book, Carol Publishing Group, New York, 1994, p. 143. 751 Stephen J. Shoemaker, “Let Us Go and Burn Her Body: The Image of the Jews in the Early Dormition Traditions,” an abstract of his work published in December 1999, Online – EBSCO Publishing, [email protected], accessed July 27, 2000. 752 Ibid. 753 Ibid. 754 Ibid.

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755

Ibid. Ibid. 757 Ibid. 758 Ibid. 759 Ibid. Shoemaker cites Jaroslav Pelikan, Mary Through the Centuries, Her Place in the History of Culture, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1996, p. 67. 760 Ibid. 761 Jaroslav Pelikan, Mary Through the Centuries, Her Place in the History of Culture, Yale University Press, New Haven and London, 1996, p. 25. 762 Aileen Guilding, The Fourth Gospel and Jewish Worship, Oxford University Press, at Clarendon Press, London, 1960, p. 93. 763 The Festal Menaion, "Background and Meaning of Feasts," p. 63. 764 I wish to sincerely thank the patient help of Father Philip Gialopsos who assisted me greatly in this translation. The task was made ever more difficult since the original from Andrew of Crete's Menaion is written in medieval liturgical Greek. A copy of the medieval text and the Greek rendition from the Service Book are found in the Appendix. 765 O'Carroll, pp. 56-57. 766 Daley, p. 4. 767 Daley, pp. 138-139. 768 Festal Menaion, pp. 524-525, at the end of Ode Nine, at the conclusion of Orthros of Dormition. 769 Ibid., p. 524. 770 Brian E. Daley SJ, On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies (Crestwood, NY: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1998), 47-70. 771 Ibid., 47-67. 772 Ibid., 71-82. 773 Ibid., 83-102. 774 Ibid., 103-152. 775 Ibid., 153-182. 776 Ibid., 153-182. 777 Ibid., 183-248. 778 Refers to Daley, 211-212. 779 Daley, Encomium found on 249-258. 780 Spelling can vary because there are various transliterations of this name from the Greek. 781 J.P. Migne, Patrologia Graecae, Tomus cxlv, 559-1332, cxlvi, and cxlvii, 9-448 and other works which are mentioned in cxlvii, 449-634. There is mention of the author by A. Papadopoulos-Kerameus in cxlv, 549-558. 756

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Migne, “Nicephori Callisti Xanthopuli,” Patrologiae Cursus Completus, Libri XVIII, (in Latin and Greek), Accurante et denuo recognoscente, Biliothecae Cleri Universae, Tomus Prior, Series, 1865. 783 Ibid., columns 551-552. Footnote (g.) relating to this entry: “Multo copiosus recenset codicem Caesareum 8 Lambej. In Comment. tom. VIII, p. 119 sqq. In Illo cod. servantur: 1. Nicephori Callisti Acouluthia, sive Officium festi dedicatiionis templi B. Virginis Deiparae, cognomine Fontis s. ad Fontem. Exstat ibidem Nicephori Canon: insertum est ejusdem Synaxarium, s. narratio succincta de origine, incremento et miraculis istius templi, quam narrationem integram lambecius Graece ex illo cod. exhibuit, et pag. 123 adnotat, id Synaxarium non exstare inter ca ejusdem Nicephori synaxaria, quae libro ecclesiastico Graecorum, Triodio dicto, sunt inserta, neque in Triodio sive Synaxariis in praecipua Triodh Iesta, quibus uniuscujusque ddies testi indicatur origo, in cod. Vindob. 322 (de quo vide Lambecii Comment. Tom. V, p. 596), insuper esse diversum ab illa de eodem templo narratione, quam Nicephorus II. E. lib. xv. C. 25 et 26, intexuit; videtur tamen Lambecio editum esse in Pentecostario Graecorum, Venet ap. Jac. Leoncinum 1379, 4. Quod colilgit is ex loco a Leone Allatio in H. Disset. De libris ecclesiast. Graecor, p. 230, producto: et alia docte observat. – 2. Nicephori liber De origine, structura et miraculis memorali templi B. Virginis Deiparae ad fontem de quo multus est Lambec. (qui scripsit, se apographae Syntagmatis de templo et miraculis sanctae Mariae, etc., commuicasse, ut ederetur, cum Remoldo Dehnio, S.J.) Atque Kollar. In nota A, p. 131, contra Greiserum monet, codicem adhuc esse salvuum atque incolumem, editione autem illius, cum, quae Cpolitanae historiae lucem atiquam adfunderent, ea partim ipse Callistus Historiae sue eccles. Inseruisset, partim ex Procopii Caesariens. De imp. Justiniani aedificiis opere, unde Callistus hausit, potueriat cognosci, propter reliqua ignota et fabulos sexaginta quauor miracula, posse rempublicam litter. Facile carere. De fonte illo ipse et aede ad fontem vide praeter Lambecium I. C. anonymum in Antiquitall. C. Politanis, lib. iii, sect. 159, part. III, vol. I Imperii Orientalis, a Bandunio editi p. 56, ed. Paris., sive p. 19 sq. cd. V net.: et Bandunio Notas ad h. 1. In vol. 11, pag. 534 ed. Venet. S.p. 159. Ed. Paris – V. Elogia Sctorum, etc. in vol. IX, B.Gr. p. 111. – In bibl. Pabl. Paris. Synaxaria sunt in codd. Tribus, de quibus postea." 784 Karl Krumbacher, Geschichte der Byzantinischen Litteratur, von Justinian bis zum ende des Ostromischen Reiches (1227-1453), Burt Franklin, New York, 1970, pp. 291-293. 785 A. Vacant and E. Mangenot, Editors, Dictionnaire de Theologie Catholique, Librairie Letouzey et Ane, xi, Part 1, 1931; see: J.Jugie on Nicephore Calliste Xanthopoulos, col. 446-452. 786 Migne, alluding to a Vatican Codex (Book # 822, and pages 180B to 208).

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F.L. Cross, Editor, The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, Oxford University Press, New York and London, 1958, p. 953. 788 Ibid. 789 A. Vacant and E. Mangenot, see: Jugie, col. 446. 790 Rev. Fr. George Poulos, Lives of the Saints and Major Feast Days, Greek Orthodox Archdiocese of North and South America, Brookline, MA, 1974, p. 63. 791 Spellings vary for the name of this miraculous shrine and the location of the spring such as: Zoethokos Pigi, an alternative way to transliterate the Greek. Also, the term can be translated as “Life-holding Spring” because the Source is Christ. 792 Ibid. 793 Pontifical Biblical Commission, The Interpretation of the Bible in the Church, III, D, 3, 1993. 794 Vacant and Mangenot, see: Jugie, col. 449: Vat. Graic. 769, fol. 242 sq. 795 Ibid. 796 Alice-Mary Talbot, “Epigrams of Manuel Philes on the Theotokos tes Peges and Its Art,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, No. 48, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, D.C., 1994. 797 As cited in Nomides, ~H Zwodo,coj Phgh., TUPOIS KEFALIDOU, ISTANPOUL, GALATA, MPALOUK PAZAR, KOURSOUNAOU CAN, AP. 27-29, 1937, p. 12. 798 Talbot, pp. 135-164. 799 Ibid., p. 139. 800 Ibid., p. 164. 801 Pentecostarion, Translated by Monks of Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Brookline, MA, 1990, p. 58. 802 PENTHKOSTARION, CARMOSUNON EKDOSIS THS APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS, pp. 59-60. 803 The author expresses gratitude to Rev. Philip Gialopsos who assisted in a free translation of this ancient liturgical Greek passage. 804 Tania Velmans, “L’iconographie de la “Fontaine de Vie” dans la tradition Byzantine a la fin du moyen age,” in Synthronon, Art et Archéologie de la fin de l’Antiquité et du Moyen Age, Recueil d’Etudes par André Grabar et un groupe de ses disciples, Libraire C. Klincksieck, Paris, 1968, p. 127. With reference to: Mhnai/on, Decembre, edit. Venise, 1895, p. 144 and M.G.H., Poetae latini aevi carolini, I, 314, II. See: “De son côté, le byzantin Joseph l’hymnographe (IXe siècle) dit textuellement dans son Canon Proeo,rtioj de Noël: “Célébrons, oh fidèles, la Mère de Dieu, la source qui donne la vie” (th.n zwodo,con

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Phgh,n), et dans certains vers, attribués a Alcuin, la Vierge est appelée directement ‘fons vitae.” 805

Cyril C. Richardson, Editor, Early Christian Fathers, “First Letter of Clement, 20:10-11,” Collier Books, Macmillan Publishing Company, New York, 1970, pp. 53-54; see footnote #60: “This chapter bears some relation to the Christian thanksgiving for creation, which opened the consecration prayer of the primitive Eucharist. There is an affinity of ideas, and even some parallels, with later liturgies. But the spirit of the chapter is Clement’s.” 806 Ibid., "First Letter of Clement 59:2-3," p. 70. 807 "The Epistle of Barnabus [Chapter XI]," Christian Classics Ethereal Library [web page], Church Fathers, Ante-Nicene Fathers, Vol. 1, www.ccel.org. See Jeremiah 2:13 (RSV): "For my people have committed two evils: they have forsaken me, the fountain of living waters, and hewed out cisterns for themselves, broken cisterns, that can hold no waters." 808 It is interesting to note the contemporary theology of Pope John Paul II who – in Gospel of Life, describes the contemporary environment of the world, in general, which embraces a “culture of death,” in opposition to God's "culture of life." 809 St. Athanasius on the Incarnation, The Treatise De Incarnatione Verbi Dei, Translated and Edited by a Religious of C.S.M.V., with an Introduction by C. S. Lewis, St. Vladimir’s Orthodox Theological Seminary, Crestwood, N.Y., 1993, p. 19. 810 Ibid., #3, p.28. 811 "St. John Chrysostom: Homilies on the Gospel of John [Homily XIV, on John 1:16]," New Advent [web page], The Fathers of the Church, http://www.newadvent.org/fathers/240114.htm. 812 The New Oxford Annotated Bible (NOAB), with the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books, Third Edition, New Revised Standard Version, Michael D. Coogan, Editor, Oxford University Press, New York, 2001. 813 September Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1988, p. 48. 814 Ibid., p. 62. 815 The Service of the Small Paraklesis (Intecessory Prayer) To the Most Holy Theotokos, AKOLOUQIA TOU MIKROU PARAKLHTIKOU KANONOS EIS THN UPERAGIAN QEOTOKON, translated and set to meter by Demetri Kangelaris and Nicholas Kasemeotes, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, MA, Ode 7, The Heirmos, p. 23. 816 Translation by the author. 817 December Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1985, p. 271.

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MHNAION TOU DEKEMBRIOU, PERIECON APASAN THN ANHKOUSAN AUTW AKOLOUQIAN META THS PROSQHKHS TOU TUPIKOU, p. 393. 819 October Menaion, Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, p. 11. 820 Ibid., p. 18. 821 Ibid. 822 The Akathist Hymn and Little Compline, Greek Orthodox Clergy, Syndesmos, The Doxology of St. John Chrysostom, Diocese of Pittsburgh, Sixth Edition, 1991, p. 7. 823 Ibid., p. 11. 824 Ibid., p. 32. 825 Brian E. Daley, S.J., On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies, St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NJ, 1998, p. 3. 826 Leo Donald Davis, S.J., The First Seven Ecumenical Councils (325787), Their History and Theology, A Michael Glazier Book, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, p. 140. 827 Philip Schaff, D.D., LL.D. and Henry Wace, D.D., editors, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, The Seven Ecumenical Councils, Hendrickson Publishers, Peabody, MA, 1994, p. 208. 828 "Mary: Mother of God," Catholic Answers [web site], San Diego, CA, 2001, http://www.catholic.com/ANSWERS/tracts/_mother.htm. 829 Ibid. Methodius (Oration on Simeon and Anna 7 and 14 [A.D. 305]); Alexander of Alexandria, (Letter to All Non-Egyptian Bishops 12 [A.D. 324]); Cyril of Jerusalem, (Catechetical Lectures 10:19 [A.D. 350]); Ephraim the Syrian, (Songs of Praise 1:20 [A.D. 351]); Athanasius, (Incarnation of the Word of God 8 [A.D. 365]; Epiphanius of Salamis, (The Man Well-anchored 75 [A.D. 374]); Ambrose of Milan, (The Virgins 2:2 [7] [A.D. 377]); Gregory of Nazianz, (Letter to Cledonius the Priest 101 [A.D. 382]); Jerome, (Against Rufinus 2:10 [A.D. 401], and (Commentaries on Isaiah 3:7:15 [A.D. 409]); Theodore of Mopsuestia, The Incarnation 15 [A.D. 405]); Cyril of Alexandria (Letter to the Monks of Egypt 1 [A.D. 427], First Letter to Nestorius [A.D. 430],Third Letter to Nestorius [A.D. 430]); John Cassian, (On the Incarnation of Christ Against Nestorius 2:2 and 2:5 [A.D. 429]); the Council of Ephesus (Formula of Union [A.D. 431]); Vincent of Lerins (The Notebooks 12 [35] [A.D. 434]); and Sozomen (Church History 7:5 [A.D. 444]). 830 "FAQs about Mary," http://www.veritatis.org.au/Focus/devotions/Mary/faqs/maryfaqs.htm. 831 Rev. Jas. B.H. Hawkins, "Anastasius the Librarian: LIFE OF ST. PETER OF ALEXANDRIA," 1879, The Saint Pachomius Library [web page], including "The History of the Patriarchs of the Coptic Church of

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Alexandria, by Severus of Al-Ushmunain, http://www.ocf.org/OrthodoxPage/reading/St.Pachomius/Saints/peteralex. html. 832 I deliberately use the term, "theologumenon," because its meaning points to the most important claim of this study -- that the received truth is known in the Christian heart, practice and prayer before it is officially defined as "dogma" by the magisterium. Sense of the mystery, on the part of Christians, conveys strong possibility of it being truth. The dogma, in contrast, leaves no doubt. Yves Congar discusses the varied uses of the term where eastern christianity tends to attribute more credence to the term's meaning -- theological opinion. Eastern Catholic B. Bolotov used the term this way: "The theologoumena are the theological opinions of the fathers of the one and undivided church; they are the opinions of men who include those who are rightly called didaskaloi tes oikoumenes …The content of the dogma is the truth; the theologoumenon conveys probability. The sphere of dogma is that of the necessaria, the sphere of the theologoumenon that of the dubia: in necessariis unitas, in dubiis libertas (Yves Congar, Diversity and Communion, Twenty-Third Publications, Mystic, Connecticut, 1985, p. 50.) Karl Rahner ventures to define the term in the Dictionary of Theology (the only such dictionary to define the term): "This term may be used to designate a theological doctrine that is not directly taught by the Church's magisterium and thus does not authoritatively demand our assent, but is of such a nature that it sheds light on the connexion among many other explicit doctrines of the Church and for this reason is commendable (Karl Rahner, Herbert Vorgrimler, Dictionary of Theology, Second Edition, Crossroad, New York, 1990, p. 497)." 833 Schaff and Wace, p. 202. 834 Ibid., pp. 203-204. 835 The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocryhpha, Revised Standard Version (RSV), edited by Herbert G. May and Bruce M. Metzger, Oxford University Press, New York, 1977, Genesis 2:10. 836 Ibid., p. [3], footnote 2.10-14. 837 The New Oxford Annotated Bible, New Revised Standard Version with the Apocrypha, Third Edition, with Michael D. Coogan, editor (New York, Oxford University Press Inc., 2001), Psalm 42: 1-2. 838 The New Oxford Annotated Bible, Psalm 43: 2. 839 Ibid., Psalm 44: 23-24. 840 Ibid., Psalm 45: 9. 841 Aileen Guilding, The Fourth Gospel and Jewish Worship, A study of the relation of St. John's Gospel to the ancient Jewish lectionary system, Oxford at the Clarendon Press, London, 1960, p. 51.

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842

These six psalms which are always read at the beginning of Orthros are the following: Ps 3, Ps 38 (NRSV), Ps 63 (NRSV), Ps 88 (NRSV) , Ps 103 (NRSV), and Ps 143. (NRSV) 843 The Orthodox Study Bible, New Testament and Psalms, New King James Version, Thomas Nelson Publishers, Nashville, Tennessee, 1993, pp. 671-672, n. 45. 844 John R. Kohlenberger, Editor, The Interlinear NIV, Hebrew-English Old Testament, Zondervan Publishing House, HarperCollins Publishers, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1987, Psalm 45: 9-17, p. 396. 845 The Orthodox Study Bible, p. 672, n. 45. 846 The Order of the Divine and Holy Liturgy, DIATAXIS THS QEIAS KAI IERAS LEITOURGIAS, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, MA, 1987, p. 16. 847 Ibid. 848 David Noel Freedman, Editor-in-chief, The Anchor Bible Dictionary, Volume 5, Doubleday, New York, 1992, p. 26. 849 George Buttrick, Editor, The Interpreter’s Dictionary of the Bible, An Illustrated Encyclopedia, Abingdon Press, Nashville, 1984, p. 605. 850 Ibid. 851 Robert G. Bratcher and William D. Reyburn, A Translator’s Handbook on the Book of Psalms, United Bible Societies, New York, 1991, p. 420. 852 Leander E. Keck, Convener and Senior New Testament Editor, The New Interpreter’s Bible, General Articles & Introduction, Commentary, & Reflections for Each Book of the Bible Including the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books in Twelve Volumes, Abingdon Press, Nashville, 1996, p. 861. 853 Ibid., p. 863. 854 Raymond E. Brown, S.S., Editor, The Jerome Biblical Commentary, Volume I, The Old Testament, Prentice Hall, Inc., Englewood Cliffs, NJ, 1968, p. 583. 855 Ibid. 856 James L. Mays, General Editor, Harper’s Bible Commentary, Harper & Row Publishers, San Francisco, 1988, p. 454. 857 It should be noted that the New American Bible translation interprets the psalm as a secular wedding song, deciding in verse 13 that the Hebrew reference to the Queen “should probably be understood as referring to the king. The you in v 15 certainly signifies the king (Donald Senior, General Editor, The Catholic Study Bible, New American Bible, Oxford University Press, New York, 1990, fn. 45:13, p. 675).” We see here that the interpretation has not taken the liturgical tradition into account.

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Geoffrey W. Bromiley, Editor and Translator, Theological Dictionary of the New Testament, Abridged in One Volume, William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, Grand Rapids, Michigan, 1985, p. 837. 859 Ibid. 860 Ibid., p. 838. 861 R. Janin, A.A., La Géographie Ecclésiastique de L’Empire Byzantin, Première Partie, Le Siège de Constantinople et le Patriarcat Oecuménique, Tome III, Les Églises et les Monastères, Deuxième Édition, Publie avec le concours du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, Paris, 1969, pp. 227-228. Sense of the French: The title for Mother of God by Joseph the Hymnographer, at least from the the 9th century, ended up extending to the miraculous source. The icon this represents is seen as a type. 862 Contemporary icon of the “fountain of the Fountain.” 863 Contemporary Russian icon. 864 Note: Some scholars have noted a relationship here with the Icon of Protection, where the Virgin sits in the Orans position and the Child is an emblem. In the tradition of “Theotokos, Our Protection,” there may be holes in her hands from which holy waters (hagiasma) flow, thereby relating with “Theotokos, Life-giving Fountain.” 865 Nomides, ~H Zwodo,coj Phgh., TUPOIS KEFALIDOU, ISTANPOUL, GALATA, MPALOUK PAZAR, KOURSOUNAOU CAN, AP. 27-29, 1937. 866 Contemporary icon. 867 Nomides, ~H Zwodo,coj Phgh,, TUPOIS KEFALIDOU, ISTANPOUL, GALATA, MPALOUK PAZAR, KOURSOUNAOU CAN, AP. 27-29, 1937. 868 Paul A. Underwood, “The Fountain of Life in Manuscripts of the Gospel,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA, 1950, Number 5, p. 44. 869 Ibid., No. 5, p. 131 and following. 870 Ibid., No. 5, p. 45. See footnote #11. 871 Ibid., p. 46. Note that the fountain illustrations here are related to “new life” and secondarily to “baptism” as the author notes in footnote #14. 872 Ibid. 873 Ibid., pp. 47-48. 874 Ibid., p. 49. 875 Ibid., p. 52. 876 Tania Velmans, "L’ICONOGRAPHIE DE LA « FONTAINE DE VIE » DANS LA TRADITION BYZANTINE A LA FIN DU MOYEN AGE," Bibliothèque des Cahiers Archéologiques, Art et Archéologie de la fin de L'Antiquité et du Moyen Age,

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Recueil d’Etudes par André Grabar et un groupe de ses disciples, Librairie C. Klincksieck, Paris, 1968, Volume III, p. 120: “Au début de l'homélie l’enseignement de l'église est effectivement comparé à une source d’eau vive à laquelle viennent boire les ‘fils de l'Eglise’, avides d'écouter la parole du Christ. C'est donc le terme particulier de ‘fils de l'Eglise’, que l’on évoque par les deux personnages dans la seconde partie de l’image; le terme traditionnel du psaume qui citait ‘l'âme du chrétien’ (voir infra) et que l’on avait pris l’habitude de représenter par des cerfs ou des animaux, ne suffisait manifestement plus à refléter les idées de l'époque. Enfin, du point de vue de l'évolution des formes et du choix des symboles, on peut dire que cette enluminure illustre d’une façon particulièrement évidente comment se fait le passage du répertoire antique au répertoire médiéval. "C’est dans un manuscrit du XIIeme siècle, qu'est une fois encore, un recueil des Homélies de saint Jean Chrysostome (Milan, Ambr. 172 sup., fol. 263) qu'apparaît pour la première fois une interprétation du thème de la Fontaine de Vie qui diffère fondamentalement de toutes les variants que nous venons de mentionner (fig. 2).” 877

Pentecostarion, Sunday of Pascha, p. 37. Ibid., p. 326. 879 Ibid., “Contents”: The Holy and Great Sunday of Pascha, Sunday of Antipascha/Thomas Sunday, Sunday of the Myrrh-bearing Women, Sunday of the Paralytic, Wednesday of Mid-Pentecost, Sunday of the Samaritan Woman, Sunday of the Blind Man, Ascension of our Lord and Saviour Jesus Christ, Sunday of the Holy and God-bearing Fathers at Nicea, Saturday of the Souls, Sunday of Holy Pentecost, Sunday of All Saints. 880 Ibid., Entrance Hymn of Pascha. 881 Ibid., p. 7. 882 Ibid. 883 Dom Gaspar Lefebvre, O.S.B. and the Monks of St. Andrew's Abbey, Saint Andrew Daily Missal, with Vespers for Sundays and Feasts, Liturgical Apostolate, The E.M. Lohmann Co., Saint Paul, Minnesota, 1958, p. 527. 884 See: The Liturgy of the Hours, According to the Roman Rite, The Divine Office, revised by decree of the Second Vatican Ecumenical Council and published by authority of Pope Paul VI, Vol. II, Lenten and Easter Season, English Translation Prepared by the International Commission on English in the Liturgy, Catholic Book Publishing 878

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Company, New York, 1976. The Office of Readings for Friday within the Octave of Easter includes Psalm 136, which remembers God's protection in the Exodus (pp. 604-606.) In the Second Reading it includes an excerpt from the Jerusalem Catecheses on Baptism (pp. 608610.) Daytime Prayer includes verses of Psalm 119 and Psalm 76 regarding the protection of God (pp. 612-613.) 885 Ibid., p. 616. 886 Christian Prayer: The Liturgy of the Hours, The Divine Office, “Mother of Holy Hope”, Hymn #164, Catholic Book Publishing Co., New York, 1985, p. 1579. 887 Ibid., “Mary the Dawn,” Hymn # 165. 888 Collection of Masses of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Catholic Book Publishing Co., New York, 1992, Volume I, Sacramentary, p. 79. 889 Ibid., Volume I, Sacramentary, p. 121. 890 Ibid., Volume II, Sacramentary, p. 83. 891 Nomides, H ZWODOCOS PHGH, ISTANPOUA 1937, pp. 52-53. 892 Ibid., pp. 78-79. 893 George P. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, District of Columbia, 1984, p. 325. 894 Ibid., p. 326. 895 “The Hymn of Resurrection,” Greek Orthodox Holy Week & Easter Services, A New English Translation, compiled and translated by Father George L. Papadeas, Patmos Press, South Daytona, Florida, 1976, 485. 896 Nomides, `H Zwodo,coj Phgh,, TUPOIS KEFALIDOU, GALATA, MPALOUK PAZAR, KOURSOUNAOU CAN, AR. 27-29, Istanbul, 1937, p. 27. 897 Ibid., p. 31. 898 Ibid., p. 31. 899 Pentecostarion, Ode One, p. 55. 900 Ibid. 901 Ibid., Ode Three, p. 55. 902 Ibid., Ode Four, p. 56. 903 Ibid. 904 Ibid., Ode Five, p. 56. 905 Ibid., Ode Six, p. 57. 906 Ibid. 907 Ibid., Kontakion, p. 57. 908 Ibid., Oikos, pp. 57-58. 909 Ibid., Ode Eight, p. 58. 910 Ibid., Ode Nine, p. 59. 911 Ibid. All of Ode Nine includes symbols that refer to Theotokos as “Advocate”: “…for in her temple, according to your need, ye shall have the recompense of your requests. … it is the soul’s ambrosia, the nectar

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of the faithful, the honey from the rock, and the distribution of manna. … by pouring forth grace from thine ever-flowing Spring, and ever granting us strength against our enemies, as well as victories, health, and peace, and the fulfillment of our prayers (p. 59).” 912 Freedman, Vol. 6. 913 William Whiston, A.M., Translator, The Works of Josephus, Hendrickson Publishers, Lynn, MA, 1982, pp. 487 and p. 552 (where the phrase “fountain Siloam” appears). Reference: Josephus, War II, Book 15, Section 2; and War V, Section 4, Sections 1 and 2, and 12. 914 Buttrick, p. 352. 915 Pentecostarion, Ode Five, p. 56. 916 Ibid. 917 Ibid., Sessional Hymn of the Theotokos, before Ode Four. 918 Ibid.,Exapostilarion of Pascha, of the Theotokos, pp. 59-60. 919 George Ferguson, Signs and Symbols in Christian Art, with illustrations from Paintings of the Renaissance, Oxford University Press, New York, 1961. 920 Nomides, p. 39. 921 Ibid., p. 46. 922 Ibid., p. 42. 923 Ibid. 924 Ibid., p. 43. 925 Ibid., p. 44. 926 Ibid., p. 46. 927 Ibid., p. 46, as recorded in SKARLATOU BUZANTIOU H Kwn Vol 10, 338. 928 Ibid., p. 22. 929 Ibid., p. 24. 930 Ibid., p. 34. 931 Ibid., p. 36. 932 Bromiley, p. 294. 933 Ibid. 934 Ibid., p. 296. 935 Ibid. 936 Ibid., p. 147. 937 Nomides, p. 22. 938 Ibid., p. 22. 939 Ibid. 940 Ibid., p. 24. 941 Ibid. 942 Ibid. 943 Ibid., p. 27. 944 Ibid.

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945

Ibid., p. 30. "The Byzantine Monuments, The Church of Panagia of Blachernae," Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople, http://www.patriarchate.org/ecumenical_patriarchate/chapter_4/html/blac hernae.html. 947 "The Image of Edessa, Earliest References to Christ's Burial Cloths," Shroud of Turin, http://home.fireplug.net/~rshand/reflections/messiah/edessa.html, referring to a reference to Archdeacon Gregory, 16 August 944: "while the Mandylion was enthroned at Blachernae Palace, Gregory gave a commemorative sermon to a large congregation there. He asked those present to view the image 'as if in a mirror' and 'not applied with the ordinary paints of the artist's craft.' He contrasted the Mandylion with painted icons and their diverse colors": quoting the Archdeacon Gregory - "'The splendor was derived solely from the drops of sweat at the agony in the garden, which emerged from the countenance, which is the source of life, flowing down like drops of blood and imprinting with divine fingers. … These are truly the beauties which the color of the imprint of Christ has brought forth, which were finally improved by the drops of blood flowing out from his own side … I say it is these [blood and water] which have been imprinted on the cloth.'" 948 "The Byzantine Monuments," Ecumenical Patriarchate": "Leo I also built the pareeclesion, the Hagia Soros, to house the holy mantle and robe of the Virgin that had been brought from Palestine to Constantinople in 473." 949 Ibid.: "The iconographic type of the Virgin Blachernitissa was already established by then and had spread throughout the Christian world. … The best known and most significant historic event occurred [in] 626, when Constantinople was besieged by the Avars while Emperor Heraclius and his troops were campaigning against the Persians in Asia Minor. The icon of the Virgin Blachernitissa was carried along the battlements in a procession headed by the son of the absent Emperor and the Patriarch Sergius (610-638)." It is known that at this time, the ancient hymn now known as the Akathist was sung. 950 Hilda Graef, "The Council of Ephesus and After," Mary: A History of Doctrine and Devotion, From the Beginnings to the Eve of the Reformation, Vol. One, Sheed and Ward, New York, 1963, p. 138. 951 The language of icons is communicated in symbol and image. The suggestion here is that the elements of the phenomenon of Virgin Mary's appearance with the veil, as a robe covering all the people, has deeper mystical meaning and relates to her as mother of the ecclesia. Medieval illumination constantly portrays the image of her as the bride in the Song of Songs. See: George Arthur Buttrick, Dictionary Editor, The Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible, An Illustrated Encyclopedia, 946

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Volume 4, Abingdon Press, Nashville, 1984, pp. 747 (col. B) - 748 (col. A). 952 Alice-Mary Talbot, Editor, Holy Women of Byzantium, Ten Saints' Lives in English Translation, translated by Paul Halsall, Dumbarton Oaks, Research Library and Collection, Washington, DC, 1996, p. 308. See the section on "St. Thomais of Lesbos": "Blachernai, near the northern end of the Theodosian walls, was the site of a major Constantinopolitan shrine of the Virgin built by the empress Pulcheria ca. 450. A circular chapel called the 'Soros' was erected by Emperor Leo I (457-474) next to the church to hold the robe of the Virgin, brought from Palestine in 473. The church was burned down in 1070; it was rebuilt by 1077 by either Romanos IV Diogenes (1067-71) or Michael VII (107178) and then destroyed again in 1434. (See ODB 1:293; Janin Eglises CP, 161-71; Majeska, Russian Travelers, 333-37 (fn 87)." St. Thomais is shown walking a way of prayer and then supplicating the Virgin: "She used to go regularly to the most divine church at Blachernai, and would walk the whole way at night sending forth hymns of supplication to God and entreating His all-pure Mother. Then she would prostrate herself before Her all-honored and all-holy shrine, entreating Her with tears and begging grace for the whole world, to intercede with Her Son to postpone and delay His punishment and to grant a respite from the wickedness the world because of sins. For she did not petition and entreat the Lord on her own behalf, but for the salvation and redemption of the community and the world [pp. 308-309]."  953 Graef, p. 139. 954 "Feastdays and Services to the Theotokos," Presentation Given by His Grace Demetri at the First Biennial Antiochian Archdiocese Clergy Symposium, Chicago, Illinois, July 1978, www.antiochian.org/midwest/Articles/FeastsMary.htm. 955 "Father Demetrios Serfes - Orthodox Spirituality," The Holy Belt of the Theotokos, translated by John Constantinides, Marcy 1, 1999, Boise, Idaho, http://www.fr-d-serfes.org/orthodox/beltoftheholytheotokos.htm: The tradition and cult of devotion concerning holy relics continues until this day. Recently, great interest has developed in the holy belt of the Theotokos, claimed to be in the possession of the monks at the Holy Great Monastery of Vatopedi in Agios Oros (Mt. Athos). The Deposition of the Precious Belt-Sash - Cincture of Our Most Holy Lady Theotokos is commemorated on August 31, reverencing the only precious relic that survives from her earthly life. Monks from Vatopedi supply a description and a picture of this belt as it is displayed on an Eastern Orthodox web page: "The Holy Belt, according to the tradition, was made by the Blessed Virgin Mary herself with camel hair. The Empress Zoi, wife of Leo 6th the Wise, out of gratitude for her miraculous cure, embroidered the Belt with gold thread, as it is found today, but divided in three pieces.

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Originally it was being kept in Jerusalem and later in Constantinople. There during the 12th century under Manuel Comminos (1143-1180) an official holiday for the Belt was established on August 31st. In the end, Emperor John the 6th Katakouzinos (1347-1355), who had a special love toward the Holy Great Monastery of Vatopedi, as is evidence by many related accounts, donated the Belt to the Monastery. Since then the Holy Belt is kept at the Holy Monastery of Vatopedi, in a silver case of newer manufacture which depicts the Monastery. On the bottom right border of the depiction the artist made the drawing of the donor Emperor Katakouzinos along in the a [mistake as it occurs on the web page] sign which refers to his donation to the Monastery. Numerous are the miracles, that have taken place up to today with the Holy Belt. Its value is priceless because it's associated to the Blessed Virgin Mary. She has the grace and to her the miraculous power is attributed, which with many ways she transmits to the faithful. … The same phenomenon is mentioned in the Holy Scriptures when objects that the Prophet Elias and the holy Apostles wore [were actually performing] performed miracles, because they had the grace of the saints. For this reason the Church attributes it honorary worship, as it does to the Holy Wood of the Cross of the Lord. The Holy Belt has the unique grace to cure women's sterility as well as cancer patients, with a ribbon that has firstly been blessed on the Belt and is subsequently worn by the sterile women and patients." On page one is seen a photograph of the Precious Belt in its relic box. 956 Again, in the account about St. Thomais of Lesbos, we see evidence of the cult of the Virgin at Blachernae, involving a procession and veneration of the Virgin's robe: "This might allude to the weekly procession from Blachernai to the church at Chalkoprateia and Laiou, but Thomais is described as going in the opposite direction, i.e. toward Blachernai (Talbot, p. 309, fn. 88.) St. Thomais "would then prostate herself before her all-honored and all-holy shrine …(p. 309)." "The Soros, the chapel of the Virgin's robe, was covered in silver and considered a 'reliquary shrine of architectural dimensions.' Lay people were not allowed inside the Soros, but could pray in the main church … . A specific icon type, the Virgin Hagiosoritissa, was associated with this shrine … (p. 309, fn 89)." 957 Alexander P. Kazhdan, editor, The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, Vol. 1, Oxford University Press, New York, 1991, p. 237: Avars were a nomadic people that appeared in the mid-6th century in the northern steppe of the Black Sea. "The first Avar embassy appeared in Constantinople in 558. Justianian I concluded an alliance with the Avars and used them to alleviate the pressure of Pontic barbarians on the Byzantine frontier. The AVARS were able to control both COTRIGURS and ANTAE, but they then invaded SCYTHIA MINOR and occupied PANNONIA after having destroyed the GEPIDS. The growth of Avar

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power created frictions in their relations with Byz.; under the command of BAIAN, the Avars, acting in alliance with the Slavs, conquered a part of the northern Balkans, including SIRMIUM (582). The emperor Maurice's attempts to stop the Avars were unsuccessful; in 626 their offensive reached its peak when, together with the Persians, they besieged Constantinople. Thereafter, the first signs of disintegration of the Avar confederation (khaganate) became visible: the Croatians and Serbs joined Emp. Herakleios in his struggle against the Avars and ca. 635 KUVRAT acquired independence from the Avars. We know nothing about the Avars from 680 to 780. At the end of the 8th C., they reappeared in the West but were defeated by Charlemagne." 958 Hieromonk Makarios of Simonos Petra, The Synaxarion, The Lives of the Saints of the Orthodox Church, Volume One, Holy Convent of the Annunciation of Our Lady, Ormylia (Chalkidike), Greece, 1998, pp. 249250, n. 5: "In Greece, it [the feast day] was transferred to 28 Oct. in 1960, in memory of the protection the Mother of God granted to the Greek forces on the Albanian front, as they withstood the Italian invasion in 1940." 959 Gary Van Haas, "The Pride of Oxi Day," GoGreece.com, www.gogreece.com/learn/oxi.htm. 960 "1 October," Texts and translations copyrighted by Archimandrite Ephrem, http://web.ukonline.co.uk/ephrem/1october.htm: "We celebrate the commemoration of the Holy Protecting Veil of our Most Holy Lady, the Mother of God and Ever-Virgin Mary." [In Greece, but not in Cyprus, this feast is celebrated on 28 October]. 961 For example: The Menaion is available on monthly pages such as http://web.ukonline.co.uk/ephrem/1october.htm, posted by Archimandrite Ephrem. Also, a troparion and kontakion index arranged monthly such as: http://users.netmatters.co.uk/davidbryant/C/TropKon/July.htm. 962 St. Dimitri was "a great hierarch, preacher, writer and ascetic, born near Kiev in 1651, and died in 1709. Among many other glorious works of instruction that he wrote, especially noteworthy is the translation and publication of the Lives of the Saints. He foresaw his own death three days before, and died while at prayer. He was a great light of the Russian Church, and of Orthodoxy in general. He had heavenly visions during his life; he served the Lord with zeal and entered into the heavenly Kingdom," http://www.rocor.org.au/prologue/October28.html. 963 Thomas Marretta, translator, St. Demetrius of Rostov, Great Collection of the Lives of the Saints, Chrysostom Press, ISBN 0-9635183-7-2. 964 Menology of St. Dimitry of Rostov, translations provided by Holy Trinity Monastery, Jordanville, NY, 1976. 965 "Internet Medieval Sourcebook, Saints' Lives," Paul Halsall, November 1988, http://www.fordham.edu/halsall/sbook3.htm. On this web page constructed by the Serbian Orthodox Church: Diocese of

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Western America, named the Prologue from Ochrid, the set up allows a person to search a particular day of the month to find the related saints. Saints cannot be found without knowing the feast day. The story of Andrew, the Fool for Christ, is found, in particular, in this Menaion-style collection of lives of the saints. 966 "A lesson from St. Dimitri of Rostov on Redeeming the Time -- from Articles on Orthodox Theology, Doctrine & Practice," The Russian Orthodox Church of St. Nicholas, Dallas, Texas, http://www.orthodox.net/articles/redeem.htm. 967 The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha, Revised Standard Version, (RSV) edited by Herbert G. May and Bruce M. Metzger, Oxford University Press, New York, 1977. 968 An alternate spelling, as used in the Catholic Encyclopedia, is St. Gerasimus. 969 George Poulos, Orthodox Saints, Spiritual Profiles for Modern Man, January 1 to March 21, Holy Orthodox Press, Brookline, MA, 1990, p. 201. 970 "The Church of Panagia of Blachernae," Patriarchate web page, http://patriarchate.org/ecumenical_patriarchate/chapter_4/html/blachernae .html. 971 Hieromonk Makarios, fn 5, pp. 249-250. Citation given here is attributed to L. Ryden, "The vision of the Virgin at Blachernae and the Feast of Pokrov," Anal. Boll. 94 (1976) 63-82. 972 St. Nicodemus, the Hagiorite, Le Synaxaire, Vies des Saints de l'Eglise Orthodoxe, adaption française par Macaire, moine de SimonosPetras,Tome Premier: Septembre, Octobre, Novembre, Editions To Perivoli Tis Panaghias, Thessalonique, 1987. 973 Ibid., Introduction. 974 Hieromonk Makarios, p. x. 975 Ibid., p. xiv. 976 ORTHROS Volume B 2001, Rev. Dr. George Karahalios and Rev. Constantine Valantasis, Senior Editors, Narthex Press, Northridge, CA, 2001. 977 MHNAION TOU OKTWBRIOU, AQHNAIS: THS APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS, 1960, p. 424. 978 See, for example: "1 October," Matins, http://www.ukonline.co.uk/ephrem/1october.htm. 979 Brian Daley SJ, On the Dormition of Mary, Early Patristic Homilies, St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY, 1988, p. 3. 980 Daley, fn. 4, p. 37. 981 Kazhdan, Vol. Two, p. 1206: Leo I was born ca. 400 and died in 474. 982 Heiromonk Makarios, p. 251. 983 Virgil Elizondo, Guadalupe, Mother of the New Creation, Orbis Books, Maryknoll, New York, 1999, p. xv: "Two anthropologies

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clashed: the European anthropology of rationality and the native anthropology of creatureliness. For the Europeans, conquest -- of self and of others -- was the measure of the human, while for the Amerindians, harmony within the self and all of creation was the measure of the human. The former view emphasized cosmic signs and rituals. One was a world of reason, logic, and argumentation and linear discourse; the latter view emphasized cosmic signs and rituals. One was a world of reason, logic, and argumentation while the other was a world of omens, dreams, myths, and rituals. One was obsessed with the spirit of conquest -- physical and/or spiritual -- while the other was obsessed with a spirit of radical acceptance of the cosmic order as it was." The historical parallels here to the 4th and 5th centuries in Greece and Asia Minor are significant. The goal of Elizondo's thesis appears to parallel the three major Marian shrines in Constantinople, and primarily views the Virgin appearing in a context, in time and place according to the measure of God's economia. He sees Guadalupe as yoking the European church and its culture while empowering the native culture of the Nahuatl Indians: "The more I meditate on the story, contemplate the image, and reflect on the impact of the Guadalupe event on people, society, and the church, the more I realize how extraordinary it was and continues to be. Its full impact can be appreciated only in the context of salvation history itself. For Guadalupe is not just a Mexican happening -- it is a major moment in God's saving plan for humanity" pp. x-xi. 984 Gabrielovich [Euguene Polin, C.M.], Ephesus or Jerusalem, The Tomb of the Holy Virgin, translated by Bertrand Buby SM, [1997], privately printed, 1897. 985 Aristeides Papadakis, Crisis in Byzantium, The Filioque Controversy in the Patriarchate of Gregory II of Cyprus (1283-1289), St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, Crestwood, NY, 1997, p. 120-121. There is an indication of strong allegiance here to the “tradition” of the Fathers. As the author shows, it is not so much the failure of the Tomus of Gregory to understand the idea of “unionism” but the failure of the explanation given by the West to fit with the developing eastern thought based faithfully on tradition: “The above mentioned negative criticism is understandable if its Western perspective and incompatibility with Gregory’s theology are recognized. For the West, to repeat, has not always maintained the genuine apophaticism of Byzantine theology, or the antinomy between the essence and the energy which open the way to the co-inherence and energetic manifestation enshrined in Greek patristic thought. As such, Gregory’s ‘new theory’ or ‘new error’ – based on the decisive authority of the Fathers – is neither novel nor unusual, as Beccus and many modern commentators claim. Its foundations lie deep in patristic soil; it is an organic development of patristic thought – a scaffolding that allows us to discover and locate the intuitions of the Greek Fathers. As we have seen

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his masters are not the theologians of the post ninth century period, but the early Fathers: John of Damascus, Cyril of Alexandrea, Athanasius, Gregory of Nyssa, and Maximus the Confessor. Thus, it is not the Tomus’ theological novelty or discontinuity with the past that should be emphasized, as much as its profound doctrinal grasp and fidelity to tradition. Such was the faith of Blachernae (p. 131).” 986 Kazhdan, Vol. I, p. 512. 987 Ibid. 988 Ibid., p. 513. 989 Rev. Nicon D. Patrinacos, A Dictionary of Greek Orthodoxy, Hellenic Heritage Publications, Pleasantville, N.Y., 1984, p. 137: “However, and in spite of the recognition of this Council by the Pope, Charlemagne refused to recognize it not only as Ecumenical but altogether. He disapproved of its decision for venerating the icons, and as a result of his hostility, a synod at Frankfurt in 794 condemned the veneration of icons and rejected the entire Council. And it was only by the end of the 9th century that the Council was recognized in the West but without its rules that were contrary to the established practices of the Roman Church.” 990 Daley, fn. 5, pp. 37-38. 991 "Eastern Monasticism Before Chalcedon (AD 451)," The Catholic Encyclopedia, http://newadvent.org/cathen/10464a.htm, pp. 5-6 of 8. 992 "St. Euthymius," Catholic Online Saints, Feastday, January 20, 1997, http://www.catholic.org/saints/euthymius.html. 993 "Euthymius the Great," The Ecole Glossary, The Ecole Initiative, http://cedar.evansville.edu/~ecoleweb/glossary/euthymiosgr.html. Again, in The Catholic Encyclopedia: "A miraculous cure which Euthymius was believed to have effected for Terebon, the son of the Saracen chief Aspebetus, spread the fame of the holy hermit far beyond the confines of Palestine. Aspebetus was afterwards ordained priest and became bishop over his tribe, in which capacity he attended the Council of Ephesus in 431. When the report of this miracle had made the name of Euthymius famous throughout Palestine, and large crowds came to visit him in his solitude, he retreated with his disciple Domitian to the wilderness of Ruba, near the Dead Sea. Here he lived for some time on a remote mountain called Marda whence he afterwards withdrew to the desert of Zipho (the ancient Engaddi). When large crowds followed him to this place also, he returned to the neighbourhood of the monastery of Theoctistus [whom he had left in charge], where he took up his abode in a cavern. Every Sunday he came to the monastery to take part in the Divine services. At length, because numerous disciples desired him as their spiritual guide, he founded, in 420, on the right side of the road from Jerusalem to Jericho, a laura similar to that of Pharan. The church connected with this laura was dedicated in 428 by Juvenal, the first Patriarch of Jerusalem. When the

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Council of Chalcedon (451) condemned the errors of Eutyches, it was greatly due to the authority of Euthymius that most of the Eastern recluses accepted its decrees. The empress Eudoxia was converted to Catholic unity through his efforts. http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05630b.htm (referencing Butler, Lives of the Saints and other ancient sources)." 994 Daley, p. 230, fn 34: "At this point, all the manuscripts add, as the remainder of chapter 18 [of the homily], an account of the bringing of Mary's funeral shroud as a relic to Church of Blachernai in Constantinople in the fifth century -- a narrative which purports to be an excerpt from an otherwise unknown work called the Euthymiac History." 995 Ibid., p. 222, John of Damascus, Homily II, #18. 996 Luigi Gambero, Mary and the Fathers of the Church, The Blessed Virgin in Patristic Thought, translated from the Italian by Thomas Buffer, Ignatius Press, San Francisco, 1999, pp. 46-47. 997 From Irenaeus, The Demonstration of the Apostolic Preaching, This document is from the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College,generated on demand from ThML source,

http://www.ccel.org/ccel/irenaeus/demonstr.preaching_the_demonstration _of_the_apostolic_preaching.html, §33. (Accessed January 2005) 998 “Origen and Origenism,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/11306b.htm. 999 Gambero, p. 72. 1000 Ibid. 1001 Thomas Livius, The Blessed Virgin in the Fathers of the First Six Centuries, Burns and Oates, Limited, and Benziger Brothers, New York, 1893, p. 47, citing: Origen, In Luc., Hom. vii. Tom. 13, p. 1902. 1002 Kazhdan, Vol. 3, p. 1732. 1003 “Procopius of Caesarea,” The Catholic Encyclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12450a.htm. 1004 Livius, p. 73. 1005 “St. Greogry of Neocaesarea, Known as THAUMATURGUS (ho Thaumatourgos, the miracle worker),” The Catholic Encyclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/07015a.htm. 1006 Ibid. “The creed itself is quite important for the history of Christian doctrine (Caspari, Alte und neue Quellen zur Gesch, d. Taufsymols und der Glaubernsregel, Christiana, 1879, 1-64). The story of this apparition is attributed to Gregory of Nyssa, with the help of his grandmother St. Macrina the Elder." 1007 Livius, p. 125. 1008 “St.Ephraem (EPHREM, EPHRAIM),” The Catholic Encyclopedia, http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/05498a.htm.

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1009

Ibid. Jerome writes in De viris illustr., c. cxv: “I have read in Greek a volume of his on the Holy Spirit; though it was only a translation, I recognized therein the sublime genius of the man.” 1010 Livius, p. 213. 1011 Ibid., 213-214. 1012 Gambero, p. 162. 1013 Ibid., p. 164. 1014 Ibid., quoting: Sozomen, in Storia ecclesiastica 7; PG 67: 1424-25. 1015 Livius, p. 319. 1016 Ibid., pp. 318-319. 1017 Daley, p. 19-20. 1018 Ibid., p. 20 1019 Ibid., p. 160: Homily I, Section 7. 1020 Gambero, p. 389, from Germanus of Constantinople, Homily I on the Dormition, PG 98, 344 B-345 A. 1021 Ibid., p. 391. 1022

Alexander Kazhdan, “”Andrew of Crete,” in Alexander Kazhdan, editor, The Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium (New York: oxford University Press, 1991, 92-93. 1023 Ibid., p. 393, Homily 4 on Mary's Nativity, PG 97, 880 C. 1024 "Services to the Most-holy Theotokos," The Service of the Small Supplicatory Canon (otherwise known as the Small Paraklesis) to the Most Holy Theotokos, http://bright.net/~palamas/CyberPsaltiri/Horologion/SmSupTh.htm. 1025 The web site of the Christian Classics Ethereal Library at Calvin College, http://www.ccel.org/n/neale/easternhymns/theophan.htm, describing Theophanes: He was born in 759 AD, holding the third place among Greek Church poets. He was pledged in childhood to marry, but persuaded his wife on their wedding day to enter monastic life with him. A defender of icons, he was one of the victims of Leo the Armenian who imprisoned him for two years and then banished him to Samothrace where he died. Next to St. Joseph of the Studium, Theophanes is considered the most prolific of Eastern Hymnographers. The online Ecole Initiative describes Theophanes, "the Confessor," who was also called "the Chronicler." "Theophanes," http://cedar.evansville.edu/~ecoleweb/glossary/theophanesc.html: "He was related to the Macedonian royal family and was educated at the imperial court at Constantinople, where he later served under Leo IV. With his wife, after two years of celibate marriage living in monastic lifestyle, he founded two monasteries, one at Mt. Sigriane and another on the island of Kalonymous. He was the abbot of the latter. An outspoken lover of icons, Theophanes, participated in the Seventh Ecumenical

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Council at Nicaea (787 AD). Between 810 and 814 AD, he composed his Chronographia, a continuation of the work of his friend George the Synkellos, who wrote a history that ends at 284 AD. The sources that Theophanes used are now lost, making his history the most complete extant history of 7th and 8th century Byzantium. The work describes the Arab seige of Constantinople (674-8AD). Leo the fifth, the Armenian, and a violent opponent of the reverence of icons, imprisoned Theophanes and had him tortured. The emperor exiled him in 818 AD to Samothrace, where he died from wounds he had received in prison." "St. Theophanes the Branded," http://web.ukonline.co.uk/ephrem/theophan.htm: On an orthodox web page, we find the following description of Theophanes: "Next to St. Joseph the Hymnographer the major contributor to the weekday Paraklitiki was St. Theophanes, bishop of Nicea. His life is told in the life of Michael the Synkellos, of which an excellent translation has been published by Dr. Mary Cunningham. He and his brother were, according to this source, sent to Rome in 813 to support the Pope in his stand against the Franks over the question of the filioque. … As a hymnographer St. Theophanes belongs to the tradition of the monastery of Mar Sabbas, near Bethlehem, which includes many of the greatest writers of canons, including St. Andrew of Crete, St. Kosmas Maiouma and St. John of Damascus. His contribution to the Paraklitiki consists of sets of canons in all eight tones for the Angels, and the Departed. He is sometimes said also to have written a set for the Apostles, but those in Tones 7 and 8 are ascribed to Joseph in the Paraklitiki, that in Tone 7 being 'signed' in the ninth ode. Not all of these are 'signed' in the acrostic, but that for the Angels in Tone 1 has as its acrostic the following, 'The first hymn of Theophanes for the Angels', while that for the departed in Tone 5 has, 'The fifth canon of Theophanes for the dead.' Unfortunately none of these texts has been critically edited and the printed service books often differ widely in their ascriptions." This, in itself, is indicative of the problem of assigning authorship, but at the same time, demonstrates the antiquity of liturgical texts. 1026 His Grace Bishop Demetri, "Feastdays and Services to the Theotokos," Presentation given at the First Biennial Antiochian Archdiocese Clergy Symposium, Chicago, Illinois, July, 1978, http://www.antiochian.org/midwest/Articles/FeastsMary.htm. 1027 The Service of the Small Paraklesis to the Most Holy Theotokos, AKOLOUQIA THS MIKRAS PARAKLHSWS EIS THN UPERAGIAN QEOTOKON, translated and set to meter by Demetri Kangelaris and Nicholas Kasemeotes, Holy Cross Orthodox Press, Brookline, Massachusetts, 1984, p. 28. 1028 Ibid., p. 38. 1029 Ibid., p. 4.

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1030

John 7: 37-52 RSV, fn. pp. 1297-1298: "The gift of the Spirit is a mark of the Messianic age." 1031 The Service of the Small Paraklesis to the Most Holy Theotokos, p. 7. 1032 Michael O'Carroll CSSp, Theotokos, A Theological Encyclopedia of the Blessed Virgin Mary, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1990, p. 336, fn. 1: Catalogue of the Greek and Latin Papyri in the John Rylands Library, Manchester (Manchester 1938) III, 46ff. 1033 Ibid., p. 336. Dating: E. Lobel, a papyrologist, favors the 3rd century. M.C.H. Roberts, editor of the 1938 publication chose the 4th century, believing it "almost incredible that a prayer addressed so directly to the Virgin in these terms could be written in the third century." [As if the Mother of God would not be sought for protection until the Marian cult was "defined" at the Council - VK.] G. Giamberadini, scholar in Egyptian Christianity, found no impediment in literary or theological terms for the fragment to date to the 3rd century. [This debate is critical to the argument that tradition holds Christians may have always sought protection from the Mother of God from the time of her "ministry" during her life, at Pentecost, and at the time of her Dormition -VK.] 1034 Lumen Gentium VIII, 66. Adding the note: "We fly to thy protection. Sub tuum praesidium confugimus." 1035 "Sub Tuum Praesidium," http://unidial.com/~martinus/thesaurus/BVM/SubTuum.html. Note: From the Roman Breviary, Raccolta #333. (S.C. Ind., April 5, 1786; S.P. Dec. 12, 1935). 1036 "Sub Tuum Praesidium," Marist Brothers (Sydney Province), http://www.maristoz.edu.au/spirituality/mary/stories/Praey-Sub-Tuum1.htm. 1037 Mother Mary and Archimandrite Kallistos Ware (translators and editors), The Festal Menaion (South Canaan, Pennsylvania: St. Tikhon’s Seminary Press, 1998), 295. 1038 Festal Menaion, Mattins on the Eve of Theophany, Canticle Four, 306. 1039 Festal Menaion, Evening Prayer, Third Hour, 322. 1040 Festal Menaion, Evening Prayer, Sixth Hour, 328. 1041 Festal Menaion, Orthros, 383. Christ affirms that Elijah has come again in John the Baptist: “then they asked him, ‘Why do the scribes say that Elijah must come first?’ He said to them, ‘Elijah is indeed coming first to restore all things. … But I tell you that Elijah as come, and they did to him whatever they pleased, as it is written about him (NRSV Mark 9: 11-13).’” 1042 Ouspensky and Lossky, The Meaning of Icons, translated by G.E.H. Palmer and E. Kadloubovsky, St. Vladimir's Seminary Press, Crestwood, New York, 1989, p. 77. 1043 Ibid., pp. 77 and 80.

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1044

Maria Giovanna Muzj, Transfiguration, Introduction to the Contemplation of Icons, St. Paul Books & Media, Boston, 1991, p. 38. 1045 Ibid., p. 169, fn 12: referencing Egon Sendler, Les icones de la Mere de Dieu, in Plamia, 1985, p. 11, n. 67. 1046 Caroline H. Ebertshauser, Herbert Haag, Joe H. Kirchberger, Dorothee Solle, Mary, Art, Culture, and Religion through the Ages, translated by Peter Heinegg, The Crossroad Publishing Company, New York, 1997, p. 203. See the image, Madonna Vladimirskaya from the early 15thcentury Moscow school, depicted in the manner of the "tender Mother of God" (Eleousa), p. 202. 1047 Muzj, p. 50. 1048 Ibid., p. 51. 1049 Ibid., p. 50. 1050 Ebertshauser et al., p. 7. 1051 Ibid., p. 6. 1052 Ibid., p. 101. 1053 Ibid., pp. 132-133. 1054 Ibid., p.101. 1055 Ibid. 1056 Ibid., p. 101-102. 1057 A frontal depiction of the Virgin with hands extended in prayer, Christ emblazoned on her breast, representative of the position of the Theotokos at Blachernae. See further discussion in this chapter. 1058 The Dictionary of Mary, Behold Your Mother, Catholic Book Publishing Co., New York, 1985, p. 231. 1059 Ibid. 1060 Ibid., p. 236. 1061 Dom Gaspar Lefebvre OSB and the Monks of St. Andrew's Abbey, Saint Andrew Daily Missal with Vespers of Sunday and Feasts, Abbey of St. Andrew, Bruges, Belgium/The E.M. Lohmann Co., Saint Paul, Minnesota, 1958, Feast of Our Lady of the Miraculous Medal, November 27, pp. 1758-1759. 1062 Ibid., Feast of Our Lady of Perpetual Succor, June 26, pp. 19681969. 1063 “EUCHOLOGY … refers to a collection of prayers or a prayer book, from the Greek Euchologion, as in the Euchology of Serapion of Thmuis, which is sometimes called a prayer book or a sacramentary. Ther term appears more frequently in French, Euchologe, less frequently in English.” Frank C. Senn, “Euchology” in Peter E. Fink, S.J., editor, The New Dictionary of Sacramental Worship (Collegeville, Minnesota: The Liturgical Press, 1990), 462. 1064 John Martin, Roses, Fountains, and Gold, The Virgin Mary in History, Art, and Apparition, Ignatius Press, San Francisco, 1998, Frontispiece before the Table of Contents.

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1065

Ibid., p. 91. Leland Ryken, James C. Wilhoit, and Tremper Longman III, Dictionary of Biblical Imagery, InterVarsity Press, Downer's Grove, Illinois, 1998, p. 317. 1067 Ibid., p. 318. 1068 Ibid., p. 320. 1069 Find both examples in Ryken et al, p. 319. 1070 Ibid., p. 911. 1071 John of Damascus, On Holy Images c. 730. “Internet Medieval Sourcebook,” (c)Paul Halsall Feb 1996 [email protected] . ( www.fordham.edu/halsall/source/johndam-icons.html) Accessed January, 2006. 1072 Konrad Onasch and Annemarie Schnieper, Icons, The Fascination and the Reality, Translated by Daniel G. Conklin, Riverside Book Company, Inc., New York, 1995, p. 177: "The Protecting Veil of the Mother of God (Pokrov), School of Rostov, sixteenth century. Andrew, Fool for Christ, had a vision of the Mother of God at night in the Blachernae Church in Constantinople, in which she spread out her veil over the faithful gathered there." 1073 Ouspensky and Lossky, p. 151. 1074 Ibid. "It is at the church of Blachernes, where the robe, the veil and part of the girdle of the Holy Virgin are preserved, that the appearance occurred." The authors refer to the Matins, Stitchera of Tone 8: "The Virgin is today present in the church: with the choirs of saints She prays [to] God invisibly for us. Angels and bishops prostrate themselves, apostles and prophets rejoice: for the Mother of God intercedes for us before the eternal God." 1075 Helen C. Evans and William D. Wixom, editors, The Glory of Byzantium, Art and Culture of the Middle Byzantine Era A.D. 843-1261, The Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, Distributed by Harry N. Abrams, Inc., NY, 1997, Cat. No. 291, Icon with the Virgin Orans, now housed at Museo Regionale, Messina, Italy, p. 451. 1076 Ouspensky and Lossky, pp. 151-152. 1077 Maria Vassilaki, editor, Mother of God, Representations of the Virgin in Byzantium, Benaki Museum in Athens and SKIRA, Milan, 2000, Sanctuary apse detail, Church of the Virgin at Peribleptos, Ochrid, Cat. No. 74, p. 128. 1078 Henry Maguire, "The Cult of the Mother of God in Private," Mother of God, Representations of the Virgin in Byzantine Art, edited by Maria Vassilaki, Benaki Museum, Athens, Greece, published by Skire Editore, Milan, Italy, 2000, p. 279. I wish to express my appreciation to The Very Reverend Joachim Cotsonis, Ph.D., Director of the Archbishop Iakovos Library, Hellenic College/Holy Cross Greek Orthodox School of 1066

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Theology, Brookline, MA, for his help in my research and in particular for directing me to this new work. 1079 Ministry of Culture, Treasures of Mt. Athos, Catalogue of the Exhibition: Treasures of Mt. Athos, Musuem of Byzantine Cutlure, Thessaloniki, Greece, 1997, Cat. No. 9.5, Panagiarion known as "The Pulcheria Paten," Xerapotamou Monastery, 14th c., pp. 324-325. 1080 Maria Vassilaki, Mother of God, Cat. No. 144, Miliaresion of Constantine IX Monomachos, from the Byzantine Collection, Dumbarton Oaks, Washington DC, p. 210: "These representations, which first appear on rare issues of the Macedonian dynasty and gradually multiply during the eleventh and especially the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, point to the transformation of the emperor, by the grace of God, from a powerful ruler into an earthly god. At the same time, a tendency may be detected to search for some form of mediation with the heavenly Lord, a search motivated not by specific events, but by an intellectual conception of the divine, by the need to stress the personal, equal status of man with that which both seems and is remote. Against the background of these developments in numismatic iconography, the depiction of the Theotokos played a lading role. Her appearance on coins as early as the time of the Macedonian dynasty is an interesting aspect of the regenerative trends of this period." 1081 MHNAION TOU OKTWBRIOU( PERIECON APASAN THN ANHKOUSAN AUTW AKOLOUQIAN( EKDOSIS THS APOSTOLIKHS DIAKONIAS THS EKKLHSIAS THS ELLADOS EN AQHNAIS) fn: ~H `Acolouqi,a auth( poihqei/sa upo. tou/ en `Agi,w :Orei asmatogra,fou Monacou/ Gerasi,mou Micragiannani,tou( enecri,qh upo th/j `Iera/j Suno,dou th/j ~Ekklhsi,aj th/j `Ella,doj en th/ sunedri,a Auth/j th/j 21hj ~Octwbriou 1952 caq hn cai. Apefasi,sqh o suneortasmo.j th/j ~Eorth/j th/j agi,aj Sce,phj th/j ~Uperagi,aj Qeoto,cou meta. th/j ~Eqnich/j ~Eorth/j tw/n Nichthri,wn th/j 28hj ~Octwbri,ou) 1082 Onasch and Schnieper, p. 176. 1083 "Novgorod On-Line," (mostly in Russian), www.novgorod.ru/english/city/history/ipaint/eng/page08.html. 1084 Kazhdan, Volume 3, p. 1929. 1085 Ibid.: "The other relic, Mary's belt, or girdle (zone) was placed in the Chalkoprateia church by Emp. Arkadios, according to legend. By the time of Justin II, it was installed in an architectural soros of its own. Its translation was celebrated on 31 August; the emperors visited its soros on the feasts of the Annunciation and Nativity. The icon type of the Virgin Hagiosoritissa is associated with this shrine." 1086 Alexi Lidov, "Miracle-Working Icons of the Mother of God," Mother of God, Representations of theVirgin in Byzantine Art, Maria Vassilaki, Editor, p. 50. 1087 Ibid.

710

1088

Ibid. Ibid. 1090 Ibid. p. 54. 1091 Kazhdan, Volume I, p. 293. 1092 George P. Majeska, Russian Travelers to Constantinople in the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, Dumbarton Oaks Research Library and Collection, Washington, DC, 1984, p. 333. 1093 "The Byzantine Monuments," The Church of Panagia of Blachernae, Ecumenical Patriarchate of Constantinople Web Page, http://patriarchate.org/ecumenical_patriarchate/chapter_4/html/blachernae .html. 1094 Ibid. 1095 Ibid. 1096 Ibid. 1097 Ibid. 1098 Ibid. It is sad to note that after the destructive fire of 1434, and the Fall of Constantinople, nothing remained of the shrine except for the sacred spring. The site was controlled by the Ottomans until 1867, when it was purchased by a private Greek enterprise, who built a small church over the hagiasma. Interest still remains in possible future archeology at the site and yet the spirituality has remained constant from ancient times in the recognition of the site's value. 1099 Kazhdan, Volume 1, pp. 407-408. 1100 Evans and, Cat. No. 112, p. 165. 1101 Ibid., cat. No. 226, p. 332. 1102 V. Grumel, "Le 'miracle habituel' de Notre-Dame des Blachernes à Constantinople," Echos D'Orient, Revue trimestrielle d'Histoire de Géographie et de Liturgie orientales, Tome XXX, Année 1931, Paris, p. 146. "Telle est, croyons-nous, l'origine du miracle havituel des Blachernes. En l'absence de documents directs, la certitude absolue ist difficile: contentons-nous de la sérieuse probalité qu'engendrent les indices ci-dessus réunis." 1103 Kazhdan, Volume 3, p. 2172. Note that here it states that "the VIRGIN ELEOUSA type grew out of the Hodegetria image, in which the balance between reserve and affection was always strictly maintained (p. 2173)." 1104 "Veneration of the Mother of God," Mat' Maria (Skobtsova), translated by Fr. S. Janos (from a publication: Pochitanie Bogomateri, First Printing in "Mat' Maria (Skobtsova): vospominaniya, stat'I, ocherki," Tom. I, YMCA Press, Paris, p. 109-126, http://members.nbci.com/_XMCM/frsjanos/skobtsova/veneratio_Bogoma ter.html, posted 2001. 1105 Redemptoris Mater, # 31. 1106 Ibid. 1089

711

1107

Ibid., # 33. Ibid., #42, referencing LG 66. 1109 "Feastdays and sermons to the Theotokos," His Grace Bishop Demetri, http://www.antiochian.org/midwest/Articles/FeastsMary.htm. 1110 Kazhdan, "Methodios," Volume 2, p. 1334. 1111 Ibid., Volume 1, p. 93. 1112 Ibid. 1113 Ibid. 1114 Ibid. 1115 Ibid. 1116 Ibid., "Epiphanios," Volume 1, p. 714. 1117 Ibid., Volume 1, p. 93. This dictionary records the possible dating theories: C. Mango, probable date between 674 and 694; J. Wortley, no later than 920 with some parts as early as 880s; L. Ryden, prefers the date of ca. 950-959. The earliest extant manuscript is dated to the 10th century. 1118 Ibid. 1119 Ibid., p. 714. 1120 This is a free translation by the author. 1121 The Latin and Greek wording is found in "Nicephorus," J.P. Migne, Patrologia, Vol. 111, 1863, pp. 847-849. 1122 Alexei Lidov, "Miracle-Working icons of the Mother of God," in Vassilaki, Mother of God, p. 47. 1123 Ibid. 1124 Ibid., p. 49. 1125 Averil Cameron, "The Early Cult of the Virgin," in Vassilaki, Mother of God, p. 13. 1126 Ibid. 1127 Ibid., p. 48. 1128 Hans Belting, Likeness and Presence, A History of the Image before the Era of Art, translated by Edmund Jephcott, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, 1994, p. 185. 1129 Ibid., p. 511. References to V. Grumel, "Sur l'Episkepsis des Blachernes," Echos d'Orient: 29 (1930) and "Le miracle habituel de Notre Dame des Blachernes à Constantinople," 30 (1931), 129 ff. 1130 ORQROS 2001 VOLUME B, Rev. Dr. George Karahalios and Rev. Constantine Valantasis, Senior Editors, Narthex Press, Northridge, California, 2001, p. 490-491. "O immaculate One, Your Son, who of old guided an ungrateful people by a pillar of cloud, manifested you as a rational and living cloud wondrously sheltering and saving a chosen people." 1131 Ibid., p. 470. 1132 Ibid., p. 475. 1133 Ibid., p. 485. 1108

712

1134

Ibid. Ibid., p. 487. 1136 Karl Rahner and Herbert Vorgrimler, Dictionary of Theology, Crossroad, New York, p. 491. 1137 Herbert Vorgrimler, Sacramental Theology, translated by Linda M. Maloney, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, p. 10. 1138 Ibid. 1139 Ibid. 1140 Ibid., p. 470. 1141 Ibid., p. 474. 1142 Ibid., p. 487. 1143 Ibid., p. 489. 1144 Ibid., pp. 490-491. 1145 Ibid., p. 491. 1146 Ibid., p. 495. 1147 Ibid., p. 496. 1148 Ibid., p. 471. 1149 Ibid., p. 473. 1150 See for instance the following examples in Caroline H. Ebertshäuser, Herbert Haag, Joe H. Kirchberger, and Dorothee Sölle, editors, Mary, Art, Culture, and Religion through the Ages, translated by Peter Heinegg, A Crossroad Herder Book, The Crossroad Publishing Company, New York, 1997: (1) "Madonna of the Protecting Mantle" by Johannes Rueland (1474) at the parish church of St. Nicholas in Markdorf, BadenWrttemburg, p. 7; (2) "Madonna with the Protecting Cloak" by Friedrich Schramm, ca. 1480-1515, from Ravensburg and displayed in the State Museums, Berlin, p.101; and (3) "The Madonna Platytera" by Bartolomea Buon, from the portal of the Abbazia della Misericordia, Venice, located now in the Victoria and Albert Museum, London, p. 133. 1151 Dumitru Staniloae, The Experience of God, translated and edited by Ioan Ionita and Robert Barringer, with foreword by Kallistos Ware (Brookline, MA: Holy Cross Orthodox Press, 1998), 153. 1152 ORQROS 2001 VOLUME B, p. 495. 1153 Herbert Vorgrimler, Sacramental Theology, translated by Linda M. Maloney, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1992, p. 31. Here, Vorgrimler notes the New Testament concept of "mysterion" in Ephesians 1:9-10; 2:11-3:13; Colossians 1:20, 26-27; 2:2 and Romans 16:25-26. 1154 Lucien Deiss CSSp, Springtime of the Liturgy, translated by Matthew J. O'Connell, The Liturgical Press, Collegeville, Minnesota, 1979, p. 29. 1155 Ibid. 1156 Ibid. 1157 As quoted by Lucien Deiss, p. 33. 1158 Vorgrimler, p. 31. 1135

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1159

The New Oxford Annotated Bible with the Apocrypha, Revised Standard Version (RSV), edited by Herbert G. May and Bruce M. Metzger, Oxford University Press, New York, 1977. 1160 October Menaion, "Protection of the Most Holy Mother of God," Service Books of the Byzantine Churches, Orthros, October 1, Ode One, Tone 4, Sophia Press, Newton Centre, Massachusetts, 1988, p. 18. 1161 Hilda Graef, Mary, A History of Doctrine and Devotion, Christian Classics, Westminster and Sheed and Ward, London, 1965, Part 2, pp. 8384. Graef quotes Father E. Schillebeecks, OP, from his book, Mary, Mother of the Redemption: "It is merely an official confirmation of the fact that sufficient evidence has emerged from the investigation to enable us to be cautiously certain in our acceptance of the divine authenticity of the apparition on rational grounds. It would perhaps be more precise to say that it is ultimately only a question of an authoritative opinion concerning our cautious approval. To all intents and purposes, the Church does no more than give her official permission that Mary may be venerated in a special way at the place where the apparition has occurred. …All that the Church declares is that, in her judgment, they are in no way contrary to faith and morals and that there are sufficient indications for their pious and cautious approval by human faith (p.197ff)." 1162 Maria Vassilaki, editor, Mother of God, Representations of the Virgin in Byzantium, Benaki Museum in Athens and SKIRA, Milan, 2000, p. 22. 1163 Vorgrimler, p. 5. 1164 The content of the injunction by Paul is as follows: "Rejoice always, pray without ceasing, give thanks in all circumstances; for this is the will of God in Christ Jesus for you. Do not quench the Spirit, do not despise the words of prophets, but test everything; hold fast to what is good, abstain from every form of evil (The New Oxford Annotated Bible, with the Apocryphal/Deuterocanonical Books (NOAB), Third Edition, Oxford University Press, New York, 2001, 1 Thess 5:15-22)." 1165 Vorgrimler, p. 6. 1166 Ibid., p. 10, citing Karl Rahner, "On the Theology of Symbols," Schriften zur Theologie IV, 1959, pp. 175-311. 1167 Ibid., pp. 10-11. 1168 Ibid., p. 11. 1169 Gail Ramshaw, Worship, Searching for Language, The Pastoral Press, Washington, DC, 1988, p. 40. 1170 Ibid., pp. 40-41. 1171 Ibid., pp. 41. 1172 Ibid., p. 42. 1173 Ramshaw, p. 42. 1174 Ibid., p. 111.

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1175

James Empereur, SJ, Worship, Exploring the Sacred, The Pastoral Press, Washington, DC, 1987, p. 36-37. 1176 Ibid., p. 37. 1177 Ibid., p. 38. 1178 Kevin Irwin, "Lex Orandi, Lex Credendi -- Origins and Meaning: State of the Question," Liturgical Ministry, 11 (Spring 2002), p. 65. 1179 See fn 118, Chapter Five, Blachernae. 1180 The patristic tradition sees this as a messianic psalm, "containing a collection of prophecies about Jesus Christ, centered around the fact that the Son is the Lord (Hebrew, Yahweh)." In the ancient eastern liturgy, the psalm is used in Christmas Eve and Good Friday services. "The theme of the psalm is the Anointed One entering into history" (The Orthodox Study Bible, New Testament and Psalms, New King James Version, Thomas Nelson Publishers, Nashville, Tennessee, 1993, fn. 2, p. 637). 1181 Vorgrimler, p. 37. 1182 Scholars now believe that the Sub Tuum Praesidium was written as early as the second century AD. For a translation of the hymn see: Anthony M. Buono, The Greatest Marian Prayers, Their History, Meaning and Usage, Alba House, New York, 1999, pp. 21-22. "We fly to your patronage, O holy Mother of God; despise not our petitions in our necessities, but deliver us from all dangers, O glorious and blessed Virgin." 1183 Irwin, p. 63. See also: Geoffrey Wainwright, Doxology: The Praise of God in Worship, Doctrine and Life: A Systematic Theology, Oxford University Press, New York, 1980, p. 263 (as indicated in Irwin). 1184 Collection of Masses of the Blessed Virgin Mary, Volume I, Sacramentary, International Commission on English in the Liturgy, A Joint Commission of Catholic Bishops' Conferences, Catholic Book Publishing Co., New York, 1992, pp. 79-81. 1185 Irwin, quoting Aidan Kavanagh, p. 66. 1186 Ibid. 1187 Catechism of the Catholic Church, Libreria Editrice Vaticana, 1994, # 822. 1188 Ibid., #824. These statements in the Catechism of the Catholic Church stand on the magisterial documents, Lumen Gentium and Unitatis Redintegrato. 1189 The Pentecostarion, Oikos, translated from the Greek by the Holy Transfiguration Monastery, Brookline, Massachusetts, 1990, pp. 57-58.

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