ISBN 978-4-902325-33-1
Occasional Paper 4
Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past
Edited by Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI
Indus Project Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan 2008
Occasional Paper 4
Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past
Edited by Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI
Indus Project Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan 2008
Occasional Paper 4 : Linguistics, Archaeology and the Human Past Editor: Toshiki OSADA and Akinori UESUGI Copyright Ⓒ Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature 2008 ISBN 978-4-902325-33-1
Indus Project, Research Institute for Humanity and Nature (RIHN)
457-4 Motoyama, Kamigamo, Kita-ku, Kyoto 603-8047 Japan
Tel: +81-75-707-2371
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[email protected]
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CONTENTS
Preface Research report on surface and subsurface analysis of archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert in Sindh, Pakistan
1 Qasid H. Mallah
Jaidak (Pithad): a Sorath Harappan site in Jamnagar district, Gujarat and its architectural features
83 P. Ajithprasad
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed - A fabulous illustration of congenital architectural and decorative traditions -
101 Farzand Masih
A history of fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
115 Roger Blench
PREFACE
I am very happy to announce the publication of the fourth volume of our Occasional Paper here. Dr. Qasid Mallah of Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur, in Sindh, Pakistan was a visiting foreign scholar at our Institute in 2007. He has already contributed his paper in the third volume of our Occasional Paper. As a specialist of archaeology in Sindh, his papers are very useful for understanding the situation of archaeological sites in this region. The research project based on this paper was financed by his university. I would like to express my sincere gratitude to Dr. Nilofer Sheikh, the Vice-Chancellor of Shah Abdul Latif University, for giving us a permission to publish his paper in this volume. Dr. P. Ajithprasad of the M.S. University of Baroda, India was a visiting foreign scholar at our Institute from April to July 2008. His research has been foucused on Chalcolithic and Harappan sites in Gujarat, India. He is now conducting an excavation at a Harappan site of Shikarpur in Kachchh which is situated 30 km away from Kanmer where our excavation has been being conducted. His paper is very important to understand the features of Harappan sites in Gujarat, India. Dr. Farzand Masih of University of the Punjab, Lahore, Pakistan is one of the core members of our Indus Project. He has done his PhD on Temples of Salt Ranges: Detailed Analysis of their Architecture and Decorative Designs. His paper is focused on the inter-cultural relations between the local tradition of Buddhist and Hindu architecture and extraneous Islamic architecture. Dr. Roger Blench has already contributed his paper in the third volume. His research interest covers a huge and wide range. His paper in this volume deals with the origins of various fruits in Southeast mainland from the multidisciplinary viewpoint. Last but not least, Dr. Uesugi took it upon himself to edit this volume. I thank his painstaking efforts.
Toshiki OSADA Project leader and Professor Research Institute for Humanity and Nature Kyoto, Japan
[email protected]
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Research report on surface and subsurface analysis of archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert in Sindh, Pakistan
Qasid H. Mallah
Department of Archaeology
Shah Abdul Latif University
Khairpur, Sindh, Pakistan
ABSTRACT This paper is a report for the research project conducted around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah in Sindh, Pakistan. The thorough surface survey in this region revealed a number of sites dating from the Upper Paleolithic to the historic times. Some of the sites surveyed indicated multiple occupations, even though the remains scattered only on the present surface. It is highly probable that the area around lakes provided people with preferrable environment for living through time. Furthermore, the region at the border between the sandy desert and the alluvial plains was considered by the ancient people as strategic point connecting the two ecozones.
INTRODUCTION
the desert portions in its northern extension receive the water from the Indus river system.
The Thar is the largest desert in South Asia. It
It is in this region since last decade and half where
occupies 800 km long and 400 km wide located over
archaeologists have been investigating for ancient
northwest India and southeast Pakistan. In Pakistan,
remains to understand ancient life patterns within
it is stretched in two provinces; southeast of Punjab,
the desert environment setup. Until now, the research
called as Cholistan, and in Sindh province where it
done in this western edge of the Thar Desert has
occupies the eastern side of province throughout its
progressed greatly yielding huge amounts of data.
entire length of more than 580 km and is called as the
The present project is an additional effort towards
Thar Desert.
a common pool of the research and has certainly
The Thar Desert constitutes of huge sandy area
provided additional information.
where alluvial valleys and lakes are present. In its
This present project specifically focuses on lakes
northern limits, the Thar has a narrow alluvial valley
around the Dubi Mirwah desert. There are several
called Nara having maximum width of 4-5 km. It
lakes which were intentionally for this project selected
starts from Salehpat town to the Jamraho head. The
because of their strategic location in between of low-
desert stretches along both sides of this valley. This
lying hills of the Rohri Hills sequence and the alluvial
western portion of the desert is limited and ends near
plains of the lower Indus plain. Combination of all
Jamraho head in south; the Rohri Hills in the north
three geographic components (i.e. hills, sand dunes
and the Mirwah canal in west. The desert was watered
and alluvial plains along with several other micro-
by both river system, i.e. the Indus and the Hakra
ecological niches) increases archaeological potential
which is the major source of water for the entire Thar
to find out greater intensity of the archaeological
region. The Hakra finally merges into the sea. Some of
remains in this part of the given region. The specific -1-
Qasid H. Mallah
The site level survey focused on the presence or
focus would be on the question like when and how far
absence of any distinct feature and activity area like
those natural resource bases were exploited. Previously, the limited survey was done around
manufacturing debris, hearth or dense scatter of
the Lunwari Sim and Sain Sim in 1996, and after
the any type of artefact(s). The significance of this
five years in 2001, Jamal Shah and Ganero Sim were
type of systematic surface analysis is to determine
surveyed. A good concentration of archaeological
(a) overall nature of the site, (b) total area occupied,
sites has been identified, but as they were limited by
(c) collection of exotic items, and (d) locational
focusing mainly on chert stone tool repertoire, only
context. This approach has further conceived the issue
few potsherds and other type of cultural material have
of manufacturing technology, intensity of activity
been reported.
conducted and scale of production. The systematic
The present survey focused on other lakes like
surface analysis has revealed the place of given site in
Jamal Shah, Khuth, Bakri Waro, Char Baro, Wadi
the greater hierarchical system of settlement pattern
Sim, Tul Sim, and Lunwari Sim including the Saneso
and the level of social complexity of its potential
Sim, Dingi Sim and Ganero Sim, all of which were
inhabitants. The settlements were recorded with main
surveyed. During the first year of the project, a total
attention on the collection of diagnostic item(s) and
number of 34 archaeological sites were recorded and
recording on all sort of physical features and activity
during second year of project a total number of 12
areas. Any single exotic object like stone bead, shell
more sites were added to make a total number of 46
bangle, and or steatite bead encountered was collected
sites documented around the lakes. After preliminary
after recording its position on the ground by a GPS
examination, it turned out that all sites were
handset. From the sites some selected artefacts for
associated with different periods ranging from the
typological and chronological confirmation were also
Upper Palaeolithic to the Early Historic period. The
collected. The observation and recording of two types
documented 46 archaeological sites showed multiple
of micro-artefacts such as chert tools and beads were
occupational periods and were located separately on
complicated because (a) similar colour of objects and
the flat top surface of sand dunes, on the slopes and
soil and (b) size of objects. The colours of chert tool
nearby lakeshores. All sites consist of a surface scatter
and sand are almost alike and the minute size of chert
with greater variation in artefactual repertoire and
tools and micro beads make them untraceable and
density. At least three types of artefact scatter were
very difficult to see. A researcher might be stepping
classified such as:
over important artefacts if he/she is not carefully observing the surface ground of the given site. A
a. localities with significant density of artefacts
profound acquaintance and experience with the
b. spots with less quantity of objects littered on the
region however enables the researcher to pull out and obtain micro-artefacts and activity areas more easily.
surface
In spite of these problems, documented settlements
c. isolated artefact clusters
have revealed a wonderful locational and behavioral pattern, showing that the shores of lakes, flat tops
The methodology for recording of sites was based on
and slopes of dunes were strategically and intensively
three important points as:
occupied. 1. data acquisition 2. analysis and processing of data 3. interpretation of data. -2-
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Mehrgarh
Ganweriwala
Kachi Plains
In d
us
Ri ve
r
Judeirjodaro
Lakhanjodaro Jhukar Mohenjodaro
Rohri Hills
Thar Desert
Kot Diji
Area for survey
Amri
Chanhudaro
Rann of Kachchh Juni Kuran
Dholavira Surkotada
Arabian Sea Figure 1 Map of the region surveyed (prepared based on a NASA image)
very suitable for the consumption of both animal
GEOMORPHOLOGY AND ENVIRONEMENT OF THE AREA
and human being. This diverse geography must have provided an attractive and ideal environmental condition for ancient people including hunter-
The geomorphology of the project area consists of
gatherers, nomads, pastoralists, and agriculturists of
major features like: (a) sandy desert, (b) saline lakes
every era living in this region.
Dhands/Sim, (c) low hills of the Rohri Hill sequence, (d) alluvial valleys and (e) the Indus Plains. These
Sandy desert
features further hold faunal and floral diversity,
This sandy desert is a “regular sea of sands” in overall -3-
Qasid H. Mallah
1 Tul 2 Wadi Sim North 2 3 Wadi Sim North 1 4 Wadi Sim South 5 Bakri Waro East 6 Tali 7 Char Baro South 2 8 Dubi 4 9 Dubi 5 10 Dubi 3 11 Dubi 2 12 Dubi 1 13 Dubi 6 14 Char Baro South 1 15 Char Baro North 16 East of Lakes 4 17 Vakar North-East 18 East of Lakes 2 19 East of Lakes 6 20 East of Lakes 5 21 East of Lakes 3 22 Bakri Waro South 23 Jamal Shah North 4 24 Jamal Shah North 3 25 Char Baro South 3 26 Jamal Shah East 1 27 Vakar South-East 28 Jamal Shah North 2 29 Jamal Shah East 2 30 East of Lakes 1 31 Jamal Shah South 3 32 Jamal Shah North 1 33 Jamal Shah South 2 34 Jamal Shah South 1 35 Jamal Shah 1 36 Jamal Shah 2 37 Dingi Dhandh 38 Ganero 3 39 Ganero 8 40 Ganero 2 41 Ganero 1 42 Saneso Dhandh 1 43 Saneso Dhandh 6 44 Saneso Dhandh 3 45 Saneso Dhandh 2 46 Saneso Dhandh 5 47 Saneso Dhandh 4
Indus Plains 1
2
3 4
10 8
11 12 13 14
6
9 7 15 25
17
5
16 18
22 23
24
19 20
21
26 28
30 31
29 32 33
27
34 36 35 37 38
Thar Desert
39 40
41
42
43
44 45
46 47
Figure 2 Map of the sites surveyed
character and is divided into (a) the Pat and (b) the
vegetation cover (Figure 3). The sand dunes become
Thar (Pithawalla 1959: 27; Panhwar 1969). Generally,
very green after few rain showers. Among these dunes,
the desert typifies a rolling surface, with high and
the brackish water lakes and flat alluvial valleys are
low sand dunes separated by sandy plains and low,
available.
barren hills, which rise abruptly from the surrounding
These sand dunes are situated apparently in a
plains. The dunes are in continual motion and take on
connected sequence with separate high ridges mostly
varying shapes and sizes. Older dunes, however, are
from northern side. Every sand dune contains slopes
in a semi-stabilized or stabilized condition, and many
from at least three sides and the northern side is
rise to a height of almost 500 feet (150 m). Several
always steep and very difficult in accessibility. On
playas (saline lakes), locally known as Dhands, are
the contrary, the southern slopes are in a descending
scattered throughout the region.
position and very easy in accessibility; this is one of
The sandy area lying on the right banks of the
the reason that archaeological sites are located on the
Nara Valley is actually extended part of the upper
southern slopes. The sites are also located on the top
Thar where all feature like climate and vegetation
flat surface of dunes.
and the geomorphological setup of the dunes are in a similar fashion as in the other parts of the Thar
Lakes
Desert area. The sand dunes are covered with sparse
A cluster of ten lakes locally known as Jamal Shah, -4-
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 3 Sparse vegetation cover on the sand dunes
Figure 4 Plants and bushes of various types around the lakes
-5-
Qasid H. Mallah
Khuth, Bakri Waro, Char Baro, Wadi Sim, Tul Sim,
geography with naturally redundant in subsistence
and Lunwari Sim, including Saneso Sim Dingi Sim
resources and favourable environmental conditions is
and Ganero Sim. These lakes are 3 to 5 m deep and
likely suitable for the survival and the ancient people
cover approximately 8 km2 to 2 km2 area. The shores
including hunter-gatherers, nomads, pastoralists, and
of lakes are covered with several floral species that are
agriculturists of every era who must have selected to
suitable for fodder (Figure 4). The thick vegetation
establish their settlements. The presence of the Upper
provides suitable forage grounds of some wild animal
Palaeolithic artefacts in the region attested to the
species. The migratory birds also visit the lakes in
inclination towards exploitation of desert subsistence
the winter season. In other words, the lakes provide
resources which was further intensified during the
the best ecosystem that contains basic subsistence
Mesolithic to the Kot Dijian periods when many
resources. The ecosystem consisting of many species
settlements were established permanently.
of plants and animals is very suitable for hunting,
The exploitation of resources continues till today
foraging and foddering the domesticated animals.
and after every monsoon season many nomads set up camps for grazing their herds. As they stay until
Rohri Hills
the smaller plants are green and leafy, grassy patches
The sequence of the Rohri Hills is 73 km from north
survive and the desert does not become very hostile
to south and 20 km from east to west. The Rohri Hills
during the June and July months of the summer
consists of limestone and a layer of chert or flint stone
season. The climate experiences two definite seasonal
on the top surface. The chert is also embedded into
ends as hot summers and cold winters. Temperatures
the limestone layers. The banded chert is also found
frequently rise maximum above (50ºC) and between
at specific locations within the main sequence of
May and August, and the average low temperature
hills. These hills are also source of the Fuller’s Earth.
of 2ºC occurs in December and January when it
These sources have been utilized by human being
sometimes reaches below the freezing point. The
since the Lower Palaeolithic age. The intensity of the
annual rainfall averages about 180 mm, falling mainly
chert resource belongs to the urbanized period from
during July and August.
2600 to 2000 BCE when more than 1300 hundred
AVAILABILITY AND USE OF RESOURCES
workshops were established to produce the chert tools. The small hills having rich surface deposits of chert are located approximately 2-3 km from Dubi, which provide the chert stone raw material resource
As described above that this portion of region consists
and seasonal rain feed rivulets spring out from lakes
of four main geomorphological features such as (a)
and valleys within this region.
sand dunes, (b) lakes, (c) alluvial plains of the lower Indus Valley, and (d) low-lying hills of the Rohri Hill
Indus Plains
sequence. The sand dunes and valleys which nowadays
The desert area from its western side is bordered by
are covered with sparse vegetation becoming very
the Indus plains (Figure 5) where traces of an ancient
green with various types of grasses after the monsoon
river channel are still visible flowing nearby the sand
season, and seasonal rain feed rivulets that spring
dunes. The high floodwater must have touched toes
out from hills filling lakes and valleys within this
of sand dunes, filling low-lying areas and creating
region. The scattered hills are located at the distance
many swamps in the western Thar (including present
of 2-3 km from the majority of archaeological sites,
area) which became a sanctuary for game. The diverse
providing chert stone raw material resource. When -6-
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 5 Sand dunes border with Indus Plains
Figure 6 Monsoonal grasses and plants suitable for the pasturage of herds
-7-
Qasid H. Mallah
environmental conditions are favorable, these all
of the easy availability of the chert use is very common
resources conjointly create and provide substantial
to manufacture of required tools throughout the ages.
resources for human survival. With little rainfall, the
These resources were in use since the Palaeolithic
desert region becomes very green and viable at least
period. The preliminary examination of artefacts
for one season. Many grasses grow and plants become
suggests that the Upper Palaeolithic people started
green providing ample fodder for herds of goat, sheep,
moving towards the lakes of area and during the
camel and cattle. People from the surrounding area
Mesolithic period they intensified their activity and
bring their animals and live here until resource(s)
continued the use of the chert raw material resources
are available. They establish temporary huts called
of the Rohri Hills.
‘Wandh’ for taking care of animals. G. Sing h
ANCIENT SETTLEMENTS
(1971 as cited by Shaffer et al. 1989: 120) while a palaeoclimatic research in Rajasthan has provided four phase scheme of climatic conditions in which
The documented 47 archaeological sites with multiple
Phase II (8000-7500 BC) and Phase III (7500-3000
period occupations are located separately on the flat
BC) represent moist conditions and higher rainfall
top surface of sand dunes, on the slopes and nearby
than the present day. Singh has attributed the origin
lakeshores. All sites consist of surface scatters with
of lakes in Rajasthan to this moist period (Agrawal
a greater variation in object. At least, two types of
1982: 58).
settlements are seen; (a) localities with significant
The alluvial plains of the lower Indus Valley on the
density of various artefacts and (b) stone tool
west supplemented subsistence resources as traces
manufacturing areas. Besides these two distinctive
of an ancient river channel are still visible flowing
types of settlements, there are some places where only
near the sand dunes. The high floodwater must have
three or four pieces of either pottery or stone were
touched the toes of the sand dunes.
present in an isolated cluster or littered on the surface for which it was inappropriate to designate as an
Desert vegetation
individual site. Such type of clusters and/or littered
The desert vegetation is mostly herbaceous; the plants
artefacts were also recorded. Nevertheless, whether a
and seasonal grasses form the main natural resources
good density of cultural material was present or not, it
of the desert. Among them the Fog, Booh, Pher,
was designated as an archaeological site and each site
Kandi, Krir, Khabar, Laie and many others are most
was documented separately.
commonly available. The monsoonal grasses also
The majority and/or the common artefact
supplement the resource (Figure 6). Nevertheless, they
types collected are pottery and chert stone tools.
provide nutritive and appetizing pasturage, as well as
The pottery definitely varies in shape, style and
medicines used locally by the inhabitants.
manuf acturing te chno lo g y. E ach ar tef act is scientifically diagnosed and the simple notion that
Chert resources
was observed was that the thinner the body wall is, the
The area of research is conjoined with the Rohri Hills
smaller the pot is manufactured. Keeping this notion
which comprise of limestone with layers of chert/
in mind and for better understanding, the pottery is
flint. The chert nodules are also available on the
divided into three basic categories, such as (a) thin
surface of hills. These resources are at least 2-3 km in
body wall ranging from 0.3 cm to 0.5 cm, (b) medium
distance from the lakes and can easily be approached
body wall ranging from 0.6 cm to 1.0 cm and (c) thick
for collection of high-quality chert nodules. Because
body wall ranging 1.1cm onwards. -8-
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Bakri Waro East
Char Baro North
Location: 27º07'92" North, 68º41'33" East
Location: 27º08'04" North, 68º40'42" East
Description: This site lies at a low-lying area sloping
Description: Spot lies at approximately 200 m from
towards south, located in the south of Wadi Sim
the lake. While a thick concentration of micro flakes
(Lake) and east of Bakri Waro where there is the Vakar
was observed, a number of pointed tools, core and
Valley in the south. The lakes and alluvial valley make
flakes were collected. The dense presence of artefacts
diverse subsistence resource bases.
suggests that this spot was occupied for a long time as
The site is very rich in the cultural material. The
well.
collection of several stone tools including many types
The gathered materials consist mainly of geometric
of points, core and flakes are important. Majority of
tool types, such as pointed chert tools, core and flakes,
the tools are very small like geometric tools of the
trapezes and triangles were collected (Figures 12-14).
Mesolithic period (Figure 7). Pottery is mainly plain
The presence of flaking debris and core indicates that
and is associated with various periods; for example,
implements were manufactured at the site and were
the hand-built and grit mixed pottery belong to
perhaps used elsewhere in the vicinity.
the Hakra period and the short neck wheel-turned pottery shows affinity with the Kot Dijian period.
Char Baro South 1
Besides this cultural assemblage, terracotta cakes,
Location: 27º07'64" North, 68º40'34" East
terracotta bangles, shell objects and one sandstone
Description: The site is located on the flat top of
polisher were also collected (Figure 8). The viscosity
a sand dune where cultural material is seen in a
of scattered cultural material suggests that this site
good concentration. A number of exotic items were
might have been occupied for a long time period and
collected, like two black stone bead, fragmented lapis
cannot be a campsite of nomads.
lazuli, a copper fragment, white disc beads along with stone tools, pottery, terracotta gamesmen, terracotta
Bakri Waro South
bangles, cakes, and shell bangles an others.
Location: 27º07'64" North, 68º40'86" East
The stone tools consist of blades, core and hammer
Description: This site locates in the south of Bakri
stone (Figures 15 and 16). Their size is larger than
Waro on the flat surface. Sparse vegetation is
microlithics, suggesting that they cannot be associated
available there and the cultural material is scattered
with the Mesolithic geometric repertoire.
approximately in an area of 50 m by 20 m. The spot
Various type and size of pottery were collected. The
seems to be occupied repeatedly by seasonal nomads.
majority is associated with the Kot Dijian period.
The main cultural material is associated with the
A sandstone polisher was also part of the cultural
Hakra, Kot Diji and other periods.
assemblage from this site.
The Hakra pottery and cloth impression sherds, short-necked pottery (Figure 9), terracotta cakes,
Char Baro South 2
terracotta bangles, hammer stones, chert flakes,
Location: 27º08'06" North, 68º40'38" East
middle portions of blades, heat treated micro-blades,
Description: The spot lies on the flat top of a sand
cores, and broken blade were collected. The micro-
dune where micro flakes and some potsherds were
flakes, trapeze, discoidal core, and many other (more
present. In some instances, the width of a core appears
than 22 in number), small and large flakes were also
larger than the length because the wider striking
attested (Figures 10 and 11).
platform provides greater chances for having more quality tools. The collected tools include middle parts -9-
Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 7 Bakri Waro East Stone tools (no scale)
0
5cm
Figure 8 Bakri Waro East Hakra pottery and sandstone piece (ca. 1:1)
- 10 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 9 Bakri Waro South Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 10 Bakri Waro South Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 11 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 11 Bakri Waro South Chert tools and terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 12 Char Baro North Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 12 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 13 Char Baro North Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 14 Char Baro North Chert tools and terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)
- 13 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 15 Char Baro South 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 16 Char Baro South 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 14 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 17 Char Baro South 2 Chert tools (no scale)
0
Figure 18 Char Baro South 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
- 15 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 19 Char Baro South 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 20 Char Baro South 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 16 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 21 Char Baro South 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
of blade, triangles, burin, core and flakes (Figure 17).
be definitely covered by the sand. At this site, chert stone chipping was noticed and potsherds were also
Char Baro South 3
present in a very meager quantity. Some chert stone
Location: 27º07'48" North, 68º40'56" East
tools were also collected (Figure 22).
Description: The spot is located on the flat top of a sand dune where micro flakes and the Hakra type
Dubi 2
pottery were observed (Figure 18). This spot lies
Location: 27º08'24" North, 68º40'26" East
approximately 200 m from the actual shores of the
Description: Moving further towards east, this spot
lake. Micro stone tools and pottery were collected.
lies on the top surface of a sand dune, where a good
The micro stone tools include triangles, blades,
concentration of objects is present. This site is also
arrowhead and flakes (Figures 19-21). The pottery
under the process of covering up by moving sand
is plain and hand-built, associated with some wheel-
and the southern and western portions of the site are
turned sherd having black painting over a red slipped
already covered. From this site, several chert flakes,
surface.
blades, a broken point, the Hakra and Kot Dijian Pottery and other period pottery were collected
Dubi 1
(Figures 23 and 24).
Location: 27º08'24" North, 68º40'22" East Description: This site is located on the western slopes
Dubi 3
of a sand dune. Since this slope is being gradually
Location: 27º08'25" North, 68º40'33" East
covered by shifting sand, after some time this site will
Description: At almost 100 m further east from Dubi - 17 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
Figure 22 Dubi 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
5cm
Figure 23 Dubi 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
- 18 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 24 Dubi 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 25 Dubi 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 19 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 26 Dubi 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
3, this spot is noticed on the flat top of a sand dune.
The chert implements such as blades, pointed tools
The pottery cluster attested at this site portraits a thin
and arrowheads, copper pieces, shell bangles, a
concentration of cultural material. The major finds
terracotta figurine, terracotta bangles, beads, white
are stone tools, a shell bead and pottery (Figures 25
disk beads, and other objects were collected (Figure
and 26). At least, three different classes of pottery
30). The pottery collected from the site contains both
assemblage such as plain painted and stamped were
hand-made having girt in the body wall that shows
collected. The painting is made of floral, geometric
similarity with the Hakra pottery and the wheel-
dots and parallel bands. All sherds are painted in black
turned Kot Dijian type. The presence of geometric
colour on a red slipped surface. The stamped pottery
tools, the Hakra and Kot Dijian pottery suggests the
as a radiating sun symbol shows an association with
multiple occupation at this spot.
the Early Historic period at Tulamba (Mughal 1967). Dubi 5 Dubi 4
Location: 27º08'23" North, 68º40'41" East
Location: 27º08'34" North, 68º40'48" East
Description: At about 150 m in the southwestern
Description: This site is located on the flat top of the
corner from the site of Dubi 4, a number of
eastern part of the same sand dune. The lake of Bakri
arrowheads were collected. These arrowheads are
Waro is visible from the eastern side. The cultural
both in complete and in broken condition. There
material is in a good quantity including potsherds
were also a number of micro flakes. Potsherds are in a
and micro chert stone flakes (Figures 27-29). A
good concentration at some spots and scanty at other
large number of flint pointed tools was collected.
spots. At about 30 on the eastern side, a complete - 20 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 27 Dubi 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 28 Dubi 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 21 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 29 Dubi 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 30 Dubi 4 Terracotta figurine, copper pieces, disc beads, semi-precious stone bits and shell bangles (ca. 1:1)
- 22 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 31 Dubi 5 Chert arrowheads including one limestone (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 32 Dubi 6 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 23 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 33 Dubi 6 Potsherds and bangles of shell and terracotta (ca. 1:2)
and perfectly leaf-shaped arrowhead was discovered.
It is also possible that this particular bangle was
Similarly, towards the southwestern corner at location
connected and tied with other ornaments. Some of
of 27º08'23" N and 68º40'43" E, some more pointed
the stone tools were larger in size than the Mesolithic
tools were collected including a small limestone
geometric tools. The collected chert stone implements
arrowhead (Figure 31). Geometric tools, along with
were flakes, blades, burin spall, burin, trapeze, scraper
flaking debris were collected from various spots,
and borer.
suggesting that this spot was a camp site where these
The pottery was also in different shapes and sizes
tools were manufactured. It is quite possible that this
along with plain sherds scattered on the surface. The
spot was an extension of the site of Dubi 4.
decoration was mainly in black colour over a red slipped surface.
Dubi 6 Location: 27º08'17" North, 68º40'30" East
East of Lakes 1
Description: This spot lies on the southern slopes of
Location: 27º07'12" North, 68º42'80" East
the same sand dune, where micro chert stone flakes,
Description: Site was observed on the low-lying hills,
core, and various types of pottery were collected
where some cooked stones were observed. The cultural
(Figures 32 and 33). The other diagnostic and exotic
material was in low quantity on the surface area. Finds
items like shell bangles were also collected. One of
from this site include Chert flakes, and pottery.
the shell bangles has a drilled hole perhaps for tying together and/or hanging in the ear tip as some of
East of Lakes 2
tribesmen like the Jogis of modern times still wear.
Location: 27º08'16" North, 68º42'15" East - 24 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 34 East of Lake 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 35 East of Lake 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 25 -
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Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 36 East of Lake 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 37 East of Lake 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 26 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Description: The site lies on a low-lying limestone
Description: At a distance of approximately 500 m in
hills which are a part of the Rohri Hill sequence. On
the west direction of EL2 on the sandy slopes, cultural
the surface of these low-lying hills, several nodules
materials are scattered over a vast area in spotty
of chert stone are available, providing the best raw
manners, indicating the presence of various families
material source. The various kinds of fossils have been
of a given tribe. Moving towards the north direction,
observed embedded in the stone blocks. The chert
this site continues even to the location of 27º08'84"N
flaking area was observed, but does not constitute as a
and 68º43'36"E. Moving around to find out the
workshop because of the less density of flaking debris.
possible limits of this surface scatter, a little further,
It is possible that only needed tools were prepared for
on the other side of the dune towards west, cultural
a hunting purpose. There is an alluvial valley around,
materials were encountered at 27º08'66"N 68º43'15"E
where rain water can be stored for several days after
on the slopes of the dunes where there was low-lying
the monsoon season. The wild animals may have been
limestone hills. This spot is comparatively a thin
hunted there.
scatter of cultural materials, mainly pottery (Figure
The finds from this site include some chert
38).
flakes and cores (Figures 34-37). A preliminary morphological analysis suggests that these tools were
East of Lakes 4
associated with the Upper Palaeolithic period.
Location: 27º07'85" North, 68º42'15" East Description: The site was identified on the southern
East of Lakes 3
slope of the sand dune. The Vakar valley is located in
Location: 27º08'97" North, 68º43'31" East
the northeast direction. A monsoonal rivulet coming
0
Figure 38 East of Lake 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 27 -
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Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 39 East of Lake 4 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 40 East of Lake 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 28 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
from the hill side crosses at the foot of this site.
then during the Historic period.
The cultural material found from this site includes pottery with fish-scale motifs, plain pottery and some
Jamal Shah 1
chert stone flakes and scrapers (Figures 39 and 40).
Location: 27º06'28.06" North, 68º41'23.08" East Description: This settlement is situated on a flat
East of Lakes 5
top surface of a sand dune in the south of the Jamal
Location: Latitude 27º06'82" North, Longitude
Shah Lake. At this site, a workshop with a plenty
68º43'02" East
of stone micro flakes in a thick concentration was
Description: This site is located on the sand dune
recorded (Figures 46 and 47). This type of workshop
nearby a low-lying lime stone hill where cultural
is commonly reported from the Rohri Hills and the
materials were found in a good concentration over
Veesar Valley. The flakes are slightly wider and longer
a vast area. Some heated limestone were observed
than the Mesolithic flaking debris (Figures 48 and
scattered on the surface. These heated limestones may
49), suggesting the different dates.
have been used for a hearth for a long time resulted in the change of colour. However, neither any burnt spot
Jamal Shah 2
nor ashy spot was identified at the site. Because of the
Location: 27º06'30.08" North, 68º41'28.04" East
sandy soil, one may not expect such type of evidences
Description: A little further south, another spot with
to remain at the sites that are located on the top of the
different types of cultural materials was noticed to the
loose sand of the Thar.
south of the Jamal Shah Lake (Figure 50). Potsherds,
The finds from this site are pottery and chert stone
micro flakes, terracotta cakes and terracotta bangles
flakes. The pottery is hand-made, containing grit
were collected from this spot. One broken bead of
in the body wall (Figures 41 and 42). Some sherds
greenish agate was also collected. The typology and
also contain incised triangles for decoration on the
morphology of artefacts mainly pottery indicates the
outer surface. These characteristic features show the
association of this site with the Kot Dijian period
association of artefacts with the Hakra period.
(Figure 51).
East of Lakes 6
Jamal Shah South 1
Location: 27º06'89" North, 68º43'08" East
Location: 27º06'39" North, 68º41'22" East
Description: This site is located on a flat surface of a
Description: The site is located on the southern slopes
sand dunes. There is a low-lying limestone hill in east.
of a sand dune near another lake. The material was
The site of EL5 is situated in the west at about 500
sparsely scattered on the surface. The soil at this place
m in distance. At this site, the occurrence of cultural
was relatively compact. A route connecting nearby
materials is very thin, mainly consisting of chert
villages on the Indus plain with the Nara valley in east
stone artefacts like core, flakes and blade (Figures 43
crosses through the site. The cultural finds from this
and 44). The other artefacts collected were stamped
site include cores, flakes, terracotta cakes and pottery
pottery (Figure 45) and a broken weight. According
(Figures 52 and 53). The pottery is classified into two
to a preliminary analysis of material, it is observed
groups; one group morphologically shows parallels
that the stone artefacts are associated with the Upper
with the Kot Dijian pottery and another group
Palaeolithic period and the pottery belongs to the
consisting of stamped pottery shows an affiliation
Historic period. It means that this spot was first
with the Painted Grey Ware. The latter feature
occupied during the Upper Palaeolithic period and
continues into the Historic period as attested at from - 29 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 41 East of Lake 5 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 42 East of Lake 5 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
- 30 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
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Figure 43 East of Lake 6 Chert tools (ca. 1:2)
0
Figure 44 East of Lake 6 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 31 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 45 East of Lake 6 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
Tulamba (Mughal 1967).
observed. The collected artefacts include chert stone flakes, blades, cores, micro blades, trapezes, burins,
Jamal Shah South 2
scrapers and borers (Figures 57-59). Pottery was also
Location: 27º06'51" North, 68º41'48" East
collected (Figure 60). Some of the cores and scrapers
Description: Site locates little further north,
show an affinity with the Upper Palaeolithic period
approximately at one kilometer distance, from site
and the micro tools are similar to the Mesolithic tools,
JSS1; on the flat surface of the sand dune. This site is
while the pottery shows a similarity with the Kot
fairly small spot where cultural material is present in
Dijian pottery. In other words, this site was occupied
good quantity.
at least three times, viz. the Upper Palaeolithic, then
The finds from this site include pottery and chert
the Mesolithic and finally the Kot Dijian period.
stone implements and are chronologically associated with Hakra and Kot Dijian period (Figures 54-
Jamal Shah North 1
56). Nevertheless, some pottery pieces showed
Location: 27º07'01" North, 68º41'44" East
characteristics of Hakra period.
Description: The site is located at half a kilometer north of the Jamal Shah lake and a mausoleum.
Jamal Shah South 3
Potter y, stone flakes and micro debitage were
Location: 27º06'58" North, 68º41'33" East
observed spreading thinly over a vast area . Like other
Description: The site is located on the southern shores
sites, the spot was repeatedly occupied from the
of the Jamal Shah lake at approximately 200 m in
Upper Palaeolithic onwards. The large cores, flakes
distance. At this site, the micro flaking activity was
and other implements were associated with the Upper - 32 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 46 Jamal Shah 1 Cultural material scattered on the surface of the site
Figure 47 Jamal Shah 1 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site
- 33 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
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Figure 48 Jamal Shah 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 49 Jamal Shah 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 34 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 50 Jamal Shah 2 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site
0
Figure 51 Jamal Shah 2 Potsherds and chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 35 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 52 Jamal Shah South 1 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
0
5cm
Figure 53 Jamal Shah South 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 36 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
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Figure 54 Jamal Shah South 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 55 Jamal Shah South 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
- 37 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
Figure 56 Jamal Shah South 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
5cm
Figure 57 Jamal Shah South 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 38 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
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Figure 58 Jamal Shah South 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 59 Jamal Shah South 3 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 39 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 60 Jamal Shah South 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 61 Jamal Shah North 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:2)
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Palaeolithic and the micro flakes suggests a geometric
micro flaking activity was also observed. The artefacts
tool production of the Mesolithic period (Figure 61).
include micro flakes, cores, flakes, pottery with
The various types of pottery show a close affinity with
paintings and stamped decoration, terracotta bangles
the Hakra and Kot Dijian periods.
and terracotta cakes (Figure 63).
Jamal Shah North 2
Jamal Shah North 4
Location: 27º07'22" North, 68º41'27" East
Location: 27º07'52" North, 68º40'97" East
Description: This site is located to the north of the
Description: The site is located at 300 me from the
Jamal Shah Lake on the slopes of a sand dune. A
site of JSN3. The pottery cluster was seen along with
good concentration of artefacts, mainly pottery, was
wide flakes. Another spot was also encountered a
observed. The pottery with a sun symbol and some
with concentration of objects at 22º07'50" N and
unidentified terracotta objects were discovered. The
68º41'01" E. The findings from this site consist of flakes,
pottery is associated with the Historic period (Figure
terracotta bangles, terracotta cakes, pottery, etc.
62).
(Figures 64-67). Two vitrified clay pieces collected Jamal Shah North 3
suggest that some sort of pyrotechnical work/activity
Location: 27º07'47" North, 68º41'11" East
with high temparature.
Description: The site is located to the north of the Jamal Shah lake at the southern slopes of a sand dunes.
Jamal Shah East 1
The artefacts comprised a good concentration where a
Location: 27º06'95" North, 68º41'80" East
0
Figure 62 Jamal Shah North 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 41 -
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Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 63 Jamal Shah North 3 Plain and painted pottery, chert artifacts, and terracotta cakes (no scale)
- 42 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
Figure 64 Jamal Shah North 4 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
0
5cm
Figure 65 Jamal Shah North 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 43 -
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Qasid H. Mallah
0
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Figure 66 Jamal Shah North 4 Terracotta bangles (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 67 Jamal Shah North 4 Stone objects (ca. 1:1)
- 44 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Description: Some one km east of the Jamal Shah
Description: The site is located on the eastern shores
Lake, this spot is located on a flat top of a sand dune
of the Jamal Shah Lake at approximately 200 m in
sloping towards south. On the surface, very low
distance. At this site, traces of micro flaking activity
concentration of pottery, stone tools and flakes was
were observed in a sparse manner. The collected
observed. The finds from this site consist of pottery
materials include flakes, blades, cores and pottery
and chert stone tools (Figure 68).
(Figure 69).
Jamal Shah East 2
Tali
Location: 27º06'77" North, 68º41'56" East
Location: 27º08'32" North, 68º41'13" East
Figure 68 Jamal Shah East 1 Chert artifacts and potsherds (no scale)
- 45 -
Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 69 Jamal Shah East 2 Chert tools (no scale)
Description: The site is located at 500 m to the
dabber and molds having with incised motifs were
south of the modern village of Tali. There are Bakri
also added to the collection.
Waro Sim in south and Tul Sim in east. Potsherd scatters was present over a vast area. At may places,
Tul
ashy spots of hearths were noticed, providing an idea
Location: 27º09'33" North, 68º42'09" East
of the locations of individual house. At the eastern
Description: This site is located along the southern
side of the site, a concentration of bones is observed,
slopes of a sand dune. Cultural materials are sprinkled
indicating a killing or butchery space which may be
in a thin manner over a vast area. The site seems to
a very important feature for a future zoo-economic
extends towards a valley. The finds include chert flakes
research.
and pottery (Figures 74 and 75).
The artefact collection from this site includes huge varieties of ceramic objects, a lime stone weight,
Vakar North-East
terracotta figurines and a coin of 1.2 cm in diameter
Location: 27º07'91" North, 68º42'38" East
and 0.2 cm in thickness (Figures 70-73). The pottery
Description: This site is situated on the southern
shows different patterns of painting such as floral
slopes of a sand dune, where there is a rivulet that
and geometric patterns. The stamp and embossed
provides rain water to the Vakar Valley and perhaps
decoration were also observed. A pottery making
to the lakes in the prehistoric times. The cultural - 46 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
0
5cm
Figure 70 Tali Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
Figure 71 Tali Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 47 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 72 Tali Limestone weights, terracotta figurine and object (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 73 Tali Copper coins and shell bangles (ca. 1:1)
- 48 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
0
5cm
Figure 74 Tul Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
Figure 75 Tul Potsherds (ca. 1:1)
- 49 -
Qasid H. Mallah
materials were very thinly scattered, indicating the
Dingi Dhandh
presence of a camp. The finds consist mainly of
Location: 27º06'11" North, 68º41'14" East
potsherds in various shapes and sizes. Terracotta
Description: The site is located along the northern
bangles and some chert flakes were also noticed
edges of the above-named lake. There is a huge
(Figure 76).
concentration of micro flakes, potsherds being scanty (Figure 84). The cultural materials occupy the
Vakar South-East
southern slopes of the sand dune, consisting of micro
Location: 27º07'26" North, 68º42'24" East
stone tools, perhaps associated with the Mesolithic
Description: This spot lies on a flat top of a sand dune
period (Figure 85), and potsherds including plain
sloping towards south. There was a less concentration
and painted. Some artefacts were collected and
of cultural materials. The soil of the given spot was
catalogued.
relatively compact. A micro flaking area was also observed. Finds are potsherds, chert tools and flakes
Ganero 1
(Figure 77).
Location: 27º05'06" North, 68º40'23.2" East Description: The site is located to south of Ganero
Wadi Sim South
Sim on a high sand dunes just near a Kot Dijian site.
Location: 27º07'96" North, 68º41'43" East
Cultural materials spread thinly on the surface (Figure
Description: This site is located approximately 150 m
86). This site may have been either an extension of
from the southern shore of the Sim on a flat surface.
Ganero or a campsite in the Mature Indus period. The
There was another spot at 27º08'35"N and 68º41'55"E
objects consist of potsherds and stone tools.
where a similar type of micro flaking was observed. At this spot, a huge quantity of the micro flakes was
Ganero 2
observed (Figure 78). Only very few complete stone
Location: 27º05'17.1" North, 68º40'42″East
objects were collected. Potsherds of various types and
Description: The settlement is located on the
sizes were collected (Figure 79).
northeast corner along the bank of the Ganero Lake. The shore of the lake almost touches the settlement.
Wadi Sim North 1
The cultural materials are scattered in clusters with
Location: 27º08'56" North, 68º41'35" East
a good amount of potsherds and glass embroidery
Description: This site is located on the southern slopes
pieces (Figures 87 and 88). Several embroidery glasses,
of a sand dune. Cultural materials were scattered
utensil glass pieces in different colours, glass bangles,
in good quantity. The finds consists of potsherds
jade, embroidery beads and one carnelian etched bead
including broken parts of a dish-on-stand, terracotta
were collected. Copper pieces, a marble piece, broken
cakes, terracotta bangles, flakes, blades and cores
partially, and iron fragments were also found.
(Figures 80-82). Ganero 3 Wadi Sim North 2
Location: 27º05'53" North, 68º40'21.9" East
Location: 27º08'56" North, 68º41'22" East
Description: The site is located to south of the Ganero
Description:This site is located on the western edge of
Lake Cultural materials are scattered along the slopes
a sand dune where another site named Tali is located
of a sand dunes in a good quantity (Figures 89 and
in the northwest direction. The cultural material is in
90). The cultural materials collected include mainly
a good quantity, mainly the pottery (Figure 83).
potsherds and one chert stone blade of the Mature - 50 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
Figure 76 Vakar Noth-East Potsherds, terracotta bangles and chert tools (ca. 1:1)
Figure 77 Vakar South-East Potsherds and chert tools (no scale)
- 51 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 78 Wadi Sim South Potsherds (no scale)
- 52 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 79 Wadi Sim South Chert tools (no scale)
0
5cm
Figure 80 Wadi Sim North 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 53 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
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Figure 81 Wadi Sim North 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
0
Figure 82 Wadi Sim North 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 54 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 83 Wadi Sim North 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
Indus period (middle part) which suggests that people
Saneso Dhandh 2
might have visited this spot as well during this period
Location: 27º04'32" North, 68º41'09" East
(Figures 91 and 92).
Description: On the eastern edge of the lake, there is a modern graveyard. Just close to the graveyard, a huge
Saneso Dhandh 1
concentration of cultural objects were found, which
Location: 27º04'59" North, 68º40'50" East
include plain and painted potsherds, stone balls,
Description: The site is located along the southern
micro tools (Figures 98-103). A hearth was noticed as
slopes of a sand dune. The cultural objects are
well, where ashy soil was present.
scattered in a huge area (Figures 93 and 94). The materials collected include plain and painted
Saneso Dhandh 3
potsherds of the historic period, retouched crested
Location:27º04'42.8" North, 68º41'11.3" East
blades and a few micro flakes of the Mesolithic period.
Description: It is located half a kilometer to the
At northern edge of the lake at southern slopes of
northeast of the graveyard on the low-lying sand
dune, glass pieces were also collected.
dunes. The cultural material is in a thick concentration
On the eastern side at 27º04'56"N and 68º40'56"E,
scattered over a vast area (Figure 104). From this
there is a thick concentration of potsherds along with
settlement, cultural materials like small stone pieces,
micro stone tools, some glass pieces and terracotta ball
plain and painted potsherds of cooking pots were
(Figures 95-97).
collected (Figures 105 and 106). On the west, just near to the pottery concentration, there is traces of micro flaking activities for manufacturing of stone - 55 -
Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 84 Dingi Dhandh Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site, : from north
0
Figure 85 Dingi Dhandh Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 56 -
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Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 86 Ganero 1 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site
Figure 87 Ganero 2 Thin scatter of artifacts on the surface of site
- 57 -
Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 88 Ganero 2 Cultural material scattered on the surface of the site
Figure 89 Ganero 3 General view of the site
- 58 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 90 Ganero 3 Cultural material scattered on the surface of the site
0
Figure 91 Ganero 3 Chert tools and potsherds (ca. 1:1)
- 59 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 92 Ganero 3 Drawings of chert tools and potsherds (1:2)
tools.
Saneso Dhandh 6 Location: 27º04'54"8 North, 68º40'31.9" East
Saneso Dhandh 4
Description: The settlement is located near the Saneso
Location: 27º04'06" North, 68º40'57.3" East
Dhandh Lake. Cultural materials are scattered over
Description: This settlement is situated on the
a vast area in a thick concentration (Figure 111). On
southern side of Saneso Dhandh Lake on a high sand
the site, a dead corpus of an animal was seen which
dunes over a relatively flat surface. In this area, big
died due to uncertain reasons, but it is very important
Kandi trees are prominent among other floras of the
to note that such type of additions would apparently
desert. Cultural materials consisting of chert flakes
disturb the original archaeological context. Another
were scattered over a vast area in a thin manner (Figure
phenomenon was a Kandi tree encircled by thorny
107).
Lorhos that was attributed to the Pir Abdul Sattar as one nearby villager informed us. Around this Kandi
Saneso Dhandh 5
tree, there were several empty water storage jars, one
Location: 27º04'31.3" North, 68º40'53.9" East
zinc glass, several chert stone nodules. Threads were
Description: This site is located to the south of
tied to the branches of the tree. This was a ritual place,
the graveyard and Saneso Dhandh Lake along the
where people come for certain ritual purposes, get
northern slope of a sand dune (Figure 108). Cultural
benefited and make requests.
materials were scattered in a good concentration.
Three disc sherds that were perhaps used for
Plain and painted potsherds were collected (Figures
blocking the tobacco in a smoking pot. Glass bangles,
109 and 110). There were some small chert objects
iron pieces, embroidery mirror, small cowry, were also
which give an idea of a Mesolithic occupancy, for
part of the modern collection (Figures 112 and 113).
example SD5:25 which was a small chert core that is very typical of the Mesolithic period. This needs further investigation.
- 60 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 93 Saneso Dhandh 1
Figure 94 Saneso Dhandh 1
- 61 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 95 Saneso Dhandh 1 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
0
10cm
Figure 96 Saneso Dhandh 1 Drawings of potsherds (1:2)
b. Spots with a less quantity of objects littered on the
SETTLEMENT PATTERN AND CHRONOLOGY
surface c. Isolated artefact clusters.
Archaeological sites consisting of surface scatters
Out of 46 sites, only three important sites were
show multiple occupational periods and are located
chosen to conduct excavation just to confirm the
separately on the flat top surface of sand dunes, on the
occupation status. A trench of 4 m by 4 m was laid
slopes and nearby lakeshores (Figure 114). All sites
by dividing it into 1 m by 1 m grid; all artefacts
consist of the surface scatter with a greater variation in
present on the surface of each trench were collected
artefactual repertoire and density. At least three types
and brought back into our laboratory for further
of artefact scatter are classified such as:
analysis. The first 10 cm of sand from the trench was very carefully scraped. The lower units of 10 cm in
a. Localities with a significant density of artefacts
thickness were scraped thoroughly. At least, 50 cm of - 62 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
0
5cm
Figure 97 Saneso Dhandh 1 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
sand were removed, but nothing was found and there
documentation; their locational coordinates were
was no any continuity of cultural material through
recorded, and the diagnostic artefacts representative
sub-surface. Thus it is concluded that all documented
of any cultural aspect or phase were collected.
sites were occupied superficially without any sub-
After preliminary analysis of gathered cultural
surface deposition with cultural material assemblage,
material, it was comprehended that the area
not providing carbonized materials for the purpose of
under investigation was occupied from the Upper
radio-carbon dating. All artefacts on the surface were
Palaeolithic period onwards as the following pie-
mixed together showing reoccupations of the same
graph explain settlement occurrence in a statistical
spot repeatedly.
manner.
At some dunes, the potsherds spread very thinly in
The grater occurrence of the Mesolithic sites and
such a manner that it was hard to demarcate boundary
less presence of the Hakra to Indus period sites
line between two localities. In this situation wherever
might raise a question to the reader for the reduction
a good density of cultural material was present, it was
in number of the settlements. This is because the
designated as an single archaeological site and each
Mesolithic people had left two types of remains as
site was documented separately. In contrast, at some
‘home bases’ and the ‘hunting areas’; this type of the
places just three or four pieces of either potsherds or
Mesolithic strategy is discussed later in this chapter.
2
stones scattered within 2-3 m area were present as
Nevertheless, the settlement occurrence indicates the
an isolated cluster for which it was inappropriate to
resource use and the mobility pattern. There are no
designate as an individual site. However, these types
any remains of the Upper Palaeolithic period near the
of ancient remains were not left unobserved from
Indus plains just to assume that the Upper Palaeolithic - 63 -
Qasid H. Mallah
Figure 98 Saneso Dhandh 2 Traces of hearth
Figure 99 Saneso Dhandh 2
- 64 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 100 Saneso Dhandh 2
0
Figure 101 Saneso Dhandh 2 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 65 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
10cm
Figure 102 Saneso Dhandh 2 Drawings of potsherds (1:2)
0
Figure 103 Saneso Dhandh 2 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 66 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 104 Saneso Dhandh 3
0
5cm
Figure 105 Saneso Dhandh 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 67 -
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 106 Saneso Dhando 3 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
0
Figure 107 Saneso Dhandh 4 Chert tools (ca. 1:1)
- 68 -
5cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 108 Saneso Dhandh 5
0
Figure 109 Saneso Dhandh 5 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 69 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
Figure 110 Saneso Dhando 5 Drawings of potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 70 -
10cm
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
Figure 111 Saneso Dhandh 6
0
Figure 112 Saneso Dhandh 6 Potsherds (ca. 1:2)
- 71 -
5cm
Qasid H. Mallah
0
5cm
Figure 113 Saneso Dhandh 6 Collected materials (ca. 1:1)
people ever visited the adjacent Indus plains along
Upper Palaeolithic Settlements
the western side of desert. But theoretically, if the site
Constant research has increased the number of the
catchment model is applied, then the western Indus
remains from the Palaeolithic period in the Rohri
plain is located within the circle of 5 km range from
Hills and the adjacent areas within the Thar Desert.
where the Upper Palaeolithic sites are located. On the
Focusing on only the Upper Palaeolithic period, 10
contrary, the Mesolithic sites are situated very close to
workshops were previously recorded at different
the Indus plain, indicating that the dweller must have
locations within the Rohri Hills (Allchin et al. 1978;
reached the plains, used the available resources and
Negrino and Kazi 1996). This data was added with
roamed around densely over the given region.
fresh documentation in the northern portions of the
The Hakra period people were happy camper and
Rohri Hills at the Bypass area where 13 workshops
did not have permanent house bases like the Kot
were recorded on only one hill, and the astonishing
Dijian and Indus period who established permanent
number of 95 workshops was recorded only in the
houses and had access to all type of resources within
Vessar Valley (Shaikh et al. 2002-2003). The total
their catchments area and beyond. Another point to
number when we add with the present documentation
understand in this discussion is about the analytical
of 5 sites, the number would be 123 sites/workshops
category of ‘other period’ sites. This category actually
of the Upper Palaeolithic period. This data has
combine all subsequent periods from the Late Indus
provided convincing clues about the cumulative
onwards which certainly needs further research to
clustering of the Upper Palaeolithic people near the
have a complete understanding of the settlement
rich resource niches of the Thar Desert. The evidence from the Rohri Hills and the Vessar
pattern within this region. - 72 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
is yet documented in the survey area, because the research in this direction is still in a formative phase. However, the presence of the Upper Palaeolithic people in the adjacent sand dunes of the Rohri Hills cannot be overlooked which paved roots for the forthcoming period of culturally advances that we call the Mesolithic period. Mesolithic Period Settlements Figure 114 Site located closely on the lake shore
Generally the definition and identification of
Valley provides information on the technological
the Mesolithic period is based on the presence
similarities to the neighboring Upper Palaeolithic
or absence of the micro and geometric stone tool
assemblage with a degree of craft specialization
type. The amalgamation of information on this
maintaining a ‘local tradition’ of he tool production
period have created some academic concerns over
which continued in much a similar way as of the
its prime presence within the South Asian context
Middle Palaeolithic tools (Allchin et al. 1978: 294;
where microlithic tool types are associated with
Negrino and Kazi 1996: 32). Until now, the research
the Mesolithic period which were sampled within
has failed to find clues for the living huts/camps and
continental setting covering regions of Pakistan, India
other evidence like ash/charcoal and hearths, etc.
and Sri Lanka (Possehl 2002: 31). It is a very difficult
Perhaps these people have lived nights under rock
task to understand the ancient human cultural
shelters and days in shadowy trees within valleys and
adaptation and behavior that cannot be visualized
leaving behind no any archaeological indicator of their
from huge geographic regions combined together
settlement. The living pattern is an open question for
as long as there is not sufficient data set for accurate
future research.
and comprehensive definition and chronological demarcation of any given period.
Nonetheless, present research adds 5 more sites that increase the total number up to 123 sites located
The widely agreed definition of the Mesolithic
in the eastern part of the lower Indus Valley. These
is ‘archaeological assemblages that fall within the
newly recorded 5 sites were noticed on the sand
Holocene and lack evidence for food production
dunes around the lakes of Dubi, and named as East
or an accommodation with food-producing people’
of Lake 2, East of Lake6, Jamal Shah East1, Jamal
(Possehl 2002: 31). This description creates even
Shah North 1 and Jamal Shah South where, the chert
more confusing situation because according to the
artefacts like end scraper, side scraper, discoid scraper,
definition, during the Holocene period two cultural
large flake, blade and core were collected, all of
systems occurred simultaneously; there were people
which demonstrated the connection with the Upper
living in a simple life style side by side with the complex
Palaeolithic period. This limited number of sites
society with or without making any interaction. The
suggests that the Upper Palaeolithic people apparently
problem remains unresolved. Nevertheless, the current
started dispersing into the desert for a short stay
field investigation within a very limited area of the
and then may have returned to their home bases in
Thar Desert has provided meaningful data set that has
the Rohri Hills and, if any, other concentrated area
explained the occurrence and has characterized basic
in the Thar Desert like the Vessar Valley. No any
cultural features of the Mesolithic period. The present data set comprises at least 26 sites
particular workshop or a prominent habitation site - 73 -
Qasid H. Mallah
and artefact clusters within the research area which
suggest an ancient behavior such as the ‘watch and
increases the total number up to 43 (Biagi and Vessar
hunt’, whereas the spots that work distribution also
1998-99). These sites have been reported only from
have occurred among the group as some were keeping
the Thar Desert. The Mesolithic sites also occurred
eye on the game and others were preparing tools for
in the southern Sindh along the coastal area of
forage (Shaikh et al. 2002-2003).
Karachi (Biagi 2006) and the southern Baluchistan
Comprehending the issue of temporal existence of
near the Taung Valley (Mallah 2007). The sites in
the Mesolithic in the Thar Desert within the South
the Thar have represented variation in the presence
Asian context, some factors must be taken into
and concentration of artefact assemblage. All sites
consideration; A) the Upper Palaeolithic remains are
comprise only chert material; at some spots the
present locally within the Rohri Hills and the Thar
concentration was thick with flaking wastes, raw
desert showing cultural change in which reduction
nodules, unfinished and finished artefacts. At other
of tool size was perceived but could not be defined
spots only few flakes and waste materials along with
as micro tools. The Upper Palaeolithic tools were
some finished tools were recorded.
not found mixed with micro-geometric tools thus
An enormous range of stone implements consists of
the micro-geometric tools stand distinctive in their
micro-geometric tools like retouched and truncated
existence; B) similar tools were also found from
blades, triangles, trapezes, lunates and trimmed
Mehrgarh in Baluchistan and Bagor and Tilwara
points, bifical or leaf shaped points being additional
in Rajasthan in India. At Mehrgarh, the tools were
to the artificautal repertoire. All these artefacts
recovered from the earliest Period IA , which
morphologically are very small in size and geometric
is aceramic (i.e. lacking pottery) and also called
in shape and style when compared with other periods
‘Neolithic occupation’ dating to the 7th-6th millennia
stone implements. Therefore, they are called here as
BCE (Lechevallier 1991:73). The materials from
micro-geometric tools and some of these might have
early levels Phase I of Bagor and Tilwara were also
used as composite tools as well. Other cultural objects
associated with the Mesolithic, dated to the 6th
and features were absolutely absent at these locations.
millennium BCE (Misra 1973; Possehl 2002: 32).
The aspect of density of physical artefacts may
To sum up, it is evident that during this period
be taken as qualifier of the type of a habitation; in
the tool types and the manufacturing technology
this classification I have used the notion that the
were different from the Upper Palaeolithic period,
greater the density of objects is, the longer the site
comprising only micro-geometric stone implements
was occupied, and the more diverse the artefact
similar to those from the oldest sequence of Mehrgarh
assemblage is, the more complex the activities were.
and Bagor. A question arises in which context this
The geographic location of any given spot also gives
Mesolithic should be placed (i) following the Upper
clues to the activity in such a way that some sites were
Palaeolithic of the Rohri Hills or (ii) the oldest
located away from the lakeshores and others were
sequences of Mehrgarh and sites in Rajasthan. The
nearby at 100 to 200 m in distance from the lake
problem remains unresolved. One thing is clear that
shores where the micro flaking debitages were noticed.
the strategies like site location and work distribution
This arrangement seems strategic and is assumed that
for food procurement was not complex but was
the first type of sites were home bases used for the
certainly intentional and systematic. What type of
residential purposes whereas the sites near lakeshores
food was obtained depends upon availability within
were used for the hunting purposes.
a given ecosystem and micro wear analysis of the
The spots situated in a close proximity to lakes
stone tools. Deer, rabbit and fox along with birds - 74 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
were hunted until the recent historic times. In present
cultural phase was, a comprehensive transition in the
study, these factors are not determined and wait for
shape of sedentism, food production and cultural
future research; however the tool repertoire continues
material with the involvement of new technology
existing into the subsequent Hakra period.
star te d p er va sive interaction, exchang e and exploitation of raw material resources. The exploration
Early Harappan Phase 1: Hakra Period Settlements
and utilization of new resources, like shell, semi-
A distinctive artefact assemblage discovered from 8
precious stone and clay were commonly exercised for
sites is associated with the Hakra period. The total
manufacturing a series of cultural items for daily use,
number increases to 13 sites by adding 5 previously
ritual and commercial purposes.
reported settlements in the Thar Desert (Shaikh et
In the material culture, various sizes and kinds of
al. 2001; Mallah 2000) and the number is expected
pottery, various types of chert tools, shell bangles,
to increase in future. This is a newly emerging
terracotta beads, bangles and figurines of different
cultural phase dated 3800 to 3200 BCE representing
animals are present. The pottery is both hand-made
material similarities throughout the Indus valley.
and wheel-turned; they are decorated in different
The communities settled in India and Pakistan. The
incised and appliqué designs and with various colours
evidences have been traced from Binjor in India (as
like black, red and cream. Working with clay requires
Mughal 2006: 29 mentioned). In Pakistan, several
a systematic procedure; the important steps are
regions show its presence such as in the Bannu Basin
(a) the use of proper clay and its plastic nature; (b)
at Sheri Khan Tarakai (Khan et al. 2002), in the Ravi
manufacturing techniques for shaping, including the
plains at Harappa (Kenoyer 2003), in the Baluchistan
design of pot; (c) applying colourants and creating
highlands ( Jarrige 1991; Possehl 2002), in Cholistan
decorations and (f ) firing techniques. All steps
(Mughal 1997) and in the Thar Desert (Mallah 2000).
are interlinked and show the organization and the
However, the pattern of emergence is somehow
planning of craftsman which requires tools, labour,
variable in each regional setup from two perspectives
skill and infrastructure to complete the process. This
(a) the nature of sites and (b) cultural sequence within
is one of the best cultural achievements of humankind
Baluchistan, Cholistan and Thar. In Baluchistan, this
which is still in use during the microchip digital era.
phase emerged continuing from the earlier period
The Hakra period is the first cultural phase of
showing a transition towards new cultural traits of
the Indus Civilization, in which a degree of social
settled life, for instance the Togau Phase dated to
complexity is first perceived; a three-tire settlement
4300-3800 BCE (Possehl 2003). In Cholistan, this
hierarchy consisting towns , villages and campsites
shows an independent primary occupation without
appeared in Cholistan out of 95 settlements. At least
prior cultural sequences and great concentration of
four large towns occupying 20-30 hectares of the
settlements occurred with a degree of permanence
total size, appears, and the majority are campsites
and socio-economic complexity (Mughal 1997).
(Mughal 1997). This settlement hierarchy did not
In Thar, specifically in present research area, the
appear everywhere. For instance, in the Thar Desert,
Hakra material appears either with the Mesolithic
a two-tier settlement hierarchy was recorded with the
type artefacts or the Kot Dijian type material on
majority of campsites. Artefacts were found either
the surface of sand dunes and only one single period
mixed with the Mesolithic micro-geometric stone
village site with autonomous existence was recorded
tools or the Kot Dijian period material, mainly the
(Mallah 2000).
pottery. This phenomenon suggests that the Hakra
Whatever the basis of emergence of this new
period people of the Thar Desert occupied the same - 75 -
Qasid H. Mallah
spot and exploited similar resource niches like their
sites, a thick crust of the potsherds as well as chert
ancestors and it was followed by the Kot Dijian period
blades, terracotta cakes, terracotta bangles, figurines,
people.
shell bangles, stone beads, bits of lapis lazuli stone and
To sum up, the situation in the Thar region
copper were found.
demonstrates the transition from the Mesolithic
The settlements around lakes play a very important
hunting-gathering way of life into a pastoralist way
socio-economic role. Their main economy depends
of life during the Hakra period which ended with
on herding , because there is no suitable land in
the appearance of sedentary villages in the Kot
immediate vicinity for cultivation - the Indus plains
Dijian period. This transitory nature of the Hakra
are more than 3 km away and this distance does not
period overlapped the Neolithic period here in Thar
favor for cultivation because the cultivated crop need
particularly, if not anywhere else throughout the
close and intensive care. Therefore, the people of the
Indus Valley.
Kot Dijian period in this area presumably preferred herding.
Early Harappan Phase 2: Kot Dijian Settlements
The settlement system consists of three-tier
At this stage of research, at least 139 sites have been
hierarchy in which the Kot Dijian site was perhaps
reported; among them, there are 122 previously
at the top of the hierarchy and located within the
reported sites (Possehl 2002: 44; Mallah 2000; Shaikh
distance of one day walk from areas in which every
et al. 2001, 2002; Biagi and Vessar 1998-99). The 17
needed thing was perhaps available. In this way, they
newly discovered sites were different in their nature
maintained the interaction network system through
and existence. There is no any mounded deposition,
which they obtained exotic items, specifically pottery,
but the cultural material is lying on the top surface
terracotta bangles, stone beads, shell and copper
of sand dunes in a thick concentration denoting the
items. During this site documentation, no hearth/
concept of a village consisting of typical thatched
kilns and/or vitrified slag was discovered, probably
houses. The Saccharum bengalense Rtz. (sarr or kana
indicating that any craft activity was conducted on
from Boro) was used at Kot Diji (Madella 1995:
given settlement(s). However, the presence of core,
93-108). This type of grass is very important as it
hammer, stone and flaking debris indicated the
provides fodder for cattle and buffalos, and the whole
manufacturing of stone tools. The majority of the Kot
plant is commercially used for producing Pattar
Dijian sites contain geometric tools which are in fact
and Trooho (roof cover), Moro (chair/table), Kharo
associated with the previous period (i.e. Mesolithic/
(basket), Chajj (winnower) and Wann (ropes). The
Hakra), but simultaneously give us a clue about the
whole plant can be used for roof cover and walls
stone tool manufacturing technology which was not
of house. The houses made of Sarr combined with
new to the Kot Dijian people who had manufactured
other materials are very strong and compatible to
various type of implements from locally available
every season especially during hot summer and severe
raw material resources of the Rohri Hills. The tools
monsoon. The thatched houses after construction
manufactured within the Kot Dijian settlements were
require less maintenance and are good for several
larger and heavier as compared with micro tools of
years (personal observations). Archaeologically, these
the earlier periods. One thing can be assumed at this
types of houses will never produce a huge mound
point that they might have exchanged the chert tool
after destruction specifically in sandy regions. There
production (of course other perishable stuff as well)
will be only thick deposition of the cultural material
with those communities which lived in the Indus
as observed through the present research. At many
Valley and beyond where chert was considered as an - 76 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
exotic commodity. Trace Element Analysis would
pyrotechnical craft activities. The materials includng
rectify this assumption scientifically.
dish-on-stands, terracotta cakes, bangles, white disc
Nonetheless, the Kot dijan settlements around the
beads, shell bangles and chert blades were collected;
lakes of the Dubi desert area on the one hand, were
many of them were brought here from elsewhere. The
at peripheral points for consumption of goods that
existence of exotic artefacts, even though sporadic,
were produced at then existing towns within the
indicates their connection and interaction networks
Indus Valley. This peripheral consumption through
with the neighboring urban centres like Kot Diji
trade/exchange system was one of the key factors for
and Lakhanjodaro in north, Taloor-ji Bhit and
existence of the Indus urban centres which developed
Chanhudaro in south and southwest, Mohenjodaro
gradually within the Indus Valley proper and beyond.
in west and towns of the Thar Desert where they must have obtained necessary materials for daily use and
Harappan Period Settlements
other purposes.
The Harappan artefacts occur on at least 12 sites
These links could be scientifically proved after
demonstrating cultural connections from the Kot
electronic trace element analysis which would also
Dijian to the Harappan periods.
provide infomation on what was coming from where
In panoramic arena, the Harappan period is
and which urban centre was dominating on the
amalgamation of cultural phases that finally appeared
interaction network system. However, the settlements
slowly and indigenously as a gigantic civilization
around the lakes of Dubi were more linked with the
spreading over a huge geographic region. Several
major cities and town located in the Indus Plains.
cities developed connecting and exploiting their
Whatever the situation was, the Thar Desert played
immediate and peripheral resources. In this region,
a pivotal role in the growth and development of the
the populous city of Mohenjodaro was central to
urbanism in the Indus Valley.
all. It had its own infrastructure and maintained connections with all other cities, towns, and villages
Other Period Settlement
scattered within immediate zones and peripheries.
A least from 26 sites, artefacts were recorded (as
The Thar Desert formed the eastern periphery of
shown in Table 2) whose chronological association
Mohenjodaro, where the Rohri chert industry was
is not yet confirmed. Thus, this category combines
also located wherefrom the various forms of raw and
all cultural periods from the Painted Gray Ware
finished stone goods along with perishable items were
Period to the late historic period from 1300 to 1800
traded with cities (Mallah 2000). The economy of the
ACE. There is a huge settlements like Tali where
Thar including settlements in the Dubi region was
the ground surface is literally covered with artefacts,
historically dependant on the animal husbandry and
mainly potsherds. Hearths, pottery molds, weight
the production of perishable items like ropes, leather,
and a coin were collected (Figures 70-73). Probably,
antler, slat, bags, etc. (Mallah 2000: 227).
the pottery was produced here and sold elsewhere.
Although during this present investigation, no
After the proper analysis, the chronology of these 26
indication of craft activity was noticed, some towns of
sites will be produced and further description will be
the Mature Indus Period were situated amid the Thar
established. However, the presence of the sites of such
desert along the ancient channel of the Hakra River
a type indicates that this region was continuously
including Ghob, Bhir, Deariro, Doonger Magrio
occupied until the recent historic times.
and Oddi Bhit (Mallah 2000; Shaikh et al. 2001). At these town sites, slags and kilns indicate some sort of - 77 -
Qasid H. Mallah
Significance of Cultural Assemblage
cloth impressions on inside needs serious attention
As mentioned above, the sites reported from the
about its manufacturing process and utility.
area of investigation mainly consist of surface scatter
The assemblage of the Kot Dijian Period was
with a great variation in artefact type and density.
again rich with a tremendous variety of exotic items.
The primary examination of cultural objects have
The pottery was built in various forms, sizes and
indicated a good sequence of utilization of resources
decorations. Several exotic items like steatite beads,
and the establishment of the interaction system. The
black stone beads, bits of lapis lazuli, terracotta
people of the Upper Palaeolithic people used the
figurines, bangles, etc., all suggest that the Kot Dijian
raw materials available in the immediate vicinity, i.e.
people of the Dubi area were inbolved in the overall
the Rohri Hills. During this period huge workshops
phenomenon in this period. One fragment of a
were established in the Rohri Hills and the Veesar
steatite piece with similar decoration as on the steatite
Valley where they produced several types of different
button seal has been reported from Harappa (Kenoyer
artefacts. However, the sites in the Dubi area did not
2006: 23, Figure 5: 7).
represent diverse artefact repertoire; only cores, flakes
The people of the Mature Indus Period did not
and some scrapers were collected.
build the great permanent houses of burnt bricks, but
It was in the Mesolithic period when not only
lived in simply in thatched houses for which material
mechanical zenith was perceived but also a series
was locally available. They did not manufacture
of artefacts were produced for different utility
any item (may be some perishables from animal by-
purposes, including hunting, cutting and scraping.
products and plants like wann, etc). Thus, their
The workshops of stone tool manufacturing were
cultural assemblage remained limited but they show
discovered at strategic location that was surrounded
a similarity with those of the communities living in
by the food procurement spots. The triangles,
urban centres. It seems likely that these people did
lunates, trapezes, retouched medial blade segments,
not practice agriculture and relying greatly on the
tanged/leaf-shaped arrowheads were a common
pastoralist style.
part of the cultural assemblage. This assemblage is
The people of the later historic periods, for example
morphologically comparable with other communities
represented by Tali, again show tremendous richness
of the Mesolithic period living in India and Pakistan;
in the cultural assemblage. This was a huge village
this shows a great similarity, however, with the other
where the pottery was produced within the settlement
factors like mobility and interaction. It may or may
in various forms, sizes and decorations, and weights
not have been limited and restricted only to the lakes
in round/hemispherical shape in various sized and
of Dubi.
categories, coins, shell bangles were part of their
A significant change was seen during the Hakra
material culture.
period when the life of people was characterized
SUMMARY
by the less reliance on these micro-geometric tool and the greater use of pottery though very simple specifically in the Dubi region. The Hakra people
The present survey was launched around several lakes
were exceptionally mobile with a nomadic style of life,
located along the western borders of the Thar Desert
keeping simple and few objects. They lived for a short
nearby modern village of Dubi Mirwah. All of them
time at any given spot and continued their movement.
are located within sand dunes; the GPS handset was
The potsherds found were pla in, roug h and
used for recording them. One particular achievement
handmade. Only one type of potsherd having with
of this survey is that it contains accounts of almost - 78 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
every smallest clusters, even represented by a single
During the Kot Dijian period, a number of villages
artefact, present on the ground. The lake shores, slopes
were established permanently, continuing into the
of mounds, flat top surfaces and valleys were surveyed
Mature Indus period. The collected cultural objects
for antiquity. The region was observed very closely,
like shell bangles, micro white bead, copper pieces
resulting in the documentations of the resource
and valued ceramic vessels like dish-on-stands all
potentiality, the availability of raw material, etc. A
were brought in from the outside, indicating that
brief summary of findings is presented hereafter.
the people living around the lakes must have shared
To sum up the preliminary examination of cultural
the pervasive interaction system. The presence of
objects, it indicates that the majority of settlements
settlements of the subsequent period and the regular
were reoccupied for several times. Making a
seasonal visits of the contemporary nomads suggest
general chronological chart of the given region, the
archaeological vitality of resources and reflect
settlements are associated with the Upper Palaeolithic
the ancient behaviour of the settlers. Finally, the
and the Mesolithic onwards until the late historic
interpretation and conclusion provided in this report
period. The region is still visited by the contemporary
is subject to future confirmation and modification as
Baloch nomadic groups whose origin can be traced
research work is still in progress in the Thar Desert
somewhere in the upland hilly region of Baluchistan.
Region.
The presence of the Upper Palaeolithic sites has stretched the chronological extent of the Thar region.
Acknowledgements
The number and distribution of sites suggests that
This project was financed by the research grant of
the Upper Palaeolithic people started occupying the
Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur and indeed
desert region and consequently, during the Mesolithic
I would like to express many thanks for the granting
period, further expansion and intensification occurred
authority.
when the lake shores were strategically occupied
This area being archaeologically important provided
for some specific reasons of hunting animals and
the best set of data to reconstruct the history of
birds. This occupational intensity supports G.
the region which would further adds an important
Singh’s statement (1971) on “four phase scheme of
chapter to the history of the Indus Valley in general.
climatic condition”. If applied to this region, then
During this research, a great help was provided by the
it was probably the time when the lakes of the Thar
staff members of the Department of Archaeology,
Desert including these 6 lakes of Dubi were created
Shah Abdul Latif University, Khairpur.
through high floods from the Indus River and the
I was benefited with the help of several individuals
monsoon rain that fed water to the rivulets from
in many ways. My best teacher and guide Dr. Nilofer
the Rohri Hills. On the other hand, the meagre
Shaikh, then chairperson of the department and now
nature of the artefact repertoire in the Hakra Period
the Vice Chancellor of Shah Abdul Latif University,
collected from the settlements located in the area with
provided every possible help, discussed with me on
abundant subsistence resource with favorable climatic
every topic and visited several key sites. Prof. M.
conditions, raises a question about their cultural
Mukhtiar Kazi guided me about the field work,
development and stability. Perhaps it was the time
providing many new ideas. Prof. Dr. M. Hanif, though
when the old traditions of the Mesolithic continued
not an archaeologist, refreshed my enthusiasm for the
with an addition of a new item, i.e. handmade grit-
field work by his interest on my work and possible
mixed pottery that provided a path to the cultural
questions.
developments in the subsequent periods.
Our colleagues in the department, Mr. G.M. Veesar, - 79 -
Qasid H. Mallah
Mr. Mir Kazim Talpur, Mr. Hanif Laghari, Mr. A.G.
of the Survey and Excavation Carried out by Members
Soomro and all others remained always ready for
of the “Joint Rohri Hills Project” in January-February
helping me to classify and analyze the collected data.
2000. Ancient Sindh 5: 65-75. Biagi, Paolo and G.M. Vessar (1998-99) An Archaeological
For the drawing of artefacts, I am grateful to Ms.
Survey in the Neighbourhood of Thari in the Thar
Shams-un-Nisa Bhambhro. Without their generous
Desert (Sindh, Pakistan). Ancient Sindh 5: 93-118.
help, this work would not have been reached at this
Jarrige, Jean-François (1991) “Mehrgarh: Its Place in the
stage.
Development of Ancient Cultures in Pakistan”, in
We highly appreciate the endless efforts of our
M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban (eds.) Forgotten
computer operator Mr. Aamir W. Khan. His
Cities on the Indus: Early Civilization in Pakistan from
contribution, skill and expertise for computerizing the
the 8th to the 2nd Millennium BC. Verlag Phillipp von
data is highly essential. He worked very patiently as I
Zabern, Mainz. pp. 34-50. Khan, Farid, J.R. Knox, K.D. Thomas (2000) Settlement
was editing the drafts of this report.
and settlement systems in the Southwest Gomal
There are many friends who took interests in
Plain in the Proto-Historic Period. Journal of Asian
our findings from this region. Mr. Irshad Hussain
Civilizations 23 (2).
Soomro from the Department of Microbiolog y
Kenoyer, J.M. (2003) Regional Cultures and Chronologies of
and Dr. Muhammad Hassan Khaskhali from the
the Indus Civilization: New Perspective from Harappa.
Department of Chemistry always inquire about the
A paper presented in an International Conference on
micro residues on artefacts and the role of bacteria
Pakistan Archaeology held at SALU KHP.
in archaeology. Similarly, Mr. Muhammad Saleem
Lechevallier, Monique (1991) “Stone-Working in Mehrgarh”,
from the Department of Economics is interested
in M. Jansen, M. Mulloy and G. Urban (eds.) Forgotten
in the ancient economic patterns. Their interest
Cities on the Indus: Early Civilization in Pakistan from
indeed was important for me for gathering data
the 8th to the 2nd Millennium BC. Verlag Phillipp von
in field and considering about all possible aspects
Zabern, Mainz. pp. 73-74 Mallah, Qasid Hussain (2000) Archaeology and Ethnoarch-
of interpretation. Additionally, I thank all other
aeology of Thar Desert. Ph.D., University of Wisconsin-
individuals whose names will make endless list. In fact,
Madison. Unpublished.
their contribution remained important through the
Meadow, Richard (1989) “Continuity and change in South
first year of the project and finally we thank all and do
Asian Agriculture and Animal Husbandry : the
expect the same in future.
Paleobiological Evidence”, in J.M. Kenoyer (ed.) Old Problems and New Perspectives in the Archaeology of
References
South Asia. Wisconsin Archaeological Reports 2. pp.
Agrawal, D.P. (1982) The Archaeology of India. Curzon Press,
61-74
London.
Misra, V.N. (1971) Two Microlithic Sites in Rajasthan- a
Allchin, B. and R. Allchin (1982) The Rise of Civilization
preliminary investigation. The Eastern Anthropologist
in India and Pakistan. Cambridge University Press,
24 (3): 237-88.
Cambridge.
Misra, V.N (1973) Bagor - a Late Mesolithic Settlement in
Allchin, B., Andrew Goudie, Karunakara Hegde (1978) The
North-West India. World Archaeology 5 (1): 92-110.
Prehistory and Palaeogeography of the Great Indian
Mughal, M.R. (1997) Ancient Cholistan: Archaeology and
Desert. Academic Press, London.
Architecture. Ferozsons, Lahore.
Biagi, Paolo and M. M. Kazi (1995) Mesolithic site near Thari
Mughal, M.R. (1967) Excavation at Tulamba, West Pakistan.
in the Thar Desert (Sindh, Pakistan). Ancient Sindh 2:
Pakistan Archaeology 4: 11-152.
7-12.
Negrino, F. and M.M. Kazi (1996) The Palaeolithic Industries of the Rohri Hills (Sindh, Pakistan). Ancient Sindh 3:
Biagi, Paolo and Nilofer Sheikh (1998-99) Preliminary Report
- 80 -
Research report on archaeological sites around the lakes of the Dubi Mirwah Desert
7-38. Possehl, Gregory L. (2002) The Indus Civilization: A contemporary perspective. Vistaar Publications, New Delhi. Shaffer, Jim G. and Diane A. Lichtenstein (1989) “Ethnicity and Change in the Indus Valley Cultural Tradition”, in J.M. Kenoyer (ed.) Old Problems and New Perspectives in the Archaeolog y of S outh Asia. Wisconsin Archaeological Reports 2. pp. 117-126. Shaikh, Nilofer, G.M. Vessar, and Qasid H. Mallah (2001) The Thar Desert: An archaeological and Ethnoarchaeological Survey. First Year Report. submitted in the Department of Archaeolog y, Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur. Unpublished. Shaikh, Nilofer, G.M. Vessar, and Qasid H. Mallah (2002) The Thar Desert: An archaeological and Ethnoarchaeological Surve y. Second Year Report. submitted in the Department of Archaeolog y, Shah Abdul Latif University Khairpur. Unpublished. Singh, G. (1971) The Indus Valley culture (seen in the context of post-glacial climate and ecological studies in northwest India). Archaeology and Physical Anthropology in Oceania 6: 177-189.
- 81 -
Qasid H. Mallah
- 82 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
Jaidak (Pithad): a Sorath Harappan site in Jamnagar district, Gujarat and its architectural features
P. Ajithprasad
Department of Archaeology &
Ancient History
The M.S. University of Baroda
Vadodara, India
ABSTRACT A small-scale excavation in 1992 followed by a systematic surface survey of the Soarth Harappan site at Jaidak in Pithad village of Gujarat State in the western part of India revealed a Classical Harappan bipartite plan and layout. The artefact remains however are entirely of the Sorath Harappan. A close examination of the minute details of the architecture helps to delineate some distinguishable features between the Classical Harappan and the Sorath Harappan architectural remains and layout of settlements in Saurashtra. Distinction can be seen in the finer aspects of construction and use of building material. Some difference in the staple crop production as well as in the cuisines between the two may also be proposed on the basis of archaeobotanical data. These differences are significant in understanding the genesis of Sorath Harappan cultural traits and the Chalcolithic cultural patterns that emerged in Gujarat during the third millennium BCE.
Introduction
protected by a massive fortification wall built of stone. Besides, the main layout of the settlement showed a
Ja ida k/Pithad , the “Late Harapp an” site in
general bipartite Harappan town plan comprising an
Jamnagar district of Gujarat was first reported in
elevated ‘acropolis’ and a ‘lower town’. Not only the
1960 (IAR 1959-1960). Surface features of the
elevated part, which was segregated from the rest by
site were resurveyed recently by the Department
a thick fortification, but also the lower settlement
of Archaeolog y, The M.S. University of Baroda,
was protected by another wall of equal thickness.
Vadodara for understanding the structural details
These features are certainly reminiscent of the plan
and cultural affiliation of the Chalcolithic settlement
and layout of the Classical Harappan sites. Besides,
(Ajithprasad 2003). Pottery and other artefacts that
remains of several rubble stone structures are found
are collected in the survey as well as in the small-scale
in discrete clusters within and outside the walled area.
excavation at the south-eastern extension of the site in
The paper examines features of the structural remains
1992 (IAR 1991-92) clearly indicated their similarity
exposed on the surface at the site and discuses the
with that of Rojdi C. No Classical Harappan artefact
general similarity and subtle difference between the
has been reported from the site either in the survey or
Classical Harappan and the Sorath Harappan site
in the excavation so far. The antiquarian remains from
plan and structural remains in Gujarat with a view of
Jaidak therefore appear to be belonging to the Sorath
understanding the distinctive features of the Sorath
Harappan as defined by Possehl and Raval. The
Harappan architecture.
survey however revealed a large, roughly rectangular
In the late 1980’s Possehl and Herman together
settlement measuring approximately 11 hectares
with Raval (Possehl and Raval 1989; Possehl and - 83 -
P. Ajithprasad
Figure 1 Jaidak and other important Harappan sites referred in the paper
Herman 1990) proposed “Sorath Harappan” as
Indus civilization in Gujarat. This was to change in the
the regional manifestation of the Urban/Mature
late 1980`s after the proposition of Sorath Harappan
Harappa culture in Gujarat making many of the sites
by Possehl and Raval soon after their joint excavations
traditionally categorised as the “Late Harappan”,
at Rojdi from 1985 to 1988 (Possehl and Raval
contemporary to the Mature Harappan. The new
1989). The excavation revealed a Harappan cultural
research model called for a re- classification of more
assemblage devoid of many of the Classical Harappan
than 500 Harappan sites in Gujarat; a vast majority of
traits. The pottery for instance was devoid of most
which were reported from Saurashtra. Generally, the
of the distinguishable forms and decorations of the
Harappan sites in Gujarat are classified in accordance
Classical Harappan; instead it had a few new forms
to the four-fold ‘Rangpur sequence’ proposed by S.R.
in bowls and pots. Yet, technologically the pottery
Rao after the excavations at Rangpur in the second
was certainly Harappan (Possehl 1992; Possehl and
half of the 1950’s (Rao 1963). Until the second half
Herman 1990). Similarly, the characteristic Classical
of the 1980’s a majority of them was regarded as the
Harappan copper implements, stone beads, shell
so called “Late Harappan” or Post-Urban Harappan
bangles and other craft items are either absent or
as they were all categorized to either Periods IIB, IIC
found in very small numbers at the site. Inscribed
or III of the Rangpur sequence. Lothal, Rangpur
seals and sealings were completely unknown except
and Nageshwar were the only three major sites that
for a potsherd showing a graffito in Harappan script
showed Rangpur Period IIA affiliation and therefore
(IAR 1957-58). Thus the material remains found
belonging to the Mature or the Urban Phase of the
in the excavation correspond to the Rangpur IIB - 84 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
and IIC category belonging to the “Late Harappan”
The new model has also called into question the
period. However, more than half a dozen radiocarbon
Harappan affiliation of the Sorath Harappan sites.
dates ranging from 2600 BCE to 1900 BCE from
The question often being asked is whether or not the
the early levels of site suggested an age contemporary
Sorath Harappan sites are indeed Harappan sites
to the Mature/Urban phase of the Harappa culture.
in the real sense exhibiting some regional character
This anachronism of material culture has led to
within the larger frame of the Harappa culture (Verma
the definition of Sorath Harappan as the regional
and Menon 1999). If not, do they represent a distinct
manifestation of the Harappa culture in Gujarat in
regional Chalcolithic cultural entity contemporary
the Urban Phase (Possehl and Raval 1989; Possehl
to the Harappa culture in Saurashtra? These are issues
and Herman 1990; Possehl 1992).
vital in understanding the evolution of Chalcolithic
One of the important fallouts of the application of
cultural patterns in Saurashtra in the third and second
this new model is the inclusion of all those sites which
millennia BCE. As has been mentioned earlier, the
were earlier classified as “Late Harappan”, Rangpur
small-scale excavations at Jaidak-II in Pithad in 1992
IIB into the Mature or Urban phase and the Rangpur
and the recent surface survey of the structural remains
IIC and III sites as Post-Urban Sorath Harappan
exposed at the site brought up interesting observations
(Sonawane and Ajithprasad 1994). This led to the
that may help address the above issues of its regional
proposal that the Harappan sites in Gujarat fall into
character and cultural affiliation.
two categories: (a) the “Sindhi”/Classical Harappan
Location
sites showing the Classical Harappan inventory and architectural features and (b) the Sorath Harappan sites which are devoid of the Classical Harappan traits
Pithad village (22°41’N, 70°35’E) in Jodiya Taluka
(Possehl 1992; Possehl and Raval 1989). Dholavira
of Jamnagar district, Gujarat is located about 40km
and a few other sites in Kachchh and Lothal in
northeast of Rajkot and about 30km south from
Saurashtra may be the best examples of the first
the shore of the Gulf of Kachchh (Figure1). The
category of sites, even though Lothal incorporates
Harappan Chalcolithic site known locally by the name
the Sorath Harappan pottery right from the very
Jaidak/ Jaidak no timbo (22°39.5’N; 70°34’43”E)
beginning of Harappan occupation at the site. The
is about 4.5 km southeast of the village on the right
Sorath Harappan sites on the other hand are far more
bank of the Aji river that drains into the Gulf (Figure
abundant. While the features of the Sorath Harappan
2). The Aji has a wide and deep channel here and is
ceramics from these sites are rather well defined, the
one of the main rivers that drain the northern part
distinctive features of other material relics belonging
of Saurashtra. The two other important excavated
to the Sorath Harappan are poorly defined. By and
Harappan sites in the region, Kuntasi and Bagasra
large the sites present a simple material inventory
both in Rajkot district, are located about 20km north
and are relatively small in size. The average size of
and 50m northeast respectively of the site. Rojdi, the
these settlements is estimated to 5.3 hectares (Possehl
type site of the Sorath Harappan, is located about 100
1980) and they are devoid of elaborate architecture
km south.
showing proper plan and layout. They also lack a very
The site was first located in 1960 during an
elaborate fortification in contradiction to most of
exploratory survey by a team of archaeologists of
the Classical Harappan sites. Instead, there is small
the Rajkot Office of the Bombay State Archaeology
scale circumvallation around some of the settlements
Department (IAR 1959-60). In 1963, S.R. Rao (Rao
including the site at Rojdi (Possehl and Raval 1989).
1963) classified it into the “Late Harappan” phase - 85 -
P. Ajithprasad
Figure 2 General view of the Jaidak site on the right bank of the Aji river
Figure 3 Excavated trenches and rubble stone structures in the southeast extension ( Jaidak II) of the site
- 86 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
affiliated to the Rangpur Period IIC of his newly
to normal agents of erosion, the site is in a better state
proposed four-fold sequence of the Harappan cultural
of preservation. Nevertheless, centuries of incessant
development in Gujarat. In the early 1980’s K.K.
erosion has exposed on the surface the extant wall-
Bhan of the M.S. University of Baroda too categorized
top of the dilapidated structures at the site. Several
the artefact assemblage from the site to the Rangpur
such walls forming part of extensive structures could
IIC (IAR 1979-80, Bhan 1983) as a part of his
be easily recognized on the surface by the alignment
Doctoral dissertation on the archaeology of Jamnagar
and association of stones, which clearly reveal the
district. Subsequent to this, in 1992 the Department
architectural plan and layout of the settlement (Figure
of Archaeolog y and Ancient History, The M.S.
4). In the light of the above surface features, we
University of Baroda carried out a small-scale
carried out a surface survey at the site in the last field
excavation at the south-eastern extension of the site
season with a view of reconstructing a tentative plan
( Jaidak-II); unearthing over 1.00m thick Chalcolithic
and lay out of the settlement from the exposed surface
habitation deposit including the remains of several
features and also for reassessing its cultural affiliation.
stone structures (Figure 3) (IAR 1991-92). However,
The sketch map prepared on the basis of the above
no excavation could be carried out at the main mound
survey is reproduced in Figure 5.
in 1992. All these investigations at the site have
It is evident from the plan that the overall
primarily confirmed Rao’s original periodization of the
configuration and layout of the settlement clearly
Chalcolithic remains contemporary to the Rangpur
suggest the Classical/Urban Harappan bipartite
IIC. The 1992 excavation however had resulted in
planning, with a well segregated higher and the lower
the addition of a metre thick Mesolithic substratum
settlement areas (Figure 5). In addition to these
to the so called “Late Harappan” occupation in the overall cultural sequence at the site (IAR 1991-92).
Architectural Plan and Structural Features The Chalcolithic settlement at Jaidak/Pithad is a reasonably large mound spread to an overall area of more than 11 hectares. Situated hardly 200 m away from the eastern bank of the present day channel of the Aji river, it is roughly rectangular in plan measuring 550 m along the north-south and 200 m along the east-west. In sheer size and spread this is one of the largest Harappan sites in Saurashtra, perhaps as big as or slightly bigger than Lothal. The average height of the mound is about 3.5m, while the maximum is about 5.5 m from the ground level. The structures at the site are built of large blocks of dyke rocks. These rocks are part of the basal rock formation in the region and are exposed quite extensively in the Aji river in the vicinity of the site all along the
Figure 4 The extant top of a long stretch of rubble stone
channel. As the rubble stone structures are resistant
fortification wall exposed on the surface at the site - 87 -
P. Ajithprasad
Figure 5 The Plan and layout of the settlement at Jaidak. Measurements in the map are approximate as it is based on the surface remains
The Citadel and the Lower Town
there is also a large open court at the eastern side of the citadel. All these different units of settlement layout are protected by an extensive 2.5 to 3m thick
The citadel in the western part of the settlement is
fortification wall which is built of large blocks of
a relatively large rectangular structure measuring
basalt rock. The settlement is found to be extending
approximately 210 m by 75 m, which has an average
further south of the fortified area by two blocks of
height of 4.5 m. A small stretch of about 30m in the
structures which form an annex to the main structures.
northern end of this elevated part of the site is about
Yet another large structure complex measuring 120
5.5m high and it is clear that this area is an important
m by 90 m is found as an extension to the site in the
part of the citadel with several well constructed
southeast. This extension is named Jaidak-II (IAR
chambers and cubicles within it (Figure 5). The citadel
1991-92). It was at this southeast extension the M.S.
is protected by a 2.5 to 3 m thick rubble stone built
University of Baroda had conducted the excavation
wall. The core of this wall, at places, is found to be
in 1992. Presently, this part of the site is cut off from
filled with burnt brickbats. Probably, at some point of
the main mound by a deep storm-drain channel
time, burnt brick may have been used for some special
(Figure 6) that joins the Aji river by the side of the site
construction at the site. There appears to be some sort
on its south. Vertical sections of the site exposed by
of a narrow entrance into the citadel from the west as
this channel clearly show about 2 to 2.50m cultural
well as from the east through the fortification wall.
deposit in the south-eastern edge of the main mound.
There is a large gap of about 10 metres in the western fortification wall between the citadel and the lower town. This appears to be the main entrance into the - 88 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
Figure 6 Stream cut section in the eastern part of the site The section shows 2 to 2.5m of cultural deposit at the top. A portion of the basalt bedrock is exposed at the base.
settlement from the western side. A road from this
Remains of two circular rubble stone structures are
entrance leads to the main entrance of the citadel at
found in the southern edge of this open court. These
the north wall which has an elaborate gate complex
structures belong to the final stages of habitation
with two square chambers on either side.
at the site. A group of burials has also been found
A series of structural remains laying in the north and
exposed on the surface in the north-eastern corner of
northeast of the citadel mainly forms the lower town.
the lower town. This appears to be the cemetery area.
It has an average height of 3.5 m and is also protected
It is not sure whether this is within the fortified area
by 2.5 to 3 m thick rubble wall (Figure 5). It encloses
or outside, as the surface features indicating the wall
several rectangular blocks of rubble stone structures,
here are not so clear.
which could not only be of residential complexes but
Discussion
also associated with craft activities carried out at the site. For instance, some of the structures are found to be associated with lithic blade production and
All the above architectural features clearly suggest a
even the production of pottery. The eastern side of
Classical/ Urban Harappan plan and layout of the
the settlement is rather flat and slightly low-laying at
settlement. Contrary to this, the artefacts collected
an average height of 3 m from the surrounding. This
from the surface and in the excavation do not
appears to be a large open court with a few structures
incorporate any Classical Urban Harappan traits.
abutting the eastern fortification wall of the citadel.
In fact, they clearly showed a Rangpur Period IIC
Extending from the eastern wall of the citadel, it is
affiliation with some traits of the Period IIB. There
about 115 m wide. The eastern entrance through the
are no perforated jars, S-shaped jars, beakers, pedestal
outer fortification wall opens into this open court.
vases or typical dish-on-stand in the assemblage. - 89 -
P. Ajithprasad
Figures 7 and 8 Late Sorath Harappan pottery from Jaidak The vessels correspond to the pottery from Rojdi C and Rangpur II-C.
Neither do they show any of the well known distinct
blade tools in this period are made of locally available
Classical Harappan patterns of paintings on pottery.
chert, jasper and chalcedony by the crested ridge
The pottery in fact is predominated by the straight
technique (Figure 11). Another material that is well
and concave sided bowls with a blunt carination,
represented at the site is copper. A copper bangle
bowls with elongated stud-handle, small lamps with a
(Figure 12), spiral ornament, knife blade and several
horizontally splayed-in flat rim, shallow dishes with a
thin rods and wires are also found in the excavation.
thick rounded or slightly drooping rim and pots with
Shell bangles and other items of shell, except a few
an elongated and flaring out neck and a thick rounded
short and thick tubular beads, are conspicuous by
rim (Figures 7 and 8). These shapes correspond
their absence at the site.
well with the Rojdi C pottery reported by Herman
How is that the site shows the characteristic
(1989), and hence belong to the Sorath Harappan.
Classical/Urban Harappan plan and layout and
Rojdi C has been dated to 1900 - 1700 BCE by C14
does not incorporate any of the type-fossil artefacts
estimation (Possehl and Raval 1989).
of it? Moreover, the artefacts recovered so far from
In addition to the pottery, a few semi precious stone
the excavation as well as from the surface collection
beads, one of which is of jasper showing incomplete
as shown above all show very close affinity to the
perforation at the centre, probably indicating local
Rojdi assemblage. Hence, although it can be easily
production are found in the excavation (Figure 9).
designated into the Sorath Harappan category, the
There are also a few specimens of agate, carnelian,
architectural planning and layout of the settlement
steatite and faience beads recovered from the site
are quite different from that of Rojdi. Does this then
(Figure 10). Beads were also made of terracotta;
reflect the indebtedness of the Sorath Harappans to
especially the pulley shaped ones and small spherical
the Classical Harappan tradition in their architectural
and bi-conical ones were common at the site. Lithic
plan and layout as well? Is this therefore yet another - 90 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
Figure 9 Bead performs: chert/jasper disc bead with a small
Figure 10 Beads of carnelian, faience and shell
dent at the centre, suggesting local production of beads
Figure 11 Micro-blade tools
Figure 12 Copper bangle
instance of the reg ional manifestation of the
Harappan site incorporating Sorath Harappan traits
Harappan technological tradition in Saurashtra in the
from the very beginning of its occupation (Rao
third millennium BCE?
1963, 1985). For sure, the choice of stone as building
We need to look at the architectural features
material must have been influenced by its local
at the site a little more in detail to delineate the
availability. However, mud-brick structures are more
technological manifestation in order to distinguish
popular in Classical Harappan sites than in Sorath
the Sorath Hrappan architectural features from
Harappan sites. At the same time, there seems to
that of the Classical Harappan. A quick survey of
have a lack of priority in using mud-bricks in Sorath
the basic features of the Harappan architecture in
Harappan sites. There is little evidence of mud-brick
Gujarat reveals that there is very little difference in the
structures reported from Rojdi (Possehl and Ravel
building materials used by the Classical Harappans
1989) and Kuntasi (Dhavalikar et al. 1996), the two
and the Sorath Harappans. Both show the use of
excavated Sorath Harappan sites in Rajkot district in
stones as well as mud-bricks for their constructions.
Saurashtra. Structures at these two sites are all made
For instance, both stone slabs and mud-bricks are
of locally available stones. It is also worthy to note
extensively used at Dholavira, a Classical Harappan
that the cultural phase showing the Sorath Harappan
site in Kachchh (Bisht 1994). At the same time, use
influence is often associated with the extensive use of
of stone is not attested to in the constructions at
stone rubbles and slabs as building material and an
Lothal in Saurashtra. Lothal incidentally is a Classical
antipathy for the use of bricks at Bagasra (Sonawane - 91 -
P. Ajithprasad
Table 1 Details of structural remains at major Classical Harappan and Sorath Harappan sites in Gujarat Classical Harappan Site Features
Sorath Harappan
Surkotada
Lothal
Size
Walled area 771 x 616m. (48ha.) Over all -100ha.
180 x 115m 2.1ha.
Walled area: 345 x 293m/ 10.1ha.
165 x 125m. 220 x 150m/ 525 x 150m/ 550 x 200m/ 1.96ha. 3.30ha 7.8ha. 11ha.
Construction material
Stone and mudbricks
Stone and mud-bricks
Mud-bricks, burnt bricks
Stone and mud-bricks
Stone, mud-bricks?
Stone
Stone
7m at the base
15m
7.5m at the base
1.3 - 4.00m
3 - 3.25m
2.70 - 3.00m
64 - 100cm
60 - 120cm
60 -120cm
60 - 110cm
60 - 85cm
60 - 85cm
X
X
X
Kuntasi IB
Rojdi A&B
Jaidak IIB
Thickness of Citadel : 18m Fortification at the base. wall Outer wall: 7m. Thickness of wall, inner 64 - 120cm structures Polygonal/ Curvilinear structures
Late Phase (Phase VII)
Bagasra
Kuntasi
Rojdi
Jaidak (Pithad)
Dholavira
et al. 2004) and Shikarpur (IAR 1987-88), the two
bricks (Rao 1985). In stark contrast to these are the
Classical Harappan sites located on either shore of
fortification walls at Rojdi and Pithad or Kuntasi
the Gulf of Kachchh in Rajkot and Kachchh districts
which is merely 2 to 3 m thick. The settlements at
respectively. The specific features of site plan and
Pithad and Rojdi are five times larger than Surkotada
architecture of the Calssical and the Sorath Harappan
and Bagasra, yet the thickness of the fortification wall
require more focussed research in order to delineate
is much smaller. It is also interesting that the structures
distinctive features of the two. Nevertheless, some
within the fortification do not show any distinction
preliminary observations on the overall size of the
in the thickness of the wall between the Classical and
fortified area and the size and thickness of the walls
the Sorath Harappan. The thickness of the walls of the
from a few major Classical Harappan and Sorath
normal internal structures generally varies from 40 cm
Harappan sites in Gujarat are listed in Table 1.
to 1.20 m irrespective of their cultural affiliation.
A clear distinction between the two is apparent in
Yet another interesting feature that has been
the construction features, especially in the thickness
reported from the Sorath Harappan settlement
of the fortification wall. The Classical Harappan
at Rojdi is the presence of polyg onal and/or
fortification walls are massive constructions;
curvilinear structures (Possehl and Raval 1989).
sometimes disproportionately huge. For instance,
These have been interpreted as structural adaptation
the fortification around the citadel at Dholavira is
for keeping household herds at Rojdi (Figures 13
about 18 m thick (Bisht 1991, 1994) and the one at
and 14). A similar curvilinear structure, identified
Surkotada, a much smaller site in Kachchh, measures
as a shrine complex (Fig ure15), has also been
7 m ( Joshi 1990). Bagasra, another small site in
reported from Kuntasi (Dhavalikar et al. 1996). A
Rajkot district, measures 7.75 m (Sonawane et al
curvilinear structure, very much resembling the Rojdi
2004); in spite of the fact that at the latter two sites
structure was reported from Nagwada (Figure16)
the actual walled area is less than 0.5hectare. Similarly,
in Surendranagar district too (Hegde et al. 1988).
Lothal in Saurashtra has a 15 m (calculated from the
Nagwada is a rural site belonging to the Classical
illustrations) thick defence wall all made of mud-
Harappan. The structure was found in the upper - 92 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
Figure 13 Polygonal rubble stone structures at Rojdi
Figure 14 Curvilinear structures at Rojdi
Figure 15 Curvilinear structures from
Figure 16 Curvilinear structures from
the topmost levels at Kuntasi
the topmost levels at Nagwada
most layers at the site, probably indicating a diffusion
and polygonal structures seem to be not the norm in
of its functional feature further north of Saurashtra
Classical Urban Harappan sites. A cursory look at
into north Gujarat in the closing years of the third
the architectural remains reported from Dholavira
millennium BCE. Irrespective of the purpose and
may reveal that curvilinear or circular structures with
actual function of these structures, what is more
an oblong antechamber are found in the last Phase/
important in the present context is the fact that the
Phase-VII (Figures 17) of occupation at the site (Bisht
Sorath Harappan settlements incorporated such
1991). And, it is probably not without significance
constructions within their architectural tradition
that the Sorath Harappan elements predominate in
quite easily. Or probably the curvilinear structures
this Phase at Dholavira.
could in fact have been integral to Sorath Harappan architectural scheme. On the other hand curvilinear - 93 -
P. Ajithprasad
Figure 17 Apsidal/curvilinear structure at Dholavira, Phase VII
Sorath Harappan Subsistence
in any of these sites. Nevertheless, it appears many of these sites played a major role in the procurement
A quick glance through the overall size of the
and distribution of raw-materials for major craft
Harappan sites in Gujarat will suggest that the
production centres such as Lothal, Dholavira, and
majority of Sorath Harappan sites are small (Possehl
Bagasra, etc. While the exact details of the functional
1980, 1997) rural settlements probably based on
role are not very clear, the presence of isolated
subsistence farming and pastoralism. However, a few
Classical Harappan beads at Jaidak or at Rojdi suggests
sites such as Pithad or Rojdi were as large as or larger
the interaction between the Sorath Harappan sites
than many of the Classical Harappan sites in Gujarat.
and contemporary sites of the Classical Harappan. It
They probably had similar economic resources which
also indirectly points out the coexistence of the sites
some of the Classical Harappan sites commanded in
with Classical Harappan sites as these artefacts were
building their settlements. The construction of large
part and parcel of the Classical Harappan inventory
fortification wall encompassing the entire site in the
supported by the economic structure of the Urban
Sorath Harappan context may not have been achieved
Phase. As the economic structure crumbled in course
had it been based solely on subsistence economy. It is
of time in the post-Urban or the so called Late
therefore obvious that these sites were part and parcel
Harappan period the beads also became unpopular
of the urban growth of the Harappa culture based on a
as it could not support earlier craft productions. In
surplus economy. Yet, there is little evidence for major
such a scenario, where most of the ornamental beads
craft activities, barring the production of pottery and
have disappeared even in the Classical Harappan sites
to some extent copper/bronze working, carried out
in the Post-Urban phase, it will be illogical to come - 94 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
across Classical Harappan lapidary beads in Sorath
pulses too (Weber 1991, 1998; Kajale 1991; Reddy
Harappan sites if they are chronologically later. It is
1997, 2003; Vishnu-Mittre 1990; Vishnu-Mittre and
therefore obvious that the sites such as Jaidak, Rojdi
Savithri 1982). The exploitation of millet among these
and Kuntasi were well integrated in the network of
is crucial in understanding the subsistence practices
the Urban Harappan economic production and quite
and crop processing pattern of the Harappans in the
naturally the economic fortunes of the Harappans
third and early second millennia BCE in Saurashtra.
were reflected in these sites too.
Arcaheobotanical remains from Rojdi indicate the
Apart from this, some interesting tentative
importance of millets at the site through out its
obser vations regarding the differences in the
existence starting from Rojdi A dating back to 2550
subsistence activities between the Classical Harappan
BCE. Wheat is not reported from Rojdi in spite of
and the Sorath Harappan sites can also be pointed out.
systematic collection. Barley and pulses in general, on
While some of the large sites may have participated
the other hand are meagre suggesting that these crops
actively in the economic production of craft items,
were of less importance in the food economy of the
most of the smaller sites were depended on farming
Sorath Harappans at Rojdi. Wheat and Barley are also
and stock raising that included pastoralism. In fact,
not reported from Surkotada, Babar Kot and Orio
it has been argued that the subsistence farming and
Timbo. This is in contra-distinction to the major crop
pastoral activities of the community were responsible
pattern of the Harappans, primarily based on wheat
for the presence of a large number of smaller sites in
and barley cultivation supplemented by pulses (Fuller
Gujarat (Bhan 1992; Reddy 2003). This is applicable
and Madella 2002). Wheat and barley are primarily
to both the Classical and Sorath Harappan sites,
winter crops and need more water. Considering the
although small rural sites of the Classical Harappan
semiarid climatic condition of Saurashtra, draught
are indeed very few. Both types of sites have large
resistant millets are more suitable for cultivation than
quantities of domestic cattle and sheep/goat skeletal
wheat and barley (Weber 1998; Fuller 2003).
remains suggesting that these animals were exploited
Millets, it appears, had a wide and prominent
extensively (Thomas 2002; Patel 1997). The food
presence in the Harappan sites, both in Saurashtra
base from domesticated fauna was supplemented by
and Kachchh. Eight different types of millets, both
hunting and fishing. Although faunal studies do not
small and the large varieties, have been reported
actually indicate any distinguishable pattern in the
from the sites in this region. While small millets
faunal exploitation between the Sorath Harappan
started appearing from the Urban Phase onwards, it
and the Classical Harappan sites, there probably
has been argued that the larger millets, Pennisetum
would have some variation at least in the preference of
typhides (Pearl millet or bajra) and Sorghum bicolar
animal food items in these two categories of sites.
(large millet or jowar), were introduced in somewhat
The archaeobotanical remains on the other hand
later stage, around 2000 - 1900 BCE (Weber 1998;
is much more instructive than the faunal remains
Reddy 2003). The smaller millets such as Setaria
in demonstrating some amount of variation in the
italica (foxtail millet), Paspalum scorbiculatum (Kodo
pattern of plant exploitation and consumption
millet), Panicum maliaceum (common millet),
between the Classical and the Sorath Harappan
Panicum sumatrnese (little millet), Echnochola colona
sites. Recent studies on botanical remains from the
(barnyard millet), and Eleusine coracana (ragi or
Harappan sites in Gujarat have shown exploitation
finger millet) are reported from the Sorath Harappan
of a wide spectrum of plants that included wheat,
context (c.2550 BCE) from Rojdi A (Weber 1991)
barley, rice and several types of millets and some
and Babar Kot (Reddy 1997) in Saurashtra. A few - 95 -
P. Ajithprasad
small millets are also reported from the Classical
Gujarat region therefore has been suggested by Fuller
Harappan context from Surkotada IA (c.2500 BCE)
(Fuller 2003). Only further studies directed towards
(Vishnu-Mittre 1990; Vishnu-Mittre and Savithri
identifying potential cultigens of these pulses and
1982), although some doubt has been expressed in
the patterns of intensification strategies adopted by
the identification of the specific species to which they
the Mesolithic Hunter-gatherer communities in this
belong to (see Fuller 2002, Fuller and Madella 2002).
region will be able to address these issues of early plant
Millet’s presence became stronger in the later sage in
exploitation systematically. It then follows that the
the Period IC of Surkotada, which was also marked by
Sorath Harappans probably had a crop cultivation
the presence of the Sorath Harappan artefacts at the
pattern, slig htly different from the Classical
site. The larger millets, bajra and jowar are reported
Harappans of Sindh and the Punjab regions. It implies
from the later Post-Urban context at Rojdi (Rojdi
a different pattern not only in the crops production
C) and Oriyo Timbo (Weber 1998; Reddy 1997).
but also in the food habits of the Sorath Harappan.
The findings clearly suggest the exploitation of millet
One presumes that there may have significant cuisine
crops early on along with wheat and barley. One must
variations between the wheat/barley preparations
also add the evidence of rice from Lothal (Rao and
and the millet preparations which will eventually be
Lal 1985) and Rangpur (Ghosh and Lal 1963) to
reflected in the vessels that are used for cooking as well
complete the complex nature of different agricultural
as serving. It can be argued that the predominance of
crop production that existed in the Harappan context
bowls in the Sorath Harappan assemblage therefore
in Gujarat. Nevertheless, some researchers believe that
is a reflection of this basic diversification in food
rice in fact had a marginal role in the Harappan diet
preparation and its in-take.
(Fuller and Madella 2002). Rice today is cultivated in
In the light of above observations, Lothal and
Gujarat only in the low-laying Bhal region around the
other sites such as Kuntasi and Surkotada, which
Gulf of Cambay and it is significant that Lothal and
incorporate both the Classical and Sorath Harappan
Rangpur are located in this area.
traits, present interesting patterns of cohabitation of
It has been shown that some of the millets in
the two cultural strands of the Harappan. Lothal has
the Harappan context in Gujarat were introduced
the Sorath Harappan and the Classical Harappan
from Africa, although the actual course of their
assemblage together from the very beginning of
transmission is not clearly marked out so far (Weber
habitation at the site. While it shows rice, the
1998). At the same time the antecedence of a few
presence of millet here is not attested to. The site at
millets has not yet been established and the presence
Kuntasi on the other hand is predominantly Sorath
of some wild forms in the Harappan context in
Harappan which had strong interaction with the
Gujarat may suggest local exploitation (Fuller 2002).
Classical Harappans, which probably is also indicated
The millets reported from the South Indian Neolithic/
by the presence of wheat and barley at the site.
Chalcolithic context are later than the Harappan,
Surkotada in Kachchh has marked presence of the
indicating that the crop may not have been introduced
Sorath Harappan only in the later phase (Period IC),
from the south. Besides, some of the pulses reported
but had millets from the early levels onward, although
from the Harappan context in Saurashtra are different
they became more abundant in the Period IC. It is
from those reported from Indus valley and from the
therefore certain that the millets were an important
contemporary or later Neolithic/Chalcolithic sites
crop in the Harappan context in Gujarat and they
of South India (Fuller 2003). Hence, the possibility
played an important role in the food habits of the
of an indigenous cultivation of these pulses in the
people. Given the ecological settings of Saurashtra, - 96 -
Jaidak (Pithad)
the millets were more popular in the Sorath Harappan
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- 99 -
P. Ajithprasad
- 100 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed - A fabulous illustration of congenital architectural and decorative traditions -
Farzand Masih
Department of Archaeology
University of the Punjab
Lahore, Pakistan.
Email:
[email protected]
ABSTRACT The tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed portrays the congenital architectural and decorative traditions with striking affinities with Hindu temples of the contemporary period. The early explorers have laid emphases on the decorative motives with their comprehension to brand the monument as of Muslim architecture. Mr. Flood who has contributed to the architecture of the Ghurid period has altogether different approach to these fabulous monuments. It appears that the master masons of that period have borrowed the architectural features from some religio-secular edifices. The mouldings present definite resemblance with the temples of western India and Salt Range. The elevation scheme is just a reminiscent of the Nagara style temple of the Salt Range and western India. In short, not only the profile and decorative details but the overall structure of the tomb manifest the debt to local architectural traditions. The presence of trefoil arches in this monument reminds us of the Gandhara Buddhist stupas and the Salt Range Hindu temples. Last but not least, the tomb is the finest example of Muslim, Gandhara Buddhist and Hindu architectural amalgamation.
The tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed is one of the
body of the tomb as well. It is indeed this scarcity of
most distinguished monuments ever built in the
explanation and interpretation which instigated the
Islamic land (Figure 1). Of exceptionally high order, it
author to express his views in the form of the present
manifests majestic, balanced, dignified and imposing
paper. Consequently, the author has relentlessly
architecture. Standing on a lofty platform the tomb
concentrated on his discussions solely to those
exhibits the testimony of several elements borrowed
features that shows its staunch relationship with the
from the architectural and decorative traditions of
indigenous and incomprehensible architectural and
Afghanistan (ancient Aryana), Iran and Central
decorative traditions.
Asia. The tomb also shows a number of components
The tomb stands about 50 km north of Muzaffa-
both architectural and decorative, derived from
rgarh, on the western bank of the river Chenab1).
the indigenous repertoire of Buddhist stupas in
Unfortunately, the information about the mausoleum
Gandhara, and Hindu temples in the Salt Range
or the saint buried therein is very scanty. However,
bracketed within the 6th century to the beginning of
according to local traditions, scribed on a glazed
the 11th century.
tile and fixed on the monument, this saint hailed
Unluckily, so far none of the authority dealing
from the House of Tamim Ansari of Madina in
with this monument has particularly focused on
the Arabian Peninsula. Though his ancestors are
the various parochial motives and features that
believed to have migrated in southern Punjab in
articulate the niches of the platform and the main
the 8th century, but the saint himself is said to have - 101 -
Farzand Masih
Figure 1 Tomb of Sadan Shaheed General view
lived in the 13th century and died around AD 1275
of international repute Dr. Ahmed Nabi Khan5) has
and was laid to rest in this place (Khan, A.N. 1990).
also grappled with this subject. His comprehension
This date synchronizes with the rule of Turkish
of this structure also seems frivolous and paltry. It
Sultan, Ghiyasud-Din Balban (AD 1266-86) and his
appears that Dr. Khan contents with the findings of
eldest son Prince Muhammad, also known as Sultan
his office engineer, Mr. Talib Hussain, to the extant
2)
Shaheed as Governor of Multan .
that the ground plan of the tomb already published
The monument, in fact, has been mentioned in
with errors by Mr. Tablib has been reproduced by
passing in several overview of medieval Pakistan
Dr. Khan in his book entitled, “Islamic Architecture
architecture but has not so far been the subject of an
of Pakistan” (1990). He described this magnificent
extended study.
monument in his own routine authoritative manner
Nevertheless, this most conspicuous funerary
but verifiably he ignored the very basic congenital
monument of the early Islamic days came into
components of this monument which connects its
3)
limelight for the first time through an article of Mr. 4)
relation with the soil and with the hoary traditions of
Talib Hussain . Like many other great archaeological
our heritage. To my comprehension Dr. Khan simply
discoveries he explored this much more significant
agreed with the notes of Mr. Talib.
edifice by chance without realizing the fact that he
Yet another researcher, Prof. Dr. Taj Ali 6) has,
has made a major breakthrough in the history of
however, for the first time very accurately and precisely
architecture. Although, Mr. Talib has given a detailed
pointed out its relation with the temples of South
description of the tomb, but as a matter of fact there is
Kafir Kot in the district of Dera Ismail Khan in the
still much room to identify and interpret most of the
NWFP. He writes, “The significance of the decoration is
architectural and decorative details. Another scholar
two fold. On the one hand it refers to the continuation - 102 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
of Pre-Muslim architectural decoration”. According to him, “the plant decoration of classical origin and the geometric motifs such as lotuses, rosettes, scroll, dentils and chessboard designs formed integral part of PreMuslim architecture. This decoration certainly reminds us of the decoration used for embellishing temples and was deep rooted tradition” (Ali, Taj 1993). Mr. Finbarr Barry Flood 7) has contributed a tremendous work on the Ghurid Architecture in the Indus valley. In his article Mr. Flood has discussed this tomb in relation to other extant Ghurid monuments in South Asia. He has appropriately indicated different features of this funerary structure that are also present in the pre-Ghurid Buddhist and Hindu architecture of the Indus valley but absent in the Figure 2 Sadan Shaheed Pedimented niche on platform
medieval monuments of eastern Iran or western India (Flood 2001). Mr. Flood has certainly produced a remarkable work but he has omitted several innate constituents of our ancient architecture which saturate this building with indigenous shade. The mausoleum is set on a high platform standing 2.25 m above the surrounding ground level. In 1973 a deluge decimated the major part of this podium. As a result, modern prodigal brick masonry was applied to abstain from further withering of the monument. However, on the western part of the southern wall, still one can see remaining conspicuous pedimented niches (Figure 2) which indicate that originally the platform was decorated with niches separated by narrow collonettes. The walls of the platform were orig inally embellished with lavishly ornamented niches detached
Figure 3 Sadan Shaheed Narrow engaged column
by narrow collonettes (Figure 3). Now on the basis of the comparative studies it has been possible to make
and C at South Kafir Kot (Figure 4) belonging to the
out that the elevated platforms and use of the blind
10th century are the best examples where the elevated
windows and narrow engaged columns to adorn its
walls of the platform are pampered with blind niches
walls follows a traditions established in the Buddhist
of various sizes separated by narrow columns (Figure
stupas and Hindu temples of the 9th-10th centuries
4). A similar scheme of decoration is also witnessed in
in Pakistan. Brick stupa at Mirpur Khas in Sindh
Hindu temples of western India (Meister and Dhaky
(Cousens 1998), now completely vanished, main
1991).
temple at Amb (Masih 2000) and paired Temples B
While explaining the platform, says Dr. Khan - 103 -
Farzand Masih
“Originally, the entire surface of the platform had been embellished with rectangular panels created in high relief and finished in cut-brick scrolls”(Khan, A.N. 1990). Dr. Taj Ali had not referred to the ornamentation of the platform. Mr. Flood had mentioned the decoration of the platform but just as passing note (Flood 2001). To the author, the comprehension and analysis of the decorative elements incorporated in the niches and columns of the platform is extremely important because together with various other features it strengthens and underlines our view of continuity and connectivity of the indigenous Buddhist and Hindu elements in the early Islamic buildings. Worth mentioning is the ghata-pallava capitals of the pilasters that support the triangular pediment (Figure 2). The ghata-pallava is an auspicious symbol of a Hindu temple8). It has been incorporated generously in the Hindu temples of the Salt Range (the 9th and 10th centuries) (Figure 5). Below the ghata-pallava capital is a disc shaped
Figure 4
stone called amalaka9). Above the capital is a thin
South Kafir Kot Temple B
Platform with pilasters and niches
stone decorated with leaf designs. To the estimation of author opinion that this thin stone is the imitation
the tomb is unmistakably unadorned. This tradition
and continuity of the thin bracket with both ends
may conceivably owe something to the temples of
vaulted used persistently, as decorative motif in
the Salt Range, for it recalls the completely plain
Gandhara stupas and in the Salt Range temples (Masih
interior of the garbha-griha of all the temples of the
2001). Both the shaft of the pilasters and triangular
Salt Range within the time span of the 6th to 11th
pediment are adorned with scrolls. Particularly, the
centuries. The phase of transition is comprised of
scroll decoration of the shafts seems reminiscence
squinches which takes the form of projecting arches
of the thin pilasters of Temple B at South Kafir Kot.
within which the curved wall surface is supported on
The space within the pilasters exhibits two types of
a triangular zone of dentilated corbelling (Figure 7). A
decoration. In one niche the cut bricks are arranged
cenotaph measuring 5 m in length in the north-south
in geometric designs enclosed in frame embellished
orientation occupies the centre of the tomb.
with step designs in relief (Figure 2). This reminds of
The tomb also represents scheme of elevation
stepped decoration on varandika and vedibandha of
similar to the Nagara style temples of the Salt Range
brick temple at Kallar (Khan and Masih 2000) (Figure
and western India. The basal moulding, walls and
5). The other niche exhibits decoration of wine scroll
their ornated band above the rectangular panels
in the space between the pilasters.
exhibit strong analogy with vedibandha, jhanga and
Above the platform, the tomb proper takes the
varandika.
form of a cardinally oriented square measuring 6.50
The base of the tomb incorporates three major
m internally and 9 m externally (Figure 6). Internally
mouldings and three sets of minor mouldings (Figure - 104 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
Figure 5 Kallar Temple General view
N
0
Figure 6 Sadan Shaheed Ground Plan
- 105 -
1
2
3m
Farzand Masih
a
Figure 7
b
Sadan Shaheed Phase of transition
Figure 8
with dentilated corbelling
South Kafir Kot, c. Surya Temple no. 2. at Osiyan
c
Base mouldings: a. Sadan Shaheed, b. Temple C.
8a). The major mouldings have their counterpart
been seen on the temples of western India. In the Salt
in western Indian temples and in the Salt Range,
Range the use of this design is also certified. The stone
where they are called khumba, kalasa and patta. The
block engraved in with similar perforated design was
first moulding 55.88 cm in height from the ground
found during an excavation at the North Kafir Kot in
level corresponds with khumba moulding of Hindu
1998, in front of the Temple C (Figure 11).
temples and can be compared with the moulding
Not only the profile and decorative details but the
of the 10th century temple, designated as Temple
overall structure of the tomb manifest the debt to
“C” at South Kafir Kot (Figure 8b) and the 8th
local architectural traditions. The walls above the
century Surya temple no. 2 at Osiyan (Figure 8c).
basal mouldings are the most ornated and significant
The other two major mouldings, kalasa and pattas are
part of its kind in the South Asian subcontinent
frequently incorporated in the Salt Range temples.
evincing the blossoming of two art traditions - the
The decoration of the kalasa (Figure 9), however,
Hindu Buddhist and the Islamic (Figure 12). It leaves
is distinct and can be compared with the scroll
no doubt that the master-mason from Central Asia
decoration on the thin pilasters of Temple B at South
conceived and designed this master piece but local
Kafir Kot (Figure 10). The topmost moulding is
craftsmen, imbued with Hindu-Buddhist architecture
without any contour. In Hindu temples, this variety of
executed it.
moulding usually depicts images, and different scenes
The medieval Hindu temples in India and the Salt
from Ramayana, and Mahabharata. But in this tomb
Range exhibit alternating projections and recessions
it is adorned with vine leaf, geometric and epigraphic
in the walls which creates light and shade effect - a
designs.
significant feature of the medieval Hindu temple.
The three sets of minor mouldings are particularly
Although the major part of the walls of this tomb
noteworthy. The stepped triangle band can be
does not show projections but the division of the
juxtaposed with the stepped triangle band of the
walls into three panels creates the effect of central
Kallar temple. The diamond-shaped motifs, chess
projection (bhadra) with entrance flanked by blind
board pattern, the square block with floral pattern and
niches in smaller panels similar to pratiratha. At the
lozenge with perforated decorative design (kunjaraksa)
corners however, the walls show offset like karna of
used in an alternate manner are other antecedents
the Hindu temple.
copied by the architects of this tomb. The perforated
The entrance on each cardinal direction with
decorative design was used for the first time in the
sloping sides and trilobed arch is one of the most
Vishnu temple at Deogarh (Figure 19). It has also
conspicuous feature. The prominent batter of - 106 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
Figure 9 Sadan Shaheed Base moulding showing chess Pattern, scrolls dentils, kunjarakas
Figure 10 South Kafir Kot Pilasters with ghata-pallava capitals and thin pilasters with scrolls on shafts - 107 -
Farzand Masih
architecture. For instance dentils, saw tooth, capital with pipal leaves, thin brackets with voluted ends, etc., are the distinguished Gandharan elements blended in abundantly in the Hindu temples of the Salt Range. In addition to the above mentioned elements, they also demonstrate prominent batter in their walls and Figure 11 North Kafir Kot Stone block with kunjaraksa
sides of the entrances. The same tradition persisted
the walls and entrance is one of the diagnostic
in the temples of the 9th and 10th centuries, where
characteristic which remained in practice in the South
the entrance and the niches in the wall manifest
Asian subcontinent for more than a thousand years
prominent slope in their side walls (Masih 2000).
continuously before the creation of this marvelous
Consequently, it may be propounded confidently that
tomb. Mr. Flood writes, “The squat appearance of the
the tradition of sloping walls and entrances is a local
tomb and the slight batter of the lower walls is found
phenomenon instead of coming from Afghan and
to a greatest or lesser degree in a series of Afghan and
Central Asian monuments as suggested by Mr. Flood.
Central Asian funerary monuments, starting in the
The use of the trefoil arches is very common both
10th century with the tomb of Samanids in Bukhara”.
in the Gandhara stupas and the Salt Range Hindu
He further points out, “the lower walls of the tomb
temples. The trefoil arches of the Gandhara art are
finds a precedent in a stupa near Swat known as Balo
explicitly different from the trilobed arches of the Salt
Kile Gunbad, which has been dated as late as the eighth
Range temples. In the latter case the trilobed shape is
or ninth century”. The author however, does not fully
obtained by placing a chandrasala on top of the split
concede with Mr. Flood and speculates that the
chandrasala10). Further the Salt Range trefoil carries
tradition of sloping wall is not confined to the stupa
flanges on the sides and on the top as well. Whereas
referred to above. The best example in this regard
they are completely absent in the Gandhara trefoil. In
is the famous Buddhist complex at Takht-i Bahi in
the monument under discussion the trilobed top of
NWFP which testify prominent batter in the walls
the openings is also composed of complete and split
of the cells as well as in the side walls of the entrances
chandrasala with flanges on the top and sides similar
(Figure 13). This practice continued even after the
to the arches of the Salt Range temples and of western
vandalism of the Buddhist complexes by the White
India.
Huns in the 6th century. The only precedent which
Our proposal is further strengthened and enhanced
affirm the continuity of the Gandharan tradition is the
by the existence of elaborated trefoils surmounting the
Hindu temples in the Salt Range. These temples were
blind niches flanking the openings of the tomb. This is
associated with the Hindu Shahis and dated between
the gavaksa11) of the Hindu temples, an auspicious and
the 8th and 10th centuries. Now their fresh study and
essential symbol, used profusely in the ornamentation
excavations conducted at North Kafir Kot in 1998
of the Nagara style superstructure (Figure 14). In the
under the auspices of “Pakistan Heritage Society” have
Salt Range this motif has been employed either for
revealed that there are certain temples which were
decorating the curvilinear sikhara or in the pediments
constructed before the arrival of the Hindu Shahis in
above the true or false niches on the walls of the
the Salt Range, and can be dated between the 6th and
temple. In the temples the cavity of the gavaksa is
8th centuries. These temples of early phase incorporate
filled either with lotus or with gagaraka (dagger) and
several decorative and architectural elements which
sometime with kirtimukha. Whereas the cavity of
were once the integral part of the Gandhara art and
the gavaksa of the tomb contains either vegetal motif - 108 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
Figure 12 Sadan Shaheed The wall showing epigraphical band, blind niches, and entrance with sloping sides toped with trefoiled niche
or word Allah. Two other significant motifs which
band of small holes or sockets on each façade of the
embellish the pillars of the blind niches are capital
temple just below the varandika (Figure 15). Worth
with purnaghata or vase and foliage and amalaka.
mentioning are the two big holes in the front on
Both of these motifs, as already mentioned, are
either sides above the door opening. The author is of
indubitably auspicious symbols of the Hindu temples
the opinion that these holes or sockets were meant to
which further amplify and expatiate the congenital
fix the wooden rafters to provide the pillared portico
flavour of the tomb.
and wooden ambulatory roof in the front and along
These niches are supported by a set of moulding
the each façade respectively.
elaborated with chess board pattern, saw tooth,
Above the epigraphic friezes is a band of decorative
stepped and leaf designs. This is another echo of the
motifs which in fact are small niches with their cavities
decorative conventions which are usually encountered
filled in with word Allah and single wine leaf on the
in the Gandhara stupas and the Salt Range temples.
eastern and southern façade respectively. Expressing
Another significant feature is the small holes
his views about this motifs Engr. Talib Hussain writes,
furnished on the upper part of the each façade. Engr.
“on the top of the frame (epigraphic friezes) is a string
Talib Hussain identifies them as pigeonholes. In the
course and five merlons decorated with floral designs
Mughal period, these types of holes, no doubt, are
and the word “Allah” in Kufic character”. Mr. Flood
meant for lodging the pigeons. This tradition again
also identifies it as merlon and jotdowns, “above the
cannot be restricted solely to the buildings of the
entrances and niches of the faces recall the decoration
Islamic period. The Temples A and D in north and
of early Islamic buildings the context in which they
South Kafir Kot respectively in NWFP illustrates a
appear and the use of the single word Allah within them - 109 -
Farzand Masih
bring to mind the row of small image filled niches that often surmounted the entrance to the medieval Hindu temples of western India”. In this regard the author is of the view that although Mr. Flood has strived hard to establish the relation of this decorative feature with the Hindu temples of western India in a befitting manner, but he has completely omitted the facts that close to Sadan Shaheed Tomb to its north in the Salt Range, Temples A and B at Mari Indus and the brick
Figure 13 Takht-i-Bahi Chapel walls showing
temple at Kallar preserve the same tradition prevailed
prominent batter
in the 8th and 9th centuies respectively. Mr. Flood has rationally persuaded and established the links between the epigraphic tessellations of this tomb and monuments of the Ghaznavid and Ghurid periods in eastern Iran. It appears however, that the epigraphic bands represent the main stream calligraphic tradition of the 11th - 13th centuries Muslim world, particularly, those ornamented traditions coming from Central and Western Asia. Henceforth, we find in these inscriptional band that form important and integral part of architectural decoration of the façade of this magnificent tomb
Figure 14 Close view of gavaksa niche
imbued in floral and foliated motifs which is very nicely and wonderfully integrated in the over all aesthetic of the monument. About 40 km south-east of Multan at village KhatiChor, Tehsil Kabirwala, District Khanawal is another tomb decorated with cut bricks and associated with a certain saint named Khalid Walid (Figures 16). The monument overall, is in a much dilapidated stage. The only preserved and the most distinct past of the building is the mehrab-arch built on the western side of the tomb (Figure 17). The entire facing of the mehrab-arch and major parts of its interior have been faced with cut brick panels of different sizes and shapes having striking affinity with the cut brick technique and ornamentation of the Sadan Shaheed tomb. Particularly employment of ghatapallava capital, amalaka and trefoil arch procured by complete and half chandrasalas testify the taste
Figure 15 North Kafir Kot Varandika with holes
of the Ghurid architecture in the local architecture
for fixing wooden rafters
- 110 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
Figure 16 Khalid Walid A general view
Figure 17 Tomb of Khalid Walid Mehrab arch
decoration.
Figure 18 Pattan Minar Front view
centuries. The author based on his studies strongly
Further to the south of Multan in the district
believes that this much dilapidated monument is a
of Rahim Yar Khan is another important brick
true representative of Sekhari variety of Nagara style
monument known as Patan Minar (Vats 1930). This
temple (Figure 18). This category of Nagara style did
monument remained an enigma for the scholars
not exist before 10th century. The earliest example
till recent time. Local people attribute it with the
of this variety of Nagara style is the Nandana temple
period of Alexander the Great. Still other assume
belonging to the 10th and 11th centuries where the
that this could be a Buddhist stupa. According to Mr.
impression of the Sringas on the Sekhara represents
Flood this can be dated between the 9th and 10th
the beginning of Sekhari variety in the Salt Range - 111 -
Farzand Masih
Figure 19 Vishnu temple Deogarh Varandika with Kunjaraka
(Masih 2001). To the estimation of the author
Notes
the superstructure of the Patan Minar with well-
1) Chandar Bhaga in Sinsikrat and Akesines of Greeks.
developed urusringas attached with superstructure
2) The ancient names as recorded by Al-Beruni in his treatise
suggests the date of the monument not earlier than the 11th century. The author is further of the opinion that in addition to Kallar and other temples of the Salt Range, the Patan Minar and the vanished Sun temple of Multan (Farooq 1998) also created in bricks
compiled in AD 1030 are Kasyapapura, Hansapura, Bagapura and Sambapura. Sir A. Cunningham mentions the name of Prahladapura as well. The historians have also recorded the name of Hiranyakasipur for Multan. Further, the Chinese pilgrim Xuanzang visited Multan in AD 641 and recorded it a big city of the Kingdom of Chekia or Tse-kia. The famous idol
were most probably the main sources of inspiration
of Multan enshrine in the Sun temple has been mentioned by
for the Ghurid architecture.
all the Arab Geographers and Historians.
Recently, discovery of another funerary monument
3) Published in Magazine section of The Pakistan Times on
with cut brick decoration in the area between Dunia
June 5, 1987.
Pur and Lodhra in Southern Punjab is new addition
4) At present working as Deputy Director of Punjab
in the list of Ghurid monument in southern Punjab
Directorate General of Archaeology, Lahore-Pakistan.
(Engr. Talib Hussain: personal communication). The monument is said to have great correspondence with the Sadan Saheed tomb both in style and decorative details. The discovery of now three Ghurid monuments with unmistakable stamp of the local
5) Former Director General of Archaeology and Museums, Govt. of Pakistan and a renowned authority on Islamic architecture. 6) A senior professor and former Chairman, Department of Archaeology, University of Peshawar. 7) Associate Professor, Department of Fine Arts, New York
Hindu architecture vouches for a distinct school of
University, USA.
architecture in south Punjab which unfortunately is
8) Ghata-pallava also known as purnakalasa, purnaghata and
still waiting for an exhaustive study.
mangalakalasa, is one of the eight auspicious symbols of the Indian classical art. It is a symbel of plenty and creativity. This symbol is normally associated with Lakshmi and with over flowing foliage composed of lotus buds, flowers and leaves. In the Salt Range this motif was used for first time in the temples
- 112 -
Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shaheed
belonging to the 8th century. In the 10th century temples this
Chaghatai, M. Abdullah (1975) The Ancient Temple at Multan. Journal of the Research Society of Pakistan 12:
motive has been used abundantly.
13-21.
In Vedic literature it is the symbol of life, the source of vegetation, a meaning that is still retained. The motif occurred
Cousens, Henry (1998) The Antiquities of Sindh. reprinted in Karachi.
in Indian art almost from its inception and has been used prominently in all periods. From the 5th century, the ghata-
Farooq, Abdul Aziz (1988) Mosque or Khalid Walid’s Tomb
pallava began to be used in architecture, particularly in
(A ghorid Monument, Khanewal District). Journal of
northern India, both as the base and capital of a pillar, and it
the Pakistan Historical Society 36: 243-54.
continued in such use until the 15th century.
Farooq, Abdul Aziz (1998) Sun Temple of Multan. Sohdra Gazette 13: 145-159.
9) Amalaka is a cogged ring stone used as crown of a Nagara temple. It is not only crown of the main Sikhara, but also of
Flood, Finbarr B. (2001) Ghurid Architecture in the Indus
every Manjari or Sruga that leans against the Mulamanjari.
Valley : The Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Shahid. Art
Its function and meaning are two fold. It is the crown of the
Oriental 31: 129-166.
superstructure the sheath and the cogged ring around the
Khan, Ahmed Nabi (1987-88) Naked Brick Architecture of
internal pillar of the temple. As a crown it is the load stone
Early Islamic Period of Pakistan: An Analytical study.
which locks together the pile of the sikhara.
Pakistan Archaeology 23: 307-11.
Amalaka is also used as decorative motive, above the shaft
Khan, Ahmad Nabi (1989) The Musallah Mehrabs of
and below the capital. In the Salt Range it has been used in the
Thirteenth-Fourteenth centuries at Kabirwala and
Venukosa to indicate the bhumis of the sikhara. Occasionally, it
Pakpatan. Pakistan Archaeology 24: 239-45.
has also been used in the cavity of gavaksa. (Temple D innorth
Khan, Ahmed Nabi (1990), Islamic Architecture of Pakistan: An Analytical Exposition. Islamabad.
Kafir Kot and sub-shrines in south Kafir Kot) 10) The technique of obtaining trefoil arch can also be
Khan, Shahbaz and Farzand Masih (2000) Kallar - A Brick
observed in the contemporary Hindu temples of western
Temple. Journal of the Punjab University Historical
India.
Society 25: 105-110.
11) The gavaksa is actually a semi-circular opening of a
Masih, Farzand (1998) An Extant Hindu Temple at Nandana. Sohdra Gazette 13: 81-94.
thatched bamboo hut. It assumed a symbolic significance during Mauryan age. Being a semi-circular opening in the
Masih, Farzand (2000) Temples of Salt Range: Detailed
façade it functioned as a window and because it was in the
Analysis of their Architecture and Decorative Designs.
shape of an eye or curve it was designated as gavaksa (or
PhD dissertation submitted to Department of
eye of the cow). In Indian art it is also known as Chaitya
Archaeology, University of Peshawar.
window, horse-shoe kudu etc. It is widely used in architectural
Masih, Farzand (2001) Temples at North Kafir Kot. INDOKOKO-KENKYU 22: 101-122.
decoration in India in almost all periods and almost all regions. According to Coomaraswamy it constitutes a “Key
Meister, Michael W. (1996) Temples along the Indus. Expedition 38(3): 41-54.
for dating the monument”, In Salt Range temples this element has been used frequently and represent different stages of its
Meister, Michael W. and M.A . Dhaky (eds.) (1991) Encyclopedia of Indian Temple Architecture Vol.II Part
evolution clearly which help out to date these temples.
2: North India Period of Early Maturity. American Institute of Indian Studies, New Delhi.
References Ali, Muhammad Laundkhore (1988) Visit to the Tomb of
Rehman, Abdur (1989) Saif ad-Dawla Mahmud and His Tomb in Zairan. Journal of Central Aisa 12(1): 79-88.
Shaikh Sadan Saheed. Archaeology 1(1): 60-61. Ali, Taj (1991) The Mihrab Inscription of the So-Called Tomb
Talbot, W.S. (1903) An Ancient Hindu Temple in the Punjab. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society : 335-338.
of Khalid Walid near Kabirwala (Khanewal District). Ancient Pakistan 7: 39-46.
Vats, Madho Sarup (1930) Pattan Munara. Archaeological Survey of India Annual Report 1926-27: 108-110.
Ali, Taj (1993) Tomb of Shaikh Sadan Saheed, its decorations. Ancient Pakistan 8: 133-139.
- 113 -
Farzand Masih
- 114 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
A history of fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
Roger Blench
Kay Williamson Educational Foundation
Cambridge, UK
E-mail:
[email protected] http://www.rogerblench.info/RBOP.htm
ABSTRACT The paper presents an overview of the history of the principal tree fruits grown on the Southeast Asian mainland, making use of data from biogeography, archaeobotany, iconography and linguistics. Many assertions in the literature about the origins of particular species are found to be without empirical basis. In the absence of other data, comparative linguistics is an important source for tracing the spread of some fruits. Contrary to the Pacific, it seems that many of the fruits we now consider characteristic of the region may well have spread in recent times.
INTRODUCTION
empirical base for Pacific languages is not matched for mainland phyla such as Austroasiatic, Daic, Sino-
This study
1)
is intended to complement a previous
Tibetan or Hmong-Mien, so accounts based purely
paper on the history of tree-fruits in island Southeast
on Austronesian tend to give a one-sided picture.
Asia and the Pacific (Blench 2005). Arboriculture
Although occasional detailed accounts of individual
is very neglected in comparison to other types of
languages exist (e.g. Vidal 1962 for Lao), without
crops, yet there is considerable cultural evidence that
comparative lexical databases this does not advance
fruits are significant both in terms of subsistence
the project. However, the diversity of language phyla
and in terms of symbolism. Compared to the Pacific,
on the Southeast Asian mainland will sometimes
archaeobotanical materials from mainland Southeast
allow us to unravel the routes whereby fruit
Asia remain slight and provide almost no pointers
cultivation spread through the analysis of loanwords
as to the history of fruit cultivation (cf. Bellwood
(e.g. Mahdi 1998).
1997; Kyle Latinis 2000; Higham 2002; Glover and
DNA analysis of the affinities of tropical fruiting
Bellwood 2004). Current ethnographic practice is
genera has only just begun, but we may well expect the
important, but recent decades have seen a massive
results to emend or revise radically the conclusions of
growth in the commercial fruit trade, and many
phenotypic analyses, as in the case of the persimmon,
species offered in markets today have spread recently
where Yonemori et al. (1998) showed from the
obscuring a more ‘traditional’ repertoire of tree-crops.
amplified cpDNA of Diospyros spp. in Thailand that
As a consequence, comparative linguistics is a useful
its affinities were quite different from those proposed
tool in understanding the history of fruits. By tracing
in Ng (1975, 1976).
the names of fruits across languages it is possible
The literature on the tropical fruits of Southeast
to gain some idea of their antiquity and the routes
Asia is dominated by work aimed at producers and
by which they have spread. The relatively strong
marketers, principally in the United States. As a - 115 -
Roger Blench
consequence, it is replete with doubtful transcriptions
1976), Chin and Yong (1982), Morton (1987),
of vernacular names and unsupported assertions as
Corner (1988), Eisemann and Eisemann (1988), Piper
to the origin of many fruit-trees. Much of the data
(1989), Verheij and Coronel (1992), Othman and
gleaned from handbooks, even those compiled by
Subardhabandhu (1995), Tirtawinata et al. (1995),
reputable agencies, is simply repeated from earlier
CIFOR (1996), Hutton (1996), Fernandez (1997),
treatises and is without empirical foundation.
Walter and Sam (1999 [2002]), Tate (2000), Puri
In particular, the ‘distribution’ often given does
(2001), Jensen (2001), Subhadrabandhu (2001) and
not clearly distinguish a centre of origin from a
Mazumdar (2004). Some of these accounts are more
translocated nucleus. Admittedly this is a distinction
scientific than others, and many include statements
often hard to make, and there is a considerable
about the origins of fruit species that are highly
literature on the potential for oceanic dispersal of
speculative.
some species. This lack of precision in the sources
The botanical definition of a fruit is broadly the
should be borne in mind when assessing the claims
seed-bearing part of the plant and by this definition
below.
most fruits are small, inedible and often toxic. Nuts
The most significant early writer on useful plants in
are similarly the seeds inside the fruits. This paper uses
this region was G.E. Rumphius (1628-1702) (Figure
a more colloquial idea of a fruit as a plant product
1), whose masterpiece, Herbarium amboinense,
with edible flesh and possibly edible seeds, thereby
was only finally published in 1741-55. Rumphius
including some species with edible nuts. The list
(a Latinisation of Dutch Rumpf ) was the first to
includes fruits which are cultivated at least in some
describe and depict many of the important useful
localities and those which are more than simply
plants of the region and to make notes on their
famine foods. In this paper I have confined the listing
regional distribution. The work of Da Orta (1563)
to fruit-trees, thus omitting for example, the banana,
concerns India, but he makes many useful statements
but also the many trees protected and cultivated for
about the trade in fruits in the region. In the last few
other reasons. Fruit-bearing cultivated and wild vines
decades, there has been an expansion of reference
such as the water-melon are also excluded.
material on Southeast Asian fruits, notably Ng (1975,
NOTES ON INDIVIDUAL SPECIES The Appendix Table lists all the major fruit-tree species, with vernacular names in the principal languages of mainland Southeast Asia, where these can be determined. The following notes provide a brief commentary on these species. Scientific names are not very stable, as witness the recent change of Eugenia spp. to Syzygium spp., so I have tried to use the most authoritative ones available. Bael (Aegle marmelos Correa) The bael grows wild from central and southern India across to the dipterocarp forests of Southeast Asia Figure 1 G.E. Rumphius (1628-1702)
(Morton 1987: 187-190; Sunarto 1992) and may - 116 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
have originated in the Himalayan foothills. Bael
transmission around the region is unrecorded, but in
wood charcoal occurs in Neolithic contexts in the
Thai the pineapple is compared to the jackfruit.
middle Ganges (1900-1300 BC) (Saraswat 2004: 519). The bēl tree is cultivated throughout India,
Soursop (Annona muricata L.)
mainly in temple gardens, is both treated as sacred
Sweetsop (Annona squamosa L.)
and has extensive medicinal uses. The Sanskrit name,
Bullock heart (Annona reticulata L.)
bilva, may itself be derived from a Dravidian language
All three cultivated Annona spp. originate in tropical
(e.g. Tamil vilvam (வில்வம்)). Distinct roots exist for
America, particularly the West Indies and the adjacent
bael in south, south-central and north Dravidian
mainland. The soursop may have been first brought to
(Burrow and Emeneau 1984: 1591, 1725, 3949)
Southeast Asia not by the Spanish but by the Dutch,
pointing to an introduction after the splitting up the
as the Malay name, durian belanda, means ‘Dutch
family into modern branches. The Malay name, bilak,
durian’. There has been some controversy over the
derives directly from Sanskrit and the tree was almost
antiquity of Annona spp. due to excavation reports of
certainly brought to Java with the Hindu presence
its early presence in India (see Saraswat and Pokharia
from the sixth century, when it appears to have spread
1999) but Asouti and Fuller (2007: 77) support the
eastwards to the lesser Sundas. The Thai, Lao and
conventional view of a post-Portuguese introduction.
Vietnamese names are all etymologically related and
Burkill (1936: 167) gives a name, naŋka manila,
it is possible the bael spread independently in this
suggesting that the soursop may also have been
region. The Portuguese early recognised the medicinal
brought across the Pacific by the Spanish. The names
value of the bael and it is first referred to in 1563
for A. reticulata and A. squamosa are intriguing, since
(Burkill 1936: 56).
they relate to the scientific name, Annona, which itself appears to derive from an Amerindian word.
Cashew (Anacardium occidentale L.)
Lonang for A. reticulata simply exchanges the initial
The cashew is native to a wide swathe of Amazonia,
n- for l-. The Thai names are borrowings from Malay,
but the domestic types now grown worldwide
re-analysed as Thai words. Burmese, Khmer and
originate in northeast Brazil, whence the name, taken
Vietnamese terms all recognise these three fruits are
from Tupi caju (Cundall 1995). It was spread by the
from the same family but do not borrow from Malay.
Portuguese throughout the Southeast Asian region,
The Chinese treat the sweetsop as the fān lì zhī, 番荔
but apparently initially as a soil improver. It was later
枝 , or ‘foreign litchi’.
valued for the fruit, and only recently for the nut, which is now a major item of international trade
Bignay, Chinese laurel, currant tree, salamander tree
( Johnson 1973). In Burmese, Khmer and Thai, the
(Antidesma bunius Spreng.)
cashew is compared to the mango, but in Malay it is
The natural distribution of the bignay is from the
treated as a kind of Syzygium sp. (jambu).
Himalayas to northern Queensland, although it is absent in the Malay peninsula and is cultivated rather
Pineapple (Ananas comosus (L.) Merr.)
than wild in much of mainland Southeast Asia.
Like the cashew, the pineapple was transported from
One of the earliest authors to describe it, Rumphius
the Amazon with its Tupi name, nana, which was
(1741), proposed its translocation in prehistory from
borrowed into Portuguese and thence into Malay.
the mainland to the islands. The unrelated names in
It was probably first brought to Southeast Asia in
the main Southeast Asian languages also point to its
the seventeenth century. The exact history of its
ancient establishment throughout the region. - 117 -
Roger Blench
Luk-nieng (Archidendron jiringa ( Jack) I. C. Nielsen)
regarded betel chewing as characteristic of Indochina.
Archidendron jiringa is a cultivated fruit tree occurring
Denham (2004) suggests that areca nuts occurring
wild from southern Thailand into Malaysia and the
at Kuk swamp in New Guinea were part of an early
Indonesian islands. Its exact origin is unknown but
agricultural system. Mahdi (1998) has discussed
it appears to have been translocated in prehistoric
the linguistic evidence for these two plants. Malay
times. It can be eaten raw as a vegetable but has an
pinaŋ for areca is widely reflected in the Austronesian
objectionable smell and so is often boiled several
world, and proto-Chamic is also *pināŋ. Chinese
times before eating. The Burmese name appears to be
bīn láng (槟榔), first attested in 110 BC, is probably
borrowed from Thai.
borrowed from a Western Austronesian language. Figure 2 shows what is most probably an areca palm
Areca nut (Areca catechu L.)
on the Bayon at Angkor in Cambodia, indicating its
The areca nut is most commonly chewed today
importance by the twelfth century.
together with betel pepper (Piper betle L.) but the two plants have very different geographical origins.
Breadfruit (Artocarpus altilis (Parkinson) Fosberg.)
The areca nut occurs across a wide area of Southeast
The breadfruit was domesticated in New Guinea
Asia and the Pacific and also in India, where it may
(Ragone 1997: 18). Seeded breadfruit occurs wild
be translocated (Bavappa and Nair 1978). Areca
only in New Guinea where it is a dominant member
palm is one of the few species for which there are
of secondary lowland forests. Although transmitted
some archaeobotanical materials; betel staining was
widely throughout the Pacific in prehistoric times, it
detected on teeth at the Nui Nap burial in Vietnam
may well have only spread westward in the last few
some 2000-2400 BP (Oxenham et al. 2002). These
centuries. Crawfurd (1820: 413) argued that it has
authors also note that contemporary Chinese sources
spread to Java from the Moluccas as a result of trade in the previous century. The Malay names distinguish between seeded (kelur) and unseeded (sukun) types and the name for the seeded type seems to have been borrowed into Thai and thence into Khmer. Jackfruit (Artocarpus heterophyllus, Lam.) Chempedak (Artocarpus integer Merr.) There are two cultivated jackfruits, Artocarpus heterophyllus, the jackfruit proper, which is native to India and the chempedak which is probably indigenous to the Malay peninsula ( Jansen 1992a). Wood charcoal from the jackfruit has been identified in the central Ganges valley from the Senuwar period II (1300-700 BC) (Saraswat 2004). Despite the repeated claims of an introduction from India to Southeast Asia (e.g. Burkill 1936: 255; Tate 2000) the indigenous names for jackfruit do not support this. The linguistic evidence suggests two separate centres
Figure 2 ? Areca palm on the Bayon
of domestication, one in India, whence the #panas - 118 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
and #katahal roots derive, and another in Southeast 3
Asia (probably the Malay peninsula), representing the nangka/khanun roots. Table 1 shows a conspectus of Asian names for jackfruit; Table 1 Vernacular Asian names for jackfruit India Tamil Telugu Kannada
Attestation palaa பலா panasa halasina hannu
Malayalam chakka
East and SE Asia Attestation Malay nangka Tagalog langka Lao mak mii Thai
khà nˇoon ขนุน
Hindi Marathi Oriya
katahala कटहल Burmese Khmer phanas panasa Vietnamese
pein nei khnaor mít
Sinhala
kos
Chinsese
bō luó mì 菠萝蜜
Bhojpuri Bengali
katahar kãţhal কাঁঠাল
Korean
ba ra mil 바라밀
3
Figure 3 ? Jackfruit on the Bayon
The origin of the bilimbi is probably the Moluccas, but today it is cultivated throughout the region. It easily escapes from cultivation and is found semi-
#panas is originally of probable Dravidian origin (cf.
wild in much of South Asia. The Malay name is
the Telugu name) but would have been borrowed
almost certainly borrowed from names widespread
early into Indo-Aryan, as it is attested in both Sanskrit
in island Southeast Asia and probably borrowed into
and Pali as well as some modern Indian languages. It
Thai, although the ta- prefix is somewhat mysterious.
was also borrowed into Burmese, though probably
Khmer has apparently borrowed the name from
from a modern language such as Oriya rather than
Thai. The spread of the bilimbi across to India with
Pali. The Malay name nangka is not of Sanskrit origin,
the Malay name intact presumably dates from the
and neither are the other regional names. It seems
trade contacts that brought the bael in the opposite
likely that the Thai name is a metathesis of Malay,
direction. The carambola appears to reconstruct in Tai
thus nang + ka becomes kha + non and that this is
languages and may well have been spread originally by
then borrowed into Khmer as khnaor. Lao mi and
its speakers. It seems to have made the same journey
Vietnamese mit are clearly cognate and the likely
as the bilimbi, since not long after the Portuguese
source of the Chinese name (bō luó mì 菠 萝 蜜 )
became established, Da Orta (1563) recorded
which was in turn borrowed into Korean. The English
it growing in Goa. It must therefore have been
name ‘jack’ is from Portuguese jaca, which in turn
translocated to India considerably before the sixteenth
derives from Malayalam chakka.
century.
The fame of the jackfruit spread early, as it is referred to a Chinese account of Malacca from 1416
Rambai (Baccaurea motleyana Muell. Arg)
and was apparently known to Pliny. The jackfruit was
The rambai originated in Indonesia and Malaysia
probably carried to the East African coast by Indian
and seems to have spread northwards to Thailand
traders, for both Malagasy finésy and Swahili finesi
only recently, where the local name associates it with
appear to derive from a panasa form (perhaps Telugu).
foreigners (perhaps the Portuguese?).
Figure 3 shows a probable representation of either jackfruit or cempedak on the Bayon.
Burmese grape (Baccaurea ramiflora Lour.) The origin of the Burmese grape is uncertain, as it
Bilimbi (Averrhoa bilimbi L.)
is found in cultivation from Nepal to the Andaman
Carambola, star-fruit (Averrhoa carambola Linn.)
islands and into Indonesia. Most researchers guess - 119 -
Roger Blench
that it must be somewhere on the Southeast Asian
fruit. It was also Spaniards who carried seeds to the
mainland or perhaps China, since it is common in
Philippines about 1550 and the papaya diffused both
Yunnan. All the vernacular names are completely
to the remainder of Southeast Asia and to India.
different from one another, suggesting a long
A version of the word papaya still survives in the
establishment in the region.
Philippines, where the fruit is known as kapaya and similar names. Hindi papītā (पपीता) is presumably
Sugar palm, Palmyra palm, Toddy palm
also from the same, ultimately Spanish source. Burkill
(Borassus flabellifer L.)
(1936: 465) explains that the papaya became known
The sugar palm is apparently identical to the African B.
in Bali as gedang castela, ‘Spanish banana’, and the
aethiopum, and its ultimate origin is disputed. It seems
castela element became in turn Malay ketala. The Thai
to be indigenous to Malesia as well as India, to judge
name also appears to refer to the route of the diffusion
by the incidence of wild stands. However, it seems that
of the papaya, deriving from Malacca, the Portuguese
it was only perceived as useful in Southeast Asia as a
trading town.
consequence of the Hindu impact, as the indigenous names derive from Sanskrit. A similar root occurs
Star-apple (Chrysophyllum cainito L.)
throughout Dravidian (Burrow and Emeneau 1984:
The origin of the star apple is uncertain; it was
2)
2599 ) and this was probably borrowed into Sanskrit.
formerly thought to be indigenous to Central America
Curiously, its original use was not those for it is most
but may well be from the Caribbean (De la Cruz
known today, roofing, sugar and toddy, but as dried
1992). It probably spread to the east coast of tropical
leaves for writing material. The Malay name, lontar,
America in pre-Columbian times and was brought
derives from a metathesis of Sanskrit (tāla, ताल, ‘palm’
to Southeast Asia by the Spanish in the sixteenth
+ ron ‘leaf ’) and variants of this occur along the island
century. The Malay name borrows directly from the
chain as far as Timor (Burkill 1936: 350). Moreover,
common Spanish name, while the Thai name looks
indigenous names throughout Southeast Asia and in
suspiciously like a loan from English, so its spread
China are variants on the same lon + tar formulation,
in the region may well be recent. The Khmer name
including the metathesis, arguing that they all derive
means ‘cow’s milk’, referring to the milky fluid exuded
from the same period of contact.
when the fruit is cut open.
Gandaria, Marian plum (Bouea macrophylla Griff.)
Citrus spp.
The gandaria is native to north Sumatra, Peninsular
The taxonomy of wild and cultivated Citrus spp.
Malaysia and west Java (Rifai and Kartawinata 1991)
remains problematic, both due to outcrossing and
and is grown as a fruit tree in Thailand and Sumatra.
habitat destruction leading to uncertain distributional
The Khmer name is apparently borrowed from Thai.
data. Saraswat (1997) reports C. lemon from the late
The date and direction of its spread is unknown.
Harappan (Baran phase) site of Sanghol in Punjab (early second millennium BC) but the species
Papaya (Carica papaya L.)
identification is questionable (Asouti and Fuller
The papaya is probably native to Central America,
2007).
but was carried to other parts of tropical America and the Caribbean by the Spanish in the early sixteenth
Lime (Citrus aurantifolia Swingle)
century (De Oviedo y Valdés 1535; Storey 1976).
Lemon (Citrus × limon (L.) Burm.f.)
Papaya itself derives from an Arawakan word for the
The origin of the lime and lemon remains doubtful - 120 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
but they were probably both developed from the
indica is known in the Garo language as memaŋ
citron (Citrus medica) which may be native to a zone
naraŋ, which could possibly be one of the sources of
from the central Himalayas to Yunnan (Gaoligong
the widespread names for ‘orange’ (e.g. Portuguese
Mountains). That #lim- is root reflected in Malay and
naranja). There is no clear evidence for the date of its
in many Austronesian languages, suggests that it an
spread.
old cultigen. Mahdi (1998) noted the Sanskrit nimbū in the Rājanighant u (1235-1250 AD), although
Sweet orange (Citrus sinensis)
this might have been borrowed from Dravidian, for
Almost all sources agree that the sweet orange was
example Tulu nimbε. It was presumably borrowed
domesticated in China although its ultimate source
into Persian limu, ومیل, and thence to English ‘lime’.
may be C. indica, as with the mandarin orange (see
Whether the Thai name, naw, also reflects Malay
above). Although the sweet orange only reached
limaw, is uncertain, as names for the lime fall under
Europe in the fourteenth century, it seems to have
general terms for citrus spp. Nonetheless, the lime is
become widespread in Southeast Asia before that.
a good candidate for the return voyage to the coasts
Chinese chéng ( 橙 ) appears to be the source of
of Southeast India from the Malay peninsular, along
many terms in Southeast Asia, for example Lao kièŋ,
with the noni.
Vietnamese cam, Burmese thung. Others, like the
3
3
generic Khmer kro:c for citrus spp. derive from preKaffir lime (Citrus hystrix D.C.)
existing wild citrus species. One Malay name, limau
The origin of the unfortunately named Kaffir lime
wangkang, appears to refer to a Chinese provenance.
is generally given as Malesia or Southeast Asia but
Paradoxically, Malay limau is borrowed into modern-
beyond that it seems to be uncertain. It is grown in
day Chinese níng méng ( 柠 檬 ) (
almost every country in the region, as much for the
lemon or lime. A reconstruction for proto-South-
flavouring of the leaves as for the fruit itself. The
Dravidian, *ize, points to an Iron Age introduction
vernacular names connect it with the ordinary sweet
into South India, although via what route is unknown
orange, although it presumably spread much more
(Fuller in press).
recently than C. hystrix. Wampee (Clausena lansium Skeels) Pomelo (Citrus maxima Merr.)
The wampee originates in southern China and
The pomelo is native to Southeast Asia as far as
north-central Vietnam where a large number of
Fiji and the Friendly Islands and may have been
domesticated types have been developed (De Bruijn
introduced into China around 100 BC (Morton
1992). The tree has been introduced to the rest of
1987). It is now cultivated over most of the region.
Southeast Asia, where it has been reported from Cambodia, Indonesia, Laos, Malaysia, the Philippines,
Mandarin (Citrus reticulata Blanco)
Singapore and Thailand. Malay and Vietnamese
The mandarin orange as well as the sweet orange are
borrow directly from Chinese huang-p'ī (whence also
cultivated forms of Citrus aurantium L. sensu lato.
the English name) while Thai and Lao compare it to
The wild populations that gave rise to this have not
the orange. The spread of the wampee is thus probably
been identified with certainty, although they may be
quite recent.
closest to C. indica Tanaka which has been found in the Khasi hills, Eastern Assam and adjacent regions
Water banyan (Cleistocalyx operculatus var. paniala)
(Tanaka 1958; Malik et al. 2006). Intriguingly, C.
The water-banyan grows from the Himalayas to - 121 -
Roger Blench
western Malaysia and up into southern China and the
basing their argument on palynological evidence. It is
northern provinces of Thailand where it is cultivated.
grown throughout mainland Southeast Asia, although
The fruit is sour and slightly astringent and is eaten
it only fruits irregularly in the Malay peninsula
fresh and pickled. Cleistocalyx operculatus is a well-
(Wong and Saichol 1992). The longan is apparently
known medicinal plant, the buds of which are
also common in Reúnion and Mauritius as a result of
commonly used as an ingredient of tonic drinks in
the Indian Ocean trade. Tracing the etymologies of
southern China.
this word involves a certain amount of speculation; Thai lam yay could be a version of the Chinese
Coconut (Cocos nucifera L.)
name, which would then be borrowed into Lao. The
The origin of the coconut is much disputed; it was
addition of the nasal in Lao makes it possible that it
formerly claimed that it originated in the New World
was further borrowed into Vietnamese without the
because its nearest botanical relatives are located there
lam element. At least one of the Khmer names is also
(Child 1974). Harries (1990) argues that its origin
borrowed from Thai. The spread of the longan out
lies in Malesia and the distribution of Cocos spp. is a
from China may thus be quite recent.
relic of Gondwanaland. It evidently reconstructs to a deep level in Austronesian; Ross (1996: 195) quotes
Mabolo (Diospyros blancoi A. DC.)
a reconstruction *niuR for coconut in proto-Oceanic
The mabolo is indigenous to the low and medium
and Mahdi (1998: 395) *niƏuR for proto-Philippines.
altitude forests of the Philippines and is commonly
The Thai name was apparently borrowed into Lao,
cultivated for its fruit and as a shade tree (Morton
while the Burmese name is apparently borrowed from
1987: 418-419). The tree was introduced into Java
a Daic language, as it has the mak- prefix for ‘fruit’
and Malaya, probably in the nineteenth century. Its
typical of Thai. Mahdi (1998: 396) argues that the
Malay name means ‘butter fruit’, with the word for
coconut was carried to Sri Lanka and India prior to
butter itself borrowed from Spanish. Thai borrows
the second century BC and it occurs at Arikamedu in
directly from the Filipino name (Utsunomiya et al.
a Roman horizon. Tamil tēŋkāy (ேதங்காய்) can be
1998).
analysed as ‘fruit of the south’, presumably referring to a Sri Lankan origin. South Dravidian (loaned into
Argus pheasant tree
Indo-Aryan) has an elaborate vocabulary referring to
(Dracontomelon dao (Blanco) Merr. and Rolfe)
dried coconut flesh, whence the English word ‘copra’.
The Argus pheasant tree appears to be native to a large
Sanskrit nārikela (नािरकेल) is also intriguing, since it
region stretching from Southeast Asia to Melanesia. It
might be a composite of the two Austronesian words
is one of the few species for which an archaeobotanical
for ‘coconut’, nyiur and kelapa, or at least incorporate
record exists. A nut recovered from the Philippines
elements from these roots. By the fifth century
was dated to 2200-1500 BP (Paz 2005). It may well
the coconut was known to the Greeks, as the term
have been taken into cultivation several times.
argellia (
Durian (Durio zibethinus L.) The durian, perhaps originating in Borneo, spread in
Longan (Dimocarpus longan Lour.)
pre-European times throughout the Malay peninsular
The longan is native to southern China and historical
and some of the Indonesian islands. The limited
records place it there more than 2000 years ago. Ke et
viability of the seeds prevented its further spread,
al. (2000) suggest that Yunnan was its original centre,
and the rulers of Burma used runners to carry fruits - 122 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
to Ava (Burkill 1936: 887). It was further dispersed throughout the mainland by Europeans during the nineteenth century, and has only recently become a major traded fruit. Most mainland names, including Chinese liú liaˇn ( 榴莲 ), are borrowings from Malay durian, reflecting this recent spread. Indian gooseberry (Emblica officinalis Gaertner) (= Phyllanthus emblica L.) The Indian gooseberry is indigenous to tropical South and Southeast Asia and is cultivated in home gardens
Figure 4 Dragon-fruit
in India, Malaysia, Singapore and southern China.
occurs in the Nicobar Islands). The mangosteen may
Emblica officinalis fruits have been identified from
be an allotetraploid hybrid of these two species; if so,
Kunal in Haryana at 2400-2200 BC (Saraswat and
it originated in Peninsular Malaysia (Richards 1990;
Pokharia 2003). The Malay name, interestingly points
Jansen 1992b). Ellis (1775) was the first European to
to the port city of Melaka (Malacca), a Portuguese
describe the ‘mangostan’ (
base, and suggests that it was either brought by the
cultivated throughout the region, but the vernacular
Portuguese or spread by them. The Thai and Khmer
names appear to be all cognate with one another,
names are also interlinked, and it is likely that the
suggesting that it has only spread relatively recently.
inland spread of the Indian gooseberry is quite recent.
Malay has maŋgis, whereas all the other languages have -t- following the stem suggesting the name was
Indian plum (Flacourtia rukam Zoll. and A. Mortizi)
borrowed from a Filipino language.
The Indian plum, Flacourtia rukam, is native to a wide region from Malaysia to the Solomons but has been
Dragon fruit, pitahaya
widely distributed to the Southeast Asian mainland,
(Hylocereus undatus Britt. and Rose)
Polynesia and India (Hendro Sunarjono 1992). The
The dragon fruit is a striking fruit from Central
vernacular names provide no evidence for the timing
America. Vietnam is a major producer and it is now
or direction of its spread.
found in markets throughout the region (Figure 4). All the vernacular names translate as ‘snake scales’
Mundu (Garcinia dulcis Kurz)
or similar and it is likely this is a twentieth century
Mundu originates in island Southeast Asia but
introduction to the region.
seems to have been domesticated early and carried to mainland areas. It is now cultivated as a home
Langsat (Lansium domesticum Corr.)
garden plant in Thailand and other Southeast Asian
The langsat originated in western Malaysia and is
countries.
common both wild and cultivated throughout the Archipelago and on Luzon. It is much grown, too,
Mangosteen (Garcinia mangostana L.)
in southern Thailand and Vietnam and flourishes in
The mangosteen is only known as a cultivated species,
the Nilgiris and other humid areas of South India.
although there may be wild forms in Malaysia. It
Despite this wide distribution, all the vernacular
closely resembles G. hombroniana and G. malaccensis,
names borrow directly from Malay langsat and its
which are indigenous in Malaysia (the former also
spread must be very recent. - 123 -
Roger Blench
Lychee (Litchi chinensis Sonn.) The lychee is usually considered to have been domesticated in lowland provinces of Kwangtung and Fukien in southern China. The earliest known record in Chinese literature dates from AD 1059. It has apparently spread out from the region over the last thousand years because many languages borrow from Chinese. It was introduced into Burma in the seventeenth century and later to India, the Caribbean and has now become a major world fruit. Figure 5 Mangoes? represented on reliefs on the Bayon
Mango (Mangifera indica L.) Horse mango (Mangifera foetida Lour.)
in each major language. Indeed it is likely that this is
The mango proper, Mangifera indica, originates in
the original referent of the names for mango, such as
India or Burma but probably spread to Southeast Asia
Khmer sva:y and Vietnamese xoài, and that these were
with the waves of Hindu colonisation (Mukherjee
transferred to the ordinary mango on its arrival. Figure
1972; Kostermans and Bompard 1993). Mango can be
5 shows a possible representation of the mangoes on
reconstructed as Proto-Dravidian *mām and is thence
a relief on the Bayon at Angkor. The fruits have the
borrowed into numerous Indo-Aryan languages.
characteristic shape of mangoes, but mangoes do not
Lopes de Castanheda's The Historie of the Discouerie
normally grow this way, suggesting artistic licence.
and Conquest of the East Indias mentions mangas as an Indian fruit (Lichefield 1582) and English ‘mango’
Kuwini (Mangifera odorata Griffith)
comes from Tamil maangai (மாங்காய்). Wood
The origin of the kuwini is disputed, but it may have
charcoal finds (post c. 1300 BC) from the sites of
first developed in Malaya; it is now found throughout
Narhan and Senuwar in the middle Ganges plain give
the mainland of Southeast Asia, western Indonesia
a date for mango in North India (Saraswat 2004).
and Guam. Research by Teo et al. (2002) shows that
Asouti and Fuller (2007: 75) identified Mangifera
it is not a distinct species but a hybrid of M. indica
charcoal and fragments of kernel endocarps from late
and M. foetida. When it spread and who carried it is
Neolithic levels at Hallur, near the Western Ghats.
unknown.
Although Burrow and Emeneau (1984: 1076, 2401, 3907, 3919, 3975) distinguish distinct roots in South
Sapodilla (Manilkara zapota (L.) van Royen)
and Central Dravidian, the common ma- element
The sapodilla is native to the Yucatan, southern
makes it look as these were originally the same and
Me x i c o , an d a d j a c ent B e l i z e an d n or th e a st
have become differentiated by compounding. This
Guatemala. Early in colonial times, it was carried to
element is also borrowed into Sanskrit mākanda,
the Philippines. The Malay term ciku must have been
‘mango tree’ and appears metathesised in Bengali (am
brought by the Spaniards as it is cognate with Nahuatl
ম). One Malay name, mempelam, is originally Sanskrit
chikl, probably altered by a pseudo-etymology relating
man palam, borrowed into Malayalam as mampalam.
it to Spanish chico ‘small’. The Thai term compares
The horse mango, Mangifera foetida, is confined
it to Mimusops kauki, a tree with a distribution
to Southeast Asia but has probably been cultivated
encompassing tropical America and Southeast Asia.
for a long time, as its vernacular names are different
The name was borrowed into Khmer and Lao from - 124 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
Thai.
Jamaica cherry (Muntingia calabura L.) The Jamaica cherry is indigenous to South-Central
Noni (Morinda citrifolia L.)
America and the Caribbean and is now widely
The origin of the noni or Indian mulberry is disputed.
cultivated in the tropics (Verheij 1992). The Malay
Walter and Sam (1999: 193) claim its homeland is in
name refers to a Thai origin, while Thai and Khmer
northern Australia, the home of many related species,
names simply assign the fruit to foreigners. The
but Morton (1992: 241) points out that the noni can
Portuguese are the most likely distributors of this
spread on ocean currents and may also originate in
fruit, which was probably first carried to Thailand or
Southeast Asia. It is very striking that the vernacular
Vietnam and then subsequently spread to Malaya.
names across a large swathe of languages appear to be related. Tamil nuŋā (நுணா) is related to the #noni
Rambutan (Nephelium lappaceum L.)
forms in many Austronesian languages and also to the
The rambutan is commonly cultivated throughout the
mainland; Vietnamese nhau, Lao nho, and Khmer nhô
islands of Indonesia and Southeast Asia and said to
srôk. All of this points to an origin on the Southeast
have been introduced by Arab traders into Zanzibar
Asian mainland and a spread both to island Southeast
and Pemba 3). Its exact origin is unknown, as it is
Asia and thence to the Pacific and westwards across to
typical of deserted settlements in the Malay peninsula.
South India. Other Indian names are quite different
The diversity of indigenous names suggests it was
and point to separate introductions or diffusion from
spread long ago. In recent years, the rambutan has
further north.
been the focus of a major international trade and ‘new’ cultivars (? from Thailand) have spread throughout
Mulberry (Morus alba L.)
mainland Southeast Asia.
Morus alba is now widespread and feral in the Punjab and the upper Ganges valley and its charcoal has
Avocado pear, alligator pear
been reported from Indian sites, although these
(Persea americana Miller)
are probably wild. Mulberry has been cultivated as
The avocado probably originated in the Chiapas-
silkworm food in China as much as 4000 years ago
Guatemala-Honduras region, whence it spread to
(Wang Zichun 1987). The date of domestication of
the whole of Central and northern South America.
the mulberry is not known exactly but by the Western
It seems to have been first introduced into Southeast
Zhou Dynasty (c. eleventh century BC - 221 BC)
Asia in the nineteenth century, probably from the
mulberry trees were already being cultivated on a
Caribbean. The Spanish name, avocado (< Nahuatl
large scale. Despite this, none of the Southeast Asian
ahuacatl ‘testicle’), is borrowed directly into Malay
names resemble Chinese, suggesting the source of the
and thence into Thai and Khmer (and possibly
tree in Southeast Asia was from the west. The Malay
Burmese?).
name, tut, is apparently related to one of the names in Arabic. The Thai name, mon, perhaps reflects an
Star-gooseberry (Phyllanthus acidus (L.) Skeels)
association with the Mon people; the Thai name was
Morton (1987) states that the star-gooseberry
in turn borrowed into Khmer. The mulberry seems
originated in Madagascar and was carried to Southeast
to have been carried early across the Indian Ocean
Asia in prehistoric times. This seems unlikely, as no
for it is well-established in Zanzibar under the name
evidence is given for this statement, and standard
mforsadi (Williams 1949).
sources on Malagasy ethnobotany do not even record this species. Its history is thus unknown. It is common - 125 -
Roger Blench
in the Pacific islands, Southeast Asia, and in India in
was spread in Southeast Asia during the early period
home gardens.
of Indian migrations, as it appears in Malay as delima and was further borrowed into Thai and thence into
Guamachil, Manila tamarind
Khmer.
(Pithecellobium dulce (Roxb.) Benth.) The guamachil originates in Central America but
Guava (Psidium guajava L.)
is now grown in most Southeast Asian countries.
The guava is native to central America, and was
Althoug h the fruit is eaten it may have been
probably carried to Southeast Asia by the Spanish
translocated primarily for its numerous medicinal
or Portuguese. Crawfurd (1820: 429) records a
properties. Burkill (1936: 1791) notes that the name
Malay term, jambu Portugal, comparing the guava
in the Philippines derives from a Mexican source,
to Syzygium spp. Another Malay name, kampuchia,
suggesting that it was the Spaniards who brought it
suggests that at least one type may have been brought
to the region in the sixteenth century. The vernacular
from Cambodia. The Thai name also attributes a
names all compare it to the tamarind; Malay names it
foreign origin to the guava.
the ‘Dutch tamarind’ and the Thai name, borrowed into Lao and Khmer, also treats it as a type of
Salacca, snake fruit (Salacca zalacca (Gaertner) Voss)
tamarind.
Salacca is cultivated in Thailand, throughout Malaysia and Indonesia as far as the Moluccas, and has been
Taun tree
introduced into New Guinea, the Philippines,
(Pometia pinnata J.R. Forster and J.G. Forster)
Queensland (Australia) and Pohnpei Atoll (Schuiling
The taun is indigenous to a broad zone from Sri Lanka
and Mogea 1992). It appears that the Thai name is
to Vanuatu, Fiji and Samoa with outliers in southern
borrowed from Malay as the final -k is weakened to -ʔ.
China and Indochina, and was later carried to further
One of the Khmer names is then borrowed from Thai,
Polynesia in the post-European era (Thomson and
pointing to a relatively recent spread of this fruit.
Thaman 2005). Kirch (1989: 236) recorded the taun in the Mussau islands at 3200 BP. Ross (1996: 212)
Santol (Sandoricum koetjape (Burm. f.) Merr.)
reconstructs *tawan for proto-Oceanic (hence the
The santol probably originates in Cambodia, Laos
name of the tree) and this clearly has cognates in
and Malaya, and was carried by trade to India, the
Philippines languages. Information on the taun on the
Andaman Islands, Malaysia, Indonesia, the Moluccas,
mainland is very limited and it is not included in most
Mauritius, and the Philippines. It has related names
reference guides, despite having vernacular names in
in all the main languages of Southeast Asia, seemingly
Thai and Vietnamese. It may well have spread recently
originating from Thai. The Tagalog name, santor,
northwards in recent times.
is also reflected in Guam, while one Indian name, visayan, points to the Visayas in the Philippines,
Pomegranate (Punica granatum L.)
as its source. Unlike most of the other fruits under
The pomegranate tree is native to a zone stretching
discussion, it seems the Burmese name is borrowed
from Iran to the Himalayas and has been cultivated
from Thai.
since ancient times throughout the Mediterranean region. Persian dulim is borrowed into Sanskrit as
Ambarella
daadima (दािडम) and thence into numerous modern-
(Spondias dulcis Forst. (syn. S. cytherea Sonn.)
day Indian languages. It seems that the pomegranate
The ambarella is native to the eastern Pacific and has
3
- 126 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
been introduced into tropical areas of both the Old
Rose-apple, Malabar plum
and New World (Morton 1987: 240–242). It was
(Syzygium jambos (L.) Alston)
undoubtedly spread through the Southeast Asian
The rose apple is so widespread in the Indo-Pacific
mainland in post-European times, since it is given the
region that its original place of domestication is
name farang in Thai and is subsequently borrowed
unknown, although Van Lingen (1992) argues
into Lao, Khmer and probably Vietnamese.
for mainland Southeast Asia and Morton (1987) for India. The jambu element in its names is of
Water apple (Syzygium aqueum (Burm. f.) Alston)
Indian origin (cf. S. cumini). Syzygium malaccense
Malay Apple
is considered the primary species in Thai since the
(Syzygium malaccense (L.) Merr. and Perry)
name is borrowed without qualification, as opposed
Java apple
to Syzygium jambos. The Malay apple has a distinctive
(Syzygium samarangense (Blume) M. and P.)
name in Khmer as in Vietnamese, suggesting that
All three species presumably originated in Southeast
it spread earlier than the rose-apple. English ‘rose-
4)
Asia, Syzygium aqueum occurring more widely and
apple’ appears to be a calque from an Indian name,
S. malaccense being more restricted to Java, Sumatra
as languages such as Marathi have gulābī jāmba
and Peninsular Malaysia (Panggabean 1992; Whistler
(गुलाबीजांब), i.e. rose + plus jambu.
and Elevitch 2005). Portuguese traders carried the Malay apple from Malacca to Goa and from there it
Tamarind [Indian date]
was introduced into East Africa. Both Syzygium spp.
(Tamarindus indica Linn. (1753))
have the name jambu in Malay, which is borrowed as
The tamarind is now generally considered to be
chomphu into Thai and thence into Khmer. Since Thai,
of West African origin, despite its scientific name
chomphu, Khmer, chumpu krâhâ:m and Vietnamese
(
cay dao are all borrowed from Malay jambu (<Sanskrit
to have spread to India at an early date (Burkill 1997:
jambu (जम् ब ु)), it was probably only dispersed
169-176). It is at least possible that this is a disjunct
throughout the mainland in the post-European era.
distribution (Asouti and Fuller 2007: 98). Charcoal from a tamarind tree has been identified from Narhan
Jambolan (Syzygium cumini L.)
site in the middle Ganges at some 1300 BC (Saraswat
The jambolan is native in India, Burma, Ceylon and
et al. 1994). Gunasena and Hughes (2000) note that it
the Andaman Islands but spread south from Burma
is referred to in the Brahmasamhita scriptures (1200-
as a cultivated plant as well as being brought directly
200 BC) and in Buddhist sources from around AD
to island Southeast Asia from India. All the Syzygium
650. Mundā names are not uniform, indicating it was
spp. in Southeast Asia incorporate the Sanskrit name
not known to proto-Munda speakers and indeed it
jambu (जम्बु), but the -lan element seems to have
appears that the Mundā root tittin may be borrowed
been added in Southeast Asia. There is no trace of
from Dravidian (Zide and Zide 1976: 1299). Even
the Dravidian roots Tamil nāval (நாவல்) and Telugu
within Dravidian, the #cintam root is not attested
nēredu (Burrow and Emeneau 1984: 2375, 2378).
in North Dravidian, pointing to its absence in the
The jambolan was then carried back across the Indian
earliest period.
3
3
3
3
3
Ocean to Zanzibar and Pemba and the adjacent coast,
Indian Ocean traders presumably carried the tree
where its Swahili name, mzambaru, derives from
from India to Southeast Asia at an uncertain date
Malay.
(Ochse and Bakhuizen Van Den Brink 1980: 431433). Shorto (2006: 459) points to a loanword - 127 -
Roger Blench
from Pali, ambila meaning ‘sour’, which appears in a number of Austroasiatic languages (e.g. Old Khmer amvil, Sre mil). It is likely this is responsible for 3
modern Hindi imli (इमली). None of the Southeast Asian names seem to be related to those of India (e.g. Bengali tẽtul, Sinhala siyambala, Telugu chintapandu (చింతపండు), Tamil cintam (புளி) and Malayalam
puli, Kannada hunase. This scatter of names does seem
to support a late introduction of tamarind (contra arguments in Asouti and Fuller 2007: 98). The Malay Figure 6
name, asam jawa, simply means ‘sour fruit of Java’ and
Indian jujube, ber (Zizyphus mauritiana Lamk.)
it seems possible that is was borrowed into Thai, s→kh
northwards to Mongolia and Tibet ( Jin et al. 1999).
and thence into Lao.
The Indian jujube is known in Malaya and Indonesia by the Sanskrit name badara (बदर), pointing to its
Sea-almond (Terminalia catappa L.)
Indian origin. A root appears to be reconstructible
The exact origin of the sea-almond is unknown, since
for South Dravidian (Burrow and Emeneau 1984:
it is spread from India through Southeast Asia to
402) which is quite distinct from the Indo-Aryan
the Eastern Pacific and Melanesia (Morton 1985).
forms. However, other Malay names, bedara china and
Southeast Asian names do not relate to those of India
langkeng, indicate that Z. jujuba was brought directly
or indeed to one another and it seems likely the sea-
from China. The Thai, Lao and Vietnamese names all
almond was taken into cultivation a number of times.
appear to be etymologically connected, and unrelated
Asouti and Fuller (2007: 85) note that T. catappa
to Chinese, so they probably reflect an ancient
is almost certainly a late introduction into India
introduction to the Southeast Asian mainland,
where its seeds are eaten and the galls used for ink.
unrelated to Indian contact. Figure 6 shows modern
Archaeobotanical materials place it in the Bismarcks
cultivated jujubes.
at 4250-4050 BP, and it was well-known to the early Austronesians as Ross (1996: 215) cites proto-
SYNTHESIS AND CONCLUSIONS
Oceanic *talise, and Dempwolff (1938) *talisay for proto-Malayo-Polynesian.
A previous study of fruits in the Pacific and island Southeast Asia suggested strongly that the cultivation
Indian jujube, ber (Zizyphus mauritiana Lamk.)
of fruit trees was deeply embedded in the culture of
There is much confusion in the literature concerning
island populations who have been domesticating,
the taxonomy of the jujubes (Zizyphus spp.). The
ennobling and moving such trees around for
Indian jujube, Zizyphus mauritiana, is assumed to
millennia. Both linguistic data and archaeobotanical
be domesticated in India (Yamdagni 1985; Pareek
material provide support for this conclusion (Blench
2001; Fuller 2006: 51). Its remains occur widely in
2005). Given the importance of fruit today in
Neolithic and later sites throughout South Asia (Fuller
mainland Southeast Asia, it was initially expected
2002). The great diversity in China, where numerous
that, despite the more exiguous archaeological
cultivars exist, is of Z. jujuba Lam. (also Ziziphus
material, a generally similar situation would obtain.
ziziphus (L.) H Karsten). This occurs wild in montane
However, the materials analysed here point generally
regions of central China, Qin Ling mountains and
in the opposite direction, namely that fruit cultivation - 128 -
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
was very unimportant prior to European contact, with
that resembles these other languages, suggesting either
the movements from India that led to the founding of
that it is a very creative language, or more likely, that
the Indianised states one source of ‘new’ fruits.
fruit species were brought from a different direction,
The Hindu religious influence on the Southeast
perhaps via the Bay of Bengal. Even so, it is hard to
Asian region dates from the sixth century and fruits
identify obvious loanwords from Indian languages.
brought at this time include the bael, Aegle marmelos,
This situation remains to be explained.
the jackfruit, Artocarpus heterophyllus and the mango,
This lack of widespread early fruit cultivation may
Mangifera indica. The reliefs at Angkor provide some
in some part explain why so little archaeobotanical
iconographic evidence for this process. However,
material has been recovered from Southeast Asian
there is also some evidence for fruits that traversed
mainland sites, although it is also true that the
the ocean in the opposite direction, for example the
advanced flotation techniques that are revolutionising
bilimbi and carambola, the lime, the coconut, the
African archaeobotany seem to be rarely used, perhaps
langsat, the noni and the santol.
because of the emphasis on monuments, art historical
The Portuguese seem to have been very active in
materials and trade goods. Although rice is often
both diffusing fruits they encountered in the New
recovered, evidence for other subsistence crops is
World, with Amerindian names preserved intact in
fragmentary at best, despite clear synchronic evidence
several cases, but also encouraging trade in or actively
for their antiquity.
translocating indigenous fruit species from one
Our understanding of the introduction and spread
region to another, most particularly from the Malay
of fruits in this region is limited by the exiguous
peninsula and the Indonesian islands to the Southeast
archaeobotany and even the comparative linguistic
Asian mainland countries. Table 2 shows a count of
data remains weak. But surprisingly, it seems that
the origins of fruit species considered in this paper;
many of the fruits we think of as characteristic for the Southeast Asian region have only spread quite
Table 2 Origins of fruit species cultivated today
recently. More in-depth searches of historical records,
in mainland Southeast Asia
expanded ethnobotany and archaeobotany can all
Source Code No. 22 Fruits indigenous to the Southeast Asian A mainland Fruits indigenous to island Southeast Asia B 6 Fruits from the Pacific region C 2 Fruits from India D 7 Fruits from China E 6 Fruits from the New World F 13 Unknown G 7 Total 63
contribute to a more rounded picture.
Notes 1) This paper was orig inally presente d at the 11th EURASEAA Conference in Bougon, 26th September, 2006, but was deemed too lengthy for the proceedings and has therefore been revised for Linguistics, Archaeology and the
Another intriguing conclusion is the apparent lack of a flow of cultivated species into Burma. To judge purely by the linguistic evidence, Thailand was a major focus of the secondary diffusion of fruits, with Lao names almost always following directly from Thai. Khmer and Vietnamese often borrow from Thai,
Human Past. I would particularly like to acknowledge the comments of Dorian Fuller, who is almost entirely responsible for the references to inaccessible Indian sources, as well as observations on taxonomy and advance copies of some of his publications. Special thanks to Tsho Beima, who kindly went through the Chinese transcriptions, tone-marking and checking the match with characters. Gerard and Som Diffloth,
although Vietnamese has a number of unexplained
in Siem Reap, were invaluable guides both to the monuments
names. However, Burmese almost never has a name
at Angkor and to modern fruits available in Cambodian
- 129 -
Roger Blench
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- 133 -
- 134 -
Annona squamosa
Antidesma bunius
Archidendron jiringa Areca catechu
Artocarpus altilis
Artocarpus heterophyllus Artocarpus integer Averrhoa bilimbi
Averrhoa carambola
6
7
8
10
11
14
12 13
9
Annona reticulata
5
Ananas comosus
3
Annona muricata
Anacardium occidentale
2
4
Binomial Aegle marmelos
No. 1
Oxalidaceae
Moraceae Oxalidaceae
Moraceae
Moraceae
Palmae
Mimosaceae
Euphorbiaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Annonaceae
Anacardiaceae
Family Rutaceae
Chempedak Bilimbi, cucumber tree Carambola, starfruit
Jackfruit
Breadfruit
Betel palm
Sweetsop, sugar apple Chinese laurel, Bignay, Salamander tree
Bullock heart
Soursop
Pineapple
Cashew
English Bael
sonekadat tayok zaungya
peignai
paung thi
kunthi-pin kun
tanyeng-pen
awza
duyin awza
na naq thì
thayet si
Burmese opesheet
spii
trôling ting
sakéé khnaôr sâmlâ khnaôr
sla
baba:t mak’ ba:t tiəp ba:y
tiəp barang
mnöhs’
sva:y chantii
Khmer phnëu
Table 1. Vernacular names of cultivated fruits of mainland SE Asia
mit tó nù khe tau khe tau
ma-fiaŋ
fuaŋ
mít
mak mii
khà nŏon (ขนุน) mak mi (NE) champada tàling pling ตะลิงปลิง
cao
choi moi
mang câu ta
mang câu xiêm
dào lôn hôt danh từ
VN trái mam
sakê
’mak
mak khiep, khiep thet kho lien tu
khan tha lot khièp thét khan tha lot
Lao mak tum
khà nŏon sampalor
niang nok cha niang maak mia (ไหน)
ma mao luang
nɔˇy na:
sàpbpàrót (สับปะรด) lôok rá-bèrt meu (ลูกระเบิดมือ) thu rian thet thuriankhak nɔˇy nōng
Thai matum ma pin má mûaaŋ hím paan มะม่วงหิมพานต์
belimbing
cempedak belimbing
kelur (seeded) sukun (seedless) nangka
pinang
jering
buni, berunai
A
A A
D
C
A
A
A
F
F
lonang nona sri kaya
F
F
F
C D
durian belanda
nanas
jambu monyet
Malay bilak, bel
but many problems remain. I have occasionally included transcriptions the relevant script, but many dictionaries do not include or accurately define minor tree species.
Chinese yáng táo 阳桃
Chinese mù bō lúo 木菠萝
Chinese bīn láng 槟榔
Chinese cì gŭo fān lì zhī 刺 果番荔枝 Chinese niŭ xīn fān lì zhī 牛心番荔枝 Chinese fān lì zhī 番荔枝 Chinese wŭ yùe chā 五月茶
Chinese fèng lĭ 凤梨
Chinese yāo guˇo 腰果
Notes
from existing online dictionaries; more specialised botanical nomenclature from the online eFlora of China1). These sources have highly inconsistent transcriptions and I have attempted to regularise them
The transcriptions in Table 1 are taken from existing published and online sources with the exception of some Khmer and Thai names transcribed directly in Siem Reap. Common Chinese names are taken
Appendix: Vernacular names of cultivated fruits of mainland Southeast Asia
Roger Blench
Borassus flabellifer
Bouea macrophylla
Carica papaya
Chrysophyllum cainito Citrus generic Citrus aurantifolia
Citrus hystrix
Citrus maxima
17
18
19
20
21 22
23
24
- 135 -
Citrus sinensis
Clausena lansium
Cleistocalyx operculatus var. paniala Cocos nucifera
Dimocarpus longan2) Diospyros blancoi
Dracontomelon dao
Durio zibethinus Emblica officinalis 3)
Flacourtia rukam
Garcinia dulcis
26
27
28
30
31
32
33 34
35
36
29
Citrus reticulata
25
16
Binomial Baccaurea motleyana Baccaurea ramiflora
No. 15
Clusiaceae
Flacourtiaceae
Bombacaceae Euphorbiaceae
Anacardiaceae
Mundu, Gourka, Rata
Mabolo, butterfruit New Guinea walnut Durian Indian gooseberry Indian plum
Longan
Sapindaceae
Ebenaceae
Coconut
Water banyan
Wampee
Tangerine, mandarin orange Sweet orange
Shaddock, pomelo
Leech-lime
Lime
Star apple
Papaya
Gandaria
Palmyra palm, sugar palm, seaapple
Burmese grape
English Rambai
Palmae
Myrtaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Rutaceae
Sapotaceae
Caricaceae
Anacardiaceae
Palmae
Euphorbiaceae
Family Euphorbiaceae
nga-bauk
kyet mouk
mak un
thung chin thi
lein maw
shouk-nu, shouk-waing shouk ton oh kywegaw
shouk
hnin thagya
thin baw
htan taw
kanazo
Burmese
thureen kântuët préi
mien lamyay
do:ŋ
kan trop
kro:c po:săt
kro:c kvic
h
kro:c k lɔŋ
kro:c saəc
kro:c kro:c chma:
tük dâh kôô
ihong
mak prang
ma phuut
phrachao-ha-phra-ong kakho, sang-kuan thú riian (ทุเรียน) makhampom kantot (Chanthaburi) khropdong
ma bo lo
má phrá:w ต้นมะพร้าว lam yay
wa kao
lûuk sôhm (ลูกส้ม) som tra som mafai
som men
ma krù:t มะกรูด somʔo:
som ma naw
sataa appoen
malako
ma praang
mafai som fai, hamkang taan (ตาล)
phŋĭw thnôt’
Thai mafaifarang
Khmer
ken
thurièn mak-kham-pom
laˇm nhai
phao
som mafai
kièŋ saŋ phoŭk ’soˆˇm ô ’soˆˇm hoˆˇt liou kièŋ
mà:k kù:t
na:w
houng
tan
ma:khew
Lao
saù riêng bong-ngot, chu-me mung guan ru'ng
nhan
dùa
hoàng bi, giôr
cam sành cay quit cam
bu’o’i
trúc
chanh ta
vú sùe
đu đủ
giâu gia dât, giâu tiên, dzâu miên thót lót
VN
mundu
sengkuan, sepul durian asam melaka, melaka rukam gajah
buah mantega
kelapa, nyiur leŋkeŋ
jambon
wampi
limaw langkat, kupas limau manis
limaw betawi
limaw asam, limaw nipis limaw purut
kundang setar betek ketala kameto
lontar
pupor tampoi
Malay rambai
B
G
E A
G
B
E
B
A
E
E
A
A
A
A
F
F
B
A
A
C A
Chinese dà yè cì lí mù 大叶刺篱木
Chinese liŭ lián 榴莲
Chinese lóng yăn 龙眼
Chinese yē zi 椰子
Chinese shŭi wēng 水翁
Chinese gān jú 柑桔 Korean 오렌지 Chinese huáng pī 黄皮
Chinese gān qian 甘茜
Chinese suān gān 酸柑
Chinese fān mù guā 番木瓜 Chinese xīng píng gŭo 星苹果
Chinese táng zōng 糖棕
pre-Angkorian Khmer pɲ au
Notes
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
Hylocereus undatus
Lansium domesticum Litchi chinensis
Mangifera foetida
Mangifera indica
Mangifera odorata Manilkara zapota
Morinda citrifolia
Morus alba
Muntingia calabura
38
39
41
42
43 44
45
46
47
- 136 -
Phyllanthus acidus Pithecell-obium dulce
Pometia pinnata
Psidium guajava Punica granatum
Salacca zalacca
Sandoricum koetjape Spondias dulcis
Syzygium aqueum & S. samarangense
50 51
52
53 54
55
56
58
57
49
Nephelium lappaceum Persea americana
48
40
Binomial Garcinia mangostana
No. 37
Myrtaceae
Anacardiaceae
Meliaceae
Palmae
Myrtaceae Punicaceae
Sapindaceae
Euphorbiaceae Leguminosae
Lauraceae
Sapindaceae
Flacourtiaceae
Moraceae
Rubiaceae
Anacardiaceae Sapotaceae
Anacardiaceae
Anacardiaceae
Sapindaceae
Meliaceae
Cactaceae
Family Clusiaceae
Hog-plum, Ambarella Water apple, Curacao apple
Santol
Snakefruit
Taun tree, Fiji longan Guava Pomegranate
Star gooseberry Guayamochil
Avocado
Rambutan
Jamaica cherry
Indian mulberry, noni, cheesefruit mulberry
Kuwini, huani Sapodilla
Mango
Horse mango
Litchi
dragon-fruit, pitaya Langsat, Duku
English Mangosteen
gway
thitto
yingan
salebin malakapen
thin bozih pyoo kway tanyeng
htaw bat
hnget thagya
posa
thayeq dhì သရက္သီး
langsat duku lin chi kyet mouk thayeq poh
Burmese mingut မင္းဂာ တ္း
kânlân réhs
rəkăm ləmpiaʔ slăʔ kəpi:ɲ riec sathɔ:n məkaˇʔ
totum trapaek sruk
kən tûət am’pəl tək
‘avôkaa
krakhôb barang saw maw
h
p lɲɔ nhô srôk mô:n thom
ləmut
sva:y
sva:y sa:
kule:n
klèt maŋkɔ:n
ska: neaʔ 4) prâtiël puëhs laŋsa:t
mààk kɔ̀ɔ̀k
makɔ̀ɔ̀k farang chomphu pa
toŋ2
philaa sida
ma:k ɲom khaam th’ééd
khoom sôm
ma:k ɲɔ: nho
man roi
cây cóc
sâú
lu’u ổi
xâbôche tam lu’c nhau lon. nhau nui dâu tàm màu dâu chín trúng ca mat sam chôm chôm vai thiêù bo’ lê daù chùm ruôt me keo keo tay
xoài
mwàng lamud
cay vai tu hú xoài hôi
bònbon
VN cay, quả măng cụt
ngèè
Lao mankhud
sathɔ́:n
salàʔ
thap thim fà rang (ฝรั่ง)
saen ta lom
ma yom ma kham thet ma kham thong
aa wɔ khaa dɔ (อาโวคาโด)
ŋɔ́ʔ (เงาะ)
takhop farang
mon
phon yɔ:
má mûaaŋ (มะม่วง) má mûaaŋ pa lamut faraŋ
laŋsà:t duku linci: ลิ้นจี่ ma mut
Thai maŋ khʊ́t (มังคุด)
Khmer məŋkʊ̌t
jambu mawar
sěntul kecapi kedongdong
chermai asam kranji, asam belanda, cina kasai asam kuang delima jambu biji, kampuchia salak
apukado
rambutan
kerukup siam
tut
meŋkudu
mangga mempelam kuini ciku
bachang
langsat duku kelengkang
Malay maŋgis
A
C
A
A
D F
G
G F
F
B
F
E
G
G F
D
A
E
A
F
C B
< Malay into Thai, Khmer
Chinese fān lóng yăn 番龙眼 Chinese fān shí liŭ 番石榴 Chinese shí liŭ 石榴
Chinese hóng măo dān 红毛丹
Chinese rèn 葚 , shèn 葚 fruit; sāng 桑 mulberry tree
Chinese rén xīn gŭo 人心果 Chinese bā jì tiān
Chinese máng gŭo 芒果
Chinese lì zhī 荔枝
? all from Malay?
Notes Chinese máng jí shī 莽吉柿
Roger Blench
Syzygium jambos
Syzygium malaccense Tamarindus indica
Terminalia catappa
60
61
62
63
- 137 -
Tamarind
Rose apple, Malabar plum Malay apple
English Java plum, Jambolan
URL: http://www.efloras.org/flora_page.aspx?flora_id=3
4) ‘scales of the naga’
3) Formerly Phyllanthus emblica
2) In some sources as Euphoria longan
1)
Notes for the appendix
Combretaceae
Leguminosae
Myrtaceae
Myrtaceae
Family Myrtaceae
thabyo thabyang majee (မန္ဂ ည္)
thabyu thabye
Burmese thabyang hpyoo
mpɨˇl khwa me GMBil
krâ hâ:m
châmpuu, sâ
Khmer pring bai
Indian almond, badan sea almond 64 Ziziphus mauritiana Rhamnaceae Indian jujube, zizidaw tətria Ber zee pen Sources: Jensen (2001), Vidal (1962); Smitinand (2001); Dy Phon (2000); Som & Gerard Diffloth (p.c.)
Binomial Syzygium cumini
No. 59
—
tao nhuc
than
phutsa:
bô dào roi cay dao dièu dò me
VN vôi rung trâm môc
bàng bièn
ma:k khaˇ:m
kièng
Lao va
hu kwang
ma khă:m มะขาม
chom phu
chom phu nam dok mai
Thai wa hakhiphae
bidara epal siam
ketapang
asam jawa
jambu kelampok jambu merah
Malay jambulan
D
G
D
A
A
C D
? < Sanskrit vadara
Chinese sūan dòu 酸豆 pre-Angkorian Khmer amwil
Notes Sanskrit jambu (जम्बु), Zanzibar Swahili mzambaru Chinese pú táo 蒲桃
A history of Fruits on the Southeast Asian mainland
Roger Blench
- 138 -
